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THE   AMERICAN    JOURNAL 
OF  SOCIOLOGY 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


Agents 
THE  CAMBRIDGE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON  AND  EDINBURGH 

THE  MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA 

TOKYO,  OSAKA,  KYOTO 

KARL  W.  HIERSEMANN 

LEIPZIG 

THE  BAKER  &  TAYLOR  COMPANY 

NEW  YORK 


THE     AMERICAN    JOURNAL 

OF 

SOCIOLOGY 


EDITOR 

ALBION  W.  SMALL 

associate  editors 
Charles  R.  Henderson         Frederick  Starr 
George  E.  Vincent  Marion  Talbot 

William  L  Thomas 


Vol.   19 

BI-MONTHLY 

JULY,   1913  — MAY,   1914 


^X 


y,of 


THE  UNIVERSITY  OF  CHICAGO  PRESS 
CHICAGO,  ILLINOIS 


HM 

I 

A7 

V.  19 


Published 
July,  September,  November,  191 3 
January,  March,  May,  1914 


Composed  and  Printed  By 

The  University  of  Chicago  Press 

Chicazo,  Illinois,  U.S.A. 


CONTENTS 


ARTICLES 

PAGE 

Ash,  Isaac  Emery.    What  Makes  a  People  Lethargic  or  Energetic  ?      -  370 

Bernard,  L.  L.    The  Southern  Sociological  Congress          -      -      -      -  91 

Blackmar,  Frank  W.     Lester  F.  Ward    --------  73 

BooDiN,  John  E.    The  Existence  of  Social  Minds         -      -      .      .      .  j 

BOROSINI,  Victor  von.    The  Italian  Triple  Alliance  of  Labor         -      -  204 

CooLEY,  Charles  H.     The  Sphere  of  Pecuniary  Valuation-      -      -      -  188 

Curtis,  Henry  S.    The  Playground  Survey    -------  ^^2 

.    The  Rural  Social  Center       --.......  ^g 

Dealey,  James  Q.    Lester  F.  Ward    ---------  61 

Dealey,  William  L.    The  Eugenic-Euthenic  Relation  in  Child  Welfare  835 

Ellwood,  Charles  A.    Lester  F.  Ward    --------  71 

.    The  Social  Function  of  Religion  --------  289 

Gardner,  Charles  S.    Assemblies     ---------231 

Giddings,  Franklin  H.    Lester  F.  Ward        -------  67 

Gillette,  John  M.    An  Outline  of  Social  Study  for  Elementary  Schools  491 

Gillin,  J.  L.    The  Sociology  of  Recreation      -      -      -      -      -      -      -  825 

Hayes,  Edward   C.    Effects  of  Geographic  Conditions  upon  Social 

Realities    --------------  gj, 

Henderson,    Charles   Richmond.    "Social   Assimilation."    America 

and  China        -------------  54Q 

Hollingworth,  Leta  Stetter.     Variability  as  Related  to  Sex  Differ- 
ences in  Achievement   ---- ^jq 

Howard,  George  E.    Lester  F.  Ward      --------  ^3 

Jenks,  Albert  Ernest.    Assimilation  in  the  Philippines    -      -      -      -  773 

Leuba,  James  H.     Sociology  and  Psychology  -      -      -      -      -      -      -  323 

Lippert,  Julius.    An  Autobiographical  Sketch      -      -      -      -      -      -  145 

Lloyd,  Alfred  H.     Five  Great  Battles  of  Civilization        -      -      -      -  166 

McKenzie,  Fayette  Avery.    The  Assimilation  of  the  American  Indian  761 

Mecklin,  John  M.    The  PhUosophy  of  the  Color  Line      -      -      -      -  343 

Miller,  Herbert  Adolphus.    The  Rising  National  Individualism     -  592 

Park,  Robert  E.     Racial  Assimilation  in  Secondary  Groups    -      -      -  606 

Parmelee,  Maurice.    An  Introductory  Course  to  the  Social  Sciences  -  236 

Parsons,  Elsie  Clews.    Avoidance  ---------  480 

.     Teknonymy       ------------  649 

Robinson,  Edgar  Eugene.     Recent  Manifestations  of  Sectionalism      -  446 

RocKWOOD,  Laura  Clarke.    A  Woman's  Handicap  in  Efficiency  -      -  229 

Ross,  Edward  A.    Lester  F.  Ward     ---------  64 

V 


vi  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Small,  Albion  W.    A  Vision  of  Social  Efficiency  -      -      -   ,  -      -      -  433 

.    Lester  F.  Ward  -      -----------  75 

.     Shall  Science  Be  Sterilized  ?         --------  651 

.    The  Ford  Motor  Company  Incident  -------  656 

.    The  "  Social  Concept "  Bugbear 653 

.    The  Social  Gradations  of  Capital 721 

Thomas,  Willl^m  I.    The  Prussian-Polish  Situation:   An  Experiment 

in  Assimilation       ------------  624 

VoGT,  Paul  L.     Functional  Industrial  Relationships  and  the  Wage  Rate  753 

Wallis,  Louis.    The  New  England  Conscience     ------  48 

Weatherly,  Ulysses  G.    Lester  F.  Ward      -------  68 

Weeks,  Arland  D.    The  Crisis  Factor  in  Thinking     -----  485 

Woodruff,  Clinton  Rogers.    Graft  and  Grafting 468 

Woods,  Erville  B.    The  Social  Waste  of  Unguided  Personal  Ability   -  358 

Woods,  Robert  A.    The  Neighborhood  in  Social  Reconstruction  -      -  577 

Yarros,  Victor  S.    Social  Science  and  "What  Labor  Wants"        -      -  308 


REVIEWS 


Adams,  Brooks.    The  Theory  of  Social  Revolution. — Isaac  Loos      -  842 

Allen,  William  H.    Modern  Philanthropy. — C.  R.  Henderson       -      -  102 

AscHAFFENBURG,  GusTAV.     Crime  and  Its  Repression. — C.  R.  Henderson  690 

Barrows,  Isabel  C.  A  Sunny  Life. — C.  R.  Henderson  .  .  .  -  264 
Bauer,  Arthur.    La  culture  morale  aux  divers  degres  de  I'enseignment 

public— ff.  B.  Clark  Powell -      -      -      -  258 

Beard,  Charles  A.  American  City  Government. — A.  B.  Hall  -  -  390 
.     An  Economic  Interpretation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 

States.— yl.  B.  Hall      -----------  405 

Berolzheimer,  Fritz.  The  World's  Legal  Philosophies.—/.  A.  Loos  -  562 
BoGARDUS,  Emory  Stephen.    An  Introduction  to  the  Social  Sciences. — 

A.  W.  Small     -------- 380 

BoN,  GusTAVE  LE.    The  Psychology  of  Revolution.— /.  ^.  Z.005      -      -  272 

Bonnier,  Pierre.  Sexualisme. — H.  B.  C.  Powell  -----  847 
Boyd,  James  Harrington.    Workmen's  Compensation  and  Industrial 

Insurance. — C.  R.  Henderson     ---------  689 

Brooklyn  Bureau  of  Charities.    Directory  of  Speakers  on  Municipal 

Problems. — C.  R.  Henderson      ---------  850 

Brooks,  John  Graham.    American  Syndicalism. — W.  E.  Walling  -      -  408 

Bulletin  de  rOfTice  de  la  protection  de  I'enforme.— C.  R.  Henderson  -  126 
Bulletin  of  the  Department  of  Factory  Inspection,  State  of  Illinois,  Vol. 

I.    No.  I,  October,  1913. — C.  R.  Henderson        -----  692 

Bureau  of  Labor.  List  of  Industrial  Poisons.— C.  R.  Henderson  -  -  264 
Cadbury,  Edward.    Experiments  in  Industrial  Organization. — J.  L. 

Gillin -     • -      -      -      -  104 


CONTENTS  vii 

PAGE 

Caffin,  Charles  H.  Art  for  Life's  Sake.— C.  R.  Henderson  -  -  -  394 
Castle,  William  E.,  Coulter,  John  M.,  Davenport,  Charles  B., 

East,  Edward  Murray,  and  Tower,  William  L.    Heredity  and 

Eugenics. — R.  M.  Yerkes    -      -      - 115 

Caullet,  p.  Elements  de  sociologie. — E.  C.  Hayes  -----  401 
Chapin,  F.  Stuart.    An  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Social  Evolution. 

— A .  B.  Lewis  -------------    849 

Chaste,  von  Romundt.  Ehe  und  Ehereform. — E.  C.  Parsons  -  -  697 
Chatterton-Hill,  Georges.    The  Sociological  Value  of  Christianity. — 

E.  L.  Schaub    -------------     iii 

Cleveland,  Frederick  A.  Organized  Democracy. — A.B.Hall  -  -  681 
Conyngton,  Mary.    How  to  Help.    A  Manual  of  Practical  Charity. — 

C.  R.  Henderson     ------------     103 

Cutting,  R.  Fulton.  The  Church  and  Society.— £.  L.  Earp  -  -  107 
Danielson,  Florence  H.,  and  Davenport,  Charles  B.    The  Hill 

Folk.— i?.  M.  Yerkes   -----------     260 

Dawley,  Thomas  Robinson.    The  Child  That  Toileth  Not.— i?.  W. 

Foley  ---------------      94 

Dealey,  James  Quayle.     Sociology:  Its  Simpler  Teachings  and  Appli- 
cations.— H.  Woodhead        ----------     565 

.    The  Family  in  Its  Sociological  Aspects. — Howard  Woodhead    -    688 

DuFOUR.  Le  syndicalisme  et  la  prochaine  revolution. — W.  E.  Walling-  392 
Ellis,  Ha VELOCK.  The  Task  of  Social  Hygiene.— .4 .  B.  PFo//e  -  -  395 
Fairchild,  Henry    Pratt.     Immigration.     A  World   Movement   and 

Its  American  Significance. — F.  A.  McKenzie       -----    679 
Farnsworth,  William  Oliver.    Uncle  and  Nephew  in  the  Old  French 

Chansons  de  geste. — W.  A.  Nitze     --------    667 

Farnum,  Henry  W.    The  Economic  Utilization  of  History  and  Other 

Economic  Studies. — H.  L.  Lutz        -      -      -      -      -      -      -      -     127 

Ford,  James.     Co-operation  in  New  England:    Urban  and  Rural. — 

L.  L.  Bernard  -      -      -      - -      -      -      -     103 

George,  W.  L.  Woman  and  To-Morrow. — F.  F.  Bernard  -  -  -  414 
Gillette,  John  M.  Constructive  Rural  Sociology. — E.  B.  Woods  -  400 
GiNi,  Corrado.    The  Contributions  of  Demography  to  Eugenics.— 

E.  B.  Woods    -      -      -      - 383 

Granger,  Frank.  Historical  Sociology. — V.  E.  Helleberg  -  -  -  -  no 
Grasserie,  Raoul  de  la.    Les  principes  sociologiques  du  droit  public. — 

/.  A.  Loos ---------     273 

Grotjahn,  Alfred.  Soziale  Pathologic.  L.  Hektoen  -  -  .  -  382 
Henderson,  Charles  Richmond.    Social  Programmes  in  the  West. — 

W.  T.  Cross     -------------    674 

Hcurwich,  Isaac  A.     Immigration  and  Labor. — F.  A.  McKenzie      -     108 
Housing  Problems  in  America.     Proceedings  of  Second  National  Confer- 
ence on  Housing. — E.  W.  Burgesi    - 697 


viii  CONTENTS 


PAGE 


Howe,  Frederic  C.     European  Cities  at  Work. — S.  E.  W.  Bedford       -  687 

Ho\VERTH,  Ir.\  W.     Work  and  Life. — C.  A.  Ellwood     -----  561 

Hrblicka,  Ale§.    Early  Man  in  South  America. — F.Starr       -      -      -  119 

Hyde,  William  DeWitt.    The  Quest  of  the  Best. — Allan  Hoben    -      -  391 

Isaacson,  Edward.    The  New  Morality .^ — F.  F.  Bernard  -      -      -      -  250 

ISEMAN,  M.  S.     Race  Suicide. — A.B.Wolfe     -      -       -       -       -       -       -  113 

Jandus,  William.     Social  Wrongs  and  Stale  Responsibilities. — L.  L. 

Bernard     --------------254 

Kleek,  Mary  Van.    Women  in  the  Bookbinding  Trade. — Lucile  Eaves  247 
Kleine,    Marcel.     Tribunaux    pour    Enfantes.     i*'    Congres    Inter- 
national, Paris,  July,  1911. — C.  R.  Henderson      -----  692 

KovALEVSKY,  Maxime.     Sociology. — /.  F.  Hecker        -----  386 

KuLEMAN,  W.    Die  Berufsvereine. — C.  R.  Henderson   -----  692 

Lauber,  Almon  Wheeler.     Indian  Slavery  in  Colonial  Times  within 

the  Present  Limits  of  the  United  States.—^.  B.  Hall      -      -       -  684 

Leuba,  James  H.    A  Psychological  Study  of  ReHgion. — E.  L.  Talbert    -  270 
LE^VINSKI,  Jan  St.    The  Origin  of  Property  and  the  Formation  of  the 

Village  Community. — E.  H.  Sutherland        -      -      -      -      -      -  851 

Lien,  Arnold  Johnson.    Privileges  and  Immunities  of  Citizens  of  the 

United  States.—^.  B.  Hall        ---------  683 

Longuet,  Jean.    Le  mouvement  sociaiiste  international. — IF.  E.  Wall- 
ing     ---------------  846 

Lucien-Graux.     Le  divorce  des  alienes. — C.  R.  Henderson        -      -      -  691 

LusK,  Hugh  H.     Social  Welfare  in  New  Zealand. — E.  W.  Burgess  -      -  126 

Macfarland,  Charles  S.     Christian  Unity  at  Work. — C.  R.  Henderson  266 

McVey,  Frank  L.    The  Making  of  a  Town.— 5.  E.  W.  Bedford      -      -  417 
Majewski,  Erasme  de.     La  theorie  de  I'homme  et  de  la  civilisation. — 

/.  A.  Loos       -------------  274 

Malinowski,  B.    The  Family  among  the  Australian  Aborigines. — G.  E. 

Howard     --------------  670 

Martin,  Edward  Sandford.    The  Unrest  of  Women. — F.  F.  Bernard  414 

MiRAGLiA,  LuiGi.     Comparative  Legal  Philosophy. — I.  A.  Loos      -      -  685 
Mitchell,  Hinckley  G.    The  Ethics  of  the  Old  Testament. — Louis 

Wallis        --------------  loi 

MuLLER,  Wilhelm.    Das  religiose  Leben  in  Amerika. — H.  P.  J.  Selinger  245 
Munro,  William  B.    The  Government  of  American  Cities. — E.  W. 

Burgess     --------------  696 

MtJNSTERBERG,  HuGO.     Psychology  and  Industrial  Efficiency. — E.  H. 

Sutherland        -------------  556 

Myers,  Gustavus.     History  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

—W.E.Dodd-      ------------  124 

Neill,  Charles  P.    Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage- 
Earners  in  the  United  Stales.     Vols.  IX,  X,  XII,  XV,  XVI.— 

F.  F.  Bernard  -------------  95 


CONTENTS  ix 

PAGE 

Neill,  Charles  P.     Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child 

Wage-Earners  in  the  United  States.     Vol.  XVIII. — F.  F.  Bernard  413 
OppEiVHEiMER,    Franz.     The   State:     Its   History   and    Development 

Viewed  Sociologically. — A.  W.  Small      -------  852 

Orth,  Samuel  P.     Socialism  and  Democracy  in  Europe. — F.  A.  Mc- 

Kenzie       --------------  252 

Ortiz,  Fernando.    La  Identificacion  Dactiloscopica. — C.  R.  Henderson  394 

Parmelee,  Maurice.    The  Science  of  Human  Behavior. — C.  C.  North  -  256 

Parsons,  Elsie  Clews.     Religious  Chastity. — F.  S.  Chapin     -      -      -  693 

.     The  Old-Fashioned  Woman. — F.  F.  Bernard          .      -      .      .  414 

Paz,  Enrique  Martinez.    Los  elementos  de  la  sociologia. — A .  /.  Sleel- 

man     ---------------  251 

Perovsky-Petrovo-Solovo.     Le  sentiment  religieux  base  logique  de  la 

morale  ? — E.  L.  Talberl        ------..-.  249 

Powell,  G.  Harold.     Co-operation  in  Agriculture. — L.  L.  Bernard       -  679 

Quarterly  Journal  of  the  Society  of  American  Indians. — F.Starr      -      -  122 

QuiLLiN,  Frank  U.    The  Color  Line  in  Ohio.— £.  W.  Burgess  -      -      -  695 

Rambousek,  J.    Industrial  Poisoning. — C.  R.  Henderson    -      -      -      -  693 

Raynaud,  Barthelemy.     Vers  le  salaire  minimum. — R.  C.  Chapin        -  411 
Rignano,  Eugenio.     Essais  de  synthese  scientifique.— /.  P.  Lichlen- 

berger  --------------.  254 

Rosenau,  M.  J.    The  Milk  Question. —Marion  Talbot        -      -      -      -  114 

San  Francisco  Relief  Survey. — E.  L.  Talbert     -------  398 

Sears,  Amelia.    The  Charity  Visitor:  A  Practical  Handbook  for  Begin- 
ners.— ^5.  P.  Breckinridge    ----------  269 

Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  State  Probation  Commission  of  New  York.— 

C.  R.  Henderson     --------.--.  ggj 

Small,  Albion  W.    Between  Eras:  From  Capitalism  to  Democracy. — 

Walter  Rauschenbusch  -----------  853 

Stewart,  A.  H.    American  Bad  Boys  in  the  Making.— C.  W.  A.  Veditz  123 
SzERER,  MiECZYSLAW.    La  Conception  sociologique  de  la  peine.— F.  5. 

Chapin      --------------  844 

Tarde,  Gabriel.     Penal  Philosophy.— C.  R.  Henderson     -      -      -      -  266 

Taylor,  Graham.    Religion  in  Social  Action. — G.  H.  von  Tungeln  -      -  672 
Thompson,  Carl  W.,  and  Warber,  G.  P.     Social  and  Economic  Survey 

of  a  Rural  Township  in  Southern  Minnesota. — L.  L.  Bernard      -  676 
Todd,  Arthur  James.     The  Primitive  Family  as  an  Educational  Agency. 

— G.  E.  Howard      ---- --g 

Unpopular  Review.—^.  W.  Small       ---------  664 

Urwick,  E.  J.    A  Philosophy  of  Social  Progress.— 7.  ^.  Zoo5    -      -      -  251'^- 

Veiller,  Lawrence.    A  Model  Housing  Law.— E.  L.  Talbert  -      -      -  848 
Walling,  William  English.    The  Larger  Aspects  of  Socialism.—/.  C. 

Kennedy    ---------.....  ^g. 

Ward,  Lester  F.    Glimpses  of  the  Cosmos.   1,11,111.— A.  W.  Small  -  659 


X  CONTENTS 

VhGt. 

Warne,  Frank  Julian.  The  Immigrant  Invasion.— £.  W.  Burgess  -  iii 
Watney,  Charles,  and  Little,  James  A.    Industrial  Warfare.— F.  H. 

Hankins     --------------     267 

Wilson,  Warren  H.    The  Evolution  of  the  Country  Community.— 

C.  R.  Henderson -----     loi 

Winslow,  L.  Forbes.    The  Insanity  of  Passion  and  Crime.    C.  R. 

Henderson        .      .      .      - 265 

Womer,  Parley  Paul.    The  Church  and  the  Labor  Conflict. — C.  R. 

Henderson 689 


NOTES  AND  ABSTRACTS 

July,  1913 128 

September,  1913  --------------  275 

November,  1913  - .-.  418 

January,  1914      --------------  566 

March,  1914         -      -      -      - 699 

May,  1914 -.-  85s 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

July,  1913 136 

September,  1913  -- 281 

November,  1913 426 

January,  1914      - --  5^8 

March,  1914 --.-  713 

May,  1914     - .--  857 


THE  AMERICAN 

JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


VOLUME  XIX  JULY    IQI3 


Number  i 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS^ 


JOHN  E.  BOODIN 

Carleton  College 


TYPES   OF   THEORIES 

In  looking  backward  at  the  social  theories  of  the  past,  it  seems 
to  me  that  they,  practically  at  least,  assume  the  subcramal  pomt 
of  view.  Let  us  glance  briefly  at  some  of  these  theories.  It  is 
easy  to  place  the  old  abstract  individualism,  with  its  practical 
egoism.  For  Hobbes  the  individual  is  himself  and  himself  alone. 
Society  is  but  an  artificial  addition,  extraneous  to  human  nature. 
While  Hobbes  regards  the  artificial  addition  as  an  indispensable 
means  to  peace  and  happiness,  modern  anarchy  regards  society  as 
at  best  a  necessary  evil.  For  Herbert  Spencer  it  is  a  temporary 
poUce  supervision,  until  human  nature  shall  have  embodied  withm 
itseH  the  necessary  social  instincts  for  unconstrained  livmg  together; 
for  Nietzsche,  it  is  but  a  philistine  conspiracy  on  the  part  of  the 
weak  and  cowardly  to  suppress  the  strong  and  fit. 

The  absorbing  biological  interest  of  the  last  generation  could  not 
help  making  itself  felt  in  social  theory.  Society  is  fundamentally  an 
organism,  so  the  biological  school  tells  us.  The  analogies  between 
the  organism  and  society  have  been  worked  out  into  strikmg  and 
sometimes  fantastic  detail:   The  organism  is  the  union  of  soul  and 

>  Presidential  address  of  the  Western  Philosophical  Association  delivered  at 
Northwestern  University,  March  21,  1913- 


2  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

body,  we  are  told.  Though  an  organism  is  a  whole,  it  has  parts  ani- 
mated in  their  own  way  and  playing  into  the  whole.  The  organism 
is  developed  from  within  outward  in  a  life-history.  If  we  transfer 
these  analogies  to  the  state,  for  example,  we  find  that  here  too  we 
have  the  union  of  soul  and  body,  the  body  being  the  constitution 
with  its  articulate  provisions.  In  the  state,  too,  we  have  members, 
the  officials  and  the  offices  with  their  varied  spiritual  functions, 
forming  a  coherent  internal  organization  and  acting  as  a  unit  in 
external  relations.  The  state  like  the  organism  grows,  though, 
since  popular  passion  and  strong  individual  interest  may  deflect 
the  course,  it  may  not  grow  quite  so  regularly  as  the  organism. 
Such  in  brief  is  the  brilliant  sketch  of  Bluntschli  in  his  The  Theory 
of  the  Stated  On  the  ethical  side  writers  like  Leslie  Stephen  empha- 
size that  "the  individual  is  moralized  through  his  identification 
with  the  social  organism";  and  that  "the  conditions,  therefore, 
of  the  security  of  morality  are  the  conditions  of  the  persistence  of 
society."^ 

But  after  all  the  social  organism  is  merely  a  metaphor,  a  vague 
analogy.  Even  if  we  should  go  so  far  on  the  biological  side  as  to 
credit  each  cell  of  the  complex  organism  with  a  mind  of  its  own, 
still  we  should  be  entirely  ignorant  of  the  flow  of  energy  from  one 
cell  to  another;  and  our  ignorance  in  the  one  case  furnishes  a  poor 
explanation  of  the  intimate  relations  which  come  within  our  experi- 
ence in  the  other.  The  unity  of  society,  as  has  often  been  pointed 
out.  is  not  an  organic  but  a  psychological  unity.  It  is  a  unity  of 
value  and  not  a  mere  unity  of  external  continuity.  In  order  to 
arrive  at  any  intimate  understanding  of  social  relations  we  must 
use  psychological  and  not  biological  tools. 

More  profound  in  its  insight,  and  more  genial  to  our  thinking, 
is  the  attitude  of  speculative  idealism.  Here  at  least  we  have  a 
recognition  that  the  unity  of  society  must  be  an  intimate  unity. 
It  must  figure  somehow  within  the  terms  to  be  related.  The 
social  unity  must  be  essentially  psychological;  and  it  must  be  more 
than  the  unity  of  each  individual  mind.  This  is  as  true  in  our 
theoretical  relations  as  in  our  practical.     In  order  to  any  common 

■  Sec  especially  pp.  i6  ff. 
'  Science  oj  Ethics,  p.  454. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  3 

understanding,  a  supra-individual  unity  must  somehow  dip  into 
our  finite  centers.  It  is  this  which  makes  us  overlap  and  makes  us 
imply  more  than  we  seem.  In  the  words  of  Emerson:  "Persons 
themselves  acquaint  us  with  the  impersonal.  In  all  conversation 
between  two  persons  tacit  reference  is  made  to  a  third  party,  to  a 
common  nature.  That  third  party  or  common  nature  is  not  social; 
it  is  impersonal;  is  God."'  How  intimate  this  unity  is  to  our 
own  individuality  is  also  emphasized  by  Emerson:  "Ineffable  is 
the  union  of  man  and  God  in  every  act  of  the  soul.  The  simplest 
person  who  in  his  integrity  worships  God  becomes  God;  yet  forever 
and  forever,  the  influx  of  this  better  and  universal  self  is  new  and 
unsearchable."  This  intimacy  of  life  enables  the  finite  person  to 
say:  "Behold  I  am  born  into  the  great,  the  universal  mind.  I  the 
imperfect  adore  my  own  Perfect.  I  am  somehow  receptive  of  the 
great  soul."  Of  this  union  the  world  itself  is  the  "perennial  miracle 
which  the  soul  worketh."  On  the  basis  of  such  intimacy  with  the 
absolute,  Green  can  tell  us  "the  true  good  is  and  in  its  earher  form 
was  a  social  good,"^  in  which  the  permanent  self  and  others  are 
not  to  be  distinguished. 

The  difficulty  with  the  above  theory  of  social  relations  is  of 
course  its  abstractness.  The  unity  of  each  and  all  of  the  personal 
selves  with  the  absolute  is  so  intimate  that  social  finite  relations 
disappear  altogether  in  the  abstract  background.  An  entity, 
however,  which  in  this  abstract  way  explains  all  unity  does  not 
make  us  any  wiser  as  regards  the  various  types  of  concrete  unity 
with  which  we  are  concerned  in  our  practical  social  relations. 
There  is  a  great  difference  between  social  mind  as  an  abstract, 
permanent  idea  and  social  mind  as  an  existing  living  unity,  as  warm 
and  real  as  individual  mind.  To  show  that  the  individual  and 
society  mutually  imply  each  other  or  that  we  are  socially  minded 
is  a  different  thing  from  showing  that  social  minds  exist.  Hegel  has 
come  nearer  than  anyone  else  of  the  speculative  idealists  to  recog- 
nizing the  reality  of  the  various  types  of  social  mind.  For  Hegel, 
indeed,  the  ethical  life  means  precisely  this  adjustment  to  social 
institutions.     Man  is  not  a  stranger  in  an  artificially  superimposed 

'  From  The  Oversold. 
^Prolegomena  to  Ethics,  sec.  232. 


4  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

society.  Social  institutions  are  the  concrete  embodiments  of  his 
own  deeper  will.  In  his  own  words:  "The  various  social  forces 
are  not  something  foreign  to  this  subject,  his  spirit  bears  witness 
to  them  as  to  his  own  being.  In  them  he  feels  that  he  is  himself, 
and  in  them  too  he  lives  as  in  an  element  indistinguishable  from 
himself.  This  relation  is  more  direct  and  intuitive  than  even 
faith  and  trust.'"  And  again:  "Spirit  has  actuality,  and  the 
accidents  or  modes  of  this  actuality  are  individuals.  Hence  as 
to  the  ethical  there  are  only  two  possible  views.  Either  we  start 
from  the  substantive  social  system,  or  we  proceed  atomically  and 
work  up  from  a  basis  of  individuahty.  This  latter  method,  because 
it  leads  to  mere  juxtaposition,  is  void  of  spirit,  since  mind  or 
spirit  is  not  something  individual,  but  the  unity  of  the  individual 
and  the  universal."^ 

When  Hegel,  however,  tries  to  make  clear  what  he  means  by 
this  spiritual  unity,  his  bias  for  the  abstract  and  formal  vitiates  his 
treatment.  Thus  in  discussing  the  types  of  social  unity  he  places 
the  family  lowest,  as  the  unity  of  feeling;  the  civic  community  he 
defines  as  "an  association  of  members  or  independent  individuals 
in  a  formal  universality.  Such  an  association  is  occasioned  by 
needs,  and  preserved  by  law."  But  a  final  type  of  unity  is  "the 
substantive  universal,  and  the  public  life  dedicated  to  the  main- 
tenance of  the  universal.  This  is  the  state  constitution."  Thus 
Hegel's  abstract  method  loses  the  social  mind  in  the  mere  external 
form  and  expression  of  society.  To  be  sure  he  tells  us :  "The  state 
is  the  divine  will  as  a  present  spirit  which  unfolds  itself  in  the  actual 
shape  of  an  organized  world. "^  But  the  state  remains  a  juristic 
abstraction  to  the  end.  Mind  is  finally  vested  in  the  absolute  self- 
consciousness;  and  persons  and  institutions  alike  must  be  under- 
stood as  expressions  of  this  self-consciousness.  The  new  discovery 
of  history  is  "the  unity  of  the  divine  and  the  human";  and  this 
unity  comes  to  a  focus  in  each  self-conscious  personahty.  Institu- 
tions are  but  the  expression  of  this  independent  self-consciousness. 
As  he  puts  it:  "In  the  state,  self-consciousness  finds  the  organic 
development  of  its  real  substantive  knowing  and  will;   in  religion 

'  The  Philosophy  of  Right,  par.  147. 

2  Ibid.,  par.  156.  ^  jbid.,  par.  270. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  5 

it  finds,  in  the  form  of  ideal  essence,  the  feeling  and  the  vision  of  this 
its  truth;  and  in  science  it  finds  the  free  conceived  knowledge  of 
this  truth,  seeing  it  to  be  one  and  the  same  in  all  its  mutually 
completing  manifestations,  viz.,  the  state,  nature,  and  the  ideal 
world."'  But  they  are  after  all  only  manifestations — the  Self 
writ  large;  and  Hegel  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts  to  take  the  social 
point  of  view,  as  a  result  of  his  abstract  method,  ends  in  being  a 
rational  individualist.  The  difficulty  with  idealistic  theories  in 
general,  in  spite  of  the  fruitfuhiess  of  their  empirical  intuitions,  is 
that  they  have  been  so  anxious  to  arrive  at  the  Absolute  that  they 
have  slighted  the  concrete  problems  of  continuity.  The  abstract 
Absolute  becomes  an  immense  solipsist,  with  no  alter. 

Recent  theories  of  society  may  perhaps  be  characterized,  in 
contrast  with  abstract  individualism  on  the  one  hand,  and  abstract 
universalism  on  the  other,  as  functional  theories.  As  against 
abstract  individualism  they  emphasize  the  qualifications  in  human 
nature  for  social  relations.  As  against  abstract  imiversaHsm,  they 
emphasize  that  mind  is  essentially  individual  and  deny  the  reality 
of  a  supra-individual  consciousness.  In  the  words  of  Giddings: 
"The  social  mind  is  a  concrete  thing.  It  is  more  than  any  indi- 
vidual mind  and  dominates  every  individual  will.  Yet  it  exists 
only  in  individual  minds,  and  we  have  no  knowledge  of  any  con- 
sciousness but  that  of  individuals.  The  social  consciousness,  then, 
is  nothing  more  than  the  feeling  or  the  thought  that  appears  at  the 
same  moment  in  all  individuals,  or  that  is  propagated  from  one  to 
another  through  the  assembly  or  the  community.  The  social  mind 
is  the  phenomenon  of  many  individuals  in  interaction,  so  playing 
upon  one  another  that  they  simultaneously  feel  the  same  sensation 
or  emotion,  arrive  at  one  judgment  and  perhaps  act  in  concert."* 
In  the  same  spirit  we  are  told  by  Ward:  ''There  are  none  so  simple 
as  literally  to  personify  society  and  conceive  it  endowed  with  wants 
and  passions.  By  the  improvement  of  society  they  only  mean 
such  modifications  in  its  constitution  and  structure  as  will  in  their 
opinion  result  in  ameliorating  the  conditions  of  its  individual 
members."^     In  spite  of  this,  society  "should  imagine  itself  an 

'  Ibid.,  par.  360.  ^  Giddings,  The  Principles  of  Sociology,  p.  134. 

5  Ward,  The  Psychic  Factors  of  Civilization,  pp.  99  aad  100. 


6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

individual,  with  all  the  interests  of  an  individual;  and  becoming 
fully  conscious  of  these  interests,  it  should  pursue  them  with  the 
same  indomitable  will  with  which  the  individual  pursues  his  inter- 
est."' Still  we  are  dealing  with  an  aggregate  of  individuals,  even 
if  such  individuals  should  base  their  actions  upon  "the  science  of 
sociology."  As  Spencer  puts  it:  "By  social  laws  are  meant  the 
principles  of  human  action  in  collectivity." 

We  may  distinguish  three  types  of  this  functional  theory  of 
society.  The  first  type  of  theory  starts  from  the  economic  division 
of  labor,  as  the  complement  of  the  varieties  of  human  needs.  This 
type  has  been  stated  in  an  immortal  way  by  Plato  in  The  Republic. 
Plato  recognizes  here  the  variety  of  capacities  of  human  nature, 
as  well  as  the  variety  of  its  complex  needs.  Society  must  be  so 
organized,  and  education  must  be  so  specialized,  as  to  make  it 
possible  for  each  human  unit  to  fill  its  specific  function,  to  do  what 
it  can  do  best  in  the  economy  of  the  whole.  For  Plato  and  Aris- 
totle alike  the  conception  of  society  is  instrumental.  Its  purpose 
is  the  education  of  the  individual  in  virtue,  the  attainment  of  the 
highest  possible  measure  of  insight  into  the  meaning  of  life.  This 
is  even  more  strikingly  brought  out  in  Plato  than  in  Aristotle,  as 
with  Plato  the  doctrine  of  immortahty  plays  an  essential  part  in 
the  redemptive  scheme  of  life. 

Another  type  of  theory  has  its  basis  in  individualistic  psychol- 
ogy. Its  problem  is:  What  are  the  individual  processes  or  quali- 
fications by  means  of  which  we  come  to  share  in  a  common  social 
life  ?  The  classical  statement  of  this  type  of  approach  goes  back  to 
Adam  Smith:  "How  selfish,  soever,  man  may  be  supposed  to  be, 
there  are  evidently  some  principles  in  his  nature,  which  interest  him 
in  the  fortune  of  others,  and  render  their  happiness  necessary  to 
him,  though  he  derives  nothing  from  it  except  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
it.  Of  this  kind  is  pity  or  compassion,  the  emotion  which  we  feel 
for  the  misery  of  others,  when  either  we  see  it  or  are  made  to  con- 
ceive it  in  a  lively  manner. "="  His  conception  of  mind,  however, 
remains  strictly  individual:  "As  we  have  no  immediate  experience 
of  what  other  men  feel  we  can  form  no  idea  of  the  manner  in  which 

»  Ward,  The  Psychic  Factors  of  Civilization,  p.  324. 
»  The  Theory  oj  the  Moral  Sentiments,  Part  I,  chap.  i. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  7 

they  are  affected,  but  by  conceiving  what  we  ourselves  should  feel 
in  the  hke  situation."  We  put  ourselves  in  the  other  man's  place 
in  our  imagination,  and  thus  share  with  him  what  he  must  feel. 
We  also  learn  to  regulate  our  own  conduct  by  what  we  represent 
to  ourselves  as  his  attitude  toward  us.  This  representative  theory 
of  social  relations  has  been  formulated  more  recently  by  WilHam 
James:  "A  man's  social  self  is  the  recognition  which  he  gets  from 
his  mates.  We  are  not  only  gregarious  animals,  liking  to  be  in  the 
sight  of  our  fellows,  but  we  have  an  innate  tendency  to  get  ourselves 
noticed,  and  noticed  favorably  by  our  kind.  .  .  .  Properly  speak- 
ing a  man  has  as  many  social  selves  as  there  are  individuals  who 
recognize  him  and  carry  an  image  of  him  in  their  mind.  To  wound 
one  of  these  images  is  to  wound  him."^ 

Other  writers  of  this  psychological  school  have  emphasized 
imitation,  as  the  process  by  means  of  which  social  unity  is  brought 
about.  Says  Tarde:  "Society  may  therefore  be  defined  as  a 
group  of  beings  who  are  apt  to  imitate  one  another,  or  who  without 
actual  imitation  are  ahke  in  their  possession  of  common  traits  as 
an  ancient  copy  of  the  same  model. "^  He  even  goes  so  far  as  to 
say:  "What  is  society?  I  have  answered  society  is  imitation. "^ 
In  the  same  spirit,  Baldwin  suggests  that  the  social  self  may  be 
likened  roughly  to  a  composite  photograph:  "The  variety  of  per- 
sonalities about  him,  each  impressing  him  with  some  one  or  more 
pecuHarities,  exaggerations,  deficiencies,  inconsistencies  or  law- 
observing  regularities,  gradually  leave  upon  him  a  certain  common 
impression,  which,  while  getting  application  to  all  personaHties  as 
such,  yet  has  to  have  supplementing  in  the  case  of  any  particular 

individual He  ejects  it  into  all  the  fellows  of  his  social 

group.  It  becomes  then  a  general  social  alter."''  Professor  Royce, 
carrying  out  the  same  method  with  his  own  idealistic  background, 
comes  to  regard  nature  itself  as  the  system  of  our  social  agreements, 
and  thus  only  a  more  comprehensive  social  unity. 

Still  a  third  type  of  functional  theory  takes  its  start  from  our 
practical  social  situation.     It  assumes  at  the  outset  that  all  our 

'  The  Principles  of  Psychology,  I,  292  f. 

2  The  Laws  of  Imitation  (Eng.  trans.),  p.  68.  3  Ibid.,  p.  74. 

"  Baldwin,  Social  and  Ethical  Interpretations,  pp.  292  f. 


8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

consciousness  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  social.  This  has  been  strik- 
ingly expressed  by  Professor  A.  W.  Moore,  a  member  of  the  Dewey 
school.  In  his  own  words:  "  *My'  consciousness  is  a  function  of  a 
social  process,  in  which  my  body  or  brain  or  mind  is  only  one  factor. 
....  My  thinking  and  feeling  may  be  as  truly  a  function  of  '  your ' 
brain  or  mind  as  of  my  own.  My  thinking  of  sending  for  you  as 
a  physician  to  treat  my  headache  is  as  truly  a  function  of  your 
medically  trained  brain  as  of  my  own  aching  one."^  Moore  thinks 
rightly  of  this  "private  consciousness"  not  only  as  born  of,  but  as 
growing  up  in  and  therefore  continuing  all  the  while  vitally  and 
organically  related  to,  its  matrix.  Not  only  in  its  origin  but  in 
its  continual  development  and  operation  it  must  always  be  a  func- 
tion of  the  whole  social  situation  of  which  it  is  born.  It  is  never 
to  be  regarded  as  wholly  or  merely  the  function  of  an  individual 
mind  or  soul  or  of  a  single  organism  or  brain.  It  is  always  a  read- 
justment within  a  social  situation. 

The  theory  thus  baldly  stated  does  not  try  to  define  the  nature 
of  the  social  situation,  neither  does  it  discriminate  between  situa- 
tions where  the  motive  is  individual,  and  where  the  social  aspects, 
such  as  language,  science,  etc.,  are  strictly  instrumental  and  the 
situations  where  the  motive  is  consciously  social.  In  so  far  as  we 
use  the  concept  social  to  characterize  all  our  experience,  we  have 
obviously  failed  to  give  the  dififerentia  between  what  we  may  term 
the  individual  consciousness  on  the  one  hand  and  the  group  mind 
on  the  other.  Moreover,  the  word  ''function"  is  ambiguous. 
Are  my  thinking  and  the  physician's  thinking  in  regard  to  my  head- 
ache, identical  states  of  consciousness  ?  Or  do  they  merely  figure 
with  reference  to  a  common  problem  ?  Evidently  the  latter  is  all 
that  can  be  meant  in  this  case.  It  still  remains,  therefore,  to 
explain  the  nature  of  that  social  context  in  which  both  our  minds 
figure.  Does  this  amount  to  a  common  social  unity,  including  both 
minds  and  having  an  existence  of  its  own,  or  are  we  simply  two 
numerically  distinct  minds  thinking  of  the  same  object  ? 

The  value  of  the  above  psychological  type  of  treatment  lies 
in  emphasizing  the  fact,  that  there  must  be  certain  qualifications 
on  the  part  of  the  individuals,  taken  as  abstractions,  in  order  for 

'^  Pragmatism  and  Its  Critics,  p.  275. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  9 

social  communion  to  take  place.  Such  qualifications  are  partly 
Instinctive  and  partly  intellectual.  On  the  instinctive  side,  we 
must  distinguish  certain  specific  instincts,  such  as  a  tendency 
toward  gregariousness,  and  the  parental  instinct,  from  the  more 
general  innate  tendencies  such  as  imitation  and  sympathy.  With- 
out such  native  qualifications  social  life  would  of  course  be  an  impas- 
sibility. Lacking  those  we  should  have  merely  artificial  restric- 
tions superimposed  on  atomic  units.  We  should  have  no  genuine 
social  life.  These  innate  tendencies  are  further  comphcated  and 
enhanced  by  the  intellectual  processes  which  are  grafted  upon  them. 
These  intellectual  qualifications  may  be  broadly  stated  as  asso- 
ciation and  suggestion.  By  means  of  imagination  we  can  imitate, 
and  sympathize  with,  not  only  the  immediate  perceptual  situations 
but  the  secondary  inner  situations  of  the  other  person's  experience. 
A  similar  experience  suggests  to  us  similar  trains  of  ideas  and  similar 
types  of  conduct.  But  these  qualifications,  whether  instinctive  or 
intellectual,  are  mere  abstractions  or  potentiahties  looked  at  from 
the  individual  pomt  of  view.  Their  function  is  to  canalize  or  make 
definite  the  intersubjective  continuities,  as  do  the  terminal  instru- 
ments in  wireless  telegraphy.  They  are  no  more  social  than  oxygen 
and  hydrogen,  when  taken  separately,  are  water.  Our  knowledge 
of  social  mind  may  depend  upon  imitation  and  suggestion,  it  may 
involve  inferences  of  the  most  complicated  kind;  it  certainly  pre- 
supposes language  for  any  definiteness  of  mutual  understanding. 
But  this  does  not  prove  that  the  existence  of  a  social  mind  consists 
of  those  cognitive  processes,  any  more  than  the  existence  of  a  chemi- 
cal compound  depends  upon  our  methods  of  studying  it.  The  exist- 
ence of  a  new  reaUty  in  each  case  must  be  ascertained  through  the 
pragmatic  attitude  which  we  must  take  toward  the  specific  type 
of  unity. 

What  I  wish  to  show  is  that  there  is  a  genuine  social  unity, 
distinct  from  what  we  call  the  unity  of  individual  experience,  and 
if  not  more  real,  at  least  more  self-sufficient  than  this.  The  latter 
may  be  considered  as  a  group  of  constant  traits  which  we  identify 
in  a  variety  of  situations.  What  we  have  in  reahty  is  dynamic 
situations.  Some  of  these  situations  we  come  to  recognize  as  ph}'si- 
cal,  i.e.,  as  having  no  meaning  or  value  of  their  own;  others  again 


lO 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


we  come  to  acknowledge  as  social  with  their  own  psychological 
unity.  In  each  case  we  are  able  to  follow  the  individual  factors 
within  the  varying  dynamic  situations  by  virtue  of  certain  constant 
traits  which  we  can  identify  in  the  situations,  such  as  the  ions  in 
chemical  compounds,  the  Mendelian  units  and  the  chromosome 
characters  in  the  organic  situations,  and  the  personal  traits  which 
constitute  the  individual's  unique  marks  of  identification  in  the 
various  social  unities. 

INTERSUBJECTIVE   CONTINUITIES 

Instead  of  starting  with  the  postulate  of  isolated  minds,  as 
psychology  has  done  in  the  past,  and  then  trying  to  explain  how  one 
mind  can  take  cognizance  of  another  by  means  of  analogical  infer- 
ence, we  must  start  with  the  postulate  of  intersubjective  continuity 
as  an   elementary  fact.     Without  this  immediate   continuity  of 
minds— the  unique  consciousness  of  mental  presence— we  should 
have  no  incentive  for  our  attempts  to  know  about  other  minds. 
It  is  the  fact  that  we  meet  in  a  common  continuum  that  makes 
us  conscious  of  the  need  for  intersubjective  adjustment.     Mind, 
like  matter,  must  be  conceived  as  existing  in  constellations  with 
their  own  continuities  and  with  their  own  play  of  parts.     We  know 
each  other,  as  we  know  physical  things,  through  common  situations. 
And  in  these  social  situations,  whatever  the  physical  medium  or 
symbol,  mind  is  aware  of  mind;  else  each  mind  would  lead  an  ego- 
centric, soHpsistic,  and  unconscious  existence  to  the  end.     It  is 
usually  assumed  that  social  communication  means  the  transforma- 
tion or  correspondence  of  thought  to  nervous  energy,  this  to  muscu- 
lar, this  to  physical  stimuli,  these  again  to  physiological  changes, 
terminating  somehow  in  the  other  person's  thought.     This  implies 
complete  discontinuity  as  between  these  subcranial  patches  of  mind. 
All  continuity  becomes  material  continuity.     There  can  here  be 
no  direct  acquaintance.     The  other  mind  comes  to  be  regarded  as 
an  eject,  inferred  by  analogy.     That  we  as  a  matter  of  fact  do  not 
so  infer  it,  that  we  respond  to  the  voluntary  reactions  within  the 
total  situation  as  immediately  as  to  the  physical,  does  not  trouble 
the  theorist.     Minds  are  isolated  by  hypothesis  and  so  made  private. 
It  is  one  of  the  paradoxes  of  history  that  mind  should  thus  have 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  ii 

socialized  itself  into  privacy.  It  was  the  emphasis  on  the  physical 
sense-world — an  emphasis  made  necessary  through  primitive  man's 
direct  and  largely  individual  struggle  with  the  physical  environ- 
ment— that  gradually  brought  this  about.  As  a  result  of  this 
emphasis  individuals  came  to  be  looked  upon  as  primarily  bodies 
with  a  "breath"  inhabiting  them;  and  in  a  more  sophisticated 
age  mind  is  reduced  to  a  function  of  the  brain,  an  accident  in  its 
activity.  Thus  mind,  by  its  extreme  emphasis  of  the  instrument, 
not  only  socializes  itself  into  isolation  but  actually  socializes  itself 
out  of  existence.  Social  communication  becomes  merely  the  polar 
relation  between  organic  contexts  of  a  certain  complexity.  But 
this  emphasis  is  itself  the  product  of  social  interaction.  It  was 
because  of  our  practical  social  demands  that  the  physical  world 
became  differentiated  from  our  states  of  consciousness  whether  in 
the  earlier  animistic  form  or  the  more  abstract  psychological  form. 
In  the  earHest  primitive  Hfe  there  seems  to  be  no  such  differentia- 
tion. Here  mind  is  intuited  as  an  ingredient  in  our  common  con- 
crete situations.  The  earliest  distinction  is  not  between  mind  and 
body,  but  between  animated  bodies  and  those  not  animated. 
Such  a  distinction,  preceding,  as  it  does,  all  inference,  must  be 
intuitive,  the  result  of  the  direct  commerce  of  mind  with  mind. 
That  such  a  distinction  exists  even  on  the  animal  level;  that  animals 
do  as  a  matter  of  fact  react  differently  upon  animated  things  from 
those  not  animated;  and  that  such  an  intuition  is  of  fundamental 
importance  in  the  economy  of  animal  life  is  amply  evidenced  by 
animal  conduct.  That  there  should  be  illusions  in  animal  hfe, 
extending  this  intuition  to  non-animated  things,  as  in  the  case  of 
the  fish  and  the  fisherman's  artificial  fly,  is  easily  explained,  once 
we  grant  the  existence  of  the  intersubjective  intuition.  The  whole- 
sale extension  of  this  intuition  to  nature,  however,  as  in  the  ani- 
mistic philosophy,  cannot  be  regarded  as  a  primitive  reaction,  but 
is  due  to  more  advanced  experience  with  its  abstractions  and  infer- 
ence, based  upon  sleep,  dreams,  etc.,  as  shown  by  Herbert  Spencer. 
The  general  pragmatic  significance  of  this  intersubjective 
continuum  is  the  sympathetic  furtherance  or  the  thwarting  of 
individual  desire.  This  even  for  the  animal  has  a  different  intuitive 
value  from  the  furtherance  or  hindrance  by  the  inorganic  processes 


12  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  nature.  It  makes  a  difference  whether  it  is  another  living  dog 
which  is  contending  for  the  bone  or  whether  the  obstacle  is  merely 
mechanical.  The  sex  instinct  takes  pecuHar  account  of  comple- 
mentary desire  or  the  absence  of  it.  The  gregarious  instinct  implies 
an  intuition  of  kind  as  well  as  of  animated  things  in  general.  And 
no  learning  process  seems  to  precede  such  intuitive  recognition. 
Even  if  this  intuition  is  sometimes  made  negatively  definite  by 
the  index  of  smell,  as  it  seems  to  be  in  certain  species  of  ants  where 
a  difference  in  smell  makes  them  attack  a  certain  other  species, 
this  does  not  account  for  the  positive  intuition  of  kind.  Where 
the  special  index  occurs  it  is  probably  due  to  special  survival  reasons. 

Throughout  the  process  of  imitation  and  accommodation  in 
which  the  individual  translates  his  tendencies  into  terms  of  himself, 
there  is  present  the  immediate  intuition  of  other  minds.  They  are 
reacted  on  differently  from  things.  It  is  possible  for  us  to  become 
aware  of  our  own  purposes  only  through  the  consciousness  of  con- 
flict and  co-operation  with  our  fellows.  In  this  we  do  not  first  have 
the  consciousness  of  the  physiological  correspondence  of  our  bodies 
with  each  other  and  then  deduce  internal  correspondence  from  it. 
But  the  whole  problem  of  psycho-physical  correspondence  is  the 
outcome  of  our  social  interest — ^our  practical  need  for  intersubjec- 
tive  correlation  and  correspondence.  We  discovered  the  funda- 
mental laws  of  language,  logic,  and  ethics  long  before  we  had  dis- 
covered even  the  existence  of  a  nervous  system.  It  is  true  that  we 
come  to  take  a  certain  bodily  behavior  as  the  sign  of  intersubjective 
relations,  but  they  would  not  even  have  been  signs  except  in  the 
service  of  the  things  signified — ^the  evidence  of  things  not  seen.  It 
is  because  we  are  immediately  conscious  of  the  reality  of  other  selves 
that  we  try  to  understand  them  and  devise  instruments  for  adjust- 
ing ourselves  to  them.  Whether  on  the  level  of  instinctive  affec- 
tion and  rivalry  or  on  the  level  of  purposive  co-operation,  we  imply 
the  first-hand  acquaintance  of  mind  with  mind.  In  our  vices  as 
in  our  moral  evaluations,  in  our  selfish  striving  for  wealth  and  power 
as  in  our  seeking  for  individual  or  social  salvation,  we  imply  the 
sharing  of  a  common  fife  with  others,  and  their  reciprocal  response 
to  our  aims. 

The  whole  procedure  of  supposed  inference  from  analogy  is 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  13 

inverted.  We  start  with  a  common  intuitive  life,  and  through  the 
demands  of  this  common  Hfe,  matter  comes  to  have  its  instrumental 
significance.  Intuitive  living  and  faith  come  before  analogical 
inference.  Unless  intersubjective  continuities  were  thus  directly 
felt,  we  should  have  neither  basis  nor  motive  for  inferences  about 
other  minds.  We  no  more  reason  by  analogy  from  our  mind  to 
other  minds  than  from  our  body  to  other  bodies.  Indeed  the  basis 
for  our  arriving  at  an  objective  physical  world  is  the  practical 
necessity  of  our  common  intuitive  life. 

The  prejudice  against  social  continuities  is  part  of  a  larger  pre- 
judice, pointed  out  by  William  James — the  prejudice  against  con- 
junctive relations  and  the  emphasis  on  disjunctive.  In  the  sociahz- 
ing  process  of  civilization  the  world  becomes  crystallized  into  diverse 
concepts  or  terms;  these  come  to  seem  more  and  more  fixed  and 
exclusive  and  as  having  only  external  relations  to  each  other. 
Language  gives  the  illusion  of  substance  to  our  intellectual  abstrac- 
tions, whether  physical  or  psychological.  And  so  it  comes  to  pass 
that  while  it  seems  clear  enough  that  there  are  disparate  terms  or 
entities — quaHties,  atoms,  and  what  not — it  is  hard  to  find  the 
glue  that  binds  the  terms  together  in  a  common  flow  of  experience. 
This  intellectual  despair  leads  men  like  Bradley  to  mysticism, 
which,  however,  is  a  hopeless  surrender  rather  than  a  solution. 
What  we  must  do  instead  is  to  take  a  fresh  start  in  the  intuitions  of 
concrete  experience  and  to  realize  that  what  we  start  with  is  not 
terms — these  are  instrumental  abstractions — but  that  we  start  with 
integral  situations.  In  these  concrete  situations  the  conjunctive 
relations  have  an  equal  claim  with  the  disjunctive.  It  is  our  intel- 
lectual one-sidedness  merely  that  makes  the  world  absurd.  For  a 
logic  hopping  on  one  leg,  we  must  substitute  a  logic  of  the  concrete. 

While  William  James  emphasized  admirably  the  need  of  our 
taking  the  conjunctive  relations  of  the  physical  world  at  their  face 
value,  he  still  clung  to  the  social  discontinuities.^  Here  we  are 
supposed  to  have  complete  insulation,  abstract  ejects.  I  insist 
that  the  prejudice  against  social  continuities  is  as  unwarranted  as 

'  In  A  Pluralistic  Universe  he  does  indeed,  under  the  influence  of  Fechner,  break 
away  from  this  view  of  privacy,  but  the  application  is  to  the  supposed  hierarchy 
of  cosmic  consciousness  rather  than  to  society. 


14  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

our  prejudice  against  physical.  In  each  case  we  must  get  away 
from  our  intellectual  abstraction  and  return  to  the  concrete  situa- 
tion. The  agnostics  are  at  least  consistent  in  holding  that  mind 
and  matter  are  equally  inaccessible  and  unknowable.  But  this  is 
a  gratuitous  assumption.  In  each  case  we  enter  into  common 
situations.  In  each  case  we  can  regulate  our  conduct  by  the  prop- 
erties discriminated  in  such  situations.  And  these  common  situa- 
tions, experience  teaches  us,  may  be  mental  as  well  as  physical.  We 
must  learn  to  take  the  social  continuities  at  their  face  value,  as 
James  has  insisted  that  we  must  take  the  physical  continuities. 
Isolation  and  parallelism  are  of  our  conceptual  making.  The  real 
world  overflows  and  ignores  them. 

It  is  true  that  our  imagination  encounters  several  obstacles  to 
admitting  such  social  continuities.  We  have  become  accustomed 
to  look  upon  mental  communication  as  mediated  by  a  nervous 
system  and  an  intervening  physical  world.  But  even  if  this  should 
turn  out  to  be  always  true,  it  is  nothing  against  intersubjective 
continuities.  Electricity,  too,  is  mediated,  as  we  familiarly  know 
it,  through  wires;  and  even  in  the  case  of  wireless,  we  find  it  con- 
venient as  an  aid  to  our  imagination  to  conceive  a  medium  that 
faciHtates  its  spreading  through  space.  Still,  whether  electricity 
in  the  last  analysis  radiates  through  empty  space  or  rides  over  a 
medium,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  electrical  continuities, 
when  they  are  established,  are  real.  They  are  not  material  con- 
junctions but  immaterial  conjunctions.  And  so  with  mind.  Why 
should  we  conceive  mind  as  pushing  molecules  or  being  insulated 
by  them  ?  Why  may  not  neural  processes  act  as  conductors  instead 
of  insulators  ?  But  however  mind  may  be  mediated,  whatever 
intervening  processes  it  may  ride  over,  when  the  continuities  are 
established  they  are  recognized  as  psychological,  not  as  material, 
confluences.  They  are  unique  and  not  to  be  confused  with  chemi- 
cal or  electrical.  Conative  co-operation  must  be  recognized  as 
different  from  mechanical  reaction.  And  this,  we  have  seen,  is 
done  immediately  and  intuitively  in  the  animal  world  long  before 
inference  is  known.  It  is  as  immediate  a  discrimination  as  that  of 
quantitative  and  qualitative  difference  in  physical  stimuli  and  as 
necessary  to  survival. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  15 

The  discovery  of  the  immaterial  continuity  of  electricity  helps 
at  any  rate  to  emancipate  our  imagination  from  the  grosser  con- 
tinuities of  our  senses  and  of  molecular  physics.  We  know  that 
electricity  in  its  free  form  possesses  remarkable  power  of  intersect- 
ing our  seemingly  soUd  world  in  all  sorts  of  ways  as  illustrated  in 
X-rays,  violet  rays,  etc.  Here  the  difference  in  wave-length  as  well 
as  intensity  must  be  taken  into  account.  So,  for  example,  what  is 
opaque  to  X-rays  may  be  translucent  to  violet  rays.  The  thickness 
to  be  interpenetrated  must  also  be  taken  into  account.  Here,  as  in 
the  case  of  mental  continuities,  our  practical  knowledge  of  the  results 
is  clear  and  definite,  while  our  knowledge  of  the  descriptive  side, 
i.e.,  the  means  of  spreading,  is  largely  speculative.  What  is  certain 
is  that  there  are  these  immaterial  continuities  and  that  they  have 
their  predictable  practical  effects.  There  is  nothing  contradic- 
tory, therefore,  in  material  and  immaterial  continuities  occupying 
the  same  space,  and  in  the  end  the  material  may  have  to  find  their 
explanation  in  the  immaterial.  As  is  the  case  in  electrical  continu- 
ities, some  psychic  states  seem  more  contagious  than  others;  and 
high  psychic  potentials,  in  the  intenser  forms  of  crowds,  make 
minds  interpenetrate  more  fully  the  enveloping  material  husk 
and  lose  themselves  in  the  temporary  continuum  of  mind.  At 
any  rate,  the  sense  of  comradeship  is  too  convincing  and  absorbing 
in  its  own  right  to  be  reduced  to  the  abstract  logic  of  analogy. 
The  intuition  of  a  common  life  precedes  theory.  Privacy  in  our 
world,  in  so  far  as  there  is  such  a  thing — and  there  evidently  is  for 
special  purposes — means  isolation  or  disconnectedness  for  the  time 
being.  It  means  the  failure  to  figure  in  a  certain  dynamic  situ- 
ation. 

Another  difficulty  which  the  imagination  encounters  lies  in  the 
customary  conception  of  mind.  If  we  identify  mind  primarily 
with  sensations,  their  persistence  and  combination  by  means  of 
mechanical  association,  we  have  a  difficulty,  but  it  is  a  physical, 
not  a  mental  difi&culty.  These  facts,  while  instrumental  to  will 
and  closely  bound  up  with  the  realization  of  its  tendencies;  and 
while  in  a  sense  existing  in  the  mind — inlaid  in  its  interests,  as  a 
diamond  in  its  gold  setting — yet  are  primarily  physical  facts. 
Mind,  however,  is  primarily  a  matter  of  will  and  affective  value. 


l6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Hence  telepathy  as  a  communication  of  ideas  is  quite  distinct  from 
what  we  mean  by  mental  continuity.  The  former  presupposes 
analogous  cerebral  situations.  Mental  continuity  has  reference 
to  common  will  attitudes,  common  moods,  and  these  may  have 
widely  different  intellectual  coloring,  as  music  may  have  different 
meaning  to  different  listeners. 

This  difficulty  is  closely  bound  up  with  another — the  failure 
to  distinguish  between  acquaintance  and  description,  intuition  and 
knowledge.  While  the  distinction  within  our  experience  is  purely 
logical,  it  is  none  the  less  important.  What  we  share  immediately, 
in  social  situations,  is  the  acquaintance  or  intuition,  the  conscious- 
ness of  mental  presence.  The  knowledge  about  the  situation  is 
bound  up  largely  with  the  physical  aspect  of  the  mind — the  asso- 
ciative contexts  of  content.  It  turns  out  then  that  the  so-called 
privacy,  which  merely  means  indirectness  of  communication, 
pertains  primarily  to  the  physical  contents  of  the  mind.  Even  in 
the  direct  sharing  of  physical  situations  we  are  as  it  were  one 
remove  from  the  certainty  of  a  common  world,  for  here  we  imply  a 
faith  in  analogous  sense  organs  and  nervous  systems  and  here  we 
have  to  allow  for  pathological  instances.  Physical  sharing  can 
only  be  guaranteed  through  serial  construction  and  intersubjective 
comparison  and  so  presupposes  social  communication. 

In  studying  social  facts,  therefore,  as  in  studying  other  domains 
of  fact,  we  must  start  with  intuition.  Intuition  is  not  truth,  nor 
a  substitute  for  truth,  but  it  is  the  starting-point  and  terminus  of 
truth.  This  is  the  case  in  all  our  investigations.  Even  mathe- 
matics, as  Poincare  has  shown,  must  start  with  intuition,  however 
much  it  refines  upon  it  in  the  process.  Our  intuitions  of  social 
continuities  are  at  least  as  convincing  as  the  intuitions  of  perceptual 
continuities.  And  the  former,  as  we  have  seen,  have  at  any  rate 
genetic  priority,  as  it  is  through  our  social  relations  that  we  come 
to  differentiate  the  world  of  things  and  the  world  of  minds. 

The  convincingness  of  social  companionship,  moreover,  has 
nothing  to  do  with  our  theory  as  to  how  it  may  be  brought  about. 
The  theory  is  an  afterthought  and  may  undergo  all  sorts  of  trans- 
mutations. In  our  blindness  we  may  seek  to  theorize  the  facts 
away  even  while  we  are  assuming  them.     Thus  the  soHpsist  must 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  17 

try  to  convince  his  fellows.  Fortunately  the  transitions  in  nature 
do  not  depend  upon  our  understanding  them.  We  are  not  able 
to  follow  even  the  simplest  of  them  point  for  point.  We  perform 
the  juxtapositions  but  nature  estabHshes  the  continuity  under  its 
own  selective  conditions.  Nor  does  energetic  continuity  involve 
identity  in  space.  If  so,  it  is  hard  to  see  what  interaction  could 
mean.  Instead  of  starting  with  conceivability  or  inconceivability, 
as  based  upon  previous  custom,  we  now  believe  in  regulating  con- 
ceivabiUty  with  reference  to  the  facts  which  we  must  meet. 

If  the  theory  of  social  atomism,  with  its  assumption  of  absolute 
discontinuity,  fails  to  meet  the  demands  of  experience,  so  does  the 
theory  of  absolute  continuity.  The  absolute,  since,  Hke  the  ether, 
it  explains  all  continuity  in  advance,  explains  no  concrete  relations. 
The  discontinuities  must  be  taken  at  their  face  value  as  must  the 
continuities.  Like  other  energies,  such  as  electricity,  mind  obeys 
certain  definite  laws  of  spreading.  It  is  conditioned  by  interfer- 
ences. It  can  establish  continuity  only  when  the  proper  conditions 
exist. 

This  conception  of  social  continuity  differs,  therefore,  from  that 
of  monistic  idealism  as  expressed  by  Hugo  Miinsterberg  and  von 
Hartmann.  Says  Miinsterberg:  ''In  real  life  spirit  touches 
spirit  and  what  mysticism  ingeniously  unites  is  in  truth  not  at  all 
sundered.  The  sundering  follows  first  in  the  service  of  psycho- 
logical and  physical  description."^  But  the  sundering  is  a  real 
part  of  our  mundane  practical  life;  and  a  theory  which  fails  to 
account  for  it  is  practically  useless.  In  the  case  of  von  Hartmann 
it  is  the  Unconscious  which  exercises  clairvoyant  power  (Hellsehen) 
as  between  part  and  part.  Whether  the  parts  thus  abstracted  are 
higher  or  lower  in  the  scale  does  not  alter  their  clairvoyant  insight 
which  belongs  to  the  unconscious  cosmic  will  itself. 

If  the  unconscious  soul  in  the  separate  portions  of  an  insect,  or  in  the  stem 
and  the  detached  buds,  is  still  one,  must  it  not  be  the  same  also  in  the  insects 
separate  by  nature  of  a  community  of  bees  or  ants,  which  even  without  union 
of  the  organisms  in  space  still  act  as  harmoniously  on  one  another  as  the  several 
parts  of  the  same  organism?  Should  not  the  clairvoyance  which  we  have 
found  everywhere  recurring  in  the  invasions  of  the  Unconscious,  and  which  is  so 
supremely  astonishing  in  the  limited  individual,  should  not  it  alone  invite  this 

'  Grundzuge  der  Psychologie. 


i8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

solution,  that  the  individual  acts  of  clairvoyance  are  simply  announcements 
of  the  everywhere  identical  Unconscious,  wherewith  at  once  everything  miracu- 
lous in  clairvoyance  disappears  since  now  the  seer  is  also  the  soul  of  the  seen  ? 
What  opposes  this  is  only  the  prejudice  that  the  soul  is  the  consciousness.^ 

Yes,  everything  miraculous  does  disappear  on  such  a  hypothesis, 
but  also  everything  interesting  for  our  practical  purposes.  What 
we  require  for  our  purposes  is  a  hypothesis  which  will  account  for 
both  the  practical  discontinuities  and  the  continuities.  The  h>'po- 
thesis  of  a  transcendental,  timeless  and  spaceless  unity  fails  to  meet 
our  needs  as  truly  as  that  of  abstract  atomism.  In  the  case  of 
intersubjective  relations,  as  in  the  case  of  chemical  and  electrical 
energies,  continuities  are  estabhshed  under  certain  conditions,  as 
there  are  discontinuities  under  other  conditions.  We  are  not 
dealing  with  continuity  in  the  abstract,  but  with  the  differences 
made  when  concrete  continuities  do  take  place.  The  continuities 
and  discontinuities  are  on  the  same  level  with  the  finite  individuals 
involved,  not  on  a  transcendental  level,  whatever  that  may  mean. 

We  cannot,  finally,  deduce  other  minds  from  the  impHcations 
of  self-consciousness  as  a  priori  philosophers  have  attempted  to  do. 
Self-consciousness  itself,  on  the  contrary,  is  the  outgrowth  of  the 
demands  for  readjustment  and  adaptation  within  the  social  situa- 
tion in  which  we  live  and  move  and  have  our  being.  All  dehberate 
differentiation  and  identification,  whether  of  selves  or  of  things, 
mental  or  physical,  is  the  outcome  of  the  pressure  of  social  interest. 
Selves  are  known  by  their  context  or  function  in  this  common 
experience. 

We  must  rid  our  minds  of  the  intellectualism  which  has  so  long 
pervaded  all  our  thinking.  We  have  made  our  convenient  abstrac- 
tions from  the  dynamic  stream  of  reahty,  and  then  we  have 
imagined  that  these  abstractions  exhausted  reality.  More  and 
more,  however,  we  have  come  to  realize  that  these  abstractions, 
real  as  they  are  when  taken  as  aspects  of  reaUty,  must,  when  they 
are  taken  apart,  be  regarded  as  instrumental.  They  are  conceptual 
tools  by  means  of  which  we  can  predict,  and  dip  into,  the  stream 
of  reaUty  at  definite  points.  They  are  "leadings "  in  our  experience 
by  means  of  which  we  are  guided  to  the  creative  processes  of  nature. 

'  Philosophy  of  the  Unconscious  (Eng.  trans.),  II,  225,  226. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  19 

The  dynamic  situation  is  never  a  mere  addition  of  certain  entities 
with  their  separate  characteristics.  The  situation  has  always  its 
own  atmosphere ;  we  must  discover  its  own  individual  traits. 

Even  in  the  inorganic  held  we  have  long  ago  ceased  to  believe 
that  the  reality  of  water  consists  in  the  addition  of  the  two  gases, 
hydrogen  and  oxygen,  in  the  abstract  numerical  proportion  of 
H2O,  with  their  separate  characters.  The  formula  merely 
furnishes  the  leading  toward  nature's  creative  process.  Water 
is  a  unique  individual  and  satisfies  new  wants.  While  it  has  some 
of  the  properties  of  the  so-called  elements,  it  also  has  new  properties 
which  cannot  be  found  in  those  elements  taken  separately.  You 
must,  besides  the  abstract  factors,  take  account  of  a  third  fact,  the 
creative  process  of  nature  from  which  they  are  abstractions.  We 
are  in  the  habit,  it  is  true,  of  identifying  creativeness  with  the  freak- 
ish and  unpredictable.  These  have  always  appealed  to  man  as 
more  or  less  miraculous.  As  a  matter  of  fact  all  happenings,  all 
arising  of  individual  compounds  must  be  regarded  as  creative. 
The  elements  are  real  only  as  they  move  within  a  field  of  energy. 
The  negative  charges  within  the  atom  are  conceived  as  moving 
within  a  field  of  positive  electricity.  We  can  understand  the  Hfe 
of  the  complex  organism  only  when  we  take  account  of  the  vital 
stream  of  impulse  which  guides  and  controls  its  development  and 
its  division  of  labor.  And  within  social  unities,  we  must  not  stop 
with  the  abstract  factors  of  the  situation,  but  we  must  try  to 
appreciate  the  soul  of  the  situation  itself,  the  creative  contribution 
of  the  spiritual  process. 

Creative  synthesis  seems  to  be  of  the  very  nature  of  reaUty. 
Out  of  some  eighty  elements  inorganic  nature  creates  endless  unique 
situations;  out  of  only  four  elements  arises  the  variety  of  organic 
situations.  In  ideal  creativeness,  few  themes  suffice  for  infinite 
creative  production.  In  any  case,  the  universe  gives  back  more 
than  we  seem  to  put  in — ^more  than  our  abstract  elements  or  abstract 
individuals.  In  any  case  the  properties  we  select  for  prediction 
are  abstractions  from  the  continuities  or  possible  continuities  in  the 
flow  of  reality. 

It  will  be  seen  that  this  theory  of  creative  evolution  is  practically 
the  opposite  of  that  of  Bergson.     For  him  evolution  means  division. 


20  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  vital  impulse  breaks  up  into  its  component  tendencies,  as  the 
sky-rocket  breaks  from  the  shock  of  the  explosion  and  the  resistance 
of  the  atmosphere.  Such  a  theory  in  the  end  means  absolute 
atomism.  For  us  creative  evolution  means  creative  synthesis — 
gifts  which  the  universe  contributes  under  certain  conditions,  over 
and  above  the  finite  parts  which  our  selective  interest  has  separated 
out.  Souls  are  contributed  by  the  creative  energy  of  the  universe 
in  accordance  with  the  complexity  of  the  conditions,  physiological 
and  social.  To  the  reaHty  of  these  social  souls  we  must  now  address 
ourselves. 

PROOFS   OF   SOCIAL  MINDS 

In  social  compounds  as  in  physical,  we  must  proceed  prag- 
matically. We  must  ask:  What  difference  does  it  make  that  we 
figure  in  various  social  situations  ?  Can  we  take  men  as  the  same 
in  their  separate  capacity  and  in  their  social  capacity  ?  Is  the 
social  group  but  a  collection  of  individuals  with  their  individual 
traits?  Or  must  we  recognize  a  new  unity,  with  its  own  unique 
properties  ?  Our  intuition  somehow  indicates  that  there  is  a 
difference  between  mere  individuals,  or  mere  aggregates  of  indi- 
viduals, and  the  way  we  feel  and  act  when  swayed  by  a  common 
interest.  It  makes  a  fundamental  difference  to  us  and  to  the  spec- 
tator that  we  are  parts  of  the  social  situation. 

In  the  pragmatic  testing  of  this  social  intuition,  I  propose  two 
methods  of  approach — the  psychological  analysis  of  the  conditions 
and  characteristics  of  the  social  situation,  on  the  one  hand,  and  the 
practical  evaluation  of  these  situations,  on  the  other.  Let  us  first 
glance  briefly  at  the  psychological  side. 

In  order  to  have  a  social  situation,  there  must,  in  the  first 
place,  be  the  consciousness  of  another  person  or  persons.  Mere 
continuity  with  natural  energies — the  sky,  the  sea,  the  landscape — 
is  not,  for  our  practical  and  finite  purposes  at  any  rate,  a  social 
situation.  We  cannot  agree  that  all  situations  are  social,  however 
much  their  significance  for  us  is  interwoven  with  our  social  experi- 
ence. The  other  person,  however,  need  not  be  bodily  present. 
The  other  mind  may  be  present  in  a  poem,  a  book  of  science,  a 
symphony,  or  a  report  flashed  across  the  wires.  We  often  become 
more  absorbed  in  a  book  than  we  do  in  most  conversations.     In  the 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  21 

second  place,  there  must  be  the  consciousness  of  a  common  object 
or  impulse.  People  may  be  conscious  of  each  other's  presence  only 
in  order  to  dodge  each  other,  like  so  many  automata,  on  the  busy 
avenue.  But  let  an  accident  happen  on  the  street — the  running- 
over  of  a  child  by  an  automobile— and  we  have  a  common  object 
attracting  our  attention.  Even  so,  however,  if  I  am  too  busy, 
trying  to  catch  a  train,  to  stop  with  the  others,  I  am  no  part  of  the 
social  situation.  It  takes  time  for  the  human  continuity  to  be  felt, 
and  there  must  be  abandon  to  the  interest  or  suggestion.  Even 
bodily  space-proximity  and  time-proximity  may  be  dispensed  with 
if  there  is  the  sustained  abandon  to  a  common  interest.  In  a 
great  international  catastrophe,  such  as  the  shipwreck  of  the 
"Titanic,"  largely  separated  portions  of  humanity  become  a  genuine 
and  intense  part  of  a  social  mind. 

Mere  intersubjective  continuity  is  not  suflScient  to  constitute 
a  social  mind.  For  this  more  than  an  intuitive  sense  of  presence 
of  other  minds  is  required.  The  sense  of  presence  may  be  negative 
as  well  as  positive.  It  may  mean  a  stimulus  to  fight  or  flight 
instead  of  to  co-operation.  In  order  to  have  a  social  mind  there 
must  be  a  sense  of  reciprocal  or  sympathetic  response  to  the  situa- 
tion. On  the  lower  levels  this  means  the  abandon  to  a  common 
impulse,  on  the  higher  levels  it  means  the  leading  of  a  common 
purpose.  Without  this  consciousness  of  a  common  conative  direc- 
tion, the  social  continuum,  as  the  particular  stream  of  consciousness, 
fails  to  be  an  individual. 

It  would  seem  that  social  minds  must  be  real  if  they  possess 
characteristics  analogous  to  those  of  particular  minds.  One  of 
the  most  important  of  these  characteristics  is  fusion.  Social  situa- 
tions present  a  case  similar  to  the  fusion  of  elementary  states  within 
the  particular  mind;  and  while  the  greater  complexity  makes 
analysis  more  difficult,  the  laws  of  fusion  seem  to  be  the  same. 
Take,  for  example,  the  clang  in  music.  This  we  all  recognize  as 
one  unique  individual;  and  it  is  only  with  practice  that  we  learn 
to  discriminate  some  of  the  tonal  qualities  within  the  whole.  In 
these  fusions  we  have  to  take  into  account  the  quahty  of  the  com- 
ponents, the  intensity  of  the  components,  and  the  number  of  the 
components.     This  we  must  do  also  in  social  fusion.     But  in  each 


22  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

case,  while  we  can  discriminate  complexity  within  the  fusion,  the 
whole  is  one  imique  individual;  and  the  quahties  which  we  dis- 
criminate within  the  situation  owe  their  character  in  part  to  the 
fusion.  While  we  can  identify  them,  they  are  not  a  mere  repetition 
of  the  qualities  in  their  separateness.  The  social  fusion  seems  as 
much  a  new  unity  as  the  individual  state  of  consciousness.  We 
must  be  pragmatic.  If  the  facts  indicate  such  social  fusion,  we  must 
acknowledge  it.  We  may  not  understand  the  how  of  it — the  spatial 
and  other  metaphysical  conditions  of  this  continuity.  But  we 
must  remember  that  we  have  the  same  problem  in  regard  to  physical 
interaction.  Spatial  continuity  has  not  been  proved  for  any  ener- 
tretic  interaction.  Atoms  or  electrons  are  not  absolutely  contigu- 
ous. An  absolutely  continuous  and  fluid  ether  is  indistinguishable 
from  empty  space.  A  rigid  ether  is  only  another  name  for  a  dy- 
namic field.  Somehow,  in  the  situation  of  sympathetic  abandon, 
fruitful  as  love's  embrace,  there  is  created  a  new  soul— an  inter- 
individual  mmd,  which,  once  it  is  born,  is  more  than,  or  at  any  rate 
different  from,  the  factors  which  are  its  antecedents  and  which 

blend  into  it. 

Instead  of  taking  as  our  illustration  a  specific  t>'pe  of  elementary 
state,  we  might  have  taken  the  individual  mind  as  such,  which  may 
be  considered  as  a  fusion  of  various  fields,  bound  up  with  different 
neural  substrates.  In  the  various  pathological  cases  of  divided 
selves  we  see  what  happens  when  there  is  functional  or  organic 
disconnectedness  of  centers.  The  continuum  of  the  individual 
mind  offers  the  same  problems  as  we  find  in  intersubjective  con- 
tinuity. It  is  just  as  great  a  mystery  that  part-minds  within  the 
individual  organism  can  fuse  into  one  as  that  these  individuals 
can  become  part-minds  within  the  larger  social  situation.  In  each 
case  the  part-minds  must  overflow,  and  ride  over,  intervening 
processes.  In  each  case  the  part-mind  must  be  more  than  itself 
in  order  to  function  within  a  common  unity.  The  fact  that  the 
fusion  is  more  constant  and  intense  within  the  individual  mind  is  a 
matter  of  degree,  not  of  difference  in  kind.  What  the  pathological 
cases  bring  out  is  that  normally  the  so-called  individual  self  is  in 
reality  a  colony  of  selves,  an  integration  of  systems  of  tendencies, 
fusing  more  or  less  into  a  common  field  and  to  a  greater  or  less 
extent  dominated  by  a  common  purpose. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  23 

If  we  now  take  account  of  the  individual  components  of  the 
fusion,  we  find  in  social  fusions  as  in  those  of  the  particular  con- 
sciousness that  the  quality  of  the  components  makes  a  difference. 
You  get  a  different  result  in  a  French  fusion  from  what  you  get  in 
an  Anglo-Saxon  fusion;  in  a  feminine  fusion  from  a  masculine 
fusion,  given  a  similar  situation.  A  ladies'  tea-party  is  different 
from  a  men's  smoker,  though  each  may  discuss  the  same  subject. 
Race  and  sex  seem  to  furnish  different  overtones,  even  as  different 
clangs  bring  a  different  character  to  the  compound  musical  result. 
Different  individuals  too  bring  a  different  quality  to  the  combined 
result.  This  is  true  particularly  in  deliberative  groups,  where  the 
individual  give-and-take  is  more  prominent  in  the  situation. 

Further,  we  must  take  account  of  the  intensity  of  the  factors 
in  the  fusion.  In  the  simple  musical  clang,  the  fundamental  by 
its  greater  intensity  gives  the  key  to  the  new  individual  unity.  In 
the  case  of  social  fusions,  too,  there  is  generally  some  one  element 
that  furnishes  the  character  to  the  whole;  some  volitional  factor 
by  its  strength  of  affirmation,  its  faith  in  the  issue,  counts  for  more 
than  the  other  confluent  factors  and  gives  the  key  to  the  whole. 
This  dominant  factor  we  call  the  leader  of  the  situation.  When  his 
will  overshadows  the  other  factors,  when  he  attracts  a  large  number 
to  himself  and  sways  them  for  a  sustained  period,  when  he  furnishes 
the  enthusiasm  which  makes  the  others  wilHng  to  follow  blindly  for 
weal  or  woe  and  to  the  extent  of  any  personal  sacrifice,  we  may 
call  the  leader  a  superman.  It  is  not  the  quality  of  the  will  that 
makes  the  superman,  but  the  intensity  of  his  affirmation.  The 
superman,  hke  Napoleon,  has  often  been  madly  selfish.  He  may 
employ  widely  different  means:  he  may  use  striking  metaphors; 
he  may  argue;  he  may  dogmatically  repeat;  he  may  simply  hurl 
his  emotional  weight  against  the  future.  In  any  case  it  is  his 
dominant  will  that  wins.  Whatever  means  he  uses^ — bullying  or 
argument  or  sympathetic  suggestion — he  somehow  possesses  the 
mystic  power  of  making  solvent  the  other  wills  in  the  situation. 

The  social  fusion,  however,  like  the  compound  clang  may  be  too 
complex  for  this  single  dominance.  In  a  deliberative  assembly, 
such  as  our  Continental  Congress  or  Constitutional  Assembly,  a 
group  of  minds  may  combine  on  the  basis  of  abstract  principles  to 
mold  the  whole  into  unity  with  themselves. 


24  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

In  social,  as  in  tonal  fusion,  the  number  of  components  must  be 
taken  into  account.  A  certain  social  fusion  of  an  intimate  kind 
takes  place  when  two  sympathetic  souls  meet  in  friendship  or  love. 
Such  a  fusion  is  impossible  with  additional  individual  factors, 
however  congenial  otherwise.  Three  make  a  different  crowd.  On 
the  other  hand,  when  the  appeal  is  to  certain  fundamental  instincts, 
such  as  pugnacity,  anger,  emulation,  or  pity,  and  where  the  over- 
tones of  human  nature,  instead  of  fusing,  are  inhibited,  the  release 
becomes  only  more  effective,  the  abandon  and  fusion  greater,  the 
volume  of  feeling  larger  for  the  larger  number  that  participates. 
The  city  baseball  crowd,  grown  enthusiastic  over  its  side  or  indig- 
nant at  the  umpire,  all  the  more  completely  forgets  itself  for  the 
immensity  of  the  number  that  touch  elbows;  the  solemnity  and 
suggestion  of  the  religious  occasion  only  gathers  impetus  and  devo- 
tion from  the  number  of  those  similarly  bent.  The  fundamental 
tendency  here,  so  strong  and  so  invariant  in  quality,  more  than 
grows  by  addition  of  separate  wills.  The  latent  energy  of  each  is 
released  by  the  presence  of  the  other  in  increasing  ratio  with  the 
confluence  of  the  tendencies  in  the  common  sea  of  interest.  The 
fundamental  is  not  a  limited  quantity  in  such  cases,  as  it  is  in 
music.  The  result  is  more  than  the  fusion  of  a  vast  number  of 
identical  or  similar  pre-existent  tones. 

Finally,  in  order  to  understand  the  social  fusion  we  must  take 
account  of  the  dominant  interest,  the  ruling  passion  or  set  of  the 
group.  Leader  and  led  alike  are  part  of  this  passion.  It  may  be 
the  illusion  of  military  power  and  glory  as  in  the  Napoleonic  age ; 
it  may  be  a  religious  passion  as  in  the  case  of  the  Crusades ;  it  may 
be  a  sense  of  outraged  justice  as  in  the  case  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  But  in  any  case  the  leader  as  well  as  the  led  are 
held  in  the  dynamic  circuit  of  one  field  of  interest.  They  are 
swayed  by  the  same  fundamental  emotion,  tapped  by  the  same 
situation.  If  the  crowd  is  the  victim  of  an  illusion,  so  is  the  leader 
and  with  far  greater  abandon.  It  is  the  fact  that  he  liberates 
this  fundamental  sentiment,  that  he  voices  the  passion  or  rationality 
of  the  group,  that  makes  him  a  leader.  The  strongest  individual 
affirmation,  even  with  divine  inspiration,  is  dashed  aside  for  the 
time  being,  when  it  runs  counter  to  this  dominant  tendency. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  25 

The  fact  that  the  leader  is  a  function  of  the  situation,  as  well  as 
a  dominant  exponent  of  it,  gives  rise  to  the  wide  divergence  of 
interpretation  as  regards  leadership  or  prestige.  To  some  he  seems 
a  mere  cork  floating  on  the  current  of  the  common  will;  to  others 
he  seems  the  entire  situation,  and  they  would  write  history  as  the 
biography  of  great  leaders.  Both  are  partly  wrong  and  partly  right. 
He  does  indicate  the  set,  which  holds  him  in  the  same  grasp  as  it 
holds  the  others.  He  expresses  a  situation.  But  he  is  not  a  mere 
cork.  He  contributes  volitional  definiteness  and  precipitating 
energy  to  the  set  to  a  greater  extent  than  the  other  factors.  He  is 
important,  therefore,  in  the  effectiveness  and  organization  of  the 
common  will.  Whether  he  is  a  creative  or  merely  explosive  factor 
depends  upon  what  he  brings  in  the  way  of  fundamental  insight, 
with  his  strength  of  affirmation. 

Since  the  social  situation  is  thus  analyzable  into  certain  condi- 
tions— quality,  intensity,  and  number,  with  the  set  or  field  of 
passionate  interest  in  which  they  figure — we  can  to  a  certain  extent 
predict  social  fusions  as  we  can  predict  tonal  fusions.  But  only 
empirically  and  partially.  In  tonal  harmonics  all  a  priori  theories 
have  failed.  We  must  take  account  of  the  creative  result,  the  new 
individual  unity  in  each  case,  and  this  can  be  done  only  by  direct 
intuition.  Our  prediction,  therefore,  can  go  no  farther  than  our 
empirical  control  of  the  situations.  In  the  case  of  the  social  situa- 
tions the  complexity  is  so  great  and  the  factors  so  variant  that  such 
control  and  prediction  is  at  best  merely  approximate.  We  may 
have  bodily  the  same  people,  the  same  leader,  the  same  issue,  yet 
time  may  entirely  alter  the  result.  Some  great  personalities  and 
some  permanent  issues  are  pretty  sure,  however,  to  produce  an 
intense  social  fusion.  Religion  and  the  great  ethical  issues  of  the 
race,  when  strongly  represented,  cannot  fail  to  produce  a  result. 
Fads  again  require  a  very  special  time  and  audience  to  get  a  sympa- 
thetic hearing.  As  the  mood  or  set  here  is  transient,  so  is  the  fusion 
contingent  and  ephemeral. 

It  will  appear  from  the  foregoing  that  there  may  be  varying 
degrees  of  social  fusion,  as  there  are  degrees  in  the  fusion  of  states 
in  what  we  can  sometimes  take  as  a  single  stream  of  consciousness. 
The  social  fusion  may  vary  in  focalization  all  the  way  from  active 


26  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

self-conscious  social  deliberation  to  the  hypnotic  abandon  of  the 
mob  or  the  entrancing  ecstasy  of  the  aesthete  or  mystic.  The 
activity  in  the  former  case,  the  solemn  argumentation  of  the  master- 
minds who  decided  on  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  is  a  socially 
centered  activity,  a  self-conscious  social  situation,  as  the  hypnotic 
case  is  a  passive  abandon  to  the  situation.  The  factors  in  each  case, 
however,  are  quite  oblivious  of  themselves— their  own  interest  or 
danger— they  are  dominated  by  the  common  situation.  It  was 
this  which  in  the  former  case  argued  through  each,  cast  about  for 
ways  and  means,  held  them  in  complete  subjection  to  its  own 
intensely  active  purpose. 

This  variation  in  the  type  of  attention  has  led  to  diverging 
theories  as  to  what  constitutes  social  unity.     Hegel  can  see  the 
social  only  in  the  rational,  the  common  burden  of  thought,  the 
articulate  sharing  of  a  common  plan.     For  him  social  consciousness 
must  finally  be  actively  focalized  or  self-conscious.     The  unmediate, 
the  merely  felt  or  sensed,  is  for  Hegel  the  private  and  particular. 
On  the  other  hand,  Tarde  and  Le  Bon  identify  the  social  fusion  with 
the  passive  abandon  of  the  crowd,  with  the  immersed  and  immediate 
h>T)notic  fusion,  with  its  exaggerated  suggestibiUty.     We  must 
recognize  that  these  are  extreme  types  while  there  exist,  between 
them,  all  the  variations  with  which  individualistic  psychology  has 
made  us  familiar.     As  over  against  the  tendency  today  to  call 
upon   the   subconscious   to    solve   all   knotty   problems,    Hegel's 
emphasis  shows  at  least  that  the  social  consciousness  need  not  be 
hopelessly  vague  and  diffuse  in  order  to  master  our  ideas  and  set 
free  our  energies.     We  may  be  socially  active  as  well  as  individually 
active.     Indeed,  individual  activity  resolves  itself  largely  into  the 
particular  pull  and  emphasis  which  we  exercise  in  the  variety  of 
social  situations  in  which  we  figure  or  at  any  rate  that  dominate 
our  thinking  as  to  how  we  would  want  to  figure.     Whether  either 
thinking  or  feeUng  particularize   or  socialize  depends  upon   the 
motive  or  situation  which  dominates  them. 

In  producing  the  hypnotic  fusion,  certain  conditions  have  been 
pointed  out  as  favorable,  such  as  the  inhibition  of  the  large  volun- 
tary movements,  the  control  of  breathing,  the  monotonous  fixing 
of  attention,  etc.     These  conditions  have  been  systematized  in  the 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  27 

mystic  oriental  religions  in  order  to  bring  about  union  with  Brahm 
or  disappearance  in  Nirvana.  But  these  are  merely  instruments 
after  all  and  rather  variable  instruments  at  best.  They  do  not 
account  for  the  fusion.  Religiously  speaking,  the  external  condi- 
tions are  but  outward  and  visible  signs.  The  inward  and  spiritual 
grace  of  union,  whether  friendship,  or  communion  with  God,  is 
a  creative  gift  which  we  must  acknowledge  and  appreciate  as  such. 
The  conditions  seem,  moreover,  to  conflict.  In  football  enthusi- 
asm and  religious  revivals,  free  play  of  reflexes  seems  to  give  an 
even  more  complete  fusion  than  their  inhibition. 

We  must  remember  finally  in  our  discussion  of  this  social  fusion 
that  it  is  not  a  mere  intellectual  fusion  of  sensations  and  ideas. 
It  may  not  be  this  at  all.  At  any  rate,  it  is  primarily  a  volunta- 
ristic  fusion — a  creative  unification  of  conative  tendencies,  whether 
of  the  instinctive  or  the  ideal  order.  These  voluntaristic  tendencies 
we  have  indeed  come  to  recognize  as  the  fundamental  aspect  of 
mind,  individual  or  social.  It  matters  not  how  many  eyes  may  be 
looking,  how  many  ears  may  be  hearing,  or  even  how  many  intel- 
lectual mechanisms  may  be  working  at  various  points  of  space  and 
in  connection  with  various  brains,  if  there  is  the  identical  tendency, 
the  coalescing  in  one  dynamic  field  of  the  various  conative  energies. 
When  minds  recognize  each  other's  presence  and  abandon  them- 
selves to  a  common  direction,  a  new  will  comes  into  existence  which 
is  a  different  individual  from  the  personal  wills. 

This  difference  shows  itself,  on  the  one  hand,  in  certain  releases 
of  energies  and,  on  the  other  hand,  in  certain  inhibitions.  The 
releases  are  along  the  impulsive  tendencies  which  have  to  do  with 
the  common  object.  New  levels  of  energy  are  tapped  by  the  inten- 
sity of  the  common  abandon.  With  this  goes  the  absence  of  any 
sense  of  personal  responsibility.  Inhibitions  are  swept  away  which 
have  held  these  tendencies  in  age-long  subjection.  With  the  impul- 
sive releases,  there  go,  on  the  intellectual  side,  greater  suggestibility 
and  credulity  along  the  common  direction.  These  may  even  take 
the  form  of  social  illusions  and  hallucinations  under  intense  condi- 
tions. With  the  releases,  too,  there  follow  the  emotional  elation 
of  invincible  power  and  the  feeling  of  intolerance  and  dictatorialness 
as  regards  any  interference  with  the  realization  of  the  heightened 


28  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

tendency — a  dogmatism  which  is  only  equaled  by  the  suggesti- 
bility and  mobility  within  the  accepted  direction.  The  same 
impulse,  which  releases  the  tendencies  that  are  germane  to  its  suc- 
cess, closes  the  channels  which  are  antagonistic,  so  far  as  the  fitness 
of  the  end  itself,  with  the  means  it  involves,  wins  unqualified 
approval.  What  in  the  usual  enumeration  seem  conflicting  and 
unrelated  qualities  thus  become  functions  of  the  same  conative 
control. 

Whether  we  take  social  fusions,  therefore,  from  the  intuitional 
point  of  view  of  the  participant  or  of  the  analysis  of  the  spectator, 
we  must  recognize  that  they  are  not  mere  collections  of  individual 
entities,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  they  very  much  exaggerate 
the  facts  of  interest  and  unity  as  we  find  them  in  personal  experi- 
ence. From  the  point  of  view  of  psychology  we  must,  therefore, 
take  account  of  social  minds  as  being  distinct  from  personal  and 
as  having  their  own  characteristics. 

We  have  dwelt  particularly  on  the  phenomena  of  fusion,  because 
they  seemed  to  furnish  the  most  important  case  for  our  purpose. 
But  we  might  have  taken  other  characteristics.  In  short,  whatever 
can  be  said  of  so-called  individual  minds  in  the  way  of  characteristics 
can  be  said  of  the  social  mind.  It  is  uniquely  selective  in  the  par- 
ticular situation  and  so  can  be  treated  as  a  subject.  It  has  its  own 
identity  of  traits  from  moment  to  moment  and  from  age  to  age. 
It  has  its  own  unique  type  of  unity,  whether  external  or  internal — 
association  by  contiguity  or  purposive  coherence.  We  must 
recognize  its  own  degree  of  freedom  or  restraint  under  varying 
situations,  according  as  it  acts  out  its  own  character  or  is  the  victim 
of  external  circumstances.  Instead  of  the  analogy  of  the  organism, 
therefore,  we  would  substitute  the  analogy  of  the  individual  as 
known  to  us  through  psychological  analysis.  This  analogy  can  be 
worked  out  into  such  detail  that  we  believe  that  whatever  reahty 
can  be  accorded  to  the  abstract  particular  mind  can  be  accorded 
to  the  social  mind. 

Another  way  of  approaching  the  reality  of  the  social  mind  is 
from  the  practical  relations  which  it  invites  or  which  it  makes 
obligatory  upon  us.  We  have  to  deal  in  a  very  different  way  with 
a  social  group  from  the  way  in  which  we  deal  with  single  individuals. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  29 

As  a  member  of  a  family,  a  state  or  a  church  we  have  to  deal  with  a 
man  differently  from  what  we  deal  with  him  in  his  abstract  isola- 
tion. We  must  take  account  of  the  common  bond  of  which  he  is 
a  part,  of  a  larger  will  which  will  approve  or  resent  the  conduct 
toward  a  member  as  a  conduct  toward  its  own  united  self.  Except 
for  this  respect  for  group  solidarity,  history,  both  personal  and 
national,  would  be  written  entirely  otherwise  from  what  it  is  now. 
From  our  own  practical  deaUngs,  therefore,  we  can  gain  insight 
into  the  reality  of  the  social  mind,  as  we  thus  gain  insight  into  the 
individual.  We  must  apply  our  pragmatic  principle  that  social 
minds  are  real,  if  we  must  take  them  as  real  in  the  practical  situa- 
tions of  life.  What  does  the  business  of  human  life  reveal  ?  What 
is  implied  in  our  fundamental  attitudes,  our  practical  faith  toward 
the  world  ?  We  must  follow  the  leading  of  experience  and  regard 
that  as  real  which  practical  human  experience  proves  real. 

Professor  Royce  has  shown  in  a  beautiful  and  convincing  way 
how  our  spontaneous  loyalty  may  be  the  means  of  gaining  insight 
into  reality.  This  is  true,  at  any  rate,  in  so  far  as  we  can  take  that 
reality  as  a  social  situation  and  can  recognize  its  spiritual  direction. 
Loyalty  is  not  merely  a  complex  of  emotions,  but  a  method  of 
conduct,  where  the  intention  is  being  continually  tested  by  its 
results.  "The  central  characteristic  of  the  loyal  spirit,"  says 
Royce,  "consists  in  the  fact  that  it  conceives  and  values  its  cause 
as  a  reality.'"  But  we  must  examine  carefully  the  implications 
of  this  loyalty  as  regards  the  causes  which  it  aims  to  realize  and 
which  fulfil  its  practical  and  affectional  intent.  What  causes  are 
those  that  we  can  love,  hate,  and  be  loyal  to,  as  genuine  psychologi- 
cal unities?  How  is  man's  instinctive  need  for  intimacy  made 
objective  in  his  environment  ? 

In  so  examining  the  implications  of  our  practical  attitudes, 
we  find  that  some  involve  mutual  sharing  or  overlapping  of  souls — 
a  unique  common  life  which  is  something  different  from  individuals 
as  taken  in  their  abstract  separation,  in  so  far  as  that  is  possible, 
or  at  any  rate  as  taken  in  other  social  contexts.  Take  loyalty 
to  friendship  as  an  example:  "Loyalty  to  a  friendship,"  says  Royce 
"involves  your  willingness  actively  and  practically  to  create  and 

'  William  James  and  Other  Essays,  p.  71. 


30  THE  A  M  ERIC  A  N  JOURNA  L  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

maintain  a  life  which  is  to  be  the  united  life  of  yourself  and  your 
friend — not  the  life  of  your  friend  alone,  nor  the  life  of  yourself 
and  your  friend  as  you  exist  apart,  but  the  common  life,  the  life 
above  and  inclusive  of  your  distinctions,  the  one  life  that  you  are 
to  live  as  friends.'"  Such  a  sacrament  of  friendship,  while  it  lasts, 
is  indeed  a  new  life,  a  spiritual  person.  Whether  it  is  better  or 
worse  than  either  individual  which  enters  into  the  fusion  depends 
upon  the  dominant  motive  or  character  which  is  brought  out  in 
this  common  life. 

The  attitude  of  loyalty  may  be  illustrated  in  various  unities 
of  ever-increasing  concreteness — the  family,  the  community,  the 
class,  the  state,  the  church,  etc.  In  each  case,  where  there  is  the 
concrete  spirit  of  loyalty,  we  have  faith  in,  and  evidence  of,  this 
larger  unity  which  is  somethmg  different  from  the  loyalty  to  the 
composing  individuals  and  where  conflicts  of  loyalty  are  no  longer 
mere  individual  preferences  or  dislikes.  Family  love  or  honor, 
natural  patriotism,  religious  devotion  imply  spiritual  unities, 
with  the  unique  restraints  and  inspirations  of  a  new  and  unique 
life. 

We  must  be  careful,  however,  not  to  confuse  mere  conventional 
or  legal  unity  with  the  sacrament  of  a  common  life.  People  may 
be  formally  married  without  being  a  family;  they  may  live  in  a 
country  and  even  hurrah  for  it  without  any  sense  of  its  common 
responsibilities  and  ideals;  they  may  belong  to  one  church  without 
entering  into  a  unity  of  devotion.  We  must  be  able  to  trace  a 
living  consciousness  of  loyalty  in  order  to  be  warranted  in  holding 
to  one  life,  just  as  an  individual  is  not  one  for  inhabiting  one  outward 
skin,  but  for  the  dominant  motive,  which  makes  the  various  tend- 
encies and  ideas  converge  in  one  direction.  Except  for  this  his 
name  may  be  legio. 

Again  we  must  be  careful  to  distinguish  potential  unity  from 
actual.  We  may  hope  that  there  may  be  a  thoroughgoing  spiritual 
unity  of  the  English-speaking  nations;  and  such  possibility  seems 
indeed  to  be  more  than  a  dream.  The  unity  of  humanity  is  at  best 
a  remote  potential  unity— an  abstract  ideal  which  we  hope  to  make 
concrete  in  the  long  ages.     It  lacks  at  present  both  the  outside  and 

'  William  James  and  Other  Essays,  p.  73. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  31 

visible  form  and  the  inward  and  spiritual  grace  of  one  spiritual 
person.  As  regards  our  unity  with  nature,  whatever  growing  sense 
of  co-operation  there  may  be  between  the  army  of  scientists  who 
try  to  write  its  story,  nature  itself  seems  to  lack  the  qualifications 
for  enteruig  into  sympathetic  social  union  with  man. 

It  is  different  with  the  religious  unity.  Here,  indeed,  our  loyalty 
implies  both  sentimentally,  and,  in  its  practical  results,  a  com- 
panionship, not  only  as  a  communion  of  the  faithful,  but  as  a 
union  with  the  divine  object  of  worship — the  more  and  better  of 
our  ideal  nature.  A  creative  union  is  implied  in  all  genuine  reli- 
gious loyalty  of  which  creeds  and  forms  are  mere  symbols.  In  true 
religious  devotion  there  arises  a  new  trinity,  the  divine  mind  meeting 
our  mind  in  a  new  bond,  where  indeed  the  higher  in  ourselves  is 
brought  into  significant  and  fruitful  relief.  This  is  merely  intensi- 
fied, not  more  real  nor  more  worshipful,  in  the  diffuse  mystic  states. 
Anarchism  is  wrong  both  as  a  psychology  and  as  a  practical 
estimate  of  human  nature.  We  are  more  than  separate  units. 
We  live  only  as  we  overlap,  as  we  fuse  with  other  souls  in  common 
pursuits  and  interests.  We  are  literally  members  one  of  another. 
This  common  sacramental  life  must  be  safeguarded  from  the  acci- 
dents of  human  history,  whether  from  indifference  and  disintegra- 
tion within  or  from  selfish  manipulation  from  without.  No  ideal 
realization  can  be  even  conceived  apart  from  social  relations, 
though  such  striving  may  be  out  of  tune  with  human  temporal 
conditions  and  may  find  its  only  sympathetic  complement  and 
inspiration  in  the  divine  Socius. 

The  social  mind,  further,  must  be  real  because  in  our  moments 
of  critical  evaluation— as  well  as  in  our  spontaneous  loyalty— it 
can  be  judged  as  a  moral  being,  i.e.,  it  is  subject  to  praise  and  blame, 
not  as  a  collection,  but  as  an  individual  character  or  type.  Indi- 
vidually we  may  admire  the  members  of  a  nation  which  we  condemn 
as  a  group.  Again  and  again  we  have  to  censure  our  neighbor  for 
what  he  is  in  his  larger  social  capacity— a  saloon-keeper,  a  pohtical 
grafter — though  in  his  narrower  social  circles  we  have  no  fault 
to  find  with  him. 

The  evaluation  which  we  place  upon  a  social  mind,  such  as  a 
nation,  differs  with  different  periods  of  a  nation's  development. 


32  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

In  one  period  of  a  nation's  development  it  is  power  which  furnishes 
the  dominant  motive  of  a  nation's  life.  Considerations  of  the  claims 
of  other  unities  in  such  a  period  have  no  weight.  Fear  of  conse- 
quences is  the  only  restraint  on  its  self-assertion.  At  this  very  time 
we  find  plenty  of  instances  where  the  love  of  power  is  dominant  and 
where  weaker  nations  can  be  protected,  if  at  all,  only  by  a  combina- 
tion which  inspires  fear.  The  dismemberment  of  African  Turkey 
is  an  instance  where  the  restraint  of  fear  did  not  exist;  and  the 
averting  of  a  European  war  over  the  spoils  was  due  merely  to  a 
combination  of  powers  which  made  the  conflict  too  dangerous  to 
the  would-be  contestants. 

Sometimes  the  commercial  motive  is  the  dominant  one,  and  at 
the  present  time  it  is  often  the  deeper  motive  which  underlies  the 
conflict  over  spheres  of  influence.  Such  a  motive,  when  it  dare  not 
force  territory,  may  force  upon  a  weaker  nation  its  products — some- 
times injurious  products  as  in  the  case  of  the  opium  traffic  in  the 
Orient. 

Sometimes  the  dominant  motive  is  material  comfort,  which 
soon  degenerates  into  internal  weakness  and  debauchery.  This 
is  the  most  debasing  of  all  motives  in  society  as  in  individuals,  and 
soon  leads  to  decay  and  dissolution,  even  if  external  causes  do  not 
bring  the  existence  of  such  a  state  to  an  end. 

The  motives  of  which  we  have  spoken  so  far  are  not  ethical. 
They  may  be  non-moral,  when  they  have  no  moral  sentiment  for  a 
background.  They  become  immoral  when  a  society  violates  its 
better  consciousness  of  fitness  and  right.  Nations,  however,  like 
individuals  may  be  dominated  by  a  moral  motive,  even  if  this  motive 
is  not  clear  and  distinct.  There  is  at  the  present  time  a  powerful 
idealistic  undercurrent  in  many  a  nation  which  sometimes  comes 
into  the  focus  of  its  activity  and  dominates  its  conduct.  The 
reforms  going  on  within  various  nations  for  equal  rights  before  the 
law,  for  mutual  service  as  between  classes  of  society,  in  a  word 
for  internal  democracy  of  life,  are  signs  of  how  vigorous  this  ethical 
consciousness  is  at  the  present  time.  Nor  are  signs  wanting  of 
an  ethical  consciousness  as  between  nations.  The  settling  of  an 
impending  war  between  the  two  sister-nations  of  Sweden  and  Nor- 
way by  means  of  the  discussion  and  recognition  of  fraternal  claims 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  33 

instead  of  by  arms;  the  policy  of  fair  play  instituted  by  John  Hay 
as  regards  the  Orient  and  its  powerful  international  effect;  the 
pending  of  general  arbitration  treaties  as  between  nations — all 
show  the  deeper  idealism  of  our  day,  however  much  it  is  sometimes 
obscured  by  passion  and  prejudice  and  however  easy  is  the  relapse 
to  the  primitive  impulsive  levels.  Just  because  the  ethical  con- 
sciousness of  the  nation  is  so  recent,  relapse  is  still  to  be  feared, 
especially  in  the  absence  of  any  other  effective  sanction  than 
national  and  concerted  international  force.  There  are,  however, 
unmistakable  signs  of  the  spread  of  an  international  democracy 
outwitting  political  states,  especially  in  the  growing  consciousness 
of  the  international  solidarity  of  education,  of  labor,  of  capital,  of 
justice.  This  is  greatly  assisted,  as  between  the  English-speaking 
nations,  by  the  ties  of  kinship  of  institutions  and  blood. 

The  motives  in  these  days  of  complex  life  are  of  course  mixed. 
And  it  is  not  always  easy  for  the  critic,  and  it  is  still  more  difficult 
for  the  agent,  to  realize  which  motive  is  uppermost.  In  the  blind- 
ness of  human  nature  and  the  glamor  of  primitive  passion,  we  often 
misjudge  our  motives  as  nations,  as  well  as  individuals.  What  we 
want  to  do  intensely  easily  comes  to  seem  to  ourselves  a  question 
of  right,  and  not  of  primitive  irrationality.  And  as  spectators,  we 
may  easily  be  blinded  by  our  own  national  prejudices  in  judging 
another  national  consciousness.  At  any  rate,  the  very  attempt  on 
the  part  of  nations  today  to  make  their  conduct,  as  regards  both 
internal  and  external  relations,  seem  ethical  to  the  spectator  shows 
the  growing  power  of  the  ethical  motive. 

I  might  have  selected  the  family  or  the  community  instead 
of  the  nation  in  illustrating  this  judgment  of  motives  on  the  part  of 
social  minds.  The  nation,  however,  has  the  advantage  of  staging 
this  consciousness  in  the  large.  And  right  now  it  has  the  advantage 
of  a  greater  sense  of  reality  as  shown  in  the  intense  nationalism 
which  prevails  at  present  both  in  the  dealings  with  the  rest  of  the 
world  and  in  dealings  with  internal  problems.  The  family  con- 
sciousness has  not  shown  corresponding  development.  The  family 
in  trying  to  pass  from  the  primitive  bonds  of  dependence  and  vested 
authority  to  the  ethical  stage  is  in  a  serious  state  of  disintegration. 
In  spite  of  the  ancient  character  of  this  social  bond,  the  attempt 


34  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

to  apply  ethical  standards  is  comparatively  recent.  And  even  now 
the  light  manner  in  which  the  family  is  treated  by  one  part  of 
humanity  and  the  attempt  by  another  part  to  enforce  an  artificial 
unity  in  violation  of  all  fundamental  moral  claims  shows  that  the 
ethical  consciousness  is  far  from  thorough. 

The  community  consciousness,  especially  the  city  community, 
has  made  tremendous  progress  in  recent  years  from  the  mere  col- 
lective, laissez  /aire  ideal  and  that  of  non-moral  motives  such  as 
numbers  and  wealth  to  a  more  idealistic  level  of  dealing  squarely 
with  internal  problems  for  the  good  of  the  whole  community. 
More  and  more  the  sense  of  responsibility  has  increased ;  and  with 
it  has  come  corresponding  simphfication  and  organization  of  the 
institutional  instruments  of  the  community.  A  new  soul  is  being 
born,  at  least  in  a  number  of  instances — the  community  soul. 

The  church  is  passing  through  a  similar  transition  from  a  tradi- 
tional consciousness  to  a  consciousness  of  thoughtful  ethical  valua- 
tion of  its  life  and  functions.  It  is  no  longer  a  case  of  mere  loyalty 
to  a  past,  however  glorious  and  sacred,  with  its  host  of  witnesses, 
but  there  is  a  deepening  sense  of  responsibiHty  to  the  cause  of 
righteousness  as  made  concrete  in  the  whole  range  of  human 
problems.  Loyalty  to  linguistic  symbols  and  aesthetic  forms  is 
becoming  secondary  to  the  desire  for  improvement  and  democracy 
in  our  human  relations.  With  this  goes  a  larger  sympathy  and 
sense  of  unity  between  the  different  religious  communions  in  the 
service  of  a  common  ideal. 

THE   COMPLEXITY  OF   SOCIAL  MIND 

When  it  comes  to  the  complexity  of  social  reactions,  William 
James,  even  if  dealing  with  the  problem  from  the  point  of  view  of 
individualistic  psychology,  is  strildngly  true  to  the  facts:  "A 
person  generally  shows  a  different  side  of  himself  to  each  one  of 
different  groups.  Many  a  youth,  who  is  demure  enough  to  his 
parents  and  teachers,  swears  and  swaggers  like  a  pirate  among  his 
tough  young  friends.  We  do  not  show  ourselves  to  our  children 
as  to  our  club  companions,  to  the  customers  as  to  the  laborers  we 
employ,  to  our  own  masters  and  employers  as  to  our  intimate 
friends.     From  this  there  results  what  is  practically  a  division  of 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  35 

the  man  into  several  selves."'  These  several  selves,  however, 
must  not  be  taken  as  entities,  limited  to  one  body.  They  are  rather 
social  intersection  points,  dififerent  types  of  social  continuities. 
The  various  social  situations  cut  the  personal  selves  in  different 
planes;  they  liberate,  and  make  confluent,  different  levels  of  tend- 
ency and  so  produce  different  controls  and  fusions. 

In  contrast  with  the  creative  physical  situation,  which  is  appar- 
ently exclusive  of  other  situations,  so  that  the  chemical  element 
can  figure  in  only  one  situation  at  a  time,  the  social  unities  are  inter- 
penetrative; they  are  not  spatially  and  temporally  exclusive.  The 
same  instinctive  center  may  and  does  figure  in  a  large  number  of 
social  minds  at  the  same  time,  even  though  one  of  these  may  give 
the  dominant  tone  for  the  time  being.  This  makes  life  vastly  more 
complex  than  the  old  individualistic  atomism  could  grasp.  This 
also  makes  it  of  momentous  significance  in  what  social  situations 
the  instinctive  center  of  mind  figures.  We  must  try  to  create  and 
control  social  situations,  in  order  that  we  may  emerge  with  the 
desired  social  atmosphere.  And  the  more  responsive  mind  is  to 
such  social  confluences,  the  more  jealously  we  must  guard  the 
social  situations,  with  their  soul,  since  they  largely  make  the  indi- 
vidual soul.  Enthusiasm  and  abandon,  such  as  youth  alone  is 
capable  of,  mean  the  most  complete  making-over,  moral  or  immoral, 
refined  or  gross,  of  the  unstable  individual  center.  We  can  see  the 
brutality  of  the  arena,  the  association  with  Lincoln,  the  image  of 
the  Christ  in  every  feature  of  the  exposed  soul.  And  the  individual 
if  he  knows  himself  must  say,  I  am  no  longer  I,  my  past  mind,  but 
the  social  mind  to  which  I  abandoned  myself,  which  I  helped  to 
create,  but  which  has  more  truly  created  me. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  our  classifying  these  social  minds 
as  religious,  political,  etc.,  is  merely  a  matter  of  abstract  genera. 
Each  social  situation  has  its  own  unique  mind,  which  persists 
with  its  individual  traits,  and  interpenetrates  into  the  further 
flow  of  Ufe.  Here,  too,  we  must  get  over  our  abstractness  and  come 
back  to  first  things.  And  here  again  we  must  select  and  guard, 
not  the  genus  merely,  but  the  soul  of  the  individual  occasion  with 
its  creative  and  persistent  life.     There  is  not  religion,  but  religious 

'  Principles  of  Psychology,  I,  293. 


36  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

situations,  each  with  its  soul,  as  unique  in  its  origin  as  it  is  lasting, 
once  it  is  brought  into  existence.  Into  whatever  new  contexts 
the  abstract  individuals  may  enter,  they  carry  the  atmosphere  with 
them,  more  or  less,  of  the  social  minds  thus  originated.  These 
cumulate,  more  or  less  effectively,  as  part  of  the  individual  and  social 
structure  and  so  condition  our  reactions  in  the  future  social  situa- 
tions into  which  we  may  enter.  The  actions  of  individuals  will  be 
restrained  or  set  free  by  virtue  of  this  coexistence  and  interpene- 
tration  of  social  unities  of  which  they  are  a  part.  Thus  the  dra- 
matic religious  situation,  like  a  pervasive  melody,  still  holds  them, 
perhaps  in  their  workaday  business,  perhaps  in  their  play,  so  as  to 
modify  and  control  their  conduct.  The  conduct  of  the  individual 
must  be  written  largely  as  the  result  of  the  conflict,  interaction, 
and  subordination  of  these  social  minds,  which  interpenetrate 
in  his  life.  Self-conscious  personality  itself  seems  little  more  than 
the  making  explicit,  and  volitionally  effective,  this  clashing  and 
subordination  of  social  values,  good  or  bad.  The  ancients  felt 
a  spirit  for  each  situation  in  nature,  a  continuous  presence  with 
which  they  must  deal,  friendly  or  unfriendly.  We  must  at  least 
learn  to  find  this  creative  presence  in  our  social  situation  and  learn 
to  control  its  value  and  thereby  control  our  own  individual  value. 

Since  social  continuities  intersect  individual  centers  in  an  in- 
definite number  of  planes;  since,  moreover,  once  created,  they  tend 
to  persist  and  interpenetrate  in  a  cumulative  life,  we  can  see  that 
social  minds  are  vastly  more  numerous  than  personal  minds.  The 
same  person,  so-called,  belongs  in  an  indefinite  number  of  unities, 
more  or  less  distinct,  more  or  less  persistent,  but  never  quite  dis- 
appearing. 

How  many  social  unities  an  individual  comes  to  recognize  in 
his  loyalty  or  his  aversion  depends  upon  his  instinctive  qualifica- 
tions, on  the  one  hand,  and  the  range  of  social  stimuli,  on  the 
other  hand.  The  former  are  largely  constant  in  the  race.  It  is  the 
latter  which  vary.  But  if  they  vary,  they  are  also  to  some  extent 
under  our  control.  We  are  reminded  of  a  friend  of  Lincoln  who 
sent  his  secretary  to  Lincoln  just  to  stay  there  for  a  time  and 
who  said  on  the  man's  return,  "I  can  see  it,  you  have  been  with 
Lincoln." 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  37 

The  number,  extent,  and  range  of  social  minds  cannot  be  esti- 
mated merely  from  the  unities  which  we  actually  do  acknowledge 
or  are  loyal  to  at  any  one  time.  We  must  estimate  such  realities, 
as  we  estimate  the  reahties  of  the  physical  world,  from  the  extent 
and  kind  of  situations  which  we  can  and  must  acknowledge  in  the 
course  of  our  individual  and  racial  development.  The  abstract 
individual,  when  unmindful  of  this  living  relation  within  different 
social  minds,  becomes  himself  a  specialized  social  abstraction,  as  is 
so  often  the  case  in  our  modern  division  of  labor. 

If  the  social  continuities  intersect  individuals  in  various  planes, 
within  which  the  individual  must  discover  his  meaning,  it  is  also 
true  that  a  personal  will  may  come  to  dominate  the  whole  current 
of  a  social  history.  The  great  personalities  of  history  stamp  upon 
their  social  period  their  creative  faith.  Whole  eras  rightly  bear 
the  name  of  some  great  genius  who  thus  focuses  and  in  a  measure 
directs  the  stream  of  history  which  runs  through  him  and  carries 
him  onward.  And  so  we  speak  of  a  Copernican  era,  a  Napoleonic 
era,  a  Darwinian  era,  etc. 

In  the  evolution  of  social  minds,  as  in  the  case  of  individual, 
nature  seems  to  strive,  in  the  midst  of  the  fluctuations,  to  develop 
and  preserve  certain  distinct  types — types  of  race  mind,  of  national 
mind,  of  family  minds,  of  religious  minds,  etc.  The  Hebrew  mind 
is  a  distinct  entity  from  the  Greek  mind,  as  shown  in  the  genius 
of  its  creativeness.  But  the  Hebrew  mind  itself  is  a  unification  of 
similar  tribal  types.  The  various  Protestant  denominations  are 
merging  into  a  more  general  type  with  a  fusion  of  differences  as 
contrasted  with  the  distinct  CathoHc  type  of  Christianity.  This 
tendency  to  fix  clear  and  distinct  types  of  ideals  goes  on  until  some 
fresh  social  contact  starts  anew  this  process  of  give  and  take,  or 
some  genius  with  strong  will  creates  a  new  mutation,  which  in 
turn  must  run  the  gauntlet  of  survival.  Periods  of  mutation, 
moreover,  and  periods  of  simpHcation  seem  to  follow  each  other 
in  a  certain  rhythm  in  history.  The  growing  uniformity  of  the 
Middle  Ages  is  followed  by  the  creative  richness  of  the  Renaissance 
and  the  Reformation. 

While  we  are  likely  to  look  upon  social  minds  as  merely  transi- 
tive, as  vanishing  with  the  situation  from  which  the  individuals 


38  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

emerge,  they  obey  the  same  laws  of  cumulative  interpenetration  as 
particular  minds.  The  former  may  have  the  greater  permanency; 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  vicissitudes  and  the  coming  and  going  of 
abstract  individuals,  they  may  continue  their  living  reality — not 
merely  the  outward  form — from  generation  to  generation  in  the 
nation,  the  family,  the  community,  the  church,  etc.  Here,  too, 
there  is  a  survival  struggle  for  dominance.  Neither  in  individual 
nor  in  social  history  is  the  conservation  of  values  indiscriminate  and 
absolute.  In  the  successive  overlapping,  as  well  as  in  simultaneous 
fusion,  there  is  emphasis  and  oblivescence ;  some  factors  count 
for  more.  Some  motif  dominates  the  melody  of  each  historic 
stream.  Thus  perished  a  large  part  of  Greek  civilization  because 
the  interest  had  shifted.  This  motif  may  persist  generation  after 
generation,  guiding  or  prejudicing  the  current  of  life.  Nor  is  the 
social  mind,  once  it  exists,  dependent  upon  the  individual  factors 
involved  in  its  creation.  While  individual  minds  are  necessary 
conditions  at  the  birth,  yet  the  social  mind  is  something  more  than 
the  abstract  individuals.  It  has  a  unique  reality  of  its  own. 
This  may.  continue  to  exist  independently  of  individual  bearers, 
carried  on  physically  by  the  manuscript,  marble,  tools,  etc.,  but 
imbedded  and  swept  on  all  the  while  in  the  evolutionary  process 
of  the  universe.  We  may  as  finite  histories  connect  with  it  after 
a  long  interval  of  time.  Yet  when  we  come  upon  it,  or  are  enveloped 
by  it,  we  must  recognize  its  uniqueness,  its  reality,  as  it  enters  into 
living  relation  with  ourselves,  even  as  our  experiences  before  going 
to  sleep  connect  with  our  waking  life.  It  may  again  sway  our 
conduct,  as  the  Greek  mind  did  the  Renaissance,  even  though  it 
has  been  as  buried  as  the  civilization  of  the  Hittites.  Thus  social 
divisions  of  mind  may  be  functionally  reunified  as  are  sometimes 
divided  individual  minds. 

Again  social  minds  awaken  and  come  to  a  recognition  of  their 
own  meaning  in  the  stresses  and  strains  of  experience  as  do  indi- 
vidual minds.  Dormant  patriotism  bursts  into  passionate  loyalty, 
the  feeling  of  family  love  and  honor  into  its  devoted  sacrifice. 
Over  vast  stretches  of  time  the  social  consciousness  awakes  and 
discovers  its  own  fundamental  direction  in  the  stream  of  historic 
change  and  cries:  Be  Hebrew,  be  Greek,  be  British. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  39 

This  has  tremendous  practical  significance.  The  spirit  of  the 
nation  or  the  institution — its  identity  and  evolution — is  not  a  mere 
fiction.  It  is  the  living  creative  process  in  which  individual  minds 
are  bathed  and  without  which  they  are  abstractions.  This  psychic 
unity  may  be  more  real  and  permanent  than  biological  heredity. 
It  constitutes  an  important  survival  condition  of  the  latter.  It 
furnishes  the  real  basis  for  the  communion  of  the  saints,  for  the 
sacramental  relation  of  the  present  with  the  past  by  means  of  which 
the  present  becomes  more  than  flesh  of  its  flesh — it  becomes  soul 
of  its  soul  in  living  vital  continuity,  as  it  contributes  to  the  growth 
of  this  social  mind  and  incarnates  its  meaning. 

It  is  not  uncommon  for  a  social  mind  which  has  reached  its 
maturity  under  its  own  historic  conditions  to  be  grafted  by  imita- 
tion upon  a  new  people.  Thus  the  religious  mind  of  the  ancient 
Hebrews  has  been  grafted  upon  the  Teutons,  until  their  own 
primitive  religion  seems  foreign  to  them.  It  must,  however,  be 
noticed  that  the  mind  thus  grafted,  while  it  has  continuity  with  the 
past,  comes  to  have  a  new  consciousness,  becomes  a  new  social  mind; 
the  fruit  has  a  new  flavor,  however  faithful  in  many  ways  to  the 
original  type. 

It  has  been  laid  down  by  Tarde  as  a  law  that  collective  imita- 
tion proceeds  from  within  outward.  That  means  that  ideas  and 
sentiments  are  imitated  before  outward  forms.  The  reverse  of  this 
would  seem  to  be  the  law,  at  any  rate  on  the  conventional  level  of 
imitation.  The  African  chieftain  has  imitated  the  dress  coat 
without  any  conception  of  European  ideas.  The  Goths  imitated 
the  external  forms  of  politics  and  reUgion,  long  before  they  could 
enter  into  the  spirit  of  the  ideas  of  the  civilization  which  they 
supplanted.  The  immigrant  imitates  our  clothes  and  manners, 
before  he  understands  our  language.  The  Japanese  have  imitated 
the  militarism  and  commercialism  of  the  Occident,  but  the  religious, 
artistic,  and  ethical  ideals  of  the  West  have  had  comparatively  little 
influence  upon  them.  On  the  conventional  level,  whether  in  the 
case  of  individuals  or  groups,  we  imitate  what  has  prestige.  It  is 
different  on  the  rational  level.  Here  social  minds,  like  individuals, 
imitate  discriminate^,  with  reference  to  intrinsic  values  instead 
of  external  associations.     It  is  in  this  analytical  way  that  Japan  is 


40  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

imitating  Western  science  and  hygiene,  whatever  their  national 
prejudices  in  general  may  be.  The  conventional,  non-reflective 
type,  however,  still  largely  dominates  even  civilized  nations. 
Hence  the  craze  for  fashions  and  dreadnoughts. 

Social  minds  have  their  own  consciousness  of  famiUarity  as  have 
individual  minds.  In  fact  the  category  of  identity  is  primarily  a 
social  category  and  only  secondarily  a  category  of  individual 
consciousness.  We  recognize  our  common  memories.  We  feel  a 
coziness  in  each  other's  presence  as  contrasted  with  the  novelty 
of  the  first  meeting.  In  the  midst  of  the  differences  we  recognize 
the  sameness;  and  welcome  or  reject  this  past  in  accordance  with 
its  own  value  and  its  setting  within  intervening  experiences.  The 
mere  fact  of  having  a  common  country  or  even  the  use  of  a  common 
language  may  give  us  an  intense  sense  of  familiarity  when  we 
meet  in  a  strange  environment. 

We  have  particularly  a  strong  sense  of  ease  and  security  when  we 
move  within  the  traditions  of  the  past,  when  we  recognize  the  old 
landmarks  within  the  journey  of  our  social  thinking.  The  strength 
of  this  tone  of  familiarity  is  especially  strong  on  its  negative  side. 
The  new  discoveries,  suggestions,  and  hypotheses  upset  society. 
They  call  forth  bitter  attacks.  They  jeopardize  the  individual's 
position  and  social  standing,  if  no  longer  his  life.  The  vehemence 
of  the  resentment  is  in  proportion  to  the  momentousness  of  the 
issues  involved.  It  is  strongest  where  the  religious  sentiment  is 
brought  into  play,  which  may  be  by  very  remote  and  external 
associations,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Copernican  and  Darwinian 
upheavals.  Hence  the  wise  innovator  strives  to  relate  the  new 
to  the  old,  to  put  conventional  humanity  at  ease  by  making  them 
recognize  the  identity  in  the  growth— the  fulfilment  of  the  law 
and  the  prophets.  And  so  in  a  time  of  political  unrest,  the  would- 
be  reformers  fall  back  upon  the  Lincolnian  ideals. 

Social  minds,  too,  fuse,  even  as  individual  minds,  and  in  accord- 
ance with  the  same  laws.  Here,  also,  there  is  the  inhibition  of 
certain  factors  by  the  dominance  of  certain  other  factors.  Here, 
too,  the  intensity  of  affirmation  on  the  part  of  one  factor  gives 
character  to  the  new  and  larger  social  unity.  Here,  also,  the 
volume  of  the  suggestion  in  a  certain  direction  tends  to  sweep 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  41 

away  inhibitions.  It  is  hard  for  a  small  group  to  retain  its  indi- 
vidual characteristics  within  a  large  one,  unless  it  can  maintain 
an  artificial  isolation.  This  may  be  an  isolation  from  communica- 
tion as  in  moimtainous  regions  or  a  psychological  isolation  as  in  the 
case  of  persecution. 

It  has  long  been  recognized  that  social  minds  may  overlap  in  a 
hierarchy  of  greater  and  greater  comprehensiveness.  Just  as  the 
family  includes  abstract  individuals,  so  families  are  included  within 
communities,  communities  within  states,  and  states  may  figure 
in  larger  schemes  of  industrial,  educational,  and  military  co- 
operation. For  Hegel  the  history  of  humanity  is  a  unity  inclusive 
of  states;  and  this  history  again  is  but  the  temporal  staging  of  the 
eternal  life  of  the  absolute.  For  Fechner  the  earth  soul  is  a  more 
comprehensive  soul  than  the  various  souls  which  are  part  of  our 
sphere  and  in  turn  this  exists  within  gallaxies  of  souls  until  we  reach 
the  inclusive  soul  of  the  universe. 

Two  points  must  be  kept  in  mind  in  such  generalizations  of 
social  minds.  In  the  first  place,  we  must  be  careful  to  follow  the 
lead  of  experience.  If  social  mind  means  the  conscious  abandon 
of  minds  to  a  common  direction,  we  cannot  even  now  speak  of 
hiraianity  as  one  social  unity,  even  though  possible  in  the  future. 
When  we  come  to  nature,  as  for  instance  our  earth,  our  definition  of 
social  mind  seems  still  less  applicable.  We  fall  here  into  vague 
impersonal  abstractions.  Analogies  of  any  definite  kind  fail  us. 
In  so  far  as  they  are  applicable,  they  seem  to  point  the  other  way. 
As  the  movements  of  the  earth  are  mathematically  simple  and 
stereotyped,  they  correspond  at  best  to  the  habitual  and  automatic 
in  our  experience.  A  large  part  of  the  earth  does  not  give  evidence 
of  mentaHty  at  all,  and  there  is  no  reason,  therefore,  to  suppose  that 
the  earth  as  a  whole  or  any  gallaxies  of  cosmic  masses  have  minds 
corresponding  to  them. 

In  the  second  place,  we  must  remember  that  passing  from 
a  smaller  to  a  more  comprehensive  unity  is  not  a  merely  quantitative 
affair.  It  is  not  a  case  of  the  mere  shifting  of  attention  or  perspec- 
tive, so  as  to  bring  within  attention  larger  and  larger  fields  which 
existentially  are  one  continuum  of  statically  related  facts.  The 
''compounding"  of  minds  is  creative,  not  merely  a  case  of  more 


42  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

extensive  awareness.  Each  social  situation,  like  each  chemical 
compound,  must  be  understood  as  such  and  empirically.  So  with 
each  recompounding  of  social  unities.  They  mean  new  social 
minds  with  new  properties.  This  does  not  mean  that  they  are 
private.  They  can  be  understood  and  predicted  in  their  creative 
interactions,  but  they  must  be  understood  a  posteriori.  Each 
social  mind  is  a  unique  result  of  fusing  impulses,  not  a  mere  intel- 
lectual map  which  can  be  passed  over  in  smaller  or  larger  relations 
at  will.  In  his  theory  of  the  recompounding  of  consciousness, 
William  James,  following  Fechner,  seems  to  hold  that  smaller  fields 
can  be  taken  over  into  larger  in  a  purely  neutral  way,  it  making  no 
difference  to  the  inner  nature  of  the  smaller  configurations  that  they 
are  thus  taken  over  and  pooled  in  the  larger  mind.  While  he  relied 
on  the  subconscious  and  mystical  for  this  taking-over,  instead  of 
relying  on  logical  implication  as  has  that  speculative  idealism  which 
he  combated  to  the  end,  yet  he  seems  to  agree  with  the  latter  doc- 
trine that  the  case  of  the  separation  of  the  smaller  from  the  larger 
field  amounts,  on  the  part  of  the  smaller,  merely  to  the  shifting 
of  the  threshold  of  attention,  while  on  the  part  of  the  larger  it  means 
a  taking-over  and  coexistence  of  the  smaller  within  its  comprehen- 
sive perspective  of  relationships.  Both  of  these  conditions — the 
receding  of  the  threshold  and  the  taking-over — he  believes  to  be 
illustrated  pre-eminently  by  religious  experience  of  which  mysticism 
is  for  him  the  most  characteristic  type.  In  a  small  way,  it  is  illus- 
trated by  our  ordinary  taking-over  of  smaller  fields,  as  when  for 
example  the  dog's  experience  in  our  library  is  taken  over  into  our 
significant  relationships. 

This  view  of  mind  assumes  that  mind  consists  of  intellectual 
constellations  of  content  which  can  be  taken  over  again  and  again 
and  whose  fringes  only  carry  us  into  further  external  relations  such 
as  the  widening  fields  of  memory.  It  neglects  the  deeper  side  of 
mind,  that  of  volitional  energy.  While  we  may  state  mind,  as 
we  have  seen,  in  terms  of  fusion,  it  must  be  in  terms  of  creative 
volitional  fusion,  not  merely  in  terms  of  sensations  and  ideas. 
This  does  not  mean  that  experience  is  made  up  of  absolute  private 
circles  of  consciousness,  as  James  himself  at  one  time  seemed  to 
hold,  but  it  means  that  mental  situations  like  all  energetic  situa- 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  43 

tions  must  be  understood  empirically  and  that  prediction  is  pos- 
sible only  as  we  learn  a  posteriori  to  abstract  certain  constant  and 
controlHng  factors  in  recurring  similar  situations.     A  social  mind 
is  not  a  mere  taking-over  of  the  abstract  individual  contents  a,  b, 
c,  etc. ,  as  blocks  with  a  new  external  context.     It  means  a  new  voli- 
tional'unity  which  must  be  understood  as  such.     And  if  there  is  a 
more  comprehensive  social  mind,  such  as  the  divine  mind,  here  too, 
as  indeed  is  known  in  our  religious  consciousness,  we  have  not 
merely  a  neutral  recompounding  of  our  finite  minds  in  a  larger 
constellation,  such  as  our  external  mathematical  perspectives  have 
made  us  famihar  with;   but  we  have  a  unique  creative  synthesis 
which  must  be  appreciated  as  such  and  cannot  be  stated  as  merely 
an  extension  of  our  workaday  unities.    Whether  it  is  sincere  prayer, 
or  solemn  moral  tightening,  or  mystical  elation,  the  man  of  this 
world  knows  it  not  except  in  an  external  way.     It  cannot  be 
translated  into  content  of  eye  and  ear  nor  into  the  narrow  cate- 
gories of  the  worldly  heart,  though  it  is  perfectly  understandable  by 
those  who  have  entered  into  the  divine  communion  themselves. 
You  might  as  well  try  to  resolve  love  into  pressure,  motor  and 
vascular  sensations  to  the  man  who  has  not  experienced  it,  as  try 
to  recompound  the  worldly  man  into  the  reUgious  consciousness. 
In  either  case,  what  is  recompounded  is  but  the  superficial  intel- 
lectual aspect  of  the  situation,  not  its  deeper  volitional  and  emo- 
tional value.     The  creative  view  of  situations,  with  its  impHed 
empiricism  as  regards  knowledge,  must  be  maintained  throughout 
the  hierarchy  of  mind.     The  larger  mind  may  intersect  the  indi- 
vidual centers  at  a  different  level  from  that  of  the  less  extensive 
social  minds.     The  dominant  direction  or  interest  may  be  different. 
While  within  the  national  mind  the  smaller  group-minds,  such  as 
families  and  neighborhoods,  must  overlap  in  a  certain  respect, 
there  may  be   temporary   conflicts.     War  sacrifices   the  famOy. 
Sectional  interests  are  sometimes  brought  into  jeopardy  by  the 
national  will.     In  any  case  a  compound  of  compounds  does  not  in 
the  case  of  society,  any  more  than  in  chemistry,  need  to  mean  a 
summing-up  of  the  characteristics  of  the  smaller  units. 

The  unity  of  the  Absolute,  if  it  exists,  is  s,o  intimate  and  solvent 
that  all  other  minds,  individual  and  social,  are  merged  into  its 


44  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

one  field,  be  that  logical  or  aesthetic.  The  Absolute  tolerates  no 
unities  but  its  own.  The  others  are  fragments  at  best  of  what 
a  fuller  insight  reveals  as  one  and  unique.  It  gives  rise  to  only  one 
immense  fusion.  Our  failure  to  know  this  completely,  we  are  told, 
is  merely  a  limitation  of  our  attention.  The  field  is  eternally 
complete.  In  our  practical  life,  however,  we  must  recognize  a 
number  of  individual  fusions  in  which  we  must  empirically  share 
in  various  degrees  and  in  various  bonds  in  order  to  live  life  reason- 
ably and  efficiently. 

Inclusion  within  a  social  unity,  finally,  does  not  mean  that  every- 
thing pertaining  to  the  factors  within  the  group  is  shared.  As  in 
the  fusion  of  contexts  within  the  particular  mind  only  the  relevant 
aspects  enter  into  the  fusion,  so  in  the  fusion  of  individuals.  The 
common  level  of  intersection,  in  any  one  case,  necessarily  leaves  out 
much  which  may  be  precipitated  in  other  situations.  And  in  the 
larger  groups,  like  a  nation,  within  which  many  smaller  groups,  such 
as  families,  neighborhoods,  etc.,  overlap,  many  opinions  and  char- 
acteristics remain  imique  to  the  smaller  groups.  It  is  not  only  the 
extent  which  is  different,  the  basis  of  fusion  is  different.  But 
some  overlapping  there  must  be.  Some  common  characteristics, 
however  thin,  some  common  traditions  and  sentiments,  some  com- 
mon symbols  must  exist.  The  group  mind  also,  like  the  particular 
person,  must,  in  order  to  rise  to  self-consciousness  have  a  name,  by 
means  of  which  it  can  set  itself  over  against  its  non-ego — other 
group  minds  or  it  may  be  refractory  persons. 

THE   MORALITY   OF   SOCIAL  MINDS 

The  moral  question,  as  we  have  already  intimated,  is  a  different 
one  from  the  question  of  the  psychological  fusion  of  individuals 
into  new  unities.  We  must  estimate  the  larger  persons,  as  we 
estimate  the  smaller,  in  terms  of  the  ideal  requirements  which  we 
bring  to  their  dominating  purposes.  The  mere  fact  of  social  unities 
being  larger  does  not  necessarily  make  them  ethical.  More  com- 
prehensive class  unities,  such  as  labor  or  capital  or  military 
co-operation,  may  be  stimulated  by  a  negative  rather  than  by 
positive  loyalty — by  the  pressure  of  common  danger  rather  than  by 
the  articulate  consciousness .  of  the  common  good.     So  far  from 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  45 

loyalty  itself  being  a  criterion  of  value,  the  ethical  problem  is 
generally  an  evaluation  of  loyalties.  Social  unities,  in  order  to  be 
ethical,  must  have  for  us  the  consciousness  of  being  ultimately 
worth  while,  of  being  a  clear  and  distinct  resolving  of  claims. 

In  the  past  there  have  been  two  opposite  attitudes  as  regards 
the  morality  of  the  social  group.  Some  have  held  that  the  crowd 
is  always  immoral.  For  them  only  individuals  in  their  abstract 
and  reflective  capacity  can  be  regarded  as  the  subjects  of  moral 
judgments.  This  view  confuses  the  crowd  with  the  mob.  The 
mob  is  always  immoral,  because  it  means  the  dominance  of  the 
lower  primitive  instincts  and  the  inhibition  of  the  later  instincts  and 
intellectual  processes.  But  the  group  may  be  deliberative  and 
self-conscious.  It  may  pursue  articulate  ideals.  Even  when  the 
unity  is  instinctive  and  emotional  it  may  be  the  confluence  and 
reinforcement  of  the  ideal  tendencies  of  human  nature  rather  than 
of  the  primitive.  The  social  mind  may  mean  an  enthusiastic 
loyalty  to  a  great  cause.  It  may  mean  self-forge tfulness  for  family 
welfare  or  patriotic  sacrifice  for  country.  It  may  mean  a  deeper 
and  richer  sacramental  communion  with  God  than  the  individual 
is  capable  of  in  his  abstract  capacity.  The  worth  of  the  social 
unity  must  be  determined  by  the  worth  of  its  cause  and  its  relation 
to  other  causes,  not  by  any  specific  type  of  consciousness.  It 
may  be  better  than  the  individual  in  his  separate  capacity.  In  the 
end,  moreover,  all  ethical  value  is  social,  is  bound  up  with  social  re- 
lations. There  is  no  goodness  in  the  abstract.  Individual  morality 
is  potential — what  we  have  a  right  to  expect  in  social  relations. 

It  has  been  held,  on  the  other  hand,  that  loyalty  to  the  social  and 
institutional,  in  ever-widening  circles,  constitutes  morality.  The 
supreme  command  according  to  Royce  is:  Be  loyal.  Royce,  like 
Hegel,  takes  for  granted  that  the  more  concrete  unity  always 
brings  out  the  more  ideal  element  in  human  nature.  In  the  con- 
flict of  loyalties,  therefore,  the  more  comprehensive  loyalty  must 
be  maintained.  In  terms  of  Hegel's  optimism,  this  meant  the 
adoption  of  the  Prussian  state  of  his  day  and  the  Hegelian  type 
of  absolute  idealism. 

There  is,  of  course,  a  great  deal  of  truth  in  the  attitude  that  the 
social  is  the  moral — the  concrete  personal  supplementation  within 


46  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  group.  Often  at  least  the  abstract  human  relations  are  synony- 
mous with  the  immoral.  At  any  rate  the  converse,  we  have  seen, 
viz.,  that  the  moral  must  in  the  long  run  be  the  social,  must  always 
hold.  There  can  be  no  private  moraUty.  But  social  minds  like 
individual  have  various  degrees  of  ethical  worth.  Some  of  them 
are  non-moral,  some  of  them  are  immoral.  If  the  social  were  always 
the  moral,  the  problem  of  boys'  gangs,  of  questionable  clubs,  of 
lynching  mobs,  of  political  Tammanies,  would  not  be  so  serious 
as  it  is  now.  Some  social  minds,  like  some  individual  minds,  need 
to  be  stamped  out.  Social  loyalty  may  be  mistaken.  Sometimes 
the  individual  is  wiser  than  society.  Organized  society  stoned 
the  ancient  prophets,  gave  Socrates  the  hemlock,  crucified  Jesus, 
and  burned  Bruno.  Yet  these  indicated  the  direction  of  history. 
The  social  must  not,  at  any  rate,  be  taken  as  static  and  isolated. 
It  must  be  taken  in  its  historic  movement.  The  moral  life  consists 
not  merely  in  loyalty  to  that  which  exists.  It  does  not  signify 
merely  the  conservation  of  past  value.  It  includes  also  criticism 
and  desire  for  improvement — the  striving  to  create  new  types  of 
values— higher  unities  whether  of  higher  quality  or  of  greater 
extensity.  Individualization  and  generalization  both  have  their 
place  in  social  progress. 

Beside  the  commandment  to  be  loyal,  we  must,  therefore,  add 
another  commandment:  Be  creative.  Loyalty  must  not  be  blind. 
It  must  be  accompanied  by  selection  and  criticism,  a  passion  for 
improvement,  a  striving  to  make  real  your  individual  insight. 
And  with  the  reaction,  the  insight  grows.  We  seem  to  recollect 
the  supra-individual  life  which  lies  about  and  envelops  us,  from 
the  dreamy  infancy  of  the  race,  through  its  age-long  struggle  for 
meaning  and  freedom.  This  commandment  looks  toward  the  future 
as  the  other  looks  toward  the  past.  It  lays  stress  upon  the  contri- 
bution made  by  the  individual  will.  It  urges  each  of  us:  Help 
in  the  measure  you  can,  whether  great  or  small,  to  make  clear  and 
distinct  the  human  relations  of  the  changing  world,  of  which  you  are 
a  part.  Do  your  part  to  produce  greater  harmony  of  claims  in 
the  midst  of  our  human  complexity.  If  we  are  intersection  points 
in  enveloping  and  overlapping  social  minds,  we  are  at  any  rate  not 
mathematical  points,  but  dynamic  points— centers  of  initiative. 


THE  EXISTENCE  OF  SOCIAL  MINDS  47 

We  can  give  and  take.  We  help  create  the  atmosphere,  the 
Weltgeist,  which  for  better  or  worse  reacts  in  turn  upon  us.  It  is 
our  common  impulse  forward,  our  common  faith  in  the  future,  our 
common  willingness  to  risk,  which  creates  the  tension  that  selects 
and  inspires  our  type  of  leaders,  whether  demagogues  or  statesmen, 
charlatans  or  prophets.  It  is  our  common  sentiment,  which 
elevates  or  corrupts.  Without  our  common  faith  the  prophet  can 
do  nothing.  The  Sophist  and  poHtical  grafter  are  but  symptoms 
of  a  diseased  or  unorganized  social  mind. 

If  the  law  of  loyalty  makes  us  sharers  in  the  great,  warm  living 
stream  of  humanity,  past  and  present,  the  law  of  creativeness  makes 
us  a  part  of  the  eternal  direction  of  the  universe— prophetic  of  the 
kingdom  of  heaven.  Furthermore,  it  is  only  through  this  indi- 
vidual endeavor,  this  travail  and  sacrifice  to  make  ourselves 
creatively  a  part  of  the  human  stream,  that  we  can  gain  true  insight 
into  the  social  heritage,  the  drift  of  history,  and  thus  make  our 
loyalty  rational  and  significant,  instead  of  being  a  mere  blind 
imitation— an  intolerant  conservatism  which  builds  the  tombs  of 
the  prophets,  but  crucifies  those  that  are  sent. 

Social  minds,  like  individual  minds,  may  become  immortal, 
not  only  as  impersonal  influences  in  the  stream  of  history  but  as 
individual  souls,  when  they  embody  permanent  and  universal 
purposes;  when  they  express,  clearly  and  distinctly,  essential 
human  types.  Thus  the  Greek  mind,  the  Hebrew  mind,  the  Roman 
mind,  the  mediaeval  mind  remain  as  living  vitalizing  unities  in 
spite  of  the  vicissitudes  and  changes  of  temporal  events.  In  their 
spirituaKzed  bodies  of  language,  tradition,  art,  science,  institu- 
tions, and  rehgious  symbols,  they  continue  to  live  an  individual  life. 
And  in  the  enveloping  historic  process,  with  its  growth  and  unifica- 
tion, they  continue  to  contribute  their  vital  energy  long  after  the 
temporal  individuals,  who  once  were  their  bearers,  have  passed 
from  the  scene.  Social  minds,  as  individuals,  are  subject  to  the 
law  of  survival.  They  persist  by  no  external  fiat,  but  by  their 
capacity  for  leading  and  for  furnishing  permanent  objects  of 
appreciation.  Whether  they  shall  live  forever  in  the  changing 
cosmic  weather  depends  upon  whether  they  are  unique  embodiments 
of  an  eternally  significant  idea,  the  incarnation  of  a  divine  insight. 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE 
A  STUDY  IN  MORAL  PERCEPTION 


LOUIS  WALLIS 

Author  of  Sociological  Study  of  the  Bible 


The  development  of  American  public  opinion  with  reference  to 
the  "social  problem"  during  the  last  twenty  years  has  been  so 
remarkable  that  an  attempt  to  diagnose  its  present  condition  from 
the  standpoint  of  psychological  sociology  may  be  in  order.  It  is 
hardly  too  much  to  say  that  the  American  mind  is  now  undergoing 
a  revolution  comparable  to  that  which  marked  the  rise  of  Protes- 
tantism at  the  opening  of  modern  history.  The  new  spiritual  order 
of  things  may  not  have  entirely  "arrived";  but  its  outlines  are  in 
sight;  and  the  services  of  a  prophet  are  hardly  necessary  to  indi- 
cate the  direction  in  which  society  is  tending. 

At  the  outset,  we  hazard  the  proposition  that  American  society 
has  even  now  ceased  to  produce  moral  and  social  leaders  whose  chief 
emphasis  falls  upon  the  "individuar^  in  the  campaign  against  sin. 
What  we  mean  is,  that  the  moral  censor  of  twenty  years  ago  cannot 
command  his  former  hearing:  he  is  unable  to  get  into  the  spot- 
light. There  are  even  yet,  of  course,  plenty  of  the  older  type  who 
speak  from  obscure  platforms;  but  the  nation  has  at  least  moved 
this  far  from  its  ancient  moorings :  it  will  admit  no  new  leader  to  the 
franchise  of  national  confidence  who  undertakes  to  point  a  moral  by 
using  the  shortcomings  of  any  individual  as  the  whole  text  or 
pretext  of  his  argument! 

If  specifications  are  wanted  before  we  proceed,  they  can  be 
readily  supplied  by  running  over  the  outstanding  aspects  of  Ameri- 
can life  for  the  last  two  decennia.  Twenty  years  ago,  we  were  a 
nation  of  rank  individuahsts;  and  if  we  have  not  wholly  graduated 
from  the  swaddling  clothes  of  that  philosophy,  we  are  at  least  ready 
for  a  change  of  garments.  In  politics,  not  long  ago,  the  popular 
cry  was  "  The  Trusts!"  by  which  we  really  meant  certain  individuals 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE  49 

who  were  supposed  to  have  the  power  to  fashion  the  world  at  their 
own  pleasure.  It  was  this  state  of  mind  which  made  possible  the 
meteoric  rise  of  Mr.  Bryan  to  fame.  Mr.  Roosevelt,  at  the  same 
time,  was  vigorously  at  work  in  another  quarter  of  the  political 
horizon,  denouncing  the  "boss"  as  the  root  of  all  evil.  But  today 
both  of  these  gentlemen  have  outgrown  their  earher  standpoints; 
and  if  neither  of  them  has  yet  matured  a  coherent  program,  they 
have  at  least  "progressed."  In  politics  now,  the  cry  is  for  "social 
justice,"  and  investigation  of  the  fundamental  monopolies  which 
underlie  business. 

On  the  industrial  side  of  life,  the  ruling  tendency  among  the 
foremost  men  twenty  years  ago  was  to  assume  that  financial  success 
is  due  solely  to  the  element  of  individual  initiative.  The  factory 
owner,  the  railroad  president,  and  the  banker  were  fond  of  telling 
how  they  began  as  poor  boys  and  worked  their  way  up  the  ladder. 
The  prevaiKng  impression  was  that  any  poor  boy  with  "push" 
could  become  rich.  But  today  this  is  decidedly  a  thing  of  the  past. 
And  while  it  may  be  true  that  the  business  man  has  not  yet  had  time 
to  study  economics  and  sociology,  his  consciousness  of  the  industrial 
situation  is  modified;  and  he  is  learning  to  take  up  a  different 
standpoint.  "The  rich  man,"  says  Frederick  Harrison,  "is  simply 
the  man  who  has  managed  to  put  himself  at  the  end  of  a  long  chain, 
or  into  the  center  of  an  intricate  convolution,  and  whom  society  and 
law  suffer  to  retain  the  joint  product  conditionally."  This  truth  is 
gradually  forcing  its  way  into  the  mind  of  the  business  world. 
Bellamy  states  it  even  more  clearly:  "All  that  man  produces  today 
more  than  did  his  cave-dwelling  ancestors,  he  produces  by  virtue  of 
the  accumulated  achievements,  inventions,  and  improvements  of 
the  intervening  generations,  together  with  the  social  and  industrial 
machinery  which  is  their  legacy Nine  hundred  and  ninety- 
nine  parts  out  of  the  thousand  of  every  man's  produce  are  the  result 
of  his  social  inheritance  and  environment." 

From  the  point  of  view  of  religion,  the  change  is  equally  startling. 
Twenty  years  ago  the  prevailing  gospel  was  a  kind  of  propaganda 
for  the  redemption  of  the  world  by  spiritual  arithmetic  through  the 
simple  addition  of  "saved  souls"  to  the  communion  of  the  saints. 
Society  was  viewed  as  a  mere  crowd  composed  of  "individuals." 


50  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

To  save  society,  you  merely  had  to  rescue  the  constituent  units. 
This  theory  found  expression  in  the  popular  hymn : 

Throw  out  the  life-line  across  the  dark  wave; 

There  is  a  brother  whom  someone  should  save. 

Its  foremost  representative  was,  perhaps,  Dwight  L.  Moody,  the 
famous  evangelist.  This  admirable  and  worthy  lay  preacher  was 
approaching  the  close  of  a  remarkable  career.  He  had  put  stress 
upon  the  old-fashioned  "simple  gospel,"  and  was  innocent  of  all 
compromise  with  sociology.  In  his  later  evangelistic  tours,  it 
began  to  be  apparent  that  the  public  was  not  giving  its  old  response 
to  the  gospel  appeal.  Mr.  Moody  himself  was  forced  to  note  that 
his  audiences  were  not  simply  ''people,"  but  certain  kinds  of  people. 
Speaking  on  one  occasion  in  New  York  City  where  the  "Labor 
Temple"  now  stands,  he  was  unable  to  draw  a  large  audience  from 
the  local  population;  but  going  uptown  he  attracted  plenty  of 
auditors  from  the  middle  and  well-to-do  classes.  Moody  was  big 
enough  not  to  be  embittered  by  such  experiences;  but  they  made 
him  thoughtful.  One  sign  of  his  outreach  toward  new  things  v/as 
his  invitation  to  the  higher  critic  George  Adam  Smith  (then  of  the 
Free  Church  College,  Glasgow)  to  speak  to  the  Moody  School  at 
Northfield.  He  said  to  this  scholar:  "Explain  to  me  briefly  what 
the  higher  criticism  is";  and  after  listening  for  awhile  he  asked: 
"What's  the  use  of  telUng  the  people  there  are  two  Isaiahs,  when 
most  of  them  don't  even  know  there  was  one?" 

Two  eras  confronted  each  other  in  the  persons  of  these  men. 
Mr.  Moody  was  perplexed  by  the  new  bibHcal  scholarship,  and 
saddened  by  the  alienation  of  the  working  classes  from  the  church 
and  reUgion.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  advance  of  higher  criticism 
was  rapid  and  steady.  At  the  present  time,  the  leading  theological 
seminaries  of  most  Protestant  denominations  in  America  and  Europe 
have  been  reorganized  around  a  new  view  of  the  Bible  and  of  re- 
ligion. The  younger  ministers  and  the  more  progressive  clergy 
are  profoundly  influenced  by  the  reconstruction  of  theological 
thought.  The  religious  process  today  is  distracting,  because,  along 
with  the  rise  of  higher  criticism,  there  has  come  a  shifting  of 
emphasis  from  personal  salvation  to  the  "social  gospel."  The 
development  of  thought,  instead  of  being  simple,  is  a  very  complex 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE  51 

matter.  There  is  acute  spiritual  distress  at  present,  because  the 
nature  of  the  process  going  on  around  us  is  not  clearly  in  evidence. 
To  many  minds,  it  seems  as  if  all  the  old  landmarks  have  been  swept 
away.  The  constructive  aspects  of  the  newer  scholarship  are  not 
yet  in  full  sight;  but  every  day  brings  us  nearer  to  a  positive  issue. 
The  advocates  of  old-school  theology,  of  course,  take  a  merely 
personal  view  of  the  situation:  Our  troubles,  they  think,  are  caused 
by  certain  scholars  who  have  led  this  generation  astray.  But  no 
man  can  cause  a  great  historic  movement,  such  as  that  going  on 
around  us  in  religion.  What  we  may  do  is  to  guide  and  control 
the  inevitable.  The  older  theology  looked  upon  the  Bible  and  its 
religion  as  having  been  projected  into  human  history  like  a  meteor 
from  the  sky.  The  newer  theology  contemplates  the  Hebrew- 
Christian  rehgion  as  the  outcome  of  a  process  in  which  conscience 
and  morality  are  the  central  factors.  "Clouds  and  darkness  are 
round  about  Him;  but  righteousness  and  justice  are  the  foundation 
of  Hi's  throne."  It  would  be  inaccurate  to  say  that  theological 
scholars  are  unanimously  conscious  of  the  sociological  meaning  of 
higher  criticism  in  the  technical  sense.  Yet  they  are  becoming 
more  aware  of  it  every  day,  as  criticism  takes  its  place  in  the  wider 
perspective  of  general  culture. 

The  assimilation  of  politics,  economics,  and  religion  with  the 
"social  problem"  has  been  so  gradual  that  we  are  scarcely  conscious 
of  the  change  in  the  American  attitude  toward  "reform"  in  general. 
It  needs  to  be  recalled  that  when  the  American  public  of  twenty  or 
twenty-five  years  ago  was  in  a  reform  frame  of  mind,  it  was  not 
consciously  thinking  in  terms  of  poHtics,  economics,  or  religion. 
Reform  was  treated  as  a  kind  of  undertaking  that  had  no  organic 
relation  to  conventional  modes  of  human  activity.  The  reformer's 
vocation  was  looked  upon  as  an  enterprise  which  could  proceed 
independently,  while  existing  pohtical,  industrial,  and  rehgious 
institutions  remained  standing  without  essential  alteration.  But 
the  change  which  has  taken  place  here  is  just  as  remarkable  as  that 
which  is  registered  by  other  phases  of  American  life.  Reform  has 
passed  out  of  the  individuahstic  into  the  collective  stage.  It  is  no 
longer  viewed  as  an  isolated  matter,  but  is  blended  with  all  aspects 
of  social  life. 


52  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

To  go  back  twenty  years,  then,  and  approach  the  world  of  today 
along  the  lines  of  politics,  business,  religion,  and  reform  is  like  taking 
different  routes  which  converge  toward  a  common  center.  We  are 
no  longer  a  nation  of  rank  individualists;  and  this  fact  is  the  under- 
lying condition  of  all  that  we  do  and  think,  whether  we  clearly 
realize  it  or  not.  Characteristic  of  the  present  social  awakening  is 
the  experience  of  Lincoln  Steffens  with  the  problem  of  municipal 
corruption.  Mr.  Steffens  began  his  investigation  of  city  politics  on 
the  basis  of  individualism:  certain  "bosses"  needed  to  be  exposed 
and  deposed,  and  then  politics  would  be  all  right.  The  remedy  for 
misgovernment  was  the  election  of  "good,  clean  men."  This  was 
very  simple  and  easy.  But  as  the  investigation  went  on,  certain 
underground  connections  were  discovered  between  bosses  and 
"business."  Then  it  became  apparent  that  the  interest  of  business 
men  in  poHtics  was  not  to  be  explained  merely  on  the  theory  of 
"individual  sin":  it  was  due  to  economic  pressure  which  the  un- 
initiated layman  could  not  comprehend  without  actual  experience 
of  the  facts.  Political  "corruption,"  therefore,  began  to  take  on  the 
character  of  a  signpost  pointing  to  maladjustments  of  the  social 
system  as  a  whole.  Then  it  became  clear  that  the  church  was  timid 
about  handling  the  problem  in  vigorous  fashion.  Finally,  the  truth 
was  forced  into  view  that  the  moral  sense  of  the  entire  community  is 
not  such  a  direct  and  infallible  guide  as  we  have  taken  for  granted. 
Mr.  Steffens'  conclusion  was  that  if  he  went  much  farther  on  the 
trail  of  political  corruption,  he  would  catch  himself  and  all  the  rest 
of  us.  In  brief,  he  had  learned,  through  patient  investigation,  that 
what  we  glibly  call  social  problems  are  merely  the  various  phases,  or 
aspects,  of  one  fundamental  problem  which  simply  cannot  be  cut  up 
into  sections  and  solved  piecemeal. 

The  present  social  awakening  provides  a  training  school  for  that 
"New  England  conscience"  with  which  America  started.  It  is  the 
ethical  discipline  of  us  all.  By  "New  England  conscience"  we 
refer,  of  course,  not  to  a  provincialism,  but  to  a  state  of  mind.  In 
Great  Britain,  we  should  have  to  call  it  the  "Nonconformist 
conscience."  The  moral  headquarters  of  America  were  at  one  time 
situated  in  its  northeastern  section;  but  the  Puritan  sense  of  right- 
eousness is  now  pretty  well  diffused  over  the  country.  The 
American  citizen  of  German,  or  Italian,  or,  if  you  please,  of  African, 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE  53 

descent  may  talk  with  a  straight  face  about  "our  heritage  from  our 
Pilgrim  forefathers."  We  make  bold  to  affirm  that  the  New- 
England  conscience  is  not  dead  nor  even  sleeping;  but  that  it 
stands  at  the  basis  of  the  national  character,  and  is  now  struggling 
to  adjust  itself  to  the  moral  demands  of  today.  The  forefathers  of 
our  national  life  had  strong  ideas  about  justice,  duty,  morality,  and 
right  dealing  between  man  and  man.  And  we  have  no  less  ethical 
fervor  than  they  in  seeking  for  the  "rightness"  of  the  social  prob- 
lem as  it  unrolls  before  us.  A  striking  illustration  of  the  new 
national  spirit,  which  gathers  into  itself  all  that  we  have  been  say- 
ing about  the  general  situation,  is  the  famous  "tainted  money" 
controversy,  which  flared  quickly  up  a  few  years  ago,  and  then 
promptly  subsided.  That  excitement  could  no  more  be  repeated 
today  than  the  Civil  War  could  be  fought  over  again.  Yet,  if  the 
Reverend  Washington  Gladden  was  right  in  his  position,  we  ought 
to  be  having  a  continuous  ethical  side  show  in  America,  with 
"tainted  money"  as  the  leading  bill  of  attraction. 

It  will  be  recalled  that  after  certain  officials  in  the  Congrega- 
tional churches  had  solicited  and  received  from  Mr.  Rockefeller  a 
contribution  to  their  missionary  board,  certain  ministers  objected 
strenuously.  The  leading  figure  in  the  campaign  of  protest  has 
reviewed  the  controversy  in  a  volume  of  Recollections  under  the  sug- 
gestive rubric  "Partnership  with  Plunderers."  Everybody  might 
be  wilHng  to  agree  with  him  that  the  "tainted  money"  discussion 
"revealed  a  widespread  need  of  elementary  instruction  in  the  first 
principles  of  ethics"  (p.  403) ;  but  we  might  not  be  unanimous  about 
the  line  along  which  that  instruction  ought  to  proceed.  The  pro- 
testing party  took  the  ground  that  the  money  in  question  was  not 
earned;  that  it  came  to  the  donor's  hand  through  plunder,  and  not 
through  any  service  that  he  had  rendered  to  the  community;  and 
that  the  acceptance  of  this  money  by  the  Congregational  authori- 
ties brought  them  into  partnership  with  iniquity.  These  persons 
argued  the  case  upon  the  assumption  that  the  fortunes  of  the  very 
wealthy  are  due  to  individual  sin;  and  that  if  certain  rich  men 
would  only  stop  sinning,  a  large  part  of  the  evil  and  corruption  which 
exist  in  our  politics  and  business  would  be  cured  straightway.^     If 

'  Washington  Gladden,  Recollections  (Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1909),  chap, 
xxvi,  pp.  398-409. 


54  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  fundamental  assumption  were  true,  the  task  of  the  moral 
teacher  today  would  be  far  simpler  than  in  fact  it  is;  and  if  the 
problem  of  "great  wealth"  could  really  be  treated  by  such  methods, 
our  industrial  and  civic  ills  would  be  far  less  perplexing  than  they 
are.  Dr.  Gladden  bears  witness  that  he  received  hundreds  of 
approving  letters  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  that  he  had  the 
emphatic  support  of  the  great  audience  which  heard  his  argument 
at  the  meeting  of  the  Mission  Board  in  Seattle.  This  is  no  doubt 
true.  But  ethical  questions  are  not  to  be  decided  by  counting 
heads.  The  less  fortunate  are  always  in  a  majority,  and  are  always 
jealous  of  those  who  possess  a  greater  abundance;  and  this  jealousy 
exists  irrespective  of  the  manner  in  which  the  more  fortunate 
acquire  their  wealth.  The  applause  of  the  multitude  cannot 
always  be  identified  with  the  verdict  of  absolute  morality.  The 
feehngs  of  the  people  are  not,  of  course,  to  be  treated  disrespectfully, 
for  it  is  probably  true  that  when  all  the  facts  in  a  given  case  are 
before  the  great  democratic  jury,  vox  populi  is  as  near  as  we  can 
come  to  vox  Dei.  But  there  is  the  rub :  the  New  England  conscience 
has  not  yet  digested  the  facts  of  the  social  problem.' 

America  is  now  struggHng  to  adjust  itself  to  the  fact  that  the 
problem  of  "wealth"  raises  the  whole  subject  of  the  system  in  which 
wealth  is  made.  What  we  are  facing  is  not  a  mere  question  of 
"rebates,"  or  "combination  in  restraint  of  trade,"  or  "plunder,"  or 
"trusts."  The  discussion  which  is  now  going  on  brings  into  debate 
the  categories  of  property  in  capital  and  land  which  lie  at  the 
foundation  of  all  business.  The  problem  of  the  Steel  Trust,  for 
instance,  is  not  to  be  settled  by  saying  that  its  income  is  "tainted"; 
that  Mr.  Morgan,  Mr.  Carnegie,  and  their  partners  ought  not  to 
combine  and  raise  prices;  and  that  if  they  will  not  voluntarily  cease 
these  practices,  they  should  be  coerced  by  law.  Let  us  grant,  for 
the  sake  of  the  argument,  that  every  dollar  which  the  Steel 
Company  gets  for  its  product  stands  for  only  seventy-five  cents  in 

'  Part  of  the  field  indicated  by  this  paper  has  been  traversed  in  greater  detail  by 
Professor  Edward  A.  Ross,  of  the  University  of  Wisconsin,  in  his  book  Sin  and  Society. 
"Now,  as  ever,"  he  writes,  "the  judgments  the  average  man  passes  upon  the  conduct 
of  his  fellow  are  casual,  inconsistent,  and  thoughtless"  (p.  25).  And  further:  "In 
today's  warfare  on  sin,  the  reactions  of  the  public  are  about  as  serviceable  as  gongs  and 
stink-pots  in  a  modern  battle"  (p.  viii). 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE  55 

real  service-value,  and  twenty-five  cents  in  "exploitation,"  or 
"plunder."  And  let  us  extend  the  supposition  to  all  the  great 
industrial  concerns,  in  order  to  make  the  argument  general.  Now, 
it  is  exactly  this  problem  which  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law  under- 
takes to  meet  and  fails  to  solve.  The  Sherman  statute  is  based 
upon  the  so-called  "abhorrence  of  EngHsh  law  for  monopoly." 
Anglo-Saxon  jurisprudence  is  supposed  to  detest  monopoly  in  the 
same  mysterious  way  that  Nature  "abhors"  a  vacuum.  This 
principle  sounds  very  democratic  and  brave  wljen  proclaimed  as  a 
generality.  But  when  examined  in  the  light  of  history,  it  stands  out 
in  its  real  significance. 

The  truth  is  that  the  tainted-money  philosopher  does  not  voice 
a  full-rounded  morality.  In  his  fight  against  "big"  business,  he 
represents  the  aggrieved  moral  sense  of  little  business.  It  is  the 
small  shippers  and  manufacturers  and  storekeepers  that  he  seeks  to 
protect.  His  complaint  against  big  business  men  as  the  chief  of 
sinners  overlooks  a  fundamental  fact  which  plays  havoc  with  his 
argument.  If  we  are  to  admit,  with  him,  that  every  dollar  of  big 
business  income  stands  for  an  element  of  exploitation,  then  he,  in 
turn,  must  go  farther,  and  admit  that  the  institutions  of  private 
proprietorship  in  capital  and  in  land,  upon  which  the  entire  structure 
of  industry  is  founded,  involve  elements  of  exploitation.  To  this 
claim  he  will  not  fail  to  reply :  "But  how  do  our  existing  institutions 
of  property  in  capital  and  in  land  spell  exploitation  ?  These  insti- 
tutions are  legal.  Everybody  recognizes  the  rightfulness  of  private 
property  in  the  machinery  of  wealth  production  and  in  the  soil. 
What  have  these  things  to  do  with  the  problem  of  plunder?"  Let 
us  look  at  this  question. 

It  is  obvious  that  human  labor  did  not  create  the  earth,  and 
that  the  value  of  land  arises  from  either  its  fertility,  its  mineral 
deposits,  or  the  presence  of  population.  When  the  proprietor  of  a 
given  piece  of  land  receives  rent  for  the  use  of  his  land,  he  gets 
money  for  which  he  does  not  give  a  return  out  of  his  own  labor. 
There  is  no  escaping  this  conclusion.  It  stands  at  the  heart  of  all 
speculation  in  real  estate.  The  market  price  of  a  given  piece  of  land 
is  the  estimated  amount  of  money  on  which  the  rent  of  that  land 
will  pay  interest  over  and  above  taxes.     The  "unearned  incre- 


56  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

ment,"  about  which  we  hear  so  much,  is  the  increase  in  rental  value 
of  land  which  follows  upon  the  growth  of  population.  Land  is 
purchased  at  a  certain  price,  and  then  held  for  a  rise.  The  phe- 
nomenon of  land  value  exists  not  only  in  connection  with  land  which 
can  be  measured  and  sold  by  the  square  foot;  it  exists  wherever  a 
franchise  is  granted  to  lay  rails,  or  pipe  lines,  or  to  string  telegraph, 
telephone,  or  electric  wires  over  specified  strips  of  land.  Private 
property  in  land  carries  with  it  an  element  of  exploitation  which 
affects  all  business  that  has  anything  to  do  with  land  either  in  the 
form  of  real  estate  or  in  that  of  quasi-public  franchises.  And  this 
is  only  part  of  the  story. 

All  business,  both  big  and  little,  is  conducted  by  the  use  of 
tools,  machinery,  buildings,  etc.,  which  are  technically  known  as 
''capital."  There  is,  of  course,  a  broad  sense  in  which  land  or  any 
form  of  wealth  can  be  viewed  as  "capital."  But  from  the  stand- 
point of  abstract  analysis,  there  is  a  difference  between  land,  which 
is  not  created  by  human  labor,  and  things  produced  by  labor  for  use 
in  the  operations  of  industry.  It  is  in  this  sense  that  we  employ  the 
term  "  capital ' '  in  the  present  connection.  Now,  unless  the  tainted- 
money  moralist  sets  up  the  claim  that  the  existing  proprietors  of 
capital  created  that  form  of  property  out  of  their  own  labor,  or  got 
it  in  exchange  for  wealth  created  by  their  own  labor,  then  he  will  be 
compelled  to  admit  that  private  capitalism  also  involves  an  element 
of  exploitation.  The  capitalists  who  own  railroads,  manufacturing 
plants,  buildings,  steamships,  etc..  cannot  by  any  possibihty  have 
produced  these  things  by  their  own  personal  labor.  We,  therefore, 
have  to  note  two  things:  (i)  Private  ownership  of  capital  is  in  itself 
exploitation.  (2)  Not  only  so;  but  capitalism  considered  as  a 
process,  in  which  the  capitalist  enters  the  field  of  business  life  with 
all  the  advantages  conferred  by  ownership,  in  competition  with  a 
vast  army  of  persons  who  have  no  capital  and  have  only  their  labor 
to  sell— this  phase  of  capitalism  brings  with  it  a  continuous 
exploitation  by  way  of  interest  and  profit. 

These  aspects  of  the  property  institutions  which  underlie  and 
condition  all  business,  big  and  little,  are  ignored  by  conventional 
morality  because  they  are  so  familiar  and  universal.  The  tainted- 
money  philosopher  thinks  in  terms  of  categories  which  he  assumes 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE  57 

will  stand  without  criticism,  when,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  very 
terms  of  his  own  thought  need  inspection.  The  trust  magnate 
in  all  lines  of  industry  has  gone  ahead  with  the  game  and  worsted 
the  small  competitor  by  means  of  property  institutions  which, 
whatever  their  absolute  moral  character,  have  been  until  recently 
viewed  as  "right"  and  "legitimate"  by  everybody.  But  the 
change  from  individualistic  to  socialized  thinking  makes  the  tainted- 
money  philosopher  more  and  more  a  lonely  figure.  No  longer 
may  we  condemn  particular  individuals  as  the  causes  of  great 
public  problems.  We  must  all  be  ready  now  to  acknowledge  our 
community  of  responsibility  for  the  social  tangle. 

Our  new  sociological  insight,  however,  has  not  yet  extended  far 
enough  to  dispose  of  the  superstition  that  the  uninstructed  con- 
science is  fully  equipped  unto  all  good  works.  The  judgment  of  the 
conventional  "good"  citizen  may  be  unwittingly  as  evil  as  that  of 
the  worst  criminal.  An  example  from  the  experience  of  our  New 
England  forefathers  illustrates  this.  The  Puritan  immigration  to 
Massachusetts  in  the  seventeenth  century  brought  into  close 
contact  two  sharply  contrasted  social  orders  in  a  way  which  was  not 
realized  by  any  of  the  people  then  living  in  the  world.  On  the  one 
hand  were  the  Indians,  in  the  clan  stage  of  evolution,  with  common 
property  in  the  soil,  and  having  no  more  idea  of  the  complexities  of 
individual  private  ownership  of  real  estate  than  a  South  Sea  Islander 
has  of  an  electric  dynamo.  Over  against  the  Indian,  the  God- 
fearing Puritan  loomed  up  suddenly.  The  white  man  brought  with 
him  not  only  an  objective  material  outfit  wholly  strange  to  the 
native,  but  an  equally  alien  system  of  property-concepts  based  on 
the  foundation  of  Roman  and  English  jurisprudence.  And  the 
white  man  was  as  ignorant  of  the  Indian  as  the  native  was  of  the 
white  man.  When  the  Puritans  made  treaties  with  the  Indians, 
and  undertook  to  purchase  land  in  fee  simple,  the  transaction  was 
looked  at,  necessarily,  from  two  different  standpoints.  To  the 
Puritan,  it  was  an  ordinary  matter  of  real  estate  business,  such  as 
took  place  in  the  home  country.  To  the  Indian,  it  seemed  as  if  the 
foreigner  were  giving  him  a  few  trinkets,  bits  of  cloth,  etc.,  in 
exchange  for  the  right  to  live  in  the  land  as  a  neighbor.  From  the 
Indian's  point  of  view,  Massachusetts  was  as  much  his  country  as 


58  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

before.  The  Puritan,  on  the  other  hand,  felt  that  he  had  acquired 
rights  of  proprietorship  just  as  sacred  as  those  of  the  native.  Con- 
sequently, as  the  eastern  shore  filled  up,  and  the  English  moved 
inland,  war  became  inevitable.  There  was  no  possibility  of 
harmonizing  the  divergent  views  of  the  two  races.  They  simply 
did  not  and  could  not  understand  each  other.  So  the  Indian  tried 
to  exterminate  the  foreigner,  and  failed;  and  the  Puritan  wiped  the 
native  race  from  the  map  of  New  England. 

Posterity  has  hit  off  the  ethical  paradox  by  saying  that  v*^hen  the 
Puritans  reached  this  country,  they  first  fell  on  their  knees,  and  then 
fell  on  the  aborigines.  Mr.  Palfrey,  the  learned  historian  of  New 
England,  has  been  very  careful  to  point  out,  in  vindication  of  his 
ancestors,  that  they  scrupulously  "paid"  the  Indians  for  all  territory 
which  they  occupied;  yet,  at  the  same  time.  Palfrey  admits  (with- 
out being  conscious  of  the  problem  involved)  that  personal  owner- 
ship of  land  was  a  conception  which  had  not  yet  risen  upon  the  mind 
of  the  Indian.^  Thus,  we  see  that  not  only  were  the  Puritans  them- 
selves unable  to  perceive  the  situation  in  its  true  colors,  but  that  a 
learned  historian,  more  than  two  centuries  later,  was  also  oblivious 
to  it.  While  Palfrey's  history  was  being  published  (1858  et  foil.), 
the  New  England  conscience  was  again  going  astray,  this  time  on 
the  slavery  question.  The  Webster  party  was  on  one  side;  the 
Sumner  party  was  on  the  other;  and  not  until  the  Civil  War  did 
New  England  succeed  in  adjusting  itself  to  the  moral  demands  of 
the  situation. 

We  recall  these  facts  in  order  to  show  that  the  present  age  is  not 
the  only  time  of  moral  perplexity  and  struggle  in  American  history. 
The  past,  indeed,  was  no  golden  age,  as  some  would  fondly  believe. 
It  was  marked  by  epochs  of  transition  the  same  in  principle  as  that 
in  w^hich  we  now  find  ourselves.  Our  ancestors  were  no  more  per- 
fect than  we  are.  There  has  been  no  moral  decadence  from  an  age 
of  pristine  impeccability.  While  we  have  big  problems  to  solve,  the 
conscience  of  the  people  is  more  fully  awake  than  ever  before.  We 
are  moving  into  a  new  period  in  which  the  question  is  not  whether 
America  is  to  be  controlled  by  radicalism  or  by  conservatism,  but: 
Shall  radicalism  be  controlled  by  sanity  or  by  insanity  ? 

'  Palfrey,  History  of  New  England  (Boston,  1858),  I,  36,  37,  38;  cf.  Ill,  138;  IV, 
364.  419. 


THE  NEW  ENGLAND  CONSCIENCE  59 

In  spite  of  the  progress  registered  by  the  last  twenty  years,  it 
has  to  be  confessed  that  the  change  thus  far  is  one  of  general  atmos- 
phere rather  than  of  intelligent  conviction  about  concrete  aspects  of 
the  case.  Twenty  years  ago,  we  were  all  dead  set  against  the 
so-called  "criminal  poor,"  as  a  matter  of  course.  Today,  we  are  in 
peril  of  being  equally  dead  set  against  the  so-called  "criminal  rich." 
We  have  no  more  right  to  assume  that  the  present  hue  and  cry  after 
the  "man  higher  up"  is  a  sign  of  progress  in  moral  perception  than 
a  slave-hunter  would  have  to  assume  that  there  is  any  essential 
difference  between  putting  bloodhounds  on  the  track  of  quadroons 
and  putting  them  on  the  scent  of  full-blooded  Negroes.  We  are  in 
danger  of  trying  to  persuade  ourselves  that  the  substitution  of  one 
kind  of  quarry  for  another  constitutes  a  radical  transformation  in 
the  nature  of  the  hunt.  At  the  moment  this  paper  is  being  written, 
the  president  of  the  New  York,  New  Haven  &  Hartford  Railroad  is 
in  legal  toils  under  charge  of  obstructing  the  free  course  of  business; 
and  the  president  of  the  National  Cash  Register  Company  is  re- 
ported to  be  facing  a  prison  sentence  for  a  similar  cause.  If  any 
considerable  portion  of  the  American  public  thinks  that  the  passage 
of  laws  like  the  Sherman  anti-trust  act,  and  the  prosecution  and 
imprisonment  of  corporation  heads  under  this  legislation,  will  meet 
the  difficulties  now  before  us,  that  section  of  our  people  is  destined 
to  have  a  rude  awakening.  If  the  people,  through  the  agency  of 
their  government,  begin  to  clap  millionaires  into  jail  for  playing  the 
game  of  business  on  the  basis  of  property  institutions  which  the 
people  themselves  do  not  question,  then  we  shall  present  the  spectacle 
of  a  nation  which  not  only  stultifies  itself  morally,  but  which  also 
impeaches  its  own  intelligence. 

When  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  rendered  the  Dred  Scott 
decision,  the  court  was  technically  right:  it  was  bound  to  interpret 
the  law  within  the  terms  of  existing  statutes.  Nevertheless,  the 
decision  marked  the  breakdown  of  an  imposing  social  organ;  and 
the  crisis  was  resolved  only  by  the  violence  of  a  great  civil  war 
which  incidentally  abolished  the  type  of  property  in  question.  A 
similar  breakdown  is  indicated  by  current  decisions  in  the  cases  of 
the  Standard  Oil  Company  and  other  corporations  coming  within 
the  purview  of  the  Sherman  law.     The  real  trouble,  of  course,  is  not 


6o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

in  the  Supreme  Court,  but  in  the  attitude  of  mind  which  forces  the 
passage  of  such  legislation  as  the  Sherman  law.  So  far  as  the  actual 
results  go,  the  entire  anti-trust  campaign  in  the  United  States  down 
to  the  present  hour  has  no  more  relevance  than  the  amputation  of 
pimples  as  a  cure  for  the  blood  disease  that  makes  the  pimples.  It 
is  mere  fussy  tinkering  with  superficialities;  and  the  sooner  people 
find  this  out,  the  better  for  all  of  us.  Popular  prejudice  of  the 
moment  finds  a  caterer  in  Hearst's,  which  continues  to  print  Mr. 
Archbold's  private  correspondence  with  the  righteous  air  of  pro- 
ducing burglars'  tools  in  police  court  (how  obtained  is  not  stated). 
While  fully  conscious  that  he  is  doing  business  in  a  popular  market, 
Mr.  Hearst  would  no  doubt  be  entirely  obtuse  to  the  suggestion  that 
his  reading  of  the  Standard  Oil  mind  is  connected  not  remotely  with 
his  failure  to  qualify  in  the  statesman  class. 

If  the  evident  intention  of  the  government  to  press  the  trust 
issue  farther  is  based  on  the  policy  of  stinging  the  national  con- 
science into  an  exploration  of  the  social  system  as  a  whole  by  frankly 
showing  up  the  limitations  of  its  anti-trust  and  anti-protection 
remedies,  then  the  Wilson  administration  is  likely  to  cover  itself  with 
a  glory  which  has  attached  to  no  administration  since  the  time  of 
Lincoln.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  intention  of  the  government  is 
based  only  on  the  policy  of  revising  the  tariff  and  pressing  the 
Sherman  law  to  the  limit,  then  the  Wilson  administration  lacks  the 
necessary  qualities  of  political  leadership,  and  it  will  presently  find 
itself  confronted  by  a  tremendous  demand  for  goods  which,  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  it  cannot  deliver.  The  force  of  conscience  in 
human  society  is  like  that  of  steam  in  the  locomotive,  which  is 
guided  by  the  logic  of  the  engine's  mechanism  and  by  the  intelligence 
of  the  engineer.  Conscience,  like  steam,  is  a  good  servant,  but  a 
bad  master.  American  society  today  has  reached  the  turning  of  the 
ways.  It  has  plenty  of  the  propelling  force  of  conscience;  and  it 
has  also  accumulated  a  new  and  unused  stock  of  social  insight.  The 
immediate  future  will  depend  upon  the  intelligence  with  which  our 
leaders  teach  us  to  apply  our  insight  to  our  conscience.  Uncon- 
querable optimism  should  be  the  faith,  as  it  is  the  duty,  of  every 
patriotic  man  and  woman.  We  should  all  do  our  part  to  see  that 
the  new  social  thought  and  policy  of  America  shall  be  sane. 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD 

The  men  who  are  best  qualified  by  their  debt  to  Professor 
Ward,  and  by  their  consciousness  of  it,  to  form  a  just  estimate  of 
his  works,  shrink  from  the  responsibility  of  attempting  immediately 
a  formal  appreciation  of  his  meaning  for  sociology.  While  it  is 
too  early  for  the  estimate,  at  once  critical  and  comprehensive, 
which  those  to  whom  Dr  Ward  has  been  preceptor  and  mentor,  hope 
to  put  on  record  after  due  deliberation,  the  following  tributes  will 
sufficiently  mark  the  place  which  he  has  occupied  in  the  esteem  of 
his  colleagues,  among  whom  his  primacy  was  always  uncontested. 


Professor  Ward's  connection  with  Brown  University  came  about 
in  a  perfectly  natural  manner.  The  department  of  Social  Sciences 
was  deeply  interested  in  his  sociological  theories  and  when  his 
Pure  Sociology  first  came  from  the  press,  seized  the  opportunity  of 
using  it  as  a  textbook  for  an  undergraduate  class.  The  members 
of  it  survived  but  still  speak  in  bated  breath  of  their  experience 
in  completing  the  book  in  thirty  lectures.  Interest  in  Pure  Sociology 
resulted  in  a  simplified  edition  of  it  in  1905,  The  Text  Book  of  Soci- 
ology. When,  a  little  later.  Dr.  Ward  in  conversation  expressed  a 
desire  to  resign  from  governmental  service  in  order  to  devote 
several  years  to  literary  work,  a  suggestion  from  the  department  to 
President  Faunce  met  with  his  hearty  sanction,  so  that  in  the  fall  of 
1906  a  new  professor  of  sociology  at  Brown  modestly  introduced 
himself  to  his  classes. 

Throughout  his  seven  years  of  service  Professor  Ward  conducted 
three  elective  classes  of  upper  classmen  and  graduates,  easily  win- 
ning their  esteem  and  stimulating  the  zeal  of  those  students  eager 
for  a  broad  outlook  over  the  sociological  field.  In  the  perform- 
ance of  his  duties  he  was  faithful  in  the  extreme,  and  impressed  all 
by  his  keen  intellectuality  and  his  enormous  capacity  for  work. 
As  his  avocations  he  studied  the  geology  and  botany  of  Rhode 
Island,  often  taking  long  walks  of  ten  to  fifteen  miles  in  length. 
Outside  of  the  preparation  of  his  lectures,  the  material  of  which  he 

61 


62  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

planned  at  some  time  to  put  into  book  form,  his  chief  Hterary  task 
was  the  preparation  of  the  manuscript  for  his  unique  collection  of 
twelve  volumes  now  on  the  eve  of  publication.  This  great  task 
occupied  him  for  the  better  part  of  four  years  and  was  finally  com- 
pleted, even  to  the  index,  less  than  a  year  ago. 

He  was  so  absorbed  in  his  labors  that  his  life  was  necessarily  a 
secluded  one  In  social  intercourse,  however,  he  was  always  genial 
and  kindly,  and  constantly  showed  a  deep  interest  in  the  intellec- 
tual developments  of  the  time  and  the  newer  discoveries  in  the 
several  departments  of  science.  Owing  to  the  illness  of  his  wife, 
he  spent  his  last  four  years  in  a  college  dormitory,  and  thereby 
became  more  closely  identified  with  the  life  of  the  campus.  This 
experience  he  thoroughly  enjoyed  and  he  became  in  consequence 
deeply  attached  to  the  university. 

The  news  of  his  unexpected  death  broupht  great  sorrow  both 
to  city  and  college  For  three  days  the  university  flag  was  at 
half-mast,  and  at  the  time  of  his  funeral  the  college  bell  was  tolled 
and  classes  were  suspended  The  Providence  Bulletin  of  April 
19,  in  speaking  editorially  of  him  said: 

A  DISTINGUISHED   BROWN   SCHOLAR 

In  the  seven  years  of  his  connection  with  the  faculty  of  Brown  University, 
Dr.  Lester  Frank  Ward,  who  died  in  Washington  yesterday,  became  a  familiar 
figure  in  Providence.  Of  a  rather  unusual  personal  presence,  he  was  frequently 
seen  on  the  streets  of  the  city,  though  most  of  those  who  noted  him  in  his  after- 
noon walks  were  unaware  that  he  was  one  of  the  most  distinguished  scholars 
of  his  day  and  generation. 

Dr.  Ward  was  a  close  student,  a  keen  observer,  a  prolific  and  perspicuous 
writer.  He  received  many  honors  abroad  as  well  as  in  this  country,  among 
them  election  to  the  presidency  of  the  International  Institute  of  Sociology, 
a  body  to  which  only  a  very  few  Americans  have  ever  been  chosen.  Withal 
he  was  a  man  of  great  modesty  and  kindliness,  and  endeared  himself  to  his 
students  by  his  ability  to  reach  their  point  of  view  and  his  willingness  to  do  all 
in  his  power  to  assist  them. 

Brown  University  has  been  honored  by  his  seven  years  association  with 
its  teaching  force,  and  is  measurably  poorer  by  reason  of  his  passing. 

On  June  3  the  faculty  of  the  university  placed  on  their  records 
the  following  minute  in  his  honor : 

The  members  of  the  faculty  of  Brown  University,  desirous  of  expressing 
their  deep  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  their  esteemed  colleague,  Professor  Lester  Frank 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  63 

Ward,  hereby  place  on  record  their  appreciation  of  his  sterling  character  and 
scholarly  attainment.  Coming  to  us  near  the  close  of  a  long  life  of  severe 
mental  exertion,  he  brought  with  him  the  mature  results  of  his  studies  and 
undiminished  ardor  in  their  pursuit.  His  labors  in  botany,  geology,  and  pale- 
ontology had  been  crowned  with  success,  and  his  pioneer  work  in  sociology  had 
given  him  a  world-wide  reputation.  He  was  a  profound  student,  and  an 
original  investigator  in  the  most  abstruse  problems  with  which  the  human 
mind  can  grapple.  For  seven  years  the  faculty  and  students  found  in  him  a 
genial  associate,  an  inspiring  teacher  and  a  sincere  and  unflinching  seeker  after 
truth. 

From  the  very  start  Professor  Ward  attracted  the  attention  and 
devotion  of  his  students.  At  the  end  of  his  first  year  a  loving-cup 
was  presented  to  him  by  his  classes;  an  undergraduate  philosophical 
society  made  him  a  member;  the  Liber,  an  annual  undergraduate 
publication,  was  dedicated  to  him  in  191 2;  and  at  the  announce- 
ment of  his  death  the  students  voluntarily  contributed  a  large  sum 
for  flowers  to  be  placed  on  his  grave.  The  feeling  his  classes  held 
for  him  is  well  shown  in  the  following  contribution  from  Charles 
Carroll,  a  candidate  for  the  Master's  degree: 

"Every  genius  is  a  child;  every  child  a  genius."  These  were  almost  the 
closing  words  in  Dr.  Ward's  last  lecture  at  Brown  University.  In  a  sense  they 
describe  the  man  himself — a  genius  with  the  simplicity  of  a  child — that  glorious 
simplicity  which  the  Saviour  of  the  world  had  in  mind  when  he  said:  "Unless 
ye  shall  become  as  little  children."  But  in  Dr.  Ward  it  was  the  simplicity 
which  comes  from  great  knowledge,  from  the  possession  of  truth;  that  mental 
calmness  which  must  arise  from  a  complete  philosophy  of  life.  Such  are  his 
works.  In  the  classroom  Dr.  Ward  impressed  the  student  as  a  final  authority; 
he  seemed  to  know  everything,  from  the  beginning  until  the  final  destruction  of 
the  world.  Logic  flowed  in  his  words  like  the  gentle  current  of  a  country  brook 
in  midsummer.  There  was  no  turbulence,  no  strain,  never  a  hiatus.  Thought 
fitted  into  thought,  each  succeeding  step  resting  upon  the  previous  in  perfect 
filiation,  building  always  upward  and  onward.  Every  lecture  was  a  recapitula- 
tion of  evolution;  not  that  tremendous  striving  of  nature,  with  its  waste  and 
failures,  its  trials  and  errors,  its  barbarous  natural  selection;  but  the  superior 
artificial  selection  which  charms  the  reasoning  mind  of  man.  From  the  solem- 
nity of  great  thoughts,  from  the  simple  statement  of  universal  truths,  funda- 
mental yet  transcendental  in  their  importance,  the  class  was  called  back  by 
occasional  bursts  of  genuine  humor.  The  gentle  Doctor  was  himself  trans- 
formed, his  face  lighted  up,  his  eyes  sparkled — one  might  at  such  moments 
imagine  what  sort  of  man  Dr.  Ward  had  been  in  his  earlier  years^for  he  was 
old  when  he  first  came  to  Brown  University.    Old  but  not  decadent,  aged  but 


64  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

still  active;  his  mental  vision  as  clear  as  in  his  prime.    Only  the  body  of  Dr. 
Ward  had  yielded  to  time,  his  mind  was  still  fresh  and  an  inspiration  to  his 

students.  ^    ^ 

James  Q.  Dealey 

Brown  University 

Dr  Ward  was  the  author  of  hundreds  of  contributions  to  botany, 
paleontology,  geology,  anthropology,  psychology,  and  sociology. 
The  bibliography  of  his  writings  would  make  a  fair-sized  pamphlet. 
The  total  numer  of  his  distinct  publications  amounts  nearly  to 
six  hundred,  in  this  respect  showing  his  kinship  with  great  European 
scholars  Uke  Virchow  or  Metchnikoff.  During  the  last  thirty 
years  this  prodigious  worker  has  printed  probably  not  less  than  six 
or  eight  thousand  pages  of  book  matter,  all  of  it  substantial  in 
character  and  appearing  with  the  imprimatur  of  the  leading 
publishers.  Probably  no  other  American  of  our  time  matches  Dr. 
Ward  in  scientific  and  philosophic  productiveness. 

Although  he  made  original  studies  in  many  fields,  increasingly 
his  interest  centered  in  sociology.  He  was  not  of  those  who  amass 
knowledge  for  its  own  sake.  He  regarded  all  the  sciences  worth 
prosecuting  because  they  may  be  made  contributory  to  man's 
progress.  With  him  social  problems  took  precedence  over  all  other 
problems.  He  came  upon  the  field  of  sociology  at  the  time  when 
Herbert  Spencer  was  at  the  height  of  his  prestige  and  influence. 
His  great  two- volume  book  Dynamic  Sociology,  published  in  1883, 
challenged  the  laissez-faire  do-nothing  conclusions  of  Spencerian 
sociology  upon  grounds  as  deep  and  philosophic  as  Spencer  himself 
sought.  Conceding  that  nearly  all  the  social  progress  hitherto 
attained  has  come  about  as  an  incident  to  the  efforts  of  individuals 
in  the  pursuit  of  their  ends,  he  stoutly  maintained  that  the  tune 
would  certainly  come  when  organized  society  would  consciously 
and  intelligently  adopt  measures  to  accelerate  its  progress.  Hither- 
to, government  has  been  conceived  as  a  mere  policeman  to  keep  the 
peace  and  to  protect  private  rights.  But  we  are  on  the  threshold 
of  time  when  government  will  become  the  instrument  of  a  social 
intelligence  for  the  promotion  of  the  general  welfare,  and  will 
undertake  to  hasten  progress  in  a  great  variety  of  ways. 

*'We  are  in  the  stone  age  of  politics,"  was  one  of  Dr.  Ward's 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  65 

memorable  sayings.  He  meant  that  mankind  has  not  even  yet 
conceived  what  might  be  done  by  intelligent  concerted  effort 
to  improve  its  condition.  He  hailed  every  step  in  government 
support  of  research,  and  in  the  promotion  of  higher  education  as 
heralding  the  new  day  of  progress  by  collective  effort. 

Dr.  Ward  lived  to  see  his  philosophy  triumph  in  the  minds  of 
leaders  of  thought  and  opinion.  Today  there  is  nothing  left  of 
the  Spencerian  theory  of  the  state  which  thirty  years  ago  dominated 
the  political  thought  of  the  intellectuals,  with  the  exception  of 
a  handful  of  socialists  and  a  few  men  trained  in  the  economic  semin- 
aries of  the  German  universities.  Few  reahze  that  Ward's  daring 
arraignment  of  the  supposedly  perfect  methods  of  Nature  and  his 
justification  of  the  ways  of  mind  in  his  Psychic  Factors  of  Civiliza- 
tion, published  in  1893,  furnishes  the  philosophy  that  lies  at  the 
base  of  the  recent  great  extension  of  functions  by  contemporary 
governments. 

While  many  policies  that  are  called  "socialistic"  find  their 
justification  in  Ward's  philosophy  of  progress,  he  was  no  Marxist. 
He  was  quite  as  profound  and  original  as  Marx,  and  offered  a  more 
satisfying  sociology.  He  declined  to  recognize  changes  in  the 
technique  of  production  as  a  prime  motor  of  progress,  nor  was  he 
willing  to  stress  class  struggle  as  Marx  did.  While  attaching 
great  importance  to  economic  factors  in  history,  he  was  no  historical 
materialist.  To  him,  not  the  better  distribution  of  wealth  but 
the  better  distribution  of  knowledge  is  a  first  essential  to  social 
betterment.  He  insisted  that  unless  the  masses  be  lifted  to  a 
much  higher  plane  of  inteUigence,  human  exploitation  cast  out  in 
one  form  will  creep  back  under  another  form.  No  policies  aiming 
at  a  better  distribution  of  wealth  will  avail  in  the  long  run  so  long 
as  great  differences  in  intelligence  exist  at  the  different  social  levels. 
On  the  other  hand,  provided  only  that  social  classes  become 
approximately  equal  in  inteUigence,  means  will  be  found  for  putting 
an  end  to  all  forms  of  exploitation  as  they  show  themselves.  Ward's 
Applied  Sociology,  published  in  1905,  is,  therefore,  the  most  elab- 
orate and  fundamental  argument  ever  made  for  universal  public 
education  as  the  preparation  for  solving  the  social  problem  and 
the  basis  for  a  continuous  social  progress. 


66  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Since  the  death  of  Tarda.  Dr.  Ward  has  been  generally  recog- 
nized as  the  foremost  living  social  philosopher.  He  served  as 
first  president  of  the  American  Sociological  Society,  and  was  presi- 
dent a  few  years  ago  of  the  Institut  International  de  Sociologie. 
His  books  were  translated  into  many  languages,  and  he  kept  up  a 
correspondence  with  social  thinkers  in  various  parts  of  the  world. 
Some  years  ago,  a  Russian  translation  of  his  Dynamic  Sociology 
was  about  to  be  brought  out,  but  the  entire  edition  was  destroyed 
by  the  Russian  censor,  apparently  under  the  impression  that  the 
word  "dynamic"  had  something  to  do  with  "dynamite."  At  the 
time  of  his  death.  Dr.  Ward  had  completed  and  was  working  on 
the  proofs  of  a  ten- volume  edition  of  his  lesser  works  and  record  of 
his  intellectual  life,  announced  under  the  title  Glimpses  of  the 
Cosmos.  When  one  considers  the  vast  range  of  his  intellectual 
interests,  the  number  and  variety  of  his  original  contributions  to 
science,  and  his  great  power  of  generalization,  one  feels  that  if 
Aristotle  had  chanced  to  be  born  in  Illinois  about  the  middle  of 
the  nineteenth  century,  his  career  would  have  resembled  that  of 
Lester  F.  Ward  more  than  that  of  any  other  American  of  our  time. 

In  association  with  Dr.  Ward  there  was  an  uplift  like  knowing 
mountain  or  sea.  Like  Spencer  he  was  a  man  who  early  conceived 
a  disinterested  life  purpose  and  carried  it  through  to  a  triumphant 
conclusion.  His  will  was  adamantine,  and  he  allowed  nothing  to 
divert  him  from  the  path  toward  his  goal.  For  thirty-five  years 
he  labored  like  a  Hercules  at  his  self-imposed  task  of  proving  the 
practicabihty  of  "telic"  social  progress.  In  early  life  he  was 
severe  and  caustic  with  the  champions  of  traditional  ideas,  but  as 
the  opposition  began  to  give  way  and  he  found  himself  followed  by 
a  growing  host  of  disciples,  he  mellowed  and  became  very  gentle 
with  the  honest  holders  of  ancient  beUefs.  With  sentimentalists 
he  was  patient,  but  he  never  mixed  with  them,  for  he  reaHzed  that 
what  is  lacking  is  not  the  will  to  social  progress  but  the  way. 

In  spirit  he  was  Spartan  and  he  never  sacrificed  a  stroke  in 
order  to  win  either  money  or  popular  applause.  He  was  profoundly 
imbued  with  the  true  scientific  man's  reverence  for  truth,  and  faith 
in  its  beneficence.  He  would  take  no  end  of  pains  in  order  to 
verify  a  statement  or  to  get  a  detail  exactly  right.     His  generaliza- 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  67 

tions  rested  upon  a  vast  knowledge  of  facts  and  nothing  could 
induce  him  to  use  facts  in  a  partisan  way.  He  was  indeed  a  wor- 
shiper of  truth,  and  as  such  held  himself  to  a  high  and  exacting 
standard  beside  which  the  standards  of  the  ordinary  custodian  of 
religion  and  morals  seem  low  and  loose. 

Edward  Alsworth  Ross 

University  of  Wisconsin 


It  is  difficult  to  write  objectively  of  a  man  whom  one  has  known 
through  the  best  years  of  life  when  every  thought  of  him  calls  up 
memories  that  one  cherishes.  Dr.  Ward  was  one  of  those  great 
personaHties  in  whom  neither  intellectual  power  nor  erudition  ever 
overshadowed  the  comrade  and  friend — the  elemental  human 
nature  of  such  as  love  their  fellowmen.  In  his  seventy-first  year 
the  spirit  of  youth  and  the  joy  of  Hving  were  still  in  him. 

His  fame  will  grow  as  the  years  pass.  In  his  lifetime  his  reputa- 
tion suffered  in  a  measure  because  unfortunately  he  was  most 
widely  known  as  the  protagonist  of  views  that  many  of  his  con- 
temporaries regarded  as  paradoxical  and  questionable.  The 
biologists  are  not  likely  to  accept  his  contentions  about  woman's 
place  in  the  scheme  of  evolution,  and  the  economists  show  no  dis- 
position to  shape  their  theories  of  utihty  and  value  to  his  con- 
ceptions.    His  real  work  was  not  in  fields  of  controversy. 

His  productiveness  was  remarkable,  even  when  allowance  is 
made  for  his  splendid  strength,  and  the  fulness  of  years  allotted  to 
him.  In  paleobotany  his  achievement  would  have  been  a  worthy 
life  record  for  a  scientific  specialist  devoted  to  that  one  subject. 
Yet  that,  no  more  than  controversy,  was  Dr.  Ward's  real  work.  To 
sociology  he  gave  his  devotion  and  the  best  powers  of  his  superbly 
equipped  mind.  Not  counting  articles,  lectures,  and  summaries,  his 
constructive  writings  in  sociology  fill  five  large,  rich  volumes. 

Throughout  them  all  runs  one  dominating  and  organizing 
thought.  Human  society,  as  we  who  live  now  know  it,  is  not  the 
passive  product  of  unconscious  forces.  It  lies  within  the  domain  of 
cosmic  law,  but  so  does  the  mind  of  man;  and  this  mind  of  man  has 
knowingly,  artfully,  adapted  and  readapted  its  social  environment, 


68  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  with  reflective  intelligence  has  begun  to  shape  it  into  an  in- 
strument wherewith  to  fulfil  man's  will.  With  forecasting  wisdom 
man  will  perfect  it,  until  it  shall  be  at  once  adequate  and  adapt- 
able to  all  its  uses.  This  he  will  do  not  by  creative  impulse  evolv- 
ing in  a  void,  but  by  constructive  intelligence  shaping  the 
substantial  stuff  of  verified  scientific  knowledge.  Wherefore, 
scientific  knowledge  must  be  made  the  possession  of  mankind. 
Education  must  not  merely  train  the  mind.  It  must  also  equip 
and  store,  with  knowledge. 

This  great  thought  Dr.  Ward  apprehended,  expressed,  explained, 
illuminated,  drove  home  to  the  mind  of  all  who  read  his  pages,  as 
no  other  writer,  ancient  or  modern,  has  ever  done.  It  is  his  endur- 
ing and  cogent  contribution  to  sociology. 

Franklin  H.  Giddings 

Columbia  University 


The  most  obvious  of  Ward's  contributions  to  sociological  con- 
struction work  was  undoubtedly  his  share  in  fixing  the  terminology 
of  the  new  science.  He  will  always  stand  out  among  the  great 
figures  of  the  Grunderaera  as  a  pioneer  in  the  work  of  mapping  out 
and  naming  the  sections  of  the  sociological  field.  For  with  a 
subject-matter  so  compHcated  as  that  of  sociology  the  student  must 
first  be  a  discoverer  and  explorer  before  he  can  successfully  handle 
terminological  concepts.  It  is  true  that  not  all  the  terms  suggested 
by  Ward  have  been  accepted  as  final,  and  the  captious  critic  may 
easily  instance  certain  rather  mechanical  terms  of  Greek  origin 
which  are  not  likely  to  become  current,  but  there  remains  a  store  of 
those  which,  being  real  contributions  to  scientific  clarity  and  pre- 
cision, will  permanently  enrich  sociological  literature.  Some  of 
these  he  invented,  others  he  imported  from  the  technical  sciences 
and  naturahzed  in  sociology,  still  others  he  took  from  common 
usage  and  gave  a  quite  special  significance.  Examples  are  telesis, 
sociocracy,  synergy,  meliorism,  achievement,  improvement,  oppor- 
tunity. 

But  the  need  for  a  distinctive  terminology  was  subordinate  in 
Ward's  mind  to  a  conviction  that  sociology  must  vindicate  its  claim 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  69 

as  a  genuine  science.  To  do  this  it  must  have  its  own  special 
equipment.  While  still  a  student  of  the  natural  sciences  he  saw 
that  sociology  must  first  of  all  be  scientific.  Dynamic  Sociology 
was  written  in  what  we  are  now  accustomed  to  consider  the  pre- 
historic period  of  American  sociology,  and  in  that  book  he  declared 
that  "if  the  domain  of  social  phenomena  is  as  completely  one  of 
law  as  that  of  physical  phenomena,  then  we  may  logically  expect 
the  same  measure  of  success,  in  proportion  as  their  laws  are  known, 
which  marks  the  progress  of  human  supremacy  in  the  material 
world."  Rejecting  the  once-current  pedantic  contention  of  the 
philosophy-of-history  school  that  the  test  of  true  science  is  its 
power  to  predict,  he  held  that  the  only  legitunate  demand  on  a 
science  is  that  it  be  a  systematic  study  of  the  laws  of  phenomena, 
a  study  not  of  mere  facts  but  of  uniform  causation  deducible  from 
recurrent  facts.  It  was  in  this  matter  of  the  proper  placing  of 
sociology  among  the  sciences  that  Ward's  own  equipment  in 
general  science,  always  the  envy  of  his  fellow-sociologists,  was  of 
peculiar  value. 

Each  student  of  sociology  is  hkely  to  find  in  a  comprehensive 
system  like  Ward's  some  one  feature  to  which  he  assigns  paramount 
importance,  and  the  fact  that  there  is  diversity  of  opinion  as  to 
what  is  of  most  value  is  an  evidence  of  the  richness  and  range  of  the 
system.  To  me  the  thing  which  bulks  largest  is  his  consistent 
and  masterful  working-out  of  the  nature  and  method  of  collective 
telesis.  Now  I  suppose  that  no  one  would  class  Ward's  philosophy 
as  utilitarian  in  the  ordinary  sense,  but  purposeful  it  certainly  is. 
No  man  ever  more  rigidly  insisted  on  scientific  methods,  but  none 
was  ever  less  a  believer  in  science  for  its  own  sake.  Readers  are 
never  allowed  to  forget  that  "the  purpose  of  sociology  is  to  accele- 
rate social  evolution."  While  he  never  entered  the  field  of  social 
politics  with  a  specific  program.  Ward's  ambition  was  to  work  out 
a  system  of  philosophy  worthy  of  use  as  the  groundwork  of  practical 
social  action.  It  is  a  significant  fact  that  he  made  his  Applied 
Sociology  the  capstone  of  his  system,  and  of  that  work  he  could 
accurately  say  that  "the  central  thought  is  that  of  a  true  science 
of  society,  capable,  in  the  measure  that  it  approaches  completeness, 
of  being  turned  to  the  profit  of  mankind.     If  there  is  one  respect  in 


70  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

which  it  differs  more  than  in  others  from  rival  systems  of  phi- 
losophy, it  is  in  its  practical  character  of  never  losing  sight  of  the 
end  or  purpose  nor  of  the  possibihties  of  conscious  effort.  It  pro- 
claims the  efhcacy  of  effort  provided  it  is  guided  by  intelligence." 
It  follows  therefore  that,  if  the  conscious  improvement  of  society 
by  society  is  the  supreme  end,  human  achievement  appHed  to  social 
improvement  is  the  subject-matter  of  sociology.  If  this  definition 
of  Ward's  be  found  too  narrow  it  at  least  has  the  merit  of  accen- 
tuating that  element  which  is  of  most  consequence  in  the  range 
of  interests  with  which  the  science  is  concerned. 

This  is  true  primarily  because  the  characteristic  attitude  toward 
social  progress  has  been  one  of  blundering  helplessness,  and  the 
predominant  note  of  social  philosophy  one  of  pessimism,  a  pessimism 
based  either  on  the  doctrine  of  despair,  as  in  certain  introspective 
philosophies  Hke  Schopenhauer's,  or  on  scientific  determinism  which 
assumes  man's  helplessness  in  the  face  of  cosmic  evolution.  The 
laissez-faire  attitude  is  not  an  accident,  nor  is  it  confined  to  economic 
theory.  Ward's  doctrine  of  meliorism  is  not  new,  but  his  virile 
exposition  of  the  possibiHty  and  promise  of  improvement  through 
effort  is  one  of  the  most  wholesome  notes  that  has  been  injected 
into  recent  thought.  True  mehorism  is  ''humanitarianism  minus 
all  sentiment."  Life  is  to  be  emancipated  and  Hberalized  by  knowl- 
edge turned  to  practical  uses.  Happiness — or  rather  that  state  of 
good  for  which  there  is  no  better  word  in  English — is  the  most 
natural  thing  in  the  world,  because  it  is  the  result  of  adaptations 
developed  in  the  struggle  for  life.  Aceticism,  Hke  pessimism,  is 
a  survival  from  the  pain-economy  stage  of  evolution  when  man  was 
hampered  or  helpless.  Ward  has  undoubtedly  assigned  too  large 
a  place  to  the  part  played  by  individual  genius  in  the  achievement 
of  new  truth  and  its  social  appropriation,  for,  as  he  himself  has 
sometimes  shown,  man,  who  first  conquered  nature,  has  now  himself 
been  conquered  by  society.  But  out  of  this  very  overemphasis 
on  the  individual  he  has  wrought  the  best  part  of  his  doctrine  of 
augmenting  the  working  capital  of  society  by  enlarging  and  general- 
izing opportunity.  It  is  not  necessary  to  accept  Ward's  theory 
of  the  uniform  distribution  of  abiUty  among  classes  and  races  in 
order  to  give  proper  value  to  his  doctrine  of  opportunity,  and  I  for 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  71 

one  am  not  ready  to  accept  it.  Nor  is  it  necessary  to  believe,  as 
he  seems  to  imply,  that  a  doubling  of  the  means  of  education,  for 
instance,  would  mean  a  doubling  of  the  output  of  ability,  for  the 
amount  of  talent  that  remains  latent  in  modern  civilized  societies, 
while  undoubtedly  large,  is  hardly  to  be  reckoned  in  such  dimen- 
sions as  Ward  imagined.  But  with  all  deductions  a  practical  equali- 
tarian  social  philosophy  like  his  is  an  essential  need  for  the  present 
democracy  which  assumes  to  call  itself  efficient. 

Although  among  the  earhest  and  foremost  champions  of  a 
psychological  as  distinguished  from  a  biological  interpretation  of 
society.  Ward's  catholicity  of  view  saved  him  from  the  excesses 
of  rigid  dogmatism  which  characterize  some  of  the  recent  work  in 
this  line.  His  insistence  on  the  predominance  of  the  psychic  factors 
is  the  outgrowth  of  a  large  and  sane  scholarship  httle  concerned 
with  the  vagaries  of  social  psychology  as  such.  It  is  because  mind 
is  the  directive  agent  that  the  psychic  element  is  of  primary  impor- 
tance. Even  in  his  theory  of  social  forces  his  attention  is  always 
directed  toward  social  improvement  as  the  end. 

Ward's  social  philosophy  grew  naturally  out  of  his  career  as  a 
scientist  and  was  the  fruitage  of  wide  studies  in  science,  philosophy, 
and  literature  to  which  his  early  life  was  devoted.  Like  practically 
all  other  sociologists  of  the  older  generation,  he  thus  came  into  the 
field  of  his  greatest  work  after  a  preparation  in  other  more  special- 
ized disciplines.  Whether  or  not  this  kind  of  preparation  be  one 
which  will  always  prove  necessary  for  sociologists,  and  there  is  good 
ground  for  believing  that  it  is,  it  remains  true  that  it  gave  to  his 
thinking  a  maturity  and  range  which  it  could  not  otherwise  have 
had.  It  enabled  him,  relatively  late  in  life,  to  develop  a  particularly 
vital  and  organic  system  of  social  philosophy  which  has  equal  value 
as  an  instrument  of  education  and  as  a  manual  of  fundamental 
principles  of  social  action. 

Ulysses  G.  Weatherly 

Indiana  University 


The  passing  of  Lester  F.  Ward  removes  from  the  scene  of  action 
the  last  of  the  great  sociological  giants  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
Professor  Ward  will  always  rank  with  the  other  two  great  founders 


72        '  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  our  science — Comte  and  Spencer.  In  some  ways  his  work  for 
sociology  was  second  only  to  that  of  Auguste  Comte.  If  there  were 
errors  in  both  his  premises  and  generalizations,  as  I  beHeve  there 
were,  this  fact  in  no  wise  detracts  from  the  epoch-making  character 
of  his  work,  nor  does  it  give  him  any  lesser  place  than  we  have 
indicated.  Like  all  great  men,  Professor  Ward  was  great  in  spite  of 
his  errors. 

The  distinctive  significance  of  Ward's  work  was,  as  Professor 
Small  has  said,  to  get  for  the  psychic  factor  in  human  society  due 
recognition,  and  adequate  formulation.  Spencer's  sociology, 
based  as  it  was  upon  a  mechanistic  theory  of  evolution,  tended  to 
minimize  the  psychic  factor,  even  to  lead  to  its  ignoring  altogether. 
Now,  Ward  was  distinctly  a  Spencerian  in  both  his  cosmology  and 
biology.  It  was  all  the  more  significant,  therefore,  that  a  scientific 
man  of  the  same  school  of  thought  as  Spencer  should  protest  against 
the  implications  of  the  Spencerian  sociology.  Inconsistently  or 
not.  Ward  undertook  to  show  that  the  psychic  factor  is  the  domi- 
nant one  in  human  society ;  that  it  is  the  factor  which  must  receive 
chief  attention  from  sociologists;  and  that,  through  it,  human  prog- 
ress may  even  be  artificially  controlled.  Thus  Ward  became  one 
of  the  founders  of  modern  psychological  sociology.  He  found  no 
difficulty  in  recognizing  at  their  full  value  all  the  psychic  or  sub- 
jective elements  in  the  social  hfe.  In  his  later  work,  even  religion 
itself  was  recognized  as  "the  force  of  social  gravitation  which  holds 
the  social  world  in  its  orbit,"  while,  from  first  to  last,  education  was 
in  Ward's  mind  the  chief  instrument  through  which  social  progress 
was  to  be  effected.  Thus  Ward  found  a  place  in  his  sociology  for 
all  the  higher  spiritual  values  of  civilization;  and  incidentally  by 
doing  this  he  did  much  to  relieve  the  materiahstic  monism,  upon 
which  he  based  his  sociology,  of  the  charge  that  it  is  entirely  nega- 
tive in  its  attitude  toward  these  higher  spiritual  values.  Whether 
Ward  was  consistent  in  all  this  or  not,  we  must  leave  the  future 
development  of  science  to  decide.  One  can  only  admire,  however, 
his  inconsistency,  if  such  it  was,  for  it  transformed  sociolog>^  from  a 
negative  to  a  positive,  from  an  abstract  to  an  appHed,  science. 

Once  more  the  tendency  has  become  manifest  to  exclude  from 
recognition  in  pure  science  the  psychic  factor.     As  the  readers 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  73 

of  this  Journal  know,  the  very  latest  tendency  in  science  is  to  rule 
out  of  consideration  all  psychic  or  subjective  elements  and  make 
sociology  purely  a  physical  science,  that  is,  a  social  physiology. 
The  trend  of  the  very  latest  school  in  sociology,  in  other  words,  is 
to  rest  everytliing  upon  the  assumption  of  a  pure  mechanistic 
monism.  This,  the  representatives  of  this  school  say,  is  necessary, 
because  it  is  the  method  of  science.  Science,  they  say,  can  deal 
only  with  mechanical  causation.  It  can  know  nothing  of  psychic 
causation,  if  there  be  such  a  thing.  Will  it  require  another  Lester 
F.  Ward  to  shatter  this  fallacy  and  recall  sociologists  to  common- 
sense?  If  the  new  school  is  followed,  to  any  extent,  somebody 
will  certainly  be  needed  again  to  "breathe  the  breath  of  life" 
into  sociology,  as  Ward  did  in  his  Dynamic  Sociology,  when  he 
shattered  the  Spencerian  social  philosophy. 

Charles  A.  Ellwood 

University  of  Missouri 


{From  a  letter  not  written  for  publication] 
".  .  .  .  I  should  deem  it  a  great  honor  and  a  duty  to  spend 
any  amount  of  time  in  helping  the  pubHc  to  value  rightly  the  place 
which  Ward  holds  in  modern  thought.  I  admire  his  fine  character 
and  I  value  very  highly  his  twenty-five  years'  contributions  to 
sociological  thought.  I  believe  that  his  brave  spirit,  his  splendid 
moral  courage,  and  his  profound  wisdom  are  destined  to  have  an 
ever-deepening  influence  on  social  progress.  I  am  wondering 
whether  the  symposium  which  you  are  now  planning  might  not  in 
the  near  future  be  followed  by  a  careful  and  elaborate  study  of 
Ward  and  his  work?  The  first  part  of  such  a  study  might  well 
be  some  account  of  his  life  and  characteristics,  gathered  from  his 
papers  and  the  reminiscences  of  his  friends " 

George  Elliott  Howard 

University  of  Nebraska 


Although  I  had  met  Mr.  Ward  frequently  at  association  meetings 
it  was  not  my  good  fortune  to  have  a  close  personal  acquaintance 
with  him ;  therefore  my  knowledge  of  his  Ufe,  character,  and  scholarly 


74  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

ability  is  derived  chiefly  through  his  published  works.  However, 
I  remember  very  well  the  first  time  I  met  him.  It  was  in  the 
"Historical  Seminary"  room  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University 
about  1888  or  1889.  Some  of  us  had  been  reading  Dynamic 
Sociology  under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Herbert  B.  Adams,  and  Dr. 
Ward  lectured  before  the  "  Seminary  "  on  certain  phases  of  the  work. 
After  his  lecture  we  were  permitted  to  ask  questions.  This  method 
brought  us  into  more  vital  relations  with  the  subject  and  the  author. 
I  was  much  impressed  with  Dr.  Ward's  clearness  of  vision,  sound- 
ness of  doctrine,  and  the  persistency  with  which  he  held  to  his  course 
of  argument. 

I  regarded  him  then  as  a  great  man  and  an  epoch-making  phi- 
losopher, far  in  advance  of  current  thought.  Since  then  I  have  come 
to  regard  him  as  the  greatest  sociologist  of  modern  times,  which 
of  course  means  of  any  time.  He  is  conspicuous  as  a  leader  among 
numerous  able  sociologists.  Not  that  one  can  accept  all  that  he 
says  without  criticism,  for,  indeed,  one  cannot  read  Ward  without 
questioning  many  of  his  points  of  view  and  some  of  his  conclusions. 
Mr.  Ward  as  a  special  student  in  paleobotany  was  inclined  to 
approach  the  subjects  of  sociology  from  the  standpoint  of  his 
specialized  science,  and  by  his  severely  scientific  method  oriented 
the  social  subject,  apparently  forgetting  for  the  time  being  its 
relationship  to  other  subjects  and  creating  apparent  contradictions 
and  semblances  of  disagreement.  Frequently  his  narrow  view 
of  psychology,  history  and  economics  led  him  into  attitudes  of 
thought  which  were  open  to  criticism. 

In  order  fully  to  appreciate  his  masterly  position  one  must 
rise  to  a  higher  generalization  and  contemplate  his  whole  system. 
While  he  has  had  many  able  contemporaries  who  have  written  well 
and  scientifically  on  various  phases  of  sociology,  he  is  the  only  one 
who  has  boldly  attempted  to  make  a  system  of  sociology.  The 
apparent  antagonism  of  contemporary  writers  to  Ward's  sociology 
has  arisen  because  they  have  written  from  the  standpoint  of  social 
sciences  while  he  has  approached  all  social  subjects  from  the 
standpoint  of  biological  and  physical  science.  As  a  follower  of 
Ward's  writings  I  have  found  that  his  attempt  to  bridge  over  the 
gap  between  organic  and  human  evolution,  and  to  relate  biological 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  75 

and  psychological  development  with  sociological,  was  the  greatest 
service  performed  to  me  personally,  and  I  doubt  not  that  this  was 
his  greatest  achievement.  From  these  relationships  he  passes  on 
to  rational  selection  and  the  control  of  society  in  its  own  interests. 
Comte  gave  sociology  a  place  in  the  hierarchy  of  sciences.  Spencer 
systematized  ethnological  and  anthropological  data.  Schaffle 
outHned  a  system  of  social  structure,  and  de  Greef  combined  the 
social  structure  with  social  activities,  but  Ward  developed  the  plan 
on  which  society  was  evolved,  discussed  the  principles  on  which  it 
was  founded,  and  operated  and  presented  a  program  by  which  it 
could  be  improved.  One  cannot  help  regret  that  his  Pure  Sociology 
and  his  Applied  Sociology  could  not  have  been  followed  by  a  work 
on  social  technology  to  complete  the  system.  His  recent  writings 
on  eugenics  and  practical  social  problems  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  had  he  lived,  a  third  volume  would  have  been  necessary  to 
complete  his  system. 

Mr.  Ward  has  been  criticized  for  undue  emphasis  laid  upon  social 
forces  in  both  dynamic  and  pure  sociology.  Yet  the  great  lines 
of  his  argument  are  in  the  main  correct.  One  of  his  characteristics 
was  to  emphasize  causation,  and  his  social  forces  are  social  causes. 
They  were  the  causes  which  created  society  and  held  it  intact  and 
hence  were  more  truly  socializing  forces  than  true  social  forces. 
The  latter  arise  out  of  society,  and  are  the  results  of  social  activity 
rather  than  the  causes,  for  real  social  forces  arise  from  group  activ- 
ity. Nevertheless  his  concept  is  a  valuable  one  from  which  all  soci- 
ologists have  profited.  Differ  as  we  may  from  some  of  his  points  of 
view,  object  as  we  may  to  some  of  his  conclusions,  the  facts  remain 
that  he  was  the  first  great  sociologist,  that  his  work  is  epoch-making 
for  social  science,  and  that  his  system  is  monumental.  Sociology, 
in  its  synthetic  processes,  and  in  its  methods  will  change,  but  for 
years  to  come  all  writers  must  recognize  the  great  lines  of  his  system. 

Frank  W.  Blackmar 

University  of  Kansas 


If  it  is  possible  for  me  to  add  anything  to  what  has  been  said 
or  implied  in  the  foregoing  tributes,  it  will  be  by  way  of  personalities 
which  will  be  pardonable  as  ancient  history. 


76  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

I  cannot  precisely  date  my  discovery  of  Dynamic  Sociology, 
but  its  meaning  for  me  was  crucial,  and  I  was  aware  at  once  that  it 
had  leveled  barriers  to  an  advanced  stage  in  my  mental  growth. 
I  had  been  occupying  a  chair  of  history  and  economics  for  a  number 
of  years.  So  far  as  I  had  developed  a  "method,"  it  was  under 
heavy  bonds  to  speculation,  rather  than  intelligently  objective. 
I  had  given  an  undue  proportion  of  attention  to  the  philosophers  of 
history,  but  both  they  and  the  historians  proper  had  lost  their  grip 
on  my  credulity.  Two  things  kept  recurring  in  my  thoughts, 
first,  that  there  must  be  some  sort  of  correlation  between  human 
occurrences,  and  second,  that  the  clues  to  that  correlation  must  be 
found  by  checking  up  cause  and  effect  between  human  occurrences 
themselves,  not  in  some  a  priori.  I  had  read  both  of  Comte's  major 
works,  but  had  been  more  impressed  by  their  absurdities  in  detail 
than  by  the  saving  remnant  of  wisdom.  They  had  increased  my 
wistfulness  for  a  credible  clue  to  the  explanation  of  human  experi- 
ence, but  they  had  not  appealed  to  me  as  affording  anything  very 
plausible  to  supply  the  want.  I  had  read  everything  that  Spencer 
had  published,  but  the  elements  in  his  method  that  afterward 
seemed  to  me  most  useful  failed  to  find  me  at  first.  The  sight  of 
the  title  Dynamic  Sociology  instantly  acted  as  a  reagent  to  crystal- 
lize elements  that  had  been  incoherent  in  my  mind,  and  to  separate 
the  product  from  foreign  substances.  The  moment  I  began  to 
turn  the  leaves  of  the  book,  I  was  aware  of  feeling  as  the  alchemists 
might  have  felt  two  or  three  centuries  earlier  if  they  had  stumbled 
upon  the  "philosophers'  stone."  At  the  same  time  the  book  never 
seemed  to  me  a  solution,  but  rather  a  wonderfully  expressive  sym- 
bolic guide  to  the  path  in  which  solutions  might  be  found.  The 
epithet  "  materiahstic "  stood  then  for  the  most  inexorable  taboo 
in  my  ritual.  After  finishing  the  first  reading,  I  wrote  to  the  author : 
"I  was  well  along  in  the  book  before  I  found  reason  to  question  my 
classification  of  you  as  a  materialist.  If  that  is  what  you  call 
yourself,  I  must  admit  that  materialism  ceased  to  seem  to  me  a 
very  terrible  foe  of  the  spirit,  when  I  found  you  ending  the  book 
with  an  exhortation." 

Dynamic  Sociology  did  not  seem  to  me  to  push  the  frontier  of 
the  ontological  problem  any  further  back  toward  ultimates  than 


LESTER  FRANK  WARD  77 

hundreds  of  philosophers  had  reached.  It  did  make  me  feel  more 
secure  in  accepting  the  working  necessity  of  dealing  with  orders  of 
phenomena  in  accordance  with  their  last  discoverable  traits  even 
if  this  procedure  leaves  us  with  practical  duality.  It  enabled  me 
to  think  of  so-called  physical  and  psychical  phenomena  as  equally 
real,  as  equally  instrumental  in  their  place,  as  functioning  in  orders 
of  experience  which  are  somehow  related  whether  we  are  able  to 
formulate  the  relationships  or  not.  It  placed  psychical  causation 
on  a  plane  of  plausibility  as  convincing  as  the  presuppositions  of 
physical  causation,  without  resorting  to  anything  extra-phenomenal 
in  support  of  the  one  more  than  of  the  other.  It  located  social 
causation  within  human  beings,  instead  of  outside,  above,  beneath, 
or  beyond  them.  It  punctured  the  bubble  of  metaphysical  phi- 
losophy of  human  experience,  and  exposed  the  literal  problems 
of  human  relationships  under  the  aspect  of  psychology  as  the  ulti- 
mate analysis.  As  I  said,  this  did  not  solve  the  problems,  but  it 
proposed  them  as  real,  whereas  they  had  previously  been  formulated 
as  more  or  less  mythical  or  mystical. 

I  have  often  said,  and  it  remains  my  estimate,  that,  everything 
considered,  I  would  rather  have  written  Dynamic  Sociology  than 
any  other  book  that  has  ever  appeared  in  America.  Not  surely 
because  it  has  gained  more  applause  of  men  than  many  others. 
I  found  in  1888  that  Professor  Ely  was  the  only  member  of  the 
Johns  Hopkins  faculty  who  seemed  to  know  anything  about  the 
book.  In  1893  Dr.  Ward  told  me  that  barely  five  hundred  copies 
had  been  sold.  It  was,  however,  at  least  a  generation  ahead  of  the 
sociological  thinking  of  Great  Britain  and  it  saved  American  sociolo- 
gists the  long  wandering  in  the  wilderness  of  misconstrued  evolu- 
tionism from  which  English  sociology  is  at  this  late  day  working 
out  the  rudiments  of  its  salvation. 

I  must  confess  that  I  have  never  been  able  to  learn  from  Dr. 
Ward's  later  works  anything  of  first-rate  importance  which  I  did 
not  find  in  Dynamic  Sociology.  Unless  I  misunderstood  his  own 
estimate,  my  reaction  was  strictly  in  accordance  with  his  own 
view  of  his  writings.  He  thought  he  had  said  in  substance  in  his 
first  book  everything  which  his  later  writings  contained,  but  that 
the  greater  elaboration  was  necessary  in  order  to  make  his  message 


78  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

carry.  I  think  he  would  have  indorsed  my  opinion  that  the  later 
books  were  justified  pedagogically,  but  that  they  exhibited  a 
scientific  anti-climax. 

It  would  be  impossible  for  me  to  express  the  sense  of  security 
which  I  felt  in  my  earlier  venturings  into  sociology,  because  of 
Dr.  Ward's  previous  explorations.  I  might  compare  it  with  the 
confidence  of  a  dispatch  boat  convoyed  by  a  battleship. 

After  it  became  less  venturesome  to  be  a  sociologist,  Dr.  Ward's 
friendship,  on  both  the  personal  and  the  professional  planes,  was 
always  an  inspiration  and  a  benediction. 

Albion  W.  Small 

University  of  Chicago 


THE  RURAL  SOCIAL  CENTER 


HENRY  S.   CURTIS 
Olivet  College,  Michigan 


Because  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  are  scattered,  and 
society  is  impossible  in  connection  with  daily  work,  the  social 
center  or  common  meeting-ground  seems  to  be  more  needed  in  the 
country  than  it  is  in  the  city.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  social  and  rec- 
reational life  and  business  co-operation  can  be  organized  without  it. 

The  social  center  movement  has  taken  a  powerful  hold  on  the 
imagination  of  the  country  during  the  last  few  years,  but  thus  far 
not  so  strong  a  hold  on  the  country  as  on  the  city.  Still  there  is 
something  being  done  in  nearly  every  county  in  the  northern  part 
of  this  country  at  present.  The  Social  Center  Association  of 
America  was  organized  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin  in  the  fall 
of  iQii  with  Professor  Edward  J.  Ward  as  secretary  and  Josiah 
Strong  as  president.  Professor  Ward  is  organizing  social  centers 
about  the  state  of  Wisconsin  from  the  extension  department  of 
the  university,  and  five  other  states  have  already  undertaken  a 
similar  work.  There  is  keen  interest  in  nearly  all  parts  of  the 
country,  and  the  states  of  Wisconsin  and  Minnesota  have  recently 
passed  laws  requiring  school  boards  to  open  the  school  buildings 
to  the  pubHc  whenever  the  public  may  desire  it.  In  the  last 
presidential  campaign,  the  three  candidates  each  indorsed  the 
idea  of  this  wider  use  of  school  buildings,  and  in  Chicago,  Rochester, 
and  several  other  cities  the  schools  were  used  for  campaign  speeches 
and  in  some  for  polUng-places  as  well.  One  of  the  most  able 
addresses  that  was  given  at  the  formation  of  the  association  was 
made  by  Governor  Wilson,  so  it  would  look  as  though  the  move- 
ment should  receive  all  due  official  encouragement  during  the 
years  that  are  upon  us.  It  has  the  indorsement  of  the  National 
Education  Association  and  of  all  prominent  educators  everywhere. 
The  spread  of  the  idea  has  been  so  quiet,  and  the  recent  develop- 
ments have  been  so  little  reported,  that  it  is  almost  impossible  to 

79 


8o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

tell  how  general  it  has  become  at  the  present  time,  but  it  is  safe 
to  say  that  a  beginning  has  been  made  in  nearly  every  city  and 
county  of  the  country.  This  beginning  is  often  very  feeble  and 
inadequate,  but  it  is  a  seed  out  of  which  may  well  grow  a  great 
movement.  While  it  is  possible  to  do  the  work  best  perhaps  around 
the  church  wherever  an  adequate  church  which  has  the  support 
of  the  whole  community  can  be  found,  there  are  few  adequate 
churches  with  resident  ministers  in  the  country,  and  it  is  well- 
nigh  impossible  to  have  this  development  around  the  church  with- 
out this  condition.  The  church  that  is  to  be  a  real  social  center 
must  owe  its  allegiance  to  the  whole  community,  not  to  any  sect; 
it  must  become  in  fact  a  community  church.  At  present  we  have 
very  few  such  churches,  and  nine- tenths  of  the  work  that  is  being 
done  is  probably  at  the  public  schools. 

DIFFERENT  AIMS   IN   SOCIAL   CENTER  DEVELOPMENT 

The  social  center  like  most  new  movements  is  developing 
along  different  lines  in  different  localities.  It  lacks  suitable 
equipment  everywhere,  and  nowhere  has  a  real  community  center 
yet  appeared.  In  some  places  the  activities  are  largely  educa- 
tional, with  public  lectures,  classes  in  domestic  economy,  manual 
training,  and  gymnastics;  in  others  it  is  largely  recreational,  with 
singing,  dramatics,  games,  and  dancing;  while  in  yet  others  it  is 
becoming  the  civic  forum  for  the  meeting  of  various  clubs  and  the 
discussion  of  pubHc  questions.  New  York  took  the  lead  in  the 
beginning  in  developing  the  social  center  of  the  first  two  types. 
Rochester  has  been  largely  responsible  for  developing  the  social 
center  of  the  civic  type.  This  was  similar  to  what  parents'  asso- 
ciations and  school  improvement  associations  had  been  doing  in 
many  places,  but  the  movement  took  a  new  start  with  a  new  spirit 
of  social  equality  at  Rochester,  and  to  Professor  Forbes,  the  presi- 
dent of  the  school  board,  and  to  Professor  Ward,  the  superintendent 
of  the  Social  Centers,  are  due  great  credit,  both  for  the  develop- 
ments at  Rochester  and  elsewhere.  The  Rochester  type  of  a 
social  center  comes  the  nearest  to  creating  a  real  community 
center  of  any  of  the  social  centers  thus  far  attempted,  and  it  has 
also  within  itself  the  machinery  that  is  necessary  to  reform  politics 


THE  RURAL  SOCIAL  CENTER  8i 

and  improve  the  community,  which  the  other  forms  of  social 
centers  have  not.  Under  the  New  York  ideals  the  social  centers 
are  carried  on  by  the  Board  of  Education.  Under  the  Rochester 
ideal  the  social  center  becomes  an  expression  of  the  people  them- 
selves. 

THE  METHOD   OF   ORGANIZATION 

As  the  social  center  is  in  most  cases  using  the  public  schools 
and  is  often  a  real  extension  of  the  work  of  the  schools  to  the 
community,  it  might  seem  that  this  is  a  work  that  belongs  naturally 
to  the  school  board,  and  so  it  is  if  the  school  board  finds  itself  in 
the  position  to  do  it.  The  educational  phases  of  the  social  center, 
the  classes,  the  lectures,  the  school  exhibitions,  and  the  library 
work,  should  naturally  be  under  the  school  authorities,  and  it  is 
well  for  them  to  take  the  initiative  in  these  matters  whenever 
possible;  but  so  far  as  possible  the  social  and  civic  interests  of 
the  center  should  be  democratic  and  managed  by  the  people 
themselves.  School  boards  often  will  not  have  the  authority  to 
initiate  this  work  unless  a  special  ordinance  is  passed  conferring 
this  right  upon  them,  and  they  will  seldom  have  the  money  in 
the  beginning  that  will  be  necessary.  Hence,  however  properly 
this  work  might  belong  to  the  school  board,  in  very  many  cases 
at  least  the  first  steps  will  have  to  be  taken  by  some  outside  parties. 

THE   SCHOOL   SOCIAL  CENTER  ASSOCIATION 

It  is  highly  important  that  the  people  should  feel  from  the 
beginning  that  the  social  center  belongs  to  them,  as  this  will  make 
it  more  popular  and  secure  in  its  financial  support.  It  is  better 
to  have  the  work  initiated  by  the  people  of  the  community  than 
to  have  it  started  by  the  school  board  or  any  less  general  agency. 
It  is  not  at  all  difficult  to  begin  the  movement  in  this  way.  A 
public  meeting  should  be  called  and  someone  should  be  invited 
to  give  a  talk  on  the  social  center  idea.  After  that  there  should 
be  discussion,  and  a  social  center  association  or  civic  league  should 
be  formed  with  a  temporary  constitution  and  officers  to  hold  over 
until  a  later  meeting  when  permanent  officers  can  be  elected  and 
a  permanent  constitution  can  be  adopted.  It  is  best  as  a  rule  to 
have  some  small  dues.     It  is  through  organizations  such  as  this 


82  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

that  most  of  the  great  social  progress  of  the  last  two  decades  has 
been  effected.  In  union,  organization,  there  is  strength.  Twenty- 
five  people  who  are  in  earnest  and  will  work  together  can  carry 
almost  any  movement  against  the  indifference  of  twenty-five 
thousand.  If  there  are  half  a  dozen  people  who  are  interested 
enought  to  call  such  a  meeting,  and  there  are  a  few  more  who  are 
interested  enough  to  attend,  this  is  an  effective  and  admirable  way 
to  make  a  beginning.  It  is  wise  to  have  the  discussion  somewhat 
arranged  for  beforehand,  to  have  a  provisional  constitution  ready, 
and  to  have  looked  over  the  field  carefully  for  the  provisional 
oflScers,  who  are  likely  to  be  the  permanent  officers.  The  writer 
recently  organized  such  a  social  center  movement  in  a  Michigan 
town  of  some  seven  hundred  inhabitants.  A  public  meeting  was 
called  with  a  popular  lecture,  and  a  civic  league  was  formed  with 
about  forty  members,  who  signed  the  slips  that  evening.  The 
league  maintains  a  class  for  civic  discussions,  which  meets  at  noon 
on  Sundays,  a  Sunday  evening  lecture  course  with  civic  lectures 
from  the  state  university,  the  agricultural  college,  the  various 
state  departments,  and  several  local  sources.  It  has  a  social  even- 
ing once  in  two  weeks.  It  has  been  organized  only  about  three 
months,  but  it  has  already  secured  dental  and  medical  inspection 
for  the  school  children,  a  better  set  of  films  for  the  moving-picture 
show,  a  closer  co-operation  between  the  grange  and  the  town,  an 
organization  of  the  Camp  Fire  Girls,  and  it  has  started  a  movement 
for  domestic  economy  and  agriculture  in  the  local  high  school. 

However,  the  country  is  noted  for  its  conservatism  and  lack 
of  initiative  in  social  affairs,  and  if  all  communities  had  to  wait  for 
the  movement  to  start  up  in  their  midst,  there  are  some  that  would 
have  to  wait  a  long  time. 

THE  RECREATION  ASSOCIATION 

In  the  cities,  a  large  part  of  the  social  centers  are  operated  by 
the  various  playground  associations.  The  most  expensive  social 
center  buildings  that  have  ever  been  constructed  are  the  field- 
houses  in  the  Chicago  playgrounds.  The  centers  at  Rochester 
were  a  part  of  the  movement  for  general  recreation  and  were  under 
the  superintendent  of  playgrounds  and  social  centers.     In  New 


THE  RURAL  SOCIAL  CENTER  83 

York,  also,  the  evening  recreation  centers  are  under  the  same 
superintendent  as  the  school  playgrounds.  In  most  cities  the 
social  center  work  is  winter  work  of  the  playgrounds.  This  enables 
them  to  hire  their  directors  by  the  year,  and  to  maintain  a  contin- 
uous pohcy.  However,  there  are  no  playground  associations  in 
the  country  and  it  looks  as  though  the  social  center  would  have 
to  start  the  organized  play,  instead  of  the  recreation  movement 
organizing  the  social  centers. 

A  parents'  association 
Wherever  there  is  already  a  parents'  association  or  a  home  and 
school  league  in  the  neighborhood,  this  offers  one  of  the  best  means 
of  getting  started,  as  the  league  may  take  up  the  social  center 
work  as  one  of  its  regular  activities.  They  may  be  able  to  get  the 
school  board  to  make  an  appropriation  for  the  sake  of  starting 
the  movement,  and  they  should  always  attempt  to  do  this,  even 
though  it  seems  certain  that  the  request  will  not  be  granted,  as 
it  helps  to  familiarize  the  board  with  the  idea.  If  they  are  not 
able  to  secure  an  appropriation,  it  is  best  to  raise  a  small  amount 
by  private  subscription,  and  start  the  movement  in  a  small  way. 
Most  people  have  great  reluctance  in  asking  others  to  contribute 
money  to  pubHc  purposes,  but  it  is  not  nearly  so  difficult  to  raise 
money  as  most  people  imagine.  About  all  that  is  needed  is  the 
expectation  of  receiving  what  you  ask  for.  There  is  a  new  spirit 
of  giving  in  this  country  at  the  present  time,  and  there  are  many 
people  who  are  genuinely  glad  to  give  to  a  worthy  cause. 

SCHOOL  IMPROVEMENT  ASSOCIATIONS 

In  nine  of  the  southern  states,  the  Southern  Education  Board 
is  paying  an  organizer  of  school  improvement  associations.  This 
work  was  begun  in  Maine  some  thirty  years  ago  and  was  later 
taken  up  by  the  state  of  North  Carolina.  Professor  Claxton,  now 
commissioner  of  education,  became  interested  in  it,  and  through 
him  it  became  one  of  the  policies  of  the  Southern  Board  to  put 
such  an  organizer  into  the  office  of  each  southern  state  superin- 
tendent of  schools.  This  organizer  goes  about  the  state  usually 
with  a  lantern  and  meets  groups  of  parents  who  are  called  together 
by  the  county  superintendent.    She  shows  pictures  of  what  other 


84  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

schools  are  doing,  and  suggests  that  they  form  a  school  improve- 
ment association  which  will  work  for  the  welfare  of  the  school  and 
neighborhood.  These  associations  have  been  very  effective  in 
improving  conditions  at  the  schools,  and  incidentally  have  organized 
the  neighborhood  to  work  for  a  public  purpose.  In  Mississippi 
they  usually  meet  once  a  month  on  Saturdays.  The  people  bring 
a  picnic  lunch  and  spend  the  day  or  at  least  a  half-day.  The  work 
of  the  children  is  exhibited  and  the  deficiencies  in  the  school  equip- 
ment become  evident.  In  the  afternoon  athletic  contests  are  a 
feature.  The  Southern  Board  has  done  many  good  things  that 
might  well  be  adopted  by  the  North,  and  such  an  organizer  might 
well  be  an  assistant  to  every  state  superintendent  in  the  country 
and  be  paid  from  public  funds.  Superintendent  Cook  of  Arkansas 
says  that  for  every  dollar  that  has  gone  into  the  salary  of  this  person 
in  his  state  there  has  come  back  to  the  state  four  hundred  dollars 
in  improved  buildings  and  grounds  alone.  It  is  impossible  to  tell 
how  much  has  come  back  in  the  way  of  a  quickened  social  life  and 
civic  spirit.  An  investment  that  yields  40,000  per  cent  profit  is 
worth  trying.  I  believe  this  organizer  of  school  improvements 
is  an  excellent  agency  for  the  initiation  of  this  movement  when 
outside  assistance  is  necessary.  Of  course  the  social  center  will 
come  in  time  without  any  systematic  promotion  from  any  body, 
for  the  consciousness  of  the  need  is  already  upon  us;  but  it  ought 
not  to  be  necessary  to  wait  for  this  idea  to  percolate  down  to  each 
isolated  board  of  education  throughout  the  country;  and  those 
who  take  up  new  movements  without  expert  assistance  are  likely 
to  do  the  work  badly  and  wastefully  in  the  beginning.  The  social 
center  is  essential  to  the  welfare  of  country  life  and  it  redounds 
to  the  welfare  of  the  school  directly  in  bringing  the  parents  and  the 
teachers  together.  As  the  social  centers  are  organized  in  most 
cases  in  connection  with  the  public  schools,  and  are  practically 
an  extension  of  public-school  work,  their  promotion  belongs 
naturally  under  the  state  superintendent  of  public  instruction. 

THE    STATE   UNIVERSITY 

Six   state   universities   have    already   employed   social   center 
organizers.     There  is  great  interest  in  this  subject  in  a  number 


THE  RURAL  SOCIAL  CENTER  85 

of  states,  and  the  rather  general  extension  of  this  idea  seems  likely. 
State  universities  are  coming  to  conceive  of  their  function  in  terms 
of  service  such  as  was  scarcely  dreamed  of  a  decade  ago.  The 
University  of  Wisconsin  has  led  in  this  new  conception  of  the  uni- 
versity, as  the  home  of  a  body  of  specialists  who  would  each 
endeavor,  not  merely  to  serve  the  student  body,  but  to  carry 
their  message  to  the  whole  state.  It  has  been  rewarded  by  a 
phenominal  growth  in  numbers,  in  the  loyalty  of  the  citizens,  and 
in  large  appropriations.  It  is  a  noble  conception  of  the  purpose 
and  aim  of  a  university,  and  one  illustration  of  where  it  has  not 
been  merely  the  home  of  "abandoned  ideals."  There  are  advan- 
tages in  such  organizing  of  this  work,  because  these  men  can  give 
courses  at  the  university  at  the  same  time.  Still  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  the  university  is  here  usurping  the  function  of 
the  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  Practically,  however, 
it  may  be  quite  possible  for  the  universty  to  get  the  money  for 
such  an  expert,  and  it  may  not  be  at  all  possible  for  the  state  super- 
intendent to  secure  such  an  assistant.  The  important  thing  is 
to  have  the  work  done. 

THE  AGRICULTURAL  COLLEGE 

In  about  half  of  the  states,  the  agricultural  college  is  one  of 
the  professional  schools  of  the  state  university.  Where  the  schools 
are  separate  it  may  be  that  the  starting  of  the  rural  social  center 
falls  more  naturally  to  the  lot  of  the  agricultural  college  than  to 
that  of  the  -university.  Certainly  the  teaching  of  agriculture  and 
domestic  economy,  and  institutes  for  farmers  and  farm  women 
are  likely  to  be  among  its  largest  functions.  Nearly  all  the  rural 
life  conferences  that  have  been  held  in  connection  with  the  agri- 
cultural colleges  have  declared  for  the  development  of  the  social 
center  in  connection  with  the  rural  schools.  Wherever  the  agri- 
cultural college  has  on  its  staff  a  man  in  rural  sociology  who  can 
give  some  of  his  time  to  this  work,  it  is  certainly  as  appropriate 
for  the  agricultural  college  as  for  the  state  university  to  do  it. 

NORMAL  SCHOOLS 

There  are  some  cases  where  the  students  and  professors  have 
gone  out  from  the  normal  schools  to  organize  social  centers  in 


86  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

rural  schools  in  the  territory  immediately  adjacent  to  them. 
This  is  a  piece  of  school  missionary  work  such  as  we  should  naturally 
expect  from  the  normal  schools,  and  we  may  hope  for  a  great 
extension  along  this  line  in  the  future.  A  number  of  normals  are 
planning  work  of  this  character  for  the  coming  year. 

It  is  evident  from  what  has  been  said  thus  far  that  there  is 
no  lack  of  agencies  through  which  social  centers  may  be  organized. 
If  all  of  these  agencies  get  busy  together,  they  ought  to  be  able  to 
do  the  work  up  in  a  short  time.  From  whatever  source  the  social 
center  is  organized  it  should  be  mainly  self-directed  after  it  is  once 
started. 

WHO   SHOULD  MANAGE   THE   SOCIAL  CENTER? 

The  classes,  lectures,  and  the  library  will  in  general  have  to  be 
paid  for  by  the  educational  authorities,  and  should  be  managed  by 
them.  The  social  and  civic  activities  should  be  an  expression  of 
the  life  of  the  people  and  managed  by  them  so  far  as  possible. 

There  will  have  to  be  some  person  in  general  charge  of  the 
center,  and  this  person  should  if  possible  be  the  principal  of  the 
consolidated  school,  if  the  school  is  the  social  center;  or  better  the 
director  of  recreation  for  the  township,  if  such  a  position  can  be 
created.  This  serves  again  to  emphasize  the  point  of  view  of 
Commissioner  Claxton  that  the  rural  teacher  should  be  a  fixture 
in  the  rural  community,  and  that  he  should  be  furnished  a  house 
with  a  small  farm  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of  the  school 
in  the  same  way  that  a  preacher  is  furnished  a  parsonage.  No 
social  center  will  run  itself,  and  there  must  be  one  or  more  persons 
who  are  always  there  and  who  are  responsible  for  the  discipline, 
the  readiness  of  everything  that  is  to  be  used,  and  the  general 
program.  If  the  principal  does  this  work,  he  will  have  to  be  paid 
for  it,  as  will  also  the  teachers  of  classes,  the  lecturers,  and  the 
janitor.  The  social  center  will  also  increase  the  heating  bill  and 
the  lighting  bill,  and  naturally  a  primary  question  in  regard  to 
the  social  center  is:  How  are  these  expenses  to  be  met? 

FINANCING  THE   SOCIAL   CENTER 

Like  all  new  movements,  the  social  center  usually  has  to  be 
begun  by  private  initiative.     This  nearly  always  means   three 


THE  RURAL  SOCIAL  CENTER  87 

things:  that  the  simplest  and  least  expensive  activities  must  be 
chosen;  that  the  workers  must  contribute  their  time  or  serve  for 
very  small  compensation,  and  that  there  must  be  some  means  for 
raising  money.  There  are  four  ways  of  financing  the  social  center: 
it  may  be  largely  by  membership  dues  in  the  social  center  associa- 
tion; it  may  be  supported  by  the  entertainments  which  it  gives 
or  that  are  given  outside;  it  may  be  supported  by  the  contribu- 
tions of  public-spirited  people;  or  it  may  be  supported  from 
public  funds.  Probably  all  of  these  means  should  be  used  at  times. 
It  is  a  good  thing  to  have  a  small  membership  fee  in  the  social 
center  association  in  any  case,  so  that  it  may  not  be  entirely 
dependent  on  public  funds.  It  is  more  blessed  to  give  than  to 
receive  and  giving  increases  the  interest.  There  are  now  about 
fifty  cities  where  the  social  centers  are  supported  in  whole  or  in 
part  from  public  funds.  For  the  most  part,  I  beHeve  the  rural 
centers  have  been  operated  without  any  funds.  The  school  has 
contributed  the  building,  and  the  performers  have  contributed 
the  talent.  However,  the  sort  of  a  social  center  which  will  really 
meet  the  need  of  a  rural  community  cannot  be  so  maintained; 
it  must  have  a  regular  appropriation  from  the  school  or  some  other 
pubhc  funds,  or  a  considerable  budget  must  be  raised  from  private 
sources.  As  a  public  enterprise  the  social  center  which  becomes 
the  real  community  center  of  a  township  has  unusual  advantages. 
Its  constituency  are  the  voters  of  the  township  and  they  can  have 
anything  they  are  wilhng  to  pay  for  unless  the  law  forbids. 

HOW  MUCH  TERRITORY  SHOULD  THE  RURAL  SOCLVL  CENTER  COVER  ? 

So  far  as  the  social  center  is  carried  on  under  the  school  authori- 
ties, there  are  two  possibihties :  the  school  district  may  be  taken 
as  the  unit,  or  the  township  may  be  taken  as  the  unit.  It  is  quite 
impossible  for  the  single  school  district  in  most  places  to  support 
the  variety  of  activities  that  are  needed  at  a  social  center.  It 
cannot  maintain  a  library  that  is  worth  while,  pubHc  lectures,  a 
gymnasiimi,  classes  in  domestic  science  and  agriculture,  the  mov- 
ing picture,  and  many  other  things  that  are  needed  to  make  the 
social  center  really  attractive.  The  social  center  can  be  main- 
tained at  the  one-room  school,  but  its  activities  will  naturally  be 


88  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

very  much  restricted,  both  by  the  lack  of  equipment  and  by  the 
lack  of  numbers.  It  would  appear  that  the  consohdated  school 
is  still  more  necessary  to  the  adults  than  it  is  to  the  children,  and 
that  the  social  needs  of  the  community  are  the  very  strongest 
reasons  that  we  have  at  present  for  the  consolidation,  though  the 
other  reasons,  arising  from  effectiveness  in  school  work  and  economy 
of  school  administration,  are  entirely  sufficient.  Consolidation  is 
already  the  accepted  educational  policy,  and  we  may  expect  the 
very  rapid  development  in  this  direction  that  is  now  going  on  in 
the  most  progressive  states  soon  to  reach  the  whole  country.  A 
village  graded  or  high  school  will  serve;  but  the  consolidated 
school  for  the  township,  with  a  township  park  and  athletic  ground 
around  it,  is  the  ideal  social  center  for  a  rural  community. 

THE   SOCIAL   CENTER   BUILDING 

The  consolidated  school  should  have  both  an  auditorium  and  a 
gymnasium  or  hall,  but  if  it  can  have  only  one,  it  should  always 
take  the  g>Tanasium,  because  the  gymnasium  can  be  equipped  as 
an  auditorium  whenever  it  is  desired,  and  it  can  be  used  for  dances, 
banquets,  voting,  and  public  meetings  as  well.  It  might  well  be 
the  regular  meeting-place  of  the  grange,  the  women's  club,  or  any 
other  similar  organizations.  It  would  be  well  if  there  could  be 
a  small  room  for  the  care  of  the  babies  at  the  time  of  entertain- 
ments, and  one  or  more  social  rooms  or  parlors  for  small  neighbor- 
hood meetings,  gossip,  etc.  As  this  room  might  serve  as  the 
teachers'  room  as  well,  it  would  mean  no  considerable  extra  expense. 
As  the  gymnasium  would  be  also  the  town  hall  and  polling-place 
and  the  grange  hall,  it  might  be  a  positive  economy  for  a  country 
neighborhood.  Certainly  the  number  of  changes  that  are  needed 
to  adapt  the  ordinary  consolidated  school  for  a  social  center  are 
not  many  or  serious. 

TAMALPAIS  CENTER,   CALIFORNIA 

Tamalpais  Center,  a  few  miles  out  of  San  Francisco,  was  built  by 
Mrs.  A.  E.  Kent,  the  mother  of  Congressman  Kent  of  CaHfornia, 
as  a  contribution  to  this  recreation  problem  for  the  country  and 
country  village.  The  ground  given  consists  of  twenty-nine  acres 
of  level  land  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Tamalpais.     It  is  a  beautiful 


THE  RURAL  SOCIAL  CENTER  89 

location  and  there  is  a  fine  club  building  and  a  competent  director. 
There  is  a  playground  for  the  children  with  a  lady  play-ground 
director,  several  baseball  diamonds,  and  football  fields,  and  space 
for  athletic  events.  A  speeding-track  for  horse  races  is  around 
the  edge.  The  fieldhouse  is  used  for  dances,  social  gatherings, 
literary  and  debating  clubs,  and  public  lectures.  The  popularity 
of  this  center  has  increased  ever  since  it  was  started  and  it  is 
expected  that  the  community  will  soon  assume  the  expense  of  its 
maintenance. 

There  have  been  a  number  of  other  centers  constructed  in  the 
country  on  a  somewhat  less  ambitious  scale  than  the  center  at 
Tamalpais.  It  is  another  phase  of  the  Chicago  question  whether 
we  shall  use  the  schools  for  social  centers  or  construct  special  centers 
in  the  parks.  On  the  whole,  the  argument  seems  to  rest  with  the 
schools,  as  the  school  center  costs  very  little  above  the  regular 
school  cost  and  has  a  far  larger  attendance.  As  the  social  center 
is  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for  the  consolidated  school,  it  would  be 
rather  a  pity  to  divide  the  argument  by  building  a  separate  social 
center  in  most  sections,  though  it  is  fine  to  have  such  an  experi- 
ment, and  to  see  how  it  will  work  out;  for  history  sometimes 
confounds  our  fondest  theories.  All  gratitude  is  due  Mrs.  Kent 
for  the  demonstration. 

It  is  not  necessary  that  the  social  center  activities  should  always 
be  carried  on  in  the  same  building.  If  there  is  a  social  center  or 
civic  organization  that  can  stand  behind  the  movement,  the 
meetings  may  be  held  in  such  places  as  are  available,  now  in  a 
village  high  school,  now  in  a  church,  again  in  the  grange  hall  or 
the  opera  house.  There  are  certain  kinds  of  activities  that  cannot 
of  course  be  carried  on  through  such  a  migratory  center,  but 
there  are  a  large  number  that  can,  and,  if  the  movement  were  begun 
in  this  way,  it  would  soon  develop  better  facilities. 

THE   ONE-ROOM  SCHOOL 

Wherever  it  is  necessary  to  carry  on  the  social  center  at  a 
one-room  school,  it  will  be  an  advantage  if  movable  desks  can  be 
provided,  so  that  the  room  can  be  seated  for  adults  as  well  as 
children  or  cleared  altogether  for  entertainments.    If  a  new  build- 


90  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

ing  is  to  be  erected,  it  would  be  well  for  those  who  have  the  matter 
in  charge  to  investigate  the  model  for  a  country  school  which  has 
been  built  by  President  Kirk  of  the  State  Normal  at  Kirksville, 
Mo.,  for  the  practice  work  of  his  rural  teachers.  This  has  been 
described  in  many  articles,  and  President  Kirk  can  furnish  a 
detailed  account  of  it  on  application.  Two  of  the  features  of  this 
school  building  that  fit  it  especially  to  be  a  social  center  are  that 
the  seats  are  not  fastened  to  the  floor  but  are  on  little  platforms, 
so  that  they  can  be  moved  to  one  side,  and  the  room  can  be  seated 
with  folding  chairs  for  adults,  or  the  floor  space  can  be  used  for 
dancing  or  games.  A  stereoptican  fits  into  its  own  cabinet  in  the 
back  of  the  room.  A  gasoline  engine  in  the  basement  pumps 
water  for  the  toilets  and  shower  baths  and  generates  the  electricity 
to  hght  the  school  building  and  the  lantern.  The  engine  is  operated 
by  one  of  the  older  boys.  In  the  attic  of  the  school  is  a  large 
cooking-range,  which  is  used  for  lessons  in  domestic  science  by 
the  older  girls,  and  which  might  be  used  equally  well  for  after- 
noon teas  by  the  club  women. 


THE  SOUTHERN  SOCIOLOGICAL  CONGRESS 


L.  L.  BERNARD 

University  of  Florida 


The  second  annual  session  of  the  Southern  Sociological  Congress 
was  held  in  Atlanta,  April  25-29.  This  year  the  congress  continued 
the  policy  begun  last  year,  of  confining  the  energies  of  the  organization 
to  a  practical  program.  During  the  entire  session  of  four  days — seven 
sections  meeting  simultaneously  part  of  the  time — not  a  single  paper  in 
the  field  of  theoretical  sociology,  strictly  speaking,  was  read.  All 
discussion  was  along  practical  lines,  dealing  with  present  issues  in  the 
South  and  looking  toward  the  remedy  of  existing  ills.  This  tendency 
to  eschew  the  merely  general  and  to  eliminate  fine-spun  theories  is 
characteristic  of  the  bent  of  mind  of  the  leaders  of  the  New  South.  The 
assumption  here  in  the  South  seems  to  be  that  our  greatest  need  is 
action,  since  already  we  have  accumulated  much  more  information 
than  we  have  yet  found  methods  of  putting  into  practice.  The  southern 
conception  of  the  scope  and  meaning  of  sociology  is  radically  different  from 
that  of  the  East.  This  fact  was  well  illustrated  by  the  comment  of  an 
eastern-trained  man  now  teaching  in  one  of  the  border-line  universities. 
He  said:  "I  am  surprised  that  they  call  this  organization  a  'sociological' 
congress;  so  far  I  have  seen  nothing  that  is  sociological  in  the  usual 
sense."  He  did  not  realize  that  sociology  is  practical,  or  nothing,  in 
the  South. 

In  keeping  with  the  practical  character  of  the  papers  and  the  discus- 
sion, the  program  was  planned  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  its  results  as 
far  reaching  as  possible.  There  were  two  types  of  meetings.  The 
sectional  conferences  were  devoted  to  the  more  technical  papers  and  were 
attended  largely  by  specialists  in  the  fields  of  organized  charities,  courts 
and  prisons,  public  health,  child  welfare,  travelers'  aid,  the  church 
and  social  service,  and  race  questions.  The  attendance  at  these  divisional 
meetings,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  were  held  simultaneously,  in 
some  cases  reached  as  high  as  four  hundred.  Once  daily,  and  twice 
on  the  final  day  of  the  congress,  was  held  a  general  session  which  was 
largely  attended  by  the  public  and  before  which  the  least  specialized 
addresses  were  delivered.    A  good  attendance  was  had  at  all  of  these 

91 


92  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

meetings,  that  of  the  Sunday  afternoon  drawing  an  audience  of  approxi- 
mately three  thousand  persons.  In  a  large  sense  these  were  the  most 
important  sessions  of  the  congress,  since  they  carried  its  message  to  the 
people  and  especially  to  the  workers  of  the  church,  who  embrace  a  fund 
of  social  energy  as  yet  but  inadequately  utilized.  That  the  message 
was  responded  to  was  abundantly  attested  by  the  careful  attention  and 
often  generous  applause  which  were  accorded  the  speakers. 

The  chief  significance  of  the  congress  centered  in  the  conferences  on 
race  problems.  Leading  representatives  of  both  races  were  present  in 
considerable  numbers  from  all  parts  of  the  South.  At  all  sessions  of 
the  congress  both  races  sat  on  the  same  floor  and  both  took  part  freely 
in  the  general  discussions,  when  the  meetings  were  open  to  extemporane- 
ous expression  of  opinion.  However,  only  whites  had  been  asked  to 
read  formal  papers  at  this  conference,  a  fact  of  which  the  colored  members 
of  the  audience  at  the  first  session  appeared  to  be  conscious.  But  as 
the  discussion  developed,  the  attitudes  expressed  by  the  whites  appeared 
so  fair,  their  confessions  of  white  discrimination  against  the  Negro  in 
the  south  were  so  frank  and  so  full,  and  the  promise  of  a  new  attitude 
toward  the  Negro  was  so  earnest  that  practically  all  isolated  traces  of 
bitterness  vanished  and  the  Negros  joined  in  the  discussion  of  the  papers 
with  the  heartiest  expressions  of  approval — although  with  a  note  of 
surprise  in  the  background.  The  Negroes,  however,  were  not  alone  in 
their  feeling  of  surprise.  For  the  degree  of  harmony  on  questions  at 
issue  and  the  resulting  good  feeling  which  were  increasingly  manifested 
at  the  conferences  were  in  the  nature  of  a  revelation  and  a  cause  for  grati- 
fication to  all  present.  So  strong  was  this  feeling  that  it  spread  to  the 
general  meetings  even,  and,  when  in  the  closing  moments  of  the  last 
general  session,  minute  talks  were  allowed  from  the  floor,  most  of  these 
were  devoted  to  the  race  problem,  Negroes  and  whites  alternating  in 
expressions  of  satisfaction  at  the  direction  affairs  had  taken  and  at  the 
promise  of  a  better  understanding  between  the  races.  The  sentiments 
of  all  present  were  best  expressed,  perhaps,  by  a  young  Negro  of  Atlanta, 
who  declared  that  the  white  man  and  the  Negro  of  the  Old  South  under- 
stood each  other  in  the  order  which  was  then  dominant,  and  that  the 
young  white  man  and  the  young  Negro  of  the  present  were  beginning 
to  understand  each  other  and  to  reach  a  basis  of  co-operation.  It  is  not 
too  much  to  say  that  the  conference  on  race  problems  of  the  Congress  was 
of  historic  significance,  since  there  for  the  first  time  the  southern  white 
man  and  the  Negro  met  on  an  equal  plane,  intellectually,  for  the  discus- 
sion of  their  common  problems.     But  we  should  not  forget  that  it  will 


THE  SOUTHERN  SOCIOLOGICAL  CONGRESS  93 

require  time  for  the  ideas  here  expressed  by  leaders  of  southern  white 
thought  to  percolate  to  the  masses. 

A  close  second  in  the  degree  of  interest  manifested  were  the  con- 
ferences on  the  church  and  social  service.  The  great  awakening  of  the 
church  in  the  South  to  its  mission  in  this  world  was  made  particularly 
apparent  both  in  the  very  hopeful  and  frank  addresses  by  southern 
ministers  and  teachers,  and  in  a  series  of  thirty-five  resolutions  adopted 
by  this  section  of  the  congress,  declaring  in  particular  for  social  and  civic 
education  in  the  elementary  schools;  for  social  surveys  and  systematic 
social  reclamation  work  by  the  churches;  for  a  wider  use  of  church 
buildings  and  for  a  stimulation  of  community  discussion  under  the 
co-operative  leadership  of  the  churches;  for  a  closer  study  and  a  more 
effective  amelioration  of  the  living  and  recreational  conditions  of  the 
working  classes,  in  particular  of  working  women;  for  a  deeper  interest 
by  the  church  in  public  health;  and  for  making  the  country  church 
a  center  for  general  educational  and  cultural  influences.  One  of  the 
most  conspicuous  successes  of  the  Southern  Sociological  Congress,  so 
far,  is  its  success  in  enlisting  the  religious  forces  of  the  South  in  hearty 
and  intelligent  co-operation  with  its  work. 


REVIEWS 


The  Child  Thai  Toileth  Not.  By  Thomas  Robinson  Dawley. 
New  York :  The  Gracia  Publishing  Co.     Pp.  490. 

This  book  is  not  entitled  to  scientific  recognition  within  the  field  of 
labor  problems.  It  is  an  unjustifiable  attack  upon  recent  child  labor 
legislation,  and  upon  the  National  Child  Labor  Committee.  It  is 
written  by  one  severely  biased  because  of  unpleasant  personal  relations 
at  Washington,  and  voices  the  ideas  of  the  vested  cotton  interests  of  the 
South.  Its  chief  purpose  seems  to  be  to  create  public  opinion  in  favor  of 
child  labor  for  cotton  mills,  and  to  thwart  governmental  action  which 
may  result  in  further  prohibition  of  child  labor.  The  argument  is 
illogical  and  weak.  Conclusions  are  reached  without  proof  and  from 
premises  which  either  assume  the  conclusions  desired  or  are  not  directly 
pertinent  to  them. 

Mr.  Dawley  would  have  us  believe  that  child  labor  is  beneficial  and 
necessary,  and  that  it  should  be  encouraged  because  cotton  mills  pay 
taxes  to  pave  streets  and  build  schoolhouses;  because  they  establish 
certain  forms  of  welfare  work;  and  because  of  their  general  redemptive 
and  socializing  influence.  He  would  have  us  remember  that  the  children 
in  the  mills  say  that  they  like  their  work ;  that  there  are  kindergartens, 
sewing  clubs,  etc.,  under  the  auspices  of  the  mill;  that  the  superin- 
tendents are  on  such  friendly  terms  with  some  of  the  young  people  that 
they  give  them  rides  in  their  autos;  and  that  the  management,  because  it 
cannot  bear  to  see  the  people  idle,  gives  them  work  even  when  the  market 
is  dull  and  the  product  has  to  be  put  in  storage  waiting  better  times. 

Too  much  emphasis  is  thus  placed  upon  a  variety  of  data  which  are 
not  deserving  of  a  very  prominent  place  in  a  fair  consideration  of  the 
child-labor  problem  of  the  South,  and  almost  nothing  is  said  about  other 
data  which  are  vastly  more  important,  namely,  data  which  result  from  a 
really  careful  study  of  exact  labor  conditions  in  the  light  of  our  best 
standards.    The  book  is  conspicuous  for  what  it  omits. 

The  greatest  value  of  this  volume  lies  outside  the  field  of  labor.  It 
is  interesting  and  readable  because  of  its  narrative  and  descriptive  style, 
and  its  close  touch  with  human  life.  It  is  also  a  valuable  contribution  of 
detailed  information  upon  the  social  life  of  the  mountaineers. 

Roy  William  Foley 
University  of  Chicago 

94 


REVIEWS  95 

Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the 

United  States.     In  19  volumes.     6ist  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Senate 

Doc.    645.     Prepared   under   the   direction   of   Charles   P. 

Neill,  Commissioner  of  Labor.     Vol.  IX.     History  of  Women 

in  Industry  in  the  United  States.    Washington,  1910.     Pp.  276. 

This  volume  contains  an  introduction  and  summary  and  chapters  on 

the  ''Textiles,  the  Clothing  and  Sewing  Trades,"  ''  Domestic  and  Personal 

Service,"    "Food    and    Kindred    Products,"    "Other    Manufacturing 

Industries,"  "Trade  and  Transportation,"  and  twenty-four  tables  of 

statistics  for  the  above  occupational  groups.     So-called  wage-earning 

women  alone  are  considered.     Professional  work,  women  in  independent 

business  and  in  agriculture  are  considered  only  incidentally,  and  unre- 

munerated  home  work  of  women  is  entirely  neglected.    It  is  the  opinion 

of  the  writer  that  the  common  custom  of  designating  this  latter  work 

unremunerative  and  separating  it  on  that  score  from  other  wage-earning 

occupations  is  inaccurate  and  undesirable,  for  although  the  standard  of 

payment  for  such  work  has  been  indefinite  and  the  payment  itself  not  a 

money  wage,  yet  the  food,  shelter,  and  clothing  which  these  women  thus 

obtain  must  be  recognized  as  wages. 

The  report  brings  out  the  fact  that  most  of  the  transfer  of  women 
from  home  work  to  work  outside  the  home  has  taken  place  since  the 
beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  although  women  have  always 
worked  for  wages.  Even  now,  only  about  one-fifth  of  the  women  sixteen 
years  of  age  and  over  are  breadwinners  outside  the  home,  yet  there  is 
scarcely  an  industry  which  does  not  employ  women. 

The  causes  of  the  entrance  of  women  into  industry  are:  machinery, 
division  of  labor,  strike-breaking,  scarcity  of  labor,  the  Civil  War,  and 
the  influence  of  industrial  depressions.  Women  are  still  more  largely 
employed  in  their  traditional  occupations  than  in  the  newer  ones,  yet 
women's  industrial  sphere  has  expanded  somewhat. 

Contrary  to  the  socialist  contention,  the  evidence  here  collected 
shows  that  women's  wage  labor  as  well  as  other  kinds  of  labor  under  the 
domestic  system  has  often  been  carried  on  under  worse  conditions  than 
their  wage  labor  under  the  factory  system,  especially  in  the  matter  of 
hours  and  sanitary  conditions.  Women's  wages  have,  it  seems,  always 
been  low  and  unequal  to  men's  wages,  and  women,  too,  have  suffered 
from  unemployment  especially  in  the  sewing  trades.  It  is  probable  that 
in  the  long  run  women  have  not  displaced  men,  but  have  lowered  the 
standard  of  men's  wages. 


96  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  history  of  women  in  industry  shows  that  women  have  never  been 
thoroughly  trained  for  their  work  and  have  found  it  difficult  to  acquire 
proficiency.  Consequently,  they  have  "come  to  be  to  an  alarming 
extent  the  cheap  laborers  of  the  employment  market,  the  unskilled  and 
underpaid  drudges  of  the  industrial  world" — a  general  conclusion  which 
was  also  reached  by  Miss  Butler  in  Women  and  the  Trades  in  the  Pitts- 
burgh Survey. 

As  is  explained  in  the  introduction,  a  somewhat  disproportionate 
amount  of  space  in  this  volume  is  given  to  the  early  work  of  women, 
information  concerning  which  is  only  recently  available  from  rare  early 
sources.  If  any  criticism  is  to  be  made  of  so  able  a  report,  it  is,  perhaps, 
that  the  transition  from  the  early  and  middle  period  of  women's  work  to 
the  actual  present  situation  is  not  always  clearly  stated  and  this  is  a 
distinct  desideratum. 

It  is  to  be  noted  as  a  matter  of  general  interest  that  the  newspapers 
of  the  middle  of  the  century,  in  contrast  to  ours,  seem  to  have  been 
surprisingly  active  in  the  investigation  and  publication  of  trade  and  labor 
conditions.  Much  of  the  material  of  this  report  is  drawn  from  them. 
Other  sources  of  the  report  are  the  Federal  Census  and  other  government 
publications,  state  labor  and  statistical  bureau  reports,  old  books, 
pamphlets,  and  newspapers.  In  addition,  representative  industrial 
establishments  were  visited  and  persons  familiar  with  the  industries  were 
consulted. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 

Gainesville,  Fla. 


Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the 

United  States.     In  19  volumes.     6ist  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Senate 

Doc.  645.     Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Charles  P.  Neill, 

Commissioner  of  Labor.     Vol.  X.     History  of  Women  in  Trade 

Unions.     Washington,  191 1.     Pp.  236. 

This  volume  is  in  two  parts;  the  first  deals  with  the  period  from  1S75, 

the  beginning  of  organization  of  women  into  trade  unions,  through  the 

activity  of  the  Knights  of  Labor,  the  second,  with  the  later  history  from 

the  organization  of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  through  1909.     A 

supplementary  statement  gives  developments  of  1909-n, 

The  following  conclusions  are  reached  in  the  first  part:  Women's 
unions,  until  the  last  generation,  have  been  ephemeral  in  character, 
organized  often  temporarily  in  times  of  strikes.    They  have  been,  to  a 


REVIEWS  97 

greater  degree  than  men's  unions,  led  from  outside  the  ranks  of  wage- 
earners.  The  organizer  of  women  has,  in  addition  to  the  obstacles 
familiar  to  the  organizer  of  men,  women's  short  trade  life  to  contend 
with.  Women  in  trade  unions  have  resisted  unfavorable  conditions, 
have  at  times  won  a  shorter  work-day,  have  maintained  or  raised  wages, 
and  improved  conditions  of  work.  Prior  to  the  formation  of  the  Ameri- 
can Federation  of  Labor,  success  in  securing  permanent  improvement 
has  come  not  so  much  through  the  strike  as  through  a  stand  for  protective 
legislation.  As  will  be  seen,  this  attitude  toward  protective  legislation 
was  not  found  by  the  writer  of  the  second  part  of  this  volume  to  exist  in 
the  later  years  until  very  recently. 

The  second  part  of  this  volume  is  based  upon  an  investigation  of  over 
200  typical  local  trade  unions  in  1908-9,  schedules  secured  from  262 
others,  and  returns  from  local  unions  reported  by  the  state  labor  bureaus 
of  Massachusetts,  Missouri,  and  New  York.  At  the  time  of  the  inves- 
tigation it  seems  that  trade-union  members  formed  but  a  small  proportion 
of  working- women ;  nevertheless,  the  proportionate  amount  of  unionism 
among  women  is  not  far  behind  that  of  men. 

An  interesting  discussion  of  the  obstacles  to  the  organization  of 
women  emphasizes  two  in  particular — the  temporary  character  of 
women's  trade  life  and  the  strong  opposition  of  employers  to  trade  unions 
among  women.  The  mixed  union  has  been  more  effective  than  the 
woman's  union  in  gaining  advantages  speedily,  but  this  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  women  in  joining  it  have  joined  old,  strongly  established  organiza- 
tions; in  these,  however,  they  lose  the  training  in  trade  unionism  which 
membership  in  women's  locals  gives  them. 

It  is  probable  that  women's  unions  have,  in  this  last  period,  accom- 
plished some  increase  in  wages,  some  reduction  in  hours  and  gains  in  con- 
ditions of  work,  although  their  acquiescence  in  unfavorable  conditions 
has  limited  their  accomplishment.  "Practically  nothing  in  the  way  of 
securing  improved  legislation"  has  been  accomplished  by  the  women's 
unions  themselves;  indeed  little  united  stand  for  it  has  been  made  by 
them  until  very  recently  under  the  influence  of  the  Women's  Trade 
Union  League.  The  interest  of  women  in  unionism  is  "not  yet  by  any 
means  general  and  keen,"  but  it  seems  to  be  growing. 

The  Supplementary  Statement  adds  that  since  1909  there  has  been  a 
marked  growth  in  the  number  of  women's  unions  and  a  still  larger  growth 
in  membership. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 

Gainesville,  Fla. 


98  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the 
United  States.  In  19  volumes.  6ist  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Senate 
Doc.  645.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Charles  P.  Neill, 
Commissioner  of  Labor.  Vol.  XII.  Employment  of  Women  in 
Laundries.     Washington,  191 1.     Pp.  121. 

The  results  of  a  study  of  the  working  conditions  of  women  and  girls 
employed  in  laundries  in  Chicago,  New  York,  Brooklyn,  Philadelphia, 
and  Rockford,  111.,  are  here  presented.  These  cities  contain  about  2,500 
American  laundries  and  2,000  Chinese  laundries,  the  latter  largely  hand 
laundries,  and  about  one-sixth  of  the  former,  motor.  The  special  sub- 
jects of  study  were  general  conditions  of  the  workrooms,  hours  of  labor, 
and  the  effect  of  the  employment  on  women  employees.  The  latter 
study,  including  case  reports  of  539  women,  forms  the  greater  part  of 
the  report. 

In  Chicago  the  motor  laundry,  in  the  other  cities  the  hand  laundry, 
prevails,  but  much  of  the  washing  of  clothes  which  is  ostensibly  done  by 
hand  in  New  York  and  Brooklyn  is  really  done  by  motor  laundries  and 
only  ironed  by  hand  often  in  unsanitary  homes. 

Weekly  hours  of  work  in  laundries  are  not  long  as  compared  with 
other  industries,  but  the  daily  hours  are  often  unduly  extended  even  to 
14.  Rates  of  pay  per  week  ranged  from  $5.50  to  $12.00  according  to 
the  type  of  work  performed  and  the  character  of  the  laundry. 

The  injurious  occupations  within  laundries  in  which  women  engage 
are  in  the  washrooms,  where  chemicals  are  used  in  bleaching,  the  starch- 
ing, ironing,  and  shaking  processes.  Hand  ironing,  however,  is  declining 
among  women  because  of  its  heaviness.  The  sorting  and  marking  of 
soiled  clothes,  commonly  considered  dangerous  to  health,  was  not  found 
to  be  so  in  this  study.  Tuberculosis  among  laundry  workers  was  also 
found  to  be  rare.  A  special  investigation  of  this  disease  is  needed, 
however. 

Conditions  in  laundries  can  be  much  improved  by  bringing  the  hand 
laundries  and  some  of  the  motor  laundries  into  line  with  the  best  existing 
types  of  motor  laundries,  which  have  proper  ventilation  and  light, 
bathing  faciUties,  restrooms,  and  other  conditions  making  for  health  and 
efficiency.  At  present,  a  lack  of  standardization  in  these  matters 
prevails. 

As  one  reads  the  detailed  descriptions  of  the  processes  in  which 
women  in  laundries  are  engaged,  it  is  apparent  that  much  unnecessary 
labor  of  a  socially  unproductive  kind  in  addition  to  the  real  cleansing 


REVIEWS  99 

process  is  demanded  by  laundry  patrons.     Simplification  in  dress  and  the 

growth  of  the  custom  of  not  ironing  bed  linen  and  underclothes  and  of 

wearing  more  frequently  materials  requiring  neither  starch  nor  ironing 

are  desirable  from  the  standpoint  of  the  employees  in  the  laundry 

industry. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 
Gainesville,  Fla. 

Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the 
United  States.     In  19  volumes.     6ist  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Senate 
Doc.  645.     Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Charles  P.  Neill, 
Commissioner  of  Labor.     Vol.  XV.    Relation  Between  Occupa- 
tion and  Criminality  of  Women.    Washington,  191 1.     Pp.  119. 
The  common  belief  that  an  increase  of  criminality  among  women  has 
accompanied  the  widening  of  their  industrial  sphere  is  found  in  this  study 
not  to  be  supported  by  the  evidence.    The  investigation  was  based  upon 
the  records  of  penal  institutions  and  probation  records  in  five  states,  and 
3,229  women  in  all  were  studied  in  six  states.     Serious  diflEiculties  in 
gathering  definite  information  from  the  state  concerning  its  prisoners 
were  encountered,  but  every  possible  channel  for  verifying  and  checking 
information  was  utilized. 

Statistics  of  the  offenders  studied  shows  the  highest  percentage  of 
criminality,  80  per  cent,  in  the  group  designated  in  the  Census  domestic 
and  personal  service,  and  especially  among  servants  and  waitresses  in 
that  group,  the  traditional  occupations  of  women.  An  examination  of 
the  earliest  occupations  of  these  offenders  further  emphasizes  the  high 
percentage  of  crime  in  this  group.  Moreover,  while  the  number  and 
proportion  of  wage-earning  women  is  increasing,  and  increasing  especially 
in  the  newer  industrial  pursuits,  criminality  among  women  seems  to  be 
decreasing  if  the  falling-off  in  the  female  prison  population  can  be  taken 
as  evidence  in  that  direction. 

The  real  relation  between  occupation  and  criminality  among  women 
seems  to  be  not  directly  causal  but  to  lie  in  the  demand  a  given  pursuit 
makes  for  intelligence  and  character  in  its  workers.  (It  is  a  criticism  of 
women  employers  and  of  all  who  engage  employees  for  domestic  and 
personal  service  that  this  work  has  been  so  little  standardized  and 
elevated  as  to  demand  low-grade  employees.) 

Immorality  among  women,  of  which  a  separate  study  is  here  made, 
seems  to  be  due  chiefly  to  the  influence  of  early  training  or  lack  of  training 
and  to  defective  mentality.     Low  wages  and  poverty  were  found  not  to  be 


100  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

direct  causes  of  immorality,  but  to  have  some  indirect  influence.  In 
short,  general  social  conditions  are  to  be  assigned  as  chief  causes  of  the 
downfall  of  the  more  intelligent  class  of  wrongdoers.  Exception  might 
be  taken  to  the  use  of  the  term  "inherited  attitude"  and  "inherited  taste 
for  liquor,"  which  are  used  as  partial  causes  in  certain  cases. 

This  volume  contains  some  exceedingly  interesting  material,  reports 
of  special  cases,  and  discussions  and  is  characterized  by  carefulness  of 
statement  and  method  and  unwillingness  to  draw  general  conclusions 
from  slight  evidence. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 

Gainesville,  Fla. 


Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the 
United  States.  In  19  volumes.  6ist  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Senate 
Doc.  645.  Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Charles  P.  Neill, 
Commissioner  of  Labor.  Vol.  XVI.  Family  Budgets  of 
Cotton-Mill  Workers.     Washington,  191 1.     Pp.  255. 

"The  precise  character  and  purpose"  of  the  study  of  the  family 
budgets  among  cotton-mill  workers  in  Fall  River  and  the  South  was  to 
determine  inductively  from  the  customs  prevailing  in  the  communities 
selected  what  is  a  fair  standard  of  living  and  what  is  the  minimum 
standard  upon  which  families  in  those  communities  are  maintaining 
physical  efficiency. 

The  main  study  was  confined  to  14  families  in  Fall  River  and  21 
families  in  the  South,  and  in  addition  the  incomes  of  75  families  in  the 
South  in  relation  to  fair  and  minimum  standards  were  studied.  The 
value  of  the  study,  therefore,  limited  as  it  was,  lies  in  the  claim  of  repre- 
sentativeness for  the  families  chosen  by  the  investigators,  and  in  the 
presentation  of  numerous  and  concrete  details  of  their  prevailing  modes 
of  living,  such  as  daily  menus  and  expenditures  for  clothing  of  different 
members  of  the  families. 

The  minimum  standard  of  living  for  a  normal  family  of  five  was  found 
to  be  in  the  South  $408 .  26.  This  standard,  however,  assumes  conditions 
which  are  practically  non-existent.  The  fair  standard,  that  is,  one  pro- 
viding for  more  than  physical  efficiency,  for  the  same  type  of  family  was 
$600. 74.  But  few  of  the  heads  of  the  cotton-mill  families  earn  so  much, 
and  even  where  several  members  of  the  family  earn  wages,  they  are 
irregular  and  fluctuating. 

In  Fall  River  the  minimum  standard  was  found  to  be  $484.41,  the 
fair  standard,  $690.95.     Here  the  investigation  could  not  be  so  detailed 


REVIEWS  lOi 

as  in  the  case  of  the  South  because  the  absence  of  company  stores  made 
it  impossible  to  gather  such  definite  information  as  to  daily  expenditures. 
But  interesting  comparisons  of  housing  conditions  and  menus  in  the  South 
and  in  Fall  River  are  made,  and  estimates  of  expenditures  are  given. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 

Gainesville,  Fla. 


The  Ethics  of  the  Old  Testament.  By  Hinckley  G.  Mitchell, 
Professor  of  Hebrew  and  Old  Testament  Exegesis  in  Tufts 
College.  Chicago:  The  University  of  Chicago  Press.  Pp. 
X+417. 
The  student  of  sociology  has  long  needed  a  work  of  this  kind,  whether 
the  need  has  been  of  the  "  long-felt "  variety  or  not.  Professor  Mitchell 
takes  the  Old  Testament  as  a  source-book  full  of  material  of  different 
ages,  according  to  the  analysis  of  historical  criticism,  and  puts  this 
material  on  view  in  the  order  of  its  antiquity,  with  special  reference  to  the 
moral  standards  of  successive  periods.  By  thus  exhibiting  Hebrew  codes 
of  conduct  in  chronological  rank,  the  author  supplies  a  treatise  on  social 
evolution  from  the  standpoint  of  the  ethical  interest.  His  book,  however, 
is  not  a  history;  and  hence  its  full  value  will  not  be  apparent  to  one  who 
has  had  no  introduction  to  the  modern  way  of  interpreting  the  Bible. 
For  this  reason,  the  book  should  be  used  along  with  such  works  as  Henry 
Preserved  Smith's  Old  Testament  History  and  Kent's  History  of  the  Hebrew 
People.  Equipped  with  these,  and  with  a  good  modern  translation  of  the 
Hebrew  text,  the  sociological  student  will  have  the  tools  which  will  enable 
him  to  go  a  long  way  toward  handling,  in  terms  of  his  own  discipline,  one 
of  the  most  fascinating  problems  in  human  history.  Sociologists  have 
long  recognized  the  importance  of  religion  as  one  of  the  great  moving 
forces  of  civilization;  and  within  this  field  they  are  bound  to  be  more  and 
more  impressed  by  the  need  of  coming  to  terms  with  the  Bible  in  particu- 
lar as  representing  the  special  form  of  religion  which  functions  at  the  basis 
of  modern  society.  In  this  new  adjustment  of  scholarly  interests.  Pro- 
fessor Mitchell's  book  will  be  of  unique  value. 

Louis  Wallis 
Chicago,  III. 

The  Evolution  of  the  Country  Community.     By  Warren  H.  Wilson. 
Chicago:  Pilgrim  Press,  1912. 
The  Preface  is  written  by  Professor  F.  H.  Giddings,  who  says  of  the 
book:  *'It  would  not  be  possible,  I  think,  to  present  these  two  aspects  of 


102  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  problem  of  the  country  parish  with  more  of  first  hand  knowledge,  or 
with  more  of  the  wisdom  that  is  born  of  sympathy  and  reverence  for  all 
that  is  good  in  both  the  past  and  the  present  than  the  reader  will  find  in 
Dr.  Wilson's  pages.  I  welcome  and  commend  this  book  as  a  fine 
product  of  studies  and  labors  at  once  scientific  and  practical."  The  two 
aspects  mentioned  are  scientific  surveys  of  conditions  and  practical  efforts 
to  improve  them.  The  author  treats  subjects  of  fundamental  impor- 
tance: the  various  types  of  farms,  economic  and  technical  problems  of 
rural  occupations,  co-operation,  schools,  morality,  recreation,  and 
common  worship.     This  volume  should  appear  in  any  select  list  of  books 

on  rural  problems. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  or  Chicago 

Modern  Philanthropy,  A  Study  of  Efficient  Appealing  afid  Giving. 
By  William  H.  Allen.  New  York:  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  191 2. 
The  author  of  this  book  follows  up  his  Efficient  Democracy  with  a 
study  of  6,000  appeals  to  Mrs.  E.  H.  Harriman,  and  a  vigorous,  nervous, 
irritating,  caustic  examination  of  the  present  condition  of  the  public 
mind  on  the  subject  of  philanthropy.  One  may  quarrel  with  his  style, 
may  question  the  soundness  of  some  of  his  generalizations,  may  raise 
question  marks  opposite  some  of  his  bold  assertions,  but  no  well-informed 
person  can  doubt  the  need  of  his  criticism.  He  is  profoundly  right  in 
regarding  the  work  of  government  as  the  normal  method  of  achieving  the 
general  ends  of  society,  and  in  declaring  that  private  philanthropy  must 
always  regard  itself  as  supplementing  the  organizations  of  the  collective 
will.  He  is  entirely  right  in  insisting  with  vigor  and  trenchant  force  that 
every  city  should  have  an  impartial  and  capable  budget  committee,  not 
merely  to  describe  and  criticize  existing  agencies,  but  to  discover  oppor- 
tunities. Those  who  are  trying  to  do  useful  social  work  will  heartily 
sympathize  with  the  contention  that  their  lives  should  not  be  wasted  in 
raising  money;  that  business  experience  should  be  devoted  to  that  task. 
The  prospect  of  establishing  a  national  clearing-house  for  the  collection 
of  information  for  givers  and  applicants  is  good  enough  to  be  hopeful. 
Business  men,  philanthropists,  social  workers,  clergymen,  associations  of 
commerce,  leaders  of  women's  clubs,  will  find  this  book  one  of  the  most 
stimulating,  thought-provoking  discussions  yet  published.  It  is  a  small 
matter  whether  we  agree  with  the  author  at  every  point;  the  first  duty 
is  to  weigh  his  argument  for  more  accurate  account  of  stock  and  complete 

survey  of  social  needs. 

t^  C.  R.  Henderson 

UNIVERSITYj[0F^CmCAG0 


REVIEWS  103 

How  to  Help.  A  Manual  of  Practical  Charity.     By  Mary  Conyng- 
TON.     New  York:   Macmillan,  1913. 

This  is  a  reprint  of  a  very  useful  book  published  first  in  1909  and 
already  familiar  to  students  of  relief. 

TT  ^  C.  R.  Henderson 

University  of  Chicago 


Co-operation  in  New  England:  Urban  and  Rural.  By  James  Ford, 
Ph.D.  New  York:  Survey  Associates,  Inc.  Pp.  xxi+237.' 
$1 .  50  postpaid. 
Co-operation  is  supposed  to  flourish  best  in  old  countries  and  where 
the  economic  necessity  for  it  is  greatest.  Certainly  it  has  not  been  a 
conspicuous  success  in  New  England.  In  spite  of  the  fact  that  this  sec- 
tion has  had  two  perceptible  waves  of  enthusiasm  for  co-operation, 
starting  in  1845  and  1874  respectively,  only  seven  of  the  nearly  one 
thousand  retail  societies  founded  as  a  consequence  have  survived. 
Though  the  author's  returns  probably  are  not  complete— he  used  the 
questionnaire  method— he  was  able  to  find  only  sixty  co-operative  retail 
establishments  at  the  time  of  his  investigation  (191 1).  Co-operative  pro- 
duction, in  the  nature  of  manufacture,  scarcely  exists  in  New  England. 
However,  rural  co-operative  production,  marketing,  and  purchasing  (of 
supplies)  societies  are  having  a  steady  growth,  due  to  the  ever-widening 
abyss  between  the  independent  producer's  returns  and  the  prices  paid  by 
the  ultimate  consumer.  In  New  England,  as  in  other  parts  of  the 
country,  co-operative  creameries  appear  to  lead  in  rural  co-operation. 
In  this  section  they  total  125. 

The  chief  sociological  significance  of  this  concise  study  is  to  be  found 
in  the  account  of  the  causes  of  failure  and  the  suggestions  for  future 
methods.  The  more  fundamental  causes  of  faOure  are  lack  of  sufficient 
capital,  discrimination  in  selling  on  the  part  of  the  non-co-operative 
wholesale  establishments,  the  difficulty  of  getting  good  managers  at 
small  salaries,  petty  jealousies,  lack  of  loyalty,  the  giving  of  credit,  short- 
sighted submission  to  the  machinations  of  competitors  who  offer'  better 
terms  temporarily,  favoritism  in  employing  help  and  the  difficulty  of  dis- 
missing it  when  found  to  be  inefficient,  competition  from  large-scale, 
well-organized  non-co-operative  concerns,  the  exceptional  mobility  of  our 
population,  the  prevalence  of  opportunity  in  this  country  which  makes 
close  saving  relatively  unnecessary,  and  in  many  cases  the  heterogeneity 
of  the  population  due  to  immigration.     By  way  of  cure  the  author  says: 


104  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

"These  evils  can  be  entirely  remedied  only  by  a  careful  determination  of 
sound  co-operative  methods,  by  the  training  of  co-operative  managers, 
and  by  the  unceasing  education  of  all  co-operators  in  the  essential  spirit 
and  ideals  of  the  movement.  Federation  of  societies  is  essential  to  large 
business  and  moral  success."  The  author's  interest  is  not  alone  in  the 
economic  success  of  co-operation,  but  he  believes  that  it  should  be  the 
means  to  "the  creation  of  a  constructive  environment  for  the  complete 
life  of  the  citizen — for  his  leisure  as  well  as  his  working  hours."  The 
study  applies  only  to  New  England,  but  its  conclusions  will  be  found  of 
value  to  other  sections  of  the  country. 


L.  L.  Bernard 


University  of  Florida 


Experiments  in  Industrial  Organization.  With  a  preface  by  W.  J. 
Ashley.  By  Edward  Cadbury.  New  York:  Longmans, 
Green  &  Co  ,  191 2.     Pp.  xxi+296.     $1.60. 

This  book,  by  the  son  of  one  of  the  founders  of  Bourneville,  a  model 
factory  suburb  near  Birmingham,  England,  describes  the  provisions  made 
by  this  firm  for  the  welfare  of  its  employees.  It  consists  of  nine  chapters 
with  an  appendix  and  a  table  on  Bourneville  Women's  Savings  and 
Pension  Fund.  In  the  nine  chapters  the  author  endeavors  to  indicate 
the  methods  by  which  the  employees  are  selected,  the  plans  for  the  edu- 
cation of  the  employees,  the  discipline,  provisions  for  health  and  safety, 
methods  of  remimeration,  organization  of  the  employees,  recreative  and 
social  institutions,  industrial  commissions,  and  conclusions  as  to  the  value 
of  this  work.  He  points  out  how  the  employees  are  very  carefully 
selected,  none  being  employed  who  have  not  reached  the  seventh  "stand- 
ard" in  the  English  school  system.  Selection  is  also  made  on  the  basis 
of  the  character  and  physical  eflSciency  of  the  applicant.  In  this  way  a 
careful  selection  of  the  employees  is  made. 

The  Cadbury  Firm  of  cocoa,  chocolate,  and  candy  manufacturers 
have,  in  the  course  of  their  fifty  years'  experience,  devised  classes  for  the 
education  of  their  employees.  All  children  under  the  age  of  eighteen 
years  are  compelled  to  attend  educational  classes.  Certain  courses  are 
marked  out,  four  years  in  length,  which  must  be  followed  by  these 
employees.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  observed  that  the  courses  have 
definite  reference  to  the  particular  work  which  the  student  is  doing,  in  the 
case  both  of  boys  and  of  girls.  A  system  of  monetary  rewards  is  devised 
to  add  an  incentive  to  school  work  and  the  remission  of  certain  fees  for 
the  educational  work  is  customary  in  order  to  incite  to  better  work. 


REVIEWS  105 

The  physical  training  is  also  looked  after  for  both  the  boys  and  the 
girls,  the  time  for  much  of  this  being  taken  out  of  the  regular  working 
hours.  In  addition  to  these  for  the  younger  employees,  there  are  mis- 
cellaneous classes  for  the  men  and  women  adults.  Gardening  classes  for 
boys  and  girls  are  also  provided.  The  apprenticeship  system  is  in  force 
in  this  factory  in  connection  with  certain  classes  for  particular  trades 
used  in  the  factory  such  as  card  box-making,  confectionary,  and  office 
organization. 

In  the  matter  of  discipline  the  firm  has  abolished  the  old-fashioned 
system  of  fines  and  deductions,  and  depends  entirely  upon  warning, 
suspension,  and  in  cases  where  insubordination  is  due  to  a  run-down  or 
nervous  condition,  to  sending  the  offender  to  the  firm's  convalescent  home 
for  a  number  of  weeks  until  the  health  is  restored.  The  whole  system  is 
based  upon  the  idea  of  reforming  the  disobedient  employee  and  fitting 
him  into  the  system  at  the  works.  Instead  of  fining  for  spoiled  work, 
dependence  is  placed  entirely  upon  a  record-system  and  upon  paying 
only  for  the  good  work  that  is  done.  Under  this  system,  from  161  cases 
of  bad  work  in  1899,  the  number  decreased  to  15  in  1910.  Cases  of  bad 
conduct  have  decreased  from  700  in  1899  to  48  in  1910.  One  of  the 
means  by  which  the  health  and  good  nature  of  the  employees  are  secured, 
especially  among  the  girls  in  the  candy  factory,  is  to  have  the  forewoman 
of  each  group  of  girls  lead  them  in  singing  every  half-hour  or  so. 

The  firm  provides  doctors,  nurses,  convalescent  home,  an  ambulance, 
and  all  the  modern  appliances  for  looking  after  the  physical  welfare  and 
health  of  the  employees. 

The  remuneration  in  this  company  is  based  upon  the  piece-work 
system.  This  system  is  subject  to  the  abuse  of  having  the  fastest  worker 
set  the  pace  and  grading  all  the  others  accordingly  as  to  their  wages.  If 
one  may  trust  the  writer  of  this  book,  this  firm  does  not  practice  that 
method.  The  standard  here  is  not  speed  but  the  best  method  of  doing 
the  work.  That  is,  it  has  been  found  that  speed  often  leads  to  poor 
work,  whereas  the  main  thing  to  be  sought  is  the  character  of  the  work 
done.  The  firm  fixes  an  adequate  minimum  wage,  taking  into  account 
the  age  of  the  worker,  based  upon  so  many  pence  per  hour.  The  actual 
rate  fixed  is  based  upon  the  earnings  of  the  best  workers.  The  firm  has 
devised  a  system  by  which  the  average  number  of  hours'  work  is  forty- 
eight  per  week.  The  firm  provides  a  gift  before  the  annual  summer 
holidays,  which  consist  of  ten  days  at  the  end  of  July,  so  that  the 
employees  may  get  away  to  the  seaside  or  the  country  without  the  loss 
of  a  week's  wages.    The  firm  also  extends  the  holidays  in  the  case  of 


io6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

those  who  have  worked  for  the  firm  one  year  or  longer,  on  the  basis  of 
three  working-days  for  one  year's  continuous  service,  six  for  three  years, 
seven  for  five  years,  and  one  day  for  every  additional  five  years'  service 
with  full  pay.  A  pension  scheme  is  also  in  force,  inaugurated  for  the  men 
in  1906,  and  for  the  women  in  191 1.  All  girl  and  women  employees  of 
fifteen  years  of  age  and  over  are  eligible.  There  is  also  a  benefit  scheme 
for  sick  employees  which  was  superseded  by  the  National  Insurance  Act 
which  went  into  effect  January  15, 19 13.  However,  the  firm  continues  to 
pay  sick  benefits  to  all  boys  and  girls  under  sixteen  years  of  age,  since 
they  do  not  receive  benefits  under  the  Insurance  Act. 

The  employees  are  organized  and  take  part  in  the  organization  and 
conduct  of  the  firm.  For  example,  there  is  a  Men's  Works  Committee, 
inaugurated  in  1905,  an  Educational  Committee,  a  Suggestion  Com- 
mittee, besides  subcommittees  dealing  with  works  holidays,  accidents, 
allotment  gardens,  and  sick  benefit.  In  addition  there  are  various 
committees,  like  the  Summer  Party  Committee,  the  Girls'  Works  Com- 
mittee, which  look  after  the  welfare  of  the  employees  and  the  recreation 
of  the  employees  of  the  works. 

In  these  ways  the  firm  has  the  advantage  of  suggestions  by  the 
employees  as  to  the  buildings  and  other  matters  which  affect  the  welfare 
of  the  employees.  The  firm  provides  recreation  grounds  and  buildings. 
Swmming-tanks,  baths,  gymnasiums,  etc.,  are  also  provided  for  the 
physical  welfare  of  the  employees.  In  order  to  enlist  the  brains  of  the 
workers  in  bettering  the  organization,  a  plan  is  carried  out  whereby 
suggestions  by  the  employees  are  paid  for  at  a  certain  rate.  The  workers 
in  the  firm  are  organized  into  athletic  clubs,  social  clubs,  camera  clubs, 
musical  societies,  a  social  service  league,  a  holiday  excursion  league. 
Libraries  are  provided,  a  work  people's  exposition  is  held  by  the 
employees,  and  available  land  owned  by  the  firm  not  immediately 
required  for  the  purposes  of  the  business  is  alloted  to  the  employees  for 
gardens. 

To  further  relieve  the  monotony  of  employment,  the  firm  proxddes 
for  putting  the  women  at  more  diversified  work  as  they  grow  in  years 
and  experience.  Insistence  upon  the  quality  of  the  work  rather  than 
upon  the  amount  of  work  done  also  tends  to  break  the  monotony. 
Hygienic  and  clean  surroundings  are  provided,  dining-rooms  for  the 
employees  are  furnished,  and  during  the  noon  meal  the  pipe  organ  pro- 
vided for  the  works  is  played.  Regularity  of  employment  is  provided  for 
by  careful  organization  in  order  to  reduce  over-time  and  short-time  work 
to  a  minimum.     Men  and  women  and  boys  and  girls  are  kept  separate  in 


REVIEWS  107 

the  works  as  far  as  possible.  Thrift  is  promoted  by  the  provision  of  a 
savings  fund  originated  in  1897,  on  which  the  depositor  receives  5  per 
cent  interest  on  his  savings  each  year  up  to  £20.  At  the  end  of  the  year 
the  firm  transfers  this  to  the  post-office  savings  bank.  The  Social  Service 
League,  organized  among  the  workers,  makes  the  factory  a  sort  of  social 
center  for  the  community.  The  author  concludes  that  while  this  factory 
is  not  organized  definitely  for  welfare  work,  as  is  the  case  of  many 
factories  in  America,  what  the  firm  does  is  really  more  effective  welfare 
work  than  is  accomplished  in  most  cases  where  a  special  welfare  depart- 
ment is  organized.  On  the  whole,  his  conclusion  is  that  this  factory  is  a 
model  with  respect  to  its  relationship  to  the  employees,  inasmuch  as 
before  the  factory  acts  required  it,  many  provisions  that  were  later 
enacted  into  law  were  provided  for  the  welfare  of  the  women  and  children. 
Trade  unions  are  not  organized  within  the  works,  *' because,"  says  the 
author,  "  the  provisions  of  the  firm  for  the  welfare  of  the  employees  are 
such  as  make  the  organization  of  the  workers  for  their  own  protection 
absolutely  unnecessary." 

The  writer  treates  only  incidentally  the  Bourneville  Village  Trust, 
which  has  grown  out  of  the  brains  of  the  owners  of  this  factory  and 
which  creates  a  model  village  about  the  factory  buildings.  One  could 
wish  that  he  had  devoted  more  space  to  this  topic.  However,  his  sub- 
ject did  not  permit  it  and  we  can  be  very  grateful  for  the  insight  which 
his  book  gives  us  into  the  provisions  which  an  enlightened  interest  has 
created  in  the  organization  of  one  great  industrial  plant.  Whether  these 
provisions  could  be  introduced  into  other  lines  of  business  or  into  even 
this  line  of  business  by  a  firm  just  getting  established  is  a  question  on 
which  the  book  throws  no  light.  It  is  a  record  of  an  experiment  which 
can  be-regarded  with  interest  by  all  those  who  are  concerned  in  better 
relationships  between  employer  and  employee,  and  a  more  humane 
consideration  of  the  welfare  of  employees. 


University  of  Wisconsin 


J.    L.    GiLLIN 


The  Church  and  Society.     (''American  Social  Progress"  Series.) 

By  R.  Fulton  Cutting,  LL.D.    New  York:    Macmillan, 

1912.     Pp  iii-ix+223.     $1.00  net. 

The  contents  of  this  interesting  volume  comprise  the  six  Kennedy 

Lectures  for  1912  delivered  at  the  New  York  School  of  Philanthropy. 

These  lectures,  as  stated  in  the  Preface  by  the  author,  "are  the  expansion 

of  an  inquiry  into  the  co-operation  of  organized  Christianity  with  the 


io8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

civil  authority  and  the  influence  of  such  co-operation  upon  civilization 
and  the  church"  (p.  iii).  Like  the  books  of  Professors  Peabody, 
Rouschenbusch,  Shailer  Mathews,  Simon  N.  Potter,  and  others,  it  places 
emphasis  upon  the  church's  opportunity  for  social  service  in  building  up 
a  Christian  civilization  by  helping  to  formulate  policies  of  government  to 
correct  the  maladjustment  of  the  changing  social  order.  This  can  be 
done  by  the  church  through  co-operation  with  government  in  its  conduct 
of  the  public  schools,  the  police,  public  health  bureaus,  child  welfare 
societies,  and  legislation,  and  in  molding  public  opinion. 

The  author  is  thoroughly  sympathetic,  and  yet  frankly  critical  of  the 
church  as  a  whole  for  its  lack  of  efficiency  in  its  social  program. 

The  volume  has  added  value  by  including  over  forty  pages  of 
"Instances  and  Comments"  from  the  correspondence  collected  by  the 
author  in  his  inquiry.  It  will  serve  as  a  valuable  contribution  to  the 
literature  that  is  now  awakening  the  churches  to  their  responsibility  for 
conditions  of  living  in  this  world. 

Edwin  L.  Earp 

Drew  Theological  Seminary 


Immigration  and  Labor.     The  Economic  Aspect  of  European  Immi- 
gration to  the  United  States.    By  Isaac  A.  Hourwich,  Ph.D. 
New   York    and   London:     Putnam,    1912.     Pp.    xvii+544. 
$2.50. 
In  his  book  on  Immigratioji  and  Labor  Dr.  Hourwich  has  replied  to 
the  Immigration  Commission  and  attempted  to  prove  that  free  and 
unrestricted  immigration  has  been  and  is  wise  for  the  United  States. 
Partisan  in  its  attitude,  the  book  may  be  considered  as  a  valuable  anti- 
dote for  partisan  advocacy  of  restriction.     It  is  well  that  we  have  such 
a  compulsion  to  renewed  and  more  careful  analysis  of  this  great  national 
problem. 

It  may  fairly  be  said  that  Dr.  Hourwick  has  demonstrated  that 
popular  opinion  and  charity  publications  more  than  fifty  years  ago  were 
as  fearful  and  contemptuous  of  the  Germans  and  the  Irish  as  their  des- 
cendants today  are  of  the  Slavs,  Italians,  and  Jews.  And  since  these 
latter  races  start  from  no  lower  depths,  it  is  reasonable  to  hope  and  ex- 
pect for  them  a  rise  to  equal  heights.  But  after  we  grant  an  equal 
capacity  to  the  new  immigrant,  we  still  have  certain  questions  to  settle, 
such  as  the  wisdom  of  the  volume  of  immigration  sixty  years  ago,  and, 
more  importantly,  the  comparative  standards  of  immigrant  and  native 


REVIEWS  109 

then  and  now,  and  the  different  conditions  into  which  the  immigrant 
now  comes.     What  was  wise  then  might  not  be  wise  today. 

The  chief  contention  of  the  book,  however,  is  that  the  coming  of 
the  European  laborer  has  not  been  disadvantageous  to  the  native  wage- 
earner.  Dr.  Hourwich's  argument  is  a  clever,  however  unconscious, 
combination  of  clear  reasoning  and  sophistical  dialectics.  If  the  reader 
is  not  careful  he  will  find  himself  believing  that  decrease  of  unemploy- 
ment accompanied  by  heavy  immigration  in  prosperous  years  means 
that  immigration  does  not  contribute  to  unemployment,  that  rela- 
tively higher  wages  in  cities  (where  immigrants  abound)  than  in  rural 
districts  (which  are  largely  native)  prove  that  immigration  does  not 
retard  wages,  and  that  because  "scarcity  of  labor  has  not  forced  the 
farmer  to  pay  scarcity  wages,  but  has  merely  retarded  the  growth  of 
farming,"  therefore  a  restriction  of  immigrations  would  similarly  retard 
manufacturing  and  mining. 

Not  less  specious  is  the  claim  that  because  there  are  substantially  as 
many  native  laborers  in  leading  industries  today  as  there  were  a  genera- 
tion ago,  therefore  there  has  been  no  supplanting  of  native  by  foreign 
labor.  An  expanding  industry  would  normally  mean  a  proportionately 
expanded  body  of  native  workers.  The  argument  to  the  effect  that  there 
is  an  irreducible  proportion  of  labor  doomed  to  unemployment  and  that 
therefore  the  restriction  of  immigration  would  not  reduce  the  proportion 
of  unemployment  is  scarcely  less  inconclusive.  If  he  would  make  his 
comparisons  on  pauperism  within  the  age  groups  chiefly  filled  by  immi- 
grants he  would  abandon  his  contention  that  immigration  does  not 
contribute  an  undue  proportion  of  dependency,  and  if  he  would  carry  his 
quotation  from  Miss  Claghorn  to  its  logical  conclusion  he  would  realize 
that  the  recent  races  have  not  been  in  this  country  long  enough  to 
contribute  their  proportion  of  pauperism. 

The  book  as  a  whole,  however,  is  a  plea  for  national  prosperity  based 
upon  a  rapidly  expanding  or  dynamic  industry.  His  fundamental 
weakness,  if  weakness  it  be,  lies  in  his  assumption  that  an  inexhaustible 
labor  supply  is  the  chief  factor  that  makes  possible  a  dynamic  industrial 
order.  He  argues  that  the  coming  of  the  immigrant  provides  for  our 
phenomenal  growth  in  the  volume  of  industry,  that  it  adds  proportion- 
ately nothing  to  the  volume  of  unemployment,  supplants  no  native 
labor,  does  not  adversely  affect  wages,  creates  official  and  skilled  posi- 
tions in  definite  proportion  to  the  growth  of  unskilled  workers,  pushes 
the  natives,  the  aristocracy  of  labor,  forward  and  upward  to  these  higher 
positions,  and  multiplies  the  wealth  which  gradually  forces  wages  up. 


no  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

We  need  an  analysis  of  the  forces  which  make  industry  dynamic. 
Mere  expansion  does  not  measure  up  to  the  concept  of  dynamic  develop- 
ment. We  are  looking  for  such  a  continuous  reorganization  or  readjust- 
ment of  industry  as  shall  give  an  ever-increasing  productivity  and  an 
ever-higher  degree  of  welfare  to  the  industrial  producers.  Dr.  Hourwich 
seems  to  think  our  prosperity  has  been  conditioned  by  the  mobility  of 
migrant  labor,  but  on  the  whole  does  not  seem  to  get  beyond  the  philo- 
sophy on  p.  4  that  "in  the  long  run  immigration  adjusts  itself  to  the 
demand  for  labor."  This  phrase  suggests  that  migration  is  effect  rather 
than  cause,  and  it  also  suggests  the  constant  tendency  toward  equilibrium 
upon  the  customary  bases.  An  indefinitely  expansive  labor  supply 
tends  to  a  uniform  relation  of  supply  and  demand  in  the  labor  market 
and  therefore  tends  to  a  uniform  rather  than  to  an  advancing  rate  of 
wages.  Dr.  Hourwich  has  not  convinced  all  of  us  that  the  volume  of 
immigration  is  always  adjusted  to  the  point  where  the  maximum  prosper- 
ity and  development  of  the  United  States  is  assured.  We  still  need  some 
interpretation  of  the  dynamic  forces  in  the  industrial  world  which  shall 
tell  us  to  what  extent  and  in  what  volume  immigrant  labor  is  a  national 
benefit. 

In  conclusion  it  should  be  recognized  that  we  can  have  the  most 
complete  confidence  in  the  capacity  of  the  newer  immigrant  races  and 
that  we  can  most  earnestly  desire  the  highest  welfare  both  of  the  United 
States  and  of  all  the  races  of  the  world,  and  still  believe  most  heartily  in 
some  restriction  of  immigration. 

Fayette  Avery  McKenzie 

Ohio  State  University 


Historical  Sociology.    A  textbook  of  politics.    By  Frank  Granger, 

Professor    in     University     College,     Nottingham.     London: 

Methnew  &  Co.  Ltd.;  New  York:  imported  by  E.  P.  Button 

&  Co.     Pp.241.     $1.35  net. 

This  is  an  attempt  to  base  a  textbook  in  poHtics  upon  the  Scienza 

Nuova  of  Vico.     The  keynote  is  given  in  the  following  sentences:   "We 

observe,  says  Vico,  that  all  nations,  both  savage  and  civilized,  have 

these  three  human  customs:  that  they  all  have  some  religion,  all  contract 

solemn  matrimony,  all  bury  their  dead.     Therefore  we  have  taken  these 

three  eternal  and  universal  customs  for  the  three  principles  of  this 

science." 

The  result,  as  might  have  been  expected,  is  thin  and  unsubstantial. 

Victor  E.  Helleberg 
University  of  Kansas 


REVIEWS  III 

The  Immigrant  Invasion.     By  Frank  Julian  Warne,  Ph.D.     New 
York:  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  336.     $2.50. 

This  book  by  Dr.  Warne,  special  expert  on  foreign-bom  population, 
United  States  Census,  1910,  presents  a  study  of  the  problem  of  immigra- 
tion from  the  statistical  standpoint.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  evidently 
written  for  the  public  at  large  and  betrays  a  conscious  attempt  at  liter- 
ary effect.  To  the  student  of  immigration,  however,  the  carefully 
worked-out  statistical  charts  and  the  employment  of  the  criterion  of  the 
number  of  foreign  bom  in  this  country  for  the  purpose  of  comparing  the 
new  with  the  old  immigration  will  prove  helpful.  Among  the  suggestive 
discussions  in  the  book  are  the  following :  the  interrelation  of  the  volume 
of  immigration  with  periods  of  industrial  depression,  both  as  cause  and 
effect;  and  the  influence  of  the  activity  of  steamship  companies  in 
augmenting  immigration.  The  conclusion  of  Dr.  Warne  is  that  unless 
effective  restriction  measures  are  enacted  by  Congress  the  immigration 
from  Russia,  Austria-Hungary,  Italy,  and  the  Balkan  peninsula  will 
continue  indefinitely,  and  that  to  preserve  the  American  standard  of 
living,  the  immigrant  invasion  must  be  regulated  by  adequate  restric- 
tion. Two  of  the  best  chapters  in  the  book,  "The  South  and  Immi- 
gration" and  "Standards  of  Living,"  are  condensed  and  revised  from 
two  previous  books  by  the  same  writer. 

Ernest  W.  Burgess 

Toledo  Untversity 


The  Sociological  Value  of  Christianity.  By  Georges  Chatterton- 
HiLL.  London:  Adam  &  Charles  Black,  191 2.  js.  6d.  net. 
This  volume  represents  religion  as  "suprarational,"  imposed  on  the 
individual  and  his  reason  from  without,  and  resting  solely  on  authority. 
It  is  "a  social  creation,  created  by  society  with  a  view  to  safeguarding 
its  own  interests  as  against  the  individual"  (p.  40).  The  individual  in 
primitive  society  comes  only  gradually  to  a  consciousness  of  himself 
as  an  individual  "and  not  merely  as  a  member  of  a  social  aggregate." 
The  development  of  this  consciousness  together  with  the  exercise  of 
reflective  and  critical  powers  results  in  individualism,  which,  for  the 
author,  is  synonymous  with  egoism.  The  same  process  results,  on  the 
other  hand,  in  a  weakening  of  social  control.  Collective  representations, 
customs,  taboos,  and  the  various  other  regulations  become  inadequate 
to  preserve  the  integrity  of  society  against  the  disintegrating  forces  of 
the  ever-strengthening  egoism.    In  sheer  self-defense  the  "social  mind" 


112  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

(something  sui  generis,  an  independent  reality)  creates  moral  and  religi- 
ous beliefs  and  laws  whose  essential  nature  and  purpose  it  is  to  repress 
the  natural  impulses  of  individuals  and  to  subject  these  to  the  interests 
of  society.  Since  social  regulations  as  such  have  lost  their  power,  the 
social  mind  can  accomplish  its  purposes  only  by  sharply  sundering  religion 
from  the  realm  of  the  merely  social  and  projecting  it  into  a  transcendent 
realm,  the  domain  of  the  Absolute.  To  this  "  the  human  reason  cannot 
penetrate"  (p.  37).  Only  by  thus  taking  away  "from  the  individual 
all  possibility  of  discussion"  (p.  37),  can  religion  maintain  itself  against 
dread  "rationalism,"  or  the  criticism  of  reason,  and  only  thus,  therefore, 
can  the  safety  and  perpetuity  of  society  and  of  social  control  be  assured. 

So  far,  then,  from  growing  up  out  of  the  needs  and  life-experiences 
of  individuals,  as  is  often  maintained,  religion  brings  but  repression, 
suffering,  and  the  sword  to  individuals.  Christianity  itself  "never 
stops  to  consider  individual  interests"  (p.  174);  "the  Christian  ideal 
offers  to  the  individual  nothing  in  this  life  but  suffering"  (p.  202).  The 
keener  psychological  insight  of  Christianity  above  that  of  other  religions 
is  apparent  in  its  recognition  that  the  only  motives  of  the  indixadual  are 
egoistic  and  that  it  is  to  these  therefore  that  religion  must  make  its 
appeal  if  it  would  be  obeyed  and  maintained.  Hence,  in  return  for  the 
sacrifices  and  sufferings  which  it  entails  on  the  individual  in  this  life, 
Christianity  holds  out  the  hope  of  eternal  rewards  in  a  life  beyond. 
"Egotism  is  combated  by  an  appeal  to  egotism;  and  this  is,  in  truth, 
the  only  way  in  which  egotism  can  be  combated  in  the  rationalized  indi- 
vidual" (p.  161). 

A  further  corollary  of  Dr.  Chatterton-Hill's  argument  is  that  the 
hierarchy  and  theology  of  the  Catholic  church  alone  are  justifiable  from 
a  sociological  point  of  view.  The  emphasis  laid  by  Protestantism  on 
reason  and  on  conscience  frees  the  individual  to  do  as  he  pleases  and  the 
resulting  egoism  "leads  directly  to  self-destruction  and  to  social  dis- 
integration" (p.  223).  Besides  suppressing  efficacious  moral  control 
over  the  individual.  Protestantism  reduces  his  duties  to  a  minimum. 
For  example,  "Protestantism  attaches  no  importance  whatsoever  to 
chastity;  it  permits  its  ministers  to  marry;  it  contents  itself  with  con- 
deming  adultery,  but  apparently  attaches  little  importance,  if  any,  to 
the  sexual  intercourse  of  unmarried  persons"  (p.  147).  Moreover,  the 
fact  that  Protestant  churches  remain  shut  throughout  the  week  is  evi- 
dence that  "Protestants  are  not  supposed  to  have  any  religious  wants 
during  the  week;  if  they  have,  it  is  considered  improper  and  they  must 
restrain  them"  (p.  227).     In  a  similar  manner  the  author  defends  the 


REVIEWS  113 

hierarchical  form  of  the  Catholic  church  against  all  who  preach  equality 
and  democracy.  Those  who  champion  these  latter  doctrines  are  either 
weaklings  or  persons  who  seek  to  gain  some  personal  advantage.  In  his 
tirades  against  "the  humanitarianism  of  the  Beecher-Stowe  type,  that 
delights  in  hypocritical  effusions  over  good-for-nothing  niggers,"  the 
author  reminds  one  forcibly  of  Nietzsche.  Of  course,  this  writer  also 
comes  in  for  his  share  of  criticism,  however,  although  it  should  be  added 
that  the  points  urged  in  this  connection  are  much  more  defensible  than 
many  other  parts  of  the  volume. 

Too  much  space  has  been  taken  up  in  exposition  to  permit  of  extended 
criticism.  We  would  suggest,  however,  that  one  may  have  an  appre- 
ciation of  the  historical  significance  and  importance  of  mediaeval  thought 
without  attaching  much  value  to  present-day  discussions  that  rest  on 
its  presuppositions  and  fail  to  reckon  with  recent  psychology  or  the  point 
of  view  of  almost  the  whole  of  modern  philosophy.  The  Chatterton- 
Hill's  volume,  moreover,  is  not  sufficiently  empirical  in  spirit  or  in  method 
to  warrant  the  attention  of  the  sociologist. 

Edward  L.  Schaub 
State  University  of  Iowa 


Race  Suicide.  By  M.  S.  Iseman,  M.D.  New  York:  The  Cosmo- 
politan Press.  Pp.  216. 
This  is  a  book  by  a  writer  who  has  familiarized  himself  with  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  the  literature  of  the  population  question,  statistical 
and  otherwise,  and  yet  does  not  show  sure  ability  to  distinguish  between 
fact  and  surmise.  The  larger  portion  of  the  book  is  taken  up  with  a 
discussion  of  the  extent  of  abortion  in  dififerent  countries  and  in  different 
sections  of  the  United  States.  Undoubtedly  a  medical  man  will  have 
somewhat  more  insight  into  certain  conditions  leading  to  race  suicide 
than  will  the  layman,  but  Dr.  Iseman's  view  of  the  facts  is  far  from  con- 
vincing, and  his  interpretation  of  the  results  and  ethical  bearing  of  race 
suicide  in  the  aggregate  is  uncertain.  Until  he  reaches  his  final  chapter 
on  "The  Remedy,"  he  seems  to  take  the  conventional  position  that  any 
interference  with  the  birth-rate  is  necessarily  uneconomic,  immoral,  and 
dangerous  to  the  future  ascendency  of  any  nation  that  permits  it.  This 
is  especially  noteworthy  in  his  discussion  of  the  declining  birth-rate  in 
France.  The  author  could  have  written  a  scientific  book,  apparently, 
but  he  has  marred  this  one  with  moral  and  rhetorical  homilies,  possibly 
desirable  in  their  place  but  out  of  place  here.  In  his  final  chapter  he 
shows  much  sanity.     "While  it  is  unquestionably  woman's  mission" 


114  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

he  says,  "to  bring  children  into  the  world,  it  is  debatable  whether  under 
all  circumstances  it  is  her  duty  to  do  so.  Obligation  to  self  is  just  as 
necessary  in  woman  as  in  man,  and  where  the  bearing  of  offspring  is 
detrimental  to  her  interests  abortion  will  continue  to  be  her  refuge  where 

other  methods  of  avoidance  have  failed At  no  time  should 

woman  be  sacrificed  to  sex,  and  for  twenty-five  years — the  average 
period  of  her  fertility — be  condemned  to  carry  a  child  either  in  her  arms 
or  in  futurity."  It  is  refreshing  to  find  a  writer,  and  especially  a  medical 
man,  approaching  this  whole  subject,  even  belatedly  in  his  last  chapter, 
with  a  recognition  of  the  individuality  and  personality  of  woman  as 
part  of  the  problem.  To  regard  women  chiefly  as  means  to  an  end,  "  the 
race,"  is  an  attitude  taken  by  most  popular  writers,  and  not  a  few  sup- 
posedly scientific  ones,  and  it  is  an  attitude  of  which  we  should  begin  to 
grow  weary. 

A.  B.  Wolfe 
Oberlin  College 


The  Milk  Question.  The  Northwestern  University  N.  W.  Harris 
Lectures  for  191 2.  By  M.  J.  Rosenau.  Boston  and  New 
York:  Houghton,  Miffin  Co.,  191 2.  Pp.  xiv4-3io.  $2.00. 
This  book  is  a  notable  one  for  several  reasons.  In  the  first  place, 
the  author,  a  man  of  high  scientific  standing,  as  shown  by  the  fact  that 
he  has  been  director  of  the  Hygiene  Laboratory  of  the  Public  Health 
and  Marine  Hospital  Service  at  Washington,  D.C,  and  is  now  professor 
of  preventive  medicine  and  hygiene  at  Harvard  Medical  School,  is  able 
to  treat  a  subject  which  has  many  technical  phases  in  a  manner  per- 
fectly intelligible  and  interesting  to  the  layman.  In  the  second  place, 
although  the  author  is  an  expert  and  an  enthusiast  on  the  sanitary 
aspects  of  the  subject,  he  is  quite  able  to  see  that  it  has  economic,  social, 
and  commercial  implications  which  must  not  be  overlooked.  In  the 
third  place,  Dr.  Rosenau's  attitude  is  in  refreshing  contrast  to  much 
that  is  written  today  in  a  pseudo-hygienic  spirit  about  the  "milk  peril." 
He  says,  for  example,  with  reference  to  certain  typical  cartoons:  "Such 
pictures  probably  do  more  harm  than  good,  for  they  give  an  exaggerated 
notion  of  the  danger  in  milk.  This  one  gives  the  impression  that  every 
portion  of  milk  is  a  portion  of  poison.  Such  overstatements  are  unfor- 
tunate, for  common  experience  teaches  that  this  cannot  be  true" 
(opposite  p.  5).  Or:  "Such  illustrations  have  the  unhappy  effect  of 
deterring  people  from  using  milk  at  all"  (opposite  p.  9).  Or:  "News- 
paper campaigns  sometimes  confuse,  often  react,  and  thus  may  actually 


REVIEWS  IIS 

impede  rather  than  help  the  final  solution.  Real  progress  in  this  case 
can  only  be  achieved  through  patient,  well-considered,  and  persistent 
effort  that  will  gradually  give  us  what  we  want;  namely,  clean,  fresh 
and  safe  milk." 

The  various  chapters  treat  of  general  considerations,  milk  as  a  food, 
dirty  milk,  diseases  caused  by  infected  milk,  clean  milk,  pasteurization, 
infant  mortality,  and  the  commercial  aspect  which  deals  with  farmer, 
retailer,  and  consumer.  An  excellent  list  of  references  is  given,  although 
it  is  to  be  regretted  that  no  mention  is  made  of  the  recent  admirable 
contributions  to  the  subject  made  by  Professor  E.  O.  Jordan  of  the 
University  of  Chicago.  A  few  criticisms  might  be  made  but  they 
would  seem  like  quibbles  in  the  light  of  the  general  excellence  of  the 
book. 

The  conclusions  of  Dr.  Rosenau  may  well  be  quoted,  viz. : 

THE  SOLUTION  OF  THE  MILK  PROBLEM 

To  keep  milk  clean  we  need  inspection.  To  render  milk  safe,  we  need 
pasteurization. 

Inspection  goes  to  the  root  of  the  problem.  Through  an  eflScient  system 
of  inspection,  the  milk  supply  should  be  cleaner,  better,  fresher,  and  safer. 
Inspection,  however,  has  limitations.  These  limitations  may  be  guarded 
against  by  pasteurization. 

A  milk  supply,  therefore,  that  is  both  supervised  and  pasteurized  is  the 
only  satisfactory  solution  of  the  problem. 

Marion  Talbot 

University  of  Chicago 


Heredity  and  Eugenics.  A  Course  of  Lectures  Summarizing  Recent 
Advances  in  Knowledge  in  Variation,  Heredity,  and  Evolu- 
tion and  Its  Relation  to  Plant,  Animal,  and  Human  Improve- 
ment and  Welfare.  By  William  Ernest  Castle,  John 
Merle  Coulter,  Charles  Benedict  Davenport,  Edward 
Murray  East,  and  William  Lawrence  Tower.  Chicago: 
The  University  of  Chicago  Press,  191 2.    Pp.  vii4-3i5. 

This  volume  presents  a  series  of  nine  lectures  on  evolution  and 
heredity  which  were  delivered  at  the  University  of  Chicago  during  the 
summer  of  191 1.  The  lectures  were  intended  to  inform  those  who  are  not 
specialists  in  biology,  and  they  are  for  the  most  part  reasonably  popular 
expositions  of  their  topics. 


Il6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Professor  Coulter,  in  the  introductory  lecture,  "Recent  Develop- 
ments in  Heredity  and  Evolution,"  sketches  the  history  of  the  concep- 
tions of  evolution  and  heredity,  and  thus  presents  the  background  for 
the  more  special  lectures  which  follow.  His  treatment  of  the  explana- 
tions of  evolution,  of  biometry,  and  of  heredity  are  brief  and  to  the  point. 

In  the  second  of  his  two  lectures,  Professor  Coulter  discusses  "The 
Physical  Basis  of  Heredity  and  Evolution  from  the  Cytological  Stand- 
point." After  certain  introductory  remarks  concerning  the  phenomena 
of  heredity,  he  describes  admirably  the  several  methods  of  reproduction 
in  plants,  concluding  with  the  statement : 

The  whole  history  of  sexual  reproduction  among  plants  indicates  that  its 
primary  significance  is  not  reproduction,  for  probably  many  more  individuals 
are  produced  by  vegetative  multiplication  and  by  spores  than  by  the  sex  act , 
This  would  mean  that  the  sexual  method  is  chiefly  concerned  with  other 
results,  which  are  secured  in  connection  with  reproduction.  These  results 
seem  to  be  the  continual  securing  of  new  combinations,  and  new  combinations 
certainly  make  for  evolutionary  progress  [p.  35]. 

This  idea  is  doubtless  new  to  many  persons  who  are  keenly  interested 
in  the  phenomena  of  heredity. 

In  two  lectures.  Professor  Castle  deals  with  "The  Method  of  Evo- 
lution "  and  "Heredity  and  Sex."  Under  the  first  title,  he  contrasts  the 
Darwinian  view  of  species  production  with  the  more  recent  Mendelian 
view.  After  presenting  certain  of  the  essential  facts  of  Mendelism,  he 
proceeds  to  show  that  it  is  possible  by  selection  to  produce  new  types  of 
organism. 

His  attitude  toward  the  two  schools  of  evolutionists,  which  he  chooses 
to  contrast,  is  well  indicated  by  the  following  statements: 

Now  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Darwin  was  on  the  whole  nearer  the  truth 
than  the  mutationists.  They  have  perceived  a  half-truth  and  perceived  it 
more  clearly  than  did  Darwin,  but  in  scrutinizing  this  they  have  lost  sight  of 
the  larger  picture  which  he  saw.  Darwin  saw  that  new  races  arise  in  two  ways, 
and  I  shall  attempt  to  show  that  he  was  right  [p.  40]. 

In  concluding  the  chapter.  Professor  Castle  writes  significantly  thus: 
From  the  evidence  in  hand  we  conclude  that  Darwin  was  right  in  assigning 
great  importance  to  selection  in  evolution;  that  progress  results  not  merely 
from  sorting  out  particular  combinations  of  large  and  striking  unit-characters, 
but  also  from  the  selection  of  slight  differences  in  the  potentiality  of  gametes 
representing  the  same  unit-character  combinations. 

Accordingly  we  conclude  that  the  unit-characters  are  not  unchangeable. 
They  can  be  modified,  and  these  modifications  come  about  in  more  than  a 
single  way.    Occasionally  a  unit-character  is  lost  altogether  or  profoundly 


REVIEWS  117 

modified  at  a  single  step.  This  is  mutation.  But  more  frequent  and  more 
important,  probably,  are  slight,  scarcely  noticeable  modifications  of  unit- 
characters  that  afford  a  basis  for  a  slow  alteration  of  the  race  by  selection. 
Mutation,  then,  is  true,  but  it  is  a  half-truth;  selection  is  the  other  and  equally 
important  half  of  the  truth  of  evolution,  as  Darwin  saw  it  and  as  we  see  it 
[p.  61]. 

The  discussion  of  heredity  and  sex  is  limited  to  remarks  on  the 
history  of  our  knowledge  of  sex  determination  and  to  an  admirable 
presentation  of  the  results  of  recent  experimental  studies  of  this  subject. 

The  discussion  is  summarized  thus  in  the  concluding  paragraphs  of 
the  lecture: 

If,  as  has  been  suggested,  the  determination  of  sex  in  general  depends 
upon  the  inheritance  of  a  Mendelian  factor  differentiating  the  sexes,  it  is  highly 
improbable  that  the  breeder  will  ever  be  able  to  control  sex.  Male  and  female 
zygotes  should  forever  continue  to  be  produced  in  approximate  equality,  and 
consistent  inequality  of  male  and  female  births  could  result  only  from  greater 
mortality  on  the  part  of  one  sort  of  zygote  than  of  the  other.  Only  in  partheno- 
genesis can  man  at  will  control  sex,  and  until  he  can  produce  artificial  partheno- 
genesis in  the  higher  animals,  he  can  scarcely  hope  to  control  sex  in  such  animals. 

Negative  as  are  the  results  of  our  study  of  sex  control,  they  are  perhaps  not 
wholly  without  practical  value.  It  is  something  to  know  our  limitations.  We 
may  thus  save  time  from  useless  attempts  at  controlling  what  is  uncontrollable 
and  devote  it  to  more  profitable  employments  [p.  79]. 

The  lectures  of  Professor  East  are  devoted  to  "Inheritance  in  the 
Higher  Plants"  and  "The  Application  of  Biological  Principles  to  Plant 
Breeding."  He  describes  at  some  length  the  Mendelian  behavior  of 
organisms,  and  in  concluding  his  first  lecture  he  briefly  discusses  Johann- 
sen's  "genotype  conception  of  heredity."  His  attitude  toward  this 
conception  is  thus  expressed: 

One  may  question  the  stability  of  unit-characters  as  does  Castle,  but  I 
cannot  see  how  this  affects  the  truth  of  the  genotype  conception  as  a  help 

toward  an  idea  of  the  process  of  heredity.    Stability  is  a  relative  thing 

The  important  point  as  the  foundation  of  the  modern  view  of  heredity  I  give 
in  Johannsen's  own  words:  "Personal  qualities  are  the  reactions  of  the  gametes 
joining  to  form  a  zygote;  but  the  nature  of  the  gametes  is  not  determined  by  the 
personal  qualities  of  the  parents  or  ancestors  in  question  [p.  112]. 

In  his  lecture  on  applications,  Professor  East  ably  discusses  the 
importance  of  hybridization  in  plant  breeding,  basing  his  arguments 
chiefly  upon  results  obtained  with  maize  and  tobacco. 

A  single  lecture  given  by  Professor  Tower  appears  in  the  volume  as 
an  extended  discussion  of  "Recent  Advances  and  the  Present  State  of 


Ii8  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Knowledge  concerning  the  Modification  of  the  Germinal  Constitution 
of  Organisms  by  Experimental  Processes."  This  single  lecture,  in  its 
printed  form,  occupies  125  pages,  and  it  is  the  only  chapter  of  the  book 
whose  appearance  is  likely  to  repel  the  layman.  In  spite,  however,  of 
its  technical  appearance  and  its  somewhat  detailed  presentation  of 
experimental  facts,  it  is  an  eminently  readable  and  valuable  contribution. 
Professor  Tower  has  with  admirable  system  and  skill  discussed  the 
several  important  aspects  of  modification  of  the  germinal  cells  by  extra- 
germinal  conditions.  The  problem,  as  he  states  it, 
is  to  produce  "  somatic  variations  "  in  a  soma  at  such  a  time,  or  in  such  a  fashion, 
that  the  germ  cells  will  not  be  afifected  by  the  action  of  the  incident  forces  used, 
and  then  by  breeding  discover  if  the  change  appears  in  the  progeny  arising 
from  the  unstimulated  germs.  Evidence  of  somatic  influence  upon  germinal 
material  may  also  be  obtained  by  transplanting  germ  glands,  especially  ovaries, 
into  different  somas,  as  has  been  done  by  several  experimenters  [p.  146]. 

Under  the  heading  of  "The  Direct  Modification  of  the  Germ  Plasm," 
DeVries'  observations  on  Oenothera  are  described  with  numerous  and 
excellent  illustrations.  But  the  lecturer  illustrates  most  of  his  points 
from  his  own  extended  study  of  the  potato  beetle. 

To  the  student  of  heredity.  Professor  Tower's  lecture  is  sure  to  be  the 
most  stimulating  of  this  group,  for  it  suggests  innumerable  problems  and 
opens  up  new  vistas  of  research. 

The  concluding  lectures  of  the  volume  are  those  of  Professor  Daven- 
port on  "The  Inheritance  of  Physical  and  Mental  Traits  of  Man  and 
Their  Application  to  Eugenics"  and  "The  Geography  of  Man  in  Rela- 
tion to  Eugenics."  Like  the  other  lecturers,  with  the  possible  exception 
of  Professor  Tower,  Professor  Davenport  has  made  no  attempt  to  offer 
new  materials  in  these  lectures.  His  is  a  popular  exposition  of  the  facts 
of  heredity  in  man  with  strong  emphasis  upon  their  social  bearings. 

In  the  first  lecture,  he  presents,  with  conciseness,  and  convincingness, 
evidence  of  the  transmissibility  of  a  variety  of  physical  and  mental 
characters  in  man.  The  list  includes  such  characters  as  presenile 
cataract,  diabetes,  albinism,  deaf-mutism,  feeble-mindedness,  artistic 
ability,  and  color-blindness. 

In  the  second  lecture,  are  presented  many  interesting  facts  concern- 
ing the  relation  of  geographical  distribution  and  physiographic  barriers 
to  heredity  and  eugenics.  Thus  it  is  shown  that  rivers  and  mountain 
ranges  may  have  much  to  do  with  the  development  of  desirable  or  unde- 
sirable characteristics  in  a  community.  Isolation  is  singled  out  as  an 
important  condition  of  race  deterioration. 


REVIEWS  119 

But  a  still  more  interesting  portion  of  this  lecture,  which  seems  to 
the  reviewer  of  extreme  eugenic  value,  deals  with  "The  Influence  of  the 
Single  Germ  Plasm  on  the  Race."  Under  this  title,  are  described  the 
family  of  Elizabeth  Tuttle,  certain  of  the  first  families  of  Virginia  and 
of  the  Kentucky  aristocracy,  and  finally,  by  way  of  contrast,  the  Jukes 
family,  and  the  Ishmaelites. 

All  who  are  socially  minded  will  sympathize  with  Professor  Daven- 
port and  find  deep  significance  in  his  exclamation:  "Ah,  that,  in  the 
hordes  pressing  at  the  gate  at  Ellis  Island,  we  could  distinguish  the  John 
Prestons  from  the  Ben  Ishmaels  of  the  future!"  (p.  308), 

This,  the  final  lecture  of  the  volume,  is  concluded  by  a  concise  history 

of  the  eugenics  movement  in  America. 

Robert  M.  Yerkes 
Hasvasd  University 


Early  Man  in  South  America.    By  Ales  Hrdlicka  (in  collaboration 
with  W.  H.  Holmes,  Bailey  Willis,  Fred  Eugene  Wright, 
and  Clarence  N.  Fenner) .    Bulletin  52.    Bureau  of  American 
Ethnology.     Washington:    Government  Printing  office,  191 2. 
8vo,  pp.  xv+405. 
For  a  long  time  past,  a  claim  for  man's  great  antiquity  in  South 
America  has  been  made.    The  earlier  evidence  presented  came  from 
Brazil,  the  later  from  Argentina.    That  from  Brazil,  though  presented 
on  fair  authority,  has  always  been  shaky  and  insecure;  that  from  Argen- 
tina, on  account  of  its  mass,  its  diversity,  its  geographical  range,  its 
presentation  by  a  man  with  reputation  as  a  palaeontologist,  has  gained 
considerable  consideration  and  has  been  accepted  by  some  European 
authorities  of  weight.    The  man  to  whom  we  chiefly  owe  the  Argentinan 
claim  is  Fiorentino  Ameghino.     He  has  proposed  a  classification  of 
geological  formations  running  back  from  modern  time  to  the  Upper 
Eocene,  from  which,  at  various  levels,  he  has  secured  industrial  vestiges, 
human  remains,  and  the  remains  of  man's  precursors.    As  the  result 
of  finds  already  made,  he  has  developed  a  scheme  of  human  evolution 
which  has  been  widely  quoted.    He  claims  that  remains  have  been 
discovered,  not  only  of  several  species  of  man  besides  Homo  sapiens,  but 
also  of  at  least  two  genera  of  man's  precursors.    He  has  introduced  the 
names    Homo    Caputindinatus,     Homo    sinemento,    Homo    pampaeus 
{  =  Prothomo),   Diproihomo   platensis,  Tetraprothomo  argentinus  for  his 
new  forms.     By  the  term  Prothomo,  he  means  a  form  one  step  removed 


120  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

from  Homo;  by  Diprothomo,  a  form  two  steps  back;  by  Teiraprothomo, 
one  four  steps  back.  These  he  claims  to  know.  Triprothomo  of  course 
comes  in  between  Diprothomo  and  Tetraprothomo,  but  has  not  yet  been 
found.  The  theoretical  importance  of  the  occurrence  of  such  a  series  of 
human  and  pre-human  forms  within  a  single  area,  a  thing  unparalleled 
elsewhere,  could  not  be  overemphasized.  Such  a  wealth  of  forms  in 
Argentina  would  speak  loudly  in  favor  of  the  South  American  continent 
as  the  original  home  of  the  Hominidae.  This  was  clearly  appreciated 
by  Ameghino  who,  in  recently  announcing  a  sixth  "hominien,"  says: 
"These  six  species  of  hominiens,  cantoned  in  the  same  country,  prove 
with  all  the  eloquence  of  facts  without  appeal,  that  here  exists  the  centre 
of  origin,  diversification,  and  dispersion  of  the  human  genus." 

It  is  necessary  then  that  these  discoveries  and  claims  receive  critical 
examination.  In  1910,  Ales  Hrdhcka  visited  Argentina  and  had  the 
opportunity  to  study  for  himself  the  formations  from  which  these  remains 
were  taken,  the  remains  themselves,  and  the  various  industrial  vestiges, 
which,  found  and  described  by  Ameghino  and  others,  had  been  considered 
ancient.  Dr.  Hrdlicka  was  fortunate  in  having  with  him  a  competent 
geologist,  Mr.  Bailey  Willis,  who  has  had  especial  experience  in  the  study 
of  such  loose,  unconsolidated,  easily  shifted,  aeolian,  lacustrine,  and 
fluviatile  deposits  as  are  here  in  question.  Hrdlicka  and  Willis  together 
visited  the  very  sites  from  which  the  famous  finds  were  taken,  handled 
and  studied  the  remains  themselves,  collected  industrial  vestiges  for 
themselves  in  situ,  reached  their  own  conclusions.  These  are  of  the 
highest  importance  and  significance.  Let  us  look  at  them  in  detail.  The 
industrial  vestiges  from  Argentinan  deposits  are  (a)  baked  earth  or  tierra 
cocida,  (b)  scoriae,  (c)  used  or  worked  stones,  (d)  used  or  worked  bones. 
Our  authors  decide  that  the  tierra  cocida  and  the  scoriae  are  due  to  purely 
natural  causes,  not  to  fires  artificially  produced  by  man.  The  used  or 
worked  stones  and  bones  are  found  in  situations  which  suggest  no  great 
antiquity  and  comparison  of  them  with  objects  of  relatively  recent 
Indian  fabrication  shows  identity  with  them;  there  are,  indeed,  some 
local  differences  in  these  finds,  but  these  suggest  at  most  mere  tribal 
differences  between  the  makers;  nothing  was  found  to  indicate  a  marked 
difference  in  culture,  or  a  serious  antiquity.  Examination  of  the  local- 
ities, where  the  famous  remains  were  found  leaves  strong  doubt  of  the 
great  age  of  any  of  Ameghino 's  species  of  Homo.  The  specimens  them- 
selves, when  critically  examined,  do  not  warrant  the  establishment  of 
new  species  for  any  of  them.  All  are  plainly  Homo — Homo  sapiens — 
and  Homo  sapiens  of  a  clearly  marked  South  American  Indian  t>pe. 


REVIEWS  121 

One  can  but  be  convinced  of  this  the  moment  that  careful  measurements 
are  made  of  the  specimens  and  an  exact  and  rigid  comparison  established 
between  them  and  modern  Indian  remains.  As  to  the  precursors — 
Diprothomo  and  Tetraprothomo — the  case  is  startling.  The  piece  upon 
which  the  genus  Diprothomo  is  founded  is  a  skull  fragment.  Ameghino 
apparently  placed  it  for  study  upon  any  flat  supporting  surface;  from  it 
he  made  a  full  description  of  a  "precursor"  far  lower  than  any  human 
type  now  known,  lower  than  Pithecanthropus  itself.  Hrdlicka  says 
that  when  he  really  saw  and  handled  the  specimen  his  "first  impres- 
sion amounted  to  incredulity  as  to  its  being  the  relic  in  question." 
It  is  no  precursor;  when  properly  oriented  and  carefully  compared  with 
human  skulls,  it  is  plainly  human.  Not  only  so  but  it  is  a  fragment  of 
the  skull  of  "a  well  developed  and  physically  modern-like  human  indi- 
vidual." It  presents  some  peculiarities  but  they  are  of  secondary 
importance  and  do  not  even  warrant  the  separation  of  the  skull  from 
probable  reference  to  an  American  Indian.  As  to  Tetraprothomo,  this 
precursorial  genus  of  Ameghino  is  based  upon  two  bones  found  at 
Monte  Hermoso — an  atlas  and  a  femur.  If  the  two  bones  come  from 
a  single  individual  it  would  indeed  be  different  from  Homo  sapiens. 
The  atlas  presents  some  actually  striking  features.  Hrdlicka  carefully 
compares  it  with  a  series  of  Indian  atlases.  He  decides  that  it  is 
human,  modern,  from  a  short  and  probably  thickset  man.  Were  similar 
atlases  found  in  number,  they  might  perhaps  suggest  a  distinct  human 
variety;  the  simple  specimen  does  not  warrant  even  such  an  assum- 
ption. The  femur,  referred  by  Ameghino  to  Tetraprothomo,  proves  to 
be  that  of  a  carnivore,  probably  a  cat  form,  and  has  no  "hominien" 
importance. 

As  is  seen,  Hrdlicka's  book  is  one  of  destructive  criticism.  It  is 
always  an  unpleasant  task  to  tear  down  what  another  has  reared  in  good 
faith;  it  is  seldom  done  in  entire  kindness  and  courtesy.  Hrdlicka  shows 
both  qualities  but  he  has  done  his  work  thoroughly.  It  is  possible 
that  from  our  brief  notice  one  might  think  our  author  stands  alone  in  his 
work  of  criticism,  or  that  he  has  neglected  the  bibliography  of  his  subject. 
Far  from  it;  he  is  by  no  means  the  only  opponent  of  Ameghino's  views 
and  in  his  discussion  he  makes  a  full  presentation  of  the  literature  of 
the  subject  as  he  takes  up  point  after  point.  But  Hrdlicka  is  actually 
the  only  worker,  who  has  taken  up  all  the  evidence  in  detail,  subjected 
it  to  exhaustive  critical  treatment,  and  reached  definite  conclusions. 

Frederick  Starr 
University  of  Chicago 


122  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  first  number  of  The  Quarterly  Journal  oj  the  Society  of  American 
Indians  lies  before  us  and  is  a  document  of  exceptional  significance. 
The  society  is  a  national  organization,  active  membership  in  which  is 
restricted  to  American  Indians.  "It  proposes  to  bring  together  all 
progressive  Indians  and  friends  of  Indian  progress  for  the  purpose  of 
promoting  the  highest  interests  of  the  race  and  individual."  It  aims 
to  develop  the  highest  and  best  in  Indian  character  in  such  a  way  as  to 
enable  the  race  to  hold  its  own  and  to  make  its  contribution  to  our 
American  life  and  civilization.  The  movement — for  it  is  a  movement — 
took  form  in  191 1,  at  the  Ohio  State  University,  when  on  invitation  of 
Professor  F.  A.  McKenzie,  its  first  annual  conference  was  held.  The 
second  conference  was  held  last  year  at  the  same  place.  It  was  a  notable 
gathering,  in  which  educated  and  progressive  members  of  the  red  race 
met  with  white  friends  to  consult  upon  plans  and  methods  of  advance- 
ment.   The  objects  of  the  Society  are: 

First:  To  promote  and  co-operate  with  all  efforts  looking  to  the 
advancement  of  the  Indian  in  enlightenment  which  leave  him  free  as  a 
man  to  develop  according  to  the  natural  laws  of  social  evolution. 

Second:  To  provide  through  our  open  conferences  the  means  of  a 
free  discussion  on  all  subjects  bearing  on  the  welfare  of  the  race. 

Third:  To  present  in  a  just  light  the  true  history  of  the  race,  to 
preserve  its  records  and  emulate  its  distinguishing  virtues. 

Fourth:  To  promote  citizenship  and  to  obtain  the  rights  thereof. 
Fifth:   To  establish  a  legal  department  to  investigate  Indian  prob- 
lems and  to  suggest  and  to  obtain  remedies. 

Sixth:  To  exercise  the  right  to  oppose  any  movement  that  may  be 
detrimental  to  the  race. 

Seventh:  To  direct  its  energies  exclusively  to  general  principles  and 
universal  interests  and  not  allow  itself  to  be  used  for  any  personal  or 
private  interest. 

Three  classes  of  members  are  recognized — active,  adult  persons  of 
Indian  blood;  junior  active,  Indians  below  twenty-one  years  of  age; 
associate,  persons  not  Indian  but  friends  of  the  Indian-American.  The 
society  will  maintain  a  Quarterly  Journal  which  will  cost  $1 .00  per  year 
to  members,  $1 .  50  to  outsiders.  It  is  to  be  under  the  editorial  manage- 
ment of  Mr.  Arthur  C.  Parker,  a  Seneca  Indian,  who  is  well  known  for 
his  archaeological  and  historical  investigations.  The  first  number  is  a 
handsomely  printed  pamphlet  of  almost  one  hundred  pages,  containing 
a  number  of  the  addresses  given  last  fall  at  the  conference,  summary 
of  the  conference  proceedings,  notes  and  comments,  etc.     Carefully 


REVIEWS  123 

prepared  articles  are  here  printed,  written  by  Indians  of  seven  different 
tribes,  and  the  reader  can  but  be  impressed  by  their  serious,  thoughtful 
and  earnest  character.  The  society  has  established  head-quarters  at 
Washington,  D.C.  (Barrister  Building),  where  Mr.  Parker  has  his 
offices,  both  as  editor  of  the  journal  and  secretary-treasurer  of  the  society. 
Among  the  various  matters  now  occupying  the  society's  attention  is  the 
observance  of  a  holiday  to  be  known  as  American  Indian  Day.  It  is 
suggested  that  October  12  (Discovery  Day)  would  be  an  appropriate 
date  and  the  society  urges  its  celebration  "by  schools,  colleges,  historical 
and  fraternal  organizations,  and  by  the  body  of  citizens  generally."  On 
such  a  holiday  the  true  character  and  status  of  the  Indian,  past  and 
present,  might  be  fittingly  presented  to  the  American  people.  This 
society  and  its  Quarterly  Journal  deserve  much  more  than  a  half-hearted 
encouragement.  It  needs  a  large,  active,  and  interested,  body  of  asso- 
ciate members. 

Frederick  Starr 

UNrVEESITY  OF  CHICAGO 


American  Bad  Boys  in  the  Making.  By  A.  H.  Stewart,  M.D. 
New  York:  The  Bookery,  13  East  38th  Street.     Pp.  241. 

The  author  of  this  book,  which  consists  chiefly  of  articles  and 
addresses  written  and  delivered  from  time  to  time,  was  assistant  warden 
at  the  Kentucky  penitentiary  for  three  years.  He  states  as  the  purpose 
of  the  book  a  desire  "  to  awaken  parents  to  a  realization  of  the  appalling 
record  made  by  our  boys  in  the  criminal  annals  of  the  country."  He 
contends  that  the  influence  of  heredity  is  exaggerated,  and  that  it  is  a 
mistake  to  regard  crime  as  amenable  only  to  repression  and  intimidation. 

A  personal  inspection  of  more  than  half  of  the  119  county  jails  in 
Kentucky  led  him  to  regard  most  of  these  jails  as  "loathesome  disease 
and  crime  breeding  dens  maintained  at  public  expense,"  in  which  old 
and  young  offenders  are  herded  together  in  the  most  dangerous  pro- 
miscuity.   In  the  state  prison  conditions  were  scarcely  better. 

Nor  does  the  author  confine  himself  to  a  criticism  of  conditions  in 
Kentucky,  as  the  following  extracts  indicate:  "Many  of  our  so-called 
reformatories  are  reformatories  in  name  only."  " Incompentency  and 
cruelty  still  exist  in  many  institutions  supposed  to  be  conducted  accord- 
ing to  the  most  modern  reformatory  methods."  "I  visited  the  prisons 
and  reformatories  in  sixteen  of  our  states  and  in  many  instances  I  found 
that  the  severest  punishment  was  regularly  inflicted  on  small  boys  in 
state  institutions."    "The  monotonous,  red  tape  and  cold  mechanical 


124  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

process  so  prevalent  in  many  industrial  schools  and  eleemosynary 
institutions  may  produce  human  machines,  but  certainly  not  well- 
rounded  citizens.  The  disproportionate  number  of  delinquents  found 
among  those  reared  in  orphans'  homes  show  that  children  are  not  adapted 
to  any  wholesale  plan  of  bringing  up." 

The  chapters  on  the  influence  of  age  on  conduct  and  on  the  relation 
of  sex  to  conduct  contain  nothing  that  is  new  in  the  literature  of  these 
topics.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  chapter  on  the  relation  of  mind 
and  body  to  character.  All  three  subjects,  however,  are  treated  in  an 
interesting  popular  style.  The  sections  relating  to  the  influence  of 
heredity  compared  with  that  of  environment  constitute  an  eloquent, 
though  not  always  convincing,  plea  for  a  larger  recognition  of  the  power 
of  environment  to  overcome  even  the  most  noxious  hereditary  influences. 

The  sections  relating  to  the  relaxation  of  home  discipline  and  to 
schools  fix  a  large  degree  of  responsibility  upon  the  modern  home  and 
the  modern  school  for  the  poor  adaptation  of  the  younger  generation 
to  the  real  needs  of  present  society.  It  is  pointed  out  that  physical 
culture  should  occupy  a  more  prominent  place  in  education,  from  the 
kindergarten  to  the  college;  that  play  is  of  the  greatest  hygienic  and 
social  value;  that  our  lack  of  respect  for  law  and  order  is  a  serious  menace 
to  democratic  institutions;  and  that  the  prevention  of  crime  is  wiser  than 
repression. 

The  book  as  a  whole  constitutes  a  popular  exposition,  based  upon 
familiar  sources  of  information  and  upon  some  of  the  author's  own 
experiences,  of  the  newer  preventive  and  reformative  criminology,  with 
particular  reference  to  that  juvenile  delinquency  for  which  our  present 

social  order  or  disorder  is  so  largely  responsible. 

C.  W.  A.  Veditz 
Washington,  D.C. 


History  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  By  Gustavus 
Myers.     Chicago:   Charles  H.  Kerr  &  Co.,  1912. 

This  is  a  valuable  book  notwithstanding  the  dogmatic  viewpoint 
and  the  plain  purpose  of  the  author  to  condemn  the  federal  Supreme 
Court  as  simply  a  tool  of  the  interests. 

One  good  thing  is  the  pointing  out  to  historians  and  others  of  the 
many  selfish  and  partisan  acts  of  a  tribunal  that  has  seldom  been 
described  in  other  language  than  that  of  fulsome  praise  and  adoration. 
The  country  needs  to  know  about  the  frailties  of  judges  who  have 
hitherto  been  vaunted  or  beyond  the  pale  of  ordinary  human  experience. 


REVIEWS  125 

From  the  beginning  there  has  been  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  historians 
and  of  laymen,  especially  the  wealthy,  to  make  the  Supreme  Court  a 
sort  of  divinity  which  cannot  err  and  which  shall  not  be  criticized.  The 
nationalists  have  done  this  because  the  court  in  its  early  career  always 
decided  against  the  states;  while  the  land  speculators,  the  builders  of 
interstate  railways,  and  the  heads  of  great  corporations  have  done  the 
same  thing  because  federal  courts  were  thought  to  be  a  safer  resort  than 
those  of  the  states. 

The  method  of  Mr.  Myers'  work  is  to  study  first  the  recommenda- 
tions of  each  judge  when  he  was  appointed  to  office,  then  to  study  the 
reports  of  special  committees  of  Congress  investigating  matters  that 
afterward  came  before  the  court  for  settlement,  and  finally  to  follow 
up  the  history  of  the  great  suits  that  have  been  determined  by  the  court. 
In  this  report  the  book  is  a  decided  addition  to  our  historical  literatures. 
If  one  wants  to  know  the  antecendents  of  the  men  who  have  composed 
the  Supreme  Court  Myers  will  prove  a  ready  help.  To  know  judge 
Marshall's  connection  with  land  speculators,  even  if  harmless  in  so  far 
as  he  was  personally  involved,  helps  one  to  understand  the  case  of 
Hunter  vs,.  Martin's  lessees.  To  have  the  documents  in  hand  which  show 
Story's  bids  toward  banks  and  the  privilege-seeking  classes  is  an  aid  to 
the  understanding  of  many  a  decision.  And  when  one  comes  to  the  rail- 
road era  it  is  still  better  to  know  the  history  of  each  judge  when  he  was 
appointed  to  office,  to  know  his  clients  and  his  connections  with  corpora- 
tions or  director  or  other  official. 

All  this  Myers  gives,  and  he  names  the  places,  dates,  and  volumes 
of  the  many  documents  in  which  his  evidence  is  to  be  located.  Every 
page  bears  its  footnote  as  citation  and  one  is  convinced  that  there  are 
vast  storehouses  of  historical  material  in  Washington  or  in  the  archives  of 
the  states  which  have  never  been  explored  by  those  who  have  written 
the  history  of  the  country  or  the  biographies  of  the  justices. 

The  result  of  Myers'  work,  however,  is  whole  condemnation  of  the 
court.  It  is  and  has  always  been  an  engine  of  class  aggrandizement, 
a  powerful  aristocratic  organization,  composed  in  the  main  of  unaristo- 
cratic  men,  working  ceaselessly  to  undermine  whatever  of  democracy 
there  was  originally  in  this  country.  Such  complete  and  overwhelming 
condemnation  is  unhistorical  and  it  tends  to  vitiate  the  valuable  parts 
of  the  book.  No  good  author  seeks  to  prove  too  much — it  is  sometimes 
said  that  a  good  historian  seeks  to  prove  nothing,  but  simply  presents 
the  evidence  of  what  has  happened  in  brief  and  digested  form.  Certainly 
this  book  fails  when  measured  by  such  a  standard.    Inferences  are  drawn 


126  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

conclusions  set  down  which  are  unjust  sometimes  to  the  characters 
under  consideration. 

Aside  from  this  the  work  is  of  great  value.  Its  bold  presentations 
and  analysis  of  evidence  seldom  used,  its  short  histories  of  the  judges, 
of  the  party  aflSliations  and  business  connections  are  all  of  utmost  impor- 
tance to  him  who  wants  to  know  the  truth  and  where  to  find  it  in  case 
of  need.  What  the  reviewer  warns  the  reader  or  the  librarian  against 
is  the  conclusions  oft  times  drawn,  the  inferences  and  interpretations. 
The  Supreme  Court  still  lacks  a  history  in  the  full  sense;  Myers  suggests 
and  emphasizes  the  need  of  some  broad,  full  work  covering  the  whole 

subject. 

William  E.  Dodd 

Univeksity  of  Chicago 

Bulletin  de  VOffice  de  la  protection  de  Venfance.    Bruxelles,  1913- 
The  royal  commission  on  patronage  enters  upon  the  administration 

of  the  new  Belgian  juvenile  court  law  with  the  publication  of  an  organ 

which  is  to  appear  quarterly.    The  first  numbers  give  the  law  and  various 

documents  and  addresses  in  explanation. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 

Social  Welfare  in  New  Zealand.     The  Result  of  Twenty  Years  of 
Progressive  Social  Legislation  and  Its  Significance  for  the  United 
States  and  Other  Countries.    By  Hugh  H.  Lusk.    New  York: 
Sturgis  &  Walton  Co.,  1913.    $1 .  50. 
This,  book,  written  by  a  former  member  of  the  New  Zealand  parlia- 
ment, presents  a  quite  enthusiastic  account  and  sympathetic  interpre- 
tation of  the  social  legislation  in  New  Zealand  during  the  past  twenty 
years.     Successive  chapters  describe  with  some  detail  the  progress  of  this 
young  commonwealth  of  scarce  a  million  people  toward  state  socialism 
by  means  of  significant  beginnings  in  land  nationalization,  the  achieve- 
ment of  a  forty-four-hour  week  for  workmen,  compulsory  arbitration  of 
industrial  disputes,  old-age  pensions,  universal  suffrage,  state  ownership 
of  public  utilities,  such  as  railroads,  telegraph,  telephones,  and  coal- 
mines, state  insurance,  and  postal  savings  banks.    The  writer  evidently 
regards  New  Zealand  as  an  experiment  station  for  the  world  in  social 
legislation,  and  makes  the  pertinent  suggestion  that  United  States  with 
its  numerous  self-governing  states  offers  an  inviting  field  for  further 
experimentation  in  state  socialism  of  the  New  Zealand  type. 

Ernest  W.  Burgess 
Toledo  University 


REVIEWS  127 

The  Economic  Uiilization  of  History  and  Other  Economic  Studies. 
By  Henry  W.  Farnum.  New  Haven:  Yale  University  Press, 
1913.    Pp.  viii+220.    $1.25  net. 

This  little  volume  contains,  in  revised  form,  several  addresses  which 
have  been  given  by  Professor  Farnum  in  recent  years.  The  presidential 
address  given  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  American  Economic  Associa- 
tion in  191 1  occupies  the  first  three  chapters  and  supplies  the  title  for  the 
book.  Other  chapters  contain  the  presidential  addresses  given  before 
the  American  Association  for  Labor  Legislation  in  1908,  1909,  and  1910; 
and  before  the  Connecticut  Conference  of  Charities  and  Correction  in 
191 1.    One  article  from  the  Yale  Review  is  included  also. 

The  central  thought  of  the  titular  address  is  that  history  should  be 
utilized  as  the  laboratory  of  the  economist,  where  the  records  of  the  past 
may  be  studied  with  a  view  to  discovering  the  operation  of  economic 
forces.  In  the  remainder  of  the  book  this  thesis  is  illustrated,  though  not 
directly  applied,  in  the  brief  but  interesting  chapters  on  labor  legislation, 
business  organization,  and  charity.  In  each  of  these  fields,  as  well  as  in 
many  others,  there  is  need  of  more  complete  knowledge  of,  and  sympathy 
with,  social  facts  and  forces.  Mere  knowledge,  without  sympathy,  tends 
to  indifference;  while  an  excess  of  sympathy  without  adequate  knowledge 
breeds  sensationalism.  The  great  problem  of  the  constructive  worker  is 
to  steer  a  middle  course  between  indifference  on  the  one  hand  and  sen- 
sationalism on  the  other  to  the  attainment  of  practical  results  by  scientific 
methods.  Professor  Farnum's  emphasis  of  this  problem  is  timely,  and 
the  only  regret  is  that  he  has  confined  himself  to  so  brief  a  treatment  of 

a  theme  at  once  so  promising  and  so  suggestive. 

H,  L.  LuTZ 
Oberlin  College 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


NOTES   AND   ABSTRACTS 

Les  conditions  biologiques  de  la  timidite. — In  social  contacts  we  expose  our- 
selves to  the  possibility  of  a  depreciative  judgment,  and  consequently  to  a  partial 
destruction  of  ourselves.  Physical  danger  is  definitely  limited  in  time  and  space, 
but  an  unfavorable  opinion  may  last  indefinitely  and  be  communicated  to  others. 
Intimidation  is  essentially  a  powerlessness  to  assert  oneself  in  the  presence  of  another 
and  to  win  his  respect.  It  is  a  consciousness  of  threatened  annihilation  of  a  part  of 
the  self,  and  consciousness  of  inability  to  control  the  situation.  Severe  or  repeated 
experiences  of  intimidation  may  give  rise  to  a  permanent  phobia  of  social  contacts. 
This  is  what  we  mean  by  timidity.— L.  Dupuis,  Rcvuc  philosophique,  August,  191 2. 

S.  A.  Q. 

The  Origin  of  Totemism. — Convinced  of  the  futility  of  the  search  for  the  specific 
character  of  first  origins,  we  simply  assume  that  there  was  a  simple  beginning.  The 
many  features  of  a  totemic  complex  certainly  did  not  appear  all  at  once,  but  one  by 
one,  or  possibly  in  small  groups.  It  may  be  that  they  all  made  their  first  appearance 
in  the  same  clan,  or  it  may  be  that  they  had  a  varied  origin.  At  all  events  they  spread 
by  waves  of  diffusion  from  clan  to  clan  until  they  fused  into  the  complex  known  as 
totemism.  This  is  the  pattern  theory  of  the  origin  of  totemism. — A.  A.  Goldenweiser, 
American  Anthropologist.  October-December,  1912.  S.  A.  Q. 

Magical  Factors  in  the  First  Development  of  Human  Labor. — Labor  in  the 
sense  of  a  continuous,  purposive,  and  organized  activity  is  not  much  engaged  in  by 
primitive  peoples.  But  when  it  does  occur,  it  is  impregnated  with  magical  elements 
for  the  control  of  the  weather,  movements  of  the  stars,  reproduction  of  plants  and 
animals,  sickness,  death,  etc.  Dancing  and  music  are  the  magical  instruments  par 
excellence,  and  hence  among  the  earliest  forms  of  labor.— Felix  Krueger,  American 
Journal  of  Psychology,  April,  1913.  S.  A.  Q. 

Report  of  Experiments  at  the  State  Reformatory  at  Bedford,  New  York.— 

In  1 9 10  six  weeks  were  spent  in  psychological  tests  upon  certain  of  the  inmates  to 
find  out  whether  it  would  be  possible  to  frame  a  practical  set  of  tests  which  would, 
upon  application  to  a  given  girl,  determine  whether  she  represented  the  grade  of 
normality  necessary  to  receive  benefit  from  the  educational  work  of  this  institution, 
or  to  be  safely  set  free  after  her  term  was  over.  Thirty- five  girls  were  tested  in  reaction- 
time,  memory,  attention,  and  direct  and  indirect  suggestibility.  The  results  \vere 
sufficiently  successful  to  bring  about  the  installation  of  a  resident  psychologist.— 
Eleanor  Rowland,  Psychological  Clinic,  May,  1913.  S.  A.  Q. 

Political  and  Economic  Interpretations  of  Jurisprudence.— There  are  two  pre- 
vailing types  of  interpretations  of  the  law.  The  one  is  historical,  idealistic,  and  politi- 
cal. The  other  is  mechanical  and  economic.  The  political  interpretation  fails  when 
put  to  the  test  of  application  to  the  facts  of  Anglo-American  law,  and  the  economic 
interpretation  fails  even  more  when  applied  to  the  traditional  element  of  legal  systems. 
Each  interpretation  is  too  narrow  for  the  legal  science  of  today.— Roscoe  Pond, 
American  Political  Science  Review  (Supplement),  February,  1913.  V.  W.  B. 

Ethischer  Individualismus  und  soziale  Reform  in  England. — Laissez  /aire  in 
English  industry  has  persisted,  re-enforced  by  the  individualistic  ethical  standards 
of  the  Calvinists  and  other  dissenters.  But  in  recent  years  there  has  been  a  tendency 
to  organize  industry  on  a  more  social  basis  and  subject  it  to  state  regulation.  The 
laws  and  reforms  in  regard  to  the  land  question,  the  labor  question,  poor  relief,  working- 
men's  insurance,  and  monopolies,  the  social  conception  of  the  educational  problem, 

128 


RECENT  LITERATURE  129 

and  the  attitude  of  the  churches  toward  social  reforms  are  evidences  of  progress  from 
an  individualistic  to  a  social  standard.  There  is,  however,  a  strong  counter-movement 
in  favor  of  laissez  faire  and  individualism  that  is  being  led  by  many  conservative  news- 
papers and  business  people. — Herman  Levy,  Schmoller's  Jahrbuch,  Heft  i,  1Q13. 

V.  W.  B. 

The  Revival  of  the  Village. — Country  village  life  and  occupations  develop  a 
human  type  whose  existence  is  of  importance  to  the  nation  and  of  value  for  stocking 
the  large  cities.  The  revival  of  the  village,  therefore,  should  be  considered  as  a  matter 
of  national  importance.  For  the  revival  of  the  village,  attempts  should  be  made  (1)  to 
deal,  through  acts  of  Parliament,  with  land  and  housing  conditions;  (2)  to  revive 
village  handicrafts;  (3)  to  revive  old  songs  and  dances  and  to  stimulate  interest  in 
social  life;  (4)  to  induce  villagers  to  co-operate  for  common  purposes,  such  as  credit, 
buying  and  selling,  joint  holding  of  land  to  be  severally  cultivated,  and  the  building 
and  ownership  of  cottages. — Sybella  Branford,  Sociological  Review,  January,  1913. 

V.  \V.  B. 

Le  chomage  et  I'assistance  aux  chSmeurs  dans  I'Inde  Britannique. — There  is  in 
India  no  unemployment  in  the  occidental  sense  of  the  word,  but  there  is  much  suffering 
due  to  the  failures  in  agriculture,  and  consequent  to  that  the  depressions  in  dependent 
industries,  such  as  weaving.  In  order  to  save  life  and  to  enable  the  people  to  resume 
the  ordinary  pursuits,  various  public  measures  have  been  taken  to  mitigate  distress 
and  to  prevent  such  famines.  In  addition  to  the  extension  of  the  water  supply  through 
irrigation  works,  the  improvements  in  methods  of  agriculture  and  trade,  and  the  provi- 
sion of  cheap  capital  by  co-operative  credit  societies  of  the  Raiffeisen  type,  there  has 
been  a  system  of  insurance  against  famines.  This  famine  relief  began  in  1878,  when  it 
was  made  a  regular  part  of  the  public  charges. — C.  R.  Henderson,  Bulletin  trimestriel 
de  Vassocialion  internationale  pour  la  luUe  contre  le  chomage,  Janvier-Mars,  1913. 

E.  H.  S. 
• 

The  Contest  against  Criminality.  Investigation  and  Probation  Work  in 
Sweden. — There  has  been  in  Sweden  no  public  provision  for  prisoners  released  under 
suspended  sentences,  though  there  have  been  voluntary  probation  officers  since  1902 
for  juveniles,  and  since  1906  for  adults  who  have  been  finally  released.  In  1910  the 
Protection  Society  (Skyddsvarnet)  was  formed,  with  the  purpose  of  investigation  of 
the  cases  for  suspended  sentence  and  the  supervision  of  those  liberated  under  such 
sentence.  The  municipality  of  Stockholm  and  the  state  have  granted  subventions  to 
this  society.  But  the  officers  serve  gratuitously,  and,  since  there  is  no  law  on  this 
subject,  supervision  must  be  accepted  voluntarily  by  those  under  suspended  sentence. 
— Harold  Salomon,  Reprint  from  Journal  of  the  Protection  Society  (Skyddsvarnet)  ^ 
April,  1913.  E-  H.  S. 

Industrial  Insurance  and  Child  Welfare. — Industrial  insurance  may  benefit 
children  directly,  or  indirectly — through  benefits  conferred  on  the  parents.  The 
latter  are  probably  the  more  important.  Maternity  insurance  produces  largest  results. 
Good  laws  exist  in  England  and  Germany.  Halle  grants  lactation  premiums  to 
mothers  who  nurse  their  own  babies.  Invalidity  insurance  brings  large  social  and 
economic  benefits.  A  few  of  the  more  important  direct  benefits  are:  (i)  encourage- 
ment of  prophylactic  measures  against  the  ailments  of  children,  notably  the  Central 
Association  for  Public  Welfare  in  Hanover  and  a  network  of  "schools  for  mothers" 
in  England;  (2)  special  benefits  for  tuberculous  children;  (3)  provision  of  special 
institutions  other  than  sanatoria  for  children;  (4)  pensions  for  children;  (5)  medical 
inspection  of  school  children;  (6)  supplementary  voluntary  insurance. — R.  Murray 
Leslie,  Journal  of  State  Medicine,  April,  1913.  R.  F.  C. 

The  Negro:  His  Relation  to  Public  Health  in  the  South. — The  Negros  have  a 
material  and  vitiating  effect  on  the  progress  of  any  community  in  public  health  matters. 
They  are  a  menace  as  a  source  and  disseminator  of  infection.  Their  average  mortality, 
in  Jacksonville,  1 908-11,  was  23.2  per  thousand  against  15.2  for  whites;  birth- 
rate 16.79  for  Negroes,  17.85  for  whites,  or,  adding  still-births  21.91  for  Negroes, 
19.26  for  whites.    An  important  factor  is  the  practice  of  midwifery.     In  1910-11, 


I30  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

51.7  per  cent  of  all  births  were  attended  by  Negroe  midwives.  They  belong,  usually, 
to  the  most  ignorant  type  of  Negroes.  To  require  the  most  simple  evidence  of  vmder- 
standing  of  their  calling  would  at  once  disbar  them  all  from  practice.  Negroes  are 
most  inadequately  supplied  with  efficient  medical  attention.  Preventable  diseases 
cause  42.5  per  cent  of  Negro  deaths  as  against  32.1  per  cent  of  white  deaths.  A 
colored  health  improvement  association  and  the  employment  of  a  well-trained  colored 
nurse  for  district  work  under  the  supervision  of  the  health  department  have  worked 
well  in  Jacksonville.  This  work  needs  to  be  extended. — C.  E.  Terry,  American  Joiirnal 
of  Public  Health,  April,  1913.  R.  F.  C. 

The  Sanitary  Supervision  of  Prostitution  at  Bremen. — Suppression  of  prostitu- 
tion is  impossible.  The  only  hope  is  to  reduce  the  damage  connected  with  prostitution. 
Efforts  should  include  improved  conditions  of  livelihood  and  dwellings,  instruction  of 
the  population  on  sexual  life  and  the  dangers  of  sexual  diseases,  perfection  of  medical 
education  and  experience,  and  control  and  sanitary  treatment.  The  Bremen  system 
of  internments  has  been  most  successful.  One  small  street  was  placed  exclusively  at 
the  disposal  of  the  police  for  housing  the  prostitutes.  The  houses  are  carefully  regu- 
lated, and  the  street  guarded.  Periodical  medical  examinations  are  required.  Girls 
are  admitted  only  of  their  own  free  will  and  on  application;  examination  must  show 
them  to  be  perfectly  healthy  and  strong.  The  proportion  of  sexually  diseased  or 
suspicious  cases  is  very  much  less  than  among  secret  prostitutes  and  the  frequency 
is  being  greatly  reduced.  All  women  suspected  of  secret  prostitution  are  arrested 
and  examined  by  the  police.  If  found  guilty  they  are  sent  to  the  medical  health 
officer  for  examination  and  punished  after  having,  in  case  of  infectious  condition,  been 
treated  at  the  hospital  compulsorily  until  cured. — Kreisarzt  Dr.  Weidanz,  Journal  of 
State  Medicine,  April,  1913.  R.  F.  C. 

Saving  the  Backward  School  Child. — Nervous  and  mental  diseases  due  to  eye- 
strain ^re  rapidly  increasing  with  a  frightful  growth  in  the  general  morbidity  rates. 
A  bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  says  that  25  per  cent  or  about 
500,000  of  the  school  children  in  this  country  have  defective  vision,  and  75  per  cent 
need  attention  for  physical  defects  which  are  prejudicial  to  health  and  which  are 
partially  or  completely  remediable.  Experiments  by  Dr.  W.  M.  Richards,  in  New 
York  City,  in  examination  and  treatment  were  highly  successful  in  their  results. 
Principles  and  practice  of  refraction  are  not  adequately  and  correctly  taught  in  medical 
colleges. — George  M.  Gould,  M.D.,  Journal  American  Medical  Association,  April  5, 
1913.  R.  F.  C. 

Room  Overcrowding  and  the  Lodger  Evil. — No  serious  attempt  has  been  made 
in  America  to  cope  with  this  problem.  We  are  without  accurate  information  as  to 
the  extent,  causes,  and  effects  of  the  evil,  which  is  especially  manifest  among  certain 
groups  of  immigrants.  The  desire  rapidly  to  acquire  money  and  racial  solidarity 
are  large  factors.  The  real  evil  in  America  lies  in  the  practice  of  taking  lodgers  and 
boarders  and  in  the  lack  of  proper  housing  accommodations  for  the  newly  arrived 
single  immigrant.  The  evil  effects  are  physical,  moral,  civic,  social,  industrial,  and 
economic.  Boston  and  New  York  are  the  only  cities  that  have  made  serious  efforts  to 
solve  the  problem,  and  their  methods  have  been  ineffective.  The  general  public 
and  the  minor  courts  must  be  educated  with  regard  to  the  evil.  The  landlord,  not  the 
tenant,  should  be  held  primarily  responsible  for  the  taking  of  lodgers  and  boarders 
into  an  apartment  without  written  consent  of  health  officials. — Lawrence  Veiller, 
American  Journal  of  Public  Health,  January,  1913.  R.  F.  C. 

The  Principle  of  the  Minimum  "Wage. — The  policy  of  the  minimum  wage  includes 
three  different  policies  aiming  at  different  ends  and  susceptible  of  defense  and  attack 
along  different  lines:  (i)  The  subsistence  minimum.  This  rests  upon  the  doctrine  that 
in  every  community  there  is  a  certain  minimum  standard  of  well-being  below  which 
the  life  of  no  member  ought  to  be  allowed  to  fall.  A  minimum  wage,  however,  carries 
no  pledge  of  continuous  employment  and  it  is  inadequate  unless  the  rate  varies  with 
the  size  and  character  of  the  family.  The  enforcement  of  a  minimum  rate  in  respect 
to  workers  whose  efficiency  was  not  before  high  enough  to  be  worth  that  rate  will 


f 


RECENT  LITERATURE  ■  131 

act,  in  the  main,  to  throw  these  workers  out  of  employment.  (2)  The  inter-personal 
equality  minimum.  This  is  advocated  as  a  means  of  promoting  equality  among 
efficiency  wages  paid  to  different  people  at  the  same  time.  The  conclusion  in  regard 
to  the  effect  of  enforced  equalization  of  efficiency  wage-rates  in  cases  where  existing 
inequalities  correspond  to  inequalities  of  marginal  net  products  is  that,  where  methods 
of  engaging  people  are  of  a  casual,  unsystematic  type,  equalization  is  likely  to  prove 
socially  injurious;  but  that  where  these  methods  are  of  the  concentrated  type  it  is 
certain  to  prove  socially  beneficial.  (3)  The  inter-temporal  equality  minimum.  This 
is  advocated  as  a  means  to  promote  equality  among  the  efficiency  wages  paid  to  the  same 
people  at  different  times.  This  doctrine  that  economic  welfare  is  in  general  fostered 
by  anything  that  renders  individual  income  more  stable  is  a  valid  one.  As  a  means 
to  secure  this  stability  there  must  be  a  minimum  time- wage  along  side  the  piece- wage 
to  be  paid  to  those  workmen  to  whom  the  piece-wage  scheme  would  at  any  time  award 
less  than  the  defined  sum. — A.  C.  Pigou,  Nineteenth  Century,  March,  1913.    J.  H.  K. 

Some  Dangers  in  the  Present  Movement  for  Industrial  Education. — A  scheme 
of  industrial  education  proposed  for  adoption  by  the  next  legislature  of  the  state  of 
Illinois  has  several  fundamentally  bad  features  associated  with  it.  The  scheme 
proposes  a  separate  state  commission  of  vocational  education,  thus  dividing  and  dupli- 
cating the  whole  administrative  educational  machinery.  The  scheme  also  tends  to 
paralyze  modem  movements  for  the  vitalizing  of  the  academic  education  through  the 
introduction  of  manual  training,  industrial,  and  social  activities.  The  proposed 
segregation  will  work  disastrously  for  the  true  interests  of  the  pupils  who  attend  the 
so-called  vocational  schools.  It  could  not  give  the  pupils  a  knowledge  of  industry 
in  relation  to  "science,  art,  and  society,"  but  would  aim  at  increased  efficiency  in 
certain  lines.  This  enthusiasm  for  vocational  guidance  should  rather  exhibit  itself, 
first,  by  encouraging  the  children  to  stay  in  school  and  fit  themselves  for  work  where 
there  are  genuine  openings  ahead;  second,  by  guiding  public  opinion  to  modify  the 
school  work  so  that  it  shall  have  more  real  coimection  with  social  opportunity;  third, 
by  providing  supplementary  agencies  so  that  children  when  they  do  leave  school  to 
go  out  to  work  shall  continue  under  educational  supervision. — John  Dewey,  Child 
Labor  Bulletin,  February,  1913.  J.  H.  K. 

Unit  Accoimting  in  Social  Work. — Social  workers  are  today  concerned  with  a 
close-range  study  of  facts  which  will  lead  the  way  to  effective  local  social  administra- 
tion. It  is  more  and  more  clearly  understood  that  the  local  neighborhood  is  the  true 
imit  of  constructive  social  effort.  There  is  strong  demand  for  ordered  information 
as  to  this  subsection  of  society.  It  is  very  desirable  that  the  national  and  state  census 
should  give  local  and  detailed  statistics  and  tabulations  for  the  small  areas.  The  local 
registration  of  all  marriages,  births,  diseases,  and  deaths  should  provide  specific 
exposition  in  terms  of  social  geography  and  classification  by  age,  sex,  and  nationality. 
All  moral  statistics  should  contain  details  as  to  precise  local  environments  even  to 
specification  of  individual  houses.  One  of  the  first  results  of  such  an  analytical  method 
in  applied  statistics  would  be  to  make  a  better  proportioned  and  adjusted  service 
in  the  city  departments.  Such  information  is  indispensable  to  charity  societies,  social 
service  commissions,  municipal  administrators,  and  state  legislators.  Such  knowledge 
would  also  bring  about  a  much  more  effective  form  of  co-operation  between  these 
different  local  neighborhoods  and  between  the  districts  of  a  city. — Robert  A.  Woods, 
American  Statistical  Association,  March,  19 13.  J.  H.  K. 

Recent  Changes  in  the  Composition  of  the  Population  of  the  United  States. — 

This  article  deals  only  with  recent  changes  in  regard  to  sex,  age,  and  marital  conditions 
as  shown  by  the  census  of  1910.  The  proportion  of  males  in  continental  United  States 
is  shown  to  be  greater  by  over  a  million  than  that  recorded  at  any  previous  census. 
The  number  of  states  to  show  an  excess  of  females  is  diminishing.  This  seems  due  to 
the  unprecedented  immigration  of  the  past  decade  together  with  the  extremely  large 
proportion  of  males  in  the  immigration.  The  states  with  the  smallest  proportion  of 
males  show  an  increase  in  the  proportion  since  1900,  but  the  states  with  the  largest 
proportion  of  males  have  in  many  cases  shown  a  decrease  in  this  proportion.  There 
has  been  a  decrease  since  1900  in  the  proportion  of  the  population  in  the  early-age 


132  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

groups  and  an  increase  in  the  upper-age  groups,  the  foreign-born  whites  being  the  only 
exception.  The  proportion  of  married  is  higher  in  the  age  periods  of  early  middle  life 
and  lower  in  the  advanced  ages.  This  would  indicate  a  tendency  to  earlier  marriages, 
although  the  proportion  single  in  advanced  ages  is  greater  than  in  1890  or  in  1900. — 
William  B.  Bailey,  American  Statistical  Association,  March,  1913.  J.  H.  K. 

Wandlungen  iind  Entwicklungstendenzen  in  der  deutschen  Auswandenmg.^ 

The  traditional  definition  of  emigration  as  the  surrender  of  one's  entire  economic 
existence  in  his  native  country  with  a  view  to  permanent  settlement  in  another  is  no 
longer  adequate  to  characterize  present-day  German  emigration.  This  is  becoming 
part  of  a  world-wide  phenomenon  of  the  migratory  movement  of  labor  between  coun- 
tries, following  the  fluctuations  of  economic  opportunity.  The  change  demands  a 
corresponding  modification  of  the  conception  of  emigration  and  an  adaptation  of 
statistics  to  the  new  conditions.  This  may  be  accomplished  either  by  distinguishing 
between  temporary  and  permanent  emigrants,  or  by  supplementing  the  existing 
emigration  statistics  by  re-migration  statistics.  The  latter  procedure  is  recommended. 
— Dr.  W.  Moenckmeier,  Jahrbiicher  JUr  Nationalokonoviie  utid  Slatislik,  March,  1913. 

P.  W. 

Ztir  historischen  Analyse  des  Patriotismus. — The  rise  of  patriotism  is  a  rela- 
tively recent  phenomenon.  Ecclesiastical  loyalties  and  conflicts  retarded  the  forma- 
tion of  a  national  consciousness  in  western  Europe  until  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century  and  later.  The  sense  of  linguistic  and  cultural  unity  emerges  gradually,  and 
patriotism  attaches  to  ethnic  nationality  and  to  civil  liberty.  In  modem  states 
patriotism  is  colored  politically  where  several  nationalities  are  comprised  in  one 
state,  ethnically  where  state  and  nationality  coincide.  The  industrial  revolution  and 
the  consequent  creation  of  an  international  proletariat  for  a  time  impeded  the  growth 
of  patriotism  by  substituting  class  for  country;  but  the  other  result  of  capitalistic 
industry — imperialism — is  a  species  of  patriotism.  The  form  which  patriotism  takes 
varies  with  the  particular  environment  of  a  people,  and  the  evolutions  the  concept 
has  undergone  in  the  course  of  centuries  prove  that  it  is  not  an  ethical  postulate  but 
a  historic  necessity  of  every  period,  which  it  is  every  thinking  man's  duty  to  analyze 
for  himself. — Robert  Michels,  Archiv  fiir  Sozial-Wissenschaft  und  Sozial-PoHlik, 
January-March,  1913.  P.  W. 

Uber  die  idioplasmatischen  Ursachen  der  physiologischen  und  pathologischen 
Sexualcharaktere  des  Menschen. — For  the  scientific  biologist  the  question  no  longer 
is:  How  are  acquired  characteristics  transmitted?  but:  How  are  hereditary  char- 
acteristics acquired?  And  the  answer  is:  By  means  of  non-teleological  factors  opera- 
tive in  the  environment.  The  concept  of  the  pathological  is  a  relative  one,  implying 
life  in  the  margin  of  the  zone  of  adaptation.  Adaptation  is  itself  relative  to  a  given 
enviroement.  From  the  standpoint  of  eugenics  there  can  be  no  objection  to  inbreed- 
ing. The  interest  of  the  race  lies  not  in  obscuring  pathological  tendencies  but  in  their 
elimination.  A  thoroughgoing  racial  hygiene  is  realized  neither  by  crossing  with  sound 
stock  nor  by  sterilization  and  prohibition  of  marriage,  but  solely  by  positive  selection 
of  healthy  idioplasmic  stocks,  i.e.,  by  aiding  these  through  social  legislation  in  collect- 
ing and  increasing  until  they  displace  the  pathological  ones. — Dr.  Fritz  Lenz,  Archiv 
iir  Rassen-  und  Gesellschaftsbiologie,  September-October,  1912.  P.  W. 

Crime  et  altruisme. — It  seems  a  paradox  to  associate  two  words  as  diverse  in 
meaning  as  crime  and  altruism,  but  if  we  adopt  a  point  of  view  strictly  utilitarian  the 
anomaly  disappears.  Affection  and  sympathy  are  motives  which  dominate  many  of 
the  crimes  against  property.  Some  of  the  most  celebrated  assassins  have  been  char- 
acterized by  a  passionate  love  of  family  and  delicate  sentiments  of  refinement.  Religi- 
ous fanatics  have  believed  they  were  doing  God's  will  when  they  slaughtered  those  of 
alien  faiths.  Many  times  loved  ones  have  been  slaughtered  by  their  nearest  of  kin, 
who  truly  believed  that  by  the  act  they  were  pleasing  their  Deity.  Altruistic  impulses 
move  those  who  take  human  lives  in  order  that  their  victims  may  be  spared  earthly 
pain.  Mothers  have  slain  their  children  to  shield  them  from  a  burden  of  disgrace 
which  would  be  inevitable  should  they  live.    And  instances  are  by  no  means  lacking 


RECENT  LITERATURE  133 

of  persons  being  dispatched  by  sympathetic  friends  because  they  were  burdened  with 
great  physical  or  mental  distress.  The  numerous  illustrations  of  cases  such  as  the 
foregoing  show  emphatically  the  dominating  force  of  fixed  ideas — ideas  which  may  in 
themselves  be  altruistic,  but  which  may  be  easily  pushed  to  a  conclusion  most  criminal. 
— Ch.  Vallon  et  G.  Genil-Perrin,  Archiv  d' anthropologic  criminelle,  February  15,  1913. 

E.  E.  E. 

Riddles  of  the  Ten'a  Indians. — During  the  six  months  preceding  the  winter 
solstice  the  Ten'a  Indians  of  Alaska  spend  their  evenings  in  story- telling;  during  the 
other  six  months  the  stories  are  displaced  by  riddles,  in  the  belief  that  the  days  will  be 
lengthened  by  this  means.  These  riddles  have  been  handed  down  through  many 
generations  and  are  a  part  of  their  folk-lore;  consequently  the  answers  are  frequently 
no  more  than  mere  memory  work.  For  these  riddles  they  possess  a  language  apart 
from  that  ordinarily  used  in  daily  life.  Unless  one  guesses  the  exact  answer  that  is  in 
the  propounder's  mind,  he  is  adjudged  incorrect,  even  though  his  answer  may  fairly 
fulfil  the  conditions  of  the  riddle.  A  hint  at  the  proper  answer  is  sometimes  conveyed 
in  the  question  itself. — Father  Julius  Jette,  Anthropos,  January-February,  1913. 

E.  E.  E. 

The  Trade  Union  Attitude  toward  Prison  Labor. — The  trade  unionist  insists 
that  the  convict's  labor  should  not  be  performed  for  the  private  profit  of  a  contractor; 
but  if  profit  is  to  be  secured,  it  should  go  to  those  dependent  on  him  and  to  the  state. 
The  so-called  trades  taught  in  penal  institutions  do  not  educate  the  prisoner  and  train 
him  to  work  as  a  mechanic  after  his  release.  Convict  labor  should  be  employed  in 
public  highway  construction,  or  in  providing  agricultural  products  for  eleemosynary 
institutions,  in  which  there  will  be  a  minimum  of  competition  with  free  labor. — John  P. 
Frey,  Annals  of  American  Academy,  March,  1913.  R.  E.  S. 

The  Theory  of  the  Siiffrage. — There  are  five  distinct  theories  of  the  suffrage  which 
have  been  used  to  explain  or  justify  various  electoral  systems:  (i)  the  primitive  tribal 
theory  that  voting  is  a  necessary  attribute  of  membership  in  the  state  and  that  suffrage 
is  an  adjunct  and  function  of  citizenship;  (2)  the  feudal  theory  that  the  suffrage  is  a 
vested  privilege  usually  attached  to  the  possession  of  land;  (3)  the  theory  of  the  early 
constitutional  regime  that  voting  is  an  abstract  right  founded  in  natural  law,  a  con- 
sequence of  the  social  compact,  and  an  incident  of  popular  sovereignty;  C4)  the  modem 
scientific  theory  that  voting  is  a  public  office,  a  function  of  government;  and  (5)  the 
ethical  theory  that  voting  is  an  important  and  essential  means  for  the  development  of 
the  individual  character. — W.  J.  Shephard,  Annals  of  American  Academy,  February, 
1913.  R.  E.  S. 

A  Measure  of  the  Manner  of  Living. — There  should  be  a  measure  of  the  manner 
of  living  in  order  to  determine  the  adequacy  of  household  furnishings  to  the  end  of 
carrying  on  the  fundamental  living  processes  in  accordance  with  a  certain  arbitrary 
standard  of  decency  and  propriety.  Such  a  standard  could  be  formed  by  giving 
weights  to  various  articles  of  furniture  in  the  kitchen,  dining-room,  bedroom  and  parlor. 
— C.  A.  Perry,  American  Statistical  Association,  March,  1913.  R.  E.  S. 

Is  Insanity  on  the  Increase? — Within  the  last  thirty  years  there  has  been  a  steady 
increase  of  registered  insanity  in  England  and  Wales.  The  causes  of  this  increase  are : 
(i)  the  diminution  of  unregistered  insanity  and  the  increase  of  asylum  accommodations; 
(2)  the  collective  responsibility  which  has  replaced  family  responsibility;  (3)  the 
steady  diminution  of  discharge  of  patients  as  recovered.  Consequently  the  increase 
of  registered  insanity  does  not  prove  that  insanity  is  on  the  increase.  Unsuitable 
mating  and  environmental  conditions  tend  to  revive  a  latent  neuropathic  tendency 
of  the  stock,  or  to  develop  the  first  forms  of  nervous  degeneracy.  Social  conditions 
play  an  important  part  in  producing  insanity. — F.  W.  Mott,  Sociological  Review, 
January,  1913.  R.  E.  S. 

Berufswahl  und  Berufsschicksal  des  modemen  Industriearbeiters. — The  se- 
lection of  workers  in  modem  industry  is  made  according  to  age,  environment  in  youth, 


134  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

qualification,  an3  working  power.  This  selection  is  essentially  the  same  for  all  indus- 
tries studied,  but  is  modified  by  the  size  and  form  of  the  business.  Discussion  of  the 
effects  upon  the  laborer  of  the  work,  forms  of  payment,  division  of  labor,  and  rest- 
periods  are  to  be  continued  in  a  later  number. — Marie  Bernays,  Archiv  fiir  Sozial- 
wissenschajt  und  Sozialpolitik,  July,  191 2.  S.  A.  Q. 

Konsiunvereinbewegung  tind  Volkswirtschaft. — The  recent  fiscal  policy  of 
Hamburg  in  imposing  a  tax  upon  consumers'  co-operative  societies  is  not  only  contrary 
to  sound  economic  and  legal  principles,  but  is  also  a  political  mistake.  The  advantages 
of  co-operative  enterprises  are  many:  (i)  living  expenses  are  reduced  and  (2)  com- 
modities of  better  quality  and  unadulterated  are  produced;  (3)  such  societies  have 
moral  and  cultural  significance;  (4)  they  promote  the  conunon  welfare  of  their  members 
by  providing  insurance  and  other  benefit  schemes;  (5)  they  foster  diligence,  saving 
and  business  experience.  The  savings  which  enable  the  society  to  return  dividends 
to  its  members  are  obtained  by  cash  trading  and  sales,  by  elimination  of  the  retail 
dealer's  profit,  etc.  Of  all  taxes  that  on  "sales"  is  conceded  to  be  the  most  unjust 
and  oppressive.  The  effect  of  taxing  co-operative  societies  will  be  to  reduce  the  divi- 
dends of  the  poorest  class,  since  this  class  especially  avails  itself  of  these  societies,  and 
it  will  increase  the  burden  of  taxation  of  this  class  in  proportion  to  the  other  classes. 
The  tendency  of  this  act  will  be  to  change  the  form  of  organization  to  evade  paying 
taxes,  or  to  increase  the  number  of  retail  merchants.  How  will  the  interest  of  the 
middle  class  dealer  then  be  protected? — W.  Kriiger,  Annalen  des  deutschen  Reichs, 
No.  6,  191 2.  Y.  S. 

Ein  Seminar  fiir  Soziologie,  Politik  iind  Ethik  an  der  Universitat  Jassy. — A 

seminar  has  been  formed  in  the  University  of  Jassy  in  sociology,  political  science,  and 
ethics  under  the  conviction  that  these  social  sciences  constitute  a  single  science,  and 
with  a  new  thesis  in  regard  to  the  general  nature  of  seminar  work.  The  general 
portion  of  the  work  of  the  seminar  is  on  the  subject  of  scientific  law  in  the  social  sciences. 
The  particular  work  of  the  individual  student  consists  in  the  preparation  of  a  mono- 
graph on  a  particular  village,  in  which  the  student  makes  a  critical  study  of  all  the 
social  activities  of  the  village.  This  trains  the  student  for  scientific  work  in  all  the 
social  sciences. — Demetrius  Gusti,  Vierteljahrschrift  fur  wissenschaftliche  Philosophie 
und  Soziologie,  Heft  II,  1912.  E.  H.  S. 

A  Psychological  Definition  of  Religion. — An  accurate  definition  must  be  broad 
enough  to  include  every  conceivable  form  of  religion  and  sufficiently  narrow  and  speci- 
fic to  exclude  everything  not  properly  religious.  With  these  requirements  in  mind  the 
following  definition  is  offered:  "Religion  is  the  endeavor  to  secure  the  conservation 
of  socially  recognized  values  through  specific  actions  that  are  believed  to  evoke  some 
agency  different  from  the  ordinary  ego  of  the  individual,  or  from  other  merely  human 
beings,  and  that  imply  a  feeling  of  dependence  upon  this  agency." — William  K.  Wright, 
American  Journal  of  Theology,  July,  191 2.  G.  T.  J. 

Economic  Theory  of  a  Legal  Minimum  Wage. — Sixteen  years'  actual  experi- 
ence of  the  legal  minimum  wage  in  Victoria,  have  brought  ruin  neither  to  the  employer 
nor  to  the  operative.  Where  a  common  minimum  rate  has  been  fixed:  (i)  competition 
for  employment  has  not  been  abolished;  (2)  industrial  and  moral  efficiency  of  the  opera- 
tive and  the  productivity  of  industry  have  increased;  (3)  invention  and  adaption  of 
new  processes  of  industry  have  been  stimulated,  causing  a  consequent  tendency  for  it 
to  be  carried  on  under  more  advantageous  conditions  and  so  to  increase  the  nation's 
productivity;  (4)  the  community  becomes  insured  against  the  evils  of  industrial 
parasitism;  (5)  rather  than  an  increase  in  the  amount  of  maintenance  of  abnormal 
individuals  by  the  community,  there  has  been  a  positive  increase  in  demand  for 
labor.  A  joint  board  of  operatives  and  employers  of  the  whole  trade  to  fix  minimum 
standard  is  recommended. — Sidney  Webb,  Journal  of  Political  Economy,  December, 
1912.  R-  E-  S. 

Agriculture  and  a  Minimum  Wage. — The  a  priori  right  of  the  state  to  fix  a 
minimum  wage  for  agricultural  laborers  is  based  on  their  helplessness  considered  from 
the  point  of  view  of  organization.    There  are  three  possibilities  in  regard  to  the 


RECENT  LITERATURE  135 

problem  of  deterioration:  (i)  improved  efficiency  resulting  from  an  increase  of  wages; 
(2)  an  increase  in  wages  followed  by  no  improvement  in  efficiency;  (3)  improvement  in 
the  skill  and  energy  of  farmers.  Small  holdings  would  obviate  the  difficulty  of 
unemployment. — Reginald  Lennard,  Economic  Review,  October,  191 2.       R.  E.  S. 

Sjmdicalism  and  Socialism. — Syndicalism  and  socialism  are  derived  from  the 
same  situation — the  universal  discontent  of  workingmen.  This  discontent  is  due  to 
economic  injustice,  education,  and  the  sympathy  of  the  church.  The  ultimate  goals 
of  syndicalism  and  socialism  are  different,  though  their  genesis  is  the  same.  Syndical- 
ism would  make  the  operative  in  each  group  politically  and  economically  supreme,  and 
would  eliminate  the  employer,  for  labor  has  been  kept  from  its  fair  reward.  But  this 
attitude  of  syndicalism  cannot  be  justified,  for  the  organization  of  labor  and  legislation 
have  effected  an  approximate  equilibrium  of  economic  forces.  The  remedy  for  their 
attitude  lies  in  an  investigation  of  the  facts,  and  the  cultivation  of  sympathy  based  on 
knowledge. — J.  A.  R.  Marriott,  Nineteenth  Century,  November,  1912.         R.  E.  S. 

Socialism  in  California  Municipalities. — The  California  Socialist  party  in  local 
politics  stands  for  "immediate  demands."  The  local  campaigns  have  not  been  strug- 
gles between  Socialism  and  Capitalism,  but  have  been  general  discussions  of  SociaUst 
doctrines,  and  the  issues  have  been  those  which  stood  for  a  reform  program,  for  an 
extension  of  city  activities  and  powers,  for  public  ownership,  and  for  clean  government. 
ITie  Socialist  vote  has  almost  trebled  itself  since  1908.  This  increase  has  been  due 
to  popular  dissatisfaction  with  current  political  and  administrational  conditions,  the 
socialist  periodicals,  and  the  McNamara  trial.  Party  victories  and  the  actual  work 
being  done  by  successful  candidates  can  be  noticed  by  reviewing  the  situation  at 
Berkeley,  Los  Angeles,  San  Bernardino,  Santa  Cruz,  Daly,  etc.  The  ability  and  per- 
sonality of  the  SociaUst  candidates  have  been  powerful  factors  in  the  local  success  of 
the  party. — Ira  B.  Cross,  National  Municipal  Review,  October,  191 2.  R.  E.  S. 

L'assistance  par  le  travail. — Dr.  fidouard  Courmouls-Houles  has  published  a 
large  work  entitled  L'assistance  par  le  travail,  in  which  he  favors  a  plan  by  which  the 
state  shall  come  to  the  aid  of  its  workmen,  especially  when  they  are  thrown  out  of 
employment  or  are  laboring  for  an  inadequate  wage.  The  theories  of  the  book  are 
impractical  and  chimerical,  for  the  introduction  of  machinery  is  a  benefit  rather  than 
a  detriment  to  the  laborer,  and  indiscriminate  charity  serves  no  lasting  purpose  in 
solving  the  problem  of  pauperism,  but  often  encourages  a  class  of  professional  loafers 
and  vagabonds.  Dr.  Courmouls-Houlfis  is  more  of  a  solidarist  than  a  coUectivist 
and  the  solidarists  are  not  to  be  counted  on  to  help  solve  the  problem  of  the 
unemployed. — Georges  de  Nouvion,  Journal  des  Sconomistes,  August  15,  191 2. 

E.  E.  E. 

Sozialreform  vmd  offentliche  Meintmg  in  England. — ^In  the  general  strikes  of 
191 2  the  laborers  have  demanded  (a)  recognition  of  the  union,  (b)  exclusive  union  labor, 
and  (c)  a  minimum  wage.  The  settlement  of  the  controversy  was  submitted  to  arbi- 
tration in  parliament  and  a  bill  was  passed  which  established:  (a)  a  joint  district 
wage  board,  composed  of  miners  and  mine-owners  in  equal  numbers,  the  duty  of  which 
should  be  to  draw  up  a  graduated  minimum- wage  scale,  and  general  district  instructions 
for  the  regularity  of  work,  and  its  efficiency,  and  for  the  provision  for  old-age  and 
emergency  insurance ;  (J)  a  standard  of  private  rights,  namely,  the  laborer  may  demand 
payment  of  the  minimum  wage,  the  employer  is  not  obhged  to  hire  anyone  willing  to 
work  for  the  minimum  wage,  and  both  employers  and  laborers  are  allowed  to  fight  for 
other  wage  laws  by  strikes  or  shut-outs.  The  reform  movements  of  recent  years 
indicate  that  the  conservatives  fight  against  the  general  principle  of  recognizing  laborers ; 
the  laborer  as  a  party  fails  to  hold  to  any  fundamental  principle;  the  general  public  con- 
cedes that  the  strike  is  a  necessary  weapon  for  reform,  but  prefers  arbitration  as  more 
efficient;  socialism,  liberalism,  and  syndicahsm  are  especially  important. — Mary  Agnes 
Hamilton,  Zeitschrift  fiir  Volkswirtschaft,  Sozialpolitik  und  Verwaltung,  IV.  Heft,  1912. 

V.  W.  B. 

Massnahmen  ztu*  Verhiitung  von  Betriebsimfallen,  Gewerbekrankheiten  und 
Volkskrankheiten. — Great  emphasis  should  be  placed  on  measures  for  the  prevention 


136 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


of  accidents  and  occupational  diseases — increase  and  improvement  of  preventive 
regulations,  development  of  the  technique  of  protecting  labor,  disseminating  knowledge 
of  protective  acts  by  means  of  books,  journals,  conferences,  expositions,  museums,  etc. 
Expert  supervision  is  indispensable.  Attention  must  be  given  to  the  construction 
and  method  of  employment  of  industrial  apparatus.  Penalties  should  be  imposed  for 
selling  machinery  which  does  not  comply  with  the  safety  requirements.  The 
co-operation  of  the  workmen  is  highly  desirable.  Merely  publishing  or  posting  the 
regulations  is  not  sufficient.  Workmen  must  be  aroused  to  active  interest  by  means 
of  workmen's  committees,  frequent  conferences,  traveling  exhibitions,  etc.  Regula- 
tions should  be  scientifically  and  systematically  prepared. — Dr.  Konrad  Hartmann, 
Bulletin  des  assurances  soclales,  191 2,  Supplement.  R.  F.  C. 

Grundsatze  des  Heilverfahrens  in  der  Sozialversichening,  insbesondere  auch 
bei  Betriebsimfallen  Gewerbekrankheiten  und  Volkskrankheiten. — Medical  treat- 
ment and  preventive  measures  are  the  principal  tasks  of  social  insurance,  the  payment 
of  indemnities  is  only  of  secondary  importance.  The  object,  in  medical  treatment, 
should  be  the  complete  restoration  of  the  earning  power.  Patients,  physicians,  and 
insurance  societies  must  co-operate.  The  treatment  must  be  prompt  and  energetic, 
each  case  individualized,  speciaUsts  employed  when  needed,  special  hospitals  and 
sanatoria  provided,  contagious  disease  cases  isolated,  dispensaries  established.  There 
should  also  be  established  institutions  for  the  general  improvement  of  the  public 
health — workmen's  homes,  workmen's  gardens,  rest  stations,  etc. — Dr.  Klein,  Bulletin 
des  assurances  sociales,  191 2,  Supplement.  R.  F.  C. 


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Statistics  on  Tuberculosis.    Am.  Jour. 

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Koren,  John.    The  International  Com- 
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/yy 


THE  AMERICAN 

JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


VOLUME   XIX  SEPTEMBER       I9I3  NUMHER 


JULIUS  LIPPERT 

AN  AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL  SKETCH' 

After  the  publication  of  Sumner's  Folkways,  in  1907,  the  editors  of 
the  then  Yale  Review  were  anxious  to  secure  a  good  review  of  that  book. 
I  was  commissioned  to  consult  Sumner  on  the  matter.  He  never  paid 
much  attention  to  reviews,  but  he  said  he  would  not  mind  knowing 
what  somebody  like  Lippert  thought  of  the  Folkways.  I  then  wrote  to 
Lippert,  stating  the  case  and  explaining  the  high  regard  which  Sumner 
had  felt  and  had  instilled  in  us  all  here  at  Yale  for  the  Kulturgeschichte. 
I  received  a  very  kindly  letter  from  Lippert,  in  which  he  expressed  great 
interest  in  the  book  we  wished  to  refer  to  him,  and  promised  to  write  a 
brief  article  on  it  if  his  advanced  age  and  invaUdism  permitted.  This 
review  was  never  written,  for,  as  I  have  since  learned  from  Lippert's 
daughter,  sufferings  grew  on  him  apace  and  he  died  after  an  operation 
to  relieve  bladder  troubles,  on  November  12,  1909. 

After  the  death  of  his  wife,  referred  to  in  the  autobiographical  sketch, 
and  of  the  husband  of  his  daughter,  Lippert  went  to  live  with  this  daugh- 
ter, so  that  she  knew  much  of  his  mental  activities  during  his  later  years. 
She  reports  that  he  was  deeply  interested  in  Sumner's  book,  but  that, 
aside  from  his  illness,  he  was  impeded  from  carrying  out  his  purpose  of 
writing  by  the  slowness  with  which  he  read  English. 

I  have  received  within  the  last  week  a  letter  from  a  man  whom 
Lippert  seems  to  have  aided  in  his  extremities,  inclosing  two  encouraging 

'  This  translation  from  Deutsche  Arbeit,  Jahrgang  1905-6,  is  published  at  the 
suggestion  of  Professor  A.  G.  Keller.  At  the  request  of  the  editors  Professor  Keller 
contributed  the  introductory  note. 

145 


146  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

notes  from  Lippert,  and  warmly  appreciative  of  the  essentially  helpful 
and  kindly  nature  of  the  dead  author.  It  has  been  a  great  gratification 
to  me  to  find  that  a  scientist,  for  whose  intellect  I  cherished  so  high  a 
regard,  was  also  worthy  of  high  esteem  as  a  simple,  helpful  man. 

A.  G.  Keller 


I  was  born  in  the  old  cloth-manufacturing  town  of  Braunau  in 
Bohemia  April  12.  1839.  At  that  time  the  town  was  governed  by 
the  Benedictine  foundation  of  the  same  name.  My  father,  Vinzenz 
Lippert.  had  migrated  as  a  clothmaker  from  Freiwaldau  in  Silesia, 
and  then  became  an  apprentice  as  a  member  of  the  household  of 
the  clothmaker,  John  Mendel.  The  presence  in  the  same  house- 
hold of  Josepha  Schon,  who  afterward  became  my  mother,  accounts 
for  this  arrangement.  The  Schon  family  came  from  old  settlers  in 
Hermsdorf  in  the  Braunau  countryside.  As  was  so  often  the  case, 
the  linen  trade  lured  the  family  into  the  town.  The  cholera  scourge 
which  broke  out  at  the  beginning  of  the  thirties  of  the  nineteenth 
century  bereft  my  mother  of  parents  and  older  brothers  and  sisters. 
The  orphan  had  found  a  home  in  the  family  of  the  clothmaker. 

My  father  took  over  from  IMendel — with  debts,  of  course— the 
shop,  and  after  the  death  of  the  daughter  Agnes  also  the  house. 
211  Niedergasse.  To  this  daughter  long  unmarried,  later  Frau 
Janauschek,  I  owe  a  large  part  of  my  education.  My  mother's 
feeble  health,  and  my  father's  submersion  in  his  work  often  com- 
pelled them  to  intrust  me  to  the  care  of  this  "aunt."  She  well 
represented  a  culture  of  the  well-to-do  class  of  the  time  which 
furnished  me  more  stimulus  than  could  have  been  afforded  by  the 
narrow  conditions  of  my  own  home,  particularly  in  view  of  the 
depression  then  beginning  in  the  cloth  industry.  Before  I  was  old 
enough  to  enter  school,  her  father,  Hving  in  comfortable  retirement, 
had  not  only  been  glad  to  keep  me  occupied  in  his  little  garden 
which  was  a  model  of  cultivation,  but  he  had  taken  me  into  the 
shops  of  all  sorts  of  artisans  and  had  taken  delight  in  my  zeal  for 
knowledge.  The  daughter,  who  was  not  without  literary  culture, 
continued  the  work  in  other  directions. 

It  was  not  at  all  unwelcome  to  her  that  my  father  decided  me 
to  be  too  weak  for  his  trade,  and  I  owe  it  to  her  influence  that  in 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  147 

my  twelfth  year  I  was  sent  to  the  Benedictine  Gymnasium,  which 
at  that  time  consisted  of  four  classes.  After  the  custom  of  the  time 
the  secret  thought  in  my  parents'  minds  in  adopting  this  course 
was  of  the  clerical  caUing,  which  to  them  meant  at  the  same  time 
membership  of  the  ruHng  class.  ''There  is  nothing  better,"  said 
my  by  no  means  bigoted  father,  "when  you  open  your  eyes  in  the 
morning  a  twenty  piece  is  already  lying  on  the  table! "  Deep  piety 
drew  my  mother  in  the  same  direction.  From  that  time  the  family 
of  the  notary,  Eppinger,  in  which  I  was  welcomed  as  the  comrade 
of  the  boys,  exercised  various  beneficial  influences  upon  me,  and 
I  was  very  impressionable. 

While  I  was  in  the  third  grade  my  father  died.  The  complete 
collapse  of  cloth-making  in  Braunau  and  the  expenses  of  the  long 
sickness  had  almost  exhausted  the  family  resources,  and  my  mother 
also  wasted  away  after  several  painful  years.  A  Saxon  scholarship 
yielding  eighty  gulden  enabled  me  to  pursue  my  studies  and 
caused  me  to  enter  the  higher  Gymnasium  at  Prague.  Under  great 
deprivations — my  physical  appearance  and  my  meager  costume 
did  not  make  me  a  preferred  creditor  of  student  benefactions — I 
attended  the  university,  hearing  first  law  under  Brinz  and  Schulte, 
then  philosophy,  history,  and  the  German  language  under  Volk- 
mann,  Hofler,  and  Kelle,  with  paternal  advice  about  tributary 
subjects  from  Tomek,  who  was  a  not  infrequent  visitor  in  Braunau. 
Volkmann's  "Tuesday"  brought  me  into  relations  of  friendship 
with  Dr.  Dressier,  PhiHpp  Knoll,  Leo  Nagel,  Pickert,  Wiechowsky, 
and  Ludwig  Schlesinger.  In  another  direction  and  mostly  in  con- 
nection with  a  younger  element,  I  formed  friendships  by  means  of 
the  newly  organized  union  "Teutonia,"  to  which  I  belonged  as  a 
senior  for  some  semesters,  and  by  means  of  the  newly  awakened 
fraternity  life  in  general.  From  such  sources  sprang  my  early 
friendly  relations  with  Gustav  Laube,  the  lawyer  Alfred  Gold- 
schmid,  and  others.  Together  with  Wiechowsky,  Schlesinger,  and 
Hallwich  I  became  a  founder  of  the  Verein  jilt  Geschichte  der 
Deutschen  in  Bohmen,  which  brought  me  into  connection  with 
J.  V.  Grohmann,  Jos.  Bayer,  and  Banhans.  Under  the  auspices  of 
this  youthful  organization,  and  supplied  with  a  traveUng  stipend 
of  twenty  gulden,  in  the  same  year  in  which  I  was  preparing  for 


148  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  state  examination  for  appointment  as  Gymnasium  teacher,  I 
undertook  a  survey  of  the  city  archives  of  Trautenau.  In  this  work 
I  was  at  all  events  not  assisted  by  the  chief  magistrate  of  the  town. 
Dr.  Porak.  The  outcome  of  this  voluntary  enterprise,  guided  by 
no  competent  adviser,  was  the  schoolboyish  work  now  forgotten, 
Geschichtc  von  Trautenau.  Other  apprentice  works  brought  me 
into  relations  of  friendship  with  D.  Kuh,  the  benevolent  encour- 
ager  of  ambitious  students. 

My  "economic  situation"  in  1863  was  such  that  it  was  out  of 
the  question  for  me  to  proceed  to  a  university  degree.  I  success- 
fully passed  the  test  for  fitness  as  a  Gymnasium  teacher,  and  Pro- 
fessor Hofler  so  warmly  recommended  me  to  the  city  council  of 
Leitmeritz  that  in  the  same  year  I  was  appointed  to  a  position  in 
its  newly  established  Oberrealschule.  The  finances  of  the  town  were 
in  a  condition  very  much  like  my  own,  and  the  salary  promised  was 
only  six  hundred  florins,  with  an  additional  one  hundred  florins  as 
soon  as  the  town  should  win  a  suit  then  in  court  over  a  bridge 
claim.     The  town  was  prudent  enough  to  lose  the  case. 

Nevertheless  I  had  to  forego  the  customary  recourse  to  tutoring 
for  increase  of  my  income.  I  was  impelled  to  devote  all  my  leisure 
time  to  examination  of  the  city  archives,  the  treasures  of  which 
were  at  that  time  in  the  most  miserable  state  of  preservation 
imaginable.  On  the  other  hand  I  was  favored  with  more  gracious 
treatment  by  the  city  council  than  had  been  my  previous  lot  in 
Trautenau.  As  outcome  of  my  studies  there  appeared  in  1871  my 
Geschichtc  der  Stadt  Leitmeritz ."^  Whatever  estimate  be  passed  upon 
the  results  of  these  studies,  with  which  I  must  now  group  those  to 
which  I  was  stimulated  during  my  preparatory  period  by  the  old 
town  record  of  Braunau,  for  me  they  had  the  one  great  value  that 
they  taught  me  to  penetrate  through  the  historical  phrase  to  the 
literal  ground  of  facts.  I  ceased  to  "learn"  history  from  the  top 
downward,  and  I  began,  within  narrow  limits  to  be  sure,  to  con- 
struct it  from  the  bottom.  This  also  corresponded  with  a  talent 
which  from  childhood  I  thought  I  discovered  in  myself.  With 
retentive  memory,  and  with  still  more  active  observing  powers,  I 

'  In  der  III.  Abtcilung  der  " Beitrdge  zur  Geschichte  Bohmcns,  herausgegcben  von 
dem  Vereine  fur  die  Geschichte  der  Deutschen  in  Bohmen." 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  149 

was  from  the  outset  beaten  in  the  routine  of  learning  lessons  by  less 
talented  pupils.  While  I  was  carrying  on  my  studies  in  Leitmeritz, 
there  was  before  my  mind  as  ultimate  purpose  a  vision  of  a  Ge- 
schichte  des  Burger  turns  in  Bohmen,  but  the  course  of  my  life  and 
especially  the  bread-and-butter  problem,  which  always  had  a  certain 
share  in  shaping  the  former  factor,  deflected  me  from  that  goal. 

In  the  early  spring  of  1865  I  entered  into  matrimony  with  Mal- 
wine  Fridrich,  with  whom  I  had  become  acquainted  in  Braunau. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Vienna  merchant  who  had  carried  on  a 
linen  business  in  Abtsdorf,  which  had  been  caught  and  wrecked  in 
the  swirl  of  the  war  year  1859.  Whatever  was  thereby  lost  to  the 
new  household  was  amply  ofifset  by  my  brave  wife  during  nearly 
forty  years  of  faithful  and  conscientious  fulfilment  of  her  marriage 
vows. 

In  addition  to  the  studies  named,  and  to  instruction  of  classes 
always  overfilled  with  ninety  to  one  hundred  pupils,  I  was  occupied 
not  only  with  minor  contributions  to  the  Mitteilungen  of  the 
Geschichtsverein,  but  also  with  the  political  and  especially  the 
pohtico-pedagogical  questions  that  were  at  the  time  eagerly  press- 
ing for  solution. 

I  undertook  to  dehver  the  address  at  the  first  Wanderversamm- 
lung  of  the  historical  society  mentioned.  The  meeting  was  held 
by  invitation  at  Leitmeritz,  and  in  company  with  Dr.  J.  V.  Groh- 
mann  and  Dr.  Heinrich  Stradal,  later  Biirgermeister  of  Leitmeritz. 
I  organized  there  the  first  ''poUtical  union."  Then,  with  the  essay 
on  the  new  pubHc-school  law  I  opened  the  long-drawn-out  series  of 
discourses  of  the  "German  Union  for  Dissemination  of  Knowledge 
Useful  to  the  Public."  For  a  long  time  my  pen  was  in  the  service 
of  that  movement. 

At  that  time  the  German  representatives  in  the  town  organiza- 
tion of  Budweis,  which  was  at  that  time  already  somewhat  affected 
by  a  national  reaction,  were  planning  an  ambitious  reform  of  the 
seriously  demoralized  pubhc-school  system.  The  scheme  took  as 
its  basis  the  new  pubHc-school  law,  and  was  developed  in  the  spirit 
of  its  progressive  principles,  the  apphcation  of  which  had  been  very 
fragmentary  and  grudging.  As  director  of  a  new  public  school  of 
twenty-two  classes  for  boys  and  girls,   I  attempted,  under  the 


150  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

stimulus  of  the  popular  movement,  the  work  of  reorganization 
which  amounted  to  a  re-creation  of  the  Budweis  school  system.  I 
concentrated  all  my  energies  upon  this  task,  at  the  same  time  I 
devoted  every  free  hour  to  supplementary  instruction  of  the  teach- 
ing force  which  gave  me  its  full  confidence,  and  to  collection,  with 
as  little  outlay  as  possible,  of  material  for  observation  instruction. 
Incidentally  I  learned  the  preparation  of  specimens  and  modeling. 
In  a  few  years  I  had  completed  the  reconstruction  to  my  own  satis- 
faction, and  as  I  believe  to  that  of  the  authorities.  At  least  I 
could  not  infer  the  contrary  from  my  appointment  as  second  vice- 
chairman  of  the  Priifungskommission  fiir  Volks-  iind  Biirgerschtden, 
At  all  events  it  may  be  mentioned  that,  in  the  most  influential  of 
the  school  boards  of  the  time,  the  influence  of  Father  Maresch.  who 
was  opposed  to  the  spirit  of  the  new  public-school  law,  was  elimi- 
nated so  far  as  the  Volksschule  was  concerned,  and  against  his  wish 
he  was  assigned  to  inspection  of  the  RealscJmle. 

When  I  reconsider  my  attitude  at  that  time  from  the  standpoint 
of  my  subsequent  experience,  I  discover  the  one  mistake  that,  filled 
with  the  spirit  of  the  law,  I  believed  that  in  all  those  cases  which 
were  not  placed  beyond  the  range  of  doubt  by  subsequent  ordi- 
nance, this  "spirit"  was  necessarily  decisive.  Perhaps  I  occasion- 
ally fell  under  the  second  error  that  I  identified  my  own  spirit  with 
the  spirit  of  the  law.  On  one  occasion  an  employee  of  the  mayor's 
office,  where  I  often  had  business — I  remember  neither  the  name 
nor  the  rank  of  the  man — warned  me  to  this  effect:  "You  are  on 
the  wrong  track.  The  best  way  in  a  public  office  is  to  do  only  just 
enough  to  keep  from  being  fired.  Anything  more  than  that  is  all 
to  the  bad."  "This,"  he  added,  "is  an  ancient  rule  of  the  Capu- 
cines."     I  had  not  previously  been  aware  of  it. 

A  single  example  may  be  permitted.  Even  the  Germans  in 
Budweis  at  that  time  usually  had  their  children  learn  the  Tschechisch 
first.  German  was  supposed  to  be  learned  in  school.  The  conse- 
quence was  that  90  per  cent  of  the  children  of  school  age  entered 
school  without  knowledge  of  the  language  in  which  instruction  was 
given.  In  accordance  with  the  law  pupils  who  had  never  been  in 
school  at  all  and  others  who  had  been  in  the  Piaristenschule,  which 
had  to  be  self-supporting,  were  put  together. 


JULIUS  LIPPERT 


151 


On  account  of  the  existing  law,  which  permitted  no  variation  of 
materia]  for  instruction,  no  progress  could  be  made  with  such  a 
heterogeneous  mass.  No  help  could  be  counted  on  from  the 
higher  authorities,  and  the  primer  of  Heinrich  which  was  afterward 
approved  by  no  means  met  the  demand.  In  my  innocence,  regard- 
less of  the  aforesaid  Capucine  rule,  I  felt  myself  bound  to  introduce 
the  method  of  Kehr,  and  along  with  it  the  Kehr  primer.  It  started 
with  an  observed  object  and  its  name  as  "normal  word."  It 
offered  the  sole  possibility  of  building  up  the  instruction  quite  with- 
out presuppositions,  and  therewith  to  complete  the  pupils,  lacking 
linguistic  knowledge.  I  initiated  the  younger  teachers  into  this 
method.  They  adopted  it  gladly,  and  in  an  astonishingly  short 
time  we  accomplished  with  the  most  unpromising  material  results 
which  were  recognized  with  admiration  by  the  school  inspector,  the 
local  pastor.  The  national  inspector  did  not  interfere  with  this 
reform  plan,  but  was  incHned  to  encourage  it.  Nevertheless  it  was 
a  questionable  departure  from  the  prescribed  track.  I  was  less 
successful  in  gaining  similar  treatment  by  the  authorities  for  my 
publicly  expressed  opinion  about  the  relation  of  the  "religious 
exercises"  to  the  new  school.  The  obvious  reason  was  to  be  found 
in  the  fact  that  the  mim'ster  of  instruction,  von  Stemayer,  was  of  a 
different  opinion.  If  I  had  no  right  as  a  subordinate  in  the  school 
system  to  make  use  of  the  press  to  strengthen  my  case,  I  felt  that 
I  had  the  right  as  a  member  of  the  lower  house  of  the  Landtag. 

It  was  necessary  to  mention  these  things  because  my  subsequent 
persecution  by  the  national  inspector.  Father  Maresch,  could  not 
have  had  its  motive  in  what  I  did  later  in  his  inspection  district, 
strictly  in  accordance  with  the  old  scheme.  It  was  prompted  by 
what  occurred  before,  in  a  position  which  he  could  not  control. 

After  completing  the  establishment  of  the  "new  school,"  as  I 
had  imagined  the  spirit  of  the  law  to  indicate,  I  found  occasion  in 
1872  to  return  to  teaching  in  the  intermediate  school.  In  recog- 
nition of  what  I  had  done  the  town  representatives  of  Budweis 
nominated  me  as  director  of  their  Oberrealschule  and  the  Landes- 
schulrat  promptly  confirmed  me  in  this  position.  My  acquaintance 
with  men  in  the  upper  circles  was  not  at  the  time  of  a  sort  to  sug- 
gest the  idea  that  I  might  be  in  danger  because  of  previous  services. 


152  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

It  was  also  a  betrayal  of  insufficient  knowledge  of  men  that  I 
accepted  as  sufficient  the  verbal  promise  of  the  Stadlrat  to  give  me 
credit  as  a  matter  of  course  for  my  period  of  service  in  the  Volks- 
und  Biirgerschule.  How  little  also  I  understood  the  Austrian 
judges  of  the  time  is  indicated  by  the  fact  that  when  presently  the 
quinquennial  advance  in  my  salary  was  paid,  on  the  basis  of  this 
reckoning,  and  with  written  authorization,  I  regarded  the  trans- 
action as  sufficient  proof  of  the  arrangement  once  for  all. 

Another  candidate  for  the  position  of  Director  was  Dr.  M.  Koch. 
As  professor  in  the  same  institution,  as  a  son  of  the  city,  as  a  relative 
by  birth  and  marriage  with  the  most  well-to-do  famihes,  he  was 
the  more  humiliated  by  my  preferment  because  he  had  been 
unsuccessful  in  competing  for  the  position  which  I  previously  held. 
Surely  the  decision  against  him  in  the  two  cases  made  no  friends 
for  me  in  certain  circles.  Such  friends  might  presently  have  been 
of  especial  use  to  me,  since  my  poUtical  activity,  which  I  did  not 
feel  bound  to  suspend,  brought  me  into  collision  with  many  elements 
in  my  own  camp — ^to  say  nothing  of  the  national  and  clerical  oppo- 
sition—and at  that  time  the  wholly  inexperienced  population  could 
not  distinguish  political  from  personal  enmity. 

In  1 87 1  I  was  member  for  Elbogen  of  the  Bohemian  Landtag 
during  a  very  short  session.  I  declined  re-election  in  consideration 
of  my  new  position  in  the  Realschule,  although  urged  to  stand  again 
by  the  group  Pickert- Alfred  Knoll.  All  the  more  necessary  seemed 
to  me  my  activity  in  the  town  which  was  even  then  more  threatened 
than  was  reaUzed.  The  German  middle  class  had  no  points  of  sup- 
port whatever.  The  most  frequent  resort  was  to  the  "Ressource," 
the  spirit  of  which  was  relied  upon  to  equahze  taxation,  but  this  was 
a  feeble  reHance,  since  its  provisions  were  particularly  adjusted  to 
the  changing  elements  of  the  civil  service  and  the  officer  class. 
No  fundamental  change  was  possible  here;  yet  I  tried  to  find  out 
whether  a  reform  were  not  feasible  in  the  way  of  giving  to  the 
statute  a  somewhat  broader  basis  upon  which  the  German  element 
in  the  population  could  build  some  shelter.  In  the  Budweis  of  that 
time  these  petty  matters  were  regarded  as  very  important.  Biirger- 
meister  Claudi  felt  decent  disgust  for  all  such  eft'orts.  The  clan 
of  the  unsuccessful  Dr.  Koch,  with  the  rich  soap-maker  and  city 


JULIUS  LIP  PERT  153 

councillor,  Lampel,  at  the  head,  manifested  a  similar  reaction,  and 
regard  for  his  popularity  drew  to  their  side  the  worthy  old  Steg- 
mann.  Perhaps  similar  considerations  moved  J.  U.  Dr.  WendeHn 
Rziha,  the  leading  spirit  of  the  governing  class  at  the  time,  to  put 
his  organizing  talent  at  the  service  of  my  opponents. 

These  were  also  the  very  people  with  whom  national  inspector 
Father  Maresch — pulled  by  what  strings  I  do  not  know — merged 
his  interests,  at  the  time  of  his  first  inspection  of  the  Oberrealschule 
under  my  direction.  It  was  not  an  easy  task  to  show  that  there 
had  been  a  falling-off  in  efficiency.  Eleven  pupils  took  the  exami- 
nation under  his  supervision,  and  all  passed,  six  with  distinction. 
Nevertheless  he  asserted  a  falling-off  in  a  complaint  served  on  me 
later.  How  and  by  whom  details  were  collected  in  all  parts  of  the 
town  to  support  charges  against  me  I  do  not  know.  At  all  events 
such  a  collection  was  made  with  such  success  that  Father  Maresch 
thought  he  had  sufficient  material  for  a  disciplinary  complaint  to 
the  national  Schulrai. 

The  chief  object  of  attack  was  my  unecclesiastical  temper.  But 
on  this  very  point  the  crown  witness  who  had  been  counted  on 
failed — viz.,  Anstaltskatechet  and  later  Stadtdechant  Father  Marek. 
My  "temper"  he  said  was  well  known,  but  it  had  never  led  me  to 
hinder  him  in  discharge  of  the  duties  of  his  office.  The  nature  of 
the  other  charges  may  be  gathered  from  the  blackest  of  all  the 
faults  alleged.  It  was  said  that  in  the  drawing-room  there  was  a 
picture  of  the  Kaiser  in  his  youthful  appearance  of  1849.  The 
teacher  of  penmanship  had  felt  called  to  try  his  unskilled  hand  on 
an  attempt  to  bring  the  picture  down  to  date  by  painting  a  beard. 
In  removing  the  picture  during  the  cleaning  of  the  building  between 
semesters,  and  in  a  way  which  could  scarcely  have  been  observed 
except  by  the  would-be  artist,  I  was  charged  with  having  insulted 
not  only  the  latter  but  the  original  of  the  picture.  This  constituted 
merely  the  point  of  crystallization  for  all  the  more  trivial  charges. 
In  the  disciplinary  court,  the  Landesschulrat  of  the  time.  Father 
Maresch  sat  as  complainant,  witness,  and  referee.  There  was  no 
verbal  hearing,  no  examination  of  witnesses.  In  spite  of  that,  a 
majority  could  not  be  gained  for  an  administrable  judgment.  The 
verdict  was  rather  entirely  indefinite,  to  the  efTect  that  under  the 


154  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

existing  local  conditions  my  efforts  could  not  be  expected  to  be 
fruitful  of  results.  Therewith  nobody  was  satisfied.  On  my  ap- 
peal the  ministry  suspended  even  this  noncommittal  judgment. 
Another  tack  had  to  be  taken,  and  Father  Maresch  found  it  in  all 
secrecy  and  quiet  in  a  way  in  which  the  whole  community  might, 
so  to  speak,  be  bribed  and  satisfied. 

Happy  at  the  fortunate  outcome  of  the  affair,  I  started  in  the 
vacation  of  the  year  1874,  in  company  with  my  friend  Dr.  Holzamer, 
on  a  recreation  and  study  trip  through  central  Germany.  In 
Nuremberg  I  found  in  my  mail  a  cUpping  from  a  home  paper  which 
contained  an  account  of  the  cancellation  of  my  position  as  Director. 
Without  any  publicity  my  seat  had  been  pulled  from  under  me. 
The  Realschulc  in  Budweis  had  been  nationalized,  and  all  its  posi- 
tions were  filled  with  new  people.  The  school  board — this  time 
the  referee  undisturbed — ignored  all  my  rights  to  legal  protection, 
and  the  court  appealed  to  declared  itself  without  jurisdiction,  on 
the  ground  of  an  ancient  court  decree,  and  referred  me  to  the 
political  authorities.  Thereupon  when  I  confined  my  demand  to 
the  promised  pension,  the  court  found  that  the  unrecorded  account 
of  my  service  years  was  not  necessarily  to  be  taken  for  granted 
from  the  transaction  above  recited.  Although  the  claim  was  as 
clear  as  the  sun,  I  did  not  have  the  means  to  pursue  it  farther — 
nor  the  confidence.  Thus  the  negative  judgment  acquired  legal 
force.  In  spite  of  contrary  decisions  elsewhere,  I  have  to  this  day 
an  unsatisfied  claim  of  36,000  kreutzer  upon  the  town  treasury  of 
Budweis. 

It  seems  to  me  that  a  sort  of  conscientious  scruple  expressed 
itself  in  the  legend  which  arose  in  Budweis  that  I  was  a  victim 
of  the  "  Tschechisch-klerikalen  Reaktion.'''  As  it  was  commonly 
understood  the  content  of  this  legend  was  incorrect.  To  be  sure 
my  activity  in  the  Volksschule,  as  well  as  my  attempt  to  influence 
politically  the  inert  German  mass,  was  disagreeable  to  the  reaction- 
ary Tschechs,  and  I  often  had  to  put  up  with  demonstrations  of  the 
fact,  but  I  never  suffered  hostihties  on  account  of  my  activity  in 
the  Realschule.  On  the  contrary  it  received  every  recognition  from 
the  progressive  Tschechs.  The  enmity  was,  however,  not  personal, 
and  it  did  not  manifest  itself  as  persecution  in  the  sense  implied. 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  155 

The  like  was  true  of  my  relations  with  the  clerical  circles.  Although 
my  aims  were  opposed  to  theirs,  and  in  spite  of  many  an  afifront 
from  the  subordinate  catechists,  the  leading  clergy  never  made 
themselves  my  personal  opponents.  Both  their  nationahsm  and  as 
I  believe  the  integrity  of  their  purposes  restrained  them  from  sharing 
in  the  unchivalrous  program  of  Father  Maresch. 

I  must  also  refer  to  my  colleagues  of  the  time,  in  order  not  to 
leave  them  under  groundless  suspicion.  Father  Maresch  under- 
stood how  to  spread  fear  and  trembUng  among  the  teachers  by  the 
persistence  of  his  unhmited  domination  in  school  matters,  about 
which  no  one  seemed  to  be  disturbed.  With  two  or  three  excep- 
tions, however,  my  colleagues  at  the  time  were  on  my  side  with  a 
freedom  from  fear  which  could  be  sustained  only  by  sincere  con- 
viction. Several  of  them  were  in  various  ways  discipHned,  although 
later  reappointed  in  the  Staatsrealschule.  Their  offense  was  that 
they  presented  me  with  a  loving  cup  at  my  departure.  The  cate- 
chist,  Father  Maresch,  was  transferred  into  other  relations,  and 
this  was  regarded  as  a  sort  of  discipline  which  the  city  afterward 
removed  by  his  promotion  to  Dechant. 

I  was  now  without  position  and  practically  without  means.  I 
had  no  relatives  to  lean  upon  in  finding  a  way  to  support  my  wife 
and  three  children.  My  courage  did  not  fail,  however,  and  neither 
sorrow  nor  trouble  took  away  my  heart.  It  had  no  room  for 
cowardice  nor  disgust,  on  the  contrary  I  began  to  have  a  joyous 
sense  of  freedom.  The  years  of  being  under  watch,  for  purposes 
which  I  could  imagine,  the  spying  and  the  gossip,  with  the  dehght 
of  success  the  traces  of  which  I  had  to  encounter  step  by  step  up  to 
the  triumph  of  the  crime  of  the  picture,  the  hundred  petty  annoy- 
ances up  to  the  triumphant  final  blow — all  this  had  so  nearly  stifled 
me  that,  from  the  moment  of  my  enlightenment  at  the  Nuremberg 
post-office  about  the  relentlessness  of  my  enemy,  the  sacrifice  of  my 
position  did  not  seem  too  great  a  price  to  pay  for  freedom  from 
the  filthy  atmosphere.  In  consciousness  of  youthful  strength  I 
regarded  the  world  as  by  no  means  closed  against  me.  On  the 
contrary,  one  part  of  my  interests  had  long  tempted  me  to  leave 
the  parochial  conditions  of  Budweis,  shut  off  at  the  time  from  the 
whole  German  world,  and  my  companion,  so  faithful  in  all  the 


156  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

circumstances  of  life,  was  prepared  without  reserve  to  share  all  my 
fortunes. 

In  the  youthful  German  Empire  there  was  glowing  in  1874  in  all 
ranks  a  lofty  enthusiasm  for  progressive  endeavor.  Moved  by 
such  ideas  Dr.  Leibling,  in  association  with  choice  men — Schulze- 
Delitzsch.  Miguel,  Gneist,  Virchow,  Lowe-Calve,  Fritz  Kalle,  and 
others — had  founded  a  "Society  for  the  Extension  of  Popular  Cul- 
ture." Its  membership  and  branch  organizations  extended 
throughout  Germany.  Its  purpose  was  similar  to  that  of  the 
society  which  Dr.  Holzamer  founded,  and  which  I  developed  into 
life — the  ''German  Union  for  Dissemination  of  Knowledge  Useful 
to  the  Public."^  It  aimed  to  surpass  the  older  society  both  in 
extension  and  in  activity.  Through  the  mediation  of  the  friend 
named  I  found  here  the  field  I  had  desired  for  unhampered  activity 
in  the  fight  for  pure  humanity.  I  accordingly  moved  to  Dresden, 
and  from  this  point  as  base  of  operations  I  entered  the  service  of 
the  society  mentioned,  as  traveling  teacher.  My  work  was  not 
easy.  My  self-imposed  ideals  made  severe  demands  upon  my 
strength  of  mind  and  bodily  endurance.  The  winter  was  unusually 
prolonged.  My  first  trip  took  me  into  Niederlausitz,  where  in 
Guben  Dr.  Hamdorf  was  the  first  German  in  the  Empire  to  extend 
to  me  a  friendly  hand.  The  second  circuit  was  in  Upper  Saxony, 
and  there  was  deep  snow  on  the  ground  until  late  in  March.  While 
on  the  trips  I  not  only  continued  preparation  of  my  lectures,  for 
which  the  circumstances  had  not  left  me  enough  time,  but  I  carried 
on  work  also  for  the  other  union;  and  whenever  I  had  a  day  in 
comfortable  quarters  near  a  warm  stove,  I  counted  myself  among 
the  luckiest  of  men.  Then  the  fate  of  our  countryman,  Paul 
Stransky,  would  come  vividly  before  my  mind.  My  studies  in  the 
archives  of  Leitmeritz  had  given  me  many  details  about  the  sub- 
ject. When  I  compared  my  persecutions  with  his  I  congratu- 
lated myself  on  the  progress  since  his  time. 

At  that  time  the  eyes  of  all  hearers  betrayed  confidence  in  a 
better  future,  to  be  based  on  improved  morals  and  intelligence.  I 
saw  much  genuine  thirst  for  knowledge.  I  was  delighted  with  that 
moral  elevation  and  striving  for  the  ideal  which  so  distinguishes  the 
German  people  in  their  own  land  from  all  others,  and  which  exhibits 

'  See  p.  149. 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  157 

in  the  entire  German  education  of  school  and  home  something 
imponderable  and  indefinable  which  cannot  be  reproduced  by  all  the 
imitative  devices  of  other  countries.  My  new  vocation  thus  gave 
me  much  high  satisfaction.  Moreover,  my  journeyings  tended  to 
satisfy  my  own  thirst  for  knowledge.  Including  the  later  years, 
in  which  I  was  not  all  the  time  on  the  road,  I  visited  almost  every 
part  of  Germany,  and  the  way  in  which  land  and  people  presented 
themselves  to  me  gave  me  deeper  insight  as  a  rule  than  any  other 
type  of  traveler  could  gain.  My  heart  had  always  longed  for  this 
sort  of  knowledge.  Many  educational  colleagues  in  the  German 
Empire,  some  of  them  with  eminent  names,  showed  me  the  most 
cordial  attention,  and  with  some  of  them  I  formed  intimate  and 
permanent  friendships. 

During  the  following  vacation  period  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
meeting  in  Dresden  several  of  my  former  colleagues,  who  professed 
their  faith  without  fear  of  the  widely  extended  system  of  denuncia- 
tion. Among  the  co-operators  with  the  society  for  useful  knowledge 
Professor  Dr.  Huppert  visited  me  and  Dr.  Holzamer  joined  me  in 
a  tour  of  the  Harz  region. 

As  a  result  of  the  hardships  of  the  campaign  of  1866,  Dr.  Leibling 
was  severely  disabled,  and  the  injuries  proved  fatal  in  the  autumn 
of  1875.  It  was  necessary  for  me  to  move  to  Berlin  to  take  pro- 
visional charge  of  his  work.  Then  I  became  his  successor  as  general 
secretary  of  the  society,  and  my  family  followed  me  to  Berlin. 
There  followed  the  ten  best  but  most  laborious  years  of  my  life. 
Although  I  had  occasion  to  visit  all  parts  of  the  Empire,  I  was  not 
entirely  separated  from  my  family,  and  the  new  field  of  labor,  with 
ample  assistance,  afforded  me  besides  opportunity  to  devote  m\' 
leisure  to  use  of  rich  Hterary  and  museum  material  for  purposes  to 
which  I  was  impelled  by  my  strongest  impulses.  To  be  sure,  in 
order  to  reconcile  these  interests  with  the  duties  of  my  position  I 
had  to  employ  every  moment  which  I  could  wring  from  day  or 
night,  and  to  forego  everything  which  the  capital  offered  except 
these  resources.  In  those  ten  years  I  saw  the  inside  of  only  two 
BerHn  theaters,  and  only  once  each.  On  the  other  hand  the 
progress  of  my  knowledge,  and  a  vacation  trip  once  a  year  to  m\- 
old  home  satisfied  all  my  desires  for  pleasure. 


158  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Since  I  was  not  a  citizen  of  the  German  Empire  I  could  not  take 
an  active  part  in  politics,  but  my  occupation  brought  me  into  some- 
what close  relations  with  some  of  the  most  important  parHamentary 
leaders  of  the  N ational-liheralen  and  of  the  Fortsckrittspartei. 
Besides  those  already  named  I  should  mention  Dr.  Hammacher, 
Franz  Duncker,  Rickert,  Parisius,  A.  Traeger,  SeyfTardt-Krefeld, 
the  two  Eberties  and  Zelle  who  later  became  Oberbiirgermeister . 

I  count  myself  fortunate  in  having  been  able  to  continue  my 
favorite  studies  and  at  the  same  time  to  make  them  of  service 
in  my  occupation.  In  Budweis.  in  addition  to  lectures  for  the 
Gemeinniitziger  Verein  and  the  editorship  of  the  V olkskalender  which 
was  an  organ  of  the  same  purpose,  I  had  begun  to  develop  the  plan 
of  a  series  of  popular  textbooks.  The  idea  was  to  make  the  books 
a  graded  course  which  would  enable  studious  laymen  to  proceed 
from  more  familiar  to  less  familiar  subjects,  or  at  least  to  choose 
reading  matter  which  would  enrich  their  knowledge  and  sharpen 
their  insight.  To  me  and  a  circle  of  friends  it  was  a  settled  convic- 
tion that  the  degree  of  profitable  use  of  newly  acquired  poHtical 
freedom  as  well  as  of  effective  struggle  for  the  protection  of  our 
national  group  would  depend  on  the  degree  of  general  knowledge 
and  of  all  around  exercise  of  the  power  of  generalization.  These 
unpretentious  little  books  were  to  scatter  a  few  seeds  for  this  sort 
of  harvest.  Accordingly  the  Verein  published  Des  Landmanns 
Gdste  and  Pjianzen  der  Heimat.  Then  I  added  detached  books  on 
geography,  geology,  and  astronomy,  with  the  intention  of  con- 
tinuing with  general  and  cultural  history.  The  work  itself  gradu- 
ally turned  me.  however,  from  the  original  program,  and  set  new 
aims.  As  continued  intercourse  with  educational  unions  of  all 
sorts  constantly  intensified  the  demand  for  attention  to  cultural 
and  social  history,  I  was  forced  to  immerse  myself  deeper  and  deeper 
in  study  of  those  subjects.  The  path  to  them  led  through  eth- 
nography in  the  widest  sense  of  the  term,  for  the  study  of  which, 
moreover,  the  magnificent  collections  and  other  incitements  of 
Berlin  afforded  the  most  natural  stimuh.  From  this  standpoint  I 
found  myself  forced  back  into  renewal  of  the  unfinished  fight  of  my 
youth  between  belief  and  doubt  as  an  incident  of  further  studies  in 
the  history  of  religion  and  in  folklore,  the  results  of  which  began  to 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  159 

appear  in  a  series  of  books  dating  from  1881.  The  discoveries 
which  I  thought  I  had  made  seemed  to  me  to  have  been  set  forth 
implicitly  in  such  manner,  in  the  little  book  Der  SeelenciiU  in 
seinefti  Verhdltnisse  zur  althehraischen  Religion,  that  for  the  pur- 
poses of  seekers  after  truth  no  further  explanation  would  be  neces- 
sary. Only  after  I  had  found  myself  fundamentally  deceived  in 
this  did  I  take  up  the  task  of  showing  the  influence  of  the  same 
principle  in  all  religions  and  all  religious  developments.  Unfor- 
tunately I  found  it  necessary  to  yield  to  the  pubHshers'  desire  that 
I  should  not  emphasize  in  the  title  this  purpose  and  correlation  of 
the  books.  This  necessarily  caused  some  confusion  and  unfavor- 
able judgments.  Still,  I  could  credit  my  work  with  leading  toward 
somewhat  general  abandonment  of  the  false  clew  which  the  system 
of  so-called  "comparative  mythology"  had  followed,  and  thus  to 
emancipation  of  research  from  a  narrowing  monopoly. 

Although  I  by  no  means  neglected  the  duties  of  my  occupation 
for  the  sake  of  these  labors,  I  was  aware  that  the  employment  of 
my  leisure  could  no  longer  contribute  in  the  same  degree  as  before 
to  the  purpose  for  which  I  was  employed.  On  the  contrary  it  was 
bound  to  become  more  and  more  detached.  Anyone  who  has  been 
wholly  devoted  to  his  own  work  will  understand  that  the  duality 
of  duties  began  often  to  oppress  me.  Although  I  had  learned  from 
childhood  to  pay  heed  to  the  gravity  of  the  bread-and-butter  prob- 
lem, yet  I  could  never  consent  to  be  guided  by  it  alone,  nor  to  be 
subjected  to  it.  If  in  the  circumstances  of  the  time  I  had  been 
willing  to  do  that,  I  should  have  left  Die  Religion  der  Kulturvolker, 
etc.,  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  along  with  my  official  duties  I 
should  have  been  able  to  enjoy  many  pleasures  suitable  to  my  so- 
cial standing.  I  could  not  make  that  choice,  however,  and  yet  the 
signs  of  the  times — no  one  else  could  see  the  symptoms  as  plainly — 
seemed  to  be  forcing  me  toward  a  decision  that  could  not  be  long 
deferred.  Although  there  was  no  causal  connection  between  the 
fact  and  my  affairs,  the  death  of  our  first  president,  Dr.  Schulze- 
Delitzsch,  seemed  to  me  to  be  a  warning  that  my  choice  should  be 
made.  The  spiritual  movement  in  the  German  population  was  at 
that  time  visibly  slackened,  and  I  was  convinced  that,  in  sharp 
contrast  with  my  own  desires  and  inclinations,  the  activity  of  our 


i6o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Verein  must  thenceforth  require,  instead  of  calmly  persistent 
instruction,  more  and  more  exclusively  agitation.  I  therefore  had 
to  ask  myself  seriously  whether  my  age  and  my  talents  would  qual- 
'  ify  me  in  such  a  degree  for  that  sort  of  work  that  it  would  pay  to 
sacrifice  for  it  the  research  that  was  next  to  my  heart.  Who  can 
correctly  appraise  his  own  work!  That  my  deeper  inclination  was 
urging  choice  of  research  was  to  me  as  plain  as  day,  and  that  at 
least  in  his  own  opinion  and  in  that  of  our  new  president,  Heinrich 
Rickert.  my  colleague,  the  youngest  of  the  brothers  Wyslicenus,  pos- 
sessed the  desired  qualifications  in  a  degree  which  I  did  not  credit  to 
myself,  I  was  willing  to  grant;  and  it  quieted  my  scruples.  Under 
the  circumstances  I  regarded  resignation  of  my  position  as  a  sacri- 
fice which  I  was  bound  to  make  to  that  institution  which  had  saved 
me  from  the  most  embarrassing  situation  and  had  lifted  me  to  a 
fairer  Hfe.  I  hoped  at  all  events  that  I  could  help  myself  for  the 
future. 

I  accordingly  purchased  from  my  savings  a  piece  of  forest  land 
{Bauernwald)  in  the  central  mountain  region  of  Bohemia  near 
Leitmeritz,  the  beautiful  home  of  my  choice.  On  it  I  built  a  snug 
house  into  which  I  moved  in  May,  1885.  I  had  in  my  pocket  a 
publishing  contract  which  assured  me  labor  and  bread  for  at  least 
a  few  years.  My  nearest  friends — so  I  may  call  Dr.  Hammacher, 
who  afterward  sought  me  out  in  Kundratiz  and  Stadtrat  Rostel- 
Landsberg — found  the  plan  venturesome,  but  still  more  reasonable 
than  the  scheme  of  emigration  to  Brazil,  previously  proposed  by 
A.  von  Eye,  the  custodian  of  the  Germanic  Museum.  Today  I 
must  laugh  at  it  as  childish  that,  at  the  time,  I  took  the  failure  of 
my  SeelencuU  seriously  enough  to  make  flight  from  the  musty  old 
continent  seem  the  proper  reply.  My  wife  was  ready  to  follow  me 
confidently  into  exile.  She  did  not  know  the  motive  of  my  dis- 
affection. She  knew  better  my  glowing  aft'ection  for  the  tropical 
world  which  I  was  never  to  see.  As  a  counterweight  to  this  renun- 
ciation the  flight  into  the  Bohemian  forests,  in  spite  of  the  economic 
considerations  which  Rickert  did  not  tire  of  keeping  before  my 
attention,  was  a  harmless  affair.  From  childhood  I  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  the  most  straitened  rural  conditions.  Life  in  the  great 
city  always  seemed  to  me  a  burden.     My  provincial  frugal  habits 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  i6i 

could  not  order  our  expenditures  so  as  to  lighten  the  burden.  The 
Mark  also  failed  to  afford  me  compensation  for  the  pains  I  felt  at 
deprivation  of  the  enjoyment  of  nature — at  least  until  my  fellow 
countryman,  Dr.  Schiff,  Berlin  representative  of  the  Neue  Jreie 
Presse,  had  begun  to  introduce  me  in  some  measure  to  the  more 
hidden  charms  of  the  flora  of  the  region.  I  was  able,  nevertheless, 
to  accept  the  not  yet  petrified  Thiergarten  in  place  of  the  melan- 
choly beauty  of  the  Bohemian  forest  and  the  deep  charm  of  my 
native  land;  but  the  kindly  allurement  of  our  central  mountains 
in  which  I  had  rejoiced  in  the  springtime  of  my  fife  would  not 
withdraw  from  my  dreams.  My  wife  was  well  aware  of  the  diffi- 
culties of  carrying  on  the  household  with  uncertain  sources  of 
income;  but  for  that  very  reason  she  also  with  practical  logic  was 
urgent  for  a  decision:  "Now  only  are  we  equipped  for  such  a 
venture — in  a  few  years  that  will  seem  a  burden  to  you  which  now 
seems  merely  a  pleasure!" 

Into  the  third  year  I  enjoyed  undisturbed  the  idyllic  life  of  the 
forest  abode,  and  I  wrote  from  studies  largely  completed  in  Berlin 
my  larger  Kulturgeschichte.  Minor  works  of  a  similar  sort  had 
already  appeared  in  Wissen  der  Gegenwart.^ 

After  the  completion  of  this  work  old  friendship  disturbed  me 
in  my  soHtude.  Friend  PhiHpp  Knoll  could  not  bear  to  see,  in  the 
midst  of  the  swelling  waves  of  the  German-Bohemian  struggle, 
such — in  his  opinion — valuable  energy  unemployed.  A  temporary 
illness  gave  force  to  his  urgency,  and  his  arrangements  enabled  me 
to  remove  to  Prague,  while  retaining  my  country  house  as  a  summer 
home.  My  literary  activity  was  now  to  be  in  the  service  of  politics, 
which  had  been  its  original  employment,  and  of  journalism.  On  my 
side  a  sort  of  "first  love"  helped  to  overcome  the  initial  aversion 
to  this  plan.  I  had  begun  my  teaching  career  with  an  investiga- 
tion of  Bohemian  local  conditions,  and  I  now  felt  a  drawing  as  to  the 
completion  of  something  already  begun  toward  Bohemian  history, 
in  which,  to  be  sure,  social  history  had  meanwhile  become  the  chief 

'The  Kulturgeschichte  der  Menschheit  in  ihrem  organischcn  Aufbau  was  like  my 
works  on  the  history  of  rcHgion  in  departing  from  the  beaten  tracks  in  choice  and 
emphasis  of  essential  material.  It  was  later  translated  by  Dr.  Frischmann  into 
Hebrew  (Warsau-Verlagsinstitut  Achiassaf),  and  is  now  in  course  of  translation  into 
Magyar  for  a  library  of  social  science. 


1 62  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

concern.  There  had  always  been  charm  of  mystery  to  me  about 
trying  dark  unbroken  ways.  Here  I  should  have  to  deal  further 
with  obstacles  thrown  into  my  path.  This  helped  me  to  resolve 
at  least  temporarily  to  plant  my  traveling  staff  at  Prague,  where 
alone  I  could  find  all  the  necessary  resources. 

But  I  was  far  from  finding  here  the  repose  I  desired.  Scarcely 
had  I  so  far  arranged  my  new  program  of  duties  that  I  could  arrange 
work  for  my  surplus  time  than  one  obstacle  after  another  blocked 
my  way.  In  the  year  1889  my  devoted  friend  Reichsrats-  und 
Landtagsabgeordneter,  Dr.  Rickert,  died,  and  even  at  his  funeral  I 
was  urged  by  the  legislators  present  to  take  his  place.  I  resisted 
honestly,  and  the  party  leaders  in  Prague  supported  me.  It  was, 
however,  of  no  avail.     The  circumstances  forced  us  to  yield. 

The  period  which  I  spent  thereupon  in  the  rural  electoral 
district,  Tetschen-Rumburg,  and  still  more  in  Vienna,  turned  me 
completely  from  my  intended  study,  and  the  political  duties  once 
undertaken  placed  new  hindrances  daily  in  the  way  of  return  to 
such  labors.  At  the  same  time  I  was  able  in  another  way  in  ParHa- 
ment  to  return  to  a  first  love,  since  the  Liechtenstein  proposal  for 
modification  of  the  public-school  law  enabled  me,  not  without  suc- 
cess and  recognition,  to  enter  the  lists  against  the  renewed  alliance 
between  clericalism  and  German  philistinism. 

When  the  Vienna  compromise  {Ausgleichsheschliisse)  of  1890  had 
again  enabled  the  German  representatives  to  share  in  the  activities 
of  the  Bohemian  parliament  and  in  the  administration  of  the 
country,  circumstances  were  again  changed  for  me.  With  Dr.  L. 
Schlesinger  I  was  chosen  as  a  member  of  the  national  committee, 
and  as  such  had  sufficient  reason  for  resigning  my  membership  in 
the  Reichsrat  in  order  to  confine  my  activity  to  Prague.  Now  at 
last  I  was  able  to  continue  my  studies  of  the  history  of  old  Bohemia. 
These  were  again  interrupted  by  long  and  serious  illness  in  1894. 
I  never  fully  recovered  from  the  effects  of  this  attack,  at  least  not 
to  the  extent  that  I  was  ever  again  in  possession  of  my  full  working 
strength. 

During  the  period  just  referred  to  I  had  published  partly  in  the 
Miiteilungen  of  the  historical  society,  partly  in  Bohemia,  a  number 
of  detail  studies  on  critical  questions  of  Bohemian  history  and 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  163 

legend.  In  the  following  period  occurred  my  gladly  undertaken 
collaboration  with  the  Gesellschaft  zur  Fdrderung  deutscher  Wissen- 
schaft,  Kunsl  und  Literatur  founded  by  my  friend  Knoll.  As  mem- 
ber and  as  second  president  I  served  the  society  as  long  as  I  remained 
in  Prague.  With  the  support  of  this  society  I  was  at  last  in  1896 
able  to  see  in  print  the  first  volume  of  my  Sozialgeschichte  Bohmens 
in  vorhusitischer  Zeit.  Before  the  second  volume  appeared  in  1898 
many  difficulties  with  the  publisher,  G.  Freytag,  had  to  be  over- 
come, and  even  then  it  had  to  appear  abbreviated  and  mangled, 
because  the  pubHsher  insisted  on  such  limitation.  No  one  of  my 
books  could  have  made  me  rich,  but  no  one  of  them  caused  me  so 
much  annoyance  and  dissatisfaction  as  this  in  connection  with  the 
publisher.  At  that  time  I  resolved  never  to  undertake  a  book  for 
a  local  pubhsher,  and  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two  minor  con- 
tributions in  book  form  to  Bohemian  architecture,  I  carried  out  my 
resolve.  I  contributed  minor  socio-historical  papers  to  the  Mit- 
teilungen  of  the  historical  society,  to  F.  Wolf's  Sozialwissenschafl- 
licher  Zeitschrift,  and  to  Deutsche  Arbeit,  published  by  the  society 
named  at  the  beginning  of  this  paragraph. 

In  another  connection  annoyance  and  dissatisfaction  were  also 
the  final  outcome  of  irritating  and  nerve-racking  activity  and 
devotion.  At  the  same  time  I  cannot  deny  that  my  share  in  the 
national  administration  afforded  me  many  an  insight  valuable  to 
a  culture  historian.  Among  the  subjects  particularly  assigned  to 
me,  I  was  especially  interested  in  the  technical  problems  of  water- 
works. I  was  a  member  of  the  commission  for  the  channeling  of 
the  Moldaw  and  the  Elbe.  I  was  interested  in  like  degree,  however, 
in  the  solution  of  several  urgent  social  problems.  My  report  resulted 
in  the  law  which  provided  for  district  conservation  stations  eventu- 
ally to  be  distributed  evenly  over  the  country,  and  with  national 
support. 

This  enterprise  was  not  sufficient  to  earn  the  thanks  of  my 
German  countrymen.  Here  also  the  national  interest  crosses  the 
social,  and  without  legal  determination  the  one  must  always  suffer 
from  the  other. 

All  the  experiences  which  I  gathered  in  my  most  diversified 
political  activities  tended  to  confirm  my  conviction  that  the  first 


i64  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  indispensable  precondition  of  the  material  and  spiritual  pros- 
perity of  two  national  stocks,  located  in  the  same  country  under 
such  circumstances  as  those  which  existed  in  Bohemia,  must  be  a 
fixed  legal  norm  for  their  status,  and  their  freedom  of  movement. 
How  strict  or  liberal  should  be  the  terms  of  this  law  is  a  matter  of 
secondary  importance.  Whenever  we  Germans  have  neglected  an 
opportunity  to  secure  such  a  norm  we  have  committed  a  poHtical 
blunder  injurious  to  both  parties.  It  is  no  longer  practical  politics 
to  demand  the  subordination  of  one  of  the  national  groups  to  the 
other.  To  abandon  the  field  to  enthusiasts  for  such  a  policy  is  at 
the  least  sinful  neghgence.  Among  the  minority  such  elements  may 
get  credit  for  their  zeal.  If  their  impulse  seizes  the  majority  the 
political  craft  will  run  aground. 

That  this  was  the  state  of  things  in  the  German  party,  however. 
I  had  only  too  much  occasion  to  learn  when  the  frequent  illnesses 
of  Schlesinger  forced  me  to  preside  at  the  meetings  of  the  club. 
That  the  Reichenberg  Volkspartei  split  with  us  was  not  in  itself 
a  misfortune.  Its  action  set  the  example,  however,  for  further 
secessions,  which  with  conscious  purpose  took  their  stand  upon  the 
unattainable  because  this  program  most  surely  promised  the 
eternity  of  their  existence.  But  not  even  by  this  policy  did  they 
become  a  common  danger.  To  reach  that  pass  another  trifle  is 
necessary:  that  electorate  and  Volk  shall  credit  that  which  this 
program — as  the  catechism  phrases  it— "gives  them  to  beheve." 
And  the  fact  that  this  actually  came  about  was  the  entire  hopeless- 
ness of  the  time.  This  very  transition,  this  injecting  of  the  politi- 
cally impossible  into  politics,  became  the  active  ferment,  and  first 
of  all  in  the  German  club  itself.  With  every  question  of  importance 
the  greater  number  were  at  once  ready  for  a  jump.  Popular  favor 
so  easily  gained,  and  the  certainty  of  securing  popular  support  by 
mere  revolt  from  the  club  program  were  the  death  of  reasonable 
politics.  To  give  more  of  my  energy  and  time  to  politics  seemed 
to  me  the  more  intolerable  since  my  spirit  of  independence  revolts 
at  nothing  more  than  the  reproach  of  Klehertum.  I  well  know  that 
historically  and  essentially  our  national  stock  is  a  labor  folk,  and 
sometime  there  will  be  a  return  to  kind.  It  does  not  pay  to  wait 
for  such  developments  when  one  has  reached  my  age. 


JULIUS  LIPPERT  165 

Such  was  the  state  of  mind  and  the  calculation  on  the  basis  of 
which  in  the  autumn  of  1898  I  decided  to  withdraw  from  political 
activity  in  the  Landtag  and  in  the  national  administration.  I  now 
at  last  possessed  for  the  first  time  in  my  hfe  that  which  in  hours  of 
overweariness  I  had  so  often  coveted — unlimited  leisure  for  literary 
and  similar  enjoyment.  I  had  no  longer  the  courage  and  inexperi- 
ence of  youth  to  risk  my  economic  hfe  on  the  basis  of  hterary  work. 
I  preferred  to  begin  a  new  section  of  life  by  investing  my  small 
savings  in  the  foundry  belonging  to  my  son-in-law  in  Aussig.  I 
became  a  silent  partner  in  the  iirm  "Ig.  Lumpe's  Neffe,"  and  I 
passed  my  time  according  to  the  season  of  the  year  between  Aussig 
and  Kundratitz. 

Only  once  more  did  the  "merchant"  fall  under  temptation  to 
leave  this  quiet  haven.  The  commission  appointed  to  nominate  a 
successor  to  my  former  parliamentary  friend,  Hofrat  Beer,  as  pro- 
fessor in  the  Technische  Hochschule  at  Vienna,  had  the  idea  of  pro- 
posing my  name.  A  lustrum  earlier  such  a  nomination,  with  the 
involved  recognition  of  my  scientific  endeavors,  would  have  meant 
the  realization  of  my  most  extravagant  dreams.  Now  my  own 
decision  had  to  destroy  the  satisfaction  in  the  germ.  Apart  from 
the  fact  that  my  age  was  no  longer  promising,  the  health  of  my  wife, 
whom  I  prized  above  all  else,  might  have  been  endangered  by  the 
migration  and  the  other  changes  connected  with  it.  I  owed  much 
more  to  her  than  to  my  ambition.  But  even  with  this  sacrifice  I 
was  able  to  prolong  her  hfe  only  a  few  years.  On  the  seventeenth 
of  December,  1904,  I  was  left  alone. 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION 


ALFRED  H.  LLOYD 
University  of  Michigan 


Historians  have  often  argued  among  themselves  and  at  times 
have  taken  the  people  into  their  confidence  with  regard  to  the 
great  battles  of  history,  and  so  well  have  they  done  what  they 
have  undertaken,  describing  and  comparing  the  battle-scenes, 
fighting  over  again  the  great  struggles,  and  explaining  the  causes 
and  the  epoch-making  results  of  Marathon,  Philippi,  Hastings, 
Waterloo,  Gettysburg,  and  the  rest,  that  a  layman  like  myself  in 
such  historical  studies  as  theirs  must  not  trespass  on  their  territory. 
For  me  to  trespass  there  would  be  to  add  only  one  more  battle- 
scene  to  the  long  list  and,  while  the  outcome  could  hardly  be  called 
epoch-making,  there  can  be  no  doubt  at  all  either  as  to  which  side 
would  lose  or  as  to  the  serious  fatalities  attending  defeat.  But 
in  human  history  there  are  battle-fields  and  battle-fields  and  at 
no  serious  risk  of  encroaching  on  any  expert's  preserves  I  have 
chosen  from  history  five  battles  that  I  know  to  be  great,  indeed 
that  I  am  almost  ready  to  declare  the  very  greatest,  and  that  I 
think  I  can  show  to  be  in  the  fullest  sense  epoch-making.  The 
scenes  of  these  battles  I  would  visit  in  this  essay. 

Before  setting  out,  since  the  journey  is  hardly  an  ordinary  one, 
being  very  like  a  journey  in  wonderland  or  at  least  being  in  a 
world  the  geography  of  which  no  geographers  known  to  me  have 
ever  mapped  or  described,  I  must  try  to  show,  at  least  in  a  general 
way,  in  what  sort  of  a  world  the  various  battles  of  this  essay  have 
been  fought  to  their  finish.  Probably  the  one  word  *' civilization" 
will  reveal,  as  in  a  flash,  the  world  whose  battle-fields  I  would  visit; 
contrary  to  what  many  may  now  infer,  however,  the  world  of 
civilization,  although  having  its  peculiar  ideal  character,  is  not  to 
be  thought  of  as  separate  from  the  world  of  the  geographers;  only 
as  bigger,  being  made  so  by  having  spiritual  as  well  as  physical 
values.     The  spiritual  values,  not  alone,  but  added  to  the  physical 

i66 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  167 

values  or  shot  through  them,  really  do  turn  the  geographers'  world 
into  a  wonderland,  as  will  quickly  appear. 

Thus  the  five  great  battles,  whose  scenes  I  would  visit  and 
describe,  are  these:  The  Clash  of  Arms  and  Armor,  The  Offense 
and  Defense  of  Striking  Dress  and  Pointed  Manners,  The  Rational 
Game  of  Standard  Methods  and  Instruments,  The  Great  Hazard 
of  Subjective  Attitudes  and  Natural  Processes,  and  The  Final 
Winning  of  Soul  and  Body.  Here  surely  is  wonderland,  although 
hardly  that  of  Grimm,  Andersen,  or  Carroll.  Moreover,  here  is 
after  all  only  the  world  of  ordinary  geography  and  ordinary  history 
seen  under  what  is  not  the  ordinary  light;  and  the  light  and  the 
shade  of  the  ideal  or  spiritual  values,  under  wliich  those  battles 
are  seen  and  without  which  they  would  prove  quite  meaningless, 
are  so  different,  so  subtle  and  elusive,  that  I  must  at  once  explain 
their  nature  as  clearly  as  I  can. 

Whatever  metaphysicians  and  theologians  and  psychologists 
may  have  to  say  of  what  men  call  the  spiritual,  I  need  here  only 
say  that  man,  for  example,  is  spiritual,  not  through  aloofness  from 
what  is  physical,  but  through  his  having  an  inner  hfe,  a  life  to  self, 
in  his  various  relations  to  the  physical  world,  and,  if  I  am  to  make 
quite  clear  how  much  this  means,  I  must  ask  the  closest  attention 
to  the  following,  and,  first,  to  a  very  commonplace  matter  indeed. 
Everybody  who  can  lay  claim  to  only  the  rudiments  of  education 
is  able  to  read  to  himself,  but  have  you  ever  reflected  at  all  care- 
fully on  what  it  is  to  read  a  printed  page  to  oneself  ?  Of  course, 
when  reading  to  oneself,  one  no  longer  expresses  what  once  one 
did  express,  the  sound- values  of  the  symbols  on  the  page,  and,  more 
than  this,  one  does  not  write  out  the  symbols,  or  other  correspond- 
ing symbols,  although  there  are  always  present  certain  writing- 
values.  Then,  besides  being  a  wonderful  system  of  sound-values 
and  of  writing-values,  which  are  not  expressed,  every  page  one 
ever  reads  to  oneself  is  a  system  of  other  values  that  touch  the 
feehngs  and  the  will  of  the  reader  far  more  deeply.  The  words 
all  have  values  that  I  must  call  inwardly  personal  as  well  as  out- 
wardly pertinent,  for  they  suggest,  if  they  mean  anything  at  all. 
things,  relations,  feelings,  motions,  acts,  all  of  which  at  some  time 
have  been  immediate  in  and  of  the  life  of  the  reader.     "In" 


i68  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

''round,"  ''toward,"  "effort,"  ''buzz,"  "between,"  "attention," 
"candy,"  "comprehension,"  "up,"  "fall,"  "run,"  "ice  cream." 
"ugly,"  and  all  the  rest  of  the  dictionary,  if  you  wish— only  I 
shall  not  try  to  complete  the  list — ^are  words  with  the  stimulus  of 
such  values.  "The  ship  moved  restlessly  across  the  wild  and  toss- 
ing sea"  is  a  sentence  that  would  keep  any  ordinarily  self-contained 
and  self -controlled  reader  extremely  lively  and  alert,  if  he  acted  up 
to  only  half  of  tlie  values  for  feelings,  relations,  and  activities  which 
the  words  possess.  What  a  busy  scene,  too,  the  reading-room  of 
a  library  would  be — how  annoying  to  the  hushed  but  never  seden- 
tary official  husher — ^should  the  readers  suddenly  carry  out  all  of 
the  rich  full  life  that  the  open  volumes  before  them  have  held  so 
long  between  their  covers  or — still  more  annoying — if  the  whole 
library  under  touch  of  some  magic  wand  should  suddenly  come 
alive. 

Reading  to  oneself  is  not  the  only  commonplace  fact  of  life 
that  I  would  here  call  to  mind  and  in  bringing  to  mind  make 
appear  remarkable.  Suppose,  remembering  the  methods  of  that 
distinguished  schoolmaster,  Squeers,  having  read  a  certain  word 
in  the  library,  the  word  "walk,"  for  example,  you  proceed  to  express 
the  action  it  suggests  openly  and  go — this  will  be  quite  enough  for 
my  purpose— half  a  dozen  blocks  down  some  street.  You  pass 
possible  missiles,  a  dog  or  two  or  three,  climbable  trees,  a  group  of 
scurrying  squirrels,  threatening  vehicles,  a  grocer's  wagon,  a  playful 
child,  pleasant  lawns,  unlocked  if  not  open  doors,  attractive  and 
unattractive  men  and  women;  but  you  pass  them.  It  begins  to 
rain  perhaps  and  yet  you  keep  on,  putting  up  your  umbrella;  or 
it  is  beautifully  clear  and  fresh  and  yet,  although  by  sky  and  air 
impulses  have  been  stirred  within  you  that  would  interrupt  your 
going  I  know  not  to  what  results,  you  keep  on.  You  walk,  then, 
and  you  walk  all  six  of  those  blocks  and  how  much  more  than  walk- 
ing you  are  really  doing  at  every  moment,  although  so  splendidly 
to  yourself.  Did  you  and  the  rest  of  us  belong  to  the  monkey- 
people,  as  once  we  did,  if  not  in  outward  form,  at  least  in  ways, 
our  streets  would  be  quite  as  confusing  as  that  library  relieved  of 
its  concentrated  centuries  of  restraint.  A  single  word,  I  would 
have  you  remember,  from  the  library  was  what  took  you  out  into 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  169 

that  street  which  might  have  kept  you-  -and  the  local  police— so 
busy. 

What,   now,    is   language?     A  medium  for  the  expression  of 
thought,  as  the  old  grammars  used  to  say— correctly  enough,  of 
course— but  I  much  prefer  to  call  it  one  of  civiHzation's  mediums 
of  exchange.     There  can  be  no  exchange  without  thought.     Also 
there  can  be  no  exchange  without  some  restraint  or  life  to  self. 
And  thought,  exchange,  and  restraint,  while  not  all  the  factors  of 
civilization,  are  certainly  very  important  factors  in  any  moment 
of  its  development.     Another  factor,  somebody  says,  is  the  dis- 
tinction between  end  and  means,  but  that,  I  take  it,  is  just  what 
restraint  implies,  what  thought  serves,  or  what  exchange  depends 
on.     But  next,  language  being  one  of  civilization's  mediums  of 
exchange,  what  is  that  street  with  all  those  mentioned  details  and 
many  unmentioned  details  through  which  you  walked  ?     Or,  quite 
generally,  what  is  that  whole  complex  system  we  call  environment  ? 
It  certainly  is  a  system;    else  not  even  you  could  walk  through 
streets  or  do  any  other  things  smaller  or  greater.     Science  has 
often  told  us  in  so  many  words  that  environment  is  a  more  or  less 
systematic  aggregation  of  the  natural  conditions  of  hfe,  but,  not 
to  deny  any  truth  to  such  an  account  of  it,  science  not  always  but 
too  often  has  treated  the  conditions  of  life  as  if  they  were  quite 
external  to  life.     I  venture  to  say,  however,  that  no  environment 
of  external  conditions,  or,  for  that  matter,  even  of  external  results, 
ever  environed  any  living  creature.     Environment  is  really  a  system 
of  natural  conditions;    as  environment  it  is  only  another  medium 
of  exchange  that  is  quite  indispensable  in  the  use  of  the  former 
medium  already  remarked  and  that  all  progressive  life,  not  merely 
all  human  civiHzation,  depends  upon.     May  I  use  a  figure  ?     Man's 
environment  being,  through  its  manifold  details  as  actually  and 
manifestly  presented,  a  complex  of  all  the  possible  things,  feelings, 
relations,  and  acts  of  human  life,  is  only  the  set  staging  and  scenery 
for  the  free  and  self-contained  hfe  of  language.     Only,  by  language 
we  need  now  to  be  general  enough  or  philosophical  enough  to 
understand  any  of  man's  free  mediums  of  expression  and  exchange, 
even  such  instruments  of  civilization  as  weapons,  dress,  manners, 
tools,    natural    processes,    freely    moving    human    bodies.     Thus 


lyo  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

civilization  seems  to  have  depended  upon  both  a  set  medium,  or 
staging,  like  environment,  and  a  freed  medium,  Hke  language. 
But  I  would  propose  a  still  better,  because  more  accurate  and  even 
less  physical,  account  of  environment  than  that — in  more  senses 
than  one  so  well  supported  by  Shakespeare— of  a  theatrical  stage. 
Man^s  so-called  natural  environment  is  only  his  reading  to  self,  or  his 
life  at  large  to  self,  vicariously  maintained.  What  could  the  words 
mean  or  the  manners  or  the  tools  or  the  weapons,  if  there  were  no 
such  vicarious  maintenance  of  the  life,  control  and  mastery  of  which 
they  so  plainly  show  ?  Man  is  really  civilized,  his  civilization  has 
substance,  just  because  what  in  his  life  to  self  he  does  not  do  openly 
himself  or  what,  when  leaving  a  library,  he  does  under  the  excellent 
control  of  an  orderly  and  becoming  walk  down  the  street,  is  always 
still  going  on  really  and  manifestly.  Being  civilized,  he  is  himself 
no  longer,  literally  or  figuratively,  just  stone  or  clod,  but  there  are, 
surrounding  him,  countless  clods  and  stones,  literally  or  figuratively 
possible  missiles  for  his  use.  Again,  he  is  outwardly  no  animal, 
but  his  animal  nature,  spiritually  within  him  or  marvelously  con- 
centrated in  the  language  he  uses,  is  always  out  in  his  environment 
materially  and  objectively  disporting  itself  thus  vicariously  to  his 
manifest  upholding  and  uplifting;  to  his  glory,  then,  if  not  also 
even  to  the  glory  of  God.  I  am  less  theologian  than  historian,  but 
man's  environment  looks  to  me  very  much  like  his  greatest  spiritual 
friend — so  far  as  anything  that  seems  so  outside  of  him  can  be  that. 
And,  really,  is  his  environment  in  any  but  a  possibly  physical  or 
spacial  sense,  resulting  from  an  abstraction,  to  be  thought  of  as 
outside  ?  His  spiritual  life  is  his  life  within,  his  life  to  himself,  as 
he  reads  and  sometimes  walks,  and  this  were  not  possible  without  the 
vicarious  service,  I  almost  said  the  vicarious  sacrifice,  of  his  very  real 
environment.  So,  if  now  and  then  man  has  reverently  personified 
and  deified  that  environment,  who  can  wonder  ?^ 

'  The  idea  of  man's  environment,  or  even  of  the  material  environment  generally, 
here  suggested,  is  hardly  a  new  one,  except  possibly  in  the  way  in  which  I  have  chosen 
to  express  it.  Aristotle,  if  no  one  even  earlier  than  he,  "began  it."  Leibnitz  took  it 
up,  at  least  as  I  have  come  to  understand  Leibnitz,  and  between  the  lines  it  can  l^e 
detected  even  in  Mill's  definition  of  "'matter"  as  "the  permanent  possibility  of  sensa- 
tion." Bergson  seems  to  have  it  in  mind  in  his  Mailer  and  Memory  and,  without  being 
unmindful  of  the  humor  of  my  joining  such  superior  company,  I  venture  to  quote  a 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  171 

I  have  been  trying  to  explain  what  the  spiritual  values  are  and 
here  in  simple  sum  is  the  result.  Man  is  spiritual  in  having  the 
wealth,  which  we  have  seen,  of  life  to  himself,  while  the  world  in 
which  he  fights  all  his  battles,  as  is  now  to  be  added,  is  spiritual, 
not  of  course  as  just  an  external  world — such  an  abstraction  makes 
it  material — ^but  as  the  world  that  vicariously  maintains  all  the 
elements  and  all  the  possibiHties  of  man's  controlled  life.  Naturally 
as  an  important  conclusion  from  this,  whatever  unity  and  order 
the  vicarious  life,  the  environment,  may  at  any  time  manifest, 
say  to  jurisprudence,  art,  science,  philosophy,  or  religion,  can  be 
only  a  reflection  of  man's  acquired  freedom,  that  is,  of  the  power 
of  control  and  organization  to  which  he  has  attained.  And  such 
unity  and  order,  referable  either  to  the  outer  life  or  to  the  inner, 
must  always  be  the  intent  or  meaning  of  the  language  which  man 
is  using.  I  had  almost  forgotten  the  language.  In  all  its  forms, 
higher  or  lower,  in  words,  gestures,  manners,  tools,  weapons,  in  all 
these  the  language  is  most  essential,  the  freed  medium  being  quite 
as  important  as  the  set  medium.  Language  has  at  once  the  separa- 
tion from  the  environment  which  action  to  self  requires,  or  it  is  in 
other  words,  portable,  and  at  the  same  time  it  has  the  environmental 
character  of  itself  being  something  that  may  be  lived  to  self — as 
when  one  thinks  without  even  writing  or  speaking.  Language  is, 
again,  both  a  part  of  the  life  of  those  using  it  and  a  part  of  the 
environment;  or,  in  scriptural  phrase,  it  is  the  word  made  flesh. 

Now  we  are  ready,  I  think,  to  visit  the  first  of  the  five  great 
battle-fields,  and  I  mean  first,  not  merely  in  the  order  of  my  essay, 
but  in  the  order  of  civilization.  If  anyone  thinks  that  I  have 
given  too  much  attention  to  the  things  that  make  life  and  language 
and  environment  spiritual,  I  can  only  say  in  self-defense  that  very 

statement  of  my  own,  published  several  years  ago  {Dynamic  Idealism,  189SJ:  "The 
whole  outer  world,  as  we  have  it  now  about  us,  in  all  its  wonderful  nature  and  with 
aU  its  lawfulness,  has  ....  risen  as  a  monument  in  the  wake  of  the  progress  of  man, 
or,  let  us  say,  in  order  to  be  quite  broad  and  inclusive,  in  the  wake  of  intelligent  life 
as  a  whole;  and  even  as  languages  and  monuments  ....  are  but  man  o\er  again, 
so  the  outer  world  in  those  most  general  characteristics,  to  which  the  psychologist 
looks,  is  man  too.  What  seems  not-self  is  only  the  obverse  of  self"  (p.  2^).  And 
again:  "Control  brings  activity  to  self  and  consciousness  of  a  not-self"  (p.  184). 
See  also  "The  Stages  of  Knowledge,"  Psychological  Review,  March.  1897,  especially 
pp.  171  f. 


172  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

recently  I  knew  of  even  an  expert  historian  who  led  his  hearers 
through  many  dry  contemporary  sermons  before  regaling  them  with 
a  great  political  revolution.  But,  to  come  to  the  first  battle,  a 
story  from  the  nursery  will  serve  me  well.  Once  upon  a  time  a  very 
small  boy  was  struck — so  he  seemed  to  view  the  event — by  the 
bureau,  near  which  he  had  been  playing  with  his  blocks,  and  at 
once  in  anger,  his  own  body,  nay,  even  his  own  head  the  weapon, 
he  struck  back  violently.  Curtain.  Some  time  later,  suffering 
a  similar  blow,  he  hesitated  and  then,  seizing  a  near-by  block,  he 
struck  back  by  throwing  that,  so  to  speak,  instead  of  his  own  head; 
and  those  who  saw  him  knew  that,  however  small  the  way,  his 
civilization  had  begun.  He  had  also  learned  to  eat  pins  and  other 
indigestibles  to  hhnself,  but,  apart  from  that,  he  had  come  to  strike 
''to  himself"  or — the  other  side  of  the  acquirement — to  let  some- 
thing else  take  the  action  and  particularly  the  reaction  of  the  blow 
dealt.  He  had,  then,  entered  the  life  at  once  of  spiritual  activity 
within  and  vicarious  activity  without  and,  in  the  large  way  of  speak- 
ing for  which  I  have  claimed  license,  he  had  done  this  by  use  of 
language,  his  block  being  the  freed  medium  of  his  expression.  Also 
what  he  had  done  is  what,  but  in  large  writing,  always  characterizes 
the  first  battle,  the  clash  of  arms  and  armor,  in  which  men  appear 
as  using,  not  now  against  bureaus  or  other  objects  or  forces  of 
nature,  but  against  each  other,  the  rude  rough  methods  of  that 
sinall  boy.  In  such  "use  behold  the  factors  of  civilization,  of  life 
in  the  world  of  spiritual  as  well  as  physical  values:  the  restraint 
or  life  to  self,  the  language  or  free  medium  of  expression  and 
exchange,  and,  at  least  equally  important,  the  vicarious  environ- 
ment. Indeed  so  obviously  are  these  factors  there  that  further 
account  of  them  seems  unnecessary. 

Still,  of  the  clash  of  arms  and  armor  two  things  remain  to  be 
said,  both  very  important  and  both  involving  a  principle  that  will 
prove  appHcable  to  all  five  of  the  battles,  not  merely  to  this  one. 
Thus,  in  the  first  place,  reversion  to  what,  after  the  nursery  tale.  I 
will  s>Tnbohcally  call  head-bumping,  is  always  possible  and  more 
or  less  likely — remember  that  even  the  staid  and  sedentary  reader 
in  the  Hbrary  finally  reverted  to  his  one-time  habit  of  walking  out 
in  the  open;   but  secondly,  when  men  meet  men  on  common  ground 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  173 

and  in  common  ways,  when  any  action  of  a  conscious  being  meets  an 
equivalent-  reaction  of  a  like  being,  an  advance  is  certain  to  be  made 
sooner  or  later  in  spirituality  and  civilization.  The  advance  ma}- 
be  delayed  by  reversions,  men  going  back  to  a  warfare  in  which 
there  is  not  even  the  crude  mediation  of  armor  and  weapons;  but 
men  meeting  and  striking  men  constitute  a  different  situation  from 
that  of  men  meeting  and  striking  anything  that  is  not  human,  that. 
Hke  a  bureau,  is,  as  we  say,  quite  "inanimate,"  and  the  difference 
is  such,  as  I  beUeve,  that  the  meeting  between  men  on  whatever 
common  terms  must  always  lead  in  the  end  to  new  terms  of  fighting. 
It  is  almost  too  commonplace  to  say  that  when  men  meet  men, 
especially  if  they  fight,  they  learn  self-control,  but  the  important 
fact  therein  is,  I  imagine,  not  too  commonly  observed,  namely,  that 
a  newly  acquired  self-control  always  brings  new  depths  to  the  inner 
life,  new  qualities  to  the  outer,  vicarious  environment,  and  new 
form  and  meaning  to  the  mediating  language.  Thus,  meeting  in 
clash  of  arms  and  armor,  men  finally  learn  self-control  and  come  in 
due  time  to  appear  on  a  new  battle-field,  that  of  the  offense  and 
defense  of  striking  dress  and  pointed  manners. 

By  the  dress  of  this  second  battle  very  evidently  I  must  mean 
more  than  anything  worn  for  mere  protection,  whether  against  men 
or  nature,  and  I  mean  also  more  than  just  the  dress  of  persons. 
I  mean  all  the  more  or  less  artful  adornments,  and  all  the  more  or 
less  sensitively  artistic  interpretations  of  life  that  clothe  persons 
and  their  nearer  surroundings,  their  homes,  their  streets,  their 
public  squares  and  buildings;  and  as  for  manners,  pointed  manners, 
these  are  related  to  dress  very  much  as  weapons  to  armor,  com- 
prising, as  I  would  have  them  here,  all  the  graces  of  personal 
behavior,  as  sensitive  as  they  are  designing,  and  all  the  designing 
v/ays  of  subtle  and  sensitive  diplomacy  or  all  the  artful  rituals  of 
institutions  with  which  men  are  known  to  meet  each  other.  Can 
anything  be  more  interesting  in  history  than  this  change  from 
prompt  and  open  war  to  the  delays  and  often  to  the  so-called  peace- 
ful settlements  of  cunning  diplomacy,  from  armor  and  weapons 
to  dress  and  manners  ?  True,  the  change  made,  resort  to  the  past 
and  its  arbitrament  of  open  war  is  still  all  too  easy  and  all  too 
likely  at  least  for  some  time,   since  striking  dress  and  pointed 


174  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

manners  always  imply  a  good  deal  of  very  human  sensitiveness  and 
self-consciousness  and  so,  anger  readily  arising,  may  be  removed 
for  armor  and  arms,  but  even  then  civilization  has  gained.  There 
is  more  control  in  a  concealed  weapon  than  in  an  exposed  one,  just 
as  sensuously  perceptible  harmony  or  beauty  in  environment  means 
more  of  man's  life  maintained  vicariously  than  only  force  or  might 
in  the  environment,  mass  colHding  there  with  mass,  can  mean. 
Thus  felt  or  recognized  might  means  only  that  man  himself  can 
exert  might  mediately,  but  perceived  beauty  means  that  man's 
inner  life  has  reached  the  same  harmony  and  poise,  however  tense 
and  unstable,  which  the  beauty  reveals,  and  man's  dress  and 
manners  are  merely  the  language  expressing  this. 

How  subtle  and  sensitive  and  unstable  the  offensive  and  defen- 
sive life  of  dress  and  manners  is,  I  hardly  need  to  show;  nor  do  I 
need  to  say  that  the  blows  it  deals,  although  drawing  no  blood, 
unless  forsooth  the  concealed  stiletto  is  brought  into  play,  may  be 
harder  to  bear  as  well  as  more  widely  serious  in  their  results  than 
those  of  more  primitive  and  more  direct  warfare.  But,  injuries 
and  losses  for  the  moment  forgotten,  how  about  the  final  victory  ? 
Again,  when  on  this  second  field,  as  on  the  first,  evenly  matched 
men  come  finally  to  meet,  with  their  like  ways,  their  common  offense 
and  defense,  they  are  bound  to  produce  a  more  controlled  type  of 
battle,  involving  deeper  inner  life  and  wider  or  more  comprehensive 
environment.  The  life  to  self  is  made  calmly  rational,  calculating, 
and  at  least  outwardly  quite  insensitive;  the  environment  turns 
prosaically  lawful  and  mechanical;  and  the  free  medium  of  expres- 
sion comprises,  besides  prosaic  language  in  a  literal  sense,  also  the 
prosaic  medium  of  standard  methods  and  instruments.  Only  so 
can  the  conduct  of  life  be  as  outwardly  impersonal  as  the  new 
control  requires. 

To  me  nothing  is  more  suggestive  or  illuminating  than  this 
change  that  apparently  is  always  incident  to  the  battle  of  well- 
equipped  but  especially  of  equally  matched  men,  and  I  must  add 
to  what  I  have  said  of  it.  Of  course,  victory  must  always  be  to 
the  best  man  and,  unless  my  vision  greatly  deceive  me,  the  best 
man,  the  opponents  being  evenly  matched,  must  always  win  by 
devising,  not  just  a  new  kind  of  fighting,  but,  as  was  said,  a  kind 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  175 

involving  more  self-control;  that  is,  involving — for  what  else  does 
self-control  mean  ? — free  and  conscious  use  of  the  existing  con- 
ditions and  relations  or  what  was  above  referred  to  as  distinction 
between  end  and  means,  instead  of  just  ordinary,  however  powerful, 
compliance  with  the  conditions.  In  short,  in  such  a  meeting  there 
is  always  induced  a  battle  of  kinds  in  addition  to  the  battle  of 
magnitudes,  or  say  of  different  values  instead  of  like  and  balanced 
forces,  and  the  best  kind  or  value  always  wins  and  winning  raises 
the  plane  of  future  struggles.  May  I  recur  to  the  first  battle? 
Emphatically  there  is  a  certain  grandeur  in  the  physical  encounters 
of  men.  The  ordeals  of  might,  the  collisions  of  splendid  armies, 
hke  the  battling  tension  of  great  forces  and  masses  in  nature, 
appeal  deeply  to  all  men,  but,  as  I  have  to  believe,  for  the  new  kind 
of  life  that  such  struggles  are  always,  however  vaguely,  potential 
with.  Men  who  fight  with  death-bringing  weapons  are  bold  as  well 
as  strong  men,  but  the  man  who  can  control  his  fighting-with- 
deadly-weapons  is  still  stronger.  Men,  again,  who  have  such 
control  and  whose  weapons  are  accordingly  concealed  and  who  fight 
outwardly  with  graces  and  manners  are  also  strong  men,  but  the 
best  man  among  them  is  he  who  is  so  self-contained  and  personally 
insensitive  that  he  can  make  grace  and  manner  quite  impersonally 
and  conventionally  a  means  to  an  end.  Diplomacy  has  settled 
more  differences,  that  is,  has  won  more  battles,  than  war;  but 
calm  reason,  dress  and  manners  becoming  conventionalized,  is  a 
more  artful  and  more  powerful  adversary  than  the  most  cunning 
diplomacy. 

When  man  reaches  his  third  battle,  the  game  of  calm  reason, 
the  rational  game  of  standard  methods  and  instruments,  which 
on  the  abstractly  intellectual  side  is  the  game  of  science,  on  the 
openly  practical  side,  that  of  commerce  and  industry,  reversion 
to  the  arbitrament  of  arms  is  rafe.  Not  so  rare,  reversion  to  diplo- 
macy. Especially  may  uncivilized,  or  when  not  uncivilized  at  least 
very  alien  peoples,  disturb  the  natural  order,  but  characteristically 
the  time  is  one,  no  longer  of  armor  and  weapons  always  openly 
worn,  as  in  the  first  battle,  nor  of  these  still  worn,  although  con- 
cealed behind  striking  costume  and  manner,  as  in  the  second,  but 
of  the  sheathed  sword  or  the  standing  army  and  of  conventions  for 


176  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

dress  and  manners.  Man  shows  himself  at  once  rationally  prepared 
for  war  and  rationally  disinclined  to  it,  having  identified  himself 
with  a  Hfe  whose  control  and  mediation  and  environment  are  such 
as  to  require  an  inner  activity  that  is  superior  to  any  signs  of 
emotion  and  a  medium  of  self-expression  that,  in  the  form  of  exact 
instruments  of  measurement,  matter-of-fact  methods  in  thought 
and  conduct  or  business,  and  standard  tools  and  machinery  of 
industry,  is  quite  detached  from  him  personally.  How  non-human, 
for  example,  and  impersonal,  chronometers,  thermometers,  metric 
systems,  printing-presses,  steam-shovels,  and  the  like,  not  to  men- 
tion also  a  very  prosaic  literature,  all  are.  And  as  for  his  environ- 
ment, this,  vicariously  expressing  man's  control  and  accurately 
named  or  represented  by  the  methods  and  instruments  and  litera- 
ture just  mentioned,  is  "physical"  or  mechanical,  the  very  incarna- 
tion of  reason  and  natural  law.  Where  are  the  might}^  powers  that 
once  moved  and  clashed  ?  Where  those  sensuous,  storm-set 
harmonies,  those  startling  metaphors  of  human  hope  and  passion, 
that  once  reflected  and  inspired  the  pointed  manners  and  the  two- 
edged  arts?  Here  and  there  such  things  of  times  gone  by,  so 
gloried  in  by  men,  may  reappear,  but  for  the  most  part  reason 
has  chained  the  powers  and  cooled  the  hope  and  passion,  supplant- 
ing both  might  and  harmony  with  staid  and  passionless  law. 

The  new  inner  life,  the  life  to  self,  and  the  new  vicarious  life  of 
environment  during  this  third  battle  are,  I  suspect,  in  spite  of  all 
I  have  said,  not  yet  clearly  seen  and  appreciated,  vision  being  now 
more  difficult  than  in  the  former  cases  of  arms  and  manners  May 
I,  then,  force  vision  or  rather  swimming,  by  going  out  into  even 
deeper  waters  ?  Sometimes  one's  language  needs  to  be  even  cryptic 
in  order  to  insure  understanding.  The  standard  method  or  instru- 
ment! What  magic  it  possesses!  Do  but  think,  for  a  moment, 
of  the  great  versatility,  of  the  unlimited  variety  of  relations  and 
appHcations,  which  it  brings  to  the  life  of  every  user  and  try  to  get 
some  conception  of  the  rich,  intense,  inner  life  that  must  accrue 
through  it;  and  then,  for  another  moment,  think  of  the  environ- 
ment that,  answering  to  that  versatility  and  so  unlimited  in  extent, 
comprises  in  a  manifest  setting  all  of  the  possible  applications! 
Think  of  the  numberless  acts  to  self  and  the  numberless  processes 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  177 

in  environment  that  a  standard  measure — for  I  suggest  that  in  this 
one  word  all  standards  may  be  summed  up — mediates  and  renders 
exchangeable.  Who  does  not  know  how,  having  a  standard 
length,  foot  or  yard  or  mile,  he  can  lay  it  ofif  always  once  more 
or  how  for  an  instrument  there  is  always  one  more  use?  The 
realm's  standard  coin  is  not  richer  in  subjective  opportunity  or  in 
variety  of  objective  exchangeable  commodities.  With  this  knowl- 
edge, then,  it  is  possible  to  appreciate  man's  inner  Ufe,  and  to  see 
how  broad  and  how  wide  and  how  various  in  its  manifestations  of 
possible  activities  is  the  world  through  which  a  man  with  a  standard 
measure  for  his  acts  is  free  to  walk.  Although  the  now  mechanical 
environment  lacks — except  of  course  in  moments  of  relapse  or  rever- 
sion— the  former  sensuous  values  that  led  men  to  all  sorts  of 
sensuous  contacts,  direct,  as  in  war,  or  indirect,  as  in  time  of  artful 
diplomacy,  it  is  more  than  ever,  more  freely  and  more  openly  than 
ever,  only  the  sum  total  of  the  possible  activities  and  relations  that 
man  has  under  control  and  so,  even  as  not  before,  is  vicariously 
human.  It  is  such  a  mistake  to  argue  from  a  mechanical  environ- 
ment to  fate  or  necessity  imposed  on  human  life. 

I  spoke  of  the  sword  being  sheathed,  of  the  armies  being  only 
standing  armies.  Armed  neutrality  is  the  natural  limit  in  the 
rational  game  of  standard  methods  and  instruments  and  it  shows 
again  the  meeting  of  evenly  matched  men  or  evenly  balanced 
powers.  The  preparation  and  the  disinclination  tell  the  story. 
So  a  third  time  kinds  as  well  as  magnitudes,  values  as  well  as  forces 
are  pitted  against  each  other  and  the  question  comes :  Who  now  is 
the  best  man  ?  Who  will  break  the  neutrahty,  not  by  reversion, 
but  by  advance?  Remembering  the  general  word,  "measure," 
that  was  suggested,  I  answer  again  that  the  best  man  must  be 
he  who  can  show  himself  superior  to  the  measurable  or  commen- 
surable conditions  by  really  using  them  instead  of  just  complying 
with  them,  and  so  by  attaining  something  not  measurable — the  new 
kind  or  value  always  being  that.  This  answer,  as  I  suspect,  is  very 
nearly  unintelligible  and  yet  does  it  mean  more  or  less  than  that 
genius  must  always  overcome  talent  ?  In  general,  talent,  however 
brilliant,  only  comphes;  genius  really  uses.  Genius  leads  civiliza- 
tion: from  arms  to  manners;  from  manners  to  measures;  from 
measures — to  what? 


178  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

To  what  is  superior  to  measures  or  the  measurable.  So  I  have 
already  given  answer.  But  let  me  explain  with  another  question, 
albeit  a  difficult  one.  Precisely  in  what  sense  is  the  inner  versatility 
or  the  outer  application,  which  a  standard  measure  always  signifies, 
unlimited  ?  According  as  one  answers  this  difficult  question  one 
makes  the  use  of  a  measure  consist  in  mere  perpetual  routine,  the 
continual  aggregation  or  multiplication  of  the  measurable  without 
limit,  or  in  productive,  creative  action,  that  is,  attainment  to 
something  different  and  new  because  not  just  formally  or  negatively 
immeasurable  but  really  so,  being  flatly  incommensurable.  Thus, 
for  talent,  versatihty  and  application  are  really  without  limit;  for 
genius,  which  has  the  self-control  and  consequent  insight  of  real 
use,  they  are  only  formally  without  hmit.  Genius  has  the  faculty 
of  bringing  to  an  end  the  endless  routine  of  talent  and  so  of  breaking 
the  armed  neutrality  or  the  "deadlock"  to  which  the  battles  of 
routine  and  talent  always  come.  So  much  science,  for  example, 
is  only  multiplication.  So  much  commerce  and  industry  is  only 
prosaic  accumulation.  The  whole  rational  game  of  standard  meas- 
ures is,  or  at  least  ends  by  being,  only  that — witness,  for  large 
illustration,  our  boasted  modern  industrialism.  But  every  battle 
has  its  genius,  since  every  situation,  balance  and  neutrality  being 
reached,  brings  the  real  opportunity  of  still  deeper  inner  life  and 
still  wider  outer  life.  So,  this  third  time,  the  plane  of  battle  changes 
and  the  rational  game  of  standard  measures  gives  place  to  a  new 
freedom,  the  bold  hazard  or  adventure  of  subjective  attitudes  and 
natural  processes  or — ^let  me  say,  as  if  speaking  directly  to  scien- 
tists— observation,  experiment,  and  action  at  large  that  depend 
mechanically  on  certain  standards  and  supposed  uniformity  in 
nature  give  place  to  all  three  with  the  primary  dependence  trans- 
ferred to  open-mindedness  and  informal  natural  life. 

The  life  of  the  fourth  battle  has  a  quahty  that  I  may  not 
succeed  in  making  my  readers  feel  as  distinctly  as  I  could  wish. 
That  of  the  third  battle  is  related  to  it  in  its  intellectual  character 
as  exact  science  to  speculative  philosophy,  in  its  practical  Hfe  as 
conservative  commercialism  that  never  leaves  terra  firma  to  a 
commerce  and  an  industry  that  show  a  spirit  of  adventure  and 
uncalculating  open-handedness  or  as  mechanical  accumulation  and 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  179 

manufacture  of  all  sorts,  including  even  the  making  of  friends  as 
well  as  of  fortunes  and  commodities,  to  a  life  of  heartiness,  dis- 
covery, creation.  Images  will  come  into  one's  mind,  and  this 
fourth  battle  looks  very  like  a  battle  in  the  air,  its  combatants 
entering  the  fray  in  flying-machines — so  different  from  the  earth- 
bound  standards  of  the  third  battle.  Such  imagery,  however,  is 
fleeting,  if  not  whoUy  futile;  unless  it  be  that  a  lecturer,  whom  I 
heard  a  year  or  two  ago,  was  right  when  he  suggested  virtually, 
not  just  in  these  words,  that  the  flying  of  birds  nowadays  giving 
the  name  to  perhaps  the  freest  instrument  of  the  time,  only 
expressed  vicariously  the  separation  from  earth  that  comes  to 
man  through  subjective  attitudes  and  nature's  free,  informal 
processes.  But  do  you  even  half  realize  the  seK-control,  the  inner 
life,  and  at  the  same  time  the  personal  freedom  of  a  subjective 
attitude;  of  such  attitudes,  I  suggest,  as  equanimity,  adaptabihty, 
moderation,  a  big  hospitable  will  that  can  sanction  any  event,  even 
sudden  death,  as  its  own  free  act  ?  Such  attitudes  show  the  lesson 
of  standard  measures  and  instruments  to  have  been  well  learned. 
They  show  the  spirit  of  those  standards  set  free  from  the  mere 
letter,  man  discovering  with  his  new  action  to  self  that  their  restraint 
is  for  his  use,  not  he  for  it  and  its  uniformity;  a  discovery,  it  is  my 
belief,  that  would  be  quite  impossible  without  the  series  of  battles 
and  victories  through  which  we  have  seen  him  come.  And  free, 
formless  processes  are  the  medium,  the  proper  medium,  of  such 
attitudes.  Those  subjective  attitudes  are  hopelessly  inexpressible 
through  arms  or  dress  and  manners  or  rational  methods  and  instru- 
ments; only  nature's  own  Hfe,  immoderate  and  immeasurable  as 
the  attitudes  themselves,  can  really  serve.  What  it  is  to  use 
nature  instead  of  some  more  articulate  medium  of  expression  is 
doubtless  hard  to  see,  but  imagine  a  man  without  a  country,  yet 
with  all  the  memories  of  country,  and  you  will  begin  to  understand. 
Those  memories,  cherishing  the  customs  and  the  government,  the 
church  and  the  home,  the  place  and  the  occupation,  to  whose 
measures  he  once  conformed,  make  him  see  with  a  far  vision  and, 
as  he  wanders,  bid  him  find  in  nature  the  free  Hfe  of  his  vision. 
Thus  for  one  who,  so  deeply  self -con  trolled  as  to  be  free  from  the 
formal  bonds  of  the  past,  can,  so  to  speak,  make  informal  nature 


i8o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  language  of  his  life,  there  is  an  abstraction  from  the  world,  a 
sublimation  of  thought  and  life,  that  is  not  easily  exaggerated. 
Of  course,  although  in  very  different  degrees,  instruments  and 
manners  and  even  weapons — all  showing  both  some  self-control 
and  some  breadth  and  objectivity  of  view — produce  abstraction 
and  sublimation  of  hfe.  but  as  a  free  medium  of  expression  natural 
processes  involve  more  abstraction,  more  aloofness  of  thought  and 
act,  more  subUmation,  than  any  of  those  other  media. 

I  can  explain  exactly  what  I  mean  in  two  words.  First,  the 
attitudes,  often  finding  outlet  in  written  or  spoken  language,  show 
man's  consciousness  busy  with  making  worlds  of  its  own,  the 
imagination  reaching  visions  of  wonderful  construction.  Old 
measures  of  all  sorts  are  reverted  to,  but  are  used  as  loose  analogies, 
not  as  hard-and-fast  rules.  True,  in  dress  and  manners,  in  all 
the  fine  arts,  there  is  a  dependence  on  loose  analogies,  so  different 
from  literal  conformities;  the  designed  harmony  being  for  both 
cases,  for  dress  and  art  and  for  speculative  vision,  between  human 
life  as  institutionally  set  or  conventionalized,  and  nature  as  that 
which  lies  outside  of  the  institutes  or  conventions;  but  the  earlier 
use  of  analogy,  the  humanly  artistic  use,  is  quite  different  from  the 
later  philosophical  use.  For  the  former  the  analogies  are  drawn 
with  primary  assertion  of  man's  visible  ways  and  conceits,  the 
intention  being  to  make  nature  seem  at  least  loosely  to  conform, 
but  for  the  latter  the  tables  are  turned  completely— suggesting  the 
change  from  the  geocentric  to  the  heliocentric  astronomy — and 
analogies  are  drawn  with  the  primary  assertion  of  the  wide,  free 
life  of  nature.  Thus  nature's  free  processes  are  the  true  vicarious 
life  of  philosophy,  and,  realizing  this,  one  can  understand  the 
sublimation  of  philosophy.  The  free  nature,  primarily  asserted, 
is  envisaged  in  such  imagery,  boldly  if  not  even  licentiously  traced, 
as  traditional  means  and  measures  can  supply.  The  man  of 
subjective  attitudes  may  still  have  to  use  the  spoken  or  written 
language  of  the  man  of  standards,  but  his  meaning  or  vision  is  not 
just  commonly  natural  and  "objective."  And  so,  for  my  second 
word,  if  natural  processes  are  thus  the  proper  medium,  then  man, 
his  life  so  mediated,  that  is,  so  taken  care  of,  so  far  as  all  positive 
overt  action  goes,  has  a  consenting  or  sanctioning  will  rather  than  a 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  i8i 

directly  and  openly  active  one.  He  even  says  in  so  many  words: 
*'I  will  that  nature's  processes  do  the  work."  Everybody  works, 
you  see,  but  the  philosopher;  the  philosopher  only  rules;  the 
philosopher's  will,  though  outwardly  so  idle,  is  in  reality  accom- 
plishing everything.  Of  course  everything;  for  he  has  no  very 
ordinary  tool,  working  as  he  does  with  nature,  I  cannot  quite  say — 
not  being  enough  of  a  poet — in  his  hand,  but  in  his  will.  Nor  have 
I  yet  said  just  what  I  set  out  to  say  in  this  second  word.  It  is  just 
such  a  will  as  the  philosopher's,  so  accordant  with  his  inner  sub- 
jective attitudes  in  general,  that  insures  new  life,  for  his  will 
courageously  bids  nature  proceed  with  her  own  reconstructions  at 
whatever  losses.  Nature  is  never  measurable.  Creation,  manifest 
expression  of  the  immeasurable,  is  her  work  always;  and  this  means 
that  the  philosophical  spirit — let  me  speak  again  as  if  to  scien- 
tists— in  a  laboratory  must  always  bring  originality;  not  mere 
extension  of  human  knowledge  in  the  sense  of  multiplied  applica- 
tions of  old  theories,  but  a  new  sort  of  knowledge  involving  change 
in  quality  rather  than  just  in  quantity.  In  practical  life,  in  life 
with  the  busy  world  of  affairs  for  its  laboratory,  the  philosophical 
spirit  induces  invention,  reform,  unconstitutionalism,  sometimes 
revolution,  and  always  and  everywhere — for  no  words  tell  the  story 
better — invasion  of  what  is  foreign.  A  philosophy  that  does  not 
bid  the  foreigner  come,  to  the  end  that  Hfe  may  be  freed  from  its 
confining  commensurability  and  routine  and  so  become  openly 
creative,  is  certainly  no  true  philosophy.  The  attitudes  so  sub- 
limated in  their  vision,  and  the  will,  so  consenting  to  the  work  of  a 
free  nature,  show  this,  and  we  can  see  now,  I  think,  more  clearly 
than  ever,  how  subHmated  or  abstract  philosophy,  the  ruling  spirit 
or  atmosphere  of  the  fourth  battle,  is;  abstract  in  its  life,  so  deeply 
within;  abstract  in  its  vision,  so  like  a  mirage;  abstract  in  its 
mediation,  a  foreign  life,  the  free  unformed  processes  of  nature, 
expressing  its  meaning.  But  reflect  at  least  for  a  moment,  and 
longer  if  you  must,  on  creative  Hfe,  invention,  revolution,  invasion, 
being  the  outcome  of  self-6ontrol.  Small  wonder  that  the  moralists 
find  in  self-control,  life  to  self,  the  foundation  of  all  the  heroic 
virtues. 

Do  I  seem  to  forget  that  this  is  a  journey  over  battle-fields, 


i82  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

spending  my  time  with  outlying  scenery  instead  of  bringing  to 
mind  the  great  historic  struggles  ?  Let  me  come  back  to  my  sub- 
ject by  mentioning  some  of  the  dangers  and  losses.  Nothing 
suggests  battles  more  vividly  than  these,  and  so  far  only  the  most 
casual  reference  has  been  made  to  them.  In  the  clash  of  arms  and 
armor,  very  clearly  the  direct  dangers  and  losses  are  mainly  bodily. 
Wounds  and  death  are  the  proper  cost  and  I  have  no  need  of  asking 
you  in  imagination  to  cross  the  field  after  the  fight  and  so  to  reaUze 
that  a  battle  has  been  fought.  On  the  second  field,  too,  the 
casualties  are  openly  personal,  but — -unless  reversion  take  place — 
not  so  directly  by  bodily  injury.  The  injuries,  which,  as  was 
suggested,  may  be  much  harder  to  bear  and  more  widely  and 
deeply  serious  in  their  results  than  wounds  and  even  death,  are  to 
the  rising  sensibility  and  self-consciousness.  In  a  qualified  sense, 
I  suppose,  such  injuries  are  still  bodily — witness  blushmg  and  the 
flush  of  anger  and  the  shrug  of  shoulder  and  stamp  of  foot,  not  to 
say  the  pressing  impulse  to  draw  a  weapon^but  commonly  we 
think  of  them  as  spiritually  personal,  not  bodily.  How  injured 
sensibilities  may  lead  along  many  disastrous  ways  other  than 
those  of  possible  sudden  bodily  harm,  I  hardly  need  to  show,  for 
many  diseases  of  body  and  mind  and  character  are  commonly 
known  to  spring  from  them.  So,  to  go  on,  in  the  third  battle,  the 
game  of  standard  methods,  again  apart  from  what  reversion  or  the 
recognized  possibiKty  of  reversion  may  bring,  such  as  the  cost  and 
burden  of  a  standing  army,  the  direct  and  characteristic  losses  are 
only  formal  or  are,  at  least  outwardly,  impersonal;  being  external 
to  open  personal  interest  and  feehng;  being,  not  of  hfe  and  limb 
nor  yet  of  personal  address  and  influence,  but  of  what  is  only 
mediate  to  life,  of  property  and  material  opportunity  and  visible 
occupation.  Yet  these  new  casualties,  although  so  detached  from 
the  outer  person,  are  deeply  felt  and  their  results  may  be  appalling. 
Compare,  for  a  very  simple  example — thinking,  however,  at  least 
twice  before  you  decide  on  my  meaning — a  whole  family's  loss  of 
all  its  worldly  resources,  of  home  and  fortune  and  social  position, 
with  its  loss  by  death  of  just  one  of  its  members.  But  to  pass  on, 
with  inception  of  the  fourth  battle,  the  adventure  of  subjective 
attitudes  and  natural  processes,  the  direct  casualties  very  mani- 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  183 

festly  are  such  as  affect  character.  In  the  earlier  battles,  as  was 
indeed  intimated,  character  is  also  in  jeopardy;  diseases  of  charac- 
ter may  arise  from  seriously  wounded  sensibilities  and  also  from  the 
dejection  following  lost  property  or  lost  material  opportunity  of 
any  sort;  but  in  the  fourth  battle  character  at  its  best  is  become 
quite  mature  and  superior  to  material  dependence;  it  is  also  at  the 
same  time  freed  from  the  traditional  restraints;  so  that  it  is  more 
openly  on  trial  and  the  successes  or  disasters  of  life  are  more 
openly  those  of  character.  The  magnificent  self-control,  then,  with 
all  its  wealth  of  inner  life  and  vision,  which  we  have  seen,  may  break 
down  with  many  in  society  and  dissipation  of  their  lives  becomes 
the  cost  of  the  acquired  freedom.  The  danger  of  such  loss  is,  more- 
over, probably  much  enhanced  by  the  fact  that  this  fourth  battle, 
as  well  as  the  fifth,  which  is  still  to  be  considered,  must  always  be 
fought  by  the  individual.  The  other  battles  allow  what,  in  the 
language  of  football,  I  will  call  bodily  mass-play.  In  dress  or 
weapons  or  instruments  men  are  seen  to  be  still  wearing  a  uniform 
and  to  have  common  visible  modes  of  expression;  such  visible 
modes  of  expression  are  the  signs  of  social  classes,  but  for  subjective 
attitudes  and  natural  processes  there  is  obviously  no  manifest 
uniform  possible.  For  all  that  anyone  can  see,  then,  each  man 
fights  for  himself  to  victory  or  defeat  and,  although  in  victory  the 
success  is  proportionately  more  worthy  and  more  exhilirating,  in 
defeat  the  failure  is  more  distressing.  A  battle-field  strewn  with 
fallen  personal  characters  is  more  horrible  than  the  scenes  of 
Waterloo  or  Gettysburg,  although  as  to  this,  reminding  myself  of 
the  pathos  and  the  romance  that  have  so  long  attached  to  the 
fallen  in  the  open  battles  of  common  war,  I  cannot  help  wondering 
if  fallen  characters  should  not  also  have  requiems  said  for  them  and 
flags  placed  at  their  graves.  At  least  in  the  matter  of  battles 
human  pathos  and  romance  seem  to  me  to  have  been  altogether 
too  military. 

Of  the  losses  that  come  from  all  the  so-called  diseases  of  civiliza- 
tion, diseases  of  mind  as  well  as  of  body,  if  the  two  can  ever  properly 
be  separated,  I  make  only  the  briefest  mention.  Armies  have  their 
camp-followers;  dress  and  manners  and  the  fine  arts  are  often 
defeated  by  the  disasters  of  temperament;    standard  measures, 


i84  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

however  indirectly,  can  be  fearfully  and  even  fatally  brutal;  a 
man  without  such  measures,  a  man  without  a  country,  can  be 
destructive  instead  of  creative,  a  Hcentious  being  instead  of  the 
"best  man";  and  nature  seems  to  have  so  ordered  things  that 
diseases  of  all  sorts  have  to  appear  with  special  mahgnance  in  all 
these  instances.  Mass-play,  too,  in  general  seems  to  invite  diseases, 
although  the  isolated  individual  is  also  often  an  easy  victim.  But, 
to  say  no  more  of  diseases  of  civiHzation,  with  regard  to  mass-play 
I  must  here  modify  something  that  I  have  said.  For  the  fourth 
and  fifth  battles  there  can  indeed  be  no  bodily  mass-plays;  men 
are  no  longer  in  any  visible  way  grouped  together;  and  so  may  not 
battle  in  any  formally  organized  social  movement;  but,  while  this 
new  freedom  has  involved  their  release  from  any  uniformity,  it 
has  not,  after  all,  left  individuals  wholly  isolated.  There  still 
remains  the  vital  rather  than  formal  organization  of  a  common 
spirit  among  them,  however  free  this  spirit  be,  and  in  a  very  genuine 
sense  they  may  be  said  really  to  have  become  more  social  than  ever, 
since,  leaving  the  long  companionship  and  loyalty  of  their  organized 
uniformity  and  routine,  they  have  entered  into  the  still  richer  and 
worthier  fellowship  of  a  free  open  unity,  always  so  much  bigger 
and  deeper  than  uniformity,  and  creative  life,  so  much  more  vital 
than  routine.  Real  creation,  as  everyone  knows,  belongs  to  free 
persons  living  in  the  universe. 

The  fifth  battle-scene,  except  for  a  few  allusions  already  made, 
remains  to  be  visited.  What  can  I  say  as  we  approach  it?  Of 
course  the  higher  quaUty  of  its  struggle,  which  I  have  called  the 
winning  of  soul  and  body  or— more  fully— the  final  birth  or  Hbera- 
tion  of  the  soul  and  the  spiritual  realization  of  the  body,  must  be 
relative  to  some  as  yet  unnoticed  weakness  belonging  to  the  battle 
of  subjective  attitudes  and  natural  processes,  and  the  only  con- 
ceivable weakness  must  be  some  still  lurking  impulsiveness,  some 
final  lack  of  self-control,  in  human  nature.  Does  any  such  weakness 
appear?  Most  certainly  and  very  plainly.  The  attitudes  them- 
selves are  conscious  and  assertive;  they  lend  themselves  to  the 
human  construction  and  conceit  of  great  visions;  they  still  let 
formal  traditions,  although,  it  is  true,  only  as  loose  analogies, 
control  man's  thinking  and  so  also  man's  living;  they  compromise 


FI VE  GREA  T  BA  TTLES  OF  CI  VI  LIZ  A  TION  1 85 

their  boasted  freedom  and  abstraction  by  actually  willing  that  an 
outer  nature  have  its  way;  and  so,  if  self-control  be  the  test  of 
civiUzation  if  it  truly  be  the  mark  of  the  best,  the  winning  man, 
then  a  better  man  than  any  who  have  fought  yet  is  to  be  seen  by 
us.  Personally  he  is  not  a  creature  of  attitudes,  however  subjective 
and  heroic,  but  a  creature  of  soul  or  of  self-control  par  excellence; 
and,  as  for  the  medium  through  which  he  expresses  himself,  or 
names  his  world,  this  is  his  own  natural,  and  for  all  that  anyone 
can  see,  unprotected  body.  Yet  how  to  make  what  I  mean  clear, 
I  do  not  know.  Perhaps  there  is  no  way.  Yet  soul  is  something 
won  or  earned  or  realized  with  the  growing  skill  of  reading  to  self, 
of  living  to  self,  the  critical  moments  of  which  have  been  shown  in 
the  succession  of  battles,  and,  when  perfect  self-control  is  reached, 
the  free  human  body,  the  natural  body,  but  at  the  same  time  the 
body  inspired  with  the  fulness  of  meaning  and  the  strength  of 
victory  that  its  history  has  imparted,  is— this  is  how  I  would  put 
it— the  soul  incarnate.  Again,  when  a  man  has  such  control, 
such  power  of  life  to  self,  as  not  to  need  even  to  assume  attitudes 
or  construct  ideal  worlds  or  assertively  let  nature  and  her  foreign 
hfe  have  their  way,  then  is  he  free  from  nature  by  being  free  through 
his  natural  self  and  he  can  therefore  safely,  that  is,  without  betrayal 
of  himself,  let  his  own  body  run  its  own,  which  is  as  truly  also  his 
own,  natural  course.  His  soul  is  full  born.  His  body  is  spiritually 
perfected,  the  creature  at  once  of  nature  and  of  his  will.  He  has, 
then,  realized  to  himself  all  of  the  brute  force  which  showed  in  his 
Hfe  when  in  savagery  he  first  clashed  with  nature  and  other  men. 
From  that  past  a  soul  as  the  meaning  of  his  free  body  is  his  splendid 
heritage. 

The  free  body,  like  all  language,  Hke  every  medium  of  expression, 
besides  meaning  a  soul,  also  means  an  environment.  This  environ- 
ment holds— but  vicariously,  that  is,  in  the  form  of  elemental  pas- 
sions and  forces,  often  grandly  riotous  and  at  once  destructive  and 
creative — the  full,  free,  formless  Hfe  of  the  man  who,  now  living 
it  all  to  himself,  with  open  heart  and  with  a  will  as  free  as  no  longer 
impulsive,  follows  confidently  along  its  various  ways.  The  whole 
city  and  the  freedom  of  it  are  his.  Whatever  it  may  seem  to  you 
or  to  me,  to  him  is  his  environment  one  of  brutal,  clashing  forces  ? 


i86  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Has  it  perhaps,  the  doubtful  harmony,  the  striking,  even  awesome, 
beauty  of  that  which  mingles  possible  pain  with  pleasure,  possible 
danger  with  safety,  possible  death  with  life?  Is  it  altogether 
orderly  and  prosaic,  its  primal  forces  chained  and  its  one-time 
beauty  spoiled  by  law  ?  Or  is  it,  finally,  even  more  perfectly  a 
unit,  being  not  mechanically  dead  but  creatively  aHve  with  law, 
a  place  for  the  romance  of  philosophy  and  the  life  of  such  as  freely 
will  that  nature  have  her  way?  Not  one  of  these;  yet  the  goal 
to  which  these  all  have  led;  for,  like  the  soul,  whose  life  it  holds 
and  serves,  it,  too,  is  spiritual.  And  so,  as  I  had  occasion  to  say 
above,  if  history  has  sometimes  suggested  that  by  their  battles 
men  have  won  gods  as  well  as  souls,  we  can  feel  no  surprise. 

But  all  is  not  yet  said  that  needs  to  be  said  here.  With  the 
full  load  of  meaning  gathered  in  the  progress  of  this  essay,  let  me 
once  more  recall  that  the  self-controlled  reader,  as  if  selecting  one 
word  from  all  that  he  was  so  quietly  reading  to  himseK,  finally  left 
the  library  and  walked  down  the  street.  The  freedom  of  that 
street  was  his  and  in  Hke  manner,  but  with  far  greater  wealth  of 
meaning,  the  freedom  of  all  the  paths  of  the  whole  world  is  the 
natural  opportunity,  if  not  always  the  earned  right,  of  every  human 
soul;  self-control,  acquired  in  such  steps  and  with  such  growing 
vision  and  growing  skill — the  vision  and  skill  of  arms  and  manners 
and  instruments  and  nature's  processes — as  I  have  now  described, 
being  the  duty  that  answers  to  the  right.  What  self-control  means, 
however,  is  often  misunderstood,  when  not  purposely  misinter- 
preted, and  an  essay,  Hke  this,  having  historical  form,  may  very 
easily  only  aid  misunderstanding  or  misinterpretation.  Thus  the 
history  here  presented  has  been  toward  a  limit,  the  free  soul  and  the 
natural  body,  these  being  presented — for  what  indeed  they  truly 
are — as  the  acme  of  what  makes  Hfe  spiritual.  But  this  is  no  case 
for  either  the  cloistered  asceticism  or  the  decadent  naturahsm  that 
by  some  strange  humor  of  events  have  often,  if  not  always,  come 
together.  Such  things  are  extreme  reversions,  not  real  spiritual 
freedom.  They  are  losses,  not  victories.  The  free  soul  is  no  thing 
to  confine  in  a  library,  much  less  in  a  monk's  cell,  and  the  natural 
body  is  not  a  thing  to  run  wild  and  loose.  Let  me  ask  a  simple 
question.     Had    the   reader   remained    there   forever   reading    to 


FIVE  GREAT  BATTLES  OF  CIVILIZATION  187 

himself,  would  he  have  had  real  freedom  of  his  reading?  Surely- 
only  his  walk,  direct  and  unwavering,  proved  his  freedom,  and  in  like 
manner  the  true  freedom  of  soul  is  complete  only  with  ability  to 
live  in  the  world  of  all  the  battles  and  there  use,  not  impulsively, 
but — can  I  put  it  better? — with  spiritual  reserve,  weapons  and 
dress,  standard  measures,  and  nature's  processes.  With  spiritual 
reserve?  This  can  mean  only  the  wisdom  of  real  adaptation; 
the  insight  and  the  readiness  of  will  for  all  possible  situations  that 
the  world  may  offer;  decision  as  to  what  from  one's  long  past, 
miHtarism  or  philosophy,  any  present  demand  upon  life  really 
justifies.  Emphatically,  then,  this  history  of  battles,  like  all  true 
history,  is  not  just  its  last  stage,  a  merely  formal  limit;  it  is  a 
cumulative  whole;  and  it  shows,  I  think,  beyond  peradventure, 
that  spiritual  freedom  must  consist  in  ready  adaptations,  in  the 
simple  freedom  of  openly,  not  just  to  oneself,  doing  the  right  thing 
at  the  right  place  and  time.  Had  I  the  brush  or  pen  of  an  artist, 
I  should  conclude  with  a  sketch  of  the  spiritual  hfe  and  I  should 
hope  to  have  my  picture  recognizable.  In  himian  society,  always 
alive  with  every  battle,  the  spiritual  life  should  show  a  sympathetic 
co-operation  of  all  men,  some  seeing  and  feehng  deeply  and  living 
freely  however  ''impractically,"  some,  whether  in  laboratory  or 
in  factory,  mechanically  skilful  with  methods  and  instruments, 
some  as  artists  or  as  their  cultured  supporters  interpreting  life  as 
graceful  and  pleasing  to  the  senses,  some  still  wearing  armor  and 
carrying  arms,  and  all  moving  upward;  and  in  an  individual  it 
should  show  at  least  some  ability  and  readiness,  upon  call,  to  enter 
into  any  one  of  all  the  battles.  Of  course,  to  speak  with  special 
regard  to  the  use  of  arms,  the  history  of  the  battles  has  plainly 
taught  that  in  the  spiritual  life,  the  life  of  the  free  soul  and  the 
natural  body,  taking  up  arms  should  be  man's  last  resort,  and  yet 
that  even  of  this  it  may  sometime  be  true  that  nothing  can  be  more 
spiritual  than  the  return,  whatever  one's  reserve,  to  the  home  in 
which  one  was  born. 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION 


CHARLES  H.  COOLEY 
University  of  Michigan 


The  general  function  of  values,  whether  pecuniary  or  other,  is 
to  direct  the  energies  of  men  and  of  the  social  wholes  in  which  men 
co-operate.  In  this  paper  I  mean  to  inquire  what  part  pecuniary 
values  have  in  this  function,  how  far  they  serve,  or  ought  to  serve, 
as  the  motive  force  of  social  organization  and  progress,  what  they 
can  and  cannot  do.  The  discussion,  I  may  add,  is  based  on  the 
view  maintained  in  a  previous  paper,'  that  the  activities  of  the 
pecuniary  market,  taken  as  a  whole,  constitute  a  social  institution 
of  much  the  same  general  character  as  other  great  institutions,  such 
as  the  church  or  the  state. 

It  seems  clear  that  the  distinctive  function  of  money  valuation  is 
to  generalize  or  assimilate  values  through  a  common  measure.  In 
this  way  it  gives  them  reach  and  flexibility,  so  that  many  sorts  of 
value  are  enabled  to  work  freely  together  throughout  the  social 
system,  instead  of  being  confined  to  a  small  province.  And  since 
values  represent  the  powers  of  society,  the  result  is  that  these 
powers  are  organized  in  a  large  way  and  enabled  to  co-operate  in  a 
vital  whole.  Any  market  value  that  I,  for  instance,  may  control 
ceases  to  be  merely  local  in  its  application  and  becomes  a  generalized 
force  that  I  can  apply  anywhere.  If  I  can  earn  a  thousand  dollars 
teaching  bacteriology,  I  can  take  the  money  and  go  to  Europe, 
exchanging  my  recondite  knowledge  for  the  services,  say,  of  guides 
in  the  Alps,  who  never  heard  of  bacteriology.  Other  values  are 
similarly  generalized  and  the  result  is  a  mobility  that  enables  many 
sorts  of  value,  reduced  to  a  common  measure,  to  be  applied  any- 
where and  anyhow  that  the  holder  may  think  desirable. 

We  have,  then,  to  do  with  a  value  institution  or  process,  far 
transcending  in  reach  any  special  sort  of  value,  and  participating 
in  the  most  diverse  phases  of  our  Hfe.  Its  function  resembles  that 
of  language,  and  its  ideal  may  be  said  to  be  to  do  for  value  what 

'  See  this  Journal,  XVIII,  543  ff. 

1S8 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  189 

language  does  for  thought — furnish  a  universal  medium  of  com- 
municative growth.  And  just  as  language  and  the  social  organiza- 
tion based  upon  it  are  extended  in  their  scope  by  the  modern  devices 
of  cheap  printing,  mails,  telegraphy,  telephones,  and  the  like,  so 
the  function  of  pecimiary  valuation  is  extended  by  uniform  money 
and  by  devices  for  credit  and  transfer,  until  the  natural  obstacles 
of  distance,  lack  of  knowledge,  and  lack  of  homogeneity  are  largely 
overcome. 

This  mobilization  of  values  through  the  pecuniary  measure  tends 
to  make  the  latter  an  expression  of  the  total  life  of  society,  so  far 
as  the  values  that  stand  for  this  life  have  actually  become  mobilized 
or  translated  into  pecuniary  terms.  Although  this  translation  is  in 
fact  only  partial  and,  as  I  have  tried  to  show,  institutional,  still  the 
wide  scope  of  pecuniary  value,  along  with  its  precision,  gives  it  a 
certam  title  to  its  popular  acceptance  as  Value  in  a  sense  that  no 
other  kind  of  value  can  claim. 

This  also  gives  it  that  place  as  a  regulator  of  social  activity  which 
economists  have  always  claimed  for  it.  Pecuniary  value  provides 
a  motive  to  serve  the  pecuniary  organism  that  penetrates  every- 
where, acts  automatically,  and  adjusts  itself  delicately  to  the  con- 
ditions of  demand  and  supply.  If  more  oranges  are  wanted  in 
New  York,  a  higher  price  is  offered  for  them  in  California  and  Sicily; 
if  more  dentists  are  needed,  the  rewards  of  the  profession  increase 
and  young  men  are  attracted  into  it.  Thus  there  is  everywhere  an 
inducement  to  supply  those  goods  and  services  which  the  buying 
power  in  society  thinks  it  wants,  and  this  inducement  largely  guides 
production.  At  each  point  of  deficient  supply  a  sort  of  suction  is 
set  up  to  draw  available  persons  and  materials  to  that  point  and 
set  them  to  work. 

Thus  our  life,  in  one  of  its  main  aspects,  is  organized  through  this 
central  value  institution  or  market,  very  much  as  in  other  aspects 
it  is  organized  through  language,  the  state,  the  church,  the  family, 
and  so  on. 

We  come  now  to  the  question  of  limitations,  and  it  will  be  well 
to  consider  first  the  view  that  the  sphere  of  pecuniary  value,  how- 
ever wide,  is  yet  distinctly  circumscribed  and  confined  to  a  special 


IQO  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and,  on  the  whole,  inferior  province  of  life.  According  to  this  view 
only  the  coarser  and  more  material  values  can  be  measured  in 
money,  while  the  finer  sorts,  as  of  beauty,  friendship,  righteousness, 
and  so  on,  are  in  their  nature  private  and  untranslatable,  and  so 
out  of  the  reach  of  any  generalizing  process. 

It  seems  doubtful  whether  we  can  admit  that  there  is  any  such 
clear  circumscription  of  the  pecuniary  field.  All  values  are  inter- 
related, and  it  may  reasonably  be  held  that  none  can  stand  apart 
and  be  wholly  incommensurable  with  the  others.  The  idea  of  a 
common  measure  which,  for  certain  purposes  at  least,  may  be 
applied  to  all  values  is  by  no  means  absurd.  The  argument  that 
such  a  measure  is  possible  may  be  stated  somewhat  as  follows. 

Since  the  function  of  values  is  to  guide  conduct,  they  are  in  their 
nature  comparable.  Conduct  is  a  matter  of  the  total  or  synthetic 
behavior  of  a  living  whole  in  view  of  a  situation:  it  implies  the  inte- 
gration of  all  the  motives  bearing  on  the  situation.  Accordingly 
when  a  crisis  in  conduct  arises  the  values  relating  to  it,  no  matter 
how  incommensurable  they  may  seem,  are  in  some  way  brought 
to  a  common  measure,  weighed  against  one  another,  in  order  to 
determine  which  way  the  scale  inclines.  This  commensuration  is 
psychical,  not  numerical,  and  we  are  far  from  understanding  its 
exact  nature,  but  imless  each  pertinent  kind  of  value  has  a  part 
in  it  of  some  sort  it  would  seem  that  the  mind  is  not  acting  as  a 
vital  whole.  If  there  were  absolute  values  that  cannot  be  impaired 
or  in  any  way  influenced  by  the  opposing  action  of  other  values, 
they  must  apparently  exist  in  separate  compartments  and  not  in 
organic  relation  to  the  rest  of  the  mind.  It  does  not  follow  that 
what  we  regard  as  a  high  motive,  such  as  the  sense  of  honor,  must 
necessarily  be  overcome  by  a  sufficient  accumulation  of  lower 
motives,  such  as  sensuous  desires,  but  we  may  be  prepared  to  find 
that  if  the  two  are  opposed  the  latter  will,  in  one  way  or  another, 
modify  the  conduct  required  by  the  former,  and  this  I  beheve  is 
usually  the  fact.  Thus  suppose  a  lower  value,  in  the  shape  of  temp- 
tation, is  warring  against  a  higher  in  the  shape  of  an  ideal.  Even 
if  we  concede  nothing  to  the  former,  even  if  we  react  far  away 
from  it,  none  the  less  it  has  entered  into  our  life  and  helped  to 
mold  it — as  sensuality,  for  example,  helps  to  mold  the  ascetic. 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  191 

And  this  weighing  of  one  kind  of  value  against  another  will 
take  place  largely  in  terms  of  money,  which  exists  for  the  very 
purpose  of  facilitating  such  transactions.     Thus  honor  is  one  of 
those  values  which  many  would  place  outside  the  pecuniary  sphere, 
and  yet  honor  may  call  for  the  saving  of  money  to  pay  a  debt,  while 
sensuahty  would  spend  it  for  a  hearty  dinner.     In  this  case,  then, 
we  buy  our  honor  with  money,  or  we  sell  it,  through  money,  for 
something  lower.     In  much  the  same  way  are  the  larger  choices 
of  society,  as,  for  example,  between  power  devoted  to  education 
and  power  devoted  to  warships,  expressed  in  pecuniary  terms. 
In  general  we  do,  in  fact,  individually  and  collectively,  weigh  such 
things   as   friendship,    righteousness,    and   beauty   against   other 
matters,  and  in  terms  of  money.     Beauty  is  on  the  market,  how- 
ever undervalued,  in  the  form,  for  example,  of  music,  art,  litera- 
ture, flowers,   and  dwelUng-sites.    A  friendly  personality  has  a 
market  value  in  salesmen,  doctors,  writers,  and  teachers;  indeed  in 
all  occupations  where  ability  to  influence  persons  is  important— 
and  there  are  few  in  which  it  is  not.     I  notice  that  if  there  is  any- 
thing attractive  about  a  man  he  soon  learns  to  collect  pay  for  it. 
And  not  less  is  it  true  that  the  need  for  righteousness  finds  expres- 
sion in  a  willingness  to  pay  a  (reasonable)  price  for  it  in  the  market 
place.     Convincing  preachers  and  competent  social  workers  com- 
mand salaries,  and  great  sums  go  to  beneficent  institutions. 

The  truth  is  that  the  values  we  think  of  as  absolute  are  only,  if 
I  may  use  the  expression,  relatively  absolute.  That  is,  they  so 
far  transcend  the  values  of  everyday  traffic  that  we  think  of  them 
as  belonging  to  a  wholly  different  order,  but  experience  shows  that 
they  do  not.  Life  itself  is  not  an  absolute  value,  since  we  constantly 
see  it  sacrificed  to  other  ends;  chastity  is  sold  daily  by  people  not 
radically  different  in  nature  from  the  rest  of  us,  and  as  for  honor 
it  would  be  hard  to  imagine  a  kind  which  might  not,  in  conceivable 
situations,  be  renounced  for  some  other  and  perhaps  higher  aim. 
The  idea  of  the  baseness  of  weighing  the  higher  sort  of  values  in 
the  same  scale  with  money  rests  on  the  assumption  that  the  money 
is  to  be  used  to  purchase  values  of  a  lower  sort;  but  if  it  is  the  indis- 
pensable means  to  still  higher  values  we  shall  justify  the  transaction. 
Such  exchanges  are  constantly  taking  place:  only  those  who  are  pro- 


192  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

tected  by  pecuniary  affluence  can  imagine  otherwise.  The  health 
of  mothers  is  sacrificed  for  money  to  support  their  children  and  the 
social  opportunities  of  sisters  given  up  to  send  brothers  to  college. 
In  the  well-to-do  classes  at  least  the  life  of  possible  children  is  often 
renounced  on  grounds  of  expense. 

There  are,  no  doubt,  individuals  who  have  set  their  hearts  on 
particular  things  for  which  they  will  sacrifice  without  considera- 
tion almost  anything  else.  These  may  be  high  things,  like  love, 
justice,  and  honor;  they  are  often  ignoble  things,  like  avarice  or 
selfish  ambition.  And,  in  a  similar  way,  nations  or  institutions 
sometimes  cherish  values  which  are  almost  absolute,  like  those  of 
national  independence,  or  the  authority  of  the  Pope.  But  in 
general  we  may  say  that  practically  all  values  may  become  pecuni- 
ary in  some  such  sense  as  this.  If  A  be  any  individual  or  social 
organism  and  X  and  Y  be  among  its  most  cherished  objects,  then 
situations  may  occur  where,  through  the  medium  of  money,  some 
sacrifice  of  X  will  be  made  for  the  sake  of  F. 

I  conclude,  then,  that  it  is  impossible  to  mark  off  sharply  the 
pecuniary  sphere  from  that  of  other  kinds  of  value.  It  is  always 
possible  that  the  highest  as  well  as  the  lowest  things  may  be  brought 
within  its  scope. 

And  yet  we  all  feel  that  the  pecuniary  sphere  has  limitations. 
The  character  of  these  may  be  understood,  I  think,  by  recurring  to 
the  idea  that  the  market  is  a  special  institution  in  much  the  same 
sense  that  the  church  is  or  the  state.  It  has  a  somewhat  distinct 
system  of  its  own  in  society  at  large  much  as  it  has  in  the  mind 
of  each  individual.  Our  buyings  and  sellings  and  savings,  our 
pecuniary  schemes  and  standards,  make  in  some  degree  a  special 
tract  of  thought  that  often  seems  unconnected  with  other  tracts. 
Yet  we  constantly  have  to  bring  the  ideas  of  this  tract  into  relation 
with  those  outside  it;  and  likewise  in  society  the  pecuniary  insti- 
tution is  in  constant  interaction  with  other  institutions,  this  inter- 
action frequently  taking  the  form  of  a  translation  of  values.  In 
general  the  social  process  is  an  organic  whole  somewhat  clearly 
differentiated  into  special  systems,  of  which  the  pecuniary  is  one. 

There  are  many  histories  that  fall  mainly  within  this  system  and 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  193 

must  be  studied  chiefly  from  the  pecuniary  point  of  view,  not  for- 
getting, however,  that  no  social  history  is  really  understood  until 
it  is  seen  in  its  place  as  a  phase  of  the  general  process.  The  histories 
I  mean  are  those  that  have  always  been  regarded  as  the  peculiar 
business  of  the  economist:  the  course  of  wheat  from  the  grain  field 
to  the  breakfast  table,  of  iron  from  the  mine  to  the  watch-spring, 
of  the  social  organizations  created  for  purposes  of  manufacture, 
trade,  banking,  finance,  and  so  on.  There  are  other  histories, 
like  those  of  books,  educational  institutions,  religious  faith,  scientific 
research,  and  the  like,  which  must  be  understood  chiefly  from  other 
points  of  view,  although  they  are  never  outside  the  reach  of  pecuni- 
ary relations. 

To  say,  then,  that  almost  any  kind  of  value  may  at  times  be 
measured  in  pecuniary  terms  is  by  no  means  to  say  that  the  latter 
are  a  universal  and  adequate  expression  of  human  nature  and  of 
society.  On  the  contrary,  pecuniary  value  is,  in  the  main,  a  special- 
ized type  of  value,  generated  within  a  specialized  channel  of  the 
social  process,  and  having  decided  limitations  corresponding  to  this 
fact.  I  shall  try  to  indicate  a  little  more  closely  what  some  of  these 
limitations  are. 

Let  us  notice,  in  the  first  place,  that  the  pecuniary  values  of 
today  derive  from  the  whole  past  of  the  pecuniary  system,  so  that 
all  the  wrongs  that  may  have  worked  themselves  into  that  system 
are  implicit  in  them.  If  a  materialized  ruling  class  is  in  the  saddle, 
this  fact  will  be  expressed  in  the  large  incomes  of  this  class  and  their 
control  not  only  of  the  mechanism  of  the  market  but,  through 
prestige,  of  the  demand  which  underlies  its  values.  If  drink,  child 
labor,  prostitution,  and  corrupt  politics  are  part  of  the  institution, 
they  will  be  demanded  upon  the  market  as  urgently  as  anything 
else.  Evidently  it  would  be  fatuous  to  assume  that  the  market 
process  expresses  the  good  of  society.  The  demand  on  which  it 
is  based  is  a  turbid  current  coming  down  from  the  past  and 
bearing  with  it,  for  better  or  worse,  the  outcome  of  history. 
All  the  evils  of  commerciaHsm  are  present  in  it,  and  are  trans- 
mitted through  demand  to  production  and  distribution.  To  accept 
this  stream  as  pure  and  to  reform  only  the  mechanism  of  distribu- 
tion would  be  as  if  a  city  should  draw  its  drinking-water  from  a 


194  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

polluted  river  and  expect  to  escape  typhoid  by  using  clean  pipes. 
We  have  reason,  both  in  theory  and  in  observation,  to  expect  that 
our  pecuniary  tradition,  and  the  values  which  express  it,  will  need 
reform  quite  as  much  as  anything  else. 

Indeed  we  cannot  expect,  do  what  we  may  to  reform  it,  that  the 
market  can  ever  become  an  adequate  expression  of  ideal  values. 
It  is  an  institution,  and  institutional  values,  in  their  nature,  are 
conservative,  representing  the  achieved  and  established  powers  of 
society  rather  than  those  which  are  young  and  look  to  the  future. 
The  slow  crystallization  of  historical  tendencies  in  institutions  is 
likely  at  the  best  to  lag  behind  our  ideals  and  cannot  be  expected  to 
set  the  pace  of  progress. 

Suppose,  however,  we  assume  for  the  time  being  that  demand 
does  represent  the  good  of  society,  and  inquire  next  how  far  the 
market  process  may  be  trusted  to  realize  this  good  through  the 
pecuniary  motive. 

It  seems  clear  that  this  motive  can  serve  as  an  effective  guide 
only  in  the  case  of  deliberate  production,  for  the  sake  of  gain,  and 
with  ownership  in  the  product.  The  production  must  be  deliberate 
in  order  that  any  rational  motive  may  control  it,  and  the  pecuniary 
motive  will  not  control  it  unless  it  is  for  the  sake  of  gain  and  pro- 
tected by  ownership.  These  limitations  exclude  such  vast  provinces 
of  life  that  we  may  well  wonder  at  the  extent  of  our  trust  in  the 
market  process. 

They  shut  out  the  whole  matter  of  the  production  and  develop- 
ment of  men,  of  human  and  social  life;  that  is,  they  indicate  that 
however  important  the  pecuniary  process  may  be  in  this  field  it 
can  never  be  trusted  to  control  it,  not  even  the  economic  side  of  it. 
This  is  a  sphere  in  which  the  market  must  be  dominated  by  other 
kinds  of  organization. 

If  we  take  the  two  underlying  factors,  heredity  and  environment, 
as  these  mold  the  life  of  men,  we  see  that  we  cannot  look  to  the 
market  to  regulate  the  hereditary  factor  as  regards  either  the  total 
number  of  children  to  be  born,  or  the  stocks  from  which  they  are 
to  be  drawn.  I  know  that  there  are  men  who  still  imagine  that 
"natural  selection,"  working  through  economic  competition,  oper- 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  195 

ates  effectively  in  this  field,  but  I  doubt  whether  anyone  knows  facts 
upon  which  such  a  view  can  reasonably  be  based.  In  what  regards 
population  and  eugenics  it  is  more  and  more  apparent  that  rational 
control  and  selection,  working  largely  outside  the  market  process, 
are  indispensable. 

The  same  may  be  said  of  the  whole  action  of  environment  in 
forming  persons  after  birth,  including  the  family,  the  community, 
the  school,  the  state,  the  church,  and  the  unorganized  working  of 
suggestion  and  example.  None  of  these  formative  agencies  is  of 
a  nature  to  be  guided  adequately  by  pec\miary  demand.  The 
latter,  even  if  its  requirements  be  high,  offers  no  guaranty  that  men 
will  be  produced  in  accordance  with  these  requirements,  since  it 
does  not  control  the  course  of  production. 

Let  us  observe,  however,  that  even  in  this  field  the  market  may 
afford  essential  guidance  to  other  agencies  of  control.  If,  for 
example,  certain  kinds  of  work  do  not  yield  a  living  wage,  this  may 
be  because  the  supply  of  this  kind  of  work  is  in  excess,  and  the  state 
or  some  other  organization  may  proceed  on  this  hint  to  adjust  sup- 
ply to  demand  by  vocational  training  and  guidance.  Or  the  method 
of  reform  may  be  to  put  restrictions  upon  demand,  as  in  the  case 
of  the  minimum  wage.  Although  the  market  process  is  inadequate 
alone,  it  will  usually  have  some  share  in  any  plan  of  betterment. 

Personal  and  social  development  must,  in  general,  be  sought 
through  rational  organization  having  a  far  wider  scope  than  the 
market,  though  co-operating  with  that  in  every  helpful  way,  and 
including,  perhaps,  radical  reforms  in  the  pecuniary  system  itself. 
It  would  be  hard  to  formulate  a  principle  more  fallacious  and  harm- 
ful than  the  doctrine  that  the  latter  is  an  adequate  regulator  of 
human  life,  or  that  its  own  processes  are  superior  to  regulation.  We 
are  beginning  to  see  that  the  prevalence  of  such  ideas  has  given  us 
over  to  an  unhuman  commerciahsm. 

What  I  have  been  saying  of  persons  and  personal  development 
applies  also  to  natural  resources  and  public  improvements,  to  arts, 
sciences,  and  the  finer  human  values  in  general.  These  last  have 
a  pecuniary  aspect,  of  more  or  less  importance,  but  a  money  demand 
alone  cannot  beget  or  control  them.  Love,  beauty,  and  righteous- 
ness may  come  on  the  market  under  certain  conditions,  but  they 


196  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

are  not,  in  the  full  sense,  market  commodities.  Our  faith  in 
money  is  exemplified  in  these  days  by  the  offer  of  money  prizes 
for  poetry,  invention,  the  promotion  of  peace,  and  for  heroic  deeds. 
I  would  not  deprecate  such  offers,  whose  aim  is  excellent  and  some- 
times attains  the  mark.  They  are  creditable  to  their  authors  and 
diffuse  a  good  spirit  even  though  the  method  is  too  naive  to  be  very 
effectual.  If  money  is  greatly  to  increase  products  of  this  kind  it 
must  be  applied,  fundamentally  and  with  all  possible  wisdom,  to  the 
conditions  that  mold  character. 

These  higher  goods  do  not  really  come  within  the  economic 
sphere.  They  touch  it  only  incidentally,  their  genesis  and  inter- 
action belonging  mainly  to  a  different  kind  of  process,  one  in  which 
ownership  and  material  exchange  play  a  secondary  part.  The 
distinctively  economic  commodities  and  values  are  those  whose 
whole  course  of  production  is  one  in  which  the  factors  are  subject 
to  legal  ownership  and  controlled  by  a  money-seeking  intelligence, 
so  that  the  process  is  essentially  pecuniary.  Thus  we  may  say  that 
ordinary  typewriting  is  economic,  because  it  is  a  simple,  standard 
service  which  is  supplied  in  any  quantity  according  to  demand. 
The  work  of  a  newspaper  reporter  is  not  quite  so  clearly  economic, 
because  not  so  definitely  standardized  and  affording  more  room 
for  intangible  merits  which  pay  cannot  insure.  And  when  we 
come  to  magazine  literature  of  the  better  sort  we  are  in  a  field  where 
the  process  is  for  the  most  part  non-pecuniary,  depending,  that  is, 
on  an  interplay  of  minds  outside  the  market,  the  latter  coming  in 
only  to  set  its  very  questionable  appraisal  on  the  product.  As  to 
literature  in  general,  art,  science,  and  rehgion,  no  one  at  all  conver- 
sant with  the  history  of  these  things  will  claim  that  important 
work  in  them  has  any  close  relation  to  pecuniary  inducement. 
The  question  whether  the  great  man  was  rich  and  honored,  like 
Rubens,  or  worked  in  poverty  and  neglect,  like  Rembrandt  in  his 
later  years,  is  of  only  incidental  interest  in  tracing  the  history  of 
such  achievement.  The  ideals  and  disciplines  which  give  birth 
to  it  are  generated  in  non-pecuniary  tracts  of  thought  and  inter- 
course, and  unless  genius  actually  starves,  as  it  sometimes  does,  it 
fulfils  its  aim  without  much  regard  to  pay.     I  need  hardly  add 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  197 

that  good  judges  have  always  held  that  a  moderate  poverty  was 
a  condition  favorable  to  intellectual  and  spiritual  achievement. 

I  would  assign  a  very  large  and  growing  sphere  to  pecuniary 
valuation,  but  we  cannot  be  too  clear  in  affirming  that  even  at  its 
best  and  largest  it  can  never  be  an  adequate  basis  for  general  social 
organization.  It  is  an  institution,  like  another,  having  important 
functions  but  requiring,  like  all  institutions,  to  be  brought  imder 
rational  control  by  the  aid  of  a  comprehensive  sociology,  ethics, 
and  politics.  It  has  no  charter  of  autonomy,  no  right  to  exemption 
from  social  control. 

Thus  even  if  market  values  were  the  best  possible  of  their  kind, 
we  could  not  commit  the  social  system  to  their  charge,  and  still 
less  can  we  do  so  when  the  value  institution,  owing  to  rapid  and  one- 
sided growth,  is  in  a  somewhat  confused  and  demoralized  condition. 
Bearing  with  it  not  only  the  general  inheritance  of  human  imper- 
fection but  also  the  special  sins  of  a  narrow  and  somewhat  inhuman 
commercialism,  it  by  no  means  reflects  life  in  that  broad  way  in 
which  a  market,  with  all  its  limitations,  might  reflect  it.  The 
higher  values  remain  for  the  most  part  untranslated,  even  though 
translatable,  and  the  material  and  technical  aspects  of  the  process 
have  acquired  an  undue  ascendency.  In  general  this  institution, 
like  others  that  might  be  named,  is  in  such  a  condition  that  its 
estimates  are  no  trustworthy  expression  of  the  public  mind. 

Having  in  mind  these  general  limitations  upon  the  sphere  of 
pecuniary  value,  let  us  consider  it  more  particularly  as  a  motive 
to  stimulate  and  guide  the  work  of  the  individual.  For  this  pur- 
pose we  may  distinguish  it  broadly  from  the  need  of  self-expression, 
using  the  latter  comprehensively  to  include  all  other  influences 
that  urge  one  to  productive  work.  Among  these  would  be  emula- 
tion and  ambition,  the  need  of  activity  for  its  own  sake,  the  love 
of  workmanship  and  creation,  the  impulse  to  assert  one's  individual- 
ity, and  the  desire  to  serve  the  social  whole.  Such  motives  enter 
intimately  into  one's  self-consciousness  and  may,  for  our  present 
purpose,  be  included  under  the  need  of  self-expression. 

It  is  true  that  the  pecuniary  motive  may  also  be,  indirectly,  a 


198  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

motive  of  self-expression;  that  is,  for  example,  a  girl  may  work 
hard  for  ten  dollars  with  which  to  buy  a  pretty  hat.  It  makes  a 
great  difference,  however,  whether  or  not  the  work  is  directly  self- 
expressive,  whether  the  worker  feels  that  what  he  does  is  joyous 
and  rewarding  in  itself,  so  that  it  would  be  worth  doing  whethei 
he  were  paid  for  it  or  not.  The  artist,  the  poet,  the  skilled  crafts- 
man in  wood  and  iron,  the  born  teacher  or  lawyer,  all  have  this 
feeling,  and  it  is  desirable  that  it  should  become  as  common  as 
possible.  I  admit  that  the  line  is  not  a  sharp  one,  but  on  the  whole 
the  pecimiary  motive  may  be  said  to  be  an  extrinsic  one,  as  com- 
pared with  the  more  intrinsic  character  of  those  others  which  I 
have  called  motives  of  self-expression. 

When  I  say  that  self-expression  is  a  regulator  of  productive 
activity  I  mean  that,  like  the  pecuniary  motive,  though  in  a  differ- 
ent way,  it  is  the  expression  of  an  organic  whole,  and  not  necessarily 
a  less  authoritative  expression.  What  a  man  feels  to  be  self- 
expressive  springs  in  part  from  the  instincts  of  human  nature,  and 
in  part  from  the  form  given  to  those  instincts  by  the  social  life  in 
which  his  mind  develops.  Both  of  these  influences  spring  from  the 
organic  life  of  the  human  race.  The  man  of  genius  who  opens  new 
ways  in  poetry  and  art,  the  social  reformer  who  spends  his  life  in 
conflict  with  inhuman  conditions,  the  individual  anywhere  or  of 
any  sort  who  tries  to  realize  the  needs  of  his  higher  being,  represents 
the  common  life  of  man  in  a  way  that  may  have  a  stronger  claim 
than  the  requirements  of  pecuniary  demand.  As  a  motive  it  is 
quite  as  universal  as  the  latter,  and  there  is  no  one  of  us  who  has 
not  the  capacity  to  feel  it. 

As  regards  the  individual  himself,  self-expression  is  simply  the 
deepest  need  of  his  nature.  It  is  required  for  self-respect  and  in- 
tegrity of  character,  and  there  can  be  no  question  more  fundamental 
than  that  of  so  ordering  life  that  the  mass  of  men  may  have  a  chance 
to  find  self-expression  in  their  principal  activity. 

These  two  motives  are  related  much  as  are  our  old  friends  con- 
formity and  individuahty;  we  have  to  do  in  fact  with  a  phase  of  the 
same  antithesis.  Pecuniary  valuation,  like  conformity,  furnishes 
a  somewhat  mechanical  and  external  rule:  it  represents  the  social 
organization  in  its  more  explicit  and  established  phases,  and  espe- 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  199 

dally,  of  course,  the  pecuniary  institution,  which  has  a  life  some- 
what distinct  from  that  of  other  phases  of  the  estabUshment.  It 
is  based  on  those  powers  in  society  which  are  readily  translated 
into  pecuniary  terms,  on  wealth,  position,  established  industrial 
and  business  methods,  and  so  on.  Self-expression  springs  from  the 
deeper  and  more  obscure  currents  of  life,  from  subconscious, 
unmechanized  forces  which  are  potent  without  our  understanding 
why.  It  represents  humanity  more  immediately  and  its  values 
are,  or  may  be,  more  vital  and  significant  than  those  of  the  market; 
we  may  look  to  them  for  art,  for  science,  for  religion,  for  moral 
improvement,  for  all  the  fresher  impulses  to  social  progress.  The 
onward  things  of  life  usually  come  from  men  whose  imperious  self- 
expression  disregards  the  pecuniary  market.  In  humbler  tasks 
self-expression  is  required  to  give  the  individual  an  immediate  and 
lively  interest  in  his  work;  it  is  the  motive  of  art  and  joy,  the 
spring  of  all  vital  achievement. 

It  is  quite  possible  that  these  motives  should  work  harmoniously 
together;  indeed  they  do  so  in  no  small  proportion  of  cases.  A  man 
who  works  because  he  wants  money  comes,  under  favorable  condi- 
tions, to  take  pleasure  and  pride  in  what  he  does.  Or  he  takes  up  a 
certain  sort  of  work  because  he  likes  it,  and  finds  that  his  zeal  helps 
him  to  pecuniary  success.  I  suppose  that  there  are  few  of  us  with 
whom  the  desire  of  self-expression  would  alone  be  sufficient  to  incite 
regular  production.  Most  of  us  need  a  spur  to  do  even  that  which 
we  enjoy  doing,  or  at  any  rate  to  do  it  systematically.  We  are 
compelled  to  do  something  and  many  of  us  are  fortunate  enough  to 
find  something  that  is  self -expressive. 

The  market,  it  would  seem,  should  put  a  gentle  pressure  upon 
men  to  produce  in  certain  directions,  spurring  the  lazy  and  turning 
the  undecided  into  available  lines  of  work.  Those  who  have 
a  clear  inner  call  should  resist  this  pressure,  as  they  always  have 
done,  and  always  must  if  we  are  to  have  progress.  This  conflict 
between  the  pecuniary  system  and  the  bias  of  the  individual,  though 
in  some  sort  inevitable,  should  not  be  harsh  or  destructive.  The 
system  should  be  as  tolerant  and  hospitable  as  its  institutional 
nature  permits.  Values,  like  public  opinion  to  which  they  are  so 
closely    related,    should    be    constantly    awakened,    enlightened. 


200  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

enlarged,  and  made  to  embrace  new  sorts  of  personal  merit.  There 
is  nothing  of  more  public  value  than  the  higher  sort  of  self-expression 
and  this  should  be  elicited  and  rewarded  in  every  practicable  way. 
It  is  possible  to  have  institutions  which  are  not  only  tolerant  but 
which,  in  a  measure,  anticipate  and  welcome  useful  kinds  of  non- 
conformity. 

The  lack  of  self-expression  in  work  which  is  so  widespread  at 
present  seems  to  have  two  sources — the  character  of  the  work  con- 
sidered in  itself,  and  the  surrounding  conditions  affecting  the  spirit 
in  which  it  is  done. 

Under  the  first  we  may  reckon  the  repellent  and  even  destructive 
character  of  many  tasks,  especially  when  continued  for  long  hours. 
Regarding  this  the  question  is  how  the  pecuniary  demand  which 
imposes  such  tasks  may  be  prevented  or  its  operation  controlled. 
Under  the  second  comes  the  lack  of  that  sense  of  freedom,  outlook, 
and  service,  which  might  easily  render  work  self-expressive  when  it 
would  otherwise  be  repellent. 

Pecuniary  valuation,  represented  by  the  offer  of  wages,  will 
never  produce  good  work  nor  a  contented  people  until  it  is  allied 
with  such  conditions  that  a  man  feels  that  his  task  is  in  some  sense 
his,  and  can  put  himself  heartily  into  it.  This  means  some  sort 
of  industrial  democracy — control  of  working  conditions  by  the 
state  or  by  unions,  co-operation,  socialism — something  that  shall 
give  the  individual  a  human  share  in  the  industrial  whole  of  which 
he  is  a  member. 

Closely  related  to  this  is  the  sense  of  worthy  service.  No 
man  can  feel  that  his  work  is  self-expressive  unless  he  beUeves  that 
it  is  good  work  and  can  see  that  it  serves  mankind.  If  the  product 
is  trivial  or  base  he  can  hardly  respect  himself,  and  the  demand  for 
such  things,  as  Ruskin  used  to  say,  is  a  demand  for  slavery.  Or  if 
the  employer  for  whom  a  man  works  and  who  is  the  immediate 
beneficiary  of  his  labors  is  believed  to  be  self-seeking  beyond  what 
is  held  legitimate,  and  not  working  honorably  for  the  general 
good,  the  effect  will  be  much  the  same.  The  worst  sufferers  from 
such  employers  are  the  men  who  work  for  them,  whether  their  wages 
be  high  or  low. 

It  is  noteworthy,  and  suggestive  as  regards  improvement,  that 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  201 

the  prevalence  of  a  spirit  of  art  tends  to  reconcile  self-expression 
with  the  claims  of  the  market  by  making  the  former  an  object  of 
pecuniary  demand.  An  intelligent  demand  for  art  is  a  demand  for 
self-expression  by  the  workman  in  his  work;  and  in  so  far  as  this 
becomes  dififused  it  will,  at  least  as  regards  decorative  products, 
drive  out  the  dead,  unhuman  kind  of  work  that  now  prevails  and 
bring  in  something  that  has  an  individual  and  joyous  spirit  in  it. 
It  hardly  seems  possible,  however,  that  most  work  can  ever  be  art 
work,  and  self-expression  for  the  majority  must  probably  be  looked 
for  in  a  free  and  self-respecting  attitude  toward  their  work — 
involving  a  more  democratic  control  than  we  have  at  present — also 
in  moderate  hours,  security  of  tenure,  and  the  consciousness  of 
social  service. 

As  regards  the  general  relation  in  our  time  between  market 
value  and  self-expression,  the  fact  seems  to  be  something  as  follows : 
Our  industrial  system  has  undergone  an  enormous  expansion  and 
an  almost  total  change  of  character.  In  the  course  of  this,  human 
nature  has  been  dragged  along,  as  it  were,  by  the  hair  of  the  head. 
It  has  been  led  or  driven  into  kinds  of  work  and  conditions  of  work 
that  are  repugnant  to  it,  especially  repugnant  in  view  of  the  growth 
of  intelligence  and  of  democracy  in  other  spheres  of  life.  The 
agent  in  this  has  been  the  pecuniary  motive  backed  by  the  absence 
of  alternatives.  This  pecuniary  motive  has  reflected  a  system  of 
values  determined  under  the  ascendency,  direct  and  indirect,  of 
the  commercial  class  naturally  dominant  in  a  time  of  this  kind.  I 
will  not  say  that  as  a  result  of  this  state  of  things  the  condition  of 
the  handworkers  is  worse  than  in  a  former  epoch;  in  some  respects 
it  seems  worse,  in  many  it  is  clearly  better;  but  certainly  it  is  far 
from  what  it  should  be  in  view  of  the  enormous  growth  of  human 
resources. 

In  the  economic  philosophy  which  has  prevailed  along  with  this 
expansion,  the  pecuniary  motive  has  been  accepted  as  the  legitimate 
principle  of  industrial  organization  to  the  neglect  of  self-expression. 
The  human  self,  however,  is  not  to  be  treated  thus  with  impunity; 
it  is  asserting  itself  in  a  somewhat  general  discontent  and  in  many 
specific  forms  of  organized  endeavor.  The  commercialism  that 
accepts  as  satisfactory  present  values  and  the  method  of  establish- 


202  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

ing  them  is  clearly  on  the  decline  and  we  have  begun  to  work  for  a 
more  self-expressive  order. 

Notwithstanding  the  insujB&ciencies  of  pecuniary  valuation,  the 
character  of  modem  life  seems  to  call  for  an  extension  of  its  scope : 
it  would  appear  to  be  true,  in  a  certain  sense,  that  the  principle 
that  everything  has  its  price  should  be  rather  enlarged  than  re- 
stricted. The  ever-vaster  and  more  interdependent  system  in 
which  we  live  requires  for  its  organization  a  corresponding  value 
mechanism,  just  as  it  requires  a  mechanism  of  transportation  and 
communication.  And  this  means  not  only  that  the  value  medium 
should  be  uniform,  adaptable,  and  stable,  but  also  that  the  widest 
possible  range  of  values  should  be  convertible  into  it.  The  wider 
the  range  the  more  fully  does  the  market  come  to  express  and 
energize  the  aims  of  society.  It  is  a  potent  agent,  and  the  more 
good  work  we  can  get  it  to  take  hold  of  the  better.  Its  limitations, 
then,  by  no  means  justify  us  in  assuming  that  it  has  nothing  to  do 
wdth  ideals  or  morals.  On  the  contrary,  the  method  of  progress. 
in  every  sphere  is  to  transfuse  the  higher  values  into  the  working 
institutions  and  keep  the  latter  on  the  rise.  Just  as  the  law  exists 
to  formulate  and  enforce  certain  phases  of  righteousness,  and  is 
continually  undergoing  criticism  and  revision  based  on  moral 
judgments,  so  ought  every  institution,  and  especially  the  pecuniary 
system,  to  have  constant  renewal  from  above.  It  should  be  ever 
in  process  of  moral  regeneration,  and  the  method  that  separates 
it  from  the  ethical  sphere,  while  justifiable  perhaps  for  certain 
technical  inquiries,  becomes  harmful  when  given  a  wider  scope.  As 
regards  responsibility  to  moral  requirements  there  is  no  fundamental 
difference  between  pecimiary  valuation  and  the  state,  the  church, 
education,  or  any  other  institution.  We  cannot  expect  to  make  our 
money  values  ideal,  any  more  than  our  laws,  our  sermons,  or  our 
academic  lectures,  but  we  can  make  them  better,  and  this  is  done 
by  bringing  higher  values  upon  the  market. 

To  put  it  otherwise,  the  fact  that  pecuniary  values  fail  to  express 
the  higher  Ufe  of  society  creates  a  moral  problem  which  may  be  met 
in  either  of  two  ways.  One  is  to  depredate  money  valuation  alto- 
gether and  attempt  to  destroy  its  prestige.     The  other  is  to  concede 


THE  SPHERE  OF  PECUNIARY  VALUATION  203 

to  it  a  very  large  place  in  life,  even  larger,  perhaps,  than  it  occupies 
at  present,  and  to  endeavor  to  regenerate  it  by  the  translation  into 
it  of  the  higher  values.  The  former  way  is  analogous  with  that 
somewhat  obsolete  form  of  religion  which  gave  up  this  world  to  the 
devil  and  centered  all  effort  on  keeping  out  of  it  in  preparation  for 
a  wholly  different  world  to  be  gained  after  death.  The  world  and 
the  flesh,  which  could  not  really  be  escaped,  were  left  to  a  neglected 
and  riotous  growth. 

In  like  manner,  perceiving  that  pecuniary  values  give  in  many 
respects  a  debasing  reflection  of  life,  we  are  tempted  to  rule  them 
out  of  the  ethical  field  and  consign  them  to  an  inferior  province. 
The  price  of  a  thing,  we  say,  is  a  material  matter  which  has  nothing 
to  do  with  its  higher  values,  and  never  can  have.  This,  however, 
is  bad  philosophy,  in  economics  as  in  rehgion.  The  pecuniary 
values  are  members  of  the  same  general  system  as  the  moral  and 
aesthetic  values,  and  it  is  part  of  their  function  to  put  the  latter 
upon  the  market.  To  separate  them  is  to  cripple  both,  and  to 
cripple  life  itself  by  cutting  off  the  healthy  interchange  among  its 
members.  Our  line  of  progress  lies,  in  part  at  least,  not  over  com- 
mercialism but  through  it ;  the  dollar  is  to  be  reformed  rather  than 
suppressed.  Our  system  of  production  and  exchange  is  a  very 
great  achievement,  not  more  on  the  mechanical  side  than  in  the 
social  possibilities  latent  in  it.  Our  next  task  seems  to  be  to  fulfil 
these  possibilities,  to  enlarge  and  humanize  the  system  by  bringing 
it  under  the  guidance  of  a  comprehensive  social  and  ethical  policy. 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR 


VICTOR  VONBOROSINI 
Hull  House,  Chicago 


The  economic  and  political  views  of  a  large  percentage  of 
Italian  working-men  are  a  function  of  their  attitude  and  relation 
to  the  church.  A  practicing  Catholic  is  in  most  cases  under  the 
absolute  control  of  his  priest,  not  only  in  his  spiritual,  but  also  in 
his  economic  and  social  life.  From  the  Alps  down  to  the  Ionian 
Sea  we  see  a  gradual  lowering  of  the  standards  of  education  and  of 
civilization.  The  priests,  most  of  whom  come  from  peasant 
families  or  from  the  lower  walks  of  society,  rarely  leave  their 
native  province,  of  which  they  are  a  typical  product.  In  the 
north  the  clergy  has  built  up  a  powerful,  quite  wonderful  Catholic 
organization,  especially  in  the  provinces  of  Lombardy  and  Venice. 
The  south,  with  the  exception  of  Sicily,  though  very  much  in  need 
of  assistance,  is  almost  entirely  neglected.  One  cannot  but  regret 
the  separatistic  CathoHc  movement  in  the  interest  of  the  workers, 
for  it  weakens  their  action  for  improving  the  conditions  of  life  and 
labor.  Though  everybody  can  see  that  undemocratic  differences 
exist  between  the  higher  dignitaries  of  the  church  and  the  masses 
of  the  lower  clergy,  the  church  is  not  willing  to  recognize  it,  and 
does  not  tolerate  in  the  organizations  of  the  working  people  the 
spirit  of  class  antagonism.  The  Catholic  organizations  will  in 
this  article  be  referred  to  only  incidentally. 

The  aims  of  the  non-Catholic  movement  are  to  organize  the 
radical,  mostly  socialist,  proletarian  workers  along  political  and 
economic  lines. 

A  few  words  must  be  devoted  to  socialism.  While  Italy  was 
under  foreign  or  reactionary  governments,  socialism  could  not  be 
discussed  openly.  Between  1864  and  1870  Bakounin  and  Garibaldi 
preached  it,  and  the  first  Italian  branch  of  the  international 
working-men's  association  was  formed  in  Naples  in  1867.  Uni- 
fication brought  greater  political  freedom,   the  development  of 

204 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  205 

capitalistic  industries,  and  a  general  desire  to  raise  the  low  level  of 
wages  and  of  the  standard  of  living.  Some  mutual  aid  societies 
assumed  after  1870  the  name  of  trades  union  or  socialist  club. 
The  socialist  party  of  Italy  was  united  until  the  Congress  of 
Reggio  Emilia  in  191 2.  Since  then  it  has  consisted  of  a  progressive 
and  a  stand-pat  wing,  the  latter  with  a  Marxian  and  partly  syn- 
dicalistic program.  Though  the  number  of  inscribed  members  of 
the  party  never  was  over  42,000,  it  received,  in  1904,  21  per  cent  of 
the  total  vote,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  most  proletarians  were 
disfranchised  on  account  of  illiteracy.  The  progressive  wing  co- 
operates with  every  agency  which  helps  the  working  people,  above 
all  with  the  federation  of  labor.  The  agitation  of  the  socialists  has 
imdoubtedly  stimulated  the  further  organization  of  the  working 
class  in  trades  unions,  mutual,  and  co-operative  societies.  Under 
Pope  Leo  XIII,  who  favored  a  Christian  socialist  movement, 
liberal  Catholics  could,  without  fear  of  church  punishment,  join 
quite  advanced  societies.  The  present  Pope  disapproves  of  it  and 
condemns  an  organization  whose  members  do  not  absolutely  sub- 
mit to  clerical  supervision.  For  this  reason,  it  seems,  has  the 
Catholic  movement  lost  ground,  while  the  neutral  and  socialist 
move  has  made  good  progress. 

Many  members  of  trades  unions,  mutual  aid,  and  co-operative 
societies,  as  private  citizens,  take  an  active  part  in  the  struggle 
for  political  power  and  equal  rights  in  the  ranks  of  the  socialist 
party,  while  the  different  societies  themselves  generally  assume  an 
absolutely  neutral  attitude. 

TRADES    UNIONS 

In  191 1  640,000  workers  were  organized  in  neutral  or  socialist 
trades  unions;  108,000  workers  were  organized  in  Cathohc  trades 
unions;  112,000  workers  were  organized  in  syndicalistic  organiza- 
tions. 

The  Italian  trades  unions,  at  first  called  leghe  di  resistenza, 
are  now  mostly  referred  to  as  leghe  di  miglioramento,  improvement 
societies,  or  leghe  di  mestiere,  trades  unions.  The  old  name  indi- 
cated the  fighting  spirit  of  the  founders,  while  the  new  names 
show  clearly   that  the  movement  has  undergone  an  evolution. 


2o6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Radical  socialism,  displeased  wdth  the  German  more  opportunistic 
spirit  which  it  held  responsible  for  the  politically  almost  neutral 
and  very  conciliatory  attitude  of  the  leghe,  formed  syndicates 
after  the  French  model.  The  latter  are  in  favor  of  a  determined 
class  struggle  and  opposed  to  parliamentary  action,  to  any  co- 
operation or  agreements  with  the  employers  or  the  government 
for  the  benefit  of  the  working  class.  The  general  strike,  boycott, 
and  sabotage  are  their  weapons.  The  Unione  sindicale  italiana 
is  their  central  organization.  Their  agitation  is  responsible  for  a 
second  unfortunate  split  in  the  battle  line  of  labor.  Many  railroad 
and  other  governmental  employees  and  agricultural  laborers  belong 
to  these  revolutionary  organizations. 

The  strongest  trades  unions  are  those  of  the  masons  and  iron 
workers,  of  which  i6  and  21  per  cent  are  organized.  Both  are 
well-paid  skilled  workers;  the  latter  are  concentrated  in  a  few 
localities,  which  facilitates  the  work  of  propaganda.  The  local 
unions  of  the  same  trade  are  federated  in  provincial  and  finally 
in  a  national  organization.  The  Federazione  generale  italiana, 
federation  of  labor,  established  in  1906,  is  the  central  organization 
of  all  the  unions  of  industrial  and  agricultural  workers.  According 
to  the  membership  the  local  unions  pay  a  yearly  quota  in  the 
treasury  of  the  higher  organizations.  Men  and  women  have  equal 
rights  in  all  these  organizations.  The  low  standard  of  education 
makes  a  really  democratic  government  of  the  unions  impossible. 
Therefore  the  power  of  taking  action  on  important  questions  is 
taken  out  of  the  hands  of  the  general  council  of  the  union;  it  is 
intrusted  to  the  secretary  of  the  camera  di  lavoro,  chamber  of  labor, 
or  to  the  secretary  of  the  general  federation  of  labor.  The  direction 
of  conferences  with  employers,  for  instances,  about  questions  of 
the  labor  contract  is  confided  to  these  officers.  The  general  council 
decides  issues  of  purely  local  interest,  but  when  a  strike  is  voted, 
further  action  is  suspended.  The  minutes  of  the  meeting,  in  which 
the  vote  was  taken,  must  be  sent  at  once  to  the  two  secretaries. 
If  they  believe  the  strike  is  inopportune  and  disapprove  of  it,  the 
local  union  may  appeal  to  a  referendum  of  the  federation  of  their 
union,  whose  vote  is  decisive.  The  local  loses  by  such  action 
generally  the  moral  and  financial  support  of  the  federation  and 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  207 

of  the  camera.  The  trades  unions  seek  to  improve  the  conditions 
of  life,  labor,  and  education  of  their  members.  They  lately  have 
begun  to  insure  them  against  invalidity  and  unemployment. 
Whenever  possible,  collective  bargaining  with  the  employers  is 
favored.  The  unions  in  the  Emilia  have  succeeded  in  raising  wages 
about  25  per  cent  in  five  years. 

While  petty  jealousy  and  lack  of  funds  handicap  the  extension 
of  trades  unionism  in  the  cities,  the  same  causes  and  in  addition 
the  low  standard  of  popular  education  and  the  hostility  of  the 
priests  must  be  reckoned  with  in  the  rural  districts.  There  is, 
however,  a  considerable  rural  union  movement,  and  the  tillers  of 
the  soil  are  energetically  freeing  themselves  from  a  state  of  servi- 
tude.    Dififerent  classes  are  represented  in  the  rural  unions. 

In  191 2  there  were  262,000  day  laborers,  or  hraccianti;  105,000 
tenants,  or  mezzadri;  14,000  small  proprietors,  or  contadini;  32,000 
others. 

The  small  proprietors  are  economically  in  a  more  favorable 
position  than  the  tenants  and  the  rural  proletariat,  the  common 
day-laborers.  The  Congress  of  Tenants  adopted  a  resolution  in 
Bologna  in  January,  1913,  which  declared  that  their  interests  were 
identical  with  those  of  the  day-laborers,  especially  in  regard  to 
agricultural  contracts,  mutual  aid  and  co-operative  societies.  The 
hraccianti  live  from  hand  to  mouth,  and  are  permanently  moving 
about  in  search  of  work.  Hence  they  have  no  love  for  the  land, 
economic  conditions  preventing  them  from  ever  owning  some  of 
it.  They  are  easily  attracted  by  radical  ideas  and  become  syn- 
dicalists. By  collective  bargaining  and  by  social  legislation  some 
of  the  worst  abuses  have  been  eliminated,  especially  in  the  malaria- 
infected  rice  fields.  Only  45  per  cent  of  the  rural  unions  are  affili- 
ated with  a  camera  di  lavoro,  while  only  12  per  cent  of  the  trades 
unions,  all  Catholic  organizations,  have  not  joined  a  camera.  The 
syndicalists  have  unfortunately  established  syndicalistic  camere  di 
lavoro.  All  affiliated  societies  share  in  the  expenses  of  the  local 
camera  by  paying  a  regular  tax  according  to  their  membership 
and  by  paying  rent  for  the  premises  they  occupy. 

Most  of  the  camere  belong  to  the  federation  of  labor,  while  the 
syndicalistic  camere  have  joined  the  Unione  sindicale.     The  camera 


2o8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

is  the  center  of  activity  of  organized  labor  in  a  district.  The 
affiliated  societies  have  usually  their  headquarters  there,  which 
greatly  faciHtates  a  general  exchange  of  ideas  between  the  different 
officers  and  leaders,  and  hence  guarantees,  in  spite  of  much  petty 
jealousy,  more  or  less  concerted  action.  Ninty-eight  camere 
existed  in  1910,  and  as  they  perform  much  valuable  social  service 
in  the  community  under  the  form  of  labor  exchanges  and  free  legal 
aid  bureaus,  they  often  receive  substantial  subsidies  from  the 
municipality.  A  camera  is  governed  by  a  council,  representing 
the  affiHated  societies,  and  is  therefore  often  unmanageably  large. 
Men  and  women  members  of  the  societies  elect  this  council,  which 
in  turn  appoints  an  executive  committee  of  fifteen  and  holds  a 
competitive  examination  for  the  place  of  the  secretary.  The  latter 
must  be  a  well-educated,  conciHatory,  and  able  man,  on  whom  rests 
a  great  responsibility.  The  executive  committee  allows  generally 
the  secretary  to  carry  on  the  routine  work;  important  questions 
are  submitted  to  the  general  council  which  meets  once  a  month. 
The  secretary  must  keep  constantly  in  touch  with  other  camere 
and  with  the  federation  of  labor.  He  spends  usually  much  time 
in  straightening  out  difficulties  and  dissensions  between  members 
and  their  organization,  and  between  different  organizations.  His 
efforts  to  introduce  a  uniform  system  of  bookkeeping  are  frequently 
checked  by  the  unwillingness  of  many  affiliated  organizations  to 
let  an  outsider  interfere  in  their  internal  affairs. 

It  might  be  interesting  to  report  the  activities  of  the  camera 
of  Turin.  About  twenty-six  years  ago  the  organized  proletariat, 
socialists,  trades  unions,  co-operative  and  mutual  aid  societies 
built  a  substantial  house  as  a  headquarters  for  their  organizations, 
it  is  now  too  small  for  its  purposes,  though  the  Torinese  co-operative 
alliance  has  moved  into  a  house  of  its  own,  and  every  available 
space  from  the  cellar  to  the  garret  is  used.  A  very  fair  co-operative 
restaurant  and  a  roomy  auditorium  serve  the  social  needs  of  the 
members  and  their  famihes.  I  watched  there  during  a  hot  summer 
night  about  fifteen  hundred  people,  all  of  whom  had  paid  7  cents 
for  admission,  Hstening  to  an  address  by  the  famous  former  priest 
and  leader  of  the  Christian  socialist  movement,  Don  Murri.  A 
circulating  library,  a  reading-room,  a  legal  aid  and  a  technical 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  209 

bureau,  and  an  employment  office  render  excellent  services.     The 
latter  had  in  1909,  2,800  offers  of  work  and  placed  1,990  of  its  mem- 
bers in  permanent  positions.     The  stronger  unions  maintain  still 
their  own  labor  exchanges.     Injured  members  get  free  medical 
assistance  and  are  referred  at  once  to  a  competent  lawyer.     Classes 
are  carried  on  in  order  to  increase  the  number  of  class-conscious 
voters  by  decreasing  the  number  of  ilHterates.     A  people's  uni-. 
versity  was  started  with  the  co-operation  of  the  Umanitaria  of 
Milan,  but  it  failed  owing  to  the  mdifference  of  the  members.     The 
lack  of  funds  prevents  the  chamber  from  taking  decisive  part  and 
action  along  economic  lines,  which  causes  a  good  deal  of  dissatis- 
faction among  the  members.     Though  the  latter  are  mostly  social- 
ists, they  do  not  Hke  to  play  pohtics  at  the  camera,  and  defeated 
consequently  a  sociaKst  ticket  for  the  election  of  the  general  council 
a  few  years  ago.     The  secretary  is  a  convinced  Marxian,  but  that 
was  his  private  opinion,  and  he  was  absolutely  impartial  in  the 
execution  of  his  duties.     He  was  rather  discontented  with  liis 
position  and  small  salary  of  $480,  and  scornfully  pointed  out  the 
secretary    of  the  Milanese  camera,   who  had  just  accepted   the 
secretaryship  or  the  place  as  business  agent  of  the  co-operative 
society  of  railroad  porters  at  a  salary  of  $800.     The  secretaries 
seem  to  change  about  a  good  deal,  because  their  salary  is  so  low. 
Through  their  varied  activities  they  acquire  a  wonderful  knov/ledge 
of  the  labor  movem^ent,  and  are  often  called  to  more  important  and 
also   better-paying  positions.     Vergnanini,    the   former   secretary 
of  the  camera  of  Reggio  EmiHa,  for  years  an  exile  on  account  of  his 
poKtical  ideas,  is  now  the  general  secretary  of  the  National  League 
of  Co-operative  Societies  and  the  Federation  of  Mutual  Aid  Socie- 
ties.    Reggio  is  a  small  city  with  comparatively  little  industry, 
but  is,  owing  to  Vergnanmi's  activity,  thoroughly  organized.     All 
the  artisans  and  craftsmen  have  their  co-operative  societies  and 
their  trades  unions;  the  women  had  such  of  dressmakers,  milliners, 
and  of  straw  workers.     In  1909,  467  different  societies  were  affili- 
ated with  the  camera,  among  which  105  co-operative  stores.  85 
co-operative  societies  of  producers,  no  trades  and  108  rural  unions. 
As  a  man  in  Reggio  generally  belongs  to  a  number  of  societies,  it 
would  be  misleading  to  quote  the  membership. 


2IO  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Verona  is  the  headquarters  for  a  camera  di  lavoro  of  employees 
of  the  state  and  of  different  communities  in  the  province;  210 
teachers,  200  county  physicians  and  50  veterinary  surgeons,  200 
municipal  and  150  county  employees,  100  employees  of  the  post, 
80  of  the  war  office,  150  railroad  employees,  and  60  others  have 
joined  it.  The  camera  protects  most  energetically  the  interest 
of  its  members. 

CO-OPERATIVE   SOCIETIES 

The  Italian  proletariat  has  undoubtedly  profited  by  its  organiza- 
tion in  trades  unions,  but  greater  has  been  its  gain  by  the  successful 
imitation  of  the  English  co-operative  store  and  the  German  co- 
operative banking.  Co-operation  is  the  association  of  men  and 
women  who,  by  uniting  their  resources  for  the  common  benefit, 
procure  for  themselves  as  consumers  the  necessities  of  hfe  cheaper 
and  in  better  quaUty.  As  producers  they  become  their  own 
employers,  as  a  co-operative  bank  they  provide  for  their  members 
cheap  credit,  dispensing  with  usurers  and  public  pawnshops. 
Co-operation  is  the  best  and  most  efficient  weapon  in  the  struggle 
of  the  working  people  to  emancipate  themselves  from  the  exploita- 
tion of  the  capitalistic  producer  and  the  middleman.  For  a  long 
time  the  Marxian  socialists  fought  this  movement  as  bitterly  as 
they  had  fought  trades  unionism.  The  wives  of  the  laborers  were 
the  first  to  recognize  the  advantages  offered  by  the  co-operative 
store,  and  their  husbands  followed  the  lead.  Thus  Italian  socialists 
had  already  answered  the  question  in  the  affirmative,  when  the 
International  Socialist  Congress  of  Kopenhagen  decided  in  19 10 
that  co-operation  was  not  incompatible  with  the  doctrine.  The 
incomplete  Italian  statistics  for  191 1  mention  about  4,200  co- 
operative societies  with  a  capital  of  $30,000,000.  The  Italian 
government  has  very  wisely  encouraged  this  movement  by  granting 
postal,  fiscal,  and  other  facilities  to  co-operative  societies  with  a 
small  working  capital.  The  law  of  191 1  grants  very  extensive 
privileges  to  three  different  kinds  of  those  associations:  (i)  Co- 
operative societies  of  production,  produzione,  or  of  skilled  laborers, 
and  of  labor,  lavoro,  or  unskilled  laborers;  (2)  co-operative  societies 
for  agricultural  purposes;  (3)  mixed  co-operative  societies,  combin- 
ing agricultural  and  other  workers. 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  211 

Only  bona  fide  working-men  are  allowed  to  join  the  societies 
of  production  and  of  labor,  if  they  are  to  profit  by  the  law,  while 
peasants,  tenants,  and  day-laborers  are  entitled  to  membership 
in  the  other  organizations.  The  law  is  therefore  not  appUcable  to 
Catholic  societies  as  long  as  they  admit  as  honorary  members 
priests  and  professional  people.  No  member  shall  hold  more  than 
$1,000  worth  of  shares.  The  par  value  of  a  share  shall  not  exceed 
$20.  The  shares  are  not  transferable,  until  they  have  been 
paid  up  entirely.  The  general  meeting  has  to  authorize  the  transac- 
tion. One  man  has  one  vote  regardless  of  the  number  of  shares 
he  owns. 

If  an  organization  of  the  three  above-mentioned  types  has  at 
least  seven  members,  it  can  ask  for  official  incorporation  in  the 
provincial  register.  In  1910,  468  societies  with  a  capital  of  $750,000 
were  incorporated.  They  had  secured  in  the  same  year  govern- 
mental and  other  public  contracts  at  a  value  of  $6,000,000,  at  a 
net  profit  of  $160,000.  A  provincial  commission  must  ascertain 
whether  the  society  conforms  with  the  law.  Once  incorporated 
the  society  must  submit  to  governmental  supervision  and  inspec- 
tion, and  adopt  a  uniform  system  of  bookkeeping  and  accounting. 
Several  incorporated  societies  can  form  a  consorzio,  which  may 
also  be  incorporated.  The  government  and  public  bodies  favor  co- 
operative societies  whenever  they  need  either  finished  products, 
food-stuffs,  or  labor  of  various  kinds  for  the  public  administration. 
The  most  interesting  example  of  a  governmental  contract  is  the 
following:  The  public  authorities  of  the  province  of  Reggio  EmiHa 
allotted  to  a  consorzio  a  contract  for  building  a  short  railroad 
between  Reggio  and  Ciano,  and  the  running  of  it  for  seventy 
years.  There  was  $88,000  subscribed  by  the  consorzio  whose  mem- 
bers practically  comprised  the  whole  working  population  of  Reggio 
and  its  surroundings.  The  banking  department  of  the  Umanitaria 
of  Milan  furnished  the  necessary  funds  to  pay  for  machinery,  raw 
material,  and  other  costs  of  installation.  Individual  co-operative 
societies  of  skilled  and  unskilled  laborers  constructed  depots,  train 
sheds,  bridges,  laid  the  tracks,  did  in  fact  all  the  work  connected 
with  railroad  construction.  The  work  was  a  great  success,  and  in 
1909  trains  were  running  between  different  sections  of  the  line, 


212  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

which  was  under  the  absolute  control  of  the  co-operative  consorzio. 
Co-operatives  all  over  Italy  were  proud  of  the  achievements  of 
their  friends  of  Reggio.  A  co-operative  consortium  of  Bologna 
secured  in  March,  1913,  a  contract  for  railroad  work  on  the  direct 
line,  between  Bologna  and  Elorenz.  The  private  contractors 
protested  energetically  against  this  favoritism  toward  co-operative 
societies.  To  facilitate  the  bidding  for  work,  the  authorities  can 
divide  the  contracts  into  those  for  supplying  material,  finished 
products,  and  labor,  in  order  to  give  different  co-operative  societies 
an  opportunity  to  compete.  If,  as  in  the  above-cited  case,  a 
contract  is  awarded  to  a  consortium,  it  divides  the  work  among  its 
constituent  societies.  Cessation  of  the  work  or  subletting  to 
outsiders  is  a  violation  of  the  law.  When,  however,  unforeseen 
circumstances  arise,  outside  help  can  be  hired.  Such  workers 
must  be  paid  fair  wages  and  they  share  in  the  profits  of  the  enter- 
prise. Incorporated  co-operative  societies  are  not  obhged  to  give 
bonds  for  the  faithful  execution  of  the  work,  which  is  always 
required  from  private  contractors.  Instead  10  per  cent  is  deducted 
from  the  weekly  pay-roll  for  work  accomplished  or  material  fur- 
nished during  the  preceding  week,  until  the  necessary  guaranty 
fund  has  been  collected. 

The  authorities  negotiate  directly  with  co-operative  societies 
wherever  the  amount  of  the  contract  is  less  than  $1,500;  bids  for 
more  important  work  must  be  publicly  invited.  The  competition 
may,  however,  be  hmited  to  co-operative  societies,  at  the  discretion 
of  the  authorities.  Governmental  officials  compute  the  maximum 
and  the  minimum  amount  to  be  allowed  for  the  work.  The  bids 
are  opened  in  pubHc  session  and  the  best  offer  is  accepted. 

Co-operative  societies  violating  the  rules  are  suspended,  and  for 
more  serious  offenses  striken  from  the  register,  which  frequently 
entails  serious  financial  loss.  Only  after  a  lapse  of  two  years  can 
such  a  society  ask  for  reinstatement.  The  by-laws  of  the  society 
must  contain  rules  about  the  admission  and  withdrawal  of  members, 
about  the  division  of  the  profits  and  the  value  of  individual  shares. 

The  officers  must  be  members  of  the  co-operative  societies. 
In  twenty  years  3,400  contracts  to  the  amount  of  $16,000,000 
have  been  awarded  to  co-operative  societies  by  pubUc  bodies. 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  213 

Many  societies  of  production  and  of  labor  were  at  first  not  willing 
to  submit  to  governmental  supervision;  the  advantages  are, 
however,  so  great  that  they  have  changed  their  pohcy.  In  a 
recent  report  of  the  general  commissioner  on  the  budget  the 
following  is  said  about  co-operative  societies: 

In  face  of  litigation  in  which  the  state  administration  finds  itself  too 
frequently  involved,  we  can  only  express  preference  for  contracts  with  co- 
operative societies.  It  is  a  recognized  fact  that  co-operative  societies  contract- 
ing for  public  work  have  not  harassed  the  administration  with  law  suits  in  which 
private  contractors  seem  to  revel  (or  have  done  so  very  exceptionally  and  in 
very  small  if  not  insignificant  numbers).  This  must  necessarily  give  rise  to 
serious  consideration  both  with  the  object  in  view  of  studying  the  means  of 
gradually  increasing  the  number  of  contracts  with  co-operative  societies,  and 
with  the  object  of  strengthening  the  position  of  the  state  in  its  dealings  with 
private  contractors. 

The  co-operative  societies  of  production  and  of  work  get  their 
working  capital,  by  their  members,  whose  number  is  not  limited, 
subscribing  to  shares  at  a  value  of  from  $5  to  $10.  The  working 
capital  is  increased  by  part  of  the  profits  of  the  society.  The 
credit  of  the  societies  is  generally  good.  The  Hability  of  the 
members  is  unHmited.  They  must  be  paid  fair  wages;  at  the 
end  of  the  financial  year  it  is  estimated  how  much  work  each 
individual  has  done  for  the  society,  and  he  receives  his  share  of 
the  profits,  or  must  assume  his  responsibihty  if  there  are  any 
losses.  It  is  usual  to  divide  the  profits  in  the  following  way: 
45  per  cent  to  the  members;  40  per  cent  to  increase  the  reserve 
fund;  5  per  cent  to  increase  the  capital;   10  per  cent  for  insurance. 

Skilled  workers  are  naturally  more  in  need  of  capital  for  the 
purchase  of  raw  material,  which  they  transform  into  finished 
products  for  machinery  and  tools,  and,  above  all,  for  the  building 
or  renting  of  workshops.  Hence  they  are  generally  obliged  to 
borrow  from  mutual  societies  or  co-operative  banks  until  they  have 
accumulated  a  sufficient  working  capital.  Those  societies  are 
especially  successful  which  have  a  large  part  of  the  process  of 
production  in  their  hands.  The  brickmakers  of  Reggio  Emilia, 
for  instance,  secured  a  contract  from  a  former  manufacturer  for 
the  delivery  of  bricks.  The  digging  of  clay,  the  molding  and  baking, 
and  transporting  the  finished  product  to  the  place  where  it  was 


214  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

needed  were  all  done  by  the  co-operative.  The  contractor  had 
only  to  ascertain  whether  the  bricks  came  up  to  the  stipulations 
of  the  contract.  The  co-operative  society  at  Altare  in  Liguria, 
formed  by  glass- workers  in  1865,  is  the  prototype  of  co-operative 
societies  of  skilled  workers. 

Italy  has  about  30  co-operative  societies  of  high-sea  fishermen. 
Sardinia's  fishermen  have  even  organized  consorzii  for  the  following 
purposes:  The  consortium  sells  collectively  the  catch  and  maintains 
a  store  in  which  the  members  can  buy  everything  they  need  for 
plying  their  trade.  Modern  methods  of  catching  and  transporting 
fish  are  adopted.  The  members  bind  themselves  to  observe  the 
Italian  fishing  laws  and  to  secure  better  governmental  protection. 
Most  co-operative  societies  own  boats.  Where  this  is  not  the  case 
they  see  to  it  that  the  profits  are  divided  in  a  fair  way  between  the 
owners,  the  captains,  and  the  crew.  All  the  members  are  insured 
against  invahdity,  and  belong  to  the  same  mutual  societies. 

About  twenty  years  ago  84  typographical  workers  in  Milan 
subscribed  $200  to  start  a  co-operative  printing  plant,  which  is  at 
present  one  of  the  best-equipped  shops  in  the  capital  of  Lombardy. 
A  close  union  is  formed  with  the  co-operative  society  of  book- 
binders. The  Umanitaria  of  Milan  erected  a  number  of  well- 
built  shops  for  co-operatives  of  skilled  workers,  like  painters,  car- 
penters, glass- workers,  and  others.  The  men  choose  of  course 
their  own  managers.  The  city  of  Milan  is  governed  by  a  progres- 
sive majority.  It  gave  the  contract  for  renovating  the  old  Sforza 
stronghold  and  for  the  construction  of  a  new  power  plant  to  the 
consortium  of  co-operatives  of  the  building  trade,  which  successfully 
finished  the  work.  At  present  the  same  consortium  is  building  a 
number  of  really  beautiful  and  at  the  same  time  hygienic  and 
inexpensive  houses  for  the  working  population.  The  tailors' 
co-operative  secured  a  municipal  contract  for  furnishing  uniforms 
to  the  city  employees,  while  the  work  of  white-washing  the  build- 
ings belonging  to  the  wealthy  Milanese  orphan  asylum  was  awarded 
to  the  painters'  co-operative  society. 

The  splendidly  organized  longshoremen  of  Genoa,  who  occupy 
a  position  intermediate  between  skilled  and  unskilled  laborers, 
are  not  in  need  of  large  funds,  hence  they  divide  their  profits  by 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  215 

using  10  per  cent  for  insurance  and  10  for  the  reserve  fund,  while 
80  per  cent  is  paid  to  the  members. 

The  co-operative  societies  of  the  building  trade,  the  wood-  and 
metal-workers,  expressmen  and  freight  handlers  showed  the  best 
results,  while  the  pebble,  cement,  and  paving  work  showed  neither 
loss  nor  profit. 

Co-operative  societies  of  unskilled  laborers  have  a  membership 
of  33,000  men  and  women,  willing  to  do  any  kmd  of  rough  work, 
such  as  farming,   ditch-digging,   stone-quarrying,   irrigation   and 
railroad  work,  and  the  like.     These  hraccianti  have  no  permanent 
home,  and  they  move  from  province  to  province  according  to  the 
season  and  the  fluctuations  of  the  labor  market.     The  first  society 
of  this  kind  was  started  in  the  province  of  Ravenna,  an  old  repub- 
Ucan  and  anticlerical  stronghold,  in  1884.     There  the  day-laborers 
averaged  120  working-days  a  year  and  their  wages  were  extremely 
low.    They  were  forced  to  hire  out  for  work  in  other  provinces, 
but  it  was  exceedingly  difficult  for  individuals  to  know  where  they 
were  needed.     Three  hundred  subscribed  to  a  $5  share  of  a  co- 
operative society  and  their  secretary  looked  out  for  work  and  made 
contracts  with  public  or  private  agencies.     The  first  year  the  net 
profit  was  $1,880.     This  society  has  now  over  3,000  members  and 
a  capital  of  $40,000.     It  undertakes  by  preference  improvement 
of  arid  and  swamp  land,  work  on  mountain  torrents  and  reforestry, 
construction  of  dykes,   and  similar  work.     In   1884   the  Italian 
government  contracted  with  it  for  the  improvement  and  sanitation 
of  the  swamps  around  the  old  port  of  Rome,  Ostia.     In  1892, 
5  families  of  hraccianti  settled  on  125  acres  of  improved  land,  while 
at  present  more  than  40  families  cultivate  as  tenants  of  the  govern- 
ment over  600  acres.     Truck-gardening  and  raising  of  cattle  for 
the  near  market  of  Rome  is  their  specialty.     Another  flourishing 
colony  of  hraccianti  lives  on  over  600  acres  of  land  in  the  province 
of  Ravenna  not  far  from  the  famous  Pineta,  which  has  been 
improved  by  the  society.     Italy  has  6,500,000  acres  of  arid  and 
3,000,000  acres  of  swamp  land.     If  the  necessary  money  could  be 
found  for  the  reclamation  of  this  vast  and  at  present  absolutely 
unproductive  territory,  her  sons  would  find  it  unnecessary  to  leave 
home  in  order  to  get  work. 


2i6  rUE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Though  the  work  performed  by  co-operative  societies  of 
unskilled  laborers  is  generally  simple,  detailed  estimates  must  be 
made  before  a  contract  is  signed  in  order  to  avoid  the  acceptance 
of  work  at  ruinous  prices.  This  is  not  necessary  in  the  case  of  a 
governmental  contract,  as  the  officials  themselves  estimate  the 
minimum  cost  of  the  work.  Moreover,  the  work  always  needs 
careful  supervision  by  experts.  Co-operative  societies  of  skilled 
workers  are  in  still  greater  need  of  such  assistance.  In  different 
parts  of  the  country  technical  bureaus,  cormected  mostly  with  a 
camera  di  lavoro,  assume  the  work  of  computing  the  costs  and 
supervising  the  work.  The  revision  of  the  business  administration 
of  the  co-operative  societies  rests  also  in  their  hands.  It  is  cus- 
tomary to  have  small  units  work  under  a  responsible  gang  boss. 
To  furnish  good  substantial  work  is  in  the  interest  of  every  member, 
as  his  individual  profits  depend  upon  his  own  and  everybody  else's 
co-operation  and  esprit  de  corps. 

The  government  encourages  the  direct  sale  of  agricultural 
products  by  co-operative  societies  and  has  a  sum  of  money  for 
prices  at  agricultural  shows.  Those  co-operatives  receive  premiums 
which  excel  in  good  management  and  results.  The  agricultural  co- 
operative movement  is  partly  capitalistic  and  partly  proletarian. 
Most  of  the  fire,  hail,  and  death  of  cattle  insurance  companies,  the 
co-operative  breeding  of  stock,  dairies,  wine  and  olive  presses  are 
of  this  kind,  and  therefore  find  no  place  here.  The  CathoHc  rural 
co-operative  movement  is  very  flourishing  in  the  north  and  in  Sicily. 

Agricultural  co-operative  societies  seek  to  re-establish  the 
equilibrium  between  the  agricultural  producer  and  the  consumer 
by  directly  furnishing  agricultural  products  to  him,  instead  of 
selling  through  a  middleman.  Very  early  the  societies  were  forced 
into  establishing  co-operative  mills  and  bakeries,  to  which  the 
members  would  bring  their  corn  or  flour.  The  next  step  was  to 
have  collective  olive  and  wine  presses,  sausage  and  cheese  factories, 
to  prepare  agricultural  products  for  the  market.  Many  agricultural 
societies  supply  governmental  institutions  with  food-stuffs,  or 
have  contracts  with  co-operative  stores  in  near-by  towns  for  the 
furnishing  of  wine,  oil,  sausages,  and  cheese,  in  return  for  which 
they  secure  loans  at  reasonable  rates. 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  217 

Owing  to  the  ignorance  of  business  methods  and  to  their  isola- 
tion, the  inhabitants  of  rural  districts  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the 
merchants  in  the  towns,  from  whom  they  must  often  order  goods 
by  mail.     The  goods  supphed  are  frequently  of  very  inferior  quality 
and  sold  at  exorbitant  prices.     The  needs  of  a  farming  community 
are  simple  and  of  no  great  variety— certain  kinds  of  implements 
and  tools,  household  supplies,  fertilizer,  and  seed.     Co-operative 
purchasing  societies  buy  all  these  at  wholesale  prices  either  on  their 
own  account  or  on  order  of  a  member.     Buying  directly  from  the 
producer,  examination  in  laboratories  to  ascertain  whether  the 
goods  come  up  to  the  stipulations,  and  shipment  in  bulk  at  greatly 
reduced  rates  guarantee  to  the  consumers  a  considerable  saving. 
The  purchasing   societies   maintain   magazines   in    the   different 
communities,  which,  according  to  local  needs,  are  opened  once  a 
week  or  oftener.    As  they  pay  no  salary  to  the  manager,  their 
running  expenses  are  reduced  to  a  minimum.     The  products  of 
their  own  members,  including  cocoons  of  the  silkworm,  are  stored 
in  warehouses  until  the  market  becomes  favorable. 

As  the  demand  for  artificial  fertilizer  is  increasing,  not  a  few 
manure  factories  are  run  by  co-operative  consorzii. 

In  1892  the  different  consorzii  agrarii  formed  a  federation, 
which  greatly  strengthened  the  neutral  agrarian  movement.  The 
federation  acts  as  a  wholesale  purchasing  agency,  having  a  trade 
of  $2,000,000  in  1906.  The  affiUated  societies  are  not  obliged  to 
purchase  exclusively  through  it. 

Larger  rural  stores  must  of  course  have  hired  employees.  The 
model  way  for  dividing  the  profits  in  this  case  is:  30  per  cent  to 
the  reserve  fund;  60  per  cent  to  the  members  according  to  their 
purchases;  10  per  cent  to  the  employees.  The  shareholders  are 
entitled  to  4  per  cent  interest  on  the  shares.  The  general  assembly 
decides  how  much  of  the  profits,  if  any,  shall  be  used  for  improving 
social  conditions. 

^  A  great  handicap  to  intensive  husbandry  in  Italy  is  the  owner- 
ship of  land  by  absentee  landlords.  They  either  use  their  estates 
for  extensive  farming,  in  which  few  agricultural  laborers  are 
needed,  or  they  hand  the  administration  over  to  a  middleman, 
a  gabelotto.     The  latter  pays  the  owner  a  stipulated  sum  as  rent,' 


2i8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  is  obliged  to  make  his  profits  from  subletting  the  land  at 
exorbitant  prices  to  tenants.  The  contracts  are  generally  of 
short  duration,  usually  for  5  years.  As  the  tenants  are  not  sure 
that  at  the  end  of  the  term  their  lease  will  be  renewed,  the  land 
is  naturally  worked  for  all  it  is  worth,  and  is  thus  constantly 
impoverished.  Rotation  of  crops,  which  would  counteract  this 
defect  to  a  great  extent,  is  practically  unknown. 

Day-laborers  and  tenants,  in  an  effort  to  free  themselves  from 
these  unbearable  conditions,  have  formed  co-operative  societies 
for  the  collective  renting  of  land,  affittanze  collettive.  By  acquiring 
shares  and  by  borrowing  from  interested  outsiders  they  get  the 
necessary  capital  for  competing  successfully  with  the  gaheloUo. 
As  a  co-operative  society  they  lease  the  land  from  private  owners, 
the  state,  the  municipalities,  or  charitable  institutions  for  a  long 
period.  The  owner  is  sure  of  the  rent,  as  the  members  are  liable 
collectively,  and,  moreover,  are  backed  by  financially  strong 
organizations.  Machinery,  implements,  live  stock,  and  mules  and 
oxen  are  owned  in  common.  An  expert  manages  the  whole  enter- 
prise, and  the  members  and  their  families  work  according  to  his 
orders.  They  receive  fair  wages.  The  profits  are  divided  in  the 
following  way:  20  per  cent  to  the  members;  20  per  cent  for  insur- 
ance; 40  per  cent  to  increase  the  working  capital;  20  per  cent  to 
the  reserve  fund.  In  Sicily  and  four  northern  provinces  over 
110,000  acres  are  held  in  common  lease  by  co-operative  societies 
with  26,000  members  at  an  annual  rent  of  $400,000.  Different 
institutions  of  credit  have  allowed  over  $900,000  to  these  societies. 

If  it  is  not  possible  to  employ  all  the  members  on  the  farm, 
they  either  work  in  shifts  or  the  unemployed  must  hire  out  for 
work.  At  harvest  time  it  is  necessary  to  hire  outsiders.  The 
government  encourages  the  collective  farming  by  sending  out 
traveling  teachers  and  lecturers,  who  preach  modern  agricultural 
methods,  especially  rotation  of  crops,  use  of  better  seed,  and  the 
scientific  use  of  fertilizer.  On  market  days  and  during  the  festas 
the  teachers  are  always  in  evidence  and  are  much  consulted.  All 
over  Italy  we  find  experimental  farms  where  the  new  methods  are 
shown  to  the  peasants,  who  see  what  the  local  soil  can  produce  under 
careful  and  scientific  management. 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  219 

The  Catholics  have  developed  another  forai  of  collective  renting. 
A  co-operative  society  is  also  here  the  leaser  of  the  land,  but  the 
estate  is  divided  into  individual  farms,  for  which  a  family  pays 
rent.  The  profits  of  the  lot  belong  to  the  family.  An  expert 
directs  the  work  also  here.  The  sowing  and  ploughing  are  generally 
done  by  the  management.  A  few  neutral  societies  have  likewise 
adopted  this  plan,  to  which  the  socialists  are  strenuously  opposed. 

Co-operative  stores  or  societies  of  distribution  or  of  consumers 
flourish  in  the  cities  of  the  northern  Italy.  The  ofiicial  statistics 
of  1910  show  about  1,600  such  societies  with  a  capital  of  $4,400,000. 

The  co-operative  store  would  have  solved  the  problem  of  the 
high  cost  of  living,  if  the  unfortunate  regionalism  of  the  Italian 
had  not  succeeded  in  estabHshing  often  a  number  of  these  societies 
in  one  place.  In  Milan  we  find,  for  instance,  46  different  co-opera- 
tive stores;  the  yearly  turnover  of  7  of  them  amounts  to  $3,800,000. 
while  the  39  others  have  an  annual  trade  of  not  more  than  $200,000. 
A  movement  was  started  last  February  to  combine  the  three 
strongest  organizations  in  the  hope  that  all  others  would  finally 
be  obliged  to  fall  in  line.     Unfortunately  it  was  not  successful. 

The  Catholics  have  their  own  societies,  which  are  strongly 
centralized. 

The  modern  industrial  development  has  attracted  to  the  Italian 
cities  great  masses  of  people  with  simple  wants,  which  can  be 
easily  satisfied  by  co-operative  societies.  After  the  English  and 
Scotch  example  a  wholesale  co-operative  society  has  been  formed, 
but  so  far  few  of  the  co-operative  societies  of  consumers  have  joined 
this  national  league.  A  co-operative  society  of  consumers  needs 
capital  for  the  renting  of  stores,  paying  of  salaries,  and  purchasing 
of  goods;  it  saves  immensely  by  not  having  to  advertise  in  the 
papers  and  by  not  needing  magnificent  shop  displays.  Sales  at 
current  prices  at  cash  encourage  thrift  among  the  purchasers, 
who  save  at  the  end  of  the  year  often  substantial  amounts  without 
any  effort.  The  hostility  of  local  shopkeepers  is  not  violent  in 
this  case.  They  are  even  wilHng  to  furnish  certain  commodities 
to  members  of  the  co-operative  societies  at  great  discounts.  As 
the  co-operative  societies  pay  cash  for  the  goods,  they  get  a  large 
discount  off.     Some  societies  sell  only  to  members,  at  cost,  in  which 


2  20  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

case  they  enjoy  fiscal  advantages  as,  for  instance,  exemption  of 
the  onerous  local  taxes  on  food-stuffs.  Where  the  general  public 
is  served  it  benefits  at  the  end  of  the  year  in  the  profits.  The 
rule  is,  however,  that  non-members  get  only  half  of  what  regular 
members  receive.  Frequently  their  portion  is  kept  back,  until 
it  is  high  enough  to  pay  for  one  share  of  the  co-operative  society 
stock. 

The  stores  have  been  forced  to  take  up  the  production  of  staple 
goods  in  their  own  shops,  unless  they  have  an  arrangement  with  an 
agricultural  co-operative  society  or  one  of  production  for  furnish- 
ing certain  products.  This  is  an  excellent  thing,  for  shop  con- 
ditions, hours  of  work,  and  wages  are  satisfactory  in  these  shops; 
members  of  the  Consumers  League  would  approve  of  them.  Mac- 
caroni,  bread,  pastry,  shoes  and  clothes,  wine  and  olive  oil  are 
manufactured  in  this  way.  Sometimes  co-operatives  of  shoemakers 
and  tailors  are  under  contract  obliged  to  furnish  their  products  to 
the  store  or  to  members  directly. 

Turin's  centralized  Co-operative  Alliance  maintains  20  branches 
ail  over  the  city  and  the  suburbs.  Besides  producing  many 
commodities,  it  maintains  a  clinic  for  its  members,  a  dispensary 
for  nursing  mothers,  allows  free  medical  and  obstetrical  aid,  has 
a  chemical  and  pharmaceutical  laboratory,  runs  several  pharmacies, 
and  maintains  a  sanatorium  at  the  seashore.  A  circulating  library, 
evening  classes,  and  entertainments  serve  the  other  needs  of  the 
members.  Experts  in  bookkeeping  and  accounting  travel  around 
in  the  province  to  inspect  the  business  administration  of  co-opera- 
tive societies.  When  the  latter  ask  for  a  loan,  they  must  bring  a 
certified  statement  of  these  experts  as  to  the  financial  status  of  the 
society. 

Milan's  co-operative  union  maintains  a  wine  depot  at  Varese 
and  a  restaurant  in  Berlin.  A  central  store  and  26  branches  in 
Milan,  a  bakery,  a  coal  depot,  a  hotel,  three  co-operative  restaurants, 
and  a  weekly  paper  are  owned  by  the  society.  It  had,  in  191 1, 
14,000  members  with  a  capital  of  $1,125,000.  Its  reserve  fund 
amounted  to  $500,000.     Its  $5  share  is  quoted  at  $6 .  60. 

The  working  classes,  massed  in  insalubrious  quarters  of  the 
cities,  live  in  wretched  dwellings  and  flats,  for  which  they  pay  an 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  221 

exorbitant  rent.  To  improve  these  conditions  co-operative  build- 
ing societies  have  been  formed,  which,  with  the  help  of  the  munici- 
palities, local  savings  banks,  and  mutual  aid  societies,  place  at  the 
disposition  of  the  working  people  sanitary  and  decent  houses  at 
reasonable  rent.  In  many  cases  it  becomes  possible  for  the  tenants 
to  buy  the  house  on  yearly  instalments.  The  resources  of  the 
co-operative  societies  hardly  enable  them  to  undertake  this  improve- 
ment work.  They  are  therefore  obliged  to  depend  for  their  working 
capital  to  a  very  large  extent  upon  the  co-operation  of  outsiders. 
The  actual  building  and  finishing  are  mostly  in  the  hands  of  co- 
operative societies  of  masons,  painters,  and  carpenters.  In  a 
group  of  such  houses  we  find  generally  co-operative  restaurants, 
whose  large  halls  serve  for  meetings  of  the  tenants,  barber-shops, 
tailors,  and  shoemakers,  all  working  on  a  co-operative  basis. 
The  first  Montessori  kindergarten  I  ever  saw  was  in  the  center  of  a 
beautiful  group  of  co-operative  houses  in  Milan,  built  by  the 
Umanitaria. 

The  backbone  of  the  co-operative  movement  is  the  co-operative 
bank,  which  furnishes  cheap  credit  to  its  own  members,  and  at  the 
same  time  assists  every  other  co-operative  movement  in  need  of 
money.  The  usurers  who  infested  the  country,  especially  the  rural 
district  of  the  Campagna  and  of  Sicily,  have  been  driven  out  of 
business  wherever  a  strong  co-operative  bankmg  movement  has 
appeared.  The  former  prime  minister,  Luigi  Luzzatti,  is  the  best 
friend  of  the  co-operative  banking  movement.  He  adapted  the 
German  system  of  Schulze-Delitzsch  to  Italian  conditions  and 
opened  the  first  co-operative  bank,  Banca  Popolare,  in  Lodi  in 
Lombardy  forty  years  ago.  Shopkeepers,  artisans,  and  laborers 
acquire  shares  for  which  they  pay  in  10  monthly  instalments,  they 
deposit  their  savings  in  the  banks,  and  find  plenty  of  credit  if  they 
need  it.  The  advantage  of  the  system  is  that  different  social 
groups  are  represented  in  the  membership  of  the  banks,  whose 
credit  needs  do  not  come  at  the  same  time.  The  liabiHty  of  the 
members  is  limited.  A  large  board  of  directors,  elected  by  the 
general  assembly  of  all  the  members,  controls,  without  receiving 
any  compensation,  the  work  of  the  different  committees  and  of  the 
paid  clerks.    An  auditing  committee  assists  them  in  their  work. 


222  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  popular  banks  discount  bills  and  acceptances  of  the  rural  banks, 
thus  providing  for  the  credit  needs  of  the  latter.  In  1909,  825 
such  banks  existed  with  a  membership  of  500,000  and  a  capital  of 
$50,000,000.  Preference  is  always  given  to  the  small  borrower. 
Mortgages,  securities,  bonds,  and  products  are  put  up  as  collateral; 
loans  on  honor  are  not  infrequent.  The  hanca  popolare  of  Bologna 
loaned  in  thirty-five  years  $66,000  on  honor,  of  which  only  $2,000 
were  lost.  The  co-operative  bank  of  Padua  loaned  during  two 
cholera  years  $8,000  and  lost  $280.  A  shoemaker  secures,  for 
instance,  a  loan  on  honor  to  buy  leather,  a  laundress  to  buy  irons, 
women  to  buy  sewing-machines.  For  a  long  time  the  mutual  aid 
societies  had  done  this  work,  until  co-operative  banking  was  started. 
The  popular  banks  have  had  since  1876  a  central  organization  in 
Rome,  which  serves  as  a  clearing-house.  The  affiliated  banks 
invest  their  surplus  funds  through  it,  and  in  case  of  need  secure 
loans  through  the  same  agency. 

For  the  credit  needs  of  the  rural  districts  Raiffeisen's  system 
was  adopted  by  the  Catholics  and  by  the  neutral  organizations. 
WoUemborg  established  the  first  cassa  rurale  in  Loreggia  in  1883. 
A  number  of  small  consumers  of  capital  constitute  with  their 
resources  the  rural  co-operative  bank.  The  banks  receive  deposits 
from  everybody,  for  which  interest  is  paid.  They  loan  to  members 
only.  The  capital  which  they  borrow  from  outside  is  secure 
because  the  rural  co-operative  banks  have  only  a  limited  field  of 
action;  their  members  know  each  other  very  well,  credit  is  given 
exclusively  in  case  of  need,  and  the  money  must  be  used  by  the 
borrower  for  the  purpose  for  which  he  received  it.  The  moral 
standing  of  the  borrower  and  his  security  are  considered  before  the 
credit  committee  grants  a  loan.  The  banks  have  accepted  unHmited 
liability.  Farmers,  tenants,  and  day-laborers  get  credit  at  rates 
varying  between  4  per  cent  all  over  northern  Italy  and  8  per  cent 
in  Sicily.  The  profits  are  used  to  increase  the  capital  and  the 
reserve  fund  of  the  bank,  only  a  small  percentage  going  to  share- 
holders. In  case  of  dissolution  the  reserve  fund  must  be  used  for 
some  work  of  social  betterment.  Loans  for  agricultural  purposes 
are  made  for  ten  years,  but  the  bank's  risk  committee  has  the  right 
of  calling  a  loan,  when  a  man  neglects  his  duties,  and  begins,  for 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  223 

instance,  to  drink  and  gamble.  Loans  are  paid  back  in  monthly 
instalments  including  interest.  The  cassa  rurale  is  an  independent 
co-operative  society,  while  the  cassa  agraria  is  generally  the  agent  of 
a  larger  co-operative  credit  institution  of  the  province. 

The  Catholics  have  about  1,300  banks  of  their  own,  the  neutral 
movement  counts  over  500,  but  they  are  absolutely  unable  to 
satisfy  the  rural  needs  of  credit. 

The  national  organization  of  rural  banks  spends  a  good  deal  of 
money  to  extend  the  movement;  the  government  helps  it  along  by 
placing  funds  at  the  disposition  of  the  banks.  Most  important  is 
the  assistance  rendered  to  the  movement  by  the  Umanitaria  of 
Milan.  Moise  Prosper  Loria's  object  was  to  raise  the  efficiency 
of  the  working  people  by  this  wonderful  creation.  It  has  extensive 
funds  to  start  and  to  help  along  different  co-operative  enterprises, 
above  all  co-operative  banks  all  over  Italy,  but  especially  in  the 
northern  provinces.  It  has  established  a  banking  department 
in  Milan  and  branches  in  Turin,  Florence,  Reggio  EmiUa,  and  Genoa 
which  serve  as  clearing-houses  for  the  financial  transactions  of  most 
co-operative  societies  of  northern  Italy.  Over  $100,000  of  the 
capital  of  $300,000  were  contributed  by  trades  unions,  co-operative 
and  mutual  aid  societies,  whose  deposits  amounted  in  191 1  to  over 
$260,000.  In  the  same  year  over  $2,500,000  had  been  loaned  by 
the  banking  department  of  the  Umanitaria  to  137 1  co-operative 
societies  of  production  and  of  labor;  48  co-operative  societies  of 
consumers;  122  co-operative  societies  of  credit;  11  co-operative 
societies  of  agriculture;  23  co-operative  societies  of  building. 
In  191 2,  $6,000,000  were  loaned,  while  loans  of  more  than  $4,000,000 
had  to  be  refused.  Only  $2,000  had  been  lost  in  two  years,  of 
$50,000  loaned  on  honor.  The  Umanitaria  maintains  at  Milan 
a  practical  school  of  civics  and  of  accounting,  in  which  labor  leaders 
and  officials  of  co-operative  societies  receive  a  much-needed  training 
for  their  work.  The  instruction  aims  to  introduce  a  uniform  system 
of  accounting  and  bookkeeping,  which  faciUtates  revision.  It  is 
of  the  utmost  importance  to  have  trained  men  in  charge  of  the 
financial  and  business  administration  of  co-operative  societies. 
With  an  often  unbeHevable  optimism  new  co-operative  societies 
are  established  all  over  Italy  whose  financial  resources  are  extremely 


224  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

limited,  and  whose  managers  have  no  business  ability.  An  early- 
failure  is  the  result.  Hence  the  general  desire  of  the  friends  of 
co-operation  to  put  the  societies  under  closer  supervision. 

A  legal  aid  bureau  helps  out  in  all  cases  needing  the  services 
of  a  la^vyer,  a  technical  bureau  looks  out  for  eventual  contracts 
and  their  specifications  in  the  interest  of  co-operative  societies 
of  production  and  of  labor.  It  makes  estimates  and  supervises 
the  technical  execution  of  the  work. 

In  the  Italian  parliament  exists  a  group  of  deputies,  belonging 
to  different  parties,  who  co-operate  in  all  questions  pertaining 
to  labor  and  social  legislation  in  favor  of  the  working  people. 
Quite  recently  they  forced  a  substantial  change  in  a  law  which 
intended  to  prevent  co-operative  societies  from  running  pharmacies. 
The  law  now  not  only  allows  them  to  continue  in  this  business,  but 
allows  explicitly  co-operative  societies  to  compete  whenever  a 
new  pharmacy  shall  be  opened. 

MUTUAL  AID    SOCIETIES 

The  third  form  of  organization  of  the  ItaUan  working  population 
is  the  mutual  aid  society.  These  societies  are  really  intimately 
coimected  with  the  co-operative  movement  and  in  many  instances 
have  begun  with  starting  co-operative  undertakings  like  stores  and 
banks,  and  are  still  doing  it.  As  it  was  said  above,  they  were  the 
only  organizations  tolerated  before  unity  was  secured  because  they 
had  ostensibly  only  humanitarian  purposes.  The  policy  of  strict 
political  neutrality  has  not  been  abandoned  inspite  of  great  pressure 
to  do  so.  As  individuals  the  members  are  free  to  express  any 
opinion  and  to  join  any  political  party.  Italy  has  lately  introduced 
obligatory  accident  and  maternity  insurance,  and  plans  at  present 
to  make  use  of  her  recently  acquired  insurance  monopoly  by  pro- 
viding for  cases  of  sickness  and  old  age.  But  so  far  this  and 
insurance  against  unemployment  and  death  has  had  to  be  secured 
with  the  help  of  mutual  aid  societies.  Many  mutual  societies  have 
also  been  formed  by  members  of  the  middle  and  the  higher  classes. 
Mutual  aid  societies  of  working  people  have  a  great  variety  of 
aims.  All  of  them  insure  the  members  in  case  of  sickness,  more 
than  half  give  pensions  to  invalids  and  widows,  12  per  cent  give 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  225 

assistance  during  unemployment,  though  a  proper  insurance  against 
unemployment  is  possible  only  where  all  the  members  work  at  one 
trade,  i.e.,  by  trades  unions.  In  case  of  an  accident  the  working- 
man  receives  also  a  pension  from  the  invalidity  insurance.  As 
frequently  the  two  subsidies  are  more  than  what  he  earns,  he  is 
not  too  eager  to  get  well.  A  proposition  will  therefore  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  next  congress  of  the  mutuals  to  aboHsh  altogether  sick 
money  in  case  of  an  accident.  Loans  are  conceded  to  members 
by  about  25  per  cent,  more  than  14  per  cent  have  established  labor 
exchanges  and  started  co-operative  societies  of  production  and  of 
labor,  10  per  cent  maintain  free  night  schools  and  provide  in  other 
ways  for  the  instruction  of  the  members.  About  the  percentage 
of  mutual  aid  societies  which  help  their  members  in  acquiring  tools 
and  utensils  and  those  which  have  burial  benefits,  no  recent  statistics 
were  available. 

The  Cathohcs  have  many  mutual  aid  societies  and  sodalities, 
which  worship  in  common  and  provide  a  decent  burial  for  their 
members.  A  fairly  typical  example  of  the  many  activities  of  a 
mutual  aid  society  presents  the  one  at  Voghera. 

Minors  of  school  age  can  join  a  school  mutual,  through  which 
medical  assistance  is  provided  in  case  of  sickness.  When  they  are 
twelve  years  of  age  and  leave  school,  they  join  as  junior  members 
the  regular  mutual  society.  By  paying  15  cents  a  month  they  have 
a  right  to  16  cents  a  day  for  90  days  in  case  of  sickness,  of  8  cents 
for  the  following  45  days.  They  become  regular  members  at  16. 
By  paying  25  cents  a  month,  they  get  in  case  of  sickness  for  the 
same  periods  32  and  16  cents.  Parts  of  the  profits  of  the  communal 
savings  bank  are  turned  into  the  general  fund  of  the  mutual. 
Widows,  orphans,  and  those  unable  to  work  receive  a  small  pension. 
The  society  owns  a  well-constructed  house  which  contains  club- 
rooms,  a  library,  a  school  for  designing  and  apphed  art,  and  a  night 
school  for  illiterates,  and  a  school  of  citizenship.  These  latter 
activities  were  recently  transferred  to  a  communal  building,  and 
the  local  camera  di  lavoro  has  now  established  its  headquarters  in 
these  rooms.  The  mutual  has  estabUshed  a  co-operative  building 
section  for  the  construction  of  decent  houses  for  the  working 
people.     The  mutual  workmen's  association  contributed  $12,000 


226  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

at  4  per  cent  interest;  the  savings  bank  of  Voghera  contributed 
$20,000  at  3I  per  cent  interest;  the  city  donated  the  land  at  a 
value  of  $4,000.  A  very  small  mutual  exists  at  Sinalunga  near 
Sienna  with  352  members,  who  pay  3  to  5  cents  in  weekly  dues. 
In  case  of  sickness  18  cents  are  allowed  for  180  days,  9  cents  for  the 
following  180,  $16  a  year  receives  a  member,  unable  to  work.  The 
society  has  a  capital  of  $8,000,  and  a  large  building  which  is  partly 
occupied  by  the  public  school. 

Italy  has  a  specialty  of  mutuals  in  her  mutuals  for  mothers. 
Members  who  have  contributed  for  10  months  receive  in  case  of 
confinement  a  subsidy,  which  is  increased  in  case  they  nurse  the 
baby  more  than  three  months. 

As  quite  a  number  of  the  mutuals  are  not  in  good  financial  con- 
ditions, an  announcement  by  the  minister  of  agriculture,  industry, 
and  commerce  that  the  government  intended  to  subsidize  the 
mutuals  of  the  working  people  was  received  with  great  enthusiasm. 
The  largest  mutual  society  is  the  Mutual  Pension  Bank  of  Turin 
with  412,000  members  and  a  capital  of  over  $9,000,000.  The 
accumulated  funds  of  the  mutuals  are  invested  in  governmental 
or  municipal  securities  and  bonds,  in  savings  banks,  and  in  shares 
of  co-operative  societies  of  the  locality.  In  this  case  the  savings 
bank  frequently  does  not  ask  the  society  to  pay  interest  on  the 
shares  held  by  it.  In  this  way  the  money  of  the  working  people 
is  used  to  assist  them  in  their  efiforts  of  improving  the  condition 
of  life  and  labor. 

In  1900  a  federation  of  mutual  aid  societies  was  formed  in 
Rome,  which  meets  every  three  years  in  a  congress.  Every 
affihated  society  is  there  represented  by  three  delegates.  The 
congress  elects  the  board  of  delegates  with  one  representative  for 
every  20  societies.  This  board  meets  twice  a  year.  It  elects  an 
executive  committee  of  8,  which  meets  every  two  months,  to  carry 
out  the  poHcy  outlined  by  the  congress.  Its  principal  function  is 
to  stimulate  legislation  in  favor  of  mutual  aid  societies  and  of 
labor.  The  general  secretary  is  appointed  on  an  understanding 
with  the  national  league  of  co-operative  societies.  By  tliis  personal 
union  of  the  secretary  both  organizations  show  clearly  that  they 
want  to  work  harmoniously  together.     This  is  possible  because  the 


THE  ITALIAN  TRIPLE  ALLIANCE  OF  LABOR  227 

interests  of  both  societies  never  conflict,  but  are  identical.  To  form 
the  Italian  triple  alliance  of  labor  it  was  therefore  only  necessary 
that  the  general  federation  of  labor  should  join  the  union  of  the  two 
other  societies.  This  happened  recently  and  the  new  alliance  is 
the  most  important  factor  in  the  struggle  of  the  lower  classes  to 
improve  their  conditions.'  In  January,  1913,  representatives  of 
the  three  organizations  met  to  discuss  the  situation  of  the  Italian 
proletariat  and  to  adopt  a  common  platform  as  a  basis  of  action 
which  should  bring  greater  solidarity  and  better  organization  of  the 
masses.  The  leaders  were  quite  outspoken  in  their  criticism  of 
the  present  lack  of  unity  and  of  co-operation  between  the  different 
organizations  of  the  people.  The  representatives  decided  on  start- 
ing a  vigorous  campaign  of  education  and  of  propaganda  in  all 
three  fields,  resistance  against  capitaUstic  exploitation  by  trades 
unions,  organization  of  co-operative  societies  to  free  the  workers 
from  commercial  and  industrial  oppression,  mutual  aid  societies 
to  insure  themselves  against  the  consequences  of  physical  disability 
and  unemployment.  It  was  agreed  to  fight  energetically  the  dis- 
senting and  separatistic  organizations  of  Catholics  and  syndicalists. 
The  co-operation  of  the  friendly  group  of  deputies  was  requested 
in  the  following  matters:  obligatory  accident  insurance  for  agri- 
cultural workers;  the  official  incorporation  of  mutual  societies; 
the  introduction  of  a  revised  system  of  probiviri,  industrial  courts, 
in  agricultural  districts;  interior  colonization  on  a  large  scale  by 
settling  on  improved  land  proletarian  f amiUes  as  collective  tenants ; 
better  representation  of  the  working  people  in  the  superior  council 
of  labor;  establishment  of  a  bank  of  labor  to  guarantee  necessary 
credit  to  co-operation  societies  of  production  and  of  labor.^     This 

■  The  triple  alliance  made  a  wonderful  and  impressive  demonstration  in  Bologna 
on  May  25.  Capitalistic  contractors  had  urged  in  the  public  press  and  petitioned  the 
government  to  stop  giving  contracts  to  the  organized  laborers.  For  response  the 
united  forces  of  labor,  over  1,000  different  organizations,  met  and  showed  the  condi- 
tions under  which  private  contractors  had  severed  public  contracts,  and  how  many 
times  the  government  had  been  exploited  and  deceived.  The  latest  great  building 
scandal  in  Rome  and  several  others  of  less  importance  furnished  ample  material  to 
the  defenders  of  the  co-operative  movements. 

'  By  royal  decree  issued  May  28,  1913,  the  new  national  institute  of  credit  in 
Rome  was  created  with  a  capital  of  $1,300,000.  Its  purpose  is  to  subsidize  all 
co-operative  societies,  which  submit  to  governmental  inspection. 


228  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

is  a  very  extensive  program  for  the  next  years,  but  nothing  radical 
or  revolutionary.  It  must  be  hoped  in  the  interest  of  Italy  that  her 
representatives  in  Rome  will  embody  these  or  similar  provisions 
in  the  laws  of  the  country.  The  Italian  proletariat  is  at  present 
divided  by  different  socialist  doctrines.  Progressive  legislation 
will  help  the  opportunistic  wing  of  the  party  and  its  able  leaders 
in  their  struggle  for  existence.  Moreover,  the  ItaHan  government 
is  totally  in  the  dark  about  the  outcome  of  the  next  general  election. 
It  extended  the  franchise  to  all  males,  whether  they  can  read  and 
write,  or  not.  It  is  in  absolute  need  of  the  progressive  socialists 
in  the  face  of  a  probable  large  return  of  reactionary  deputies.  The 
sociaUsts  in  Italy  of  the  progressive  type  can  well  afiford  to  vote 
for  a  government  which  has  shown  its  absolute  wilUngness  to 
legislate  in  order  to  improve  social  conditions. 


A  WOMAN'S  HANDICAP  IN  EFFICIENCY 


LAURA  CLARKE  ROCKWOOD 
Iowa  City,  Iowa 


In  1 910  there  were  enrolled  in  the  different  colleges  of  the 
country  about  75,000  women.  The  influence  of  these  women  upon 
the  physical,  mental,  and  moral  welfare  of  our  future  citizens  is 
almost  incalculable,  for  it  is  so  far  reaching.  Incalculable  as  it  is, 
there  should  be  some  way  of  measuring  to  some  degree  the  influence 
of  this  college  education  upon  these  women  and  the  influence  of 
these  women  upon  the  race.  Otherwise,  as  a  race  we  can  make  no 
definite  progress  but  simply  advance  or  retrograde  in  a  haphazard 
way. 

An  exact  scientist  when  he  wants  information  makes  use  of  his 
microscope  and  his  laboratory.  When  a  sociologist,  whose  field 
is  found  in  man's  relation  to  man  in  a  state  of  society,  wishes 
definite  information  he  must  gather  his  facts  from  individuals  in 
the  great  laboratory  of  the  world.  Subjective  facts  must  be 
obtained  at  the  volition  of  the  individual  and  too  often  the  indi- 
vidual "won't  tell." 

In  no  field  has  it  been  more  difficult  for  the  sociologist  to  obtain 
complete  material  for  conclusions  than  in  that  of  the  home,  which 
is  the  institution  most  fundamental  to  society.  Objective  material 
can  be  obtained,  but  of  the  real  inner  life  of  the  home  and  the  action 
and  reaction  of  individuals  there,  in  accordance  with  their  heredity, 
environment,  and  education,  much  remains  to  be  discovered  before 
external  conditions  can  be  improved. 

Much  of  the  objective  material  which  comes  to  the  notice  of  the 
sociologist  is  not  favorable  to  the  continuance  of  the  home  under 
present-day  conditions.  For  instance,  statistics  tell  us  that  one- 
fourth  of  all  deaths  are  of  children  under  five  years  of  age  who  are 
entirely  dependent  for  their  welfare  upon  the  intelligent  or  unintelli- 
gent ministrations  of  the  home.  This  high  death-rate  of  itself 
shows  something  wrong  with  home  conditions  or  the  preparation 

229 


230  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  home-makers.  The  75,000  college-bred  women  who  represent 
the  most  intelligent  women  in  training  today,  together  with  the 
alumnae  of  these  colleges,  can  contribute  much  to  sociological 
investigations  for  improving  home  conditions  if  they  will  honestly 
give  subjective  facts  from  their  own  experience,  if  only  on  this  one 
topic  of  how  much  their  pubUc-school  and  college  education  has 
really  helped  or  hindered  them  in  their  home  life.  Until  some  such 
accurate  information  is  obtained,  our  colleges  for  women  -will  go 
on  much  as  they  are  doing,  giving  culture  studies  alone  or  almost 
everything  else  than  anything  pertaining  directly  to  the  real  business 
of  home-making  and  of  raising  men  and  women  to  be  sound  physi- 
cally, mentally,  and  morally. 

My  parents  provided  for  me  a  college  education.  I  make  this 
statement  not  from  any  feeling  of  pride  but  simply  for  the  purpose 
of  showing  that  I  received  what  at  the  time  was  supposed  to  be  a 
liberal  education  for  a  girl.  I  am  glad  to  tell  for  the  benefit  of  the 
home  life  of  others  just  what  that  education  has  meant  to  me  and 
to  suggest  from  the  facts  in  my  own  experience,  strengthened  by 
those  gathered  from  observation  and  the  testimony  of  others, 
something  of  woman's  handicap  in  developing  efficiency  in  the 
home. 

During  my  college  days  I  was  well  trained  in  four  languages, 
their  literatures,  and  some  related  connecting  historical  facts.  I 
was  indifferently  trained  in  the  small  amount  of  science  I  was  com- 
pelled to  take  and  not  taught  at  all  concerning  the  fundamental 
facts  of  human  relationship.  My  college  being  a  coeducational  one. 
I  did  not  suffer  for  men's  society  nor  social  life.  These  combined 
opportunities  of  my  college  days  furnished  the  foundations  of  my 
assets  when  later  I  was  launched  into  my  profession  in  life — that 
of  home-maker. 

It  is  customary  for  a  father  to  ask  of  a  young  man  who  comes 
to  claim  his  daughter:  ''What  are  your  business  quahfications ? 
Are  you  capable  of  supporting  a  home?"  With  equal  justice  the 
mother  of  the  prospective  bridegroom  might  ask  the  bride-to-be: 
"What  are  your  quahfications  for  the  business  of  home-maker? 
Are  you  capable  of  maintaining  a  home  efficiently  and  of  raising 
children  who  shall  be  physically,  mentally,  and  morally  sound?" 


A  WOMAN'S  HANDICAP  IN  EFFICIENCY  231 

However,  my  future  mother-in-law  did  not  ask  these  same  questions 
in  just  this  way,  and  so  I  passed — into  matrimony. 

I  have  been  trying  to  make  a  success  of  it  with  the  resources  at 
hand  and  I  am  free  to  confess,  after  an  effort  extending  over  several 
years,  that  I  realize  that  the  successful  home-maker  needs  to  be  a 
much  more  capable  and  balanced  individual  than  I  in  my  school  and 
college  days  ever  imagined.  A  day  of  the  average  home-maker 
in  the  middle  walks  of  life,  where  she  is  often  mistress  and  maid, 
child's  nurse  and  invalid  nurse,  companion  and  friend,  calls  for  a 
wit  and  wisdom  and  efficiency  on  her  part  which  can  be  developed, 
not  by  domestic  science  studies  alone  nor  by  culture  studies  alone, 
but  by  a  suitable  combination  of  them  all. 

From  my  college  education,  insufficient  as  it  was,  I  brought  to 
my  business  in  life  some  help,  to  be  sure.  A  person  cannot  live  in 
the  presence  of  the  master-minds  of  the  different  nations  without 
receiving  some  uplift  in  so  doing.  But  though  I  cannot  see  that  the 
study  of  language  and  literature  has  made  me  more  capable  of 
deaHng  with  the  practical  problems  of  life,  it  has  made  life  much 
more  interesting  to  me  and  has  made  me,  no  doubt,  more  sympa- 
thetic and  appreciative  of  the  best  things  in  the  world. 

My  training  in  history  has  increased  my  enjoyment  in  reading 
and  has  helped  me  of  course  with  a  background  of  general  intelli- 
gence without  bearing  directly  on  the  real  duties  of  life  today. 

Some  of  the  most  efficient  training  for  life  M^hich  I  did  receive 
came  from  our  professor  of  Enghsh  literature,  who,  not  content  with 
developing  our  appreciation  of  the  beauties  of  an  author's  work, 
used  continually  to  call  upon  us  without  warning  to  give  in  a  few 
words  the  thought  of  a  paragraph  or  page.  As  a  preparation  for 
class  we  were  frequently  called  upon  to  outline  essays  and  books 
paragraph  by  paragraph,  and  then,  discarding  everything  unneces- 
sary, to  construct  an  outUne  of  the  work.  Macaulay  or  DeQuincey 
or  Carlyle  might  have  been  startled  to  have  been  confronted  by 
some  of  these  skeletons  of  theirs  if  they  had  seen  them,  but  we 
students  in  this  way  developed  an  ability  in  getting  to  the  heart  of 
the  story  which  I,  for  one,  know  has  stood  me  in  good  stead  in  every 
decision  in  later  Ufe.  To  this  extent  my  college  education  has 
helped  me  to  think  my  way  quickly  through  a  situation. 


232  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  science  I  studied  had  Uttle  reference  to  anything  in  my  pro- 
fession in  life.  No  doubt  it  would  all  have  been  very  valuable  to 
me  if  I  had  been  going  to  continue  scientific  work  for  some  other 
purpose.  But  of  my  professional  life  as  a  woman  or  that  of  any 
of  the  other  girls  in  the  class,  the  professors  were  not  taking  cog- 
nizance in  those  days. 

We  were  then  in  that  stage  of  education  when  we  were  engaged  in 
proving  that  a  girl  can  master  the  same  lessons  as  a  boy  if  she  will, 
rather  than  in  that  stage  which  is  now  in  sight  when  we  choose  to 
take  for  granted  that  a  girl  is  bright  enough  to  learn  the  same 
lessons  as  a  boy  but  that  she  needs  for  her  life's  work  something 
different  from  what  the  boy  needs. 

A  good  practical  course  in  domestic  chemistry  or  physics  or 
bacteriology  or  physiology  or  domestic  entomology,  I  am  sure, 
would  have  done  my  family  and  myself  more  good  than  all  the 
knowledge  and  experience  I  derived  from  cutting  up  clams  and 
earthworms.  I  think  we  girls  would  also  have  been  the  gainers  in 
mental  uplift  and  culture  from  such  courses  if  they  had  been  offered 
in  our  time. 

The  social  hfe  which  came  to  me  in  a  coeducational  institution 
was  productive  of  good  up  to  the  point  where  it  became  a  waste  of 
time  and  strength.  I  learned  to  appreciate  men  for  what  they 
really  were  without  illusion,  and  this  insight  is  helping  me  to  train 
my  boys  more  carefully  to  cultivate  the  traits  of  character  of 
permanent  value.  One  of  our  foreign  diplomats  recently,  in  speak- 
ing in  private  conversation,  said:  "You  know  in  my  college  days 
I  was  not  much  of  a  believer  in  coeducation,  but  since  I  have  lived 
so  long  in  foreign  countries  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that 
coeducation  in  America  with  the  constant  mingling  of  boys  and 
girls  in  a  natural  and  inspiring  environment  is  responsible  for  the 
much  better  moral  conditions  here  than  abroad." 

Out  from  my  four  years'  college  training,  then,  I  brought  to  my 
profession  of  home-making  an  appreciation  of  literature  and  history, 
some  ability  in  sifting  out  the  kernel  of  a  subject,  some  discrimina- 
tion in  recognizing  a  character  for  what  it  is  worth,  and  some  social 
instincts— not  a  very  big  legacy  to  bring  to  the  task  of  raising  a 
family  to  physical,  mental,  and  moral  efficiency  on  limited  income 
and  limited  strength. 


A  WOMAN'S  HANDICAP  IN  EFFICIENCY  233 

What  have  I  needed  to  cultivate  to  make  me  fitted  for  my  pro- 
fession? First,  I  needed  to  cultivate  an  attitude  of  mind  to  make 
me  conscious  that  no  work  is  drudgery  which  leads  to  a  worthy  end, 
excepting  that  we  make  ourselves  think  that  it  is  drudgery.  This 
state  of  mind  I  have  cultivated,  not  so  much  with  the  aid  of  my 
college  training  as  with  the  help  of  my  reHgious  training. 

I  will  lift  up  my  eyes  unto  the  hills  from  whence  cometh  my  help. 
In  quietness  and  confidence  is  your  strength. 
Your  labor  is  not  in  vain  in  the  Lord. 
Be  ye  steadfast,  unmovable. 
I  have  fought  a  good  fight. 

He  that  is  faithful  in  that  which  is  least  is  faithful  also  in  much. 
The  heart  of  her  husband  doth  safely  trust  in  her  so  that  he  shall  have  no 
need  of  spoil. 

She  openeth  her  mouth  with  wisdom  and  in  her  tongue  is  the  law  of  kind- 
ness. 

She  looketh  well  to  the  ways  of  her  household  and  eateth  not  the  bread  of 
idleness. 

Her  children  rise  up  and  call  her  blessed;  her  husband  also  and  he  praiseth 
her. 

Next  after  this  attitude  of  mind  was  developed  I  needed  to 
increase  my  efficiency.  I  must  be  cook  and  nurse  and  business 
manager  in  the  home.  In  addition  I  must  give  all  I  could  to  the 
outside  world  in  the  way  of  sympathetic  co-operation.  I  must 
learn  to  do  well  all  I  could  with  the  least  possible  expenditure  of 
energy.  Hence  I  must  read,  study,  and  work  just  as  I  had  done  in 
college,  but  along  new  Hnes,  and  I  set  to  work,  step  by  step.  To  be 
sure,  my  college  training  helped  me  to  grasp  subjects  more  quickly 
than  I  otherwise  should  have  done,  but  a  course  in  my  senior  year 
in  college  by  some  practical  as  well  as  theoretical  person  upon  the 
application  of  college  studies  and  science  to  home  life  would  have 
saved  much  friction  and  many  mistakes. 

I  had  had  no  careful  training  in  the  subjects,  in  the  fields,  in 
which  society  expects  me  as  a  woman  to  be  supreme.  I  had  had  no 
opportunity  for  a  careful  study  of  chemistry  and  physics,  bacteri- 
ology and  physiology  as  applied  to  disinfection  and  disease,  sanitary 
construction,  the  disposal  of  wastes,  and  the  many  other  problems 
of  human  welfare  which  must  be  solved  through  the  homes.  To  be 
sure,  these  principles  were  taught  somewhere  in  our  university  but 


234 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


nowhere  were  they  correlated  to  make  a  systematic  course  adapted 
to  a  large  proportion  of  the  students — that  is,  to  the  girls  who  were 
to  have  in  closest  charge  the  physical,  mental,  and  moral  welfare 
of  the  race. 

Most  men  are  only  indirectly  interested  in  these  problems,  and 
if  women  cannot,  or  will  not,  solve  them,  in  many  cases  they  will 
be  unsuccessfully  met. 

When  in  the  early  days  of  my  married  life  I  spoiled  an  expensive 
aluminum  roasting-pan  by  trying  to  clean  it  with  lye,  I  wished  for 
some  scientific  information  of  more  practical  bearing  than  the  knowl- 
edge of  the  circulation  of  an  earthworm.  I  felt  the  same  need  when 
little  John  was  brought  in  senseless  from  a  fall  from  the  barn. 
Some  way  nothing  from  Homer  or  Virgil  seemed  quite  suitable 
in  the  extremity.  Again  and  again  in  treating  the  cuts  of  childhood 
and  adult  life  I  have  wished  for  an  intelligent  course  in  emergency 
nursing,  and  surely  such  a  course  in  my  college  days  could  not  have 
detracted  much  from  the  influence  of  culture  studies. 

I  have  felt  in  diverse  difficulties  the  need  of  more  of  a  study  of 
science  with  special  application  to  home-making.  For  example, 
one  morning  when  the  cream  in  the  neighborhood  turned  ropy, 
the  neighbors  came  running  to  me  because  they  thought  that  I, 
being  a  college  girl,  ought  to  be  able  to  explain  the  difficulty  and 
tell  them  if  the  milk  would  injure  their  children.  I  was  obliged  to 
own  to  myself  in  confusion  that  the  abiUty  to  quote  Dante  freely 
had  in  no  way  fortified  me  for  such  predicaments  of  practical  Hfe. 

But  there  are  other  deficiencies  in  the  training  of  us  college  girls 
which  I  have  been  trying  to  overcome  besides  the  practical  ones 
relating  to  food,  clothing,  and  shelter.  Food  is  always  essential  to 
vitality,  and  clothing  and  shelter  generally  so.  After  a  while,  how- 
ever, some  mothers  find  that  they  can  provide  for  these  needs  not 
only  well  but  somewhat  automatically.  Then  if  we  take  account 
of  stock  we  may  find  that  there  is  danger  of  our  laying  too  much 
stress  upon  the  physical  needs  of  humanity.  Our  children  need 
food  for  their  minds  as  well  as  for  their  bodies,  and  we  begin  to 
wish  that  our  college  training  had  given  us,  in  addition  to  an  appreci- 
ation of  Uterature,  an  appreciation  of  music  and  art  also,  and  had 
had  more  to  tell  us  girls  of  human  nature  itself,  of  the  interrelations 
of  man  and  man,  of  society  and  society,  of  state  and  state. 


A  WOMAN'S  HANDICAP  IN  EFFICIENCY  235 

Some  women  are  blessed  with  husbands  who  can  point  the  way 
along  these  paths  of  learning,  and  occasionally  a  woman  is  pioneer 
enough  to  blaze  a  trail  for  herself.  The  successful  college  for 
women  cannot  depend  upon  the  husbands  to  educate  the  girls, 
because  so  few  husbands  have  the  time  or  talent  and  many  girls 
have  no  husbands. 

A  woman's  first  responsibihty  to  her  family,  as  society  is  today 
organized,  is  food,  but  beyond  that  she  is  responsible  for  their 
mental  and  spiritual  development,  and  as  an  aid  in  meeting  this 
responsibility  she  has  a  right  to  expect  much  help  from  her  college. 

For  colleges  where  women  are  students,  to  undertake  something 
in  the  way  of  science  and  art  apphed  to  home-making  is  not  servi- 
tude nor  retrogression.  It  will  be  the  giving  to  the  girls  who  go  out 
into  Hfe  to  be  leaders  reserve  information  which  in  their  wide 
activities  as  women  they  are  bound  to  require. 

And  so  a  woman's  need  today  is  the  recognition  in  the  planning 
of  her  college  course  of  the  fact  that,  no  matter  whether  or  not  she 
is  to  be  the  breadwinner,  nevertheless  in  some  capacity,  either  as 
wife  or  sister  or  daughter,  in  the  majority  of  cases  the  welfare  of  a 
home,  sometime,  somewhere,  is  to  be  dependent  upon  her.  She  is 
the  connecting  link  between  the  civilization  of  the  past  and  the 
progress  of  the  future. 

The  need  seems  clear  and  the  path  of  remedy  plain.  The  diffi- 
culty for  the  next  few  years  will  be  to  find  teachers  of  college  and 
university  grade  with  high  ideals  and  broad  culture,  with  wide 
training  and  successful  experience  in  home  life,  who  because  of 
these  quaHfications  are  thus  capable  of  removing  from  woman  this 
handicap  in  her  efl&ciency,  by  giving  her  suitable  education  for  her 
work  in  the  world. 


AN  INTRODUCTORY  COURSE  TO  THE  SOCIAL 
SCIENCES 


MAURICE  PARMELEE 

College  of  the  City  of  New  York 

There  has  been  a  good  deal  of  discussion  recently  in  regard  to 
the  introductory  courses  in  the  social  sciences.  For  example,  the 
introductory  course  in  sociology  has  been  discussed  at  recent  meet- 
ings of  the  American  Sociological  Society,  and  certain  groups  of 
economists  have  been  discussing  the  introductory  course  in  econom- 
ics. Considerable  difference  of  opinion  has  manifested  itself  in 
these  discussions.  For  example,  among  the  sociologists  there  have 
been  those  who  have  denied  entirely  the  utility  of  an  introductory 
course,  while  among  those  who  favor  such  a  course  there  has  been 
much  difference  of  opinion  as  to  its  nature.  The  question  may 
legitimately  be  raised  whether  it  is  possible  or  advisable  to  standard- 
ize the  introductory  course  so  that  it  will  be  taught  in  about  the 
same  way  everywhere.  It  goes  without  saying  that  each  teacher 
has  a  pedagogical  method  which  is  somewhat  individual,  and  he 
must  therefore  teach  in  his  own  way.  This  is  particularly  true  in 
advanced  work,  where  there  should  be  the  greatest  latitude  for 
individual  peculiarities  of  method.  In  these  advanced  courses  the 
teacher  should  be  dealing  with  the  special  problems  in  which  he  is 
interested. 

Despite  the  objections  referred  to  above,  the  force  of  which  I 
recognize  to  a  certain  extent,  I  wish  to  propose  a  course  which  would 
serve  as  an  introduction,  not  merely  to  one  of  the  social  sciences,  but 
to  all  of  them.  For  while  in  the  discussions  mentioned  above  the 
introductory  courses  to  several  of  the  social  sciences  have  been  dis- 
cussed, a  general  introductory  course  to  social  science  has  barely 
been  mentioned.  And  yet  such  a  general  course  would,  I  believe, 
be  of  great  value  and  could  take  the  place  in  part  of  the  introductory 
courses  in  the  different  social  sciences, 

236 


INTRODUCTORY  COURSE  TO  THE  SOCIAL  SCIENCES     237 

Social  science  deals  with  some  of  the  latest  products  of  organic 
evolution,  namely,  social  phenomena.  The  evolution  which  pre- 
cedes these  social  phenomena  is  the  same  for  all  these  phenomena, 
so  that  there  are  a  great  many  facts  with  regard  to  this  evolution 
which  are  the  same  for  all  the  social  sciences,  just  as  there  are  a  great 
many  facts  with  regard  to  social  phenomena  which  are  the  same 
for  all  the  social  sciences.  For  this  reason  it  would  hardly  be 
possible  for  the  introductory  courses  to  the  social  sciences  to  be 
entirely  different.  On  the  contrary,  if  they  are  truly  introductory 
in  the  sense  that  they  furnish  this  evolutionary  background,  they 
would  have  to  be  very  nearly  if  not  quite  alike.  It  is  therefore 
to  a  certain  extent  a  waste  of  time  to  be  offering  an  introductory 
course  in  each  of  the  social  sciences  when  one  course  can  perform 
this  function  in  large  part  if  not  entirely  for  all.  Furthermore, 
such  a  course  would  impress  upon  the  student  very  emphatically 
the  fundamental  unity  of  all  social  science.  In  all  probability  there 
are  many  students  who,  though  they  may  take  courses  in  several 
of  the  social  sciences,  never  realize  this  fundamental  unity. 

It  would  appear,  therefore,  that  there  are  a  sufficient  number  of 
facts  that  are  generally  accepted  which  should  be  in  any  intro- 
ductory course  in  a  social  science  to  make  it  possible  to  devise  a 
general  introductory  course  to  social  science.  We  have  already 
recognized  that  each  teacher  has  his  own  pedagogical  method,  and 
it  has  been  admitted  that  it  is  well,  up  to  a  certain  point,  for  him  to 
follow  his  own  method.  In  any  case  he  is  bound  to  do  so  to  a  cer- 
tain extent,  since  individual  pecuHarities  can  never  be  entirely 
suppressed  in  teaching.  In  the  advanced  courses  it  is  probably  best 
to  make  no  attempt  whatever  to  standardize  pedagogical  method, 
for  the  teacher  will  thus  be  left  entirely  free  to  make  his  own  con- 
tribution, and  the  students  should  be  sufficiently  oriented  in  the 
subject  to  be  able  to  profit  by  it  regardless  of  the  method  of  presen- 
tation. But  in  the  introductory  course  it  seems  reasonable  that 
the  data  used  should  be  much  the  same  for  all,  and  that  certain 
psychological  and  pedagogical  principles  should  be  observed  which 
will  make  it  easier  for  the  student  to  become  oriented  in  a  new 
subject. 

Let  us  consider  briefly  the  nature  of  the  introductory  courses 


238  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

to  the  social  sciences  as  they  are  now  taught,  before  describing  a 
general  introductory  course  to  social  science.  As  has  already  been 
noticed,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  difference  of  opinion  among  teachers 
of  sociology  as  to  how  the  introductory  course  in  that  subject  should 
be  taught.  Many  of  them  have  been  led  by  practical  considerations 
into  giving  courses  which  deal  largely  with  immediate  social  prob- 
lems. Such  courses  are  supposed  to  have  the  advantage  of  having 
practical  value  and  of  being  concrete  and  therefore  easy  for  the 
students  to  understand.  A  much  smaller  number  of  teachers  have 
been  giving  courses  which  consist  largely  of  the  discussion  of 
methodological  questions  and  of  highly  abstract  theories  as  to  the 
nature  of  society.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  those  teachers  have 
been  most  successful  who  have  been  giving  courses  which  have  set 
their  students  upon  the  highroad  leading  to  an  understanding  of 
the  nature  of  society.  That  is  to  say,  these  courses  have  furnished 
the  students  the  necessary  data  as  to  the  simpler  social  elements 
and  the  fundamental  forces  at  work  in  society.  These  courses 
should  contain  only  a  very  small  modicum  of  methodology  and  may 
be  quite  as  concrete  as  the  so-called  practical  courses.  Furthermore, 
they  may  have  quite  as  great  a  practical  value  in  the  long  run  as 
the  so-called  practical  courses  for  reasons  which  will  be  stated  later. 

The  introductory  course  to  economics  has  been  usually  too 
theoretical  and  abstract  in  its  character.  It  would  take  too  long 
to  explain  why  this  has  been  the  case,  but  it  is  evident  that  this 
course  should  become  more  historical  and  concrete  in  its  char- 
acter. On  the  other  hand,  the  introductory  course  to  political 
science  has  frequently  been  very  concrete  and  practical  in  its  nature. 
Many  teachers  of  this  subject  have  chosen  to  make  this  course  a 
study  of  local  political  institutions  without  endeavoring  to  make  it 
a  fundamental  course  in  the  origin,  evolution,  and  nature  of  political 
institutions. 

History  may  or  may  not  be  a  social  science.  This  is  a  question 
we  need  not  discuss  here.  At  any  rate,  it  is  obviously  in  a  some- 
what different  status  from  the  other  social  sciences,  since  it  is 
devoted  primarily  to  recording  events,  while  the  other  social  sci- 
ences are  devoted  to  the  description  and  analysis  of  social  phe- 
nomena.    For  this  reason  a  general  introductory  course  to  social 


INTRODUCTORY  COURSE  TO  THE  SOCIAL  SCIENCES     239 

science  could  not  hope  to  replace  the  introductory  course  in  history, 
whatever  that  course  may  be.  For  example,  if  this  course  is  modern 
European  history  it  is  obvious  that  such  a  general  introductory 
course  would  in  nowise  replace  it.  But  a  general  introductory 
course  to  social  science  might  nevertheless  furnish  very  excellent 
general  preparation  for  the  study  of  history  in  a  way  which  will  be 
indicated  later. 

The  general  purpose  of  all  these  introductory  courses,  it  seems 
to  me,  should  be  to  direct  the  student  toward  an  understanding 
of  the  nature  of  society  so  far  as  that  is  possible.  The  scien- 
tific reasons  for  this  are  obvious  enough.  But  there  are  also  excel- 
lent practical  reasons.  It  is  usually  true  that  courses  which  are 
limited  to  the  study  of  local  conditions  and  immediate  problems 
have  more  immediate  practical  results.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
it  is  probably  quite  as  true  that  the  more  fundamental  courses  have, 
in  the  long  run,  greater  practical  value.  This  knowledge  as  to  the 
nature  of  society,  which  gradually  spreads  by  filtering  down  from 
those  who  attain  it  in  university  courses,  must  have  a  great  deal 
of  effect  in  placing  legislation  and  other  methods  of  changing  social 
conditions  and  institutions  upon  a  broader  and  wiser  basis. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  a  consideration  of  what  should  be  the  nature 
of  such  a  general  introductory  course  to  social  science.  It  seems 
to  me,  in  the  first  place,  that  it  should  furnish  an  evolutionary 
approach  to  social  science.  Many  students,  probably  most  of 
them,  lack  an  evolutionary  background  when  they  begin  the  study 
of  social  science.  There  is  much  loss  of  time  because  of  this  igno- 
rance. They  find  it  difficult  to  understand  existing  social  phenom- 
ena because  they  are  incapable  of  comprehending  how  they  came 
into  existence.  Furthermore,  without  such  an  evolutionary  back- 
ground it  is  hardly  possible  for  them  to  arrive  at  a  dynamic  con- 
ception of  society.  The  question,  therefore,  is  how  to  devise  an 
introductory  course  which  will  furnish  this  evolutionary  background. 
A  course  in  biology  might  serve  this  purpose.  But,  in  the  first 
place,  it  is  frequently  impossible  to  require  such  a  course  before  the 
study  of  social  science  is  begun.  Furthermore,  biology  is  in  any 
case  not  sufficiently  close  to  social  science  to  furnish  the  specific 
evolutionary  background  which  is  needed.     I  believe   that  this 


240  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

background  is  furnished  by  anthropology,  and  that  the  evolutionary 
approach  to  social  science  should  be  through  anthropology.  This 
is  because  in  anthropology  the  theory  of  evolution  is  applied  directly 
to  man.  Thus  the  student,  through  the  study  of  anthropology, 
becomes  keenly  aware  of  the  fact  that  man  has  evolved  like  other 
animals  and  that  the  culture  which  characterizes  him  is  also  the 
product  of  evolution. 

This  general  introductory  course  in  anthropology  should  be 
two  or  three  hours  in  length  for  half  a  year,  preferably  three  hours. 
It  should  be  sufficiently  simple  to  be  within  the  comprehension  of 
the  average  Freshman,  since  most  students  should  take  it  as  Fresh- 
men in  order  to  be  able  to  go  on  with  the  study  of  the  social  sciences 
during  the  rest  of  their  course.  The  first  part  of  this  introductory 
course  should  be  devoted  to  a  very  simple  presentation  of  the  facts 
as  to  the  physical  origin  and  evolution  of  man.  Some  emphasis 
should  be  laid  on  the  biological  and  psychological  aspects  of  this 
evolution.  It  is  unfortunately  true  that  anthropologists  have 
usually  ignored  these  aspects  in  the  main.  Their  treatment  of 
man's  physical  evolution  has  been  almost  entirely  morphological 
in  its  character.  They  have  thus  missed  the  dynamic  element 
which  the  broader  biological  treatment  involves.  There  should 
also  be  in  this  part  of  the  course  a  brief  treatment  of  man's  psychic 
characteristics  on  their  biological  side,  which  involves  dealing  with 
the  neural  basis  for  these  characteristics,  etc.  The  second  part  of 
this  course  should  be  devoted  to  a  similarly  brief  and  simple  descrip- 
tion of  the  origin  and  early  evolution  of  the  principal  social  usages, 
customs,  beliefs,  institutions,  etc.  It  should  give  the  student  some 
idea  of  how  human  society  came  into  being,  and  what  it  has  been 
like  in  the  past. 

It  will  probably  at  once  be  said  that  such  a  course  deals  with 
matters  too  remote  from  the  experience  of  the  student  to  make  it 
comprehensible  to  him.  But  if  taught  in  the  right  way,  it  may 
be  made  very  concrete,  and  therefore  quite  comprehensible,  even 
to  a  Freshman.  For  example,  in  deahng  with  the  physical  evolu- 
tion of  man,  pictures  and  casts  of  the  skulls  of  prehistoric  man  and 
living  or  stuffed  representatives  of  the  lower  primates  can  be  used 
to  represent  the  different  stages  in  the  evolution  of  man.     When 


INTRODUCTORY  COURSE  TO  THE  SOCIAL  SCIENCES     241 

dealing  with  social  origins,  primitive  tools  and  other  implements, 
pictures  and  models  of  archaeological  remains,  graphic  descriptions 
of  primitive  peoples,  etc.,  can  be  used  to  make  the  data  studied 
real  and  concrete  to  the  student.  In  other  words,  an  anthropo- 
logical and  ethnographic  museum  can  serve  as  a  laboratory  for 
such  a  course.  Furthermore,  the  use  of  certain  pedagogical 
methods  can  aid  greatly  in  making  this  course  comprehensible  to 
the  student.  When  stated  in  simple  language,  the  primary  factors 
in  social  evolution  can  be  made  very  clear  to  the  student.  The 
need  for  food  and  other  necessaries  leading  to  the  invention  of  tools 
the  origin  of  the  division  of  labor,  etc.,  the  necessity  for  reproduc- 
tion and  the  care  of  the  young  leading  to  the  family  and  to  a  certain 
extent  to  the  higher  forais  of  social  organization,  the  need  for  social 
control  leading  to  the  origin  of  moral  ideas,  law,  government,  etc. — 
all  these  can  be  made  quite  comprehensible  to  the  student.  At 
nearly  every  point  in  the  study  comparisons  and  contrasts  with 
present-day  conditions  can  be  made,  thus  making  these  phenomena 
all  the  more  real  to  the  student. 

What,  then,  would  be  the  utiHty  of  this  course  for  the  study 
of  the  social  sciences?  For  sociology  it  would  furnish  some  idea 
of  the  beginnings  of  association,  of  early  social  organization,  etc., 
in  other  words,  of  the  origin  and  early  evolution  of  human  society 
and  of  primitive  culture.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  many  of  these 
details  are  now  furnished  by  some  teachers  of  sociology  in  their 
introductory  courses,  so  that  the  course  we  have  described  would 
to  a  large  extent  take  the  place  of  these  courses.  For  economics 
this  course  would  furnish  some  idea  of  the  beginning  of  the  use  of 
tools,  the  origin  of  the  division  of  labor,  of  exchange,  of  money, 
etc.,  in  other  words,  of  the  industrial  life  in  general.  It  is  pitiable 
to  see  students  floundering  around  in  the  effort  to  grasp  the  nature 
of  our  present  complex  economic  organization  when  perplexed  and 
confused  with  the  textbooks  and  methods  used.  This  difficulty 
for  the  student  might  be  obviated  in  large  part  if  not  entirely  if  the 
evolutionary  method  which  has  been  described  were  used.  For 
political  science  this  course  would  furnish  some  idea  of  the  origin 
of  law,  government,  etc.,  in  other  words,  of  social  control  in  general. 
For  history  this  course  would  furnish  a  prehistoric  background  and 


242  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

a  scientific  basis  which  ought  to  have  a  very  beneficial  effect  on  the 
teaching  of  history.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  many  students  never 
succeed  in  orienting  historic  time  in  time  in  general.  That  is  to 
say,  historic  time  somehow  or  other  begins  in  the  air  without  any- 
thing definite  to  precede  it.  It  may  be  true  that  there  is  nothing 
definitely  historic  to  precede  it,  but  there  are  things  which  are  quite 
as  real  nevertheless.  That  is  to  say,  there  are  the  prehistoric  human 
remains  which  give  us  some  idea  of  what  man  was  Uke  previous 
to  historic  time;  there  are  the  remains  of  man's  implements,  art, 
dwelUngs,  etc.,  which  give  us  some  idea  of  his  culture  before  the 
beginning  of  history. 

If,  then,  this  course  should  have  such  utility  for  the  social  sci- 
ences, it  would  certainly  result  in  a  considerable  saving  of  time  in 
the  study  of  these  subjects.  Whether  or  not  special  introductory 
courses  should  be  dispensed  with  if  this  general  introductory 
course  were  given  it  would  be  impossible  to  state  now.  But  even 
if  the  special  introductory  courses  were  still  given,  so  much  more 
rapid  progress  would  be  made  in  them  and  in  the  more  advanced 
courses  which  succeed  them  that  the  time  given  to  the  general 
introductory  course  would  be  more  than  made  up. 

Such  a  general  introductory  course  would  also  have  some  utility 
as  a  preparation  for  the  study  of  certain  other  subjects  which  are 
not  usually  regarded  as  social  sciences,  such  as  ethics,  psychology, 
philosophy,  comparative  religion,  comparative  jurisprudence,  etc. 
Some  of  these  subjects,  such  as  ethics,  certainly  are  in  large  part 
if  not  entirely  social  sciences,  but  whether  this  is  so  or  not,  the 
course  we  have  described  would  in  one  way  or  another  be  a  prepara- 
tion for  the  study  of  each  one  of  them. 

As  has  already  been  suggested  earlier  in  this  paper,  such  a  course 
would  also  have  utiHty  in  giving  currency  to  the  theory  of  evolution. 
I  need  not  stop  to  describe  the  intellectual  awakening  which  has 
come  in  human  society  at  large  as  a  result  of  the  spread  of  this 
theory  during  the  last  half-century.  The  teaching  of  the  theory 
may  have  the  same  stimulating  and  clarifying  effect  upon  the 
thought  of  the  individual  student,  so  that  no  student  should  leave 
a  university  without  becoming  acquainted  with  this  theory.  And 
yet  it  is  probably  true  that  a  good  many  university  students  never 


INTRODUCTORY  COURSE  TO  THE  SOCIAL  SCIENCES     243 

become  acquainted  with  this  theory.  It  is,  of  course,  taught  in  the 
biological  and  other  scientific  courses.  It  is  taught  in  some  of  the 
courses  in  social  science.  But  it  would  come  to  the  student  in  the 
most  vivid  and  significant  form  as  applied  to  man  in  such  a  course 
as  I  have  described. 

Let  us  now  consider  the  objections  to  such  a  course,  some  of 
which  have  aheady  been  mentioned.  It  will  be  said  that  such  a 
course  would  not  be  in  touch  with  present-day  life  and  would  there- 
fore be  too  difficult  for  the  student,  and  would  have  no  practical 
value  for  him  because  it  could  have  no  practical  application.  I 
have  already  suggested  how  the  course  could  be  made  real  for  the 
student,  even  though  dealing  with  phenomena  somewhat  remote 
from  the  present.  As  to  its  practical  value,  I  believe  that  this 
knowledge  may  have  some  practical  application  in  the  practice  of 
medicine,  law,  education,  etc.  But  even  if  it  had  no  immediate 
practical  utility,  this  course  would  be  justified  in  the  long  run,  even 
on  practical  grounds,  as  furnishing  a  sound  scientific  basis  for  the 
further  study  of  social  science. 

Probably  no  one  who  is  at  all  acquainted  with  anthropology 
would  question  that  there  is  plenty  of  material  for  such  a  course. 
But  some  might  contend  that  the  great  uncertainty  and  difference 
of  opinion  with  respect  to  many  anthropological  questions  make 
anthropology  an  unsuitable  subject  for  such  an  introductory  course. 
I  have  no  desire  to  minimize  this  uncertainty  with  respect  to  many 
anthropological  questions,  and  it  goes  without  saying  that  things 
should  not  be  taught  to  students  in  a  dogmatic  fashion  which 
cannot  be  known  with  certainty.  However,  I  am  inclined  to  think 
that  enough  is  known  with  certainty  to  furnish  a  basis  for  the 
course,  while  the  study  of  the  undecided  questions  may  be  very 
suggestive  and  stimulating  to  the  thought  of  the  student. 

Certain  very  practical  and  real  objections  which  may  be  made 
to  this  course  are  the  lack  of  suitable  textbooks,  and  the  lack  of 
teachers  who  are  prepared  to  teach  such  a  course.  However, 
these  are  not  insurmountable  difficulties,  and  both  the  textbooks 
and  the  trained  teachers  will  be  forthcoming  all  the  more  quickly 
if  the  need  for  such  a  course  is  realized. 

The  last  objection  I  shall  refer  to  is  that  it  is  unfortunate  to 


244  ^^-E  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

attempt  to  standardize  courses  too  much.  It  has  already  been 
indicated  earlier  in  this  paper  that  I  do  not  believe  in  too  much 
standardization.  It  is  evident  that  there  must  always  be  much 
latitude  in  the  use  of  methods  by  dififerent  taechers.  But  it  seems 
to  me  that  we  might  arrive  at  a  consensus  of  opinion  as  to  the 
general  field  to  be  covered  by  such  an  introductory  course. 

I  need  hardly  say  that  the  suggestion  which  has  been  made  in 
this  article  with  respect  to  such  a  course  is  tentative  in  its  nature. 
It  is  apparent  that  this  course  must  be  tried  out  very  fully  before 
we  can  be  entirely  certain  that  it  is  needed  and  can  know  just  what 
form  it  should  take. 

Before  closing  this  article,  I  should  hke  to  say  a  word  as  to  the 
conception  of  the  fimction  of  social  science  which  should  be  held 
by  teachers  of  social  science.  It  seems  to  me  that  the  great  function 
of  social  science  is  to  develop  social  self-consciousness  and  social 
self-knowledge  in  society.  This  can  be  accomphshed  only  in  the 
first  place,  by  acquiring  as  much  information  as  possible  about  the 
nature  of  society,  and,  in  the  second  place,  by  diffusing  this  knowl- 
edge as  widely  as  possible.  Thus  only  can  a  broad  and  stable  foun- 
dation be  laid  for  making  society  that  which  we  should  like  to 
have  it. 


REVIEWS 


Das  religiose  Leben  in  Amerika.    Von  Wilhelm  Muller.     Jena: 
Eugen  Diederichs,  1911.     Pp.266. 

From  the  day  of  Mathew  Arnold  until  now  the  number  of  "impres- 
sions" concerning  American  life  and  American  traits  has  been  on  the 
increase.  School  Director  Muller  gives  us  a  series  of  impressions  con- 
cerning the  religious  life  of  our  national  group  similar  to  Henry  Bargy's 
Monograph,  La  religion  dans  la  societe  aux  Etats  Unis.  There  is  this 
difference  between  these  two  essays.  Bargy  explains  the  functioning  of 
American  religious  life  as  synonymous  with  ethical  life,  while  to  Muller 
ethical  conduct  seems  to  be  a  fruit  of  religious  disposition.  The  little 
book  does  not  aim  to  be  either  a  history  of  religion  in  America  or  a 
scientific  critique,  but  merely  a  subjective  reaction  on  religious  impres- 
sions in  general,  and  their  portrayal  as  they  appear  to  the  observer  of 
German  extraction. 

In  the  first  part  of  the  treatise  the  author  gives  a  rapid  survey  of 
religious  life  in  New  England  under  the  headings  "The  Puritan  (the 
Pilgrims,  the  Puritan  theocracy,  the  end  of  the  theocracy),"  "Alienation 
between  Church  and  Life,  under  the  influence  of  Jonathan  Edwards," 
"The  Reaction  Led  by  Benjamin  Franklin,"  "  Unitarianism  as  an  Ethical 
Force,"  "Transcendentalism,"  and  "Emerson."  In  the  three  chapters 
"From  the  religious  life  of  the  Middle  States,"  the  Quakers,  Methodism, 
and  Roman  Catholicism  are  rapidly  surveyed,  while  the  chapter  on 
"From  the  Religious  Life  of  the  Southern  States"  surveys  the  Protestant 
Episcopal  church,  and  the  rise  of  the  followers  of  Alexander  Campbell. 

In  the  second  part  Doctor  Miiller  traces  the  influence  of  the  German 
immigrants  of  the  late  forties  in  a  negative  way.  He  afl&rms  that  in 
America,  Judaism  is  working  out  its  destiny  as  an  ethical  force.  Of  the 
new  religious  sects  Mormanism,  Spiritualism,  New  Thought,  Dowieism, 
the  Walt  Whitman  Cult,  and  the  Comradeships  of  Mills  seem  to  him 
especially  worthy  of  mention.  He  is  under  the  impression  that  the 
Society  for  Ethical  Culture  has  about  run  its  course  of  usefulness.  A 
very  sympathetic  treatment  is  given  to  the  work  of  the  laity  in  America, 
under  which  chapter  the  author  treats  the  Young  Men's  Christian 
Association,  the  Salvation  Army,  and  the  Societies  of  Christian  Endeavor. 

245 


246  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  reaction  of  this  typical  German  schoolman  on  the  matter  of 
revivals  may  be  of  interest:  "The  German  mind  is  offended  by  loud 
demonstrations,  such  as  the  painful  sighs  and  groans  of  the  penitents  and 
the  thundering  hallelujah  shouts  of  the  converted.  The  relation  of  a 
man  to  his  God  is,  moreover,  such  a  personal,  inner,  and  sacred  thing, 
that  an  exhibition  of  it  before  others  appears  to  him  as  a  profanation, 
especially  if  he  reminds  himself  of  the  saying  of  Jesus  that  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  is  within  you.  The  difference  of  race  must  be  borne  in  mind  here. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  shows  colder  blood  under  ordinary  circumstances,  even 
when  he  is  in  danger,  than  does  the  German,  but  under  extraordinary 
stimulation  there  appear  in  his  case  often  violent  emotional  outbreaks, 
sometimes  volcanic  power It  is  utterly  reprehensible,  if  indi- 
vidual revivalists  abase  their  calling  to  the  stratum  of  remunerative 
business Scientific  research  may  have  transformed  our  ideas  con- 
cerning the  world,  society,  and  the  interpretation  of  the  Bible,  but  the 
needs  of  the  human  heart  have  remained  the  same.  And  in  the  new 
world  these  needs  are  religious  in  the  case  of  thousands  and  thousands. 
Let  modern  positivism  relegate  religion  into  the  rummage  chamber  of 
outlived  world  views,  these  multitudes  yet  believe  that  it  has  saving 
power.  And  if  anyone  brings  it  to  them  with  the  power  of  compelling 
conviction,  he  becomes  to  them  a  welcome  herald  of  inner  liberty." 

The  chapter  on  faith  healing  leads  the  author  to  the  statement  that 
the  religious  power  or  significance  of  the  Emmanuel  movement  will 
function  positively  only  in  so  far  as  the  heali:ng  will  lead  the  healed  to  a 
higher  plane  of  ethical  living.  After  a  highly  sympathetic  survey  of  the 
question  of  the  church  and  labor,  Director  Miiller  makes  the  dictum  of 
the  late  Carroll  D.  Wright  his  own,  in  which  that  lamented  author  states 
that  the  solution  of  the  great  economic  problems  must  be  worked  out 
along  the  line  of  scientific  investigation,  but  can  be  worked  out  only  by  a 
practical  application  of  religious  principles.  In  his  chapter  on  "Church 
Life  in  America"  the  author  analyzes  keenly  the  competitive  sectarian 
scheme,  and  gives  it  as  his  conviction  that  the  Inter-Church  Federation 
will  solve  the  problem. 

The  hope  of  the  American  world  is  summed  up  in  the  chapter  on 
"Religious  Liberalism"  in  this  fashion:  "Surveying  the  mountain  peaks 
of  historical  development  in  America,  ....  the  religious  liberal 
....  connects  the  fulfilment  of  his  expectations  with  the  appearance  of 
a  far-seeing  thinker  who  enters  the  arena  of  life  in  the  possession  of  the 
wisdom  of  the  past,  with  clear  understanding  of  the  needs  of  the  present, 
and  with  a  warm  heart  for  their  longings In  this  strife  he  would 


REVIEWS  247 

have  to  be  the  creative  spirit,  who  would  find  new  forms  of  expression  for 
the  religious  feeling  and  thinking  of  these  seekers  after  truth,  who  are 
illumined  by  the  dawn  of  the  morrow  of  the  future,  and  these  forms  of 
expression  would  have  to  be  comprehensible,  significant,  and  command- 
ing reverence  to  the  wise  and  the  foolish  alike." 

The  concluding  chapter  is  devoted  to  a  prophecy  as  to  the  religion  of 
the  future;  "The  coming  rehgion  will  need  less  a  theological  system,  a 
definite  ritual  or  an  ecclesiastical  organization,  than  it  will  need  a  life  in 
the  veneration  of  God,  in  striving  after  inner  truth  and  purity,  in  enthu- 
siasm for  everything  good,  in  strife  against  everything  bad,  and  in 
unceasing  endeavor  to  work  sacrificially  and  unceasingly  toward  the  self- 
realization  of  the  individual  in  society." 

Withal,  Director  Miiller  is  giving  us  a  picture  of  ourselves,  a  nation 
in  the  making,  in  which  he  sees  through  German  optics,  darkly,  the  truth, 
that  some  of  us  have  been  seeing  more  or  less  clearly  for  some  time,  that 
the  religion  which  will  function  in  contemporaneous  Ufe  is  not  a  religion 
of  Shibboleths,  nor  a  religion  of  provincial  sectarianism,  nor  an  assevera- 
tion of  distinction  of  policy  in  things  ecclesiastic,  but  a  religion  of  spirit, 
revealing  itself  to  spirit,  and  issuing  in  righteousness,  until  the  nations  of 
the  world  shall  come  to  see  that  righteousness  exalteth  a  nation,  and  that 
that  nation  is  blessed  whose  God  is  Jehovah. 

Hugo  P.  J.  Selinger 

University  of  Puget  Sound 


Women  in  the  Bookbinding  Trade.  By  Mary  Van  Kleek.  New 
York:  Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  1913.  Pp.  xx-f27o.  $1.50. 
This  book  is  the  first  published  of  the  peculiarly  timely  investigations 
of  the  newly  organized  Committee  on  Women's  Work  of  the  Russell  Sage 
Foundation.  As  pointed  out  in  the  introduction  by  its  chairman.  Pro- 
fessor Henry  W.  Seager,  the  number  of  women  in  industry  is  rapidly 
increasing,  the  conditions  under  which  they  work  threaten  social  deteri- 
oration, and  our  courts  are  now  fully  committed  to  the  policy  of  recog- 
nizing them  as  a  class  in  need  of  special  protection.  Social  workers  who 
have  followed  the  recent  efforts  of  our  state  legislators  to  give  expression 
to  an  increased  public  sensitiveness  about  the  treatment  of  women 
workers  would  be  glad  to  have  the  lawmakers  learn  a  lesson  from  the  plans 
of  this  committee.  Hasty  efforts  to  enact  laws  based  on  no  more  accurate 
information  than  that  collected  in  sensational  and  haphazard  investiga- 
tions of  untrained  legislators  are  likely  to  result  in  a  serious  setback  to 


248  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

our  American  social-politics  movement.  This  series  of  exhaustive  and 
painstaking  examinations  of  typical  trades  employing  women  will  furnish 
a  sound  basis  for  regulations  in  eastern  cities,  and  supply  models  for  the 
studies  needed  in  the  Middle  West  and  on  the  Pacific  coast  for  the 
guidance  of  the  generous  impulses  of  the  lawmakers  of  these  newer 
communities. 

We  are  left  in  no  doubt  as  to  the  findings  of  this  investigation,  as  the 
concluding  chapter  gives  a  clear  summary  of  the  changes  necessary  to 
establish  wholesome  standards  (pp.  230-31).  The  most  serious  evils  of 
the  trade  are  overtime  and  irregularity  of  employment.  The  reports  of 
overtime  show  twelve-hour  days  in  23  per  cent  of  the  cases;  in  25  per 
cent  the  overtime  day  was  longer  than  twelve  hours,  and  instances  were 
found  where  girls  had  worked  continuously  for  18  to  22  hours.  The  need 
of  strictly  enforced  legal  regulations  of  the  hours  of  labor  and  periods  of 
night  rest  is  obvious.  The  introduction  of  more  "scientific  manage- 
ment" and  the  training  of  learners  in  a  variety  of  the  highly  specialized 
processes  of  the  trade  would  do  much  to  overcome  the  suffering  due  to 
the  fluctuations  in  employment.  Other  recommendations  calling  for 
improved  sanitation,  the  use  of  safety  devices,  protection  from  fire, 
exclusion  of  young  children,  and  avoidance  of  overspecialization  touch 
evils  generally  recognized  as  common  in  our  American  industries. 

Miss  Van  Kleek  argues  that  these  recommendations  are  entirely 
practicable  because  each  of  them  has  been  enforced  in  one  or  more  of  the 
binderies  of  New  York.  She  divides  the  responsibility  of  attaining  good 
standards  between  the  public,  the  employers,  and  the  workers  in  the 
trade.  The  public  should  remedy  its  lax  enforcement  of  existing  laws, 
provide  remedies  for  the  serious  extension  of  night  work  revealed  by  the 
investigation,  and  do  more  effective  and  intelligent  educational  work 
through  the  public  schools.  As  more  than  half  of  the  bindery  workers  of 
New  York  are  employed  by  less  than  10  per  cent  of  the  binderies,  a  few 
employers  have  power  to  set  standards  for  the  trade.  It  is  suggested 
that  more  personal  oversight  of  foremen  and  superintendents  by  the 
owners  of  the  business  might  help  to  eliminate  much  of  the  overtime  and 
unemployment  due  to  a  bad  distribution  of  work  and  the  defective 
training  of  learners,  and  might  also  result  in  a  realization  of  the  necessity 
of  a  more  generous  scale  of  wages.  Should  this  group  of  large  employers 
establish  standards  demanded  by  an  enlightened  public  opinion,  the 
workers  might  be  charged  with  the  task  of  developing  their  trade-union 
control  so  as  to  insure  the  maintenance  of  the  improved  standards 
throughout  the  business.    This  latter  agency  was  found  to  be  doing  the 


REVIEWS  249 

most  effective  work  for  establishing  conditions  in  the  trade  shown  to  be 
socially  desirable.  In  concluding  her  study  of  collective  bargaining  in 
the  bindery  trades,  Miss  Van  Kleek  declares  (p.  193):  "In  regulations 
regarding  the  training  of  the  learners,  in  the  shortening  of  the  normal 
hours  below  the  limit  which  the  state  has  been  able  to  establish  by 
legislation,  in  the  gradual  enforcement  of  a  minimum  wage  scale,  and  in 
the  protection  of  the  individual  women  against  unjust  and  unfair  treat- 
ment, it  has  accomplished  results  more  important  than  any  yet  secured 

for  this  trade  through  legislation." 

LuciLE  Eaves 

Untversity  of  Nebraska 


Le  sentiment  religieux  base  logique  de  la  morale?  Par  le  Comte 
Perovsky-Petrovo-Solovovo.  Paris:  Marcel  Riviere  et 
Cie,  1913.  Pp.  172.  3  fr. 
The  author  protests  that  he  is  neither  a  metaphysician  nor  a  savant. 
Contrary  to  the  expectation  aroused  by  the  title,  the  work  is  not  a 
systematic  study  of  the  religious  sentiment  in  relation  to  moral  values. 
It  is  rather  an  assembling  of  what  may  be  said  against  the  inconsistencies, 
absurdities,  and  non-moral  tenets  and  practices  of  religions,  ancient  and 
modern,  with  the  exception  of  deism.  The  definition  of  religion  is  believ- 
ing absolutely  in  the  truth  of  particular  religious  doctrines  and  the 
working-over  into  practice  of  those  phases  of  the  doctrines  which  can  be 
applied  (p.  10).  Then  follows  an  attack  after  the  manner  of  Tom  Paine. 
The  fruits  of  dogma  are  clannishness,  hatred,  intolerance,  and  hypocrisy. 
Belief  in  fixed  transcendental  truths  means  pious  frauds,  persecution  of 
scientists,  and  blindness  to  secular  satisfactions.  Immorality  is  imputed 
to  the  deity  and  abject  submission  and  fatalism  fostered  by  rehgion. 
The  Bible  is  full  of  contradictions:  cult  and  authority  restrict  the  free 
play  of  natural  social  forces,  etc.  The  author  thinks  that  while  there 
may  be  some  justification  in  modern  times  for  pious  lies  to  keep  the 
credulous  multitude  in  order,  for  the  cultivated  man  and  gradually  for 
everyone  the  morality  of  prudence  and  social  consequence  will  suffice. 
Logically  and  practically  morality  stands  on  its  own  feet  and  derives 
nothing  from  the  religious  sentiment.  The  true  standard  is  the 
maximum  of  personal  and  general  utility.  The  concluding  pages  (pp. 
156-65)  rehearse  in  crude  form  the  argument  of  J.  S.  Mill  without  that 
writer's  qualification  of  the  utilitarian  doctrine. 

Many  of  the  writer's  charges  are  historically  accurate.    They  are 
nevertheless  more  appropriate  to  an  earlier  stage  in  the  controversy  and 


25©  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  deductions  which  are  drawn  are  dubious.  The  relativity  of  dogma, 
concept  of  God,  and  moral  practice  to  social  milieu  is  a  truism:  without 
proof,  however,  it  does  not  follow  that  all  forms  of  religious  attitudes  are 
superfluous  survivals.  The  historical  standpoint  is  not  grasped  by  this 
critic,  whose  views  perhaps  have  been  too  much  colored  by  Russian 
ecclesiaticism.  His  insistence  upon  the  supremacy  of  the  test  of  common 
welfare  is  admirable.  Still  what  is  needed  now  is  an  appraisal  of  the 
religious  attitude  from  the  standpoint  of  mental  development  and  social 
function.  The  essay  does  not  utilize  recent  literature  dealing  with 
psychological  and  sociological  aspects  of  religion.  It  does  not  notice  the 
results  of  a  half-century  of  criticism  of  the  doctrine  of  pleasure,  and  it 
does  not  realize  that  the  positive  theses  of  utilitarianism  have  entered 
into  constructive  sociological  thinking  on  religion  and  ethics. 

E.  L.  Talbert 
University  of  Chicago 


The  New  Morality,  An  Interpretation  of  Present  Economic  Forces  and 
Tendencies.  By  Edward  Isaacson.  New  York:  Moffat, 
Yard  &  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  xvi-f-203. 

"The  New  Morality"  is  a  Utopian  scheme  for  limiting  population  to 
the  numbers  which  can  make  the  best  use  of  the  world's  natural  resources 
when  the  limit  of  food  supply  is  reached.  The  suggestion  is  that  two 
classes  be  established — to  one  of  which  already,  the  author  states,  prac- 
tically all  human  beings  belong — a  fecund  class  specializing  in  the 
reproduction  of  the  race  and  rearing  of  children  under  the  best  conditions 
for  such  a  task,  and  a  surplus  class,  free  to  marry  but  not  to  reproduce. 
The  former  should  live  in  agricultural  communities  and  produce  the  food 
supply;  the  latter  should  live  in  cities  and  perform  all  of  the  rest  of  the 
necessary  work  of  society.  The  corollaries  of  this  proposed  system 
discussed  by  the  author  are:  the  elimination  of  the  proletariat,  the 
establishment  of  world-peace  and  understanding,  the  self-sufficiency  of 
each  nation  in  the  matter  of  its  food  supply,  the  extinction  of  much  of  the 
present  competition  in  commerce  between  nations  and  of  much  labor 
expended  on  transportation. 

The  book  is  extremely  theoretical  in  character.  In  the  chapter 
entitled  "Practical  Working  Out  of  the  Theory,"  practical  obstacles  are 
dismissed  as  "mere  matters  of  detail."  A  number  of  unverified  generali- 
zations are  used,  such  as  that  in  the  largest  cities  the  number  of  unmarried 
adults  or  the  childless  marriages  is  greater  than  the  number  of  marriages 


REVIEWS 


2:;i 


with  children  except  in  the  slums,  and  again,  that  it  is  accepted  by  many 
authorities  that  alcohol  has  a  distinct  food  value  and  aids  in  the  digestion 
of  other  foods,  hence,  moderate  users  of  it  secure  better  returns  in  work 
than  those  who  do  not  use  it. 

The  author's  general  standpoint,  that  of  advocating  scientific  social 
control  of  fundamental  social  problems,  such  as  the  relation  of  population 
to  food  supply  and  the  rearing  of  children  is  to  be  strongly  commended, 
but  his  suggestions  for  carrying  out  this  control  lack  tangibility  and 
conviction. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 

Gainesville,  Fla. 


Los  elementos  de  la  sociologia.    Por  Enrique   Martinez   Paz. 

Cordoba,   Argentina:    Beltran   y   Rossi,  191 1.     i   vol.     Pp. 

u+372- 
Senor  Paz,  Professor  of  Sociology  in  the  University  of  Cordoba 
(R.A.),  has  produced  in  beautiful  print  and  clear  exposition  a  timely 
volume.  The  nature  and  substance  of  sociology,  its  relation  to  other 
sciences,  a  sketch  of  its  growth,  and  analysis  of  Comte,  Spencer,  Tarde, 
and  other  masters  are  presented,  closing  with  a  chapter  on  "Method," 
for  the  purpose  of  ''substituting  demonstrated  truth  in  place  of  the  tra- 
ditional error  which  otherwise  will  remain  mixed  with  every  system." 
This  volume  will  strengthen  the  fraternal  relations  between  Professor  Paz 
and  the  University  which  he  represents  and  the  other  universities  of 
the  world. 

A.  J.  Steelman 
Seattle,  Wash. 


A  Philosophy  of  Social  Progress.  By  E.  J.  Urwick.  London: 
Methuen  &  Co.,  191 2.  Pp.  i-xii-l-300.  6s. 
This  thoughtful  little  volume  of  three  hundred  pages  is  written  not  as 
a  contribution  to  the  science  of  sociology,  for  the  author  frankly  doubts 
the  possibiUty  of  a  science  of  social  life,  but  "to  introduce  students  and 
general  readers  to  a  point  of  view  which  will  increase  their  interest  in  the 
study  of  social  life,  and  perhaps,  too,  their  understanding  of  the  issues  in 
all  progress  and  reform"  (Preface,  v).  "I  do  not  believe  that  there  is  or 
can  be  any  science  of  social  life;  nor  do  I  believe  that  sociology  is  or  can 
be  a  science What  passes  for  sociology  is  a  collection  of  generali- 
zations of  very  varying  value"     (Preface,  vii).     But  Mr.  Urwick  adds, 


252  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

"There  may,  however,  be  a  philosophy  of  social  life — or  rather  of  social 
change;  but  this  will  be  transcendental,  of  course,  and  will  always  be 
very  closely  analogous  to  a  religious  faith." 

After  this  candid  avowal,  approximately  the  first  two-thirds  of  the 
book  are  devoted  to  an  analysis  of  the  factors  of  society  in  the  spirit  of 
those  who  call  the  result  of  their  analysis  sociology.  But  Mr.  Urwick 
wants  us  to  consider  the  results  of  his  study  a  philosophy  of  social 
progress.  In  this  analytical  portion  of  his  book,  he  considers  society  in 
successive  chapters  as  subject:  (i)  to  the  forces  and  laws  of  the  physical 
world;  (2)  as  subject  to  forces  and  laws  of  organic  mind;  (3)  as  subject 
to  the  laws  of  mind;  and  (4)  society  considered  as  an  ethical  structure,  a 
unity  dependent  on  purpose. 

After  this  analysis,  in  which  the  usual  course  of  the  sociologist  is 
followed,  comes  the  remaining  third  of  the  book,  consisting  of  three 
practical  essays:  (i)  the  implications  of  citizenship  and  the  rights  and 
duties  of  the  citizen — here  the  Greek  spirit  and  the  Christian  combine 
to  urge  the  privilege  and  obligation  of  social  service;  (2)  the  spiritual 
element  in  social  progress  and  the  nature  of  the  true  individual — here  we 
have  a  blend  of  transcendental  philosophy  and  applied  religion;  and  (3) 
the  real  purpose  of  the  social  process  and  the  tests  of  the  reformer's  aims 
and  methods.  A  concluding  chapter  states  the  final  criteria  of  social 
progress. 

The  reading  of  this  book  may  be  commended  to  students  of  sociology 
because  of  the  breadth  of  \'iew  which  it  inspires;  and  it  may  be  com- 
mended to  the  practical  social  worker  on  account  of  the  splendid  poise  of 
which  it  is  possessed  and  the  hopeful  outlook  which  it  conveys. 

Isaac  A.  Loos 

State  University  of  Iowa 


Socialism  and  Democracy  in  Europe.  By  Samuel  P.  Orth,  Ph.D. 
New  York:  Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  1913.  Pp.  ivH-352.  $1.50. 
This  book  in  nine  brief  chapters  gives  us  the  reason  for  socialism  and 
the  history  of  the  development  of  socialism  in  the  nineteenth  century 
with  a  view  to  showing  its  political  aspects,  and  in  particular  to  showing 
its  ultimate  merging,  if  not  its  final  disappearance,  in  the  greater  modem 
movement  for  democracy.  It  is  sympathetic  without  being  partisan, 
and  withal  admirable  for  its  perspective.  While  socialism  as  a  recon- 
structive process  is  declared  to  be  hopelessly  at  sea,  and  as  a  method 
divided  within  itself,  it  is  recognized  as  a  criticism  of  the  existing  order 


REVIEWS  253 

to  be  unanimous  in  its  sentiment,  and  above  all  its  Utopian  rainbow  is 
declared  to  have  inspired  the  energy  which  has  organized  the  largest 
body  of  human  beings  that  the  world  has  known,  a  body  that  for  zeal  and 
homogeneity  finds  its  only  rival  in  the  Christian  church. 

Very  nearly  half  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  the  history  of  the  Socialist 
party  in  each  of  four  countries,  France,  Belgium,  Germany,  and  England. 

All  these  chapters  are  written  with  primary  emphasis  upon  pohtical 
developments,  the  limitations  of  the  suffrage,  the  voting  strength,  and 
the  legislative  representation  of  the  party.  But  with  all  this  there  is  a 
rather  surprising  amount  of  detail  concerning  theory  and  personality  in 
each  country.  The  communistic  efforts  in  Belgium,  syndicalism  in 
France,  democratic  opportunism  in  Germany,  and  labor-unionism  and 
liberalism  in  England  do  not  fail  to  find  clear  expression  in  themselves 
and  in  relation  to  the  socialistic  movement.  And  in  sixty-five  pages  of 
appendix,  as  well  as  scattered  through  the  body  of  the  text,  there  is  a 
valuable  collection  of  programs  and  platforms  adopted  in  these  several 
countries. 

To  us  in  the  United  States  it  is  interesting  to  notice  how  radically  the 
theories  and  the  policies  of  the  Socialist  party  have  changed  and  are 
changing  on  the  continent.  The  fact  that  conservatism  and  moderation 
come  with  numbers  and  power  is  perhaps  nowhere  else  better  illustrated. 
To  hold  the  people,  a  political  party  must  express  the  opinions  and  the 
will  of  the  people.  Party  success  as  well  as  popular  demand  will  force 
this  result.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  after  the  setback  in  Ger- 
many in  1907  "a  number  of  the  leading  Socialists  began  to  attack  the 
dogmas  of  the  party  program  as  illusions  and  pitfalls."    "Today  one 

hears  very  little  of  Marx  and  a  great  deal  of  legislation The 

truth  is,  Marx  is  a  tradition,  democracy  is  an  issue."  In  Germany,  for 
example,  we  are  assured  that  the  Socialist  party  has  abandoned  its  policy 
of  mere  criticism  and  has  become  active  in  constructive  legislation,  has 
abandoned  or  modified  its  traditional  theories,  has  made  "human 
cultural  activities"  an  important  object  of  the  party,  and  in  considerable 
degree  is  looking  to  the  professional  and  intellectual  classes  for  leadership 
and  support.  Socialism  is  thus  abandoning  its  two  great  illusions,  the 
beliefs  in  class  struggle  and  in  the  necessity  for  violent  revolution. 
"Everywhere  violence  is  giving  way  to  political  methods.  In  Germany 
the  bourgeois  are  more  frightened  over  the  legal  than  over  the  illegal  acts 
of  the  Socialists." 

Dr.  Orth  recognizes  that  socialism  has  accomplished  three  notable 
things:  it  has  spread  democracy,  forced  the  labor  question  upon  the  law- 


254  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

makers,  and  has  stimulated  a  constant  increase  in  the  functions  of  the 
state.  We  are  led  to  feel,  however,  that  he  himself  looks  to  democracy 
to  guide  its  own  destinies  in  the  future,  and  that  he  believes  that  when  all 
the  people  through  the  instrumentality  of  the  state  shall  conserve  the 
interests  of  all  the  people,  the  function  of  the  Socialist  party  will  have 
ceased  to  be.  Conservation  through  democracy,  the  theory  of  Profes- 
sors Ely  of  Wisconsin,  and  Brentano  of  Munich,  is  in  process  of  justifica- 
tion in  the  history  of  socialism  and  democracy  in  Europe. 

Fayette  Avery  McKenzie 
Ohio  State  Untversity 


Social  Wrongs  and  State  Responsibilities.  By  William  Jandus. 
Cleveland:  Horace  Carr,  1 913.  Pp.149.  $i-50- 
A  sheaf  of  random  essays,  this  book  attacks  the  present  economic 
machinery  of  society.  Under  the  existing  system  of  capitalistic  credit 
society  is  constantly  in  debt  to  itself;  there  is  persistent  insolvency  of 
values  which  is  prevented  from  throwing  society  into  bankruptcy  only 
because  the  exploited  producing  classes  pay  interest  on  this  manu- 
factured credit  to  the  credit  promoters — the  capitalists.  Hence,  the 
abolition  of  interest  which  is  a  means  to  exploitation  is  desirable.  While 
there  is  much  truth  in  the  author's  characterization  of  the  methods  of 
capitalistic  control  of  credit,  he  does  not  adequately  set  forth  the  social 
function  of  credit,  nor  does  he  explicitly  outline  a  substitute  for  capital- 
istic control.  The  implication  is  that  the  state  shall  in  some  way  take  on 
this  responsibility.  The  author's  accusation  that  economics  is  at  present 
the  servant  of  capitalism  and  is  therefore  not  a  science  is  doubtless  in 
some  quarters  true  in  the  first  instance,  though  it  is  perhaps  not  so  well 
established  that  science  cannot  be  invoked  in  the  cause  of  partisanship. 

L.  L.  Bernard 

University  of  Missouri 


Essais  de  synthese  scientifique.  Par  Eugenio  Rignano.  Paris: 
Librairie  Felix  Alcan,  108  Boulevard  Saint  Germain.  Pp. 
xxxi+294. 

Students  of  biological  and  sociological  science,  who  are  familiar  with 
the  author's  pre\aous  work  on  "The  Inheritance  of  Acquired  Charac- 
ters," and  who  have  been  charmed  by  his  clearness  of  views  and  his 
logical  analysis,  even  if  they  have  not  been  convinced  by  his  theories, 
will  welcome  this  volume  as  an  added  impetus  to  further  investigations. 


REVIEWS  255 

It  is  refreshing  in  these  days  of  the  specialist,  when  so  much  emphasis 
is  being  placed  upon  the  technique  of  investigation,  to  find  a  vigorous 
defense  of  the  synthetic  philosopher.  Progress  in  knowledge  is  furthered 
as  much  through  the  efforts  of  the  theorist  who  forms  his  hypotheses  on 
the  basis  of  wide  generalizations  from  concrete  data  as  by  the  specific 
and  intensive  work  of  the  experimentalist  investigator. 

The  specialist  has  certain  points  of  advantage  because  he  works 
within  a  small  and  limited  area  and  upon  a  specific  and  definite  problem. 
By  the  application  of  technical  skill  he  arrives  at  a  degree  of  certainty 
never  acquired  by  the  theorist,  but  he  is  limited  by  the  narrow  confines 
of  his  specialty.  Upon  him  must  depend,  however,  the  task  of  furnishing 
the  data  for  the  theorist  whose  function  is  that  of  the  creative  genius; 
to  foresee  new  analogies,  to  establish  new  generalizations,  to  discover 
new  horizons,  to  conceive  new  hypotheses.  In  his  work  of  constructing 
these  new  syntheses,  the  theorist  never  possesses  completely  the  integral 
and  intimate  representations  of  phenomena  which  constitute  the  objects 
of  research  of  the  experimentalist,  and  which  he  knows  only  by  the 
mediation  of  the  information  so  provided;  nevertheless,  it  is  the  theorist 
who  furnishes  the  motive  and  not  infrequently  indicates  the  direction 
of  further  valuable  investigations  and  experiments  as  a  means  of  testing 
the  hypotheses  proposed.  "The  theorist  is,  on  the  whole,  in  his  general 
theses  less  exclusivist,  less  unilateral  and  more  objective  than  the  special- 
ist experimentor."  These  two  methods  of  approach  to  knowledge  are 
by  no  means  antagonistic,  but  in  the  fullest  sense  are  supplementary. 
It  is  gratifying,  especially  to  the  sociologist,  to  find  the  author  reaffirm- 
ing, almost  with  Comptian  and  Spencerian  eloquence,  the  value  of  both 
methods  in  the  field  of  sociological  research.  He  says:  "The  degree  of 
masterful  and  capital  importance  to  which,  even  more  than  in  the  physi- 
cal sciences,  may  and  should  attend  the  work  of  the  theorist  in  the 
biological  and  social  sciences,  results  from  the  fact  that  in  these  sciences 
the  mass  of  particular  facts  to  be  synthesized  present  themselves  so 
much  more  confused  and  complicated,  and  that  the  subdivisions  in  so 
many  of  the  particular  disciplines  which  are  more  or  less  autonomous  are 
affirmed  to  be  more  or  less  numerous  and  specialized.  All  the  more 
need,  therefore,  is  felt  for  the  co-ordination  and  synthesis  of  the  facts 
in  these  sciences." 

The  body  of  the  work  consists  in  a  collection  of  essays  previously 
published  in  Scientia  during  the  period  1907-11,  and  presented  as 
illustrating  the  value  of  the  synthetic  method.  The  topics  are:  "The 
Synthetic  Value  of  Transformism,"  "The  Biologic  Memory  in  Activity," 


256  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

"Concerning  the  Origin  and  the  Mnemonic  Nature  of  the  Affective 
Tendencies,"  "What  Is  Conscience?"  "ReHgious  Phenomena,"  "His- 
toric MateriaUsm,"  and  "Socialism." 

In  this  great  variety  of  material  the  author  has  pursued  substantially 
the  same  course,  that  of  examining  the  principal  theories  in  an  endeavor 
to  present,  as  far  as  possible  in  one  synthesis,  all  the  essential  features 
and  to  do  it  "with  all  the  objective  serenity  of  which  we  are  capable." 

Whatever  may  be  the  degree  of  divergence  of  opinion  from  the  con- 
clusions reached,  the  method  is  one  of  great  value  and  one  which  will 
commend  itself  to  all  serious  students. 

J.    P.   LiCHTENBERGER 
University  of  Pennsylvania 


The  Science  of  Human  Behavior.  By  Maurice  Parmelee.  New 
York:  Macmillan,  1913.     Pp.  424. 

Using  the  term  "behavior"  as  meaning  the  objective  and  external 
physiological  movements  and  activities  of  living  beings,  Mr.  Parmelee 
has  undertaken  to  present  the  bases  for  behavior  that  are  to  be  discovered 
in  anatomical,  physiological,  and  psychic  facts.  The  work  is  primarily 
critical  instead  of  constructive,  although  in  several  places  the  author  has 
advanced  independent  definitions  and  viewpoints.  The  reviewer  is  not 
qualified  to  pass  judgment  on  the  strictly  biological  and  neurological 
discussion  but  has  viewed  it  entirely  from  the  sociologist's  standpoint. 

After  the  introductory  chapter  the  physico-chemical  character  of 
organic  matter  is  discussed.  This  is  followed  by  "a  brief  survey  of 
organic  evolution  showing  how  the  structural  forms  and  physiological 
processes  which  condition  behavior  have  evolved  and  what  forces  are  at 
work  in  the  animal  world  such  as  heredity,  variation,  selection,  etc." 
The  next  two  chapters  deal  with  the  behavior  of  animals  without  a 
nervous  system  and  the  evolution  of  the  behavior  of  higher  animals. 
Then  follows  an  account  of  the  evolution  of  the  nervous  system,  the 
nature  of  instinct,  and  a  discussion  of  the  human  instincts.  This  is 
followed  by  a  discussion  of  consciousness  and  intelligence,  and  the  book 
closes  with  an  account  of  the  social  phenomena  of  animals  and  early  man. 

The  book  abounds  in  quotations  and  comments  on  the  works  of 
various  writers  on  biology  and  animal  behavior.  The  greater  part  of  the 
first  half  of  the  book  is  based  on  the  works  of  Jennings,  Loeb,  and 
Sherrington,  and  is  mainly  a  condensation  of  the  contributions  of  these 
authors.    The  attempt  is  made  to  cover  such  a  wide  field  of  biological 


REVIEWS  257 

and  neurological  research  that  the  author  is  forced  in  nearly  every  chapter 
to  complain  of  the  limitations  of  space.  The  principal  contribution 
made  by  the  author  is  his  definition  of  instinct  (p.  226)  which  he  regards 
as  "an  inherited  combination  of  reflexes  which  have  been  integrated  by 
the  central  nervous  system  so  as  to  cause  an  external  activity  of  the 
organism  which  usually  characterizes  a  whole  species  and  is  usually 
adaptive." 

In  the  part  that  deals  with  social  phenomena  (less  than  one-fourth  of 
the  book)  the  greater  amount  of  attention  is  given  to  the  activities  of 
insect  societies  and  vertebrates  below  man. 

The  work  is  an  excellent  review  and  condensation  of  the  literature  of 
biology,  neurology,  and  recent  psychology  which  bears  on  the  nature  and 
evolution  of  the  behavior  of  living  beings.  The  title,  however,  is  some- 
what misleading  unless  the  intention  expressed  in  the  preface  is  carried 
out.  The  author  there  expresses  his  purpose  of  presenting  a  series  of 
works  dealing  with  the  evolution  of  human  culture.  And  this  volume 
may  be  regarded  as  the  basis  for  such  a  series.  MoreoA^er,  the  subtitle, 
"Biological  and  Psychological  Foundations,"  gives  some  such  an  implica- 
tion. This  volume,  however,  can  hardly  claim  in  itself  to  constitute  a 
science  of  human  behavior,  since  it  deals  almost  exclusively  (except  in  the 
chapters  on  human  instincts,  consciousness,  and  intelligence — about  a 
fourth  of  the  book)  with  lower  animal  life.  That  it  does  furnish  a  good 
biological  and  neurological  introduction  to  the  study  of  human  behavior 
is  beyond  question.  And  its  merit  lies  in  its  careful  condensation  and 
criticism  of  the  literature  that  has  been  accumulating  in  recent  years  in 
these  fields. 

The  two  points  of  view  that  predominate  throughout  the  book  are : 
(i)  The  evolutionary  series  is  continuous,  and,  while  at  different  points 
in  the  development  the  change  has  become  great  enough  to  call  for  differ- 
ent terms  to  describe  the  processes,  nevertheless  all  the  higher  forms  of 
psychic  manifestations  are  but  a  part  in  a  gradually  developing  but 
unitary  scheme.  Lines  of  demarkation  between  different  animal  types  in 
the  evolutionary  series,  including  that  between  man  and  his  nearest 
relatives,  are  more  or  less  arbitrary.  (2)  Behavior  is  caused  by  the 
operation  of  external  forces  and  the  evolution  of  behavior  and  the  struc- 
ture on  which  it  depends  are  the  result  of  the  operation  of  these  external 
influences.  This  leads  to  a  mechanical  and  objective  conception  of  all 
behavior,  including  the  psychic.  In  various  places  the  author  carries 
this  viewpoint  very  near  if  not  completely  over  to  an  assumption  of 
materialistic  monism.     With  these  two  points  of  view  goes  the  frequent 


258  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

emphasis  on  the  fact  that  scientifically  we  have  no  basis  for  postulating 
any  teleogical  element  in  the  evolutionary  process.  While  there  is 
nothing  new  in  these  three  points,  the  emphasis  and  support  they  receive 
are  valuable  in  establishing  a  point  of  view  for  beginning  the  study  of 
human  activities. 

Cecil  C.  North 
De  Pauw  University 


La  culture  morale  aux  divers  degres  de  V enseignment  public.     Par 

Arthur  Bauer,  Professor  Honoraire  de  Philosophie,  Membra 

de  la  Societe  de  Sociologie  de  Paris.     Ouvrage  couronne  par 

Finstitut,  avec  extraits  du  rapport  de  M.  Gabriel  Compayre. 

Paris:   M.  Giard  et  E.  Briere,  libraires-editeurs.     1913.     Pp. 

261-I-24. 

The  question  of  the  hour  in  France,  according  to  M.  Bauer,  has  been 

formulated  by  the  Academy  of  Moral  and  Political  Science  as  "What 

place  should  ethics  hold  in  the  different  stages  of  public  instruction?" 

implying  "in  order  that  French  democracy,  with  reason  and  liberty,  may 

not  die."    To  this  question  the  author  presents  an  answer  which  he 

hopes  to  have  adopted  by  the  schools  of  the  nation.    It  is  thus  avowedly 

a  study  for  practical  ends  of  the  actual  conditions  in  France,  not  at  all 

a  system  of  moral  education  for  general  application.    Its  three  sections 

consider  in  turn  primary,  secondary  and  higher  education,  with  special 

chapters  on  boys'  and  girls'  schools  and  with  forewords  and  conclusions 

on  general  educational  problems,  such  as  the  needs  of  the  modern  state, 

the  effect  of  feminism,  etc.    It  is  not  a  handbook  for  teachers  of  ethics, 

but  rather  an  exposition  of  general  principles  and  methods  illustrated  by 

special  cases. 

Fundamental  to  any  system  of  moral  training,  M.  Bauer  points  out, 
are  true  conceptions  of  its  object,  of  the  nature  of  a  democracy,  and  of 
the  men  and  women  who  are  to  form  it.  Equality  and  liberty  must  be 
developed  and  to  this  end  the  people  must  have  virtue  and  a  sense  of 
duty,  they  must  be  obedient  to  law  and  exercise  trained  wills.  Educa- 
tion aims  to  develop  such  qualities  and  to  fit  the  scholars  for  their  func- 
tions in  life. 

The  school  has  the  last  word  in  matters  of  conduct  and  discipline 
rather  than  the  home,  since  the  former  has  the  large,  social  point  of  \iew, 
while  the  latter  is  too  often  narrow  of  vision  and  swayed  by  personal 
feeling.     Upon  the  school  rest  the  broad  duty  of  developing  the  citizen. 


REVIEWS  259 

The  author  draws  a  vivid  picture  of  the  spoiled  child  who  seems  to 
dominate  the  French  family.  In  the  maternal  school  it  finds  the  first 
corrective  of  family  indulgence  and  first  experiences  through  firm  though 
mild  discipline  the  duty  of  obedience,  respect  for  others,  and  self-control. 
From  the  entrance  into  the  primary  school  at  the  age  of  seven  boys 
and  girls  are  placed  in  separate  schools,  not  merely  to  avoid  the  excita- 
tion of  sex  instincts,  but  also  because  their  functions  in  life  are  to  be 
different.  It  is  a  little  difficult  for  an  American  mind  to  understand  why 
the  fact  that  a  boy  is  to  be  a  miner  or  a  brick-layer  or  a  woodchopper  and 
a  girl  is  to  be  a  milkmaid  or  a  factory-worker  or  a  cook  should  necessitate 
a  difference  in  their  moral  and  intellectual  training,  but  the  author 
regards  his  principle  as  axiomatic.  The  method  of  training  is,  however, 
the  same  for  both,  the  discipline  of  the  classroom  in  promptness,  silence, 
and  order,  and  of  mental  culture  in  exactness  of  observation,  comparison, 
and  judgment,  and  dogmatic  instruction  by  the  teacher.  The  influence 
of  play  upon  boys,  especially  of  football,  is  recognized  to  some  extent. 

The  objects  of  country  and  city  schools  for  girls  are  distinguished. 
The  country  school  should  try  to  teach  the  peasant  girls  to  love  country 
life  and  realize  the  vital  social  necessity  of  their  labors.  The  author 
draws  such  an  idyllic  picture  of  the  wide  horizons  of  the  country,  the 
kindly,  close-knit  social  life,  the  varied  tasks,  etc.,  that  we  almost  doubt 
his  first-hand  knowledge  of  the  conditions,  though  undoubtedly  his  view 
would  be  a  desirable  one  for  the  girls  to  acquire. 

In  the  town  he  regards  the  working  girl  as  beset  with  temptations 
on  every  side  through  the  displays  of  luxuries,  the  passion  for  amusement, 
the  lack  of  group  control  in  the  strange  crowd,  the  vice  in  factories,  etc. 
The  school  should  be  a  refuge  from  this  teaching  moral  lessons  by  its 
cleanliness,  order,  and  beauty  as  well  as  by  the  formal  instruction  from 
a  manual  "exactly  fitted  to  feminine  psychology"  and  given  with  great 
impressiveness. 

In  the  secondary  schools,  while  the  method  of  formal  teaching  is 
still  dogmatic  rather  than  dialectic,  there  is  more  place  for  reflection. 
The  boys  in  the  classical  schools  are  the  elite,  those  destined  to  be  leaders, 
and  they  are  to  be  trained  accordingly,  recognizing  that  "social  supe- 
riority is  only  justified  by  services  rendered  to  society."  The  good 
citizen  has  noble  sentiments,  a  lively  sense  of  social  duty  and  energy  of 
will.  In  his  training,  clothes,  manners  and  speech  are  significant.  The 
indirect  teaching  through  different  studies  is  of  value,  the  stories  and 
examples  from  the  classics  being  especially  helpful  because  of  their 
serenity  and  freedom  from  the  conflicting  prejudices  of  the  present. 


26o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Formal  teaching  is  given  from  a  manual  of  ethics,  and  rewards  and 
prizes  furnish  a  stimulus  to  good  action. 

The  elite  girls  in  secondary  schools  may  possibly  in  time,  thanks  to 
the  recent  reforms  in  education,  be  intellectually  emancipated  and  freed 
from  tutelage,  but  now  they  are  in  much  danger  of  yielding  to  luxury, 
idleness,  and  excessive  sensibility.  Since  celibacy  is  an  exceptional  con- 
dition, education  can  ignore  it  and  fit  the  girl  for  the  normal  marriage, 
"to  be  a  companion  of  the  cultivated,  honorable  man."  The  study  of 
hygiene,  sewing,  and  domestic  science,  with  attention  to  clothes  and 
manners,  is  valuable  in  moral  training,  but  the  author  deprecates  '"tear- 
ing away  the  veil  of  Isis"  by  teaching  sex  hygiene.  The  suggestions  and 
examples  of  teachers,  lessons  from  a  textbook  of  ethics,  and  the  discipline 
of  school  work  are  the  other  methods  employed. 

The  colleges  and  universities  offer  numerous  courses  on  various 
ethical  subjects,  but  M.  Bauer  criticizes  them  for  leaving  the  professors 
entirely  free  to  choose  their  own  subjects  and  for  the  too  frequent  use 
of  the  historical  method  of  presentation  which  gives  an  idea  of  the  flux 
of  things  and  often  dwells  too  much  in  the  past.  What  the  students 
need  is  a  dogmatic  presentation  of  truths  approved  by  the  social  con- 
science, not  doubts  and  questions.  The  author  proposes  a  course  in 
social  ethics,  the  social  good  and  social  duties,  for  all,  with  special  courses 
for  the  students  in  law,  medicine,  art,  pedagogy,  etc. 

Undoubtedly  the  book  will  be  a  stimulating  one  to  French  educators 
and  provocative  of  thought. 

Hannah  B.  Clark  Powell 


The  Hill  Folk:   Report  on  a  Rural  Community  of  Hereditary  Defect- 
ives.   By  Florence  H.  Danielson  and  Charles  B.  Daven- 
port.    Cold  Spring  Harbor,  Long  Island:    Eugenics  Record 
Ofl&ce,  Memoir  No.  i,  August,  191 2.     4to,  pp.  v+56,  with 
three  folded  charts  and  four  text  figures. 
This  memoir  is  the  first  in  a  series  to  be  published  by  the  Eugenics 
Record  Office.    The  form  of  the  series  is  quarto  in  order  that  ample 
space  may  be  available  for  charts.     As  has  been  indicated  by  Doctor 
Davenport  in  the  preface  to  the  memoir,  the  study  reported  is  of  interest 
primarily  to  sociologists,  since  it  deals  in  a  general  way  with  the  inherit- 
ance of  human  traits  and  with  certain  of  the  conditions  under  which 
undesirable  social  groups  may  develop  and  persist. 


REVIEWS  261 

The  observational  work  reported  in  the  memoir  was  done  by  Miss 
Danielson  who,  in  1910,  became  field-worker  for  the  Monson  State 
Hospital,  Palmer,  Mass.  One  of  the  hospital  cases  investigated  led  the 
worker  to  a  community  characterized  by  the  high  frequency  of  feeble- 
mindedness, alcoholism,  and  immorality.  A  study  of  this  community 
yielded  an  abundance  of  interesting  facts  concerning  two  families,  the 
history  of  which  "shows  how  much  crime,  misery,  and  expense  may 
result  from  the  union  of  two  defective  individuals — how  a  large  number 
of  the  present  court  frequenters,  paupers,  and  town  nuisances  are 
connected  by  a  significant  network  of  relationship." 

The  report  "includes  a  discussion  of  the  undesirable  traits  in  the 
light  of  the  Mendelian  analysis.  It  presents  some  observations  concern- 
ing the  relation  of  heredity  and  environment,  based  on  their  effects 
upon  the  children.  While  it  is  not  an  exhaustive  study  of  all  the  rami- 
fications of  even  these  two  families  and  their  consorts,  it  may  be  sufficient 
to  throw  some  light  on  the  vexed  question  of  the  prevention  of  feeble- 
minded, degenerate  individuals,  as  a  humane  and  economical  state 
policy"  (p.  i). 

The  method  of  the  investigation  was  not  such  as  to  furnish  highly 
accurate  as  well  as  extensive  information  concerning  the  individuals  in 
the  pedigree.  Consequently,  the  analysis  of  the  results  for  the  purpose 
of  solving  problems  of  human  heredity  is  not  highly  profitable.  Miss 
Danielson  gathered  this  information  by  personal  visits,  interviews 
with  the  individuals,  their  relatives,  physicians,  town  officials,  neighbors, 
and  from  court  and  town  records.  She  undoubtedly  made  excellent 
use  of  these  various  sources  of  information,  but  it  is,  of  course,  to  be 
recognized  that  the  direct  measurement  by  reliable  methods  of  the 
physical  and  mental  traits  of  the  persons  described  is  much  to  be  desired. 

The  memoir  presents,  in  the  form  of  charts,  the  histories  for  five 
generations  of  two  famiHes  which  originated  from  Neil  Rasp,  a  shiftless 
basket-maker,  and  an  Englishman  known  in  the  memoir  as  Nuke. 

The  results  of  the  analysis  of  the  data  concerning  these  two  families 
are  admirably  summarized  in  the  following  paragraph : 

The  analysis  of  the  data,  then,  gives  statistical  support  to  the  conclusion 
abundantly  justified  from  numerous  other  considerations,  that  feeble-minded- 
ness  is  no  elementary  trait,  but  is  a  legal  or  sociological,  rather  than  a  biological 
term.  Feeble-mindedness  is  due  to  the  absence,  now  of  one  set  of  traits,  now 
of  quite  a  different  set.  Only  when  both  parents  lack  one  or  more  of  the 
same  traits  do  the  children  all  lack  the  traits.  So,  if  the  traits  lacking  in  both 
parents  are  socially  important  the  children  all  lack  socially  important  traits, 


262  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

i.e.,  are  feeble-minded.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  the  two  parents  lack  different 
socially  significant  traits,  so  that  each  parent  brings  into  the  combination  the 
traits  that  the  other  lacks,  all  of  the  children  may  be  without  serious  lack  and 
all  pass  for  "normal"  [p.  ii]. 

It  is  evident  from  the  investigation  that  the  unfavorable  condition 
of  the  community  is  due  largely  to  the  matings  of  defectives  with 
defectives,  for  it  is  perfectly  clear  from  this  study  of  737  individuals 
that  even  when  a  mentally  defective  person  migrates  he  is  likely  to 
marry  in  another  community  a  person  of  similar  mental  grade. 

Of  obvious  importance  from  the  economical  and  sociological  points 
of  view  is  the  financial  burden  on  the  town  by  reason  of  the  "Hill  Folk." 
Carefully  analyzed  statistics  indicate  that  during  the  last  decades  the 
financial  aid  given  to  this  community  by  the  town  has  increased  400 
per  cent,  and,  as  the  authors  point  out,  "the  large  percentage  of  the 
crimes  which  were  against  sex  indicate  that  the  influence  which  such 
persons  exert  in  a  community  is  of  far  more  importance  than  the  10,700 
odd  dollars  spent  in  punishing  the  criminals  after  the  influence  has  been 
established"  (p.  17). 

A  comparison  of  the  "Hill  Folk"  with  the  Jukes  family  yields 
numerous  interesting  conclusions.  The  numbers  of  individuals  included 
in  the  reports  are  similar  for  both  communities,  but  whereas  the  Jukes 
family  presents  with  astounding  frequency  criminal  tendencies  among 
the  men  and  prostitution  among  the  women,  the  "Hill  Folk"  present 
a  picture  of  shiftlessness  and  low-grade  mentality  associated  wdth  sex 
immorality  and  a  tendency  to  minor  criminal  offenses. 

The  authors'  study  of  the  school  children  of  the  community  is  of 
prime  significance,  since  it  gives  us  a  glimpse  into  the  future  of  the  "Hill 
Folk."  Of  75  individuals  in  the  school  children  group,  the  school  records 
of  7  were  not  obtained.  Of  the  remainder  38  were  below  grade  and  30 
were  up  to  grade.  In  a  table,  the  characteristics  of  the  parents  and  a 
brief  characterization  of  each  of  the  68  individuals  are  presented.  It  is 
evident  that  "before  adolescence  half  of  the  children  from  the  Hill 
families  show  evidences  of  their  mental  handicap.  The  detrimental 
influence  which  such  children  may  exert  upon  the  schools  which  they 
attend  is  an  important  matter  for  consideration"  (p.  19). 

Even  more  interesting  in  several  respects  than  the  results  of  the 
study  of  the  school  children  among  the  "Hill  Folk"  is  the  discussion 
of  heredity  and  environment  which  the  authors  present.  For  naturally 
the  community  furnishes  an  experiment  on  the  influence  of  environment, 
since  many  of  the  children  are  early  taken  from  their  homes  and  placed 


REVIEWS  263 

in  better  environments.  "A  comparative  study  of  the  varying  results 
of  good  and  poor  environment  upon  individuals  from  the  same  germ- 
plasm  increases  the  evidence  of  the  power  of  individual  potentialities" 
(p.  25).  This  conclusion  is  based  upon  a  careful  study  of  the  develop- 
ment of  thirty  state  wards  concerning  whom  the  authors  venture  the 
following  statements: 

Of  the  thirty  state  wards  who  have  been  away  from  home  long  enough  to 
be  affected,  fourteen,  approximately  half,  are  at  present,  or  probably  will  be, 
good,  average  citizens.  Of  these,  seven  carry  an  almost  intangible  burden  of 
unfortunate  heredity  which  may  always  be  a  retarding  factor  [p.  26]. 

These  cases,  then,  prove  that  persons  belonging  to  these  strains  who  have 
been  brought  up  under  good  influences  may  turn  out  well  or  iU,  and  that  even 
when  placed  early  under  good  conditions  the  result  may  be  highly  unsatis- 
factory. On  the  other  hand,  of  members  of  the  same  fraternity  who  remained 
at  home  under  the  same  poor  environment,  some  turned  out  relatively  well. 
It  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  latter  would  have  done  better  if  their  cidture 
had  been  superior,  nor  that  the  "easily  influenced"  workman  would  have  taken 
a  wrong  path  if  surrounded  only  by  bad  influences  instead  of  good.  But,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  is  clear  that  the  capacity  of  these  people  for  good  or  evil  is 
born  with  them  and  bred  in  the  bone  and  environment  acts  as  a  more  or  less 
effective  screen  or  lure,  as  the  case  may  be  [p.  31]. 

We  quote,  in  conclusion,  the  entire  summary  of  the  memoir,  since 
every  point  made  is  of  great  social  importance: 

1.  The  analysis  of  the  method  of  inheritance  of  feeble-mindedness  shows 
that  it  cannot  be  considered  a  unit  character.  It  is  evidently  a  complex  of 
quantitatively  and  qualitatively  varying  factors  most  of  which  are  negative, 
and  are  inherited  as  though  due  to  the  absence  of  unit  characters. 

2.  The  value  of  out-marriage,  or  exogamy,  as  a  means  of  attenuating 
defective  strains  is  diminished  by  the  action  of  social  barriers  and  the  natural 
preference  of  individuals,  which  induce  marriages  among  like  grades  of  men- 
tality, in  a  foreign  as  well  as  a  native  locality. 

3.  The  amount  of  town  aid,  which  this  one  group  of  defective  families 
requires  decennially,  has  increased  400  per  cent  in  the  last  thirty  years.  In 
the  same  length  of  time  its  criminal  bill  has  been  $10,763 .  43  for  sixteen  persons; 
and  the  bill  for  its  thirty  children  who  were  supported  by  the  state  during  the 
last  twenty-three  years  is  $45,888.57.  During  the  past  skty  years  this 
community  has,  it  is  estimated,  cost  the  state  and  the  people  half  a  million 
dollars. 

4.  Half  of  the  present  number  of  school  children  from  these  families  who 
are  living  at  home  show  evidence  of  mental  deficiency. 

5.  One-half  of  the  state  wards  from  the  community  in  question  have 
reacted  favorably  in  an  improved  environment  and  give  promise  of  becoming 


264  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

more  or  less  useful  citizens;  the  other  half  consists  of  institutional  cases  and 
those  which  have  not  reacted  to  the  better  environment,  but  are  likely  to 
become  troublesome  and  dangerous  citizens. 

6.  The  comparative  cost  of  segregating  one  feeble-minded  couple  and  that 
of  maintaining  their  offspring  shows,  in  the  instance  at  hand,  that  the  latter 
policy  has  been  three  times  more  expensive  [pp.  33,  34]. 

Robert  M.  Yerkes 
Harvard  University 


A  Sunny  Life.    The  Biography  of  Samuel  June  Barrows.     By 

Isabel  C.  Barrows.     Boston:  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1913. 

The  poetic  title  should  not  divert  attention  from  the  substantial 

contributions  to  the  history  of  social  reforms  in  this  country.     Dr. 

Barrows  was  an  embodiment  of  those  motives  which  our  best  men 

honor;   and  his  careful  preparation  for  his  duties  is  an  example  to  the 

student.    The  record  of  his  achievements  is  remarkable  and  inspiring; 

he  was  a  pioneer  in  a  field  where  much  hard  work  remains  to  be  done. 

Honor  to  his  memory. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 


List  of  Industrial  Poisons.  Bulletin  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor,  No. 
100,  May,  191 2. 

Owing  to  ignorance  of  the  subject  in  this  country  and  the  neglect 
which  goes  with  interested  blindness,  it  has  long  been  imagined  and 
often  asserted  that  American  workingmen  are  somehow  magically 
immune  to  the  harmful  effects  of  those  chemical  substances  which 
enfeeble  or  kill  European  workmen.  Among  the  many  useful  pubhca- 
tions  of  the  Bureau  of  Labor  not  one  touches  life  more  closely  than  this 
"Ust  of  industrial  poisons"  prepared  by  Drs.  Sommerfeld  and  Fischer 
for  the  International  Labor  Office.  The  work  has  been  done  by  experts 
and  passed  through  the  most  critical  ordeal  of  examination  by  a  large 
number  of  competent  specialists. 

The  inquiries  of  the  Illinois  State  Commission  on  Occupational 
Diseases  (191 1)  not  only  led  to  important  protective  legislation  in  Illi- 
nois and  other  states,  but  served  to  stimulate  other  investigations. 
Congress  after  long  discussion  removed  a  disgrace  from  our  flag  by  taxing 
out  of  existence  the  manufacture  of  white  phosphorous  matches  which 
among  operatives  and  consumers  has  been  so  injurious  and  fatal. 


REVIEWS  265 

The  list  here  noticed  gives  a  designation  of  the  poisonous  substance 
used  in  the  arts  and  trades,  the  branches  of  industry  in  which  poisoning 
is  known  to  occur,  the  mode  of  entrance  into  the  body,  the  symptoms  of 
poisoning,  and  special  measures  of  relief  until  a  physician  can  be  called. 
Physicians  will  find  in  this  small  pamphlet  valuable  material,  while  manu- 
facturers and  "welfare  workers"  should  make  themselves  familiar  with 
the  dangers  herein  revealed.  No  more  vital  subject  of  study  can  be 
found. 


University  of  Chicago 


C.  R.  Henderson 


The  Insanity  of  Passion  and  Crime.  By  L.  Forbes  Winslow, 
M.B.,  LL.D.,  Cantab,,  D.C.L.  Oxon.  London:  John  Ouseley. 
n.d.     Pp.  352. 

It  is  the  tragedy  of  life's  abnormal  phenomena  which  the  gifted 
physician  portrays  with  very  great  power  and  literary  skill:  the  passions, 
incipient  insanity,  irresponsibility,  mental  obscurity,  criminal  abnormal- 
ity, early  mental  collapse,  feminine  loss  of  balance,  heredity.  The  illus- 
trations are  drawn  from  a  long  course  of  observation  and  reading,  and 
the  warnings  against  excess  and  neglect  have  the  weight  of  professional 
authority.  And  yet  many  readers  will  think  they  have  reason  to  com- 
plain that  they  are  asked  to  follow  ipse  dixit;  for  many  assertions  not 
on  the  bare  afl&rmation  of  the  author.  No  doubt  this  authority  is  hif^h, 
but  most  of  us  desire  an  indication  of  sources,  of  original  collections  of 
facts,  and  independent  means  of  forming  a  judgment  which  are  usually 
wanting  in  this  treatise. 

The  treatment  of  statistics  (on  p.  206)  raises  serious  doubts  about 
the  author's  method  of  interpreting  figures.  He  tells  us  that  in  England 
and  Wales  in  1859  there  was  one  lunatic  in  every  536  of  the  population; 
in  1909  there  was  one  lunatic  in  every  278  of  the  population.  The  infer- 
ence is  that  at  this  rate  of  increase  in  2209  there  will  be  one  in  four  of 
the  population  who  will  be  insane.  Truly  we  live  in  a  "mad  world" — if 
figures  do  not  lie.  The  premises,  however,  may  be  restated  with  advan- 
tage: in  1859  there  was  one  lunatic  recorded  in  every  536  of  the  popula- 
tion, a  very  different  basis  for  calculations  about  the  future.  The  fact 
is  since  1859  the  sick  of  brain  have  been  more  carefully  sought  out, 
recorded,  and  brought  into  institutions,  and  so  appear  in  statistics.  The 
tendency  may  be  discouraging,  but  not  so  hopeless  as  some  think. 

The  illustrations  from  life  are  drawn  from  a  long  e.xperience  in  a 


266  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

professional  career  and  from  wide  reading;    every  page  bristles  with 

suggestion,  and  the  practical  warnings  are  too  authoritative  to  be 

ignored. 

C.  R.  Henderson 

UNTVrERSITY   OF   CHICAGO 


Christian  Unity  at  Work.    The  Federal  Council  of  the  Churclies  of 
Christ  in  America,  191 2.     Edited  by  Charles  S.  Macfarland, 
Secretary,  1913.     Pp.  291. 
The  Secretary  of  the  Federal  Council  of  Churches  has  brought 
together  in  a  volume  the  speeches,  reports,  and  discussions  of  the  con- 
ference held  in  Chicago  in  191 2.    It  is  the  best  available  presentation  of 
the  aims  and  opinions  of  this  powerful  organization.    The  conclusions 
reached  and  the  methods  recommended  are  necessarily  stated  in  very 
general  terms  and  have  only  moderate  interest  for  specialists.    The 
ground  covered  is  too  wide  for  contributions  of  knowledge  to  any  particu- 
lar topic  of  the  program;  but  the  vista  opened  in  the  discussion  of  inter- 
nationalism, race  improvement,  diplomacy,  temperance,  preser\'ation  of 
the  home,  and  religious  education  is  hopeful  and  inspiring. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 


Penal  Philosophy.  By  Gabriel  Tarde;  translated  by  Rapelje 
Howell.    Boston:  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  191 2. 

Tarde  requires  no  introduction  or  recommendation  among  students 
of  sociology,  but  this  publication  of  a  translation  of  his  great  work  on 
crime,  under  the  auspices  of  the  American  Institute  of  Criminal  Law  and 
Criminology,  offers  a  good  occasion  to  call  attention  to  some  of  the 
important  discussions  contributed  by  this  book. 

The  philosophical  controversy  on  "determinism"  versus  "free  will" 
is  clearly  stated,  but  left  where  it  was  before.  Tarde  insists  that  his 
deterministic  theory  of  responsibility  is  sound;  that  we  can  discover 
a  strictly  causal  series  in  conduct  while  we  hold  the  criminal  respon- 
sible for  his  deed;  but  he  also  clings  to  the  common-sense  legal  view  of 
the  criminal  as  a  man  to  be  blamed  and  detested.  For  the  criminal  is 
not  a  savage,  not  a  sick  man,  not  insane,  not  an  epileptic,  but  just  a 
criminal.  The  classifications  of  Lombroso  are  rejected;  there  is  no 
"criminal  type";  we  discover  the  guilty  by  his  record  of  conduct,  not 
by  his  physiognomy  and  by  craniometry.     The  most  reliable  distinction 


REVIEWS  267 

among  offenders  is  sociological  rather  than  physiological;  and  all  law- 
breakers are  classified  as  urban  or  rural,  with  sub-groups  of  the  violent 
and  thieves. 

One  of  the  most  profound  suggestions  in  the  whole  book  is  the 
declaration  that  while  science,  art,  religion,  all  tend  to  diminish  crime, 
commercialism  and  material  success  tend  to  increase  it.  "There  is  one 
sentiment  which,  in  becoming  generaHzed,  should  it  be  developed  in  the 
mind  without  a  sufficient  counterweight,  agrees  with  one  of  the  principles 
dear  to  delinquents.  This  is  what  we  might  call  the  mercantile  senti- 
ment, the  worship  of  gold  and  immediate  enjoyment  to  the  exclusion  of 

everything  else Industry  increases  the  number  of  products,  but 

where  is  the  collective  work  which  it  engenders?"  Under  our  present 
system  this  great  judge  declares  business  is  "to  make  war  on  one's 
neighbor."  In  an  age  which  is  agnostic  about  all  except  the  value  of 
wealth  this  note  of  warning  is  not  likely  to  be  much  heeded;  but  it  will 
be  heard  when  the  "noise  and  shouting  dies." 

If  Tarde,  the  lawyer,  were  heeded,  some  of  our  law  students  would 
study  criminals  by  serving  as  assistants  or  teachers  in  prisons.  Study 
of  criminal  law  would  then  be  something  nearer  life  than  looking  at 
dried  specimens  in  the  leaves  of  penal  codes. 

The  argument  about  capital  punishment  is  a  fine  and  subtle  example 

of  walking  on  a  tight  rope;  the  weight  of  argument  on  the  whole  seems 

to  be  contrary  to  the  conclusion  which  apparently  is  to  retain  the  death 

penalty,  but  on  impossible  conditions. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 


Industrial  Warfare.  The  Aims  and  Claims  of  Capital  and  Labour. 
By  Charles  Watney  and  James  A.  Little.  London:  John 
Murray,  1912.     Pp.  x+353.     6^  net. 

A  very  useful  compendium  on  labor  legislation  and  conditions  in 
Great  Britain  during  the  past  few  years.  Very  sketchy  in  places  and 
sometimes  not  clear,  it  nevertheless  in  twenty-five  chapters  and  fifteen 
appendices  gives  the  essential  facts  regarding  the  "Issues  and  Per- 
sonaHties"  of  nearly  every  phase  of  the  labor  movement.  Eleven  chap- 
ters are  devoted  to  special  industries  or  classes  of  workers,  as  "Cotton 
and  Weaving  Trades,"  "General  Labourers,"  "Women  Workers,"  and 
others  to  "Labour  Organization,"  "Syndicalism,"  "Minimum  Wage," 
"Remedies,"  "Profit  Sharing."  The  book  is  purely  descriptive  and 
matter-of-fact  throughout,  a  detached  position  being  successfully  main- 


268  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

tained  by  the  authors.  Even  in  the  chapter  on  "Suggested  Remedies" 
they  do  not  have  a  special  panacea  but  report  faithfully  the  respective 
standpoints  of  employers,  workers,  and  public. 

Except  for  hints  here  and  there  one  must  therefore  look  to  the 
"Introduction"  for  views  attributable  to  the  authors.  The  chief  cause 
of  labor  unrest  is  there  said  to  be  "the  progress  of  education,"  "the 
development  of  thought  and  the  advancement  in  the  popular  ideals  of 
happiness  and  comfort"  among  the  laboring  classes.  There  has  resulted 
a  widespread  feeling  that  labor  does  not  receive  its  due  proportion  of  the 
product  of  industry.  This  unrest  has  come  to  stay  but  will  assume 
various  forms  according  to  local  conditions  and  the  attitude  of  employers. 
Though  the  authors  definitely  state  that  "the  fight  between  Capital  and 
Labour"  (p.  12,  note)  is  not  "class  war"  (p.  9),  they  nevertheless  very 
clearly  imply  that  it  is  just  that — a  fact  also  made  plain  by  the  title  and 
much  of  the  subject-matter.  It  would  seem  that  their  opinion  that 
labor  "will  be  content  Avith  fairer  treatment"  is  also  too  optimistic.  On 
the  contrary  human  experience  universally  shows  that  the  demands  for 
larger  opportunities  and  a  higher  standard  of  living,  like  the  demands 
for  wealth  and  liberty,  grow  with  every  morsel  fed  them,  except  for 
moments  of  temporary  quiescence;  the  fundamental  demands  of  labor 
are  in  essence  the  demand  for  democracy  in  industry,  which  like  the 
demand  for  democracy  in  politics  can  stop  only  at  full  realization  of 
equality.  By  way  of  solution  of  the  labor  problem  the  authors  place 
most  confidence  in  collective  bargaining  and  profit-sharing  (p.  10),  but 
without  finding  them  a  cure-all  (p.  255). 

There  is  a  certain  naivete  in  the  statement  (pp.  6-7)  of  the  relation 
of  gold  to  prices;  and  the  opinion  (p.  7)  that  "a  general  increase  in  the 
price  of  commodities  rarely  affects  the  very  poor"  seems  preposterous. 

This  brief  sketch  of  the  demands  of  capital  and  labor  in  Great 
Britain  and  the  attempts  by  legislative  and  industrial  reforms  to  meet 
them,  or  as  the  Preface  describes  it,  this  "resume  in  encyclopaedic  form" 
explaining  "the  exact  significance  and  the  probabilities  of  the  growing 
unrest,"  should  prove  valuable  reading  for  all  those  interested  in  the 
industrial  situation.  It  contains  lessons  from  the  experiences  of  a  great 
nation  for  extremists  of  every  sort.  With  its  index  and  topical  page 
headings  it  is  a  ready  reference  storehouse  of  information  for  the  student 
wishing  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  labor  situation  in  the  oldest 
industrial  nation. 

F.  H.  Hankins 

Clakk  College 


REVIEWS  269 

The  Charity  Visitor:  A  Practical  Handbook  for  Beginners.     By 
Amelia  Sears.     Introduction  by  Charles  Richmond  Hen- 
derson.   Chicago:   The  Chicago  School  of  Physics  and  Phi- 
lanthropy, 1913.     8vo.    Pp.  72.     Paper  covers. 
Training  for  the  new  profession  of  social  work  has  been  rendered 
difficult  by  the  lack  of  textbooks  adapted  to  the  use  of  classes  in  the 
schools  of  philanthropy.     This  Httle  book  will  therefore  meet  a  need  long 
felt  by  all  interested  in  the  training  of  social  workers.     It  describes  in 
simple  terms  the  practice  prevailing  in  the  district  offices  of  the  United 
Charities  of  Chicago,  a  practice  gradually  formulated  by  the  superin- 
tendent of  the  Bureau  of  Charities,  Mr.  Ernest  P.  Bicknell,  now  execu- 
tive secretary  of  the  National  Red  Cross  Society,  and  by  the  general 
district  superintendent  of  the  United  Charities.    This  practice  accords, 
of  course,  in  the  main  with  the  accepted  practice  in  well-ordered  charity 
organization  societies,  so  that  the  material  presented  has  far  more  than 
local   interest.    The   topics   discussed   include   among   others:     "The 
Initial  Visit"— The  Visitor's  Mental  Attitude,  The  Family  Individual- 
ized;   ''Record-making"— with  a  detailed  examination  of  the  Record 
Card;  ''Methods  of  Verification";  "Types  of  Dependency";  "Sources  of 
Co-operation"— Relatives,  Employers,  Unions,  etc. 

These  topics  while  briefly  presented  are  yet  discussed  with  sufficient 
fulness  to  prepare  the  student  and  the  new  visitor  for  the  delicate  and 
difficult  questions  of  human  need  and  family  decline  that  are  found  in 
the  case  of  every  applicant  for  aid.  The  book  should,  therefore,  be  of 
great  interest,  not  only  to  the  professional  student  but  to  all  who  are 
concerned  with  the  discovery  of  the  kind  and  the  volume  of  want  and 
suffering  facing  the  modern  city.  It  will  undoubtedly  find  a  welcome  on 
the  part  of  college  students  of  social  problems  and  of  those  individuals 
who  desire  as  volunteer  visitors  to  be  of  service  to  the  poor.  As  Pro- 
fessor Henderson  well  says  in  his  sympathetic  and  discriminating 
Foreword: 

Long  experience  in  charity  makes  us  all  impatient  to  see  the  day  when 
charitable  relief,  with  all  its  humiliations,  and  harrowing  uncertainties,  will  be 
no  longer  needed,  when  a  fairer  distribution  of  income,  a  complete  system  of 
social  hygiene,  education  and  insurance  will  reduce  dependence  to  a  vanishing 
point;  and  the  hope  of  promoting  that  purpose  is  the  chief  inspiration  of  con- 
temporary charity.  We  know  that  these  tragic  case  records  and  the  statistics 
which  are  gathered  from  them  must  quicken  the  public  conscience  and  lead  to 
nobler  methods.  Meantime,  in  spite  of  cheap  and  ill-advised  jeers  at  means 
of  relief,  which  are  confessedly  only  mitigation  and  not  final  cure,  we  cannot 


270  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

refuse  to  help  diminish  distress  so  far  as  possible.  Talk  of  Utopias  in  some  future 
state,  here  or  hereafter,  comes  with  poor  grace  from  those  who  totally  neglect 
the  miserable  victims  of  personal  fault  and  of  social  misrule.  It  is  not  fair  to 
say  that  all  charity  is  mere  opium  taken  to  relieve  the  remorse  of  willing 
exploiters.  As  Miss  Sears  well  says,  the  direct  use  of  these  pathetic  histories  is 
to  improve  our  methods  of  immediate  relief,  but  our  ultimate  and  larger  pur- 
pose is  "to  accumulate  data  concerning  povertj'-,  disease,  social  exploitation, 
and  industrial  abuse — data  that  may  prove  effective  in  securing  an  investigation 
and  amelioration  of  the  conditions,  social,  industrial,  and  economic,  that 
produce  dependency." 

SoPHONiSBA  P.  Breckinridge 
University  of  Chicago 


A  Psychological  Study  of  Religion.  By  James  H.  Leuba.  New 
York:  Macmillan,  191 2.     Pp.  xiv+371. 

A  wide  range  of  topics  is  discussed.  Chapters  i-ix  contain  the 
writer's  psychology  of  feeling,  intellection,  and  volition;  criticize  numer- 
ous definitions  of  religion;  repeat  his  well-known  distinction  between  the 
mechanical,  the  magical,  and  the  "anthropopathic"  types  of  behavior; 
and  detail  the  varieties  of  magic  and  the  essential  qualifications  of  a  god. 
In  chaps,  x-xiii  there  is  a  brief  treatment  of  religion  in  its  relation  to 
morality,  mythology,  and  metaphysics,  followed  by  extended  criticism  of 
recent  utterances  of  apologists  for  religion.  The  aim  is  to  show  that 
when  theologians  fall  back  on  "inner  experience"  and  satisfying  states  of 
mind  as  proof  of  the  validity  of  religion  they  cannot  logically  claim  that 
such  experiences  are  exempt  from  the  interpretation  of  the  psychologist. 
Admitting  the  psychologist's  way  of  approach,  theology  will  become 
fruitfully  empirical  and  shake  off  the  incubus  of  an  old-fashioned  meta- 
physics. TKe  concluding  pages  deal  with  oriental  religions,  "psycho- 
therapic  cults,"  such  as  New  Thought  and  Christian  Science,  the  Religion 
of  Humanity,  and  the  Ethical  Culture  movement;  finally,  the  bases  of  a 
religion  of  the  future  are  prophesied. 

Among  the  contentions  advanced  are  the  following:  religion  is  a  tj^ie 
of  behax-ior,  an  appeal  to  a  kind  of  power  believed  in,  an  agency  psychic, 
superhuman,  and  (usually)  personal;  originating  in  impulses  and  needs 
of  human  nature,  primitive  religion  had  biological  value  in  the  struggle 
for  existence;  out  of  mechanical  behavior  (dependence  upon  quantitative, 
causal  relations)  science  has  developed;  magic,  eliminating  mechanism 
and  causality,  is  opposed  to  science  in  spirit  and  method  as  caprice  is 
opposed  to  systematic  control;  moral  values  are  superior  to  religious 
values;   a  tenable  religion  should  not  run  counter  to  "well-established 


REVIEWS  271 

scientific  or  philosophical  conclusions,"  should  stress  ethical  imperatives 
and  general  happiness,  and  should  listen  to  Bergson's  intuition  of  God — 
"unceasing  life,  action,  freedom." 

Anyone  who  writes  on  religion  and  magic  today  may  not  legitimately 
confine  himself  to  the  researches  of  Tylor,  Fraser,  Jevons,  and  others  who 
have  not  sufficiently  realized  the  implications  of  the  collective  back- 
groimd  of  primitive  groups.  Professor  Leuba  freely  takes  exception  to 
the  conclusions  of  the  English  anthropologists,  yet  he  follows  their  leading 
to  the  extent  of  ignoring  the  work  of  Durkheim,  Levy-Bruhl,  Hubert, 
and  Mauss.  Whatever  exaggerations  may  be  found  in  the  categories  of 
the  French  social  anthropologists,  they  have  demonstrated  that  the 
ordinary  psychology  of  the  textbook  falls  short  in  method  and  interpre- 
tation if  it  is  invoked  to  explain  the  genesis  of  magic  and  religion.  A 
suggestive  example  of  what  may  be  done  when  an  investigation  is  based 
upon  specific  group  contexts  is  the  study  of  Greek  magic,  religion,  and 
philosophy  made  by  F.  M.  Cornford,  who  derived  his  standpoint  from 
Professor  Durkheim  and  his  colleagues^ 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  Dr.  Leuba  sees  fit  to  include  a  somewhat  full 
analysis  of  the  social  philosophy  of  Comte.  Positivism  is  reproached 
because  of  its  inadequate  view  of  Nature  and  its  defective  philosophical 
assumptions.  However,  the  reUgion  of  the  future  described  in  chap,  xiii 
is  a  revised  version  of  the  Religion  of  Humanity.  Dr.  Leuba  urges  that 
"Humanity  idealized  and  conceived  as  a  manifestation  of  Creative 
Energ>'  possesses  surpassing  qualifications  for  a   source  of  religious 

inspiration The  sense  of  weakness  and  imperfection,  the  need  of 

comfort  and  encouragement,  the  desire  for  the  final  triumph  of  good  are 
sentiments  which  might  readily  enough  be  collectively  expressed  in 
declarations  addressed  to  the  religious  brotherhood,  or  even  perhaps  to 
the  Ideal  Society.  And  I  see  no  sufiicient  reason  why  a  religion  of 
Humanity  should  not  incorporate  in  a  modified  form  elements  of  the 
therapeutic  cults  which  have  been  found  effective  in  the  healing  of  mind 
and  body. 

"A  religion  in  agreement  with  the  accepted  body  of  scientific  knowl- 
edge, and  centered  about  Humanity  conceived  as  the  manifestation  of  a 
Force  tending  to  the  creation  of  an  ideal  society,  would  occupy  in  the 
social  hfe  the  place  that  a  religion  should  normally  hold,  even  the  place 
that  the  Christian  religion  lost  when  its  cardinal  beUefs  ceased  to  be  in 
harmony  with  secular  beliefs"  (pp.  335~33^)- 

E.  L.  Talbert 

University  of  Chicago 


272  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  Psychology  of  Revolution.     By  Gustave  le  Bon.     Translated 
by  Bernard  Miall.     New  York:  Putnam,  1913.     Price,  $2 .  50. 

Pp-  337- 
In  this  study,  Le  Bon  has  endeavored  to  unravel  some  of  the  tangled 
skeins  of  history  with  the  aid  of  modern  psychology.  He  shows  that  we 
have  arrived  at  a  more  profound  understanding  of  the  principles  of  this 
science,  and  he  makes  practical  application  of  them  in  his  interpretation 
of  events.  The  discoveries  in  this  science  which  the  author  puts  forth  as 
applicable  to  history  are  as  follows:  a  knowledge  of  ancestral  influence, 
the  laws  which  rule  the  actions  of  a  crowd,  data  relating  to  the  disaggre- 
gation of  personality,  mental  contagion,  the  unconscious  formation  of 
beliefs,  and  the  distinction  between  the  various  forms  of  logic,  rational, 
affective,  collective,  and  mystic. 

Revolutions  are  classified  and  the  relation  of  government  to  social 
interaction  analyzed.  All  violent  social  disturbances  are  shown  to  have 
a  logical  basis  which  may  rest  wholly  or  partly  upon  psychological 
premises.  There  is  a  wide  range  of  difference  between  a  scientific,  a 
poUtical,  and  a  religious  revolution.  The  scientific  revolution  hardly 
makes  a  ripple  upon  the  surface  of  society;  it  is  merely  an  evolutionary 
process.  The  causes  leading  up  to  a  political  revolution  may  be  summed 
up  in  the  one  word  discontent.  Intolerance  is  back  of  the  force  that 
sweeps  society  into  religious  controversy,  with  its  attendant  excess  and 
crime.  In  political  and  religious  revolutions,  rational  logic  is  swept  aside 
and  is  replaced  by  affective,  collective,  and  rnystic  logic. 

The  keynote  of  the  analysis  is  found  in  the  different  forms  of  men- 
tality prevalent  during  revolution.  These  are  classified  as  the  mystic, 
the  Jacobin,  the  revolutiona;^,  and  the  criminal.  The  classification  is 
evidently  made  with  special  reference  to  the  French  revolution.  Man  as 
a  collective  unit  under  leadership  without  legal  restraint  or  substantial 
moral  and  religious  moorings  is  a  different  creature  from  man  as  a  segre- 
gated unit  under  centralized  authority.  It  is  this  dual  nature  of 
personality  which  admits  of  the  excesses  and  crimes  against  civilization 
committed  by  a  revolutionary  body  under  the  influence  and  leadership  of 
an  abnormal  mind.  Such  a  character  would  be  restrained  in  times  of 
order  by  a  fear  of  the  law;  but  in  times  of  revolution,  there  is  no  such 
restraint. 

The  origins  of  the  French  revolution  are  found  mainly  in  the  weakness 
of  the  government.  Le  Bon  does  not  subscribe  to  the  fatalistic  theory, 
nor  yet  to  the  theory  that  the  philosophers  exerted  a  powerful  influence. 


REVIEWS  273 

He  holds  rather  that  those  who  inaugurated  the  revolution  did  not 
perceive  clearly  what  they  wanted;  popular  political  ideals  had  been 
shattered,  and  the  French  people  consequently  passed  through  a  period 
of  demoralization  and  anarchy  seeking  new  ideals. 

Le  Bon  thinks  that  there  was  a  logical  basis  for  many  acts  of  the 
French  revolution  which  heretofore  have  been  passed  over  as  inexplicable. 
Such  bases  depend  for  establishment  upon  the  acceptance  of  Le  Bon's 
system  of  reasoning. 

In  the  discussion  of  the  conflict  between  ancestral  influences  and 
revolutionary  principles,  it  is  contended  that  the  main  issues  of  the 
French  revolution  were  early  accomplished.  The  ancestral  influences 
then  dictated  the  return  to  law  and  order,  which  was  not  accomplished 
by  reason  of  the  fact  that  the  revolutionary  principles  were  still  burning 
issues  with  the  leaders  and  the  mercenary  class  of  the  revolutionists. 
Their  preservation  depended  upon  a  continuation  of  the  revolutionary 
regime. 

Le  Bon  concludes  that  the  heritage  of  the  French  revolution  may  be 
summed  up  in  the  words:  Liberty,  Equality,  and  Fraternity.  In  the 
present-day  movements  toward  social  equality,  he  sees  the  fruitage  of 
the  seeds  that  were  planted  at  so  great  a  sacrifice  and  cost. 

Isaac  A.  Loos 

State  University  of  Iowa 


Les  pHncipes  sociologiques  du  droit  public.  Par  Raoul  de  la 
Grasserie.  V.  Paris:  Giard  et  E.  Briere,  191 1.  Prix, 
broche,  10  francs;  relie,  11  francs.     Pp.  1-430. 

This  book  is  an  attempt  to  interpret  public  law  in  the  light  of  social 
conditions  and  social  history.     It  is  divided  into  three  parts. 

The  first  part,  the  sociology  of  constitutional  law,  considers  first  at 
length  and  by  means  of  historical  analysis  the  sociology  of  the  constitu- 
tional law  of  the  state.  This  might  very  well  be  called  a  sociological 
interpretation  of  the  history  of  the  forms  or  machiner}^  of  government. 
It  differs  little  from  what  a  contemporary  historian  of  constitutional  law 
would  write  even  if  he  did  not  call  his  work  sociological.  Since  Lavigny, 
public  law  is  interpreted  by  historical  conditions.  The  first  part  con- 
cludes with  a  very  brief  section  on  eccentric  and  concentric  units  of  the 
state,  namely,  colonies,  provinces,  and  communes. 

Part  II,  public  administrative  law,  is  similar  in  treatment  to  Part  I 


274  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  almost  of  equal  length.  Part  III  is  grouped  under  two  divisions: 
one  relating  to  the  international  public  law  between  autonomous  states, 
and  the  other  to  that  between  dependent  or  interdependent  states.  Part 
IV  discusses  the  sociology  of  the  limits  and  the  relations  between  indi- 
vidual rights  and  public  law. 

Isaac  A.  Loos 
State  University  of  Iowa 


La  theorie  de  Vhomme  et  dc  la  civilisation.  Par  Erasme  de 
Majewski.  Paris:  Librairie  H.  Le  Soudier,  191 1.  Prix,  8 
francs.     Pp.  vii-xvi+351. 

This  book  is  similar  in  spirit  and  method  to  the  same  author's  La 
science  de  civilisation,  published  three  years  earlier.  The  book  is  at  once 
biological  and  sociological,  or  perhaps  we  should  say  blends  the  biological 
and  sociological  analysis  of  life  by  means  of  the  psychological  analysis. 
The  author  lays  great  stress  on  the  phenomena  of  language  m  an  account 
of  the  development  of  Vhomo  sapiens. 

The  psychisme  of  man  is  not  the  result  of  the  psychisme  of  animal; 

the  former  is  interphysiological  (whatever  this  may  mean),  instead  of 

physiological.     Language  and  ideas  constitute  the  form  and  substance  of 

society.     The  social  form  is  as  real  as  the  cell  or  the  plant,  but  it  is  not 

so  obvious !    The  interphysical  content  in  a  material  substratum  is  the 

form  of  the  social  reality. 

Isaac  A.  Loos 
State  University  of  Iowa 


RECENT   LITERATURE 


NOTES   AND  ABSTRACTS 

Le  syndicalisme  feminin  dans  les  industries  textile  en  Angleterre. — It  is  in  the 
textile  industries  that  the  earliest  female  labor  organizations  appeared.  These  were  at 
first  separate  from  those  of  the  men,  but  later  united  with  them.  It  is  m  these  mdus- 
tries  also  that  women  receive  the  highest  wages.  The  question  arises  as  to  whether  the 
superior  condition  of  women  here  can  be  attributed  to  organization.  Investigation 
shows  that  the  growth  of  organization  among  women  workers  has  been  slow,  and  even 
in  those  industries  where  women  out-number  the  men,  the  number  belonging  to  unions 
is  nevertheless  smaller.  Where  women  do  belong  to  the  union  they  show  httle  interest 
in  its  activities,  and  even  in  organizations  where  women  are  in  the  majority,  the 
executive  work  is  chiefly  done  by  the  men.  It  must  be  concluded  that  the  gains  which 
have  come  to  women  have  come  chiefly  through  the  activities  of  the  men,  rather  than 
through  their  own  efforts.  Though  there  is  still  a  great  discrepancy  in  the  cotton 
industry,  as  elsewhere,  between  the  wages  of  women  employees  and  those  of  men,  yet 
the  women  here,  where  organization  is  strongest,  receive  a  higher  average  weekly  wage 
than  in  any  other  branch  of  the  textile  industry.  This  result  may  be  fairly  attributable 
to  organized  activity  on  the  part  of  the  men.— Mile.  A.  Tougard  de  Boismilon,  Le 
musec  socialc,  memoires  et  documents,  May,  1913.  B.  H.  S. 

Sur  I'influence  de  I'image  et  de  la  publicite  sur  les  criminels. — Criminals  may 
be  divided  into  three  grades:  the  lowest  and  the  highest  of  these,  the  instinctive,  and 
the  "cultured"  criminal,  respectively,  are  not  influenced  by  the  suggestion  and 
examples  furnished  in  newspaper  accounts  of  crime.  Upon  the  middle  class,  however, 
this  influence  is  very  marked.  This  class  is  largely  composed  of  youths,  and  is  recruited 
for  the  most  part  from  children  who  have  grown  up  in  an  environment  of  crime,  where 
criminal  exploits  are  held  up  for  admiration.  Newspaper  publicity  serves  to  emphasize 
this  attitude,  and,  by  furnishing  examples  for  imitation,  tends  to  multiply  criminal 
acts.  It  might  be  thought  that  the  publication  of  the  penalties  along  with  the  account 
of  the  crime  would  have  a  deterrent  effect,  but  this  does  not  seem  to  be  the  case.— Dr. 
Gilbert  Ballet,  Revue  penUentiare  et  de  le  droit  penal,  April,  1913.  B.  H.  S. 

L'assicurazione  obbligatoria  nei  lavori  Agricoli.— Though  compulsory  insurance 
against  industrial  accidents  was  provided  for  in  Italy  by  the  laws  of  1898  and  of  1904, 
these  did  not  apply  to  the  agricultural  workers.  There  is  no  reason  why  the  latter 
should  be  excluded  from  the  benefits  of  this  law.  The  agricultural  workers  bear  the 
same  relation  to  the  employer  and  run  the  same  risk  of  injury  as  do  the  laborers  in 
workshops  and  factories.  Some  would  make  a  distinction  between  classes  of  agricul- 
tural laborers,  the  tenants  or  farmers  on  shares,  and  the  day  laborers,  claiming  that 
onlv  the  latter  need  the  protection  of  compulsory  insurance.  Both,  however,  belong 
to  the  general  class  of  hired  laborers,  and  should  be  included  in  the  law.  The  principle 
of  employers'  liability  for  all  accidents  not  due  to  negligence  of  the  employer  can  be 
derived  from  the  essential  nature  of  the  contract.  If  is  to  be  assumed  that  when  an 
employer  enters  into  a  contract  to  hire  labor,  he  is  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the 
laborer,  just  as  when  he  enters  into  a  contract  to  hire  machinery  he  makes  himself  liable 
for  the'return  of  the  same  uninjured.  This  interpretation,  only,  is  in  harmony  with 
judicial  and  ethical  principles,  and  if  the  principle  of  employers'  liabihty  were  recog- 
nized on  this  basis,  the  extension  of  compulsory  insurance  to  the  protection  of  all 
classes  of  workers,  as  a  logical  outcome  of  employers'  liability,  could  not  be  denied.— 
Romeo  Vuoli,  Rivisita  internazionale  di  scienzc  socialc  e  discipline  ausiUare,  May,  1913- 

27s 


276  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Le  droit  dans  I'economie  sociale. — By  right  (droit)  is  meant  natural  right.  This 
concept  is  denied  by  many,  but  the  proof  of  the  existence  of  natural  right  is  found  in  the 
inabiUty  to  prove  the  contrary.  Individual  liberty  contains  in  germ  all  the  rights  of 
man.  The  limitations  which  may  be  put  upon  liberty  are  (a)  those  arising  from  its 
own  nature,  i.e.,  because  each  man  has  a  right  to  his  own  Uberty  he  must  not  encroach 
upon  that  of  another;  (b)  those  required  for  the  maintenance  of  social  order,  for  the 
individual  cannot  live  apart  from  organized  society  and  the  maintenance  of  social  order 
is  necessary  to  his  existence.  Every  extension  of  authority  which  is  not  justified  by  its 
necessity  impairs  natural  right  and  can  have  only  bad  effects.  An  example  of  an 
encroachment  of  the  state  upon  individual  right  is  found  in  the  law  requiring  compul- 
sory contributions  for  old-age  pensions.  The  exact  limits  of  authority  are  difficult  to 
fix,  but  a  good  government  should  stop  short  of,  rather  than  go  beyond,  them.  For  all 
social  polity  should  be  directed  toward  one  object:  to  develop  the  human  individuality, 
and  the  human  individuality  can  be  developed  only  in  liberty  and  through  liberty. — 
Edmond  Villey,  Revue  d'cconomie  politique,  May-June,  1913.  B.  H.  S. 

L'H6pital  de  Montpezat-de-Qercy  pendant  le  XVIIe  et  le  XVIIIe  siecle.— This 

hospital,  which  was  established  in  1360,  has  preserved  its  records  since  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  century.  These  show  that  though  the  philosophy  of  benevolence  had 
not  been  developed,  there  were  many  forms  of  public  assistance  given  as  a  municipal 
service  in  Quercy. — R.  Latouche,  Annales  du  midi,  January,  1913.  E.  H.  S. 

L'antropologia  criminale  ed  i  suoi  detrattori. — Criminal  anthropology  has  a 
rational  and  natural  basis  and  finds  support  in  the  new  science  of  psycho-physics.  The 
fact  that  many  honest  people  have  what  might  be  described  as  criminal  somatic  char- 
acteristics is  no  criticism  of  criminal  anthropology,  as  the  latter  does  not  go  by  these 
alone,  but  takes  them  together  with  various  organic  and  cranial  anomalies.  A  crime 
is  the  eflect  of  three  factors:  individual,  social,  and  physical.  Education  and  the  lack 
of  opportunity  for  the  expression  of  the  criminal  tendencies  are  significant;  and 
finally,  criminal  anthropology,  like  all  social  sciences,  has  only  a  relative  and  approxi- 
mate value  which,  however,  does  not  divest  it  of  the  character  of  a  science. — Francesco 
di  Luca,  Archivio  di  antropologia  criminale,  April,  1913.  M.  S.  H. 

Le  realisme  chez  les  artistes  anciens. — One  may  note  in  the  work  of  sculptors 
and  painters  of  different  epochs  and  countries  various  styles  of  representing  the  human 
body  peculiar  to  the  period  and  place.  So  distinct  are  these  that  often  we  may  locate 
works  of  art  as  to  time  and  nationality  by  them.  The  ancient  artists  in  their  unaffected 
recognition  of  the  anatomic  differences  of  sex  in  their  representations  of  the  human  form 
reached  an  aesthetic  conception  far  higher  than  that  attained  by  modem  artists  who 
are  restrained  from  their  best  work  by  sex  consciousness. — Gaston  Gaillaird,  Bulletin 
de  la  Society  d'anthropologie,  Nos.  5-6,  191 2.  E.  E.  E. 

Culture  morale  et  feminisme. — The  social  unit  is  not,  as  some  social  extremists 
hold,  the  individual,  but  the  couple.  Men  and  women  are  different,  it  is  true,  but  they 
are  not  on  that  account  either  hostile  or  independent.  They  complement  each  other, 
and  social  accomplishment  requires  their  co-operation.  In  modern  society  woman 
may  appear  in  four  roles:  as  a  celibate,  as  a  slave  to  her  husband,  as  an  advocate  of 
freedom  of  marital  contract,  or  as  an  equal  partner  to  a  natural  and  voluntary  matri- 
monial union.  Looking  toward  the  last  as  the  normal  and  desirable  state,  the  young 
women  of  the  nation  m.ust  be  trained— physically,  mentally,  morally.— A.  Bauer, 
Revue  internationale  de  sociologie,  May,  1913.  E.  E.  L. 

Etude  sur  la  famille  instable  en  Champagne.— In  making  an  investigation  of  the 
causes  of  the  unstable  family  in  France  the  Champagne  district  was  chosen  as  typical. 
Among  the  peasantry  the  custom  persists  of  equal  partition  of  the  paternal  estate 
among  the  children  at  marriage.  The  result  is  a  region  of  finely  parceled  out  farms, 
usually  too  small  to  furnish  their  proprietors  more  than  the  barest  livmg.  Smce  it  is 
difficult  satisfactorily  thus  to  establish  many  children  in  life,  this  custom  tends  to 
restrict  the  birth  rate,  and  correspondingly  the  expansion  of  the  race.  This,  combined 
with  the  poverty  of  the  soil  of  the  section,  is  the  primary  cause  of  the  instability  of  the 


RECENT  LITERATURE  277 

family.  The  economic  life  is  rigorous,  with  few  real  comforts.  Family  ties  arc  not 
strong,  and  many  households  are  disorganized  by  the  departure  of  the  children  to  find 
work  in  the  cities.  In  the  urban  population  signs  of  family  disorganization  are  most 
notable,  perhaps,  among  the  textile  workers,  the  dockers,  and  the  wine  workers,  due 
largely  to  conditions  of  poverty,  illness,  drunkenness,  and  sloth. — P.  Descamps,  La 
science  sociak,  Ma.y,  1913.  E.  E.  E. 

Akkulturation  unter  den  Magyaren  in  Amerika. — The  immigrants  to  America 
undergo  few  changes  e.xcept  in  the  superficial  forms  of  culture  as  the  result  of  contact 
with  American  life.  Their  racial  traits,  habits  of  Ufe,  customs,  and  religious  convic- 
tions do  not  change.  In  fact  they  use  every  means  available  to  retain  their  "inner 
culture";  they  subscribe  for  a  native  newspaper,  and  locate  in  national  groups.  They 
adopt  in  a  superficial  way  the  American  fashions  and  other  external  features  of  Ameri- 
can culture,  which  are  forced  on  them  by  the  so-called  necessarj'  demands  of  American 
life.  But  this  process  of  assimilation  is  superficial  and  not  real.  The  real  content  of 
foreign  culture  does  not  change  upon  the  American  soil.  Their  craving  for  American 
freedom  becomes  a  falsified  fact;  among  the  American  immigrants  freedom  has  no 
value  or  appreciation,  when  the  mind  and  judgment  rejects  it.— G.  von  Hoffman, 
ZeitschriftfUr  Social-diisscnschajt,  May-June,  1913.  H.  H.  B. 

Die  Nationaiitat  in  ihrer  sociologischen  Bedeutung. — The  general  social  instinct, 
the  sexual  instinct,  and  the  paternal  instinct  are  the  three  bonds  that  hold  a  tribe  or 
group  together,  and  unite  humanity  into  one  large  group.  But  these  three  forces  are 
represented  by  many  sub-forces  and  institutions  in  the  development  of  civilization. 
The  solidarity  of  humanity  is  essentially  based  on  the  fact  that  our  whole  system  of 
culture  finds  its  roots  in  the  culture  of  earlier  people.  Thus  both  objectively  and  sub- 
jectively nationality  in  its  sociological  significance  is  becoming  the  oneness  of  human- 
ity.—Paul  Barth,  Vierteljahrschrift  filr  Philosophic  and  Soziologie,  Vol.  XXXVII 
Heft  I.  H.  H.  B. 

The  Sources  of  Rural  Credit  and  the  Extent  of  Rural  Indebtedness. — The  chief 
sources  of  rural  credit  before  about  1895  were  mortgage  companies  and  loan  agents  of 
life  insurance  societies.  Many  mortgage  companies  that  made  loans  in  restricted 
territories  where  they  knew  the  people  and  that  did  not  guarantee  the  mortgages  still 
do  a  good  business  for  themselves  and  their  clients.  Census  investigations  (1890- 
1910)  show  the  growth  of  the  tenant  system  and  of  the  mortgaging  of  farms  operated 
by  owners.  The  average  value  of  such  mortgaged  farms  was  $3,444  with  an  incum- 
brance of  $1,224  in  1890;  the  corresponding  items  in  1910  were  $6,289  and  $2,658. 
That  is,  the  average  value  of  such  farm  property  has  increased  faster  than  the  amount 
of  the  mortgages .  The  total  agricultural  debt  of  American  farmers  in  1 9 1 2  is  estimated 
at  about  $5,000,000,000.  Real  estate  mortgages  constitute  55 . 9  per  cent  of  this  sum; 
chattel  mortgages  about  14  per  cent;  cotton  crop  liens  7.8  per  cent;  Hens  on  other 
crops  about  9  per  cent;  unsecured  debts  to  local  merchants  alaout  5  per  cent;  besides 
a  small  percentage  of  miscellaneous  debts.  About  three-fourths  of  the  total  mortgages 
on  farm  real  estate  has  been  incurred  in  purchasing  the  property. — George  K.  Holmes, 
Monthly  Bulletin  of  Economic  and  Social  Intelligence,  International  Institute  of  Agri- 
culture, April,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

Heredity  and  Responsibility. — Our  personalities  are  not  absolutely  determined  in 
the  original  germ  cells;  yet  they  have  arisen  from  these  cells  and  have  been  conditioned 
by  them.  That  is,  our  actual  personalities  are  not  predetermined  in  the  germ-cells, 
but  our  possible  personaHties  are.  Anything  which  could  possibly  appear  in  the  course 
of  development  is  potential  in  heredity  and  under  given  conditions  of  environment  is 
predetermined.  The  factors  determining  human  behavior  include,  therefore,  heredi- 
tary constitution,  present  stimulus,  past  experiences  of  the  organism,  and  the  habits  of 
response  to  given  stimuli  which  have  been  formed.  Is  then  the  individual  responsible 
for  his  behavior?  By  "responsibility"  is  meant  ability  of  the  individual  to  respond 
to  rational,  social,  and  ethical  stimuli,  and  to  inhibit  response  to  their  opposites.  It 
involves  the  corresponding  expectation  of  others  that  the  individual  will  so  respond. 
Since  the  stimuli  increase  in  variety  and  complexity  directly  as  the  social  organization 


278  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

develops,  it  follows  that  human  responsibihty  is  a  variable.  For  the  character  of  the 
stimuli  varies,  and  the  capacities  of  different  individuals  to  respond  to  rational,  social, 
and  ethical  stimuli  vary.  Individual  responsibility  varies,  then,  with  the  number  and 
kind  of  stimuli,  inheritance,  training,  habits,  and  physiological  states.  As  a  corollary 
to  this  conclusion,  note  the  converse  social  responsibihty  to  provide  as  favorable  an 
environment  as  possible  for  all  in  the  community.  For  hereditary  possibilities  become 
actualities  only  as  result  of  use,  training,  and  habit.  Ehmination  of  reproduction  by 
the  unfit,  or  negative  eugenics,  will  be  serviceable  in  extending  the  inherited  poten- 
tialities of  posterity.  Since  great  crises  usually  discover  great  men,  it  is  apparent  that 
the  prime  problem  of  education  is  to  provide  a  stimulating  environment  and  to  develop 
the  powers  of  self-discovery  and  of  self-control. — Edwin  G.  Conklin,  Science,  January 
lo,  1913.  R-  H.  L. 

French  and  American  Ideals. — Material  gain  is  the  world-wide  industrial  ideal, 
but  this  is  becoming  modified  by  the  humane  interest.  France  and  America  differ  in 
the  means  used  to  attain  this  end;  the  former  depends  rather  on  the  clear  thinking  of 
the  individual  concerning  the  moral  questions  involved,  the  latter  appeals  to  legisla- 
tion. The  American  pohtical  ideal  of  individualism  has  been  influenced  by  French 
thought  and  by  the  British  moral  tradition  of  authority.  Personal  restraint  plus  a 
social  laissez  faire;  and  personal  laissez  faire  plus  social  regulation  are  the  means 
depended  on  in  France  and  America  respectively  to  enforce  obedience  to  moral  ideals. 
Such  pohcies  for  control  of  adult  behavipr  necessitate  opposite  treatments  of  the  young, 
i.e.,  freedom  for  American  youth,  espionage  for  the  French.  This  difference  in  methods 
between  the  two  countries  is  due,  at  least  in  part,  to  the  greater  vitahty  of  the  religious 
sanction,  cast  in  theological  terms,  in  America.  We  derive  our  aesthetic  traditions 
from  the  British,  and  so  we  lack  the  creative  imagination  and  delicate  sensibility  of  the 
French.  The  ideal  of  self-control  allows  the  French,  on  the  other  hand,  the  freedom 
of  thought  and  imagination,  so  essential  to  artistic  achievement.  These  differences 
seem  due  to  differences  in  social  inheritance.  But  in  both  countries  there  are  signs  of 
convergence  in  national  ideals  and  methods.  In  America  greater  freedom  from  social 
compulsion  is  beginning  to  appear;  and  in  France  there  is  growing  up  a  new  apprecia- 
tion of  the  social  obhgations  of  the  individual  and  of  the  need  for  a  more  effective  social 
control.  The  economic  and  the  moral  continue  to  make  their  strongest  appeal  to  the 
American;  and  the  intellectual  and  the  beautiful,  as  revealer  of  spiritual  values,  to  the 
French.  Both  peoples  will  profit  largely  through  extensive  and  sympathetic  contacts 
with  each  other. — J.  Mark  Baldwin,  Sociological  Review,  April,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

What  Is  Social  Psychology? — It  is  helpful  to  determine  first  what  social  psychology 
is  not.  Thus  it  does  not  concern  itself  with  a  super-individual,  collective  mind;  for 
such  a  mind  does  not  exist,  apart  from  the  minds  of  the  individuals  that  compose  the 
community.  The  so-called  collective  mind  and  the  individual  mind  are  both  organized 
systems  of  mental  or  purposive  forces;  but  the  former  lacks  the  integrity,  the  isolation 
and  the  unity  of  action  that  are  essential  to  the  very  conception  of  mind.  Again, 
although  the  action  of  an  individual  when  alone  differs  from  what  it  would  be  if  he 
were  a  member  of  a  crowd  or  organized  group,  the  difference  is  caused  by  the  changed 
environmental  conditions  to  which  the  individual  mind  must  respond.  So  far  as  unity 
in  group  action  takes  place,  it  is  due  to  the  existence  in  the  component  individual 
minds  of  common  or  type  elements.  But  even  this  unity  is  modified  by  the  difference 
in  individual  reactions  to  group  ideals  and  practices.  Social  psychology  differs 
essentially  from  sociolog>^  Each  has  to  do  with  the  forms  of  likeness,  of  interde- 
pendence and  of  difference  among  individuals,  and  with  the  complex  social  structures 
that  result  from  the  endless  and  complex  combinations  of  men's  purposes  and  interests. 
When  we  study  the  nature  of  these  structures  as  created  by  and  fulfilling  the  needs  and 
purposes  of  men,  we  are  psychological  sociologists;  when  we  study  these  structures  for 
the  revelation  they  may  give  of  the  nature  of  mind  itself,  we  are  social  psychologists. — 
R.  M.  Maclver,  Sociological  Review,  April,  1913.  R-  H.  L. 

How  Is  Wealth  to  Be  Valued? — Scientific  valuation  must  always  be  inadequate, 
particularly  in  psychology  and  sociology;  for  it  is  limited  to  quantitative  analysis. 
And  difference  in  quaUty  cannot  be  resolved  into  a  quantitative  variation  from  a  norm. 


I 


RECENT  LITERATURE  279 

And  yet  we  find  the  attempt  in  present-day  economics,  ethics,  and  poUtical  science  to 
reduce  all  valuation  to  a  quantitative  problem.  The  true  relation  between  q^fhtative 
and  quantitative  elements  in  the  valuation  process  is  illustrated  by  the  work  of  the 
artist  He  uses  paints  and  colors  in  certain  quantities  and  proportions  and  draws 
certain  lines,  always  with  a  view  to  a  quaUtative  end-the  umty  of  the  whole  composi- 
tion This  qualitative  end  as  determining  quantities  and  proportions  of  ingredients 
appears  in  every  valuation  process,  from  a  painting  to  a  pudding.  This  stands  out 
clearly  in  expending  money  income.  For  in  doing  this,  the  individual,  the  statesman 
the  community  do  not  pause  to  weigh  the  comparative  worth  of  a  certain  number  of 
pounds  sterling  expended  for  tobacco  or  good  or  bad  books  or  for  battleships  or 
education.  Quantitative  measurement  ignores  both  the  unity  fo  the  whole  which  is 
quaUtative,  and  the  qualitativeness  of  the  parts.  Hence  it  cannot  predict  the  future 
m  human  history  with  any  certainty.  For  quahtative  mutations  occur,  such  as  a 
biological  sport  or  a  psychological  variant;  and  such  mutations  have  incalculable 
effects  upon  human  conduct.  The  process  of  averaging  to  eliminate  variations  from 
the  mean  is  a  false  procedure  for  we  have  no  right  to  assume  that  qualitative  differ- 
ences do  cancel  one  another.  The  foregoing  considerations  lead  to  the  conclusion 
that  quantities  are  used  to  assist  in  realizing  the  unified  ideal,  but  that  they  neither 
direct  nor  dominate  the  valuation  process.— John  A.  Hobson,  Htbbert  Journal  Apnl, 

K..  xl.  Li. 

1913- 

A  statistician's  Idea  of  Progress.— Since  progress  is  a  subjective  term  implying 
change  toward  an  end,  it  cannot  be  measured  directly  by  statistics.  If  we  assume 
however,  that  adaptation  is  the  end,  and  that  there  are  certain  Aaractenstics  corre- 
lated with  this  incommensurable  end,  the  use  of  the  statistical  method  may  yield 
suggestive  results.  The  result  of  such  procedure  indicates  for  the  Umted  States  a 
rapid  increase  of  population  and  probable  increase  in  length  of  hfe,  an  increase  in  racial 
uniformity,  and  perhaps  in  uniformity  of  other  sorts  connected  with  immigration  and 
at  the  sanie  time  a  decrease  in  uniformity  of  economic  status  and  income  and  a  probable 
decrease  in  the  stabiUty  and  social  serviceabiUty  of  family  hfe.  Some  of  these  ten- 
dencies seem  to  point  toward  progress,  others  toward  retrogression.  As  there  is  no 
way  of  reducing  these  opposite  tendencies  to  a  statistical  common  denominator  we 
cannot  get  a  conclusive  answer  by  this  method.  It  would  appear  however,  that  the 
SSn  problems  of  progress  in  the  United  States  henceforth  will  differ  fundamentally 
from  those  of  the  past.  We  can  no  longer  justify  political  democracy  and  umversal 
education  on  the  assumption  of  equal  endowment  among  men.  But  these  can  be 
justified  on  the  ground  that  they  are  selective  influences  operating  to  secure  for  society 
the  leadership  of  a  larger  number  of  the  competent.  Agam,  the  economic  problem 
now  confronting  us  concerns  production  less  and  distribution  more;  and  our  political 
problem  essentially  is  that  of  harmonizing  our  political  tradition  with  the  changes 
wrought  by  industrialism.— Walter  F.  Willcox,  International  Journal  of  Etlncs^Apnl, 

1913- 

The  Chinese  Drama,  Yesterday  and  Today.— The  Chinese  drama,  originating 
indirectly  in  the  immortal  legend  of  "The  Herdsman  and  the  Spinning  Damsel  now 
played  on  every  stage  in  China,  found  its  direct  origin  in  "TJe  Gu,id  of  the  Young 
Fois  of  the  Pear  Garden,"  a  College  of  Dramatic  Art  founded  by  Emperor  Huan 
Tsung  (7^s  A.D.)  in  honor  of  his  marriage  to  Princess  Yang  Kueifei.  It  has  since 
become  one  of  the  most  interesting  features  in  the  Chinese  social  life,  as  well  as  pre- 
eminently their  one  form  of  national  amusement-even  more  intimate  and  sacred  than 
X  ancient  Greek  drama  to  the  Greeks.  The  Drama  of  lestcrday  in  harmony  with 
the  former  retrospective  habits  of  the  Chinese,  dealt  entirely  with  the  history  and  cus- 
toms o7  the  past;  and  the  stage  was  the  only  medium  of  knowledge^  It  was  very 
imperfect  and  devoid  of  scenery.  Although  the  historical  drama  was  the  real  favorite 
S  the  Chinese,  the  modern  drama,  the  Drama  of  Today  is  much  more  common 
because  of  the  lighter  expense  of  its  management.  The  latter  is  based  upon  incidents 
Sf  hiiman  life  pictured  in  a  witty  and  humorous  way;  in  the. very  modern  drama 
topical  questions  afford  the  playwrights  most  of  their  material  for  Plays.  It  is 
however? making  slow  progress  as  to  personnel,  for  although  salaries  are  paid  ranging 
from  $30  to  $6,000  annually,  an  actor  is  considered  to  be  of  such  a  low  and  despicable 


28o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

caste  as  to  become  practically  an  outcast  from  society,  and  women  are  prohibited  from 
playing  on  the  stage,  their  parts  being  taken  by  men  and  boys.  Yet  in  the  matter  of 
buildings  and  plays  wonderful  progress  has  been  made.  In  Shanghai,  three  large 
modern  theaters,  seating  from  2,000  to  2,250  persons,  have  been  erected,  and  one  of  the 
same  tx'^pc  is  in  project  for  Hong  Kong.  A  strongly  modern  type  of  play  is  being  used, 
and  fairly  well  acted.  The  possibilities  are  that  the  drama  will,  in  the  near  future, 
become  an  effective  weapon  in  the  hands  of  the  reform  party. — A.  Corbett  Smith, 
Fortnightly  Review,  June,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

Has  Arbitration  Failed  in  New  Zealand? — The  plan  of  compulsory  arbitration  is 
thought  by  some  to  be  dead,  by  others  to  be  merely  dormant.  Begun  with  the  inten- 
tion of  suppressing  strikes  and  of  encouraging  industrial  unionism,  it  comparatively 
failed:  (i)  in  that  the  employers  came  to  be  content  with  it  only  after  long  and  difTicult 
pressure;  and  (2)  it  evoked  discontent  on  the  part  of  the  workers  owing  to  a  complexity 
of  causes:  (a)  they  mistook  their  object  as  increase  of  wages,  (b)  they  were  ignorant  of 
economic  principles  involved,  and  (c)  sociaUsm  gave  them  the  illusion  that  "indus- 
trialism is  war."  On  the  other  hand  the  Arbitration  Act  may  be  considered  a  success, 
(i)  with  reference  to  employers,  because  they  now  favor  it  on  account  of  its  resulting 
enormous  increase  in  the  value  of  products,  land,  machinery,  wages,  etc.;  (2)  with 
reference  to  the  employed,  because  there  has  been  a  period  of  comparative  peace,  few 
strikes,  and  an  increase  of  wages  without  loss  of  time.  This  practical  success  can  be 
made  permanent  when  the  spiritual  tone  of  society  is  raised  by  moral  culture  and 
uphfted  ideals  of  citizenship. — E.  Tregear,  Progress,  January,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

The  Association  Method  in  Criminal  Procedure. — The  association  method  in  a 
complex  criminal  procedure  does  not  possess  practical  value  as  a  means  of  case  analysis. 
This  does  not,  however,  mean  that  the  whole  series  of  investigations  should  be  regarded 
as  a  complete  failure.  The  chief  difficulties  of  the  method  are:  (i)  it  involves  the  error 
of  auto-suggestion  on  the  part  of  the  experimenter;  (2)  of  the  three  principal  complex- 
sjonptoms  that  have  been  estabHshed,  that  one  which  is  of  a  qualitative  nature  can  be 
used  only  with  great  care,  in  such  things  as  assonances,  mutilated  reactions,  failures  to 
react,  translations  into  foreign  speech,  phrase  reactions,  repetition  of  the  stimulus 
word,  misreading  or  mishearing;  (3)  in  cases  of  chronic  alcohohsm  complex  sensitivity 
is  often  so  reduced  that  it  cannot  be  determined  by  the  use  of  this  method;  (4)  the 
scarcity  of  psychiatrically  trained  psychologists,  to  whom  alone  the  prosecution  of 
investigations  should  be  left.  However,  there  should  first  be  a  more  complete  investi- 
gation of  theoretical  questions  by  experiments  on  criminals;  every  large  prison  should 
be  provided  with  a  psychological  laboratory. — Paul  Menzerath,  Journal  of  Criminal 
Law  and  Criminology,  May,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

A  Study  of  One  Hundred  Juvenile-Adult  Offenders  in  the  Cook  County  Jail, 
Chicago. — The  Juvenile  Protective  Association  of  Chicago  found  that  in  1911,  1328 
boys  and  61  girls  under  the  age  of  twenty -one  were  confined  in  the  county  jail.  Inten- 
sive study  of  100  of  these  cases,  chosen  at  random,  showed  that  91  Uved  in  bad 
neighborhoods,  37  were  born  and  reared  in  bad  homes,  37  kept  very  bad  company,  15 
were  addicted  to  drinking,  11  were  totally  subnormal;  most  of  them  were  found  to  be 
somewhat  below  the  average  in  intelligence,  and  most  of  them  had  no  education.  In 
connection  with  some  other  statistics,  it  appears  that  the  Greeks,  the  Polish  and  the 
colored  juvenile-adults  are  the  most  criminal.  There  is  a  close  relation  between  a 
certain  kind  of  occupation  and  criminality;  only  3  per  cent  of  the  jail  boys  had  a  trade; 
most  of  them  entered  industrial  Ufe  young,  picked  up  odd  jobs,  and  did  not  acquire 
skill. — A.  P.  Drucker,  Journal  of  Criminal  Law  and  Criminology,  May,  1913. 

B.  D.  Bh. 

La  restriction  voluntaire  de  la  natalite,  et  la  defense  nationale. — The  grim  evi- 
dence of  statistics  show  France  to  be  sHpping  backward  in  the  matter  of  population. 
The  great  cause  of  this  is  revealed  in  the  voluntary  restriction  of  the  number  of  births. 
This  is  a  serious  matter,  for  without  a  numerous  juvenile  population  constantly 
growing  up  to  replenish  army  and  navy,  France  cannot  hope  to  maintain  her  place 
among  nations  which  have  no  problem  of  a  declining  birth  rate.     The  matter  of  over- 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


281 


coming  this  national  peril  is  a  personal  one — not  merely  to  be  preached  to  others,  but 
to  be  taken  seriously  and  individually  to  heart  by  every  true  patriot. — Paul  Bureau, 
La  science  sociale,  May,  1913.  E.  E.  E. 

An  Account  of  an  Inquiry  into  the  Extent  of  Economic  Moral  Failure  among 
Certain  Types  of  Regular  Workers. — Casual  work  is  often  associated  with  weakness  of 
character  and,  yet,  to  what  extent  is  regular  work  free  from  the  same  weakness  ?  A 
first  approximation  of  statistical  measurement  of  the  extent  of  moral  failure  of  regular 
workers  has  been  made  by  determining  the  proportion  of  certain  types  of  workers  who 
are  dismissed  in  the  course  of  a  year  for  moral  failings  of  different  kinds,  according  to 
the  evidence  furnished  by  employers.  This  shows  large  absolute  numbers  of  dismissals 
for  moral  failures,  and  an  excess  of  such  failures  by  males,  when  contrasted  with 
females. — David  Cardag  Jones,  Journal  of  the  Royal  Statistieal  Society,  April,  1913. 

B.  D.  Bh. 

Education  for  Motherhood. — The  suggestion  has  been  made  that  children 
should  be  reared  in  institutions  rather  than  in  families,  since  the  well-to-do  and  the 
wage-earning  mothers  are  failing  to  care  for  their  children.  The  advocates  of  this 
institutional  training  of  children  fail  to  see  ^i)  that  no  institution  can  compete  with 
the  mother  in  affection  and  care  in  development  of  the  child's  individuality;  (2)  the 
bom  educators  and  specialists  are  very  rare;  (3)  even  these  speciahsts  are  absorbed  by 
their  own  sympathies  and  antipathies,  conflicts,  and  rivalries;  (4)  that  psychological 
development  of  the  emotions  and  sentiments  indicates  that  the  child  should  learn  to 
love  a  few  people  in  the  home.  The  family  colony  with  common  kitchen  and  other 
equipment  is  also  inadequate,  and  fails  to  give  seclusion  and  the  opportunity  for  intro- 
spection. But  this  parasitical  family  woman  is  disappearing,  and  it  is  not  necessary 
to  make  a  choice  of  such  suggestions. — Ellen  Key,  Atlantic  Monthly,  July,  19 13. 

B.  D.  Bh. 


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a?f 


THE  AMERICAN 

JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


VOLUME XIX  NOVEMBER   19 13  number  3 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION 


CHARLES  A.  ELLWOOD 
University  of  Missouri 


It  ought  to  be  possible  in  this  twentieth  century  for  the  scien- 
tific man  to  beUeve  in  religion  in  the  same  way  in  which  he  beHeves 
in  education:  not  half-heartedly  and  quizzically,  but  positively 
and  constructively.  Just  as  there  are  many  metaphysical  ques- 
tions which  can  be  raised  concerning  education,  which  admittedly 
cannot  yet  be  given  final  answers,  but  which,  nevertheless,  the 
scientific  man  does  not  concern  himself  about  but  goes  on  with 
the  work  of  education  as  if  they  were  settled,  so,  too,  there  are 
metaphysical  questions  concerning  rehgion  to  which  as  yet  no  one 
would  pretend  that  fijial  answers  could  be  given,  but  which  need 
not  hinder  the  most  scientific-minded  man  from  taking  a  practical 
and  constructive  interest  in  religious  activities.  Our  faith  in 
education,  for  example,  as  being  able  to  shape,  more  or  less,  the 
destiny  of  the  individual  and  of  society  implies  that  this  is  not  a 
rigid  universe,  held  in  the  iron  grasp  of  bhnd  forces  acting  even 
in  the  most  distant  past.  Education,  in  other  words,  impHes 
not  only  a  modifiable  human  nature  and  human  society,  but  also 
that  such  modifications  can  be  intelligently  planned  and  executed; 
in  short,  that  consciousness  in  the  highest  form  of  which  we  know, 
the  human  reason,  can  and  does  control,  to  some  extent,  human 
life.  Now  no  one  thinks  that  it  is  necessary  to  demonstrate  this 
metaphysical  view  before  one  can  have  a  practical  faith  in  the 

289 


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individual  and  social  efficacy  of  education.  Indeed,  it  is  highly- 
probable  that  some  of  the  most  enthusiastic  advocates  of  educa- 
tion at  present  might  question  the  metaphysical  implications 
involved  in  our  faith  in  education  as  a  controlling  and  reconstruc- 
tive agency  in  human  Hfe,  if  such  impKcations  were  pointed  out 
to  them.  Nevertheless,  when  it  came  to  deciding  on  any  practical 
educational  matter,  they  would  not  let  metaphysical  doubts, 
if  they  were  thoroughly  sane,  interfere  with  their  practical  atti- 
tude toward  educational  policies.  They  would  continue,  in  other 
words,  to  act  as  though  they  believed  that  human  life  was  plastic 
and  modifiable  through  human  intelligence  and  reason. 

Now  the  case  should  not  be  different  with  rehgion,  and  it 
probably  would  not  be  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that,  while  our 
educational  activities  contain  only  implications  of  a  metaphysical 
nature,  our  religious  activities  seemingly  depend  directly  upon 
certain  metaphysical  beliefs,  such  as  the  beliefs  in  God,  in  the 
soul,  and  in  personal  responsibility.  Education,  in  other  words, 
proceeds  upon  hypotheses  which  seemingly  do  not  transcend  the 
world  of  common  experience,  whereas  religion,  some  assert,  pro- 
ceeds upon  such  hypotheses.  When  we  examine  the  matter 
carefully,  however,  from  a  strictly  logical  standpoint  it  is  seen 
that  there  is  really  no  difference  between  reUgion  and  education 
as  practical  activities  of  our  human  social  life,  and  that  there  is 
as  little  ground  for  rejecting  the  one  as  the  other,  because  we  can- 
not demonstrate  the  objective  vaUdity  of  its  presuppositions. 
In  other  words,  the  scientific  man  has  exactly  the  same  grounds 
for  a  practical  faith  in  the  individual  and  social  efficacy  of  religion 
as  of  education.  As  long  as  no  question  is  raised  as  to  the  objective 
vahdity  of  the  concepts  of  religion,  the  scientific  man,  as  a  scientific 
man,  is  entitled  to  beHeve  in  rehgion  in  the  same  sense  in  which  he 
believes  in  education;  and  that,  as  has  already  been  said,  not  half- 
heartedly, but  even  enthusiastically.  This  is,  of  course,  not  say- 
ing that  the  scientific  man  should  be  expected  to  stultify  himself 
by  disbelieving  in  the  metaphysical  concepts  of  religion  while 
at  the  same  time  he  believes  in  the  practical  social  power  and 
efficacy  of  religion.  All  that  is  here  implied  is  rather  the  simple, 
well-known  scientific  doctrine  that  ultimate  questions  need  never 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  291 

be  raised  in  passing  scientific  judgment  upon  any  phenomenon. 
From  the  point  of  view  of  philosophy  the  question  of  the  objective 
vaUdity  of  the  metaphysical  postulates  and  presuppositions  of 
rehgion  may,  of  course,  be  important,  but  not  from  the  standpoint 
of  positive  science;  for  science,  from  its  very  methods,  could 
undertake  no  such  inquiry.  The  question  of  the  objective  vaUdity 
of  religious  concepts,  in  other  words,  need  not  necessarily  be  raised 
in  order  to  pass  judgment  upon  religion  as  a  factor  in  individual 
and  social  life,  nor  to  reach  a  practical  faith  in  reUgion  as  a  social 
agency.^  The  practical  educationist  rarely  raises  any  question 
concerning  the  objective  validity  of  the  concepts  with  which  he 
deals;  so  too,  the  practical  rehgionist.  Why  then  should  the 
scientific  man,  as  soon  as  he  approaches  the  matter  of  rehgion,  in 
so  many  instances,  immediately  insist  on  turning  philosopher  and 
raising  questions  as  to  the  objective  validity  of  the  concepts  of 
religion,  and  so  befogging  the  whole  issue  as  to  the  practical  utiUty 
of  rehgion  in  individual  and  social  Hfe  ? 

The  only  answer  to  this  question,  unless  we  assume  that  the 
scientific  mind  has  some  peculiar  vice  in  its  nature,  must  be  that 
the  concepts  of  reUgion  have  puzzled  the  scientific  man  much  more 
than  the  concepts  of  education.  He  is,  in  other  words,  more 
troubled  to  give  any  practical  or  positive  scientific  content  to 
those  concepts;  and  as  they  are  phenomena  of  a  sort  which  usually 
he  has  no  methods  of  investigating,  he  is  tempted  to  reject  them 
altogether,  and  to  ascribe  to  them  only  a  negative  significance. 
But  the  progress  of  modern  science  has  made  it  possible  to  investi- 
gate even  these  phenomena  of  rehgious  concepts  by  scientific 
methods,  and  to  give  them  a  positive  scientific  content.  The 
negative  attitude  of  scientific  men  toward  rehgion,  in  other  words, 
such  as  was  common  in  the  eighteenth  century,  is  no  longer  justi- 
fiable today.  That  attitude  might  have  been  excusable  in  the 
eighteenth  century,  both  because  of  lack  of  knowledge  and  lack 

'  The  form  of  argument  of  those  who  take  a  negative  attitude  toward  religion 
is  usually  somewhat  as  follows:  Religion  is  superstition,  because  there  is  no  proof  of 
the  objective  vaUdity  of  its  concepts;  but  superstition  is  harmful  to  society;  therefore, 
religion  is  harmful  to  society.  These  persons  do  not  seem  to  realize  that  almost  exactly 
the  same  form  of  argument  could  be  used  against  moraUty,  law,  education,  or  any  other 
regulative  institution  of  society. 


292  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  scientijSc  methods  for  the  investigation  of  the  phenomena  in 
question.  But  today  we  can  no  longer  say  that  either  the  knowl- 
edge or  the  methods  for  understanding  religion  practically  and 
socially  are  lacking.  Such  students  of  religion  as  Starbuck,^ 
Coe,*  Pratt,3  Marshall,^  Ward,s  Patten,^  King,'  and  Ames,^  to 
mention  only  a  few  among  many,  have  laid  bare  for  us  the  practical 
meaning  and  functioning  in  human  Hfe  of  religious  beliefs  and 
practices.  It  is  not  the  purpose  of  this  paper  to  add  anything 
to  what  the  above  writers  have  said,  but  rather  to  recapitulate 
and  summarize  some  of  their  ideas  from  a  sociological  point  of 
view,  in  order  to  show  the  bearing  of  religion  upon  the  social  life 
of  the  present  and  its  place  in  social  evolution.  Nor  is  it  the 
purpose  of  this  paper  to  discuss  the  intricacies  of  rehgious  psychol- 
ogy, or  the  much-debated  problems  of  rehgious  origins,  but  rather 
to  indicate  as  clearly  as  possible,  with  our  present  knowledge,  the 
practical  and  psychological  connections  between  reUgion  and 
man's  social  Hfe.  To  do  this  we  must,  however,  get  a  clear  con- 
ception of  what  reUgion  is  in  its  essence  psychologically  and 
sociologically. 

What,  then,  is  reUgion?  We  must,  of  course,  distinguish 
between  reHgion  and  reUgions.  Like  everything  else  in  human 
Ufe,  reHgion  has  evolved,  that  is,  changed  with  the  changing  con- 
ditions of  man's  cultural  evolution.  The  various  forms  through 
which  reHgion  has  passed  by  no  means  always  give  a  clear  indica- 
tion of  the  nature  of  reHgion  in  itself.  Just  as  education  has 
passed  through  many  forms,  representing  the  many  different 
stages  and  types  of  cultural  evolution,  so,  Hkewise,  has  reHgion. 
Just  as  education  has  taken  many  forms  which,  from  our  present 
point  of  view,  we  would  unhesitatingly  condemn,  so,  too,  has 
reHgion.  ReHgion  can  be  a  power  for  evil,  as  well  as  for  good,  in 
man's  Hfe.     Our  only  contention  is  that  it  is  always  a  powerful 

'  The  Psychology  of  Religion. 

'  The  Spiritual  Life.  s  Pure  Sociology. 

i  Psychology  of  Religious  Belief.  '  The  Social  Basis  of  Religion. 

*  Instinct  and  Reason.  '  The  Development  of  Religion. 

'  The  Psychology  of  Religious  Experience.  Among  the  very  recent  works  touching 
upon  the  connections  of  religion  and  social  life  are  Leuba's  Psychological  Study  of 
Religion  and  Miss  Harrison's  Themis:  A  Study  of  the  Social  Origins  of  Greek  Religion. 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  293 

factor,  and  one  which,  like  education,  can  scarcely  be  dispensed 
with  in  the  more  complex  stages  of  social  evolution,  even  though 
it  may  be  made  to  serve  the  evil,  as  well  as  the  good,  in  human  life. 
None  of  the  forms  of  reHgion  which  we  find  in  human  history  is 
essential  to  religion  as  such,  and  undoubtedly  religion  has  not  yet 
attained  its  complete  development  any  more  than  education  has 
yet  reached  its  complete  development.  However,  just  as  there 
are  certain  fundamentals  in  education  which  are  possibly  settled, 
or  in  a  process  of  settlement,  so  also  there  are  certain  fundamentals 
in  religion  which  men  may  agree  upon,  for  all  practical  purposes, 
as  settled  or  in  the  process  of  settlement.  Our  enthusiasm  for 
the  evolutionary  point  of  view  should  not,  of  course,  prevent  us 
from  seeing  that  there  are  certain  truths  in  science,  reUgion,  edu- 
cation, and  government,  which  we  may  accept  as  fundamentals 
upon  which  to  build. 

Neither  must  one  confuse  religion  with  theology  and  mythology. 
Theologies  and  mythologies  are  products  of  religion  in  interaction 
with  man's  reason  and  imagination,  but  they  are  not  themselves 
reUgion.  Theological  creeds  may  possibly  be  an  essential  part 
of  reHgion  in  certain  stages  of  its  evolution,  but  reHgions  have 
often  existed  without  any  well-defined  theological  creeds.  Theol- 
ogies, as  intellectual  attempts  at  the  interpretation  of  religion, 
appear  and  disappear;  but  religion  remains.  It  would  be  a  gross 
error,  therefore,  to  confuse  the  social  effects  of  reHgion  with  the 
social  effects  of  theological  creeds. 

How  shall  we,  then,  define  reHgion  in  its  essence,  as  distinct 
from  its  specific  historic  forms  on  the  one  hand,  and  from  theology 
and  mythology  on  the  other?  Tylor's  celebrated  definition  of 
reUgion,  in  its  lowest  terms,  as  "beHef  in  spiritual  beings"  points  the 
way  to  a  true  conception  of  reHgion.  We  must  remember,  how- 
ever, that  man  has  always  counted  himself  a  spiritual  being. 
Religion,  therefore,  not  only  includes  man's  beHef  in  spiritual 
life  outside  of  himself,  but  also  man's  beUef  in  his  own  spiritual 
Ufe;  it  impHes  not  only  an  attitude  on  man's  part  toward  external 
objects,  but  also  an  attitude  toward  himself.  PracticaUy,  there- 
fore, reHgion  is  belief  in  the  reality  of  spiritual  life.  It  is  essentiaUy 
an  emotional,  a  valuing,  attitude  toward  the  universe;   it  is  the 


294  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

attitude  which  projects  mind,  spirit,  Hfe  into  all  things.  ReHgion 
is,  therefore,  a  mental  attitude  which  finds  the  essential  values 
of  human  personality  and  society  in  the  universe  as  a  whole,  or, 
as  in  the  lower  rehgions,  in  material  objects.  It  would  be  a  mis- 
take, however,  to  suppose  from  this  description  that  religion  is 
simply  animistic  philosophy.  This  is  a  view  which  is  often  upheld 
by  scientific  men  who  take  a  negative  attitude  toward  religion. 
Thus,  according  to  Guyau,^  reHgion  is  simply  crude,  popular 
philosophy,  "simply  a  mythical  and  sociomorphic  theory  of  the 
universe,"  which  will  pass  away  with  the  growth  of  science.  Comte 
is  also  frequently  represented  as  implying  a  similar  view  in  his 
celebrated  law  of  the  three  states  of  man's  intellectual  conceptions; 
namely,  the  law  that  in  the  first  or  primitive  state  man  was  theologi- 
cal in  his  conceptions;  in  the  second  or  transitional  state,  meta- 
physical, while  in  the  third  or  final  state  he  will  be  wholly  scientific. 
But  Comte  was  at  considerable  pains  in  his  later  life  himself  to 
refute  this  interpretation  of  his  philosophy.  Comte's  view  was 
that,  while  man  would  more  and  more  give  up  his  primitive,  anthro- 
pomorphic way  of  viewing  things,  he  would  not  thereby  become 
less  religious,  only  his  religion  would  become  of  a  more  scientific, 
and  so  of  a  more  purely  subjective,  character. 

Even  if  we  define  reUgion  in  terms  of  beHef,  it  is  evident  that 
it  is  much  more  than  a  philosophy,  a  way  of  looking  at  things. 
It  is  rather  an  attitude  of  the  will  and  of  the  emotions.  It  is 
primarily  a  valuing  attitude.  Perhaps  emotion  is  the  most  vivid 
conscious  element  in  distinctly  religious  states  of  mind,  and 
Haeckel's  characterization  of  reUgion  as  "cosmic  emotion"  is  not 
without  psychological  value.  At  any  rate,  reUgion  in  all  its  forms 
involves  an  emotional  attitude  toward  the  universe,  especially 
toward  the  unknown  powers  or  agencies  which  are  beHeved  to  be 
behind  its  phenomena.  Practically,  therefore,  religion  is  a  desire 
to  come  into  right  relations  with  these  unknown  powers  or  agencies." 
Hence  the  "sense  of  dependence"  in  reUgion,  which  many  thinkers 
since  Schleiermacher  have  thought  to  be  its  principal  element. 
The  object  of  nearly  all  rcUgious  practices,  whether  savage  or 

•  In  his  Non-Religion  of  the  Future. 

*  Cf.  Howerth,  Work  and  Life,  chap,  xii,  especially  p.  264. 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  295 

civilized,  is  help,   either  personal  or  social;    or,  as  Ward   says, 
''The  primary  purpose  of  religion  was  at  the  beginning  and  has 
always  remained  salvation,"  that  is,  safety  in  both  a  social  and 
personal  sense.      Hence  the  element  in  religion  of  opposition  to 
evils  which  are  believed  to  be  removable  in  some  spiritual  way. 
Religious  feehng  is,   therefore,   most  profoundly  experienced  in 
situations  in  which  the  need  of  help  is  felt,  and  in  which  it  is  beHeved 
that  such  help  can  come  only  from  some  superhuman  source. 
Thus    rehgious    emotion   is,    usually    and    normally,    profoundly 
experienced  in  the  presence  of  death;    but  it  may  arise  in  any 
situation  whatsoever  when  we  look  at   Hfe   or  things   from   the 
spiritual  standpoint,  that  is,  believing  in  the  reality  of  spiritual 
things.     Thus  in  the  modern  world  rehgious  emotion  is  frequently 
experienced  most  profoundly  in  some  form  of  humanitarian  work. 
If  this  brief  psychological  description  of  rehgion  is  at  all  correct, 
then  it  is  evident  that  rehgion  springs  from  the  whole  nature  of 
man.     The  sunplest  description   of  rehgion  .impHes  man's  self- 
consciousness,   his   consciousness   of  himself   as   a    conscious   or 
spiritual  being,  over  against  the  rest  of  the  universe,  with  its 
unknown  powers  and  agencies.     Undoubtedly,  the  fact  that  man 
is  the  only  rehgious  animal  is,  therefore,  to  be  connected  with  his 
self-consciousness  and  his  powers  of  abstract  thought  and  of  reason- 
ing.    It  is  impossible  to  conceive  of  man  developing  these  higher 
intellectual  powers  without  developing  rehgion  at  the  same  time. 
But  rehgion  is  equally  rooted  in  man's  insdncts  and  emotions  as 
much  as  in  his  inteUectual  hfe.     The  practical  trend  of  all  rehgion 
toward  social  and  self-preservation,  toward  personal  and  group 
safety,  is  sufficient  evidence  of  this,  though  ah  the  other  char- 
acteristics of  rehgion  which  we  have  just  mentioned  point  in  the 
same   direction.     Given,    then,    the  intellectual,    emotional,    and 
instinctive  nature  of  man,  rehgion  inevitably  arises  as  soon  as 
man  tries  to  take  a  valuing  attitude  toward  his  universe,  no  matter 
how  smaU  and  mean  that  universe  may  be. 

If  rehgion  from  the  psychological  standpoint  is  primarily  a 
set  of  values,  how  is  it  that  these  values  come  to  function  socially  ? 
The  reply  is  that  rehgious  values  are  built  up  socially;  they  are 
products,  not  of  one  individual  mind,  but  of  the  collective  mental 


296  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

life  of  a  group.  They  are  built  up,  in  other  words,  through  mental 
interaction,  become  a  part  of  the  common  store  of  ideas  of  a  group, 
and  are  transmitted  by  tradition  from  generation  to  generation. 
Almost  any  religious  concept  will  illustrate  this.  Let  us  take,  for 
example,  the  concept  of  god.  When  we  examine  the  concept  of 
god  we  find  that  invariably  it  is  built  up  from  social  experiences. 
In  its  earliest  stages  of  development  the  idea  of  the  divinity 
represents  crudely  some  particular  personal  trait  or  character 
which  is  valued.  At  a  later  date  the  idea  stands  for  an  ideal  of 
personal  character  which  has  been  peculiarly  appreciated  by  the 
group,  such  as  that  of  the  character  of  an  ancestor  or  a  king. 
But  the  god  is  always  thought  of  as  a  socius,  as  a  member  of  the 
group.  The  values  found  in  the  god-concept,  in  other  words,  are 
always  those  which  have  been  derived  from  social  experiences  of 
one  sort  or  another.  As  Professor  Ames  says,  "The  growth  and 
objectification  of  the  god  goes  hand  in  hand  with  the  social  experi- 
ence and  achievements  of  the  nation."  This  is  well  illustrated 
by  the  reUgious  history  of  the  Hebrew  people.  Their  concept 
of  Yahweh  gradually  expanded  from  that  of  a  tribal  national  god 
of  patriarchal  and  king-like  character,  who  was  lord  of  the  tribal 
hosts,  to  that  of  a  universal  deity,  father  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
earth,  possessing  not  only  the  attributes  of  patriarch,  but  also 
those  of  a  social  redeemer  and  savior.  Nearly  all  of  these  values, 
which  came  to  be  attached  to  the  god-concept  among  the  Hebrews, 
were  directly  derived,  it  may  be  added,  from  the  social  experience 
involved  in  the  Hebrew  family  life.  The  concept  of  god  thus  in 
time  comes  to  represent  the  ideal  of  personal  character,  while 
the  concept  of  "the  will  of  god"  stands  for  all  the  values  connected 
with  the  social  order  to  which  the  group  attaches  importance.  It 
may  be  here  suggested  that  the  reason  why  the  Greeks  failed  to 
develop  a  high  concept  of  god,  while  the  Hebrews  did,  was  because 
Greek  social  and  national  Hfe  never  presented  the  unity  and 
harmony  which  the  social  life  of  the  Hebrews  did  at  its  best, 
though,  of  course,  we  must  not  forget  the  part  played  by  the 
so-called  genius  of  the  two  peoples,  the  genius  of  the  Greeks  being 
primarily  artistic,  while  the  genius  of  the  Hebrews  was  primarily 
social  and  moral. 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  297 

Any  religious  concept  other  than  that  of  the  deity  will 
represent  equally  well  the  fact  that  such  concepts  are  primarily 
and  psychologically  projections  of  social  values.  Thus  the  con- 
cept of  the  immortahty  of  the  soul,  which  we  find  more  or  less 
developed  in  all  rehgions,  is  unquestionably  social  in  its  content. 
The  idea  that  death  does  not  end  all,  but  that  personaHty  lives 
on,  permits  at  once  an  indefinite  extension  of  all  social  and  moral 
values.  The  justice,  or  even  the  revenge,  which  could  not  be 
reaUzed  in  the  present  world  will  be  achieved  in  the  existence 
beyond  the  grave.  Self-seeking,  pessimism,  despair,  and  all  other 
enemies  of  the  social  order  are  thus  put  to  flight,  while  disinterested 
service,  faith,  and  hope  are  encouraged  because  they  will  receive 
their  reward  in  the  Hfe  beyond.  The  pictures  of  heaven,  or  of 
the  abode  of  the  righteous,  which  we  find  among  both  barbarous 
and  civiHzed  peoples,  are  nearly  always  pictures  of  ideal  societies, 
the  social  ideal,  of  course,  expanding  with  the  growth  of  the  social 
life  of  the  people. 

Again,  the  concepts  of  personal  responsibility  and  of  individual 
freedom  in  working  out  one's  own  destiny,  which  we  so  generally 
find  associated  with  reHgion,  are  clearly  social  values.  Social 
groups  could  scarcely  exist  without  the  inculcation  to  some  extent 
of  the  doctrines  of  personal  freedom  and  responsibility.  So  we 
might  go  on  with  a  whole  Hst  of  rehgious  concepts,  and  we  should 
find  no  difficulty  in  showing  that  psychologically  they  are  socially 
derived;  that  they  are  projections  of  social  values;  and  that  their 
main  function  is  social.  As  Professor  Ames  says,  in  effect,  religion 
is  identified  with  the  most  intimate  and  vital  phases  of  social  con- 
sciousness, that  is,  the  consciousness  of  groups  of  the  continuity 
and  soHdarity  of  their  Hfe.  "The  ideal  values  of  each  age,"  he 
says,  "and  of  each  type  of  social  development  tend  to  reach  an 
intensity,  a  volume,  and  a  symbolic  expression  which  are  rehgious." 
He  concludes,  therefore,  that  "reUgion  is  participation  in  the  ideal 
values  of  the  social  consciousness,"  a  conclusion  which  our  argu- 
ment has  already  foreshadowed.^ 

'  Psychology  of  Religious  Experience,  p.  356.  This  narrower,  sociological  defi- 
nition is,  of  course,  not  in  conflict  with  the  broader  definition  earUer  given  of  religion 
as  "belief  in  the  reality  of  spiritual  life,"  since  such  belief  is  the  basis  upon  which 


298  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Now,  man  everywhere,  and  civilized  man  in  particular,  seeks 
to  control  his  conduct  by  a  series  of  conscious  values.  Some  of 
these  values  are,  of  course,  peculiarly  individualistic,  or  hedonistic, 
as  we  say,  that  is,  they  are  based  upon  individual  feelings  of  pleasure 
or  pain.  Other  values,  however,  are  more  objective  and  social. 
They  come  to  the  individual  through  tradition  or  are  impressed 
upon  the  individual  through  various  forms  of  social  pressure. 
Moral  and  reUgious  values  are  particularly  of  the  latter  type; 
they  are  elaborated,  in  other  words,  not  so  much  through  individual 
feeUng  experiences,  as  through  experiences  as  to  social  or  group 
safety  and  ideals.  They  come,  therefore,  as  already  has  been  said, 
to  the  individual  very  largely  from  the  group,  either  through  hand- 
ing down  from  the  past,  or  through  the  pressure  of  the  consensus  of 
opinion  and  sentiment  in  the  group.  It  is  almost  unnecessary  to 
argue  for  the  close  connection,  psychologically  and  sociologically, 
of  religion  and  morality.  Theoretically,  to  be  sure,  they  are 
separable.  MoraHty  has  its  beginnings  in  custom,  and  still  further 
back,  perhaps,  in  instinct,  while  reUgion  had  its  beginnings  in  self- 
consciousness,  in  man's  consciousness  of  himself  as  a  spiritual 
being.  The  moral  standards  of  low  civilizations,  therefore,  may 
not  be  greatly  in  advance  of  the  actual  social  Hfe,  but  through 
intellectual  development  and  especially  through  the  stimulus  of 
religious  ideas,  moral  ideals  of  a  higher  sort  gradually  develop. 
These  ideals,  as  we  have  already  said,  tend  to  reach  in  turn  an 
intensity  and  symbolic  expression  which  are  essentially  reUgious. 
On  the  other  hand,  there  cannot  be  reverence  or  worship  of  a  divinity 
without  impHcations  of  obligation;  but,  as  we  have  already  seen, 
the  idea  of  the  divinity  itself  has  been  developed  essentially  through 
social  experience.  Hence  religious  obligations  easily  become 
social  obHgations.     Thus,  even  in  the  lowest  forms  of  animism  and 

all  faith  in  ideal  values  rests.  The  broader  definition  looks  at  religion  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  universal  (human)  subject,  the  narrower  regards  religion  as  functioning 
in  the  social  life.  A  definition  of  rehgion  suggested  by  Professor  Giddings,  "faith  in 
the  possibilities  of  life,"  is  essentially  identical  also  with  the  broader  definition,  since 
practically  the  "faith"  is  in  the  efficacy  and  triumph  of  the  spiritual  elements  in  hfe. 
Such  psychological  definitions  have  the  merit  of  bringing  out  clearly  the  fact  that 
religion  is  much  more  than  a  mere  cultural  or  "social"  product;  that  it  is  rooted  in 
the  whole  biological  and  psychological  nature  of  man. 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  299 

fetishism,  we  frequently  find  already  quite  fully  developed  implica- 
tions of  social  obligation.  From  the  very  method  of  their  psychic 
and  social  development,  therefore,  religious  beliefs  become  early 
entangled  with  moral  standards  and  ideals.  Moreover,  from  a 
social  standpoint,  there  is  need  for  moral  ideals  of  a  sanction  which 
is  universal,  and  that  sanction  can  be  found  only  in  the  belief  in  the 
reality  and  universahty  of  spiritual  values.  Such  a  belief  is,  how- 
ever, essentially  religious.  The  interdependence  of  morality  and 
religion,  from  both  the  psychological  and  sociological  standpoints, 
is,  therefore,  scarcely  to  be  doubted. 

Now,  the  great  social  significance  of  religion  is,  of  course,  to 
be  found  in  the  support  which  religion  has  given  in  all  stages  of 
human  culture  to  custom,  moral  standards,  and  moral  ideals.  For 
the  masses  of  every  civiHzation  moral  ideals  have  gotten  their 
chief  sanction,  their  vital  hold,  from  religion.  While  we  are  not 
warranted  in  affirming  that  morality  of  a  high  type  cannot  exist 
in  individuals  without  reHgious  beliefs  of  some  sort,  for  that  would 
leave  out  the  influence  of  inborn  tendencies  and  of  habit  upon 
human  nature,  yet  we  can  say  that  practically  morality  has  never 
subsisted  in  human  society  without  religious  sanctions.  Let  us 
examine,  however,  this  matter  a  Httle  more  closely,  and  when  we 
understand  exactly  the  functions  of  religion  in  human  society,  we 
shall  see  more  clearly  the  close  connection  between  the  two. 

There  is  first  of  all  the  conservative  influence  of  religion  upon 
the  social  life.  In  all  ages  and  among  all  peoples  reHgion  has  been 
a  powerful  instrument  of  social  control,  because  it  adds  a  super- 
natural sanction  to  conduct.  It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  sup- 
pose that  primitive  institutions,  to  any  extent,  had  their  origin 
in  religious  behefs  or  sentiments,  as  their  origin  is  undoubtedly  to 
be  found  mainly  in  the  human  instincts  and  in  the  necessities  of 
the  conditions  of  fife;  but  everywhere  in  primitive  society,  after 
institutions  of  a  certain  type  have  been  estabUshed,  we  find  that 
reUgion  comes  in  to  sanction  them  and  to  give  them  through  its 
sanction  great  stabiHty.  Religious  values  commonly  attach  them- 
selves in  such  early  society  to  habits  of  action  which  have  been 
found  to  be  safe  and  to  conduce  to  individual  and  group  welfare. 
They  reinforce  the  habits  and  so  also  the  institutions  founded  upon 


300  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

them.  Thus,  practically  all  institutions  of  later  savagery,  barbar- 
ism, and  lower  civilization  are  surrounded  and  imbedded,  as  it 
were,  in  religious  sanctions.  So  religion  becomes  the  great  means 
of  social  control  in  these  societies,  sometimes  consciously  used  as 
such  by  a  priest  class,  more  often,  however,  a  means  of  control 
which  is  exercised  by  the  group  as  a  whole  quite  unconsciously. 
Here  comes  in,  however,  the  great  danger  in  reHgion,  that  it  may 
become  an  impediment  to  progress  and  an  instrument  of  class 
oppression.  For  when  a  religious  sanction  becomes  attached  to  an 
institution,  it  often  becomes  very  difficult  to  secure  changes  in  the 
institution  even  when  conditions  demand  them.  Thus  human 
sacrifice,  polygamy,  slavery,  and  practically  all  other  institutions 
which  we  now  detest  have  at  one  time  or  other  received  the  sanc- 
tion of  reHgion,  and  when  so  sanctioned  (as,  e.g.,  polygamy)  they 
are  doubly  difiicult  to  uproot.  The  only  conclusion  that  we  can 
reach  is  that  rehgious  values  or  sanctions  may  attach  themselves 
to  any  existing  institutions,  and  by  so  doing  they  render  them  much 
more  stable,  and  so  also  the  whole  social  order. 

This  conservative  function  of  reHgion  in  the  social  Hfe  has 
been  perceived  by  practically  all  sociologists,  but  the  theory  of 
religion  advocated  by  the  late  Professor  Lester  F.  Ward  states  it 
most  clearly."  According  to  Ward,  "religion  is  the  substitute 
among  rational  beings  for  instinct  among  irrational  beings";  just 
as  instinct  works  for  a  static  condition  of  Hfe,  so  reHgion  works  for 
a  stationary  condition  of  society.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that 
reHgion  itself  is  a  sort  of  vague  sense  of  race  or  social  safety,  Ward 
thinks.  In  rational  or  reflective  beings,  he  says,  there  is  an  antago- 
nism between  f eeHng  and  function.  FeeHng  tends  in  rational  beings 
to  variations  in  conduct  which  are  not  in  accord  with  race  or  group 
safety.  Hence,  reHgion  has  evolved,  according  to  Ward,  as  a 
purely  natural,  half -instinctive  device  to  restrict  the  demands  of 
f eeHng,  which  would  hurry  the  race,  if  not  the  individual,  to  destruc- 
tion. ''Without  the  religious  check,"  Ward  says,  " the  human  race 
would  have  been  borne  to  destruction  by  the  extravagant  vagaries 
of  unbridled  reason."     Thus  Ward  conceives  of  both  f eeHng  and 

'See  his  article  on  "The  Essential  Nature  of  Religion"  in  The  Internationa 
Journal  of  Ethics,  VIII,  169-92. 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  301 

reason  as  essentially  individualistic,  needing  the  restraint  of  some 
ultra-rational  force  such  as  religion.  This  is,  also,  essentially  the 
theory  which  was  advocated  by  Benjamin  Kidd  in  his  Social 
Evolution.  Ward  concludes  that  religion  may  be  called  "  the  social 
instinct";  that  its  mission  in  society  is  to  conserve  existing  institu- 
tions; and  that  its  highest  word  is,  "thou  shalt  not." 

Such  a  view  of  rehgion  is,  of  course,  partial  and  one-sided,  but 
it  is  remarkable  in  that  it  came  from  a  scientist  whose  presuppo- 
sitions are  those  of  materialistic  monism.  Ward's  description  of 
rehgion,  however,  appKes  with  greater  accuracy  to  the  lower  types 
of  religion  than  to  the  higher  types.  There  can  be  no  question, 
however,  but  that  the  conservative  tendencies  of  all  rehgion  are 
strong,  and  that  progressive  and  idealistic  reUgions  are  extremely 
rare  in  human  history,  taking  it  as  a  whole.  However,  rehgion 
is  not  of  necessity  merely  conservative  in  its  influence  in  human 
society.  Whether  it  is  conservative  or  not  altogether  depends  upon 
the  type  of  moral  ideals  which  it  sanctions.  In  higher  rehgions, 
at  any  rate,  we  can  plainly  enough  see  the  inherent  tendency  to 
favor  social  progress.  The  very  fact  that  these  rehgions  have  for 
the  most  part  gotten  their  ideals  from  the  family  hfe,  such  as,  for 
example,  the  ideal  of  brotherhood,  makes  them  intimately  con- 
nected with  all  forms  of  social  ideahsm;  for  social  and  moral  ideals 
come  from  the  intimate,  personal  forms  of  association.  Moreover, 
the  connection  between  rehgion  and  social  idealism  is  seen  in  the 
individual  especially  clearly  at  the  period  of  adolescence,  which  is 
usually  not  only  a  period  of  natural  ideahsm,  but  also  of  strong 
rehgious  emotions.  The  concepts  of  rehgion,  such  as  those  of  God, 
the  immortahty  of  the  soul,  and  personal  responsibihty,  which  are 
themselves  social  ideals,  as  we  have  seen,  become,  when  sufficiently 
worked  out,  the  psychological  basis  in  the  normal  human  individual 
for  social  ideahsm,  simply  because  they  project  and  universahze 
social  values.  Rehgion  thus  becomes  not  only  a  reaction  against 
social  degeneration,  as  Patten  says,  but  a  support  for  Utopian  social 
ideals,  Utopian,  that  is,  in  the  sense  that  they  have  never  yet  been 
even  approximately  reahzed  in  human  society.  Rehgion  is  always 
participation  in  the  ideal  values  of  the  social  hfe.  If  these  ideal 
values  are  conservative,   then  of  course  rehgion  itself  becomes 


302  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

conservative  and  even  a  stumbling-block  to  all  progress.  On  the 
other  hand,  if  the  ideal  values  of  a  community  are  progressive,  then 
its  religion,  too,  will  be  progressive  and  may  even  become  the  very 
highest  instrument  of  progress. 

The  significance  of  religion  in  cultural  and  social  evolution  must 

now  be  manifest,  and  the  reason  why  the  history  of  a  certain  type 

of  culture  is  frequently  the  history  of  a  particular  religion  becomes 

evident.     Cultural  evolution  is  possible  only  through  the  continuity 

of  ideas  and  of  social  values  in  human  society.     Civilization,  in 

other  words,  is  made  possible  by  handing  down  from  age  to  age 

certain  ideas  and  certain  social  values.     Now  it  is  reUgion  which 

has  hitherto  given  particular  value  to  the  social  ideas  and  social 

ideals  which  are  handed  down.     Not  only  that,  but  through  its 

pecuUar  sanctions  religion  has  made  it  possible  easily  to  enforce 

the  claims  of  these  ideas  and  social  values  upon  the  individual.     It 

has  been,  in  other  words,  one  of  the  chief  instruments  by  which 

the  individual  has  been  gotten  to  conform  his  habits  to  the  group, 

and  to  control  his  conduct  in  accordance  with  social  demands. 

The  question  remains,  however,  whether  human  society  cannot 

dispense  with  religious  means  of  social  control  in  the  future,  as 

many  philosophers  have  thought.     But  it  is  evident  that  as  human 

society  becomes  more  complex  the  need  of  social  control  over  the 

individual's  habits,  conduct,  and  ideals  becomes  greater  instead 

of  less.     The  more  complex  civilizations,  in  other  words,  have 

greater  need,  on  the  whole,  of  the  control  which  religious  ideals 

afford  over  the  conduct  of  individuals  than  the  less  complex.     The 

matter  is  not,  however,  one  wholly  of  the  mere  complexity  of  civiU- 

zation,  because  the  civilizations  which  we  call  higher  emphasize 

more  the  value  of  purely  spiritual  elements,  that  is.  the  value  of 

things  which  can  have  no  selfish  or  material  import  to  the  individual, 

but  whose  import  is  entirely  in  the  realm  of  ideal  social  values. 

Now,  as  we  have  already  said,  religion  is  the  participation  in  the 

ideal  values  of  the  social  consciousness.     It  is  the  fullest  activity, 

in  other  words,  of  the  spiritual  life  in  man.     The  supreme  role  of 

reUgion,  therefore,  in  the  higher  stages  of  human  culture,  is  to 

enforce  the  claim  to  dominance  in  the  life  of  man  of  the  ideal  social 

values.    That  is,  it  exalts  the  life  in  which  the  individual  merges 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  303 

his  personal  interests,  desires,  and  aspirations  with  his  group,  or,  as 
in  the  highest  religion,  with  humanity  as  a  whole.  For  this  reason, 
so  far  as  we  can  now  see,  the  death  of  religion  would  mean  the  death 
of  civilization,  or,  at  least,  of  all  the  higher  forms  of  civilization. 

But  if  religion  is  participation  in,  and  universalization  of,  the 
ideal  values  of  the  social  consciousness,  is  there  any  danger  that  it 
will  ever  be  destroyed  ?  The  reply  is  that  there  is  danger  from  two 
sources.  First  there  is  danger  from  the  animal  impulses  of  human 
nature.  Civilization  is  at  best  a  very  fragile  affair,  simply  because 
it  rests  upon  certain  ideal  social  values.  There  is  a  strong,  insistent 
tendency  in  man,  whenever  these  ideal  values  lose  their  grip,  to 
return  to  the  animal  level  of  existence;  that  is,  there  is  a  strong 
tendency  in  human  nature  to  be  satisfied  with  sensual  pleasures, 
with  mere  material  things  which  can  be  enjoyed.  Materiahstic 
standards  of  life  and  happiness  are  therefore  inimical  to  religion 
in  all  its  higher  phases,  as  has  usually  been  seen  by  rehgious  leaders. 
The  other  great  danger  to  religion  is  negative  philosophy,  a  way 
of  looking  at  things,  in  other  words,  which  denies  the  reality  of  the 
spiritual  element  in  human  life.  Materialistic  or  mechanistic 
monism,  with  its  negation  of  the  spiritual  element  in  Hfe,  must  be 
considered  hostile  to  religion,  even  though  not  all  of  its  advocates 
so  regard  it.  Mechanistic  monism  is  hostile  to  rehgion  because  it 
denies  either  the  existence  or  the  efficacy  of  a  spiritual  or  teleological 
element  in  the  universe,  and  even  the  practical  efficacy  of  conscious 
values  in  the  individual  Hfe.  On  the  other  hand,  science  cannot 
rightly  be  regarded  as  hostile  to  religion.  It  is  only  when  science, 
by  its  teachings,  tends  to  support  either  practical,  materialistic 
standards  of  life  or  a  negative  philosophy  that  it  may  become 
hostile  to  religion.  There  may  be,  of  course,  and  often  has  been, 
an  antagonism  between  science  and  systems  of  theology,  but  this, 
as  was  said  at  the  beginning,  must  not  be  thought  to  imply  any 
necessary  antagonism  between  religion  and  science.  Science 
becomes  antagonistic  to  religion  only  in  proportion  as  it  tends  to 
transform  itself  into  mechanistic  monism,  and  to  set  up  the  nega- 
tions of  such  materialism  as  a  guide  to  practical  life.  To  be  sure, 
science  has  of  recent  years  showed  some  tendency,  in  the  hands 
of   some   of  its   adherents,  to   transform  itself  into  a  universal 


304  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

materialistic  or  mechanistic  philosophy;  but  it  may  be  safely  said 
that  in  proportion  as  science  does  this  it  loses  its  truly  scientific 
character.  The  so-called  antagonism  between  religion  and  science 
must  therefore  be  resolved  into  the  antagonism  of  certain  scientific 
men  to  religion.  It  cannot  be  regarded  as  in  any  sense  an  inherent  or 
necessary  antagonism.  On  the  other  hand,  the  attitude  of  science 
toward  religion  must  necessarily  be  one  of  constructive  criticism. 
Just  as  the  attitude  of  science  toward  systems  of  education  is  neces- 
sarily one  of  criticism  for  the  sake  of  reconstructing  and  perfect- 
ing education,  so  should  be  the  attitude  of  science  toward  religion. 
It  is  the  business  of  science  to  criticize  religion  as  an  instrument 
of  the  social  life,  but  not  to  attack  its  metaphysical  postulates  and 
presuppositions.  This  critical  attitude  of  science  toward  religion 
is  often  misinterpreted  as  antagonism;  but  it  is  time  that  religion 
seeks  and  welcomes,  in  my  opinion,  the  friendly  criticisms  of  science. 
For  between  humanitarian  science  and  humanitarian  religion  there 
can  and  will  be  no  real  antagonism. 

What  then  shall  we  say  of  non-religious  persons?  If  religion 
is  participation  in  the  ideal  values  of  the  social  consciousness,  why 
is  it  there  are  so  many  non-religious  persons  in  present  society? 
Of  course  we  do  not  expect  mentally  deficient  persons,  born 
criminals,  or  even  "the  sporting  type"  to  be  truly  religious. 
Neither  do  we  expect  those  who  are  satisfied  with  purely  material- 
istic and  sensuous  values  to  be  strongly  religiously  inclined.  But 
we  find,  besides  these,  highly  intellectual  people,  specialists  along 
certain  scientific  lines,  as  well  as  sometimes  social  and  philanthropic 
workers,  who  declare  that  they  have  no  religion.  In  many  cases, 
of  course,  these  people  are  simply  confused  regarding  terms.  They 
may  mean  that  they  do  not  accept  any  conventional  theology,  or 
else  they  may  mean  that  they  have  given  up  their  traditional 
religion,  and  have  not  yet  successfully  evolved  in  their  own  con- 
sciousness anything  which  they  think  worthy  of  the  name  of  religion 
to  take  its  place.  In  some  cases,  however,  these  non-religious 
persons  are  truly  non-religious,  because  they  have  come  to  take, 
not  only  in  theory,  but  also  in  practice,  a  negative  attitude  toward 
the  spiritual  element  in  fife.  They  do  not  participate,  in  other 
words,  in  the  ideal  values  of  the  consciousness  of  their  social  group. 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  305 

because  they  have  narrowed  their  own  point  of  view  and  their  own 
activities  until  that  is  impossible.  We  must,  therefore,  agree 
with  Professor  Ames,^  that  truly  ''non-religious  persons  are  those 
who  fail  to  enter  vitally  into  a  world  of  social  activities  and  feelings. 
They  are  lacking  in  the  sense  of  ideal  values  which  constitutes  the 
social  conscience." 

If  religion  is  of  such  importance  in  the  social  life,  if  it  is  such  a 
power  for  good  or  evil,  then  the  question,  what  sort  of  religion  can 
society  afford  to  encourage,  becomes  one  of  vital  interest.     Just 
as  there  have  been  systems  of  education  which  have  blocked  all 
social  progress,  perpetuated  abuses  of  power,  and  degraded  and 
enslaved  the  masses,  so  there  have  been  systems  of  religion  which 
have  done  the  same  thing.     If  rehgion  has  not  always  worked  to  the 
highest  social  advantage  in  the  past,  so  in  the  future  it  may  possibly 
work  to  social  disadvantage  unless  properly  guided  and  controlled 
m  Its  development.     What  religion  does  depends  altogether  upon 
the  ideals  which  it  champions.     Modern  society,  therefore,  needs 
a  religion  adapted  to  the  requirements  of  modern  Hfe.     Now,  the 
great  need,  in  my  opinion,  of  modern  civilization  is  a  humanitarian 
ethics  which  will  teach  the  individual  to  find  his  self  development 
and  his  happiness  in  the  unselfish  service  of  others,  and  which  will 
forbid  any  individual,  class,  nation,  or  even  race  from  regarding 
Itself  as  an  end  in  itself  apart  from  the  rest  of  humanity.     Only 
such  an  ethics  can  solve  the  social  problem,  or,  for  that  matter,  any 
of  the  problems  which  threaten  our  civiHzation  with  disintegration 
But  such  an  ethics,  in  order  to  be  vital,  must  become  a  part  of  our 
rehgion.     A  humanitarian  rehgion,  for  the  reasons  which  we  have 
already  pointed  out,  is  a  necessary  foundation  and  complement 
of  a  humanitarian  ethics.     Therefore  the  only  religion  which  modern 
society  can  afford  to  encourage  is  a  religion  of  humanity,  a  religion 
which  will  put  the  service  of  man  above  all  other  ends  and  values. 
Such  a  completely  socialized  religion  placing  the  service  of  human- 
ity above  the  service  of  any  class,  nation,  or  race  may  seem  to  some 
yet  far  m  the  future;  and  in  a  sense,  this,  of  course,  is  true.     Never- 
theless, it  must  be  added  that  Christianity  thus  far  is  the  only 
rehgion,  among  the  widespread  rehgions  of  the  earth,  which  has 
'  Psychology  of  Religious  Experience,  p.  369. 


3o6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

shown  any  tendency  to  become  a  true  religion  of  humanity  in  the 
sense  in  which  we  have  just  used  that  phrase;  and  I  would  further 
add,  as  my  own  personal  opinion,  that  Christianity  rightly  under- 
stood is,  in  its  fundamental  principles,  essentially  a  religion  of 
humanity.  There  can  be  no  question,  at  any  rate,  but  that  its 
fundamental  ethical  doctrines  are  identical  with  the  humanitarian 
ethics  which  we  have  just  described. 

A  word  in  conclusion  as  to  the  social  functions  of  the  church. 
The  church,  as  the  institution  organized  to  embody  concretely 
the  religious  life  in  society,  should,  of  course,  be  co-ordinate  in 
importance  with  religion  itself,  for  if  religion  is  to  be  a  vital  influence 
in  society,  it  must  find  concrete  embodiment  in  some  institution. 
But  all  human  institutions,  after  they  have  reached  a  certain 
development,  have  an  insidious  tendency  to  forget  the  purposes 
for  which  they  were  organized,  and  to  set  themselves  up  as  ends  in 
and  of  themselves.  Historically,  of  course,  the  Christian  church 
has  often  done  this.  But  in  proportion  as  it  has  done  so  it  has 
abdicated  its  true  function.  The  church  exists  to  serve  the  great 
interests  of  rehgion  in  society;  that  is,  it  exists  to  serve  those  ideal 
values  for  which  religion  stands.  Therefore,  the  social  function  of 
the  church  is  to  conserve  and  propagate  religious  and  moral  ideals 
in  society.  Its  great  business  is  to  enforce  the  demands  of  the 
spiritual  life.  In  this  work,  of  course,  it  may  at  times  take  up 
other  activities  than  the  teaching  and  propagation  of  moral  ideals. 
It  may  undertake,  for  example,  to  head  reform  movements  at 
times,  to  aid  in  the  encouragement  and  development  of  philan- 
thropy, or  even  to  minister  to  men's  economic  and  physical  needs. 
But  all  of  these  activities  are  but  side-issues  to  its  great  business 
of  the  conservation  and  development  of  moral  and  social  ideals. 
I  would  say,  therefore,  that  the  primary  function  of  the  church 
is  to  be  "an  ethical  culture  society,"  if  that  phrase  had  not  acquired 
such  a  narrow  meaning  in  the  minds  of  some  that  it  might  be 
misunderstood.  At  any  rate,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the 
church's  main  function  is  to  stand  for  the  claims  of  the  spiritual 
hfe;  and  that  as  yet  it  is  the  only  institution  which  has  seriously 
charged  itself  with  the  conservation  and  propagation  of  moral  and 
social  ideals.     Even  though  it  has  done  its  work  at  times  very 


THE  SOCIAL  FUNCTION  OF  RELIGION  307 

imperfectly  and  faultily  for  the  reasons  already  mentioned,  it  is 
evident  that  it  still  has  a  field  of  social  usefulness  in  some  respects 
greater  and  more  important  than  that  of  any  other  human  institu- 
tion. The  social  reconstruction  of  the  future  must  wait  largely  on 
the  teaching  and  activities  of  the  church;  no  other  institution  as 
yet,  as  has  already  been  said,  definitely  undertakes  to  propagate 
moral  and  social  ideals;  and  civilization  depends  not  only  for  its 
further  advance,  but  for  its  very  existence,  upon  the  propagation 
among  the  masses  of  ideal  social  values.  Until,  therefore,  we  have 
a  church  that  is  effective  socially,  law  and  government,  science  and 
education  will  not  do  much  to  give  us  a  social  life  that  is  harmonious 
and  truly  progressive,  or  a  human  life  that  is  moral  and  truly 
satisfying. 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  "WHAT  LABOR  WANTS" 


VICTOR  S.  YARROS 
Chicago,  Illinois 


In  Great  Britain  some  time  ago  a  series  of  very  grave  and  indus- 
trially disastrous  strikes  led  not  only  to  very  radical — revolution- 
ary, many  Tories  called  it — legislation  in  the  interest  of  organized 
labor,  but  to  a  national  searching  of  hearts,  and  to  inquiries  into  the 
nature  and  probable  effects  of  the  upheaval  that  was  manifestly 
taking  place.  One  popular  London  newspaper  opened  its  columns 
to  a  discussion  of  ''What  the  Worker  Wants"  from  every  point  of 
view.  Employers,  land  owners,  economists,  labor  leaders,  eminent 
lawyers,  and  trained  social  workers  contributed  to  the  symposium, 
which  was  subsequently  published  in  pamphlet  form.  We  shall  see 
presently  that  the  suggestions  made,  or  the  conclusions  reached,  in 
that  exceptionally  interesting  discussion  are  of  great  value  and 
significance. 

In  the  United  States,  in  addition  to  the  familiar  kinds  of  strikes 
and  lockouts,  which  cause  much  loss,  suffering,  and  bad  blood,  we 
have  witnessed  new  types  of  strikes — strikes  in  which  systematic 
destruction  of  property,  with  grave  risk  to  life,  was  a  conspicuous 
feature.  The  McNamara  trial  and  confessions,  the  recent 
Indianapolis  "dynamite  conspiracy"  trial,  the  "SyndicaUst"  way  of 
conducting  strikes,  the  bold  propaganda  of  class  war  and  sabotage 
have  put  new  vitality  and  poignancy  into  the  discussion  of  the  labor 
question,  A  number  of  eminent  and  ea!rnest  educators,  sociologists, 
and  philanthropists  urged  upon  the  President  and  Congress  the 
creation  of  a  representative  industrial  commission  for  the  purpose  of 
investigating  the  causes  of  such  startling  phenomena  as  the  dyna- 
mite outrages  by  and  for  labor,  the  insistence  upon  the  closed  shop, 
the  use  of  syndicalism,  etc.  The  commission  was  created  and  Presi- 
dent Taft  appointed  its  nine  members.  The  disappointment  which 
was  widely  and  justly  expressed  with  the  personnel  of  the  commis- 
sion, and  the  delay  caused  thereby,  need  not  concern  us  here;  the 

308 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  ''WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  309 

important  thing  is  the  general  recognition  of  the  gravity  of  the 
situation  and  the  desirabiHty  of  a  disinterested  and  profound  study 
of  the  whole  labor  problem. 

Yet,  without  the  aid  of  commissions  or  formal  inquiries,  official 
or  private,  the  thoughtful  observer  and  student  should  be  able  to 
give  a  tolerably  satisfactory  statement  of  the  demands  and  aims  of 
labor.  The  material  is  abundant — annual  reports  of  national ,  state, 
and  local  unions,  speeches,  pamphlets,  editorials,  and  articles  in  the 
labor  press.  It  can  no  longer  be  affirmed  that  labor  is  inarticulate; 
it  speaks,  it  acts,  and  it  has  its  philosophers,  historians,  and  econo- 
mists. Whether  "what  labor  wants "  is  something  that  society  can 
grant,  that  other  classes  can  approve  and  sympathize  with  and 
help  labor  to  obtain,  is  a  different  question,  a  question  for  social 
science. 

Let  us  make  a  modest  attempt  to  formulate  labor's  demands  and 
expectations,  and  even  a  more  modest  attempt  to  indicate  the  judg- 
ment of  catholic  scientists  and  progressive  sociologists  on  the 
demands  and  expectations. 

And,  first,  what  is  labor  ?  There  are  today  three  grand  divisions 
in  the  labor  army.  There  are  the  ''old-fashioned"  or  moderate 
trade  unionists;  there  are  the  socialistic  elements,  in  or  out  of  these 
unions,  and,  finally,  there  are  the  syndicalists,  the  advocates  of 
"industrial"  forms  of  organizations. 

The  modern  unionist  has  not  modified  his  views  materially  in 
twenty-five  years.  He  is  no  revolutionist;  he  does  not  dream  of 
overthrowing  the  whole  social  order.  He  has  no  quarrel  with  the 
wage  system,  private  property  in  the  means  of  production,  the  profit 
principle.  He  merely  demands  "a.  fair  day's  pay  for  a  fair  day's 
work."  He  constantly  strives  to  secure  higher  wages,  to  shorten  his 
work-day,  to  improve  the  conditions  under  which  he  works.  True, 
his  standards  change.  As  Mr.  Samuel  Gompers  frankly  states, 
union  labor  will  never  "have  enough."  It  will  always  be  demanding 
more  pay,  shorter  hours,  and  safer  and  healthier  conditions  of  work. 
It  will  be  demanding  these  things  because  society  and  industry, 
invention  and  discovery  will  never  cease  to  advance,  to  raise  the 
standards  of  Kving.  Union  labor  crosses  no  bridges  until  it  reaches 
them;   it  plumes  itself  on  its  reasonableness  and  practicality.     It 


3IO 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


deals  with  immediate  problems  and  has  no  dogmas  or  Utopian  goals. 
In  demanding  the  right  to  strike,  to  boycott,  to  bargain  collectively, 
to  exclude  non-union  labor,  its  leaders  are  prompted  by  no  political 
or  moral  formula.  These  things  are  means  to  an  end,  and  labor 
denies  that  either  the  means  or  the  end  would  endanger  the  legiti- 
mate interests  of  other  elements  of  society.  In  discussing  either 
trade-union  leaders  are  entirely  willing  to  abide  by  the  rule  of 
reason;  and  this  is  why  the  average  trade  union  seldom,  if  ever, 
rejects  a  fair  proposal  of  arbitration.  It  beUeves  that  broad- 
minded  employers  themselves,  after  friendly  discussion,  would 
cheerfully  accede  to  the  demands  of  labor.  It  relies  strongly  on  the 
human  factor;  it  is  convinced  that  "the  enemy"  is  not  capital, 
or  the  employing  class,  but  prejudice,  ignorance,  distrust,  lack  of 
sympathy  and  comprehension. 

Now  what  has  social  science  to  say  to  such  unionism  ?  Little 
that  is  not  wholly  favorable.  Science,  like  plain  hard  sense,  believes 
in  the  virtue  of  "reasoning  together,"  of  adjusting  differences  by 
conciliation  and  arbitration.  It  believes  in  union,  organization, 
and  system.  The  sort  of  science  which,  some  fifty  years  ago,  con- 
demned trade  union  in  principle,  and  saw  neither  necessity  nor 
advantage  in  collective  bargaining,  was  not  scientific.  A  certain 
school  of  economics  dogmatized  arrogantly  and  mistook  assump- 
tions for  facts.  It  talked  of  wage  funds  that  could  not  be  increased 
by  unionism;  it  talked  of  fundamental  harmonies;  it  talked  of 
free  markets  and  absolute  mobiUty  of  labor  and  capital.  It  was 
severely  logical  and  beautifully  simple.  The  only  trouble  is  that 
the  facts  did  not  warrant  its  theories.  There  is  no  wage  fund ;  there 
are  no  absolutely  free  markets;  there  is  no  equality  of  opportunity; 
there  is  no  absolute  mobiUty  of  labor.  Today  pohtical  economy 
is  more  modest  and  recognizes  its  Hmitations  and  its  dependence 
on  social  science.  And  social  science,  again  like  hard  sense, 
finds  that  moderate  and  reasonable  trade  unionism,  while  sound 
as  far  as  it  goes,  does  not  go  far  enough,  does  not  face  ultimate 
problems,  does  not  take  sufficient  account  of  inevitable  tendencies. 
Science  must  go  deeper  and  farther,  since  more  and  more  workmen 
go  deeper  and  farther.  After  all,  whatever  the  moderate  union 
leaders  may  say,  strikes  and  lockouts  are  not  always  peaceful,  and 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  ''WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  311 

even  when  peaceful  their  cost  represents  so  much  waste.  Industrial 
warfare  and  the  fear  of  such  warfare  are  bad  for  labor  as  well  as  for 
capital.  Arbitration  is  better  than  tests  of  endurance,  but  arbitra- 
tion does  not  remove  friction.  It  settles  nothing  permanently, 
while  society  realizes  more  and  more  the  need  of  security  and  sta- 
bility. So  does  capital,  and  so  does  the  philosophical  trade  unionist 
when  he  thinks  of  the  future. 

The  attempt  to  dip  into  the  future  leads  more  and  more  work- 
men to  embrace  socialism.  This  is  why  the  poHcy  of  modern 
sociahsm  with  reference  to  union  labor  is  one  of  "pacific  penetra- 
tion," of  aid  and  S3anpathy  plus  active  propaganda.  What  the 
socialistic  workman  wants,  we  know.  He  is  for  government 
ownership  and  operation  of  industry.  He  is  opposed  to  the  wage 
system,  to  private  control  of  the  means  of  production.  He  sees  no 
peace,  no  economy,  no  efficiency,  no  advance,  except  in  a  solution 
based  on  the  estabHshment  of  industrial  democracy.  He  is  for 
independent  political  action  of  labor  on  a  socialistic  or  semi- 
socialistic  platform.  We  find  larger  and  larger  doses  of  sociahsm  in 
trade-union  programs. 

This  is  natural  enough,  but  only  the  rash  and  enthusiastic 
sociaUst  will  predict  the  conversion  of  a  majority  of  working-men 
and  working-women  to  his  creed.  The  candid  and  level-headed 
sociahst  recognizes,  first,  that  sociahsm  has  been  evolving,  under- 
going a  serious  transformation,  making  concessions  to  the  spirit  of 
individuaUsm,  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  the  spirit  of  reahsm,  on  the 
other;  and  he  recognizes,  secondly,  that,  in  spite  of  these  conces- 
sions and  revisions,  a  revolt  against  sociahsm,  as  well  as  against  the 
method  of  pohtical  action,  or  parhamentary  reform,  is  spreading 
among  the  very  elements  that  were  once  counted  on  to  carry 
socialism  to  victory.  A  study  of  so  symptomatic  a  book  as  The 
Great  State  by  H.  G.  Wells  and  others  will  convmce  any  intelHgent 
reader  that  socialism  is  gradually  surrendering  much  of  what  was 
regarded  as  vital  by  the  writers  and  leaders  of  the  period  of  Marx, 
Engels,  and  Hyndman.  Certainly  social  science  has  not  been 
induced  to  put  its  seal  on  sociahsm.  The  objections  to  sociahsm — 
economic,  social,  psychological,  moral — have  not  been  met,  and 
there  is  nothing  in  the  trend  of  current  discussion  to  indicate  that 


312  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

they  ever  will  be,  or  can  be,  met.  It  hardly  needs  saying  that  the 
adoption  by  states  and  nations  of  measures  that  have  been  called 
socialistic  by  friends  or  opponents  signifies  nothing  in  this  connec- 
tion. It  is  puerile  to  say  that,  because  we  have  established  postal 
savings  banks  and  a  parcel  post,  because  we  have  municipal  trad- 
ing up  to  a  certain  point,  or  are  contemplating  without  alarm 
government  ownership  and  operation  of  railroads  and  telegraphs, 
society  is  bound  to  go  all  the  way  to  complete  sociaHsm.  If  history 
teaches  anything,  it  teaches  that  programs  are  never  carried  out  in 
life  as  they  are  worked  out  on  paper. 

Nor  is  it  merely  a  matter  of  inference  and  prediction.  Already 
we  observe  an  anti-socialist  movement  where  it  was  least  expected. 
The  reference  is  to  so-called  syndicalism  in  the  world  of  the  prole- 
tariat. Syndicalism  is  as  much  a  revolt  against  socialism  as  it  is  a 
repudiation  of  conservative  trade  unionism.  What  the  syndicalist 
wants  is  decidedly  not  what  the  socialist  wants.  The  syndicalist 
ideal  is  not  state  ownership  and  control  of  industry,  but  ownership 
and  control  by  the  workers  themselves.  The  syndicalist  is  opposed 
to  government  by  majorities  of  which  middle-class  voters,  intel- 
lectuals, and  professional  men  constitute  a  part.  He  has  no  room 
for  "outsiders."  The  workers  in  any  industry  are  to  take  over  the 
industry  and  run  it  for  their  own  benefit.  And  they  are  to  do  this 
without  elections,  ballots,  or  poHtical  action.  The  syndicalists  are 
for  what  they  call  '^direct  action."  By  direct  action  they  mean 
strikes,  constant  warfare,  agitation,  and  organization  against 
capitalists  and  employers  as  a  class.  Some  of  them  look  forward  to 
a  great  general  strike,  to  total  paralysis  of  capitalistic  industry,  and 
to  a  sort  of  catastrophic  expropriation  of  the  masters.  Others 
admit  that  the  general  strike  is  a  myth,  their  idea  being  that  effec- 
tive organization  of  labor,  especially  of  unskilled  labor,  will  render 
the  great  strike  unnecessary.  Much  in  syndicalism  is  crude, 
foolish,  and  even  suicidal.  The  advocacy  of  sabotage  (destruction  of 
machinery,  crippling  of  distribution  and  exchange,  harrying  of 
employers,  etc.)  will  not  long  remain  a  feature  of  its  programs. 
Opposition  to  conciliation,  arbitration,  the  making  and  keeping  of 
contracts  with  employers,  is  also  bound  to  yield  to  the  teaching  of 
experience,  pleasant  or  unpleasant.     There  is,  fundamentally,  no 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  "WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  313 

necessary  connection  between  the  principles  and  ideals  of  syndical- 
ism and  such  accidental,  temporary  excrescences  as  sabotage  or  the 
propaganda  of  hatred  and  chronic  warfare.  The  quintessence  of 
syndicalism,  in  short,  need  not  be  a  criminal  or  pathological  phe- 
nomenon. It  is,  in  reality,  reducible  to  three  things — the  substitu- 
tion of  industrial  unionism  for  trade  unionism;  the  avoidance  of 
pohtical  action;  and  the  repudiation  of  state  sociaUsm.  We  can 
easily  imagine  the  intelhgent  syndicalist  saying  to  a  moderate  trade 
unionist:  *'I  have  far  more  in  common  with  you  than  with  the 
socialist.  You  do  not  depend  on  the  ballot;  you  do  not  seek  to 
form  a  political  labor  party.  But  your  form  of  organization  is 
ineffective;  you  cannot  even  strike  successfully ;  and  you  live  from 
hand  to  mouth." 

Now  it  is  merely  stating  a  fact  to  say  that  syndicalism  is  no  more 
entitled  to  claim  scientific  approval  than  state  socialism  is.  The 
aggressive  tone  and  confident  pretensions  of  the  syndicaHst  philoso- 
phers, who  speak  in  the  name  of  science,  history,  and  metaphysics, 
no  more  impose  on  the  sober-minded  student  than  did  the  equally 
arrogant  claims  of  the  socialists  of  the  last  haK  of  the  nineteenth 
century. 

But  social  science  has  something  to  say  in  the  premises.  It 
finds  a  soul  of  good  in  things  confused,  erroneous,  evil.  It  notes 
what  the  trade  unionist  wants,  what  the  sociaHst  wants,  what  the 
syndicalist  wants — or  what  these  think  they  want — and  finds  that 
the  differences  between  them  can  be  reconciled.  Nay,  it  notes 
tendencies  and  beliefs  among  employers,  as  well  as  tentative  con- 
clusions among  disinterested  observers,  that  point  to  the  same  recon- 
ciliation, the  same  adumbration  of  a  synthesis  and  a  solution. 

Let  me  state  the  indicated  solution  at  once,  and  then  offer 
significant  proof,  drawn  from  various  quarters,  of  its  soundness. 

As  all  roads  once  led  to  Rome,  so  today,  in  social  and  economic 
thinking,  all  arguments  lead  to  one  conclusion,  namely — that  society 
is  moving  toward  co-operative  industry  and  gradually  displacing  the 
capitalistic  or  wage  system  with  its  inevitable  division  of  employers  and 
employed  into  hostile  camps.  For  evidence  we  may  first  turn  to  the 
symposium  on  "  What  Labor  Wants  "  mentioned  at  the  beginning  of 
this  paper.     That  symposium  is,  indeed,  a  document  of  rare  value. 


314  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  contributions  thereto  number  exactly  forty-eight,  and  of  these 
the  leading  ones — the  best  informed,  the  most  judicious  and  practi- 
cal— declare  for  co-operation  or  profit-sharing,  in  one  form  or 
another,  as  the  only  possible  solution  of  the  labor  problem. 

Let  me  quote  a  few  opinions. 

A.  H.  Gilkies,  Headmaster  of  Dulwich  College:  "If  the  directors 
of  labor  cannot  themselves  see  the  way  to  deal  with  those  whom  they 
employ  so  as  to  avoid  successful  strikes,  then  proper  arbiters  should 
be  created  whose  verdict  should  be  final.  I  fancy  that,  to  be  fair, 
they  would  have  to  move  in  the  direction  of  assignment  to  workers 
of  some  share  in  the  profits  of  every  business  concern." 

The  Rev.  Lord  William  Gascoyne-Cecil :  "Nothing  allays  the 
bitterness  of  the  poor  so  much  as  the  knowledge  that  rich  people 
really  care  for  their  welfare ;  and  any  mechanism  which  can  procure 
the  meeting  of  rich  and  poor  nearly  always  produces  very  good 

results I   think   five   things   will   remove   the    bitterness: 

rising  wages,  contact  between  classes,  co-partnership,  truthful  poli- 
ticians, and  a  reasonable  poor  law." 

Lord  Hugh  Cecil,  M.P.  (son  of  the  late  Marquis  of  Salisbury) : 
"Almost  everyone  agrees  that  a  partnership  would  be  desirable. 

The  doubt  is  whether  its  general  adoption  is  possible It  is 

very  earnestly  to  be  hoped  that  employees  will  endeavor  to  try  the 
experiment  wherever  they  think  they  can.  By  judiciously  tried 
experiments  we  should  learn  very  much  and  from  the  knowledge  so 
acquired  we  might  see  our  way  to  a  more  widespread  extension  of 
the  remedy.  And  we  must  in  frankness  recognize  that  the  existing 
system  of  self-interested  competition  is  not  one  which  can  be  abso- 
lutely  justified Copartnership   is   not  only   an  economic 

improvement,  it  is  a  moral  advance.  It  is  one  step  toward  intro- 
ducing a  larger  element  of  mutual  trust  and  regard  into  the  business 
of  gaining  wealth." 

Philip  Snowden,  M.P.:  "  Until  land  and  industrial  capital  are 
socially  owned  and  industry  is  democratically  controlled,  there  will 
be  labor  unrest." 

The  Duchess  of  Hamilton:  "Had  every  workman  a  personal 
interest  in  the  success  of  the  whole  business  for  which  he  is  working, 
as  in  the  old  guild  organization,  the  question  of  work  being  done 
would  not  arise." 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  "WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  315 

Theodore  Cook  Taylor,  M.P.,  woolen  manufacturer  and  founder 
of  a  scheme  of  profit-sharing:  "Some  knowledge  and  twenty  years' 
practical  experience  convince  me  that,  of  all  expedients  being  dis- 
cussed, none  has  so  few  drawbacks  and  so  many  advantages  as  a  sys- 
tem of  profit-sharing  and  labor  co-partnership Why  should 

morals  and  economics  be  placed  in  antithesis  ?  The  robbery  of  one 
class  by  another  is  always  bad  economics.  The  moralizing  of 
industry  tends  not  to  general  poverty,  but  to  general  wealth." 

Seebohm  Rowntree,  employer  and  authority  on  social  questions: 
"The  capitaUst  should  entirely  shake  off  the  idea  that  wage-earners 
are  inferior  beings,  and  should  learn  to  regard  them  as  valued  and 
necessary  partners  in  wealth  production,  partners  with  whose 
accredited  representatives  they  may  honorably  discuss  the  propo- 
sitions in  which  the  wealth  jointly  produced  should  be  divided." 

Earl  Grey,  former  governor-general  of  Canada:  "If  you  wish  to 
maintain  the  old  friendly  relations  between  employer  and  employed, 
you  should  establish  your  business  on  lines  which  will  automati- 
cally create  a  feeling  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  all  concerned  to 
the  industry  with  which  they  are  connected.  How  is  that  to  be 
done  ?  By  copartnership.  Ideal  copartnership  is  a  system  under 
which  worker  and  consumer  share  with  capitaKsts  in  the  profits  of 
industry." 

Dr.  Arthur  Shadwell :  "  Copartnership  is  the  most  rational  of  all 
the  proposals,  the  most  in  harmony  with  reality,  and  the  least  dis- 
turbing. It  has  more  often  failed  than  succeeded  in  practice,  as  yet, 
but  when  it  succeeds,  its  success  is  thorough.  It  certainly  has  a 
future,  and  it  might  be  encouraged  by  loans  to  workmen;  but  it  is 
not  applicable  to  everything.  A  constructive  and  successful  syndi- 
calism would  be  a  form  of  copartnership." 

These  quotations  constitute  a  striking  array  of  testimony.  The 
idea  of  co-operation  and  profit-sharing  is  clearly  in  the  air.  Men  in 
all  classes  and  conditions  are  turning  to  it  as  affording  a  practical  as 
well  as  scientific  solution  of  the  bitter  and  burning  problem.  I  may 
mention  the  late  Goldwin  Smith,  Dr.  Eliot,  President-Emeritus  of 
Harvard,  and  Dr.  Albion  W.  Small,  the  editor  of  this  Journal,  as 
influential  champions  of  co-operation,  profit-sharing,  and  industrial 
democracy.     It  may  be  added  that  the  sociahst  contributors  to  the 


3i6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

symposium,  whom  I  have  not  quoted,  may  properly  be  called  as 
witnesses  for  the  same  side.  They  may  not  agree  that  copartner- 
ship is  the  final  solution,  but  they  would  certainly  accept  it  as  a 
stride  toward  their  goal.  Mr.  H.  G.  Wells,  for  example,  while  ad- 
vocating a  great  national  plan  of  some  sort,  which,  we  may  infer, 
would  embody  a  considerable  part  of  the  socialistic  program, 
admits  that,  for  the  present,  a  cure  would  be  found  in  commercial 
partnership  between  employer  and  employed.  The  socialist  who 
should  obstinately  refuse  to  encourage  co-operation  and  systematic 
profit-sharing  would  write  himself  down  a  fanatic  and  bigot.  The 
experience  and  thought  of  the  last  two  decades  have  thoroughly 
discredited  the  "all  or  nothing"  school  or  the  school  that  beHeves 
that  "the  worse  things  are,  the  better  for  the  proletariat."  At  a 
recent  congress  of  German  Social  Democrats  resolutions  were 
passed  favoring  co-operation  and  urging  support  and  recognition 
of  it.  A  generation  ago  this  would  have  been  deemed  treason  and 
detestable  heresy. 

If  we  have  the  right  to  count  socialists  as  conscious  or  uncon- 
scious champions  of  co-operation  and  profit-sharing,  it  follows  that 
the  syndicalists  may  Hkewise  be  summoned  to  serve  the  same  con- 
servative-progressive cause.  As  Dr.  Shadwell  recognizes,  with 
other  unprejudiced  thinkers,  "A  constructive  and  successful 
syndicaHsm  would  be  a  form  of  copartnership."  And  is  it  not,  after 
all,  the  central  idea  of  industrial  democracy  without  bureaucracy  or 
outside  interference  that  attracts  the  intelligent  syndicalist  ?  Is  it 
not  certain  that  time  must  convince  him  that  neither  class  warfare, 
nor  violent  expropriation  of  present  owners,  nor  a  great  strike,  nor 
opposition  to  poHtical  action  in  every  form  can  be  regarded  as  a  vital 
part  of  his  ultimate  creed  ?  Would  he  reject  the  aid  of  the  state,  or 
of  the  bourgeois  and  intellectual  elements,  toward  realizing  his  ideal 
if  he  were  satisfied  of  the  sincerity  of  the  proffer  ?  Would  he  insist 
on  catastrophic  transformation  at  any  cost,  even  if  evolutionary 
transition  were  demonstrated  to  be  more  natural  and  more  favorable 
to  labor  itself  ?     Such  questions  answer  themselves. 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  the  conclusion  indicated  above  is 
also  the  conclusion  of  Professor  and  Abbe  Dimnet,  of  the  College 
Stanislas,  of  Paris,  in  a  singularly  impartial  article  on  "Syndicalism 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  ''WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  317 

and  Its  Philosophy"  which  appeared  in  the  Atlantic  for  January. 
M.  Dimnet  is  a  good  Catholic,  and  to  him  ideahsm  is  life  and  think- 
ing means  Catholicism,  but  while  emphasizing  the  need  of  ideahsm 
he  admits  that  in  co-operative  industry  and  commerce  are  to  be 
found  "the  most  effective  means  of  social  and  material  improve- 
ment." He  says:  "Nothing  can  break  the  impulse  which  the  syn- 
dicalist movement  has  now  taken,  and  nobody  with  a  sense  of 
fairness  can  be  sorry  for  it.  There  will  be  more  and  more  syndicates 
and  it  is  inevitable  that  their  development  should  in  time  largely 
modify  the  economic  and— to  a  certain  extent— the  present  poHtical 
conditions." 

The  modification  of  the  economic  (and  of  necessity  also  the 
political)  conditions  will  not,  one  need  hardly  say,  be  the  work  of 
syndicalism  alone.  Trade  unionism,  sociaHsm,  individuahstic  oppo- 
sition to  state  or  bureaucratic  despotism  will  severally  contribute 
to  the  same  general  result.  The  forces  will  act  and  react  on  one 
another,  as  well  as  on  the  existing  highly  unstable  order  of  things. 
We  are  justified,  it  would  seem,  in  thinking  that  all  the  streams  of 
tendency  converge  toward  a  co-operative  system. 

Reference  has  been  made  to  the  vain  effort  of  socialism  and  syn- 
dicaUsm  to  usurp  the  authority  of  social  and  moral  science.  Have 
scientific  economics  and  scientific  sociology  been  taken  unawares  by 
the  recent  "discovery"  of  co-operation  as  a  remedy  for  industrial 
unrest  ?  By  no  means.  Fifty  years  ago  John  Stuart  Mill,  a  broad- 
minded  and  far-sighted  economist,  attributed  strikes  and  agitation 
to  "the  inequaHties  of  the  industrial  world  due  to  the  subjection  of 
labor  to  monopoly  and  the  enormous  share  which  the  possessors  of 
the  instruments  of  production  are  able  to  take  from  the  produce." 
Mill  was  a  fervent  advocate  of  co-operation;  he  was  even  accused  of 
leaning  unduly  toward  a  moderate  form  of  sociaHsm.  What 
attracted  him,  the  champion  of  Hberty,  in  socialistic  schemes  was 
the  element  of  democracy  and  equity  embodied  in  co-operative 
industry. 

Nay,  we  have  a  better  authority  than  the  semi-individualistic 
Mill.  Herbert  Spencer,  the  miHtant  individualist,  the  bitter  foe 
of  the  socialistic  or  half-sociahstic  state,  advocated  and  foresaw  the 
spread  of  industrial  and  commercial  co-operation.     His  chapter  on 


3l8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

"Co-operation"  in  his  Principles  of  Sociology  is  one  of  the  most 
progressive  ever  penned  by  him.  In  co-operation,  he  writes,  "the 
transition  from  the  compulsory  co-operations  of  mihtancy  to  the 
voluntary  co-operation  of  industrialism  is  completed."  A  wage- 
worker  is  not  entirely  free;  he  is  cowed  by  fear  of  discharge,  by  the 
superintendent  or  foreman;  he  feels  that  he  is  under  someone  and 
working  for  another's  benefit.  Under  co-operation  the  workman's 
activities  are  as  voluntary  as  they  can  be,  given  man's  physical  needs 
and  subordination  to  nature.  Under  co-operation  the  workman  is 
his  own  employer,  and  no  doubtful  profit  is  taken  out  of  his  earnings. 
Spencer,  after  quoting  reports  of  various  co-operative  enterprises, 
closes  his  chapter  as  follows :  "  Such  few  co-operative  bodies  .... 
might  be  the  germs  of  a  spreading  organization.  Admission  into 
them  would  be  the  goal  of  working-class  ambition.  They  would 
tend  continually  to  absorb  the  superior,  leaving  outside  the  inferior 
to  work  as  wage-earners;  and  the  first  would  slowly  grow  at  the 
expense  of  the  last.  Obviously,  too,  the  growth  would  become 
increasingly  rapid  since  the  master-and-workman  type  of  industrial 
organization  could  not  withstand  competition  with  this  co-operative 
type  so  much  more  productive  and  costing  so  much  less  in  super- 
intendence." 

Other  sociologists  and  economists  might  be  quoted  to  show  that 
scientific  thinkers  years  ago  anticipated  the  growth  of  the  co- 
operative idea.  The  "few"  survivals  of  the  time  when  Spencer 
wrote  have  in  truth  had  many  imitators.  Wisdom  in  some  cases, 
necessity  in  others;  the  initiative  of  capital  here,  of  labor  there,  to 
say  nothing  of  the  eloquent  example  of  distributive  co-operation  in 
England — all  such  influences  have  aided  in  the  steady  advance  of 
co-operative  production  or  profit-sharing.  Failures  are  still  not 
uncommon;  workmen  and  even  labor  leaders  are  still  suspicious  of 
most  forms  of  profit-sharing,  and  especially  of  the  most  natural  and 
modern  form  of  it— investment  of  labor's  savings  in  the  stocks  and 
bonds  of  the  corporations  which  employ  it.  Too  many  workmen 
still  think  of  their  freedom,  dignity,  and  manhood  in  terms  of 
strikes,  boycotts,  and  anti-injunction  acts.  When  a  large  employer 
or  corporation  suggests  a  scheme  of  profit-sharing,  a  scheme  of  stock- 
purchase  by  the  employees  on  easy  terms,  some  of  the  men  scent 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  ''WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  319 

danger  and  say  or  think  that  the  whole  purpose  of  the  scheme  is  to 
weaken  unionism,  to  discourage  strikes,  to  divide  labor.  It  is  not 
probable  that  one  employer  in  twenty  proposes  profit-sharing  from 
motives  of  pure  altruism;  but  to  the  thoughtful  observer  and  stu- 
dent of  history  this  is  neither  strange  nor  discreditable.  Enlight- 
ened self-interest  will  do  admirably  in  many  spheres,  provided  the 
enlightenment  is  as  pronounced  as  the  self-interest. 

The  truth  is,  the  problem  of  labor  unrest,  of  strikes  that  are 
almost  "revolutionary"  in  their  effects,  that  paralyze  industry, 
commerce,  or  transportation,  is  more  vividly  presented  as  a  problem 
to  employers  than  it  is,  as  yet,  to  employees.  The  latter  are  still 
struggling  to  defend  their  "rights;"  any  suggestion  of  compulsory 
or  semi-compulsory  arbitration  angers  and  alarms  them.  Not  long 
have  they  enjoyed  the  freedom  of  organization  and  collective 
bargaining.  Even  today  here  and  there  a  fossiUzed  court  renders  a 
decision  prohibiting  a  sympathetic  strike  or  a  union-shop  contract. 
Labor  is  still  militant,  distrustful,  aggressive.  Employers  and  cor- 
porate chiefs,  on  the  other  hand,  realizing  more  and  more  that  legal 
restrictions  are  a  broken  reed  to  lean  on,  and  that  labor  organiza- 
tions must  be  reckoned  with  more  and  more,  are  earnestly  turning 
their  attention  to  preventives  and  remedies.  This  means  that  the 
classes  or  professions  in  closest  contact  with  capitalists  and 
employees  are  also  prompted  to  inquire  into  the  situation.  For  a 
time  we  may,  therefore,  expect  more  vigorous  advocacy  of  co- 
operation from  the  classes  named  than  from  labor  and  its  accredited 
spokesmen,  and,  for  a  time  again,  these  proposals  will  continue  to 
excite  suspicion  or  adverse  criticism.  But  in  the  end,  interest,  if 
not  sweet  reasonableness,  must  open  labor's  eyes  to  the  intrinsic 
advantages  of  co-operation. 

Moreover,  the  "third  party,"  the  great  public,  is  beginning  to 
take  a  hand  in  industrial  controversies.  For  many  years  the  inter- 
ests of  the  pubUc  not  only  suffered  total  neglect  from  the  direct 
parties,  the  employers  and  the  unions,  but  were  tacitly  surrendered 
by  the  public  itself.  That  is  to  say,  the  public  scarcely  even  com- 
plained of  the  waste  and  the  hardships  to  which  strikes  and  lockouts 
subjected  it.  It  supposed  itself  to  be  without  power  in  the  prem- 
ises.    It  did  not  see  what  it  could  do,  and  it  even  assumed  that  to 


320  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

do  anything — beyond  pleading  for  conciliation  and  arbitration — 
was  to  undermine  the  foundations  of  our  modern  civilization.  Was 
not  the  right  to  strike,  like  the  right  to  lock  out  workmen  at  will,  a 
corollary  from  the  general  principles  of  free  contract,  free  industry, 
and  private  property?  Was  not  the  sole  duty  of  the  public  to 
stand  aside  and  let  capital  and  labor  fight  out  their  battles  ?  This 
attitude  is  rapidly  changing.  The  pubhc  is  beginning  to  challenge 
the  principles  that  underlie  free  strikes  and  free  lockouts.  It  is 
beginning  to  raise  its  voice  in  favor  of  compulsory  or  semi- 
compulsory  arbitration  laws.  It  supports  minimum-wage  proposals, 
as  was  shown  in  England  during  the  crisis  caused  by  the  general 
miners'  strike.  If,  it  reasons,  industrial  peace  is  better  for  all,  why 
should  not  society  impose  peace  ?  Why  should  it  not  veto  strikes 
in  the  whole  field  of  public  utilities  ?  Why,  in  granting  franchises 
to  railroads,  telegraph  and  telephone  companies,  etc.,  should  it  not 
make  arbitration  of  disputes  over  wages,  hours,  conditions  of  work, 
recognition  of  unions,  a  condition  of  the  grant  ? 

Yet  it  is  doubtful  whether  in  English-speaking  countries  mere 
compulsion  in  the  form  of  arbitration  laws  and  minimum-wage 
statutes  will  meet  the  requirements  of  the  situation.  The  spokes- 
men of  the  public — economists,  moralists,  social  workers,  soci- 
ologists— will  increasingly  find  that  the  line  of  least  resistance  is  the 
line  of  profit-sharing  and  co-operation,  of  forms  and  methods  of 
industrial  organization  that  remove  the  necessity  for  warfare,  for 
trials  of  endurance  and  strength.  Organized  labor  will  listen  with 
more  sympathy  and  open-mindedness  to  suggestions  from  neutral 
quarters  than  to  suggestions  possibly  inspired  by  bias  and  class 
feeling. 

Nor  is  this  all.  Another  important,  if  indirect,  factor  remains  to 
be  mentioned.  The  gospel  of  what  is  popularly  known  as  the 
peopleization  of  corporations  is  not  consciously  connected  with  the 
efforts  to  solve  the  labor  problem.  But  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
the  moralization  and  socialization  of  corporations — the  enforcement 
of  publicity  as  to  corporate  finance,  the  prevention  of  stock  inflation 
and  dishonest  manifestation  of  corporate  securities,  the  suppression 
of  injurious  trusts — will,  among  other  large  effects,  destroy  the 
gravest  obstacle  to  profit-sharing  and  copartnership.     Not  long  ago 


SOCIAL  SCIENCE  AND  ''WHAT  LABOR  WANTS"  321 

an  individualistic  economist  and  a  friendly  critic  of  trade-union 
policies,  in  arguing  against  strikes  on  the  score  of  their  futility  and 
cost  to  labor,  asked  what  the  situation  would  be  today  if,  for  the  last 
two  or  three  decades,  the  powerful  unions,  instead  of  accumulating 
vast  funds  for  offense  and  defense,  instead  of  financing  stubborn 
contests,  had  systematically  invested  the  funds  in  the  securities  of 
the  great  industrial  corporations.     The  ideal  of  the  more  intelli- 
gent syndicalists,  he  pointed  out,  would  be  much  nearer  realization 
than  it  is.     Labor  would  by  this  time  have  acquired  ownership 
and  control  of  a  good  many  industries,  would  have  secured  repre- 
sentation on  many  corporate  directorships,  and  would  have  exten- 
sively democratized  industry.     It  is  plain,  however,  that  even  if 
the  purpose  and  plan  in  question  had  been  conceived  by  the  unions, 
the  mysteries  of  corporate  finance,  the  pubHc  agitation  against  cor- 
porate abuses,  the  inadequacy  or  positive  viciousness  of  the  laws 
governing  corporate  organizations,   the  helplessness  of  minority 
stockholders— all  these  things  would  have  deterred  the  unions  from 
investing  their  funds  in  corporate  securities.     The  peopleizing  of 
corporations  and  the  protection  of  investments  by  eliminating  need- 
less risk  would  enable  labor  leaders  and  individual  workmen  to 
entertain  with  growing  favor  the  idea  of  copartnership  by  means  of 
stock-ownership.     The  corporations  that  really  wish  to  live  in  peace 
and  seciuity,  to  cultivate  relations  of  amity  with  labor,  would  find 
fewer  difficulties  to  overcome,  and  their  good  faith  in  offering  stock 
to  employees  would  be  far  less  open  to  challenge  and  misrepre- 
sentation. 

This  is  not  the  place,  however,  to  consider  why  particular  forms 
of  profit-sharing  have  not  prospered  or  succeeded  in  gaining  the 
favor  of  intelligent  workmen.  Nor  is  it  the  place  to  study  the 
various  possible  or  prevalent  forms  of  profit-sharing.  There  are 
ofl&cial  and  private  reports  on  the  subject  which  show  what  to  avoid 
in  profit-sharing  schemes  and  how  to  insure  a  reasonable  degree  of 
material  and  moral  success.  It  may  be  noted  in  passing  that, 
according  to  the  latest  report  issued  by  the  British  Board  of  Trade, 
profit-sharing  has  received  something  of  a  stimulus  in  the  last  few 
years.  Of  the  133  firms  that  share  profits  after  one  fashion  or 
another,  46  are  less  than  four  years  old  and  6  were  started  in  191 2. 


322  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

It  also  appears  from  this  document  that,  while  many  profit-sharing 
schemes  have  had  to  be  abandoned  in  Great  Britain,  "the  experience 
of  the  firms  which  have  tried  profit-sharing"  for  a  reasonable  time 
"is  that  it  produces  excellent  results  in  developing  a  higher  degree 
of  efficiency  and  brings  about  more  harmonious  relations  between 
employer  and  employed."  If  excellent  results  can  be  produced  in 
spite  of  deep  skepticism  and  distrust  on  the  part  of  the  majority  of 
workmen,  and  in  spite  of  a  hostile  tone  in  the  average  labor  organ, 
what  may  we  not  expect  from  profit-sharing  and  co-operation  when 
heartily  supported  by  strong  unions  and  advocated  with  conscious 
reference  to  an  economic  and  social  ideal  ? 

In  the  long  run,  "what  labor  wants"  is  not  essentially  different 
from  what  labor  ought  to  want,  from  what  employers  and  society 
ought  to  want,  in  the  Hght  of  industrial  evolution  and  soberly  drawn 
inferences  from  contemporary  experience.  The  past  was  what  it 
had  to  be,  but  the  great  industrial  revolution  brought  evils  as  well  as 
benefits  in  its  train,  and  another  industrial  revolution  is  impending 
—nay,  is  taking  place  before  our  eyes.  It  is  idle  to  ask  of  human 
inteUigence  and  character  more  than  they  are  capable  of  yielding; 
but  there  are  such  things  as  prevision,  as  scientific  guidance,  as  the 
possibihty  of  facilitating  inevitable  change.  In  investigating,  in 
criticizing,  in  resisting  dangerous  tendencies,  we  should  endeavor  to 
separate  the  accidental  and  ephemeral  from  the  vital  and  endurable. 
To  see  the  industrial  problem  steadily  and  see  it  whole  is  to  arrive 
at  conclusions  that  are  as  scientific  as  they  are  optimistic. 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY 

THE  CONCEPTION  OF  RELIGION  AND  MAGIC  AND  THE  PLACE  OF 
PSYCHOLOGY  IN  SOCIOLOGICAL  STUDIES:  A  DISCUSSION 
OF  THE  VIEWS  OF  DURKHEIM  AND  OF  HUBERT  AND 
MAUSS  

JAMES  H.  LEUBA 
Bryn  Mawr  College 


There  was  a  time  when  only  philosophers  and  theologians 
attempted  to  define  and  explain  religion.  Today  ethnologists, 
sociologists,  and  psychologists  are  taking  a  very  active  part  in  this 
work.  A  most  remarkable  recent  essay  deaHng  with  the  concep- 
tion of  religion  is  that  of  Emile  Durkheim/  the  distinguished  editor 
of  the  Annee  sociologique.  Religion  is  presented  in  this  essay  as  a 
social  phenomenon  fundamentally  independent  of  the  belief  in 
gods  and  so  closely  allied  to  magic  that  no  adequate  means  is  pro- 
vided for  differentiating  them.  There  is  much  to  admire  in  this 
incontestably  original  and  valuable  paper.  Yet  I  am  forced  to 
dissent  from  it  on  several  points  of  considerable  significance. 

In  the  first  part  of  the  present  paper  I  shall  set  forth,  as  far 
as  possible  in  his  own  words,  Durkheim's  conception  of  religion.  I 
shall  then  offer  some  critical  remarks,  which  will  lead  me  to  take 
up  the  conception  of  magic  developed  by  Hubert  and  Mauss,  a  con- 
ception with  which  Durkheim  appears  in  agreement.  A  few  final 
pages  will  be  devoted  to  the  consideration  of  the  share  of  psychol- 
ogy in  the  study  of  the  origin  and  of  the  function  of  rehgion. 

I.      SACREDNESS  AS  THE  FUNDAMENTAL  CHARACTERISTIC  OF  RELIGION 

Cult,  writes  our  author,  might  be  defined  in  a  general  way  as 
the  totality  of  the  practices  dealing  with  sacred  things.  But  this 
affirmation  can  have  meaning  only  in  so  far  as  the  significance  of 

'  Emile  Durkheim,  De  la  definition  des  phenomenes  religieux,  Ann6e  sociologique, 
II  (1897-98),  1-28;  see  also,  Emile  Durkheim,  "Examen  critique  des  systemes 
classiques  sur  la  pens^e  religieuse,  Rev.  Philos.,  XLVII  (1909),  1-28,    142-162. 

The  most  important  work  following  in  the  lead  of  Durkheim,  published  in  the 
United  States,  is  Irving  King,  The  Developtnent  of  Religion.     ^Macmillan,  1910. 

323 


324  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  word  "sacred"  is  known.  A  conception  of  the  origin  and 
\  nature  of  the  sacred  is  thus  at  the  center  of  the  theory  of  Durkheim. 
What  sense  must  be  attached  to  that  term  ?  Our  author  observes 
first  that  the  distinction  in  sacred  and  profane  is  very  often  inde- 
pendent of  the  idea  of  God.  There  are  religions  from  which  the 
idea  of  God  is  absent  (Buddhism,  Jainism),  and  there  are  sacred 
objects  which  are  not  gods.  "In  a  clan  whose  totem  is  the  wolf, 
every  wolf  is  equally  venerated,  those  of  today  as  well  as  those  of 
yesterday  and  those  to  be  born  tomorrow.  The  same  honors  are 
given  to  all  of  them  indiscriminately.  We  have  here,  therefore, 
neither  a  god  nor  many  gods,  but  a  large  category  of  sacred  things. 
In  order  that  one  may  apply  the  term  god,  it  would  be  necessary 
for  the  principle  common  to  all  these  particular  beings  to  be 
separated  and  hypostatized  under  some  definite  form;  it  could  then 
become  the  center  of  a  cult."  Certain  impersonal  objects,  such  as 
the  flag,  or  the  nation,  also  assume  the  character  of  sacredness.  A 
god  is  simply  "a  power  to  produce  certain  effects,  more  or  less 
definite,  but  always  referred  to  a  particular  and  definite  being. 
When  this  power,  instead  of  being  incarnated  in  an  individual 
being,  remains  diffuse  in  an  indeterminate  number  of  things,  we 
have  simply  sacred,  in  opposition  to  profane  objects,  but  no  god." 
It  appears  thus,  according  to  our  author,  "that  the  notion  of 
divinity,  far  from  being  fundamental  in  religious  Hfe,  is  in  reahty 
merely  a  secondary  episode.  It  is  the  product  of  a  special  process 
by  virtue  of  which  one  or  several  religious  characteristics  are  con- 
centrated and  become  concrete  in  a  more  or  less  individual  form." 
The  idea  of  divinity  could  not,  therefore,  have  been  the  one  which 
served  originally  in  the  making  of  a  distinction  between  things 
profane  and  sacred. 

In  religion,  then,  the  notion  of  the  sacred  and  not  that  of  divinity 
is,  according  to  Durkheim,  the  fundamental  one.  But  whence 
this  idea  of  the  sacred  ?  The  sacred  is  a  specific  quality  belonging 
to  the  traditional,  to  that  which  the  individual  finds  already 
made,  to  myths,  to  dogmas,  transmitted  by  society.  The  sacred 
and  the  profane  are  respectively  synonymous  with  the  social  and 
the  individual.  Sacred  objects  separate  themselves  from  the 
others  by  the  special  manner  in  which  we  come  to  know  them. 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  325 

They  are  not  our  own  work;  they  are  given  to  us  by  the  community 
to  which  we  belong.  ''Things  which  reach  our  minds  by  route  so 
different  cannot  appear  to  us  under  the  same  aspects."  The 
sacred  differentiates  itself  from  the  profane,  not  by  a  difference  of 
degree  but  of  kind.  This  derivation  of  the  sacred  from  the  tradi-  (i 
tional,  in  contradistinction  to  the  individual,  we  find  again  and  \ 
substantiaUy  unchanged  in  the  article  pubUshed  ten  years  later  in 
the  Revue  philosophique. 

From  this  social-traditional  origin  of  the  sacred  (therefore,  in 
Durkheim's  opinion,  of  religion  also)  proceeds  this  other  essential  \ 
trait:  the  beliefs  or  "the  representations  of  the  religious  order 
stand  opposed  to  the  others  in  the  same  way  as  obligatory  opinions 
stand  opposed  to  free  opinions";  religious  behefs  are  imperative, 
"the  more  they  are  religious,  the  more  they  are  obligatory."  But 
works  are  not  less  essential  than  faith;  one  cannot  separate  cult 
from  beHef;  they  are  merely  "two  different  aspects  of  the  same  ' 
reality." 

Thus  we  reach  the  foUowing  definition:  "The  phenomena  called 
religious  consist  in  obhgatory  beliefs  connected  with  definite  prac- 
tices, which  refer  to  objects  given  in  these  beUefs."  Religion  "is 
a  more  or  less  weU-organized  and  systematized  group  of  phenomena 
of  that  order."' 

Turning  now  to  a  critical  examination  of  the  main  elements  of 
this  conception  of  religion,  let  us  begin  with  the  notion  of  the  sacred 
and  the  origin  assigned  to  it  by  Durkheim.  An  analysis  of  the 
quahties  entering  into  the  composition  of  the  experience  called 
sacredness  wHl  help  us  to  understand  under  what  condition  it  may 
arise.  We  shall  see  that,  far  from  being  the  only  source  of  sacred- 
ness, the  traditional  cannot  even  be  considered,  in  any  true  sense,  V 
one  of  its  sources. 

Respect  and  veneration  bear  some  relation  to  sacredness,  but 
no  emotion  is  so  close  to  it  as  awe.  There  is  always  an  element  of 
awe  in  the  experience  of  the  sacred,  and  awe  involves  fear  held 
in  check  by  admiration.  But,  although  fear  is  a  necessary  ingre- 
dient of  sacredness,  it  is  not  necessarily  a  prominent  one.    It  is 

;The  above  quotations  are  from  pp.  13-23  of  De  la  d&fimtioti  des  phcnomcnes 
reitgieux. 


326  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

neutralized  by  curiosity  which  the  mysteriousness  of  the  sacred 
object  arouses,  and  by  knowledge  of  ways  and  means  by  which 
to  enter  into  relation  with  the  sacred  power.  The  essential  differ- 
ence between  the  merely  awful  and  the  sacred  consists  in  the  exist- 
ence of  unavoidable  connections  between  us  and  the  sacred.  It 
is  not  sufficient,  as  with  a  merely  awful  object,  to  turn  away  from 
the  sacred  in  order  to  be  done  with  it.  The  sacred  object  has  a 
hold  upon  us,  we  stand  in  dynamic  relation  with  it,  and  this  rela- 
tion is  not  one  of  equal  to  equal,  but  of  superior  to  inferior;  i.e., 
we  feel  dependent  upon  it.  Awfulness  (a  complex  of  fear  and 
admiration)  and  the  belief  that  the  great  and  portentous  power 
reaches  down  to  us  and  that  we  may  by  appropriate  actions  control 
it  within  certain  limits  seem  to  me  the  essential  characteristics  of 
sacred  objects. 

I  have  not  mentioned  the  tender  feeling,  for  it  seems  that  sacred 
objects  do  not  necessarily  awaken  the  tender  feeling.  I  shall  even 
venture  the  affirmation  that  the  presence  in  an  object  of  qualities 
generative  of  the  tender  emotion  is  antagonistic  to  sacredness — 
an  object  of  love  cannot  be  at  the  same  moment  a  sacred  object. 
Whenever  the  Christian  God  is  thought  of  as  love,  he  cannot 
awaken  the  emotion  of  sacredness,  although  he  remains  an  object 
of  veneration.  The  God  of  the  Christian  arouses  the  emotion  of 
sacredness  only  when,  his  love  for  man  not  being  present  to  con- 
sciousness, his  surpassing  greatness,  holiness,  and  his  lordship  over 
us  are  realized  together  with  the  possibility  of  entering  into  accept- 
able relations  with  him. 

If,  at  times,  so-called  sacred  objects  are  treated  in  ways  showing 
that  they  do  not  possess  one  or  the  other  of  these  component 
qualities;  if,  for  instance,  the  fetish  is  abused,  beaten,  thrown  away, 
I  answer  that  at  that  moment  he  has  ceased  to  be  sacred  to  the 
one  who  misuses  him.  We  must  guard  against  ascribing  to  the 
affective  reaction  they  awaken  the  stability  belonging  to  the  names 
of  the  gods,  to  their  abode,  and  to  any  conceptual  representation 
of  them.  The  physical  object  called  a  fetish  remains  the  same, 
but  the  feeling  with  which  it  is  considered  at  various  moments  need 
not  remain  constant.    When  he  is  being  reviled,  the  fetish  is  no 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  327 

longer  either  an  object  of  magic  or  of  religion.  Strictly  speaking, 
a  being  is  a  god  to  a  particular  person  at  those  moments  only  when 
he  stands  to  that  person  in  the  particular  relation  constituting  the 
rehgious  life;  outside  of  those  moments  he  is  no  more  than  a  poten- 
tial god. 

Now  the  traditional  does  not  possess  in  itself,  necessarily,  the  // 
quality  of  sacredness.  I  do  not  contest  the  fact  that  much  of  the 
traditional  is  sacred,  but  I  afl&rm  as  equally  true  that  parts  of  the 
traditional  are  merely  customary  and  insignificant,  that  the  atti- 
tude of  the  conformer  toward  these  parts  is  one  of  indifferent 
automatism.  More  than  that,  the  traditional  is  at  times  rejected 
as  worthless,  or  even  as  obstructive.  It  is  therefore  not  exact 
to  say  that  "every  tradition  inspires  a  very  specific  respect."  The 
traditions  of  another  nation,  or,  in  the  same  nation,  of  another 
social  stratum,  often  inspire  contempt.  It  is  true  that  in  these 
cases  it  is  not  our  own  tradition,  we  do  not  accept  it;  yet  we  may, 
and  usually  do,  realize  it  is  a  tradition.  Tradition  as  such  is  not, 
therefore,  sacred. 

The  full  force  of  this  argument  appears  when  it  is  considered 
that  a  movement  for  social  reform  necessarily  begins  with  the 
recognition  in  individual  minds  of  the  inferior  value,  or  the  worth- 
lessness,  of  a  tradition.  An  attempt  at  social  reform  in  any  particu- 
lar direction  is  a  demonstration  of  the  unsacred  nature  of  some 
tradition  to  those  who  would  do  away  with  it.  When  the  new  order 
of  things  has  become  law,  that  is,  when  it  has  received  social  sanc- 
tion, it  possesses  the  quality  of  sacredness. 

Traditions  are  sacred  when  they  come  to  us  as  the  expression 
of  powers  superior  to  us  and  connected  with  us,  when  there  are 
ways  of  "putting  oneself  right"  with  these  powers,  and  when  failure 
to  conform  to  these  ways  entails  danger.  Whenever  any  of  these 
elements  ceases  to  belong  to  a  tradition,  the  tradition  itself  ceases 
to  be  sacred,  though  it  may  still  be  fearful  or  admirable;  any 
object — -whether  tradition  or  not — possessing  these  qualifications 
is  sacred.  The  conditions  under  which  a  great  unseen  being  will 
be  sacred,  however  the  thought  of  him  may  have  arisen,  are  those 
just  stated. 


32} 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


2.      HOW  MAGIC   IS   TO   BE   SEPARATED   FROM  RELIGION 

Durkheim  and  his  collaborators,  Hubert  and  Mauss,  acknowl- 
edge the  presence  of  two  forms  of  behavior  in  primitive  tribes,  since 
they  endeavor  to  use  discriminatingly  the  two  terms  "magic"  and 
"rehgion."  It  appears  to  me,  and  this  I  shall  now  try  to  make  evi- 
dent, that  their  analysis  of  the  actions  designated  by  these  two 
names  has  not  been  sufficiently  complete  to  uncover  that  which 
constitutes  an  unequivocal  means  of  differentiation.  When 
Durkheim  tells  us  that  there  are  religions  from  which  the  idea  of 
God  is  absent,  and  that  in  all  religions  there  are  rites  the  efficacy 
of  which  is  independent  of  any  divine  power,  because  the  rite  acts 
by  itself,  mechanically,  he  uses  the  term  reHgion  in  a  different 
sense  from  the  one  in  which  most  people,  among  whom  I  am 
included,  use  that  term.  And  when  he  instances  original  Buddhism 
as  a  reHgion  without  a  god,  he  again  uses  "  religion  "  in  a  sense  which 
is  not  commonly  accepted.  Tiele,  for  instance,  says  that  "primi- 
tive Buddhism  ignored  religion.  It  was  only  when,  in  opposition 
to  its  first  principles,  it  had  made  its  founder  its  god,  and  had  thus 
really  become  a  reHgion,  that  the  way  was  opened  for  its  general 
acceptance."' 

A  rite  acting  automatically  is  never,  in  the  sense  which  I  give 
to  the  word  religion,  a  religious  rite.  It  would,  of  course,  be 
irrelevant  to  show  with  Hubert  and  Mauss,^  in  order  to  convince 
me  of  error,  that  sacrifice  in  the  Vedic  religion  exercises  "a  direct 
influence  upon  celestial  phenomena;  it  is  all-powerful  in  its  own 
rights  and  without  any  divine  intervention."  If  it  be  so,  these 
sacrifices  belong,  according  to  my  principle  of  classification,  not 
to  religion  but  to  magic. 

To  what  facts  shall  the  name  religion  be  given,  or  what  are  the 
characteristics  by  which  reHgion  shall  be  separated  from  magic? 
If  one  were  to  inquire  into  the  common  usage,  I  think  that  it 
would  be  found  that,  on  the  whole,  they  caU  "magic,"  or  "super- 
stition"—in  any  case,  not  "religion" — the  rites  which  act  directly 
or  are  automatically  effective;  whereas  they  would  caU  religion 
the  rites  in  which  ideas,  feelings,  and  voHtions  are  supposed  to  be 

»  Outlines  of  the  History  of  Religion,  p.  137. 

»  "Essai  sur  la  nature  et  la  function  du  Sacrifice,"  Annee  sociologique,  II,  14. 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  329 

awakened  in  personal  agents,  by  means  that  are  not  mechanical 
or  automatic,  but  which  may  be  called  anthropopathic,  that  is  to 
say,  invocations,  offerings,  prayers,  and  the  like. 

But  even  if  such  were  not  the  current  use  of  these  terms,  the 
following  reason  would  lead  me  to  believe  that  it  should  be  the 
technical  sense  ascribed  to  them.  When  facts  are  to  be  classified, 
those  bearing  the  more  fundamental  likenesses  should  be  put 
together.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  difference  introduced  into 
conscious  experience  by  the  passage  from  the  use  of  a  mechanical, 
coercitive  force  to  the  use  of  an  anthropopathic  influence  (offer- 
ings, prayers,  penances,  etc.)  is  more  fundamental  than  any  other 
difference  existing  between  the  facts  to  be  classified.  The  results 
expected  and  secured  may  be  the  same  whether  one  proceeds  magic- 
ally or  religiously;  but  the  actions,  even  though  they  should  be 
externally  identical  (supposing  this  to  be  possible) ,  are  of  a  different 
psychological  nature.  In  one  case,  one  compels  by  mechani- 
cal means;  in  the  other,  one  assumes  a  "personal"  relation  and 
attempts  by  anthropopathic  means  to  reach  one's  end.  The 
psychological  attitude  involved  in  each  could  hardly  differ  more 
radically. 

We  are  told  by  Durkheim  that  "the  notion  of  divinity,  far  from 
being  fundamental,  is  in  reality  merely  a  secondary  episode." 
Our  present  problem,  the  differentiation  of  religion  from  other 
activities,  does  not  involve  the  discovery  of  that  which  is  funda- 
mental in  religion,  but  of  that  which  is  differential.  I  grant  that, 
when  compared,  for  instance,  with  the  needs  and  the  desires  prompt- 
ing to  religious  action,  the  god-ideas  are  secondary  facts.  But  needs 
and  desires  are  fundamental  to  each  and  every  kind  of  human 
activity.  With  regard  to  the  differentiation  of  magic  from  rehgion, 
the  idea  of  a  personal  Great  Being  who  can  be  dealt  with  anthro- 
popathically  is  indeed  fundamental. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that,  although  in  my  view  belief  in  a  per- 
sonal being  is  necessary  to  religion,  it  is  not  in  itself  sufficient  to 
mark  off  religion  from  magic,  for  a  god  may  be  acted  upon  mechanic- 
ally, coercitively,  i.e.,  magically.  It  is  the  manner  of  acting  upon 
the  god  which  separates  these  two  kinds  of  behavior. 

If  one  accepts  the  principle  of  differentiation  offered  in  these 


330  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

pages,  one  may  no  longer  say  with  Hubert  and  Mauss  "the  reli- 
gious rites  often  constrain;  and  the  god,  in  most  ancient  religions, 
was  not  at  all  able  to  escape  from  the  compelling  power  of  a  rite 
properly  performed."^  Such  a  rite  is,  by  our  definition,  a  magical 
rite,  even  though  it  acts  upon  a  personal  being. 

Magic  and  religion  are  found  very  frequently  side  by  side,  in 
the  same  ceremonies  or  groups  of  ceremonies.  When,  for  instance, 
the  hero,  Wainamoinen  of  Finland,  wishes  to  know  what  has  become 
of  the  sun  and  the  moon  that  have  been  stolen  from  the  heavens,  he 
seeks  the  knowledge  by  a  prayer  to  Ukko  the  Creator  [religion] ,  yet 
he  accompanies  his  prayer  by  mysterious  and  potent  acts:  first  he 
cuts  three  chips  from  the  alder,  and  lays  them  in  magic  order,  touch- 
ing and  turning  them  with  his  fingers  [magic] ;  and  only  then  does  he 
address  the  supreme  God,  who  is  also  called  "the  great  Magician."^ 
But,  however  closely  interwoven,  magic  and  religion  always  bear 
the  clear  differentiating  marks  we  have  singled  out. 

If  one  rejects  the  principle  I  offer  for  the  separation  of  magic 
from  religion,  where  can  one  find  another  acceptable  one  ?  Sacred- 
ness  would  not  do,  for  all  are  agreed  that  it  belongs  to  both.  In 
the  article  of  Durkheim,  from  which  I  have  quoted,  one  does  not 
find  definite  information  on  the  use  of  these  terms.  But  his  learned 
collaborators,  Hubert  and  Mauss,  have  made  that  question  the 
topic  of  a  long  essay  to  which  we  shall  now  turn.'* 

In  reading  Hubert  and  Mauss,  one  is  surprised  to  find  that  their 
effort  at  defining  magic  and  religion  results  only  n  the  discovery 
of  shifting  differences  of  degree  and  not  of  kind.  Instead  of  separat- 
ing magic  and  religion,  they  have  really  connected  them.  If 
the  facts  were  such  as  to  make  a  sharp  differentiation  impossible, 
one  would  have  to  acquiesce;  but  I  have  tried  to  show  that  the 
phenomena  covered  by  the  terms  "magic"  and  "religion"  can  be 
separated  on  the  basis  of  an  absolute  difference. 

'  Op.  cit.,  p.  i6. 

»  From  George  M.  Stratton,  The  Psychology  of  the  Religious  Life,  p.  136.  I  have 
given  other  instances  of  this  close  combination  in  my  book,  A  Psyclwlogical  Study  of 
Religion;  Its  Origin,  Function,  and  Future.     Macmillan,  1912. 

^  "Esquisse  d'une  thdorie  generale  de  la  magie,"  Annee  sociologique,  VII  (1902-3), 
1-146.  These  authors  accept  in  substance,  I  believe,  Durkheim's  view  regarding 
the  methods  of  sociology;  and  he  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  in  accord  with  them  regarding 
their  opinion  on  magic. 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  331 

They  define  magic  as  "any  rite  which  does  not  belong  to  an 
organized  cult,  which  is  private,  secret,   mysterious,  and  tends 
toward  the  prohibited  rite."     If  this  definition  was  intended  to  be 
strictly  construed;   if,  whenever  a  rite  belonged  to  an  organized 
cult,  was  social  and  public,  we  had  an  instance  of  rehgion  and  not 
of  magic,  the  definition  would  be  satisfactory.     But  the  words 
upon  which  it  turns  are,  according  to  our  authors,  to  be  taken  only 
in  a  relative  sense;    we  are  really  to  understand  that   the  better 
organized,  the  more  social  (the  less  individual),  the  more  public 
(the  less  secret)  the  rite,  the  more  religious  it  is.     That  such  is  the 
meaning  of  our  authors  appears  plainly  in  their  discussion.     One 
reads,  for  instance,  regarding  the  individual  character  of  magic: 
"Magical  rites,  and  magic  in  its  entirety,  are  first  of  all  facts  of 
tradition.     Acts  which  are  not  repeated  are  not  magical.     Acts 
in  the  efficacy  of  which  the  whole  of  a  group  does  not  believe 
are  not  magical.    The  form  of  magical  rites  is  eminently  trans- 
missible and  is  sanctioned  by  pubHc  opinion.     It  follows  from  this 
that  acts  that  are  strictly  individual,  as  for  instance,  the  particular 
superstitious  practices  of  players,  cannot  be  called  magical."    We 
are  told  in  this  passage  that  magical  rites  are  not  strictly  individual, 
but  that  they  are  performed  by,  or  for,  a  group;   whereas  in  the 
definition  we  were  informed   that  magic  was  a  private  affair. 
Among  magical  practices  which  have  clearly  a  non-individualistic, 
non-private,  and  beneficial  character,  the  rain-making  ceremonies 
stand  foremost.     It  seems  then  that  they  should  be  called  religious. 
Yet  our  authors  speak  of  them  as  "quasi-religious,"  which  means, 
I  take  it,  that  they  are  really  magical.     Why  should  they  be  called 
so  does  not  appear;   unless  it  be  simply  because  "the  rain-maker 
is  a  person  who  generally  plays  the  role  of  evil  sorcerer."     Male- 
ficent rites  are  said  to  be  always  magical,  but  we  are  also  told  that 
there  are^  religious  rites  "which  are  equally  evil;   such  are,  for 
instance,  imprecations  against  the  enemy  of  the  city,  against  the 
violator  of  a  sepulchre  or  of  an  oath,  and  all  the  death-ceremonies 
which  sanction  ritual  interdictions."^ 

The  attempt  to  differentiate  magic  from  religion  on  the  ground 
of  social  value,  of  public  character,  of  beneficence,  of  fuller  organi- 
zation of  the  ceremonials,  fails  because  all  that  can  be  claimed, 

^Op.cit.,  pp.  14,  17, 


332  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

even  according  to  our  authors,  is  that  religion  possesses  these 
qualities  more  generally  and  to  a  higher  degree  than  magic.  In 
order  to  obtain  a  differentia,  one  must  look,  as  I  have  done  in  the 
preceding  section,  to  the  different  psychological  natures  of  the  rela- 
tions established  between  the  performer  and  the  object  upon  which 
he  endeavors  to  act. 

The  relative  differences  noticed  by  our  authors,  that,  for 
instance,  rehgion  is  turned  to  account  for  social  ends  more  widely 
than  is  magic,  are  a  consequence  of  the  fundamental  differences  in 
origin  and  in  nature  that  I  have  indicated.  Since  early  gods  are 
regarded  as  tribal  ancestors,  creators,  or  nature  beings,  they  are 
intimately  related,  not  with  isolated  individuals,  hut  with  the  social 
group  as  a  whole.  The  natural  tendency  would  therefore  be  for 
the  tribe  as  a  whole  to  maintain  relations  with  these  beings.  On 
the  other  hand,  no  obvious  reason  exists  for  a  non-personal, 
magical  Power  to  be  considered  as  belonging  to,  or  as  acting  for, 
the  entire  community.  It  is  at  the  service  of  any  individual  who 
chances  to  get  hold  of  it. 

This  same  fundamental  difference  explains  why,  when  the 
separation  between  the  offices  of  magician  and  of  priest  has  taken 
place,  the  magician  is  more  loosely  connected  with  the  tribe  than 
is  the  priest. 

The  frequently  evil  character  of  magic  is  also  readily  explained. 
The  blood-relationship  involved  between  gods  and  the  tribe,  in 
the  conception  of  ancestral  and  creator  gods,  necessarily  implies  a 
general  attitude  of  benevolence  toward  the  tribe.  The  gods  are, 
therefore,  in  theory  at  least,  inaccessible  to  the  enemy  of  the  com- 
mon weal.  The  worship,  by  a  community,  of  personal  powers 
recognized  as  evil  would  lead  speedily  to  the  destruction  of  the 
community,  for  it  would  result  in  a  systematic  strengthening  of 
antisocial  forces.  Thus  it  comes  to  pass  that  magic  is  much  used 
for  the  gratification  of  individual  and  of  evil  purposes. 

3.   PSYCHOLOGY  IN  THE  STUDY  OF  SOCIAL  FACTS 

Durkheim's  conception  of  the  nature  of  religion  and  of  sociology 
leads  him  to  the  opinion  that  the  origin  and  development  of  religion 
are  exclusively  a  concern  of  sociology. 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY 


333 


It  is  thus  a  corollary  of  our  definition  that  the  origin  of  religion  is  not  to  be 
found  in  individual  feelings  or  emotions  but  in  states  of  the  dme  collective,  and 
that  it  varies  as  do  these  states.    Did  religion  arise  out  of  the  constitution  of 

the  individual,  it  would  not  appear  to  him  in  a  coercitive  aspect It  is 

consequently  not  in  human  nature  in  general  that  one  must  seek  for  the  deter- 
mining cause  of  religious  phenomena;  it  is  in  the  nature  of  the  society  to  which 
they  belong,  and  if  they  have  varied  in  the  course  of  history  it  is  because  the 
social  organism  itself  has  changed.' 

In  the  writings  from  which  I  quote,  Durkheim  does  not  once 
mention  social  psychology.     But  he  opposes  throughout  "individual 
psychology"    to   ''sociology."     He   writes,    for    instance,    "even 
though  individual  psychology  had  no  longer  any  secrets  for  us, 
it  could  not  give  us  the  solution  of  any  of  those  problems  [the 
problems  of  sociology],  since  they  refer  to  facts  of  an  order  outside 
the  range  of  individual  psychology."     I  would  not  dissent  from 
this  statement,  provided  "sociology"  means,  or  includes,  the  psy- 
chology of  groups  of  individuals,  in  so  far  as  they  afifect  the  social 
body  and  are  affected  by  its  presence.     But  if  this  and  other 
similar  passages  should  mean  that  sociology  is  not  concerned  with 
the  interpretation  of  social  action  in  terms  of  consciousness,  that  it 
can  dispense  with  the  introspective  method,  i.e.,  that  sociology  is 
not  a  psychological  science,  but  limits  itself  to  the  observation  of 
the  external  activities  of  man,  then  the  astonishment  and  the  oppo- 
sition which  the  methodological  writings  of  Durkheim  have  inspired 
are,  it  seems  to  me,  legitimate.     "  Sociology"  may,  however,  be  used 
by  him  as  a  brief  synonym  for  "social  psychology,"  or  at  least  as 
including  this  branch  of  psychology;  if  so,  his  position  becomes,  to 
me,  unobjectionable.     Unfortunately,  even  after  the  explanations 
provided  in  the  preface  to  the  second  edition  of  Les  regies  de  la 
methode  sociologique,  there  remains  ample  cause  for  perplexity. 

I  wish  to  make  it  perfectly  clear  at  the  outset  that  I  agree  with 
those  who  hold  that  every  ceremony,  whatever  its  kind,  is  a  social 
fact.  A  ceremony  necessarily  has  reference  to  other  selves.  It 
involves  a  relation  between  an  individual  and  the  group  to  which 
he  belongs.  Hence  the  question  I  am  about  to  consider  is  not 
whether  rehgious  rites  are  independent  of  the  social  life,  but 
whether,  or  how  far,  they  can  be  fully  understood  when  observed 

'  Annie  sociologique,  II,  24. 


334 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


from  the  outside,  as  overt  actions,  without  the  assistance  of  a 
psychological  interpretation  of  the  states  of  consciousness  which 
they  express.  Ceremonies  are  the  outcome  of  more  or  less  clear 
processes  taking  place  in  individuals,  under  the  influence  of  other 
conscious  agents,  feeling,  thinking,  and  acting  as  a  unit.  The 
so-called  "social"  forces  before  which  the  believer  bows  are  known 
to  him  as  ideas,  feelings,  impulses,  desires.  Therefore  I  shall 
maintain  that  the  full  understanding  of  religion,  as  of  social  life 
in  general,  demands  not  only  the  observation  of  the  external  out- 
come of  the  collective  life  of  conscious  beings,  but  also  its  inter- 
pretation in  terms  of  consciousness. 

Although  the  present  discussion  is  conducted  with  immediate 
reference  to  religious  behavior,  it  has  a  much  broader  scope.  It 
applies  to  the  respective  shares  of  psychology  and  of  sociology  in 
the  study  of  social  phenomena. 

Durkheim's  argument  may  be  briefly  formulated  thus:  Societies, 
as  the  rest  of  the  world,  are  governed  by  laws  proceeding  neces- 
sarily from  the  nature  of  these  societies  and  expressing  it.  These 
laws  are  different  from  the  laws  of  individual  psychology  because 
individual  life  differs  from  social  life;  the  social  constitution  is  not 
the  same  as  the  individual  constitution.  He  writes,  for  instance, 
of  the  social  reprobation  of  certain  kinds  of  behavior  and  of  the 
punishment  of  crime:  "If  it  [society]  condemns  certain  modes  of 
conduct,  it  is  because  they  shock  fundamental  feehngs  of  the 
group;  and  these  feelings  arise  from  the  physical  temperament  and 
from  the  mental  organization  of  the  group.  Thus,  even  though 
individual  psychology  had  no  longer  any  secret  for  us,  it  could  not 
give  us  the  solution  of  any  of  those  problems  since  they  refer  to 
facts  of  an  order  ignored  by  individual  psychology."  Of  what  use 
could  introspection  be,  since  the  greater  part  of  the  social  institu- 
tions is  transmitted  ready-made?  How  could  we  in  questioning 
ourselves  find  the  causes  from  which  they  arose  ?  Moreover,  we  do 
not  always  know  the  real  reasons  for  our  actions,  neither  do  we 
know  all  of  the  reasons.  And,  for  the  rest,  each  individual  plays 
but  an  infinitesimal  role  in  the  formation  of  the  group  life.' 

Whether   the  difference  between  individual  and  social  facts, 

'  Preface  to  2d  ed.  of  Les  rigles. 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  335 

between  individual  consciousness  and  the  so-called  "social  con- 
sciousness," is  overstated  by  him  or  not,  Durkheim  is  unfortunate 
when  he  attempts  to  support  his  contention  by  drawing  an  analogy 
between  the  relation  of  chemistry  to  biology,  and  the  relation  of 
individual  psychology  to  sociology.  "It  is  not  the  non-living 
particles  of  the  cell  [atoms  of  carbon,  nitrogen,  etc.]  which  feed 
themselves;  reproduce  themselves,  which,  in  a  word,  live;  it  is  the 
cell  itself,  and  only  the  cell."  "The  hardness  of  bronze  is  not  in 
the  copper,  nor  in  the  tin,  nor  in  the  lead  entering  into  its  forma- 
tion. These  metals  are  soft  or  flexible.  Its  hardness  belongs  to 
their  mixture."  Similarly  of  the  fluidity  of  water  and  of  its  alimen- 
tary properties.  "Thus  the  separation  which  we  establish  later  on 
between  psychology  proper,  or  the  science  of  the  mental  individual, 
and  sociology  is  seen  to  be  justified  by  a  new  argument."^ 

If  the  relation  between  the  individual  and  society  were  truly 
in  every  respect  the  same  as  that  between  atoms  and  their  chemical 
compounds,  Durkheim's  contention  for  a  sociology  independent 
of  individual  psychology  would  be  valid.  But  this  is  one  of  the 
instances  in  which  the  facts  compared,  similar  in  certain  respects, 
are  illegitimately  dealt  with  as  if  they  were  similar  in  other  respects. 
Hence  the  conclusion  drawn  from  the  comparison  includes  more 
than  is  warranted  by  the  likenesses  between  the  facts.  It  is  true 
that  neither  copper,  nor  tin,  nor  lead  is  as  hard  and  inflexible  as 
the  bronze  formed  by  their  combination,  and  the  fluidity  is  a  prop- 
erty belonging  to  neither  one  nor  the  other  of  the  component 
elements  of  water.  But  these  facts  show  merely  that  elements  of 
a  certain  nature  form  compounds  possessing  properties  of  a  certain 
kind,  not  belonging  to  the  separate  elements.  Before  one  is  justi- 
fied in  drawing  the  parallel  which  Durkheim  draws,  there  remains 
to  be  shown  that  human  elements  are  similar  to  chemical  elements 
with  regard  to  the  point  at  issue.  Durkheim  assumes  that  they 
are.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  presence  of  consciousness  introduces 
into  the  relation  of  individuals  to  society  an  essential  element  not 
to  be  found  in  the  relation  of  physical  elements  to  their  compounds. 
This  difference  appears  to  me  wholly  to  invalidate  Durkheim's 
parallel. 

'Ibid. 


336  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

In  the  preface  to  the  second  edition  of  Les  regies,  we  find  what 
may  be  regarded  as  a  concession  to  psychology,  a  concession  which 
in  my  estimation  is  still  far  from  sufficient,  but  which  lays  the 
foundation  for  a  future  agreement  concerning  the  share  of  psychol- 
ogy in  the  investigation  of  sociological  facts.  Durkheim  begins 
by  reaffirming  the  heterogeneity  of  individual  and  social  facts. 
"The  states  of  the  collective  consciousness  are  of  another  nature 
than  the  states  of  individual  consciousness;  they  are  representa- 
tions of  another  kind.  The  mentality  of  groups  is  not  that  of 
individuals.  It  has  its  own  laws.  The  two  sciences  are  therefore 
as  definitely  distinct  as  two  sciences  can  well  be,  whatever  relations 
may  in  other  respects  exist  between  them."  This  said,  he  makes 
the  admission  that  social  phenomena  are  psychological.  ''One 
may  ask  oneself  if  individual  representations  and  collective  repre- 
sentations do  not  resemble  each  other  in  that  they  are  both  repre- 
sentations; and  if,  in  consequence  of  this  resemblance,  certain 
abstract  laws  might  not  be  common  to  both  spheres."  "One 
comes  thus  to  conceive  the  possibility  of  a  psychology  altogether 
formal,  belonging  in  common  to  individual  psychology  and  to 
sociology."  But  whether  this  is  more  than  a  possibility,  he  is  not 
ready  to  say.  The  imperfect  state  of  our  knowledge  seems  to  him 
to  make  a  categorical  answer  impossible;  we  do  not  know  "the 
laws  according  to  which  collective  representations  [ideas]  associate 
or  repel  each  other." 

Before  concluding  I  wish  to  turn  to  particular  facts  in  an  attempt 
to  indicate,  more  concretely  than  I  have  done  so  far,  the  necessity 
under  which  the  student  of  social  life  is  to  make  use  both  of  the 
objective  and  of  the  introspective  (psychological)  method.  I  shall 
find  it  convenient  to  choose  my  instances  in  the  field  of  the  origin 
of  rehgion. 

I  may  be  permitted  a  preluninary  remark  concerning  the  one- 
sided conceptions  which  have  so  far  prevailed  regarding  the  origin 
of  religion.  Some  authors  have  written  as  if,  when  they  had 
accounted  for  the  origin  of  the  god-ideas,  they  had  explained  the 
origin  of  religion.  Others  have  thought  that  their  work  was 
finished  when  they  had  discovered  the  emotion  or  emotions  char- 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  337 

acteristic  of  the  earliest  religions.  Still  others  have  been  content 
to  bring  to  light  the  original  religious  practices.  But  religion  is 
neither  idea,  nor  emotion,  nor  "practice;  it  includes  all  of  these, 
for  it  is  a  form  of  life,  a  type  of  conscious  behavior.  The  task  of 
the  student  of  origins  is  to  determine  the  beginnings  of  religion 
with  regard  to  these  several  constituent  elements. 

The  presence  of  religion  implies  that  of  needs  and  desires: 
need  for  food,  desire  for  power,  for  self-respect,  etc.  But  there  are 
no  need  and  no  desire  religious  per  se.  A  need  enters  into  the  reli- 
gious life  when  it  becomes  the  instigator  of  the  mode  of  behavior 
called  religion,  i.e.,  when  the  gratification  of  the  need  is  thought 
to  be  dependent  upon  a  power  of  a  psychic  and,  usually,  personal 
nature. 

I.  Religions  are  commonly  separated  into  ethical  and  non- 
ethical  religions.  This  classification  indicates  the  great  importance 
of  the  appearance  of  ethical  needs  in  religious  life;  they  transform 
religious  institutions.  Would  it  not  be  preposterous,  in  an  investi- 
gation of  this  transformation,  to  refrain  from  turning  to  the  intro- 
spective data  which  founders  and  reformers  of  ethical  religions 
have  left  us,  and  from  interpreting  in  the  light  of  our  own  conscious- 
ness of  ethical  relations  their  autobiographies,  letters,  didactic 
writings,  etc.  ?  Are  not  these  writings  a  unique  source  of  informa- 
tion as  to  how  these  individuals  apprehended  social  life,  and  why 
they  rejected  certain  of  its  beliefs  and  practices,  while  they  struggled 
and  even  died  in  order  to  introduce  others  ? 

Is  there,  for  instance,  nothing  of  importance  to  be  learned  in  a 
study  of  Luther's  private  life,  of  his  temperament,  of  his  aesthetic 
and  ethical  sensibility,  by  the  sociologists  desirous  of  understand- 
ing the  causes  of  the  transformation  of  religious  institutions  in 
which  he  was  the  chief  individual  instrument  ?  The  day  is  indeed 
past  for  believing  that  an  individual,  however  mighty,  can  cast 
society  in  any  mold  shaped  by  his  fancy.  We  know  now  that  the 
men  who  have  left  their  impress  upon  society  have  been  privileged 
to  do  so  because  they  were  the  instruments  of  communal  forces. 
But  the  brilliancy  of  this  discovery  should  not  blind  us  to  the  share 
belonging  to  the  individual  in  the  social  work.  Why  is  it  that 
Luther  and  not  some  other  one  of  the  millions  of  his  fellow- 


338  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

countrymen  became  the  Reformer  ?  Is  it  merely  because  he  alone 
was  placed  in  just  those  external  circumstances  which  would  make 
of  a  man  the  reformer  that  he  was  ?  The  external  influences  which 
acted  upon  Luther  were,  without  doubt,  indispensable,  but  must 
not  Luther  himself  be  considered  an  original  center  of  energy? 
Do  not  Luther's  internal  struggles  with  certain  passions,  his  con- 
sciousness of  sin,  and  the  final  triumph  of  faith  under  peculiar 
circumstances,  throw  a  light  upon  the  Lutheran  doctrine  of  justi- 
fication by  faith  which  cannot  be  shed  by  a  merely  external  study 
of  the  behavior  of  the  reformer  and  of  the  doctrines  he  set  forth  ? 

Expressed  in  more  general  terms,  my  contention  is  merely  that 
individuals  do  more  than  reflect  social  life ;  they  modify  it,  for  they 
are  centers  of  creative  energy.  Identical  circumstances  acting 
at  the  same  moment  upon  two  persons  will  not  produce  identical 
effects,  for  men  are  not  identical.  Why  men  differ  is  another 
problem.  Their  differences  are  to  be  accounted  for  in  part  by  the 
different  circumstances,  physical  and  psychical,  in  which  they  have 
grown.  I  say  "in  part,"  because  it  cannot  be  assumed  that  men 
are  born  identical,  and  because,  different  at  the  start,  they  grow 
still  more  different,  though  living  in  the  same  milieu. 

When  an  economist  tells  us  that  a  study  of  economic  conditions 
covers  whatever  need  be  known  in  order  to  understand  and  predict 
the  number  of  suicides,  he  forgets  that  there  are  other  factors 
affecting  man's  life  besides  poverty.  Are  there  not  men  who  delight 
in  want  and  privation,  who  voluntarily  seek  poverty  and  starve 
their  bodies,  not  to  destroy  but  only  to  rule  it?  What  definite 
and  exact  relation  would  there  be  between  suicide  and  poverty 
in  a  community  possessed  by  the  ascetic's  ideal  to  which  I  allude  ? 
And  is  it  not  well  known  that  ideas  are  contagious,  particularly 
in  certain  persons  and  in  certain  circumstances,  and  that  there  are 
epidemics  of  suicide,  the  partial  cause  of  which  is  to  be  found  in 
individual  suggestibility  ? 

2.  Whether  one  holds  (as  I  do),  or  not,  that  the  proper  use  of 
the  word  "religion"  involves  belief  in  unseen,  hyperhuman  powers, 
usually  personal,  the  genesis  and  development  of  the  god-ideas 
constitute  one  of  the  important  problems  of  the  origin  of  rehgion. 

Primitive   gods   are   probably   in   many   instances   ancestors 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY 


339 


deified.  But  how  and  why  have  ancestors  been  deified  ?  What  are 
the  needs  which  prompt  to  deification  and  what  are  the  mental 
operations  involved  in  the  process?  These  questions  require  , 
psychological  answers.  It  is  but  a  beginning  of  a  solution  to  say  ^' 
for  mstance,  that  the  gods  of  any  particular  tribe  are  water-gods' 
because  the  tribe's  life  is  dependent  to  an  unusual  degree  upon  the 
ocean.  Fish  are  altogether  dependent  upon  water,  yet  they  have 
no  gods. 

In  questioning  civilized  persons,  one  discovers  that  certain  of 
them  live  in  a  world  peopled  by  invisible  beings  and  others  are 
entirely  free  from  that  beUef.     This  difference  appears  not  infre- 
quently between  persons  brought  up  together  in  the  same  family 
One  member  of  the  family  has  rejected  gods,  angels,  and  demons; 
another  has  mcorporated  them  in  his  social  group.     There  are 
individual  psychological  affinities  and  immunities.     The  sociologist 
who  would  go  to  the  bottom  of  the  question  of  belief  and  creed 
not  only  must  perforce  inquire  into  the  external  influences  to  which 
these  diverging  persons  are  equally  submitted,  but  he  must  turn 
psychologist  and  examine  the  individual  causes  of  the  observed 
divergences. 

God-ideas  may  arise  in  several  ways  in  addition  to  the  direct 
deification  of  great  chiefs:    in  naive  attempts  to  explain  certain 
tacts  of  common  observation  (dreams,  trances,  swoons,  etc)    in 
the  personification  of  striking  phenomena  (thunder,  vegetation 
etc.),  m  answer  to  the  problem  of  creation. 

How  shall  one  get  in  any  particular  instance  to  the  origin  of  a 
god-idea?  One  cannot  question  those  who  first  brought  it  out 
they  have  gone  forever.  And  if  one  questions  the  existing  savage' 
one  finds  usuaUy  that  he  cannot  give  a  satisfactory  account  of 
Ins  behef  and  behavior.  Nevertheless,  much  has  been  learned  from 
the  savage's  own  account  of  himself.  The  psychologist  may  sup- 
plement the  knowledge  thus  secured  by  an  examination  of  the 
child  s  mind.  And  he  may,  further,  by  self-introspection  secure 
much  that  may  serve  in  the  interpretation  of  the  behavior  of 
primitive  man.  Durkheim's  remark  that  we  do  not  always  know 
the  true  reasons,  nor  all  the  reasons,  for  our  actions  is  evidently 
true.    But  it  is  Just  as  true  surely  that  we  usually  know  some  of 


340  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

them  and  that  a  study  of  actions  considered  objectively  does  not, 
more  exactly  or  fully,  reveal  all  the  motives  of  behavior.  By 
getting  introspective  descriptions  from  many  persons  of  the  causes 
of  the  same  actions,  one  has  as  good  a  chance,  it  would  seem,  of 
making  a  full  and  exact  discovery  of  causes  as  by  an  external 
method.  In  any  case,  I  do  not  know  why  one  should  neglect  either 
of  these  methods  when  searching  for  the  genesis  of  the  god-ideas. 

3.  One  may  hint  here  at  the  influence  of  hallucinations  and  of 
''revelations"  upon  the  formation  of  religions.  The  content  of 
the  alleged  revelations  is,  in  part,  provided  by  the  social  forms  and 
ideals,  and  in  part  by  that  which  is  peculiar  to  the  seer. 

In  the  higher  religions,  mysticism  is  a  potent  factor  of  develop- 
ment. In  the  consciousness  of  mystical  souls,  in  the  peculiarity 
and  intensity  of  their  likes  and  dislikes,  rehgious  forms  and  ideals 
are  elaborated,  not,  of  course,  in  absolute  independence  of  the  ideals 
and  forms  of  the  Hfe  about  them,  but  often  in  deadly  antagonism 
to  the  dominating  ones.  An  adequate  understanding  of  certain 
phases  of  the  development  of  religion  cannot  be  had  without  an 
investigation  of  the  inner  life  of  the  great  mystics. 

4.  Another  set  of  problems  with  which  the  sociologist  must 
deal  in  collaboration  with  the  psychologist  treats  of  the  effects  of 
religious  institutions  upon  society.  The  tonic  value  of  behef  in 
benevolent  gods;  the  use  made  of  them  for  securing  physical 
goods,  or  subjective  qualities  with  which  gods  have  been  endowed 
by  the  very  persons  desiring  these  qualities;  the  peace,  the  assur- 
ance, the  joy  that  are  the  most  common  fruits  of  the  ethical 
reUgions;  the  sense  of  divine  presence;  the  transformations,  at 
times  marvelous,  happening  in  many  persons  under  the  influence 
of  religious  convictions — these  and  other  similar  problems  demand 
descriptions  and  explanations  which  cannot  be  provided  altogether 
either  by  the  psychologist  or  by  the  sociologist  working  independ- 
ently; they  are  problems  of  social  and  individual  psychology. 

The  place  of  the  introspective  psychological  method  in  the 
study  of  social  Hfe  is  implied  in  the  following,  to  me  self-evident, 
propositions: 

I.  The  consciousness  and,  therefore,  the  actions  of  individuals 
are  deeply  and  variously  modified  by  the  presence  of  the  other 


SOCIOLOGY  AND  PSYCHOLOGY  341 

conscious  beings  forming  the  group.  An  individual  in  a  crowd 
does  not  behave  as  he  would  if  he  were  alone  in  the  same  circum- 
stances, for  he  is  moved  to  action  both  directly  by  external  events, 
and  by  those  events  as  they  are  reacted  to  by  the  members  of  the 
crowd. 

2.  Nevertheless,  all  needs,  all  desires,  feeUngs,  ideas,  and  actions, 
whether  they  be  called  individual  or  social,  appear  exclusively  in 
conscious  individuals. 

The  term  "social  consciousness"  may  be  intended  to  mean 
the  consciousness,  in  an  individual,  of  the  group  to  which  he  belongs, 
for  example,  of  its  authoritative  demands  upon  him.  In  that  sense 
the  expression  has  a  definite  significance  and  is  legitimately  used. 
If  "social  consciousness"  is  given  another  meaning,  that  new 
meaning  should  be  clearly  defined  and  carefully  adhered  to.  The 
danger  of  juggHng  with  that  expression,  defining  it  in  one  sense  and 
using  it  in  another,  is  very  great.  When  "social  consciousness" 
is  not  used  in  the  sense  in  which  individuals  are  said  to  be  conscious 
of  a  desire,  of  an  emotion,  of  a  purpose,  what  does  it  mean  ?  There 
is  no  "social  consciousness"  in  any  sense  other  than  that  of  "con- 
sciousness of  the  group  in  the  individuals  composing  it";  there  is  no 
ante  collective,  no  sentiment  collectif,  but  only  collections  of  souls, 
and  sentiments  common  to  all  the  members  of  the  group. 

3.  Life  in  society  is  the  outcome  of  the  reactions  of  conscious 
individuals  to  their  common  physical  surroundings,  and  to  the 
other  individuals  composing  the  group,  both  when  considered  as 
independent  units,  and  when  considered  as  groups.  A  full  under- 
standing of  social  facts  requires,  therefore,  (a)  a  knowledge  of  the 
physical  environment;  (b)  a  knowledge  of  the  nature  of  the 
reacting  individuals;  (c)  a  knowledge  of  the  psychical  environment, 
i.e.,  of  the  needs,  desires,  habits,  ideas,  and  feelings  common  to  the 
members  of  the  group. 

4.  Since  social  facts  "all  consist  in  ways  of  thinking  and  act- 
ing," the  ultimate  explanation  will  have  to  be  given  in  psychologi- 
cal terms,  i.e.,  sociology  is  a  psychological  science  of  which  the 
observation  of  social  institutions  is  merely  the  starting-point.^ 

'  The  discussions  which  have  arisen  on  the  appearance  of  Les  regies  de  la  methode 
sociologique  suffer,  I  fear,  in  several  instances  from  the  lack  of  a  clear  differentiation 
between  individual  psychology  and  a  psychology  of  group  of  conscious  individuals  as 


342  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Whatever  the  conclusions  upon  which  psychologists  and  soci- 
ologists may  ultimately  find  themselves  in  agreement,  I  am  sure 
the  debt  owed  to  Durkheim  and  his  school  for  the  vigor  with  which 
they  have  pushed,  in  the  study  of  religion,  the  heretofore  neglected 
objective  method,  and  for  the  valuable  fruits  the  method  has 
already  produced,  will  remain  a  heavy  one. 

they  are  affected  by  and  as  they  affect  the  group  to  which  they  belong,  i.e.,  social 
psychology.  Regarding  this  point,  I  must  limit  myself  to  vety  brief  statements. 
Individual  psychology  includes  the  topics  usually  dealt  with  in  the  psychological 
manuals  of  the  kind  now  called  "structural"  psychology.  It  deals  with  the  attributes 
of  sensations,  the  threshold  of  stimuli,  the  discrimination  sensibility,  the  relation  of 
sensation  to  the  pleasant  and  the  unpleasant,  with  the  connections  of  sensations,  with 
the  laws  of  recall,  with  the  psychological  and  physiological  condition  of  attention,  etc., 
all  this  without  reference  to  the  particular  influence  exercised  upon  mental  life  by  the 
existence  of  other  conscious  beings.  The  recent  movement,  in  evidence  chiefly  in  the 
United  States,  called  functional  psychology,  has  an  inherent  tendency  to  pass  into  the 
field  of  social  psychology.  Social  psychology  is  primarily  concerned  with  the  modi- 
fications wrought  in  individuals  by  the  consciousness  of  the  group  to  which  they  belong, 
and  with  the  common  behavior  prompted  by  the  consciousness  of  the  group. 

The  separation  of  that  which  is  called  individual  from  that  which  deserves  the 
name  "social"  in  psychology  is  not  in  everj^  instance  easy.  But  one  may  affirm  in 
general  that  since  each  of  these  branches  of  psychology  deals  with  facts  of  conscious- 
ness, they  will  have  certain  fundamental  laws  in  common.  What  these  laws  are  will 
appear  as  our  knowledge  grows.  A  complete  agreement  between  individual  psy- 
chologists and  sociologists  should  not  be,  however,  hoped  for  until  both  have  carried 
their  work  far  enough  to  make  evident  the  kind  of  contribution  which  may  be  expected 
of  them. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE 


JOHN  M.  MECKLIN 
Lafayette  College 


The  term  *'  the  color  line  "  has  come  to  be  a  comprehensive  desig- 
nation for  all  the  varied  means  made  use  of  by  the  white  group  to 
effect  the  racial  segregation  of  the  Negro.  As  we  shall  see,  its  ulti- 
mate explanation  is  to  be  found  in  those  forces  making  for  racial 
antipathy,  the  most  fundamental  of  which  perhaps  is  the  refusal  of 
social  sanction  to  intermarriage.  The  term  is  particularly  obnox- 
ious to  many  Negro  leaders  and  for  reasons  which  can  be  easily 
understood.  In  their  criticisms,  however,  they  seem  to  ignore  the 
deep-lying  racial  factors  involved  and  inveigh  against  it  as  a  flagrant 
violation  of  the  principles  of  American  democracy  as  defined  in  our 
federal  constitution.  It  is  viewed  as  essentially  southern  in  origin 
and  spirit,  the  aftermath  of  slavery,  and  all  manifestations  of  it  in 
the  North  are  explained  as  infusions  of  southern  prejudices.  A 
typical  illustration  is  the  general  tendency  of  the  Negro  press  to 
see  in  the  recent  introduction  into  the  legislatures  of  the  northern 
states  of  bills  against  the  intermarriage  of  whites  and  blacks  an 
indication  of  southern  influence  (see  the  editorial  "The  Race  Mar- 
riage Question"  in  the  Negro  paper,  the  'New  York  Age,  February 
26,  1913;  also  the  editorial  for  February  27,  "Shall  the  South  Rule 
the  Nation?").  In  view  of  existing  differences  of  opinion  it  is 
perhaps  well  to  raise  the  question  as  to  just  what  is  involved  in  the 
color  line.  The  problem  is  not  sectional  or  national  but  racial  in 
character. 

Wherever  the  white  of  English  stock  has  been  brought  into 
contact  with  masses  of  Negroes  and  however  the  geographic, 
economic,  or  political  conditions  have  differed,  we  find  two  great 
outstanding  facts  in  which  they  all  agree,  namely,  the  stubborn 
opposition  of  the  white  to  race  fusion  and  the  strenuous  insistence 
upon   the   supremacy   of   his   group   ideals.     Extraneous   public 

343    . 


344  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

sentiment  and  the  demands  of  a  theoretical  democracy  have  never 
been  able  to  swerve  the  local  white  group  from  settling  all  inter- 
racial questions  upon  this  basis.  The  attitude  of  the  whites  of 
the  southern  states  finds  a  parallel  in  the  bearing  of  the  English 
toward  backward  races  of  the  colonies,  and  particularly  in  the 
relations  of  whites  and  blacks  in  South  Africa. 

Where  racial  contact  without  fusion  occurs,  there  are,  accord- 
ing to  Bryce,  three  possibilities.'  In  the  case  of  tropical  or  semi- 
tropical  countries  the  white  often  rules  a  people  as  a  military 
dependency  or  under  a  paternalistic  government.  This  is  the 
situation  in  Java  under  the  Dutch,  and  in  Jamaica  under  the 
paternalistic  regime  of  the  English,  where,  perhaps,  the  relations 
of  Negro  and  white  are  the  most  amicable  to  be  found  anywhere. 
Again,  it  sometimes  happens  that  a  people  of  different  stock  enters 
territory  already  occupied  by  the  white  in  search  of  employment, 
instances  of  which  are  the  Chinese  immigrations  to  the  Pacific  Coast 
and  to  Australia.  The  race  friction  to  which  this  gives  rise  can  be 
controlled  by  legislation.  A  third  possibility  is  where  whites  and 
blacks  find  themselves  forced  by  circumstances  over  which  they 
have  no  immediate  control  to  live  side  by  side  in  large  numbers 
and  ostensibly  under  democratic  institutions.  This  is  the  situa- 
tion in  the  southern  states  and  in  South  Africa.  It  is  fraught 
with  the  greatest  complications  and  hence  is  a  fruitful  cause  of 
race  antagonism. 

The  race  relations  in  Jamaica  have  often  been  contrasted  with 
those  in  this  country,  and  made  the  basis  of  criticisms  of  the 
American  treatment  of  the  Negro.  It  must  be  observed,  however, 
that  in  Jamaica  there  are  a  number  of  reasons  why  race  antagom'sm 
has  always  been  at  a  minimum,  reasons  which  vitiate  entirely  the 
parallel  Professor  Royce  and  others  have  drawn  between  the 
Negro  in  the  South  and  in  Jamaica,  and  upon  which  he  bases  his 
kindly  though  somewhat  condescending  advice  to  his  ''Southern 
brethren."'  Jamaica  is  far  more  of  a  black  man's  country  than  the 
South  has  ever  been;    there  are  over  700,000  Negroes  upon  the 

'  Relations  of  the  Advanced  and  Backward  Races,  the  Romanes  Lecture  for  1902, 
pp.  28  ff. 

'  Royce,  Race  Questions,  p.  15. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  345 

island  and  something  over  15,000  whites,  but  "these  whites  pre- 
dominate in  the  governing  and  employing  class,  and  as  merchants 
or  planters  lead  and  direct  the  industrial  life  of  the  island.'"  In 
other  words,  there  has  never  been  a  time  since  the  English  first 
set  foot  upon  the  island  when  they  have  not  been  complete  and 
undisputed  masters  of  its  destiny,  barring  perhaps  the  tragic  episode 
of  the  Gordon  riots  of  1865  which  only  convinced  them  of  the  folly 
of  trying  any  other  policy.  The  "orderly,  law-abiding,  and  con- 
tented" character  of  the  Jamaican  Negro  which  Professor  Royce 
found  so  charming  is  the  outcome  of  the  benevolent  paternalism  of 
the  English  regime,  the  fundamental  idea  of  which  is  the  complete 
subordination  of  the  Negro  to  the  will  of  the  white.  The  Negro,  who 
has  never  known  any  other  conditions,  accepts  this  as  part  of  the 
eternal  order  of  things  with  the  result  that  the  status  of  the  ruling 
white  and  that  of  the  masses  of  the  peasant  Negro  laborers  are 
entirely  separated  and  occasion  for  friction  is  reduced  to  a  minimum. 
The  sections  of  the  South  where  there  is  the  least  friction  between 
the  races  are  found  on  the  plantations  of  the  "black  belt,"  where 
as  in  Jamaica  the  Negroes  outnumber  the  whites,  and  where,  the 
war  amendments  and  the  "Bill  of  Rights"  to  the  contrary  notwith- 
standing, a  paternalistic  regime  is  in  force  similar  in  many  ways  to 
that  in  Jamaica. 

Again,  any  parallel  between  Jamaican  conditions  and  the  status 
of  the  Negro  in  this  country  must  recognize  a  difference  of  the 
very  greatest  importance  between  the  two  countries,  namely, 
that  from  the  emancipation  of  the  Negro  to  the  present  in  the 
United  States  he  has  had  dinned  into  his  ears  the  democratic  doc- 
trine of  his  inherent  equality  with  the  white,  and  hence  his  inalien- 
able right  as  a  class  to  all  the  privileges  and  emoluments  of  the 
community  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  white.  Whatever  may 
be  said  of  the  theoretical  justice  of  such  a  doctrine,  the  fact  remains 
that  never  in  the  history  of  the  contact  of  the  white  and  the  black 
races  has  such  an  ideal  been  realized;  least  of  all  has  England, 
the  champion  of  freedom,  ever  made  it  the  basis  of  practical 
relations  with  backward  races.  Nothing  would  doubtless  be  more 
agreeable  to  the  southerner  with  his  nine  millions  of  Negroes  than 

'  Olivier,  White  Capital  and  Coloured  Labour,  p.  34. 


346  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  establishment  in  the  South  of  a  paternalistic  government  similar 
to  that  in  Jamaica.  But  this  would  involve  the  utter  repudiation 
of  the  spirit  if  not  the  letter  of  the  Reconstruction  legislation  in 
behalf  of  the  Negro  and  a  surrender  of  the  transcendental  concep- 
tion of  human  rights  which  it  implies  and  which  is  today  the 
rallying-point  for  the  Negro  contenders  for  complete  equality  and 
their  white  supporters.  It  may  be  seriously  doubted  whether 
Professor  Royce  is  prepared  to  surrender  the  orthodox  conception 
of  democracy  as  it  is  embodied  in  our  political  symbols.  Finally, 
the  period  in  the  relations  of  the  two  races  when  "English  adminis- 
tration" and  "English  reticence"'  could  have  been  cultivated 
successfully  belongs  in  all  probability  to  an  irrevocable  past.  It 
was  possible  at  the  close  of  the  war  to  have  instituted  a  paternalistic 
relation  between  freeman  and  white  which  in  time  might  have 
developed  at  the  South  conditions  parallel  to  those  we  see  in  Jamaica 
and  with  the  same  happy  relations  between  the  races.  The  differ- 
ent southern  states  did  in  fact  make  an  attempt  to  outline  some 
such  regime  in  their  "black  codes";  but  the  Reconstruction  period 
and  the  years  that  have  intervened  have  built  up  totally  different 
relations  between  the  races,  and  have  instilled  into  the  black 
political  and  social  ambitions  which  it  is  idle  to  expect  that  he  can 
be  easily  induced  to  forego. 

Out  of  this  period  of  utterly  unnecessary  race  friction  was  born 
the  "color  line"  which  is  such  a  rock  of  offense  to  the  ambitious 
Negro.  It  cannot  be  said  that  it  was  due  to  "the  traditional 
place  which  he  (the  Negro)  has  occupied  in  the  social  scheme," 
namely,  slavery.*  Slavery  of  a  far  worse  type  than  that  of  the 
South  existed  in  Jamaica,  and  yet  there  is  no  "color  line"  in  this 
island,  but  only  "that  natural  antipathy  which  regulates  the 
relations  of  all  widely  separated  peoples,  the  sentinel  which  keeps 
watch  and  ward  over  the  purity  of  highly  developed  races.  "^  As 
we  have  seen,  nowhere  in  history  has  the  white  lived  in  contact 
with  a  backward  race  except  on  the  unconditional  acknowledgment 
of  the  supremacy  of  the  white  group.     In  every  other  case  except 

'  Royce,  op.  cit.,  p.  22.  *  K.  Miller,  Race  Adjustment,  p.  115. 

J  Livingstone,  "The  West  Indian  and  American  Negro,"  North  American  Review, 
1907,  CLXXXV,  646. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  347 

the  South  the  white  has  Justified  his  supremacy  by  definite  laws 
and  a  political  order  as  is  shown  in  the  case  of  the  British  West 
Indies  and  South  Africa.  Under  the  pressure  of  the  passion  and 
prejudice  of  the  Reconstruction  period,  however,  the  whites  were 
to  a  large  extent  eliminated  politically  by  a  provision  of  the  Four- 
teenth Amendment,  in  reality  the  first  actual  drawing  of  the  "color 
line"  in  the  South,^  and  a  political  regime  was  initiated  on  the 
basis  of  Negro  rule.  The  constitutional  amendments  were  designed 
to  perpetuate  this  clothing  of  the  Negro  with  the  highest  political 
power  and  they  remained,  of  course,  after  the  white  regained 
home  rule. 

The  white  group  which  had  never  yet  admitted  a  backward  or 
inferior  race  to  share  in  the  shaping  of  its  political  and  social  ideals 
found  itself  facing  a  situation  of  peculiar  difficulty.     The  weaker 
group,  which  as  a  whole  had  little  or  no  comprehension  of  the  real 
issue  at  stake,  was  used  as  a  catspaw  by  unscrupulous  leaders  who 
were  supported  in  their  policy  by  the  highest  law  of  the  land,  the 
public  sentiment  of  the  North,  and  the  military  arm  of  the  nation. 
Under  normal   conditions   the   whites   would   undoubtedly   have 
followed  the  precedent  set  by  the  English  in  Jamaica  and  determined 
by  law  the  status  of  the  weaker  group  and  assured  the  dominance 
of  the  white,  and  hence  a  stable  social  order  under  which  the  Negro 
could  have  worked  out  his  social  salvation  under  the  tutelage  of  the 
white.     This  was  impossible,  so  they  fell  back  upon  the  more  subtle 
and  powerful  force  of  public  sentiment  and  usage  from  which  all  law 
gets  its  meaning  and  sanction.    The  law  guaranteed  to  the  black  civil 
and  poUtical  rights  and  social  privileges  on  an  equality  with  the 
white,  but  in  a  thousand  subtle  ways  that  really  invalidated  the 
spirit  without  breaking  the  letter  of  the  statutes  the  whites  found 
means  for  keeping  the  Negro  in  a  subordinate  social  and  political 
position  and  completely  subservient  to  the  will  of  the  dominant 
group.    The  ''color  line"  is  the  result  of  this  effort  of  the  ruling 
group  to  make  the  black  constantly  aware  of  his  subordinate 
status  and  actually  to  restrict  him  to  it  in  the  absence  of  legal 
means  for  so  doing.     The  real  motive  here  was  not  so  much  to 
humiliate  the  black  or  to  perpetuate  the  social  habits  of  slavery; 

'  Murphy,  The  Basis  of  Ascendency,  p.  7. 


348  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  determining  factor  was  the  practical  necessity  of  finding  and 
maintaining  a  modus  vivendi  between  a  race  with  long  training  in  the 
exercise  of  democratic  liberties  and  another  utterly  without  training 
and  forced  by  disabilities  of  its  own  to  occupy  indefinitely  a  sub- 
ordinate place  in  the  social  order.  The  problem  was  exactly  that 
faced  by  the  Enghsh  in  South  Africa,  namely,  "the  construction  of 
a  government  which,  while  democratic  as  regards  one  of  the  races, 
cannot  safely  be  made  democratic  as  regards  the  other."'  After 
the  long  and  costly  experiment  of  military  coercion  in  Reconstruc- 
tion, entailing  many  acts  of  lawlessness  and  an  outrageous  defiance 
of  the  forms  and  principles  of  a  free  democracy,  besides  engendering 
much  heart-burning  between  the  two  races,  the  masses  of  the 
nation  have  slowly  come  around  to  the  common-sense  view  never 
once  deserted  by  the  Englishman  in  his  relations  to  the  Negro  in 
Jamaica  and  South  Africa,  namely,  that  the  dominance  of  the 
white  group  is  the  prerequisite  of  anything  like  satisfactory  rela- 
tions between  the  two  races.  Once  more  the  white  race  has 
vindicated  its  traditions  of  supremacy,  but  the  experience  was  a 
costly  one  for  the  South,  the  Negro,  and  the  nation. 

The  democratic  institutions  by  which  it  was  attempted  through 
outside  coercion  to  hold  together  on  a  parity  two  widely  divergent 
racial  groups  were  originally  created  on  the  supposition  of  the 
ability  of  all  members  of  the  community  to  enter  into  a  sympa- 
thetic understanding  of  them,  and  thus  to  cherish  that  community 
of  interests  necessary  to  their  preservation.  The  laws  thus  recog- 
nized no  other  basis  of  social  co-operation  than  that  of  the  most 
comprehensive  democracy,  and  when  this  proved  inadequate  to 
the  situation  the  groups  concerned  were  thrown  back  upon  irrational 
group  instincts  in  which  case  the  stronger  always  prevails  and  that 
by  the  use  of  means  that  are  too  often  anti-social.  Democracy  thus 
became  through  the  logic  of  events  practically  a  carte  blanche  for  a 
return  to  more  primitive  social  conditions.  This  was  most  unfor- 
tunate for  both  groups.  It  educated  the  higher  group  into  anti- 
social and  extra-legal  ways  of  executing  the  social  will,  and  gave 
rise  to  a  feeling  of  disrespect  for  democratic  institutions.  It  begot 
in  the  weaker  group  a  sense  of  wrong  without  educating  it  into  a 

'  Bryce,  Impressions  of  South  Africa,  p.  360. 


TEE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  349 

higher  regard  for  social  values.  The  Negro's  sufferings  became  the 
fruitful  source  of  outside  sympathy  and  even  of  much  uncritical 
sentimentality  which  led  to  an  exaggerated  feeling  of  injustice 
in  the  Negro  himself  without  in  any  way  creating  in  him  a  sane 
and  healthful  sense  of  his  own  weaknesses  and  a  regard  for  his 
social  obligations. 

The  psychological  effect  of  the  Sturm  und  Drang  period  of  the 
Reconstruction  upon  the  whites  in  the  South  can  hardly  be  over- 
estimated.    It  intensified  racial  differences  and  interests  in  a  way 
most  injurious  to  both  groups  but  especially  to  the  Negro.     The 
whites  of  the  South  came  out  of  it  with  the  feeling  of  racial  solidarity 
as  the  supreme  and  determining  factor  of  their  thought  and  life. 
They  have  consequently  presented  for  over  half  a  century  the  most 
compact  and  doggedly  determined  section  of  the  citizenship  of  the 
nation  in  their  devotion  to  group  ideals.     This  can  only  be  under- 
stood when  we  remember  that  during  their  struggle  against  Negro 
domination:    "They  were  pilloried  in  public  print,  'investigated/ 
time  after  time,  almost  as  a  holiday  task,  and  'reported  on'  by 
committees  of  hostile  congresses.     They  were  cartooned  by  the  pen 
of  Nast,  their  every  fault  was  hunted  out  and  magnified  and  set  on  a 
hill,  for  all  the  world  to  gaze  at  as  typical  of  a  'barbarous  people.' 
Their  misfortunes  were  paraded  as  the  well  earned  fruit  of  treason."' 
It  took  ten  years  of  misrule  and  bitter  humihation  to  create  the 
"solid  South,"  but  the  work  was  done  so  thoroughly  that  it  will  in 
all  probability  persist  for  years  to  come.     It  is  a  familiar  fact 
that  social  habits,  especially  when  they  become  tinged  with  strong 
emotion,  are  the  last  to  change.     Claverhouse  and  the  English 
dragoons  are  gone  but  the  Scotchman  still  feels  an  antipathy  for 
the  Church  of  England.     The  fires  of  Smithfield  and  the  Spanish 
Armada  are  matters  of  history  only,  but  the  dishke  of  Catholicism 
still  lingers  among  the  masses  of  the  English  people.     It  was  most 
unfortunate  for   the   Negro  whose  interests  were   so   intimately 
connected  with  those  of  the  white  that  during  this  period  of  crystal- 
lization of  group  feeling  he  was  not  only  excluded  but  was  identified 
from  the  very  start  with  the  outside  forces  making  for  the  coercion 
of  the  white. 

'Stone,  Studies  in  the  American  Race  Problem,  p.  265. 


350  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  difficulties  attending  the  social  integration  of  the  Negro 
at  the  South  are  largely  the  heritage  of  this  period  of  conflict 
and  alienation.  Because  of  the  extra-legal  methods  the  white  has 
been  forced  to  fall  back  upon  to  maintain  his  group  supremacy, 
both  races  live  in  an  atmosphere  of  ill-defined  and  intangible 
rights  and  privileges  having  little  or  no  basis  in  existing  laws. 
Consequently  the  black  is  irritated  by  the  feeling  that  the  rights 
he  really  enjoys  are  far  short  of  those  which  seem  to  be  guaranteed 
to  him  by  democratic  institutions  and  he  is  tempted,  therefore, 
on  occasion  to  assert  these  technical  rights  in  defiance  of  the  senti- 
ment of  the  dominant  group.  The  result  is  very  often  the  ''bump- 
tious" Negro,  a  phenomenon  entirely  lacking  in  Jamaica  because 
there  the  conditions  are  lacking  that  produce  him.  The  white, 
having  no  other  sanction  for  his  attitude  toward  a  weaker  race 
than  a  vague  public  sentiment,  is  prone  to  be  arbitrary,  intolerant, 
and  at  times  lawless.  Since  the  sanctions  of  his  conduct  lie  in  the 
sentiments  of  the  local  community  rather  than  in  the  nation  at 
large,  he  is  abnormally  sensitive  to  outside  criticism  and  has  the 
uncomfortable  feeling  of  a  lack  of  poise,  of  unstable  social  equi- 
librium, because  his  life  is  one  of  constant  protest  and  seemingly 
unwarranted  self-assertion.  All  this  the  Englishman  has  wisely 
avoided  by  giving  legal  and  institutional  sanction  to  the  dominance 
of  the  white  group  while  judiciously  encouraging  those  blacks  who 
show  capacity  for  positions  of  responsibility  and  power  by  admitting 
them  to  a  limited  share  in  social  and  political  emoluments.  "The 
social  organization  [of  Jamaica]  is  therefore  like  a  pyramid.  The 
whites  constitute  the  apex,  the  coloured  class  compose  the  middle 
courses,  and  the  masses  of  the  Negroes  make  up  the  broad  base."^ 

Again,  the  race  problems  of  South  Africa  throw  much  light  upon 
the  question  of  race  friction  and  social  integration  in  this  country. 
We  have  suffered  from  a  lack  of  perspective  and  judicial  fairness 
in  previous  discussions  of  our  race  difficulties  because  we  failed  to 
compare  the  situations  here  with  similar  situations  in  other  parts 
of  the  world  where  whites  and  blacks  are  thrown  together  in  large 
numbers.  The  striking  parallel  between  the  behavior  of  the  whites 
in  the  South  and  in  South  Africa  in  their  dealings  with  the  Negro 
'  Livingstone,  Black  Jamaica,  p.  237. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  351 

suggests  that  this  race  friction  which  on  its  face  seems  so  irrational 
and  unchristian  may  have  its  roots  deep  in  human  nature  and  may 
be,  therefore,  the  inevitable  accompaniment  of  contact  between 
divergent  race  groups.     We  find  there  the  same  apparently  childish 
insistence  upon  the  acknowledgment  of  his  superiority  by  the 
white  in  every  relation  with  the  black.     Bryce  relates  the  case  of  a 
prosperous  Kafir  for  whom  a  white  agreed  to  work  on  condition 
that  his  Negro  employer  address  him  as  "boss";    the  economic 
relation  made  little  difference  so  long  as  the  social  relation  of 
superior   and   inferior   was   recognized.^     This   seemingly   foolish 
stipulation  would  be  perfectly  intelligible  to  the  southern  white 
with  whom  similar  conditions  exist.     The  fundamental  law  of  the 
Transvaal,  like  the  unwritten  law  of  the  South,  declares  that  "the 
people  will  suffer  no  equality  of  the  whites  and  blacks,  either  in 
state  or  church."    All  over  South  Africa  the  evidence  of  a  black 
against  a  white  is  seldom  received,  and  only  in  Cape  Colony  does 
he  serve  on  a  jury.     The  relations  between  the  races  are  described 
in  language  which  might  be  applied  directly  to  southern  conditions: 
"Even  the  few  educated  natives  are  too  well  aware  of  the  gulf 
that  separates  their  own  people  from  the  European  to  resent,  except 
in  specially  aggravated  cases,  the  attitude  of  the  latter.     Each 
race  goes  its  own  way  and  lives  its  own  life."^    The  dining  of  Dr. 
Booker  T.  Washington  with  President  Roosevelt  on  October  16, 
1 901,  which  aroused  such  feeling  in  the  South  and  was  the  text 
for  much  criticism  of  that  section  by  the  northern  press,  finds  a 
curious  parallel  in  the  entertainment  of  the  Negro  prince  Khama, 
*'a  Christian  and  a  man  of  high  personal  character,"  by  the  Duke  of 
Westminster  in  London,  1895,  the  news  of  which  "excited  disgust 
and  annoyance  among  the  whites  of  South  Africa."^ 

The  striking  similarity  in  the  attitude  of  the  whites  of  English 
stock  all  over  the  world  when  brought  into  contact  with  large 
numbers  of  the  Negro  race  suggests  that  we  have  to  do  ultimately 
with  a  natural  contrariety  and  incompatibihty  of  race  tempera- 
ments which  prevent  social  assimilation  and,  therefore,  complete 
social  solidarity.  This  would  lead  us  also  to  expect  race  friction 
'  Bryce,  Impressions  of  South  Africa,  p.  367. 
'  Bryce,  op.  cit.,  p.  375.  3  Bryce,  op.  ciL,  p.  368. 


352  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

to  be  most  in  evidence  where  the  pressure  from  group  contacts  is  the 
strongest.  An  unprejudiced  examination  of  the  race  relations  in 
this  country  will  amply  support  this  assertion.  It  is  a  fact  the 
traveler  may  observe  for  himself  that  as  he  approaches  the  ''black 
belt"  from  any  section  of  the  country  the  drawing  of  the  "color 
line"  becomes  more  and  more  unequivocal.  The  Negro  enjoys 
many  privileges  in  Massachusetts,  where  he  constitutes  but  i .  i  per 
cent  of  the  population  and  where  consequently  he  is  not  present 
in  numbers  strong  enough  to  make  his  group  traits  felt,  and  where 
nevertheless  he  has  never  enjoyed  complete  social  assimilation. 
He  enjoys  fewer  privileges  in  South  Carolina  or  Mississippi,  where 
he  forms  58  per  cent  of  the  population,  and  where  consequently 
his  race  traits  and  group  habits  are  a  tremendous  factor  in  the 
social  economy  to  be  reckoned  with  at  every  turn. 

With  the  increasing  migration  of  Negroes  from  the  South  to 
northern  cities  the  pressure  from  group  contacts  is  inevitable,  so 
that  even  in  Boston,  the  home  of  Sumner,  Phillips,  and  Garrison, 
the  "color  line"  is  distinctly  in  evidence.  Negroes  are  discrimi- 
nated against  at  restaurants,  soda  water  stands,  hotels,  and  even 
churches,  while  there  is  a  strong  opposition  to  renting  flats  to 
Negroes  in  aristocratic  sections — a  fact  that  may  be  paralleled  in 
all  the  large  cities  and  one  that  throws  a  curious  side-light  upon 
the  "color  line"  in  the  North.  This  discrimination  has  been 
especially  galling  to  the  old  aristocratic  Negro  families  of  cities 
such  as  Boston,  who  trace  their  lineage  back  to  Revolutionary  days 
and  earlier  and  who,  partly  through  sentiment  and  partly  because 
they  were  a  vanishing  element  of  the  population  (census  statistics 
seem  to  indicate  that  the  Negro  would  die  out  in  the  Far  North 
but  for  the  new  blood  from  the  South),'  had  been  admitted  to 
privileges  enjoyed  by  few  of  their  race  anywhere  else  in  the  world. 
By  virtue  of  superior  culture  and  business  associations  they  belong 
to  the  white  group  and  they  "cling  passionately  to  the  fuller  life,"^ 
refusing  to  submit  to  the  social  ostracism  that  restricts  them  to 
the  life  of  their  own  racial  group.  But  in  vain,  for  the  racial 
differentiations  which  were  always  latent  are  now  brought  home 

'  Hoffman,  Race  Traits  and  Tendencies  of  the  American  Negro,  pp.  35  ff . 

'  Baker,  Following  the  Color  Line,  p.  219,  also  188  ff. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  353 

to  the  social  mind  with  growing  emphasis  due  to  increasing  numbers. 
There  is  a  growing  tendency  in  all  large  cities  to  confine  the  Negro 
to  certain  sections,  the  natural  result  of  the  refusal  of  social  assimila- 
tion/ 

Philadelphia,  the  city  of  brotherly  love,  has  given  us  some  of 
the  most  violent  exhibitions  of  race  antipathy  and  the  history  of 
the  race  relations  in  this  city  will  show  that  race  feehng  is  intimately 
connected  with  the  pressure  from  group  contacts.  At  the  time 
when  Pennsylvanians  were  nobly  supporting  the  anti-slavery  tra- 
ditions of  Penn  and  John  Woolman  even  to  the  extent  of  threatened 
political  complications  with  the  slave  states  to  the  south  because 
of  the  Fugitive  Slave  laws,  the  city  of  Philadelphia  was  the  scene 
in  1834,  1835,  1838,  1848,  and  1849  of  race  riots  against  the 
Negro  of  a  peculiarly  violent  and  brutal  nature.^  These  earlier 
outbreaks  were  directly  associated  with  the  increasing  number  of 
Negroes  in  the  state  and  particularly  in  the  city;  there  were 
more  Negroes  in  Pennsylvania  in  i860  than  in  any  other  non- 
slave-holding  state. 

According  to  the  testimony  of  the  Negroes  themselves,  however, 
they  enjoy  more  privileges  in  Philadelphia  than  in  Baltimore  and 
Washington  with  their  still  larger  Negro  populations.  The  race 
relations  in  Washington  are  particularly  instructive  in  this  con- 
nection, for  they  are  unique  in  this  country  and  in  the  world.  There 
are  in  the  first  place  something  Hke  100,000  blacks  in  the  capital 
city,  while  the  whites  number  approximately  250,000.  In  no 
other  city  of  the  world  do  the  two  races  live  together  in  such  large 
numbers.  The  Negroes  are  perhaps  the  most  cultured  and  pro- 
gressive to  be  found  anywhere  among  the  race  today.  In  no  other 
section  of  the  country  is  there  as  much  of  the  tolerant  and  even 
indulgent  attitude  toward  the  Negro  as  the  ward  of  the  nation; 
the  spirit  of  Sumner  is  still  in  evidence,  not  only  on  the  front  of 
public-school  buildings,  but  also  in  the  free  intermingling  of  the 

'  For  Philadelphia,  see  DuBois,  The  Philadelphia  Negro;  for  Chicago,  "Chicago 
Housing  Conditions,  VI:  The  Problem  of  the  Negro,"  by  Comstock,  in  the  American 
Journal  of  Sociology,  September,  1912,  pp.  241  ff.;  for  New  York,  Ovington  Half  a 
Man,  pp.  ^i^Q.  °      '        J 

'Turner,  The  Negro  in  Pennsylvania,  pp.  160 ff.;  see  DuBois,  The  Philadelphia 
J\egro,  pp.  322  ff.,  for  race  prejudice  as  it  exists  today  in  Philadelphia. 


354  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

races  in  the  street  cars  and  at  public  gatherings.  The  political 
situation  is  the  best  imaginable  for  the  amicable  relations  of  the 
races,  for  since  the  disastrous  breakdown  of  representative  govern- 
ment and  the  substitution  of  commission  government  in  1878,  owing 
to  the  corrupt  and  irresponsible  Negro  vote,'  practically  all  source 
of  friction  between  the  races  along  group  lines  has  disappeared. 
But  the  "color  line"  is  unmistakably  present.  It  is  in  evidence 
at  the  restaurants,  the  theaters,  the  drinking  founts  of  drug  stores, 
the  hotels,  in  school,  and  in  church.  The  two  races  live  and  move 
and  have  their  being  in  widely  divergent  spheres.  Aside  from  the 
legalization  of  the  "color  line,"  the  segregation  of  the  two  racial 
groups  is  hardly  more  complete  in  Richmond  or  Atlanta.  In 
the  great  dailies  of  Washington,  for  example,  one  finds  little  or  no 
reference  to  the  thought  and  life,  the  clubs,  churches,  or  social 
functions  of  the  100,000  colored  citizens  of  the  city.  So  far  as  any 
apparent  sympathetic  interest  of  the  white  is  concerned,  they  might 
as  well  be  living  in  Haiti  or  Timbuctu.  There  is  not  the  least 
doubt  that  were  the  conditions  such  as  those  prevailing  in  other 
cities,  particularly  in  politics,  there  would  be  much  more  race 
friction.  As  it  is  there  is  an  external  attitude  of  kindly  tolerance 
and  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  white,  with  a  deep  and  uimiis- 
takable  undercurrent  of  racial  antipathy. 

When  men  realize  the  essential  similarity  of  the  forces  at  work, 
wherever  race  friction  between  the  white  and  black  occurs,  whether 
in  the  South  or  in  South  Africa,  in  Boston  or  Atlanta,  it  is  to  be 
hoped  that  much  of  the  sectionalism  and  ignorance  which  have 
hitherto  characterized  the  study  of  the  race  question  will  disappear. 
When  we  recognize  that  human  nature  is  essentially  the  same  in 
Philadelphia  or  in  Charleston,  in  New  Orleans  or  in  Cape  Town,  and 
that  where  groups  of  whites  and  blacks  are  brought  together  in 
these  widely  separated  parts  of  the  globe  they  will  in  all  probability 
behave  in  much  the  same  way  under  similar  circumstances,  we 
have  at  last  laid  the  basis  not  only  for  the  comprehension  of  this 
infinitely  complex  question  of  race  relations,  but  also  for  genuine 
sympathy  and  mutual  understanding  between  brother-men  placed 
in  widely  divergent  racial  environments. 

'  Ingle,  The  Negro  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  pp.  64  fiE. 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  355 

An  inevitable  result  of  this  racial  antipathy  found  wherever 
whites  of  English-speaking  stock  and  blacks  are  thrown  together 
is  the  emergence  within  the  social  order  of  two  distinct  racial 
groups  with  very  little  in  common  apart  from  the  most  general 
participation  in  political  and  social  institutions.  This  division 
of  society  into  two  groups  is  inevitable  so  long  as  there  exists 
an  unwritten  law  refusing  social  sanction  to  intermarriage 
between  blacks  and  whites,  and  there  is  no  possible  way  in 
which  democratic  or  any  other  social  or  political  institutions 
can  prevent  such  a  division.  The  group  division  will  of  course  be 
less  consciously  felt  by  society  at  large  where  either  the  whites  or 
blacks  are  very  much  in  the  majority.  This  explains  the  seemingly 
paradoxical  situation  that  race  friction  is  least  in  evidence  in  the 
Far  North,  where  the  Negro  is  a  very  small  percentage  of  the  popu- 
lation, and  also  in  the  heart  of  the  "black  belt"  where  the  whites 
form  a  correspondingly  small  percentage. 

This  dichotomy  of  the  social  organism  presents  a  very  interest- 
ing situation  for  the  student  of  the  social  mind.  The  social  self 
is  born  and  grows  to  maturity  in  the  midst  of  a  social  heritage 
which  is  composed  of  the  group  habits  and  group  ideals  which 
have  been  slowly  accumulated  through  generations  of  homogeneous 
group  life.  The  perfection  and  the  authoritativeness  of  the  social 
heritage  depends  upon  a  long  and  unbroken  group  life.  The  self- 
poise  of  homogeneous  and  highly  civilized  peoples  and  their  ability 
to  produce  men  of  high  moral  and  cultural  attainment  is  due  to 
this  feeling  of  the  undisputed  supremacy  of  group  ideals  among  all 
classes  of  men.  When  an  ideal  or  a  custom  fails  to  find  the  support 
of  the  group  as  a  whole  it  speedily  loses  its  authoritativeness  and 
its  educative  power.  For  the  same  reason  ideals  or  customs  which 
are  of  fundamental  importance  for  the  welfare  of  the  group  as  a 
whole  receive  the  undisputed  support  of  all  members  and  those 
inclined  to  ignore  or  defy  them  are  speedily  eliminated. 

The  situation  of  the  southern  white  where  the  social  order 
is  equally  divided  between  two  separate  racial  groups  with  habits  of 
life  and  thought  differing  fundamentally  from  each  other  is  a  critical 
one.  The  social  conscience  owes  its  authoritativeness  and  even 
its  very  existence  and  with  it  the  existence  of  the  social  sanctions 


356  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

that  guarantee  a  permanent  civilization  to  a  feeling  of  unity  and 
social  solidarity  among  all  the  members  of  the  social  order.  But 
where  there  are  two  separate  and  autonomous  groups  this  is 
impossible  and  the  logical  result  of  such  a  situation  would  be  the 
disintegration  of  the  social  order  entirely  if  the  forces  here  at  work 
were  allowed  free  play.  A  permanent  social  order  is  possible  only 
where  one  or  other  of  the  two  sets  of  social  values  represented  by 
the  two  groups  secures  and  maintains  an  undisputed  supremacy,  or 
where  there  is  a  fusion  of  the  two  groups  through  intermarriage, 
which  alone  makes  it  possible  for  all  the  members  of  the  social 
order  alike  to  attain  that  similarity  of  selfhood  necessary  to  com- 
plete social  solidarity  and  a  common  loyalty  to  common  group 
ideals.  Of  nothing  is  it  so  true  as  of  the  sanctions  of  human 
conduct  that  "a  house  divided  against  itself  shall  not  stand." 

This  brings  us  very  close  to  the  heart  of  the  race  question  as 
we  find  it  in  the  South  and  wherever  the  white  lives  among  masses 
of  the  blacks,  and  herein  lies  the  justification  of  "white  supremacy." 
When  we  eliminate  the  exhibitions  of  brutal  race  hatred  which 
are  usually  taken  by  superficial  and  prejudiced  critics  as  typical  of 
the  entire  situation  the  alternatives  before  the  guardians  of  white 
civilization  are  either  the  admission  of  the  Negro  through  inter- 
marriage to  complete  social  solidarity  which  would  eliminate 
entirely  the  dualism  of  the  social  mind  in  the  most  natural  and 
complete  fashion  or  the  setting  aside  of  the  Negro  in  a  group  to 
himself  and  the  insistence  upon  his  recognition  of  the  supremacy 
of  the  white  group.  This  makes  a  modus  vivendi  possible.  It 
seems  hard  that  the  Negro  should  be  required  to  attain  selfhood  as 
best  he  can  outside  the  higher  cultural  possibilities  of  the  white 
group  and  subordinated  to  that  group,  and  yet  what  other  alterna- 
tive would  the  social  philosopher  offer  us?  He  certainly  would 
not  ask  of  the  white  group  the  supreme  sacrifice  of  its  ethnic  purity 
which  is  the  bearer  of  its  social  heritage  and,  therefore,  the  ultimate 
guarantee  of  the  continuity  and  integrity  of  its  peculiar  type  of 
civilization. 

We  are  now  prepared  to  understand  why  the  full  and  complete 
social  integration  of  the  Negro  is  impossible.  Such  social  integra- 
tion as  does  exist  must  be  based  upon  mutual  concessions  and 


THE  PHILOSOPHY  OF  THE  COLOR  LINE  2>S1 

compromises.  The  conditions  of  the  greatest  harmony  will  be, 
as  already  suggested,  where  the  weaker  group  accepts  uncondition- 
ally the  will  of  the  stronger  group.  Conditions  of  friction  will 
inevitably  occur  where  the  weaker  group  refuses  to  accept  these 
conditions.  "The  most  fruitful  conditions  of  race  friction  may  be 
expected  where  there  is  a  constant  insistence  upon  a  theoretical 
equality  of  the  weaker  group  which  the  stronger  denies."^  Starting 
with  racial  antipathy  as  a  fixed  and  irreducible  element  in  the  prob- 
lem, it  is  undoubtedly  true  that  the  farther  we  get  from  slavery 
and  the  nearer  an  approximation  of  the  theoretical  claims  of 
democracy  the  more  difficult  social  integration  appears.  It  has 
indeed  been  asserted  that  slavery  is  the  only  condition  under  which 
a  weaker  race  of  widely  different  traits  can  enjoy  intimate  social 
relations  with  a  stronger  without  friction-^-  It  is  doubtless  true  that 
in  spite  of  fifty  years  of  freedom,  the  Negro,  especially  in  the  South, 
enjoys  as  a  race  fewer  points  of  contact  with  the  white  and  is  less 
an  integral  part  of  the  social  order  than  he  was  in  the  days  of 
slavery. 

'  Stone,  Studies  in  the  American  Race  Question,  p.  223. 

'  Shaler,  "Race  Prejudice,"  Atlantic  Monthly,  i886,  p.  516. 


THE  SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL 
ABILITY 


ERVILLE  B.  WOODS 
Dartmouth  College 


It  has  been  pointed  out  by  a  number  of  writers  that  the  well- 
known  difference  between  the  birth-rate  of  the  well-to-do  classes 
and  that  of  the  more  rapidly  multiplying  laboring  classes  is  fraught 
with  serious  consequences.  It  is  asserted  that  the  upward  move- 
ment of  the  able  from  class  to  class,  and  from  the  country  to  the 
city,  segregates  the  brains  and  the  energy,  the  ambitions  and  the 
capacity  of  the  nation  in  a  section  of  the  population  which  is  dying 
out  by  the  process  of  class  suicide.  Society  is  thus  represented  as 
selecting  for  extinction  its  most  capable  breeds  and  becoming  in 
consequence  an  aggregate  of  increasingly  mediocre  individuals. 
One  might  well  suppose  from  such  considerations  that  the  case  of 
modern  society  is  hopeless. 

There  is  the  possibility,  however,  that  the  machinery  of  selection 
does  not  work  with  quite  the  ruthless  thoroughness  imputed  to  it. 
There  are  a  number  of  considerations  which  cast  doubt  upon  this 
assumption,  (i)  The  abiHty  or  capacity  which  leads  to  success  is 
far  from  being  simple,  uniform,  or  commensurable.  It  may  almost 
be  defined  as  any  variation  which  proves  to  be  favorable  in  a  given 
environment.  There  is  probably  no  variation  which  would  not 
prove  of  advantage  in  some  environment.  It  is  because  successful 
people  are  so  indefinitely  different  among  themselves— are  so  many 
kinds  of  variants,  in  other  words— that  it  is  perhaps  doubtful 
whether  if  they  mated  exclusively  among  themselves  their  offspring 
would  be  distinguished  particularly  from  the  offspring  of  the  rest  of 
the  population.  (2)  Much  ability,  many  of  the  valuable  variations 
are  the  result  not  of  inheritance  but  of  development  and  specializa- 
tion of  effort  only.  The  attention  of  one  individual  for  some  reason 
is  drawn  off  from  all  other  subjects  and  directed  to  one  task  exclu- 
sively;   that  individual  succeeds;    even  ill-health  by  limiting  the 

358 


SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL  ABILITY      359 

number  of  personal  interests  sometimes  accomplishes  this  end;  a 
second  individual  lavishing  attention  upon  several  objects  attends 
with  conspicuous  success  to  none.  Here  is  apparently  a  difference 
in  ability,  but  hardly  a  difference  likely  to  be  repeated  in  the  follow- 
ing generation.  Until  exact  psychic  measurements  are  further  per- 
fected, it  is  hazardous  to  estimate  the  importance  of  the  two  sets  of 
causes,  hereditary  on  the  one  hand,  and  on  the  other  those  connected 
with  economy  and  concentration  of  attention.  (3)  Ability  receives 
its  reward  only  when  it  is  presented  with  the  opportunities  of  a 
fairly  favorable  environment,  its  peculiarly  indispensable  sort  of 
environment.  Naval  commanders  are  not  likely  to  be  developed  in 
the  Transvaal,  nor  literary  men  and  artists  in  the  soft  coal  fields  of 
western  Pennsylvania.  For  ten  men  who  succeed  as  investigators, 
inventors,  or  diplomatists,  there  may  be  and  probably  are  in  some 
communities  fifty  more  who  would  succeed  better  under  the  same 
circumstances. 

In  these  failures  of  well-endowed  individuals  and  in  the  artificial 
successes  of  poorly  endowed  favorites,  there  may  be  a  crumb  of  con- 
solation for  the  social  biologist  who  might  rejoice  that  a  few  brands 
escape  the  burning  in  which  success  consumes  itself,  but  to  the  social 
economist  the  waste  of  social  materials  involved  appears  to  be  a 
most  serious  loss  in  itself. 

Professor  Lester  F.  Ward,  in  his  Applied  Sociology,  has  stated 
and  elaborated  this  point  of  view  most  cogently.  Following  the 
way  which  he  has  blazed,  it  should  not  be  difficult  to  point  out 
certain  limitations  upon  the  social  selections  under  discussion. 

In  the  present  discussion  I  shall  confine  myself  to  education 
understood  in  a  broad  sense  as  an  agency  in  the  selection  of  personal 
ability,  for,  of  all  the  agencies  by  which  individuals  may  be  qualified 
to  play  a  distinctive  r61e  in  society  and  one  in  accordance  with  their 
inherited  capabilities,  education  is  undoubtedly  the  greatest. 

The  imperfect  results  which  our  educational  system  achieves  are 
the  result  mainly  of  the  undue  abbreviation  of  the  period  of  training 
for  most  individuals  and  of  the  omission  of  elements  of  training  of 
real  significance  for  the  purpose  of  adjusting  individuals  to  social 
tasks.  The  crucial  question  is  whether  all  of  those  individuals  are 
getting  into  the  running  who  are  capable  of  putting  up  the  best  race. 


360  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

whether  those  mdividuals  are  bemg  inducted  into  the  traditions  of 
science  and  of  industry  who  are  most  likely  to  render  those  fields 
the  service  of  large  capacities. 

The  most  striking  fact  which  meets  the  eye  from  the  pages  of 
educational  statistics  is  the  abbreviation  of  the  period  of  instruction 
for  so  large  a  part  of  the  school  population.  Only  a  fraction  of 
those  who  enter  the  elementary  schools  are  turned  over  to  the 
higher  schools.  The  number  of  those  who  continue  their  education 
does  not  exhaust  the  talented  part  of  the  population.  The  handicap 
imposed  by  leaving  school  early  consists  not  merely  in  being 
deprived  of  a  vantage-ground  from  which  an  appropriate  vocational 
choice  may  be  made  but  also  in  the  fact  that  such  youth  are  almost 
certain  to  drift  into  inconsequential  and  totally  uneducative  tasks 
such  as  our  society  reserves  as  a  heritage  for  the  working  boy. 
Every  industry  has  its  "boys'  work"  and  in  extremely  few  cases 
does  such  work  afford  a  stimulus  to  ambitious  eflfort  or  to  personal 
development. 

In  the  Report  of  the  Commissioner  of  Education  for  1909,  the 
enrolment  of  pupils  in  the  elementary  and  high  schools  of  1,024 
cities  and  villages  of  over  4,000  population  is  given  by  years.  The 
aggregate  enrohnent  of  boys  and  girls  in  these  cities  exceeds  4,000,- 
000,  so  it  appears  that  the  returns  are  sufficiently  complete  to  give 
them  a  high  degree  of  significance. 

The  enrolment  of  boys  is  largest  in  the  second  grade,  and  drops 
gradually  until  about  the  fifth  grade,  where  the  enrolment  is  80  per 
cent  of  what  it  was  in  the  second.  In  the  sixth,  however,  it  has 
dropped  to  about  66  per  cent,  in  the  seventh  to  slightly  more  than 
50  per  cent,  and  in  the  eighth  to  less  than  40  per  cent  of  the  enrol- 
ment in  the  second  grade.  The  four  years  of  high  school  show  in 
terms  of  the  same  standard,  respectively,  one-fourth,  one-sixth, 
one-tenth,  one-fourteenth.  In  other  words,  making  no  correction 
for  the  somewhat  smaller  number  of  boys  in  the  population  at  the 
high-school  age,  only  one  m  14  of  those  enrolled  in  the  second  grade 
reaches  the  fourth  year  of  high  school. 

In  the  analysis  of  population  according  to  age  found  in  the  census 
of  1900,  the  number  of  boys  in  the  United  States  of  age  seven  was 
904,428,  which  may  be  represented  by  100  per  cent,  and  may  stand 


SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL  ABILITY      361 

roughly  for  those  of  about  first-  or  second-grade  age.  (The  varia- 
tion in  the  total  population  from  one  year  to  the  next  is  not  great 
enough  to  affect  the  purpose  for  which  the  figures  are  used.)  It 
will  be  found  that  the  number  of  boys  of  age  fourteen  constitute 
nearly  87  per  cent  of  those  of  age  seven;  boys  of  age  sixteen  con- 
stitute 83.6  per  cent  of  the  number  at  age  seven.  It  may  be 
assumed  that  the  age  distribution  for  the  United  States  (between 
the  ages  seven  and  sixteen)  would  not  be  found  seriously  erroneous 
for  the  1,024  cities  and  villages  reporting  school  enrolment. 

With  this  assumption  we  find  that  between  the  second  and 
eighth  grades  the  enrolment  falls  from  100  to  38.6  per  cent,  while 
between  the  seventh  and  sixteenth  years  the  number  of  boys  in  the 
population  decreases  only  from  100  to  83.6  per  cent.  It  may, 
therefore,  be  inferred  that  in  these  thousand  cities  and  villages  less 
than  half  the  boys  who  live  to  a  sufficient  age  are  found  enrolled  in 
the  eighth  grade.  More  than  half  of  them  drop  out  in  some 
earlier  grade. 

This  leads  to  a  point  which  has  received  fairly  general  recogni- 
tion, that  many  times  the  youth  who  persists  to  the  end  of  the 
grammar-school  course  or  even  through  the  high  school  finds  himself 
even  then  in  possession  of  no  specific  knowledge,  skill,  discernment, 
or  qualification  adequate  to  the  selection  or  the  accomplishment 
of  the  tasks  to  which  he  must  presently  address  himself.  A  whole 
series  of  educational  reforms  are  competing  at  the  present  time 
upon  the  basis  of  this  general  criticism.  I  shall  refer  briefly  to 
but  one  of  them — vocational  counsel  as  a  part  of  the  education  of 
the  boy. 

At  this  point  I  wish  simply  to  enforce  the  conviction  that  the 
educational  net  fails  by  far  of  catching  and  holding  all  whom  it  is 
desirable,  for  the  sake  of  the  social  good,  to  drag  to  the  surface. 

The  explanation  of  the  facts  already  noted  lies  mainly  outside  of 
the  schoolroom.  Ward  has  pointed  out  that  among  the  really 
important  factors  conditioning  individual  success  is  "a  social 
position  such  as  is  capable  of  producing  a  sense  of  self-respect, 
dignity,  and  reserve  power  which  alone  can  inspire  confidence  in 
one's  worth  and  in  one's  right  to  enter  the  lists  for  the  great  prizes 
of  life."    He  quotes  approvingly  Professor  Cooley's  remark  that  "a 


362  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

man  can  hardly  fix  his  ambition  upon  a  literary  career  when  he  is 
perfectly  unaware,  as  millions  are,  that  such  a  thing  as  a  literary 
career  exists."  Nothing  is  more  likely  to  prevent  the  selection  and 
elevation  of  able  characters  than  that  a  considerable  section  of  the 
population  should  for  one  reason  or  another  regard  themselves  as 
"counted  out"  of  the  running  for  positions  of  honor  and  responsi- 
bility. While  this  is  a  mental  attitude  less  common  in  a  democracy 
than  in  monarchical  and  definitely  stratified  societies,  yet  it  is  liable 
to  be  fostered  increasingly  among  us  in  proportion  as  our  population 
is  gathered  in  industrial  centers  where  the  family  as  a  whole,  not 
its  male  head,  becomes  the  unit  of  economic  support,  and  children 
in  consequence  are  early  sent  to  work.  Whatever  the  fluidity  of 
American  society  forty  or  sixty  or  eighty  years  ago,  industrial 
America  in  the  twentieth  century  is  not  assured,  by  any  mechanism 
of  selection  now  in  operation,  of  the  automatic  detection  and  utiliza- 
tion of  the  abilities  with  which  its  citizens  may  be  endowed. 

It  must  not  be  forgotten  that  ambition  is  a  relative,  not  an 
absolute  matter  and  that  the  horizon  of  the  average  youth  is  limited 
by  the  radius  of  the  "vocational  imagination"  possessed  by 
members  of  his  family  and  social  group.  The  cue  to  the  explanation 
of  success  lies  in  part  in  the  self-classification  of  individuals.  We 
try  to  live  up  to  what  we  suppose  we  are,  just  as  the  imaginary 
kings  and  queens  who  are  sometimes  met  with  give  themselves  the 
airs  appropriate  to  their  station.  It  is  not  only  a  question  of  what 
individuals  are  able  to  do,  but  also  of  what  they  are  ''put  up"  to  do 
by  the  stimulation  and  suggestion  of  their  social  environment.  If 
one  were  once  accustomed  to  it,  it  might  not  prove  so  much  more 
difficult  to  think  with  the  prince  in  terms  of  provinces,  or  with  the 
astronomer  in  terms  of  solar  systems,  than  it  is  to  wrestle  with  the 
exigencies  of  the  cobbler's  bench  or  with  the  daily  problems  of  the 
locksmith  or  the  tinker. 

With  a  view  to  throwing  a  little  light  if  possible  upon  the  influ- 
ences which  shape  the  ambitions  and  plans  of  boys,  at  about  the 
age  when  one-half  of  them  have  brought  their  formal  education  to  a 
close,  a  simple  statistical  inquiry  was  undertaken  at  the  end  of  19 10, 
made  possible  by  the  courteous  co-operation  of  the  public-school 
authorities  of  the  city  of  St.  Paul.     Boys  in  the  seventh  and  eighth 


SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL  ABILITY      363 

grades  of  eighteen  of  the  larger  public  schools,  1,076  boys  in  all, 
wrote  answers  to  the  following  questions:  "Do  you  expect  to  go  to 
high  school?"  "What  is  your  father's  exact  occupation?"  "What 
occupation  or  work  do  you  think  you  would  like  best  to  work  at  all 
your  life  ?"  "Why  do  you  think  you  would  like  this  occupation  ?" 
In  the  replies  to  these  questions  there  is  material  for  a  rough  sort 
of  reconstruction  in  statistical  terms  of  a  part  of  the  social  environ- 
ment surrounding  these  thousand  boys.  To  understand  a  state  of 
mind  is  as  important  as  to  understand  a  purely  objective  state  of 
facts.  While  the  results  are  in  terms  of  expectations  and  prefer- 
ences and  will  change  materially  in  many  cases  during  the  next  few 
years,  it  is  believed  that  they  throw  light  upon  the  working  of  the 
mind  of  the  boy  early  in  the  period  when  vocational  and  career- 
making  choices  begin  to  be  made.  The  replies  of  these  boys  reflect 
such  factors  as  family  ambition,  degree  of  economic  independence  of 
parents,  intelligence  of  parents,  and,  in  general,  varying  outlooks 
upon  the  possibilities  which  life  affords. 

In  spite  of  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  a  satisfactory  classifica- 
tion of  occupations,  it  has  seemed  feasible  to  classify  the  boys 
according  to  the  occupational  groups  to  which  the  father  belongs. 
For  this  purpose  eight  classes  have  been  made  use  of:  the  first  group 
is  the  professional  and  includes  such  occupations  as  lawyer,  phy- 
sician, architect,  musician,  civil  engineer,  etc.  This  group  numbers 
54  cases.  The  second  group  is  the  mercantile,  and  is  composed  of 
proprietors  of  businesses,  superintendents,  traveling  salesmen, 
managers,  and  all  the  better-paid  commercial,  industrial,  and 
official  positions  of  a  non-manual  character.  It  is  a  large  group 
(358  cases)  and  membership  in  it  implies  bearing  a  certain  business 
or  administrative  responsibility  as  well  as  what  some  imagine  to  be 
a  kind  of  clean-handed  respectability.  The  third  and  fourth  groups 
are  small  (63  and  66  respectively)  and  consist  of  those  following 
subordinate  clerical  and  petty  mercantile  occupations,  respectively. 
The  type  of  the  former  is  the  clerk  in  an  office  and  of  the  latter  the 
clerk  in  a  store.  Both  groups  are  non-manual.  The  fifth  group 
consists  of  the  skilled  manual  workers.  This  group  again  is  a  large 
one,  numbering  298  cases,  and  the  type  is  the  man  following  a 
skilled  trade  such  as  the  carpenter,  plumber,  machinist,  etc.     The 


364  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

sixth  group  numbers  1 1 1  and  includes  the  unskilled  or  slightly  skilled 
manual  occupations,  such  as  laborers,  teamsters,  street-sweepers, 
waiters,  porters,  etc.  The  seventh  group,  which  is  almost  negligible, 
is  made  up  of  14  cases  where  the  father  follows  some  agricultural 
occupation.  The  eighth  group  consists  of  all  cases  not  assignable 
to  one  of  the  first  seven,  and  is  therefore  of  no  special  significance. 

Without  going  into  further  details,  I  may  state  briefly  the 
character  of  the  answers  to  the  question,  "Do  you  expect  to  go  to 
high  school  ?"  Of  the  boys  from  the  professional  class  94  per  cent 
replied  in  the  aflGirmative;  of  the  mercantile  class  86  per  cent;  of  the 
clerical  74  per  cent;  of  the  petty  mercantile  67  per  cent;  of  the 
artisan  class  61  per  cent;  of  the  laborer  class  54  per  cent. 

We  may  therefore  conclude  that  for  boys  who  reach  the  seventh 
and  eighth  grades  (taking  no  account  of  those  who  fall  out  in  the 
earlier  years)  the  probability  of  entrance  upon  a  secondary-school 
education  is  proportional  to  membership  in  the  leading  occupational 
groups  roughly  in  the  ratio  of  94,  86,  74,  67,  61,  54,  respectively,  as 
we  pass  from  the  non-manual  to  the  manual  occupations. 

Inasmuch  as  it  is  exceedingly  improbable  that  boys  of  superior 
ability  predominate  in  the  non-manual  classes  in  the  proportion 
indicated,  it  is  evident  that  here  is  one  source  of  the  leakage  of 
ability,  one  way  in  which  society  does  not  get  a  chance  to  subject 
all  of  its  sons  to  such  further  sifting  and  grading  as  is  involved  in  the 
revelationsof  aptitude  and  potencymade  during  a  high-school  course. 

The  answers  to  the  questions  relating  to  the  occupations  which 
the  boy  thinks  he  would  like  to  pursue  for  life  together  with  his 
reasons  are  interesting.  In  all,  990  boys  expressed  preference  for 
some  sort  of  work.  Of  these,  in  chose  each  their  father's  identical 
occupation,  or  about  11  per  cent.  Professional  occupations  were 
chosen  by  59  per  cent  of  the  boys  whose  fathers  were  professional 
men.  Of  the  mercantile  class  35  per  cent  chose  professional  occupa- 
tions. Of  the  clerical  and  petty  mercantile  classes  30  and  26  per 
cent  chose  professional  occupations  respectively.  Of  the  artisan 
class  21  per  cent  and  of  the  laborer  class  16  per  cent  chose  such 
occupations.  Mercantile  employments  were  chosen  most  largely 
by  those  whose  fathers  were  so  engaged.  Skilled  manual  occupa- 
tions were  preferred  by  9  per  cent  of  the  sons  of  professional  men, 


SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL  ABILITY      365 

15  per  cent  of  the  sons  of  merchants,  18  per  cent  of  the  sons  of 
petty  merchants,  21  per  cent  of  the  sons  of  clerical  employees,  and 
Z^  per  cent  of  the  sons  of  skilled  artisans. 

VOCATIONAL  PREFERENCES  OF  BOYS  WHOSE  FATHERS'  OCCUPATIONS 
WERE  AS  FOLLOWS 


Sons'  Preference 

Profes- 
sional 
Percentage 

Mercantile 
Percentage 

Petty 
Mercantile 
Percentage 

Clerical 
Percentage 

Artisan 
Percentage 

Laborer 
Percentage 

Agriculture 
Percentage 

Professional 

59 

35 

26 

30 

21 

16 

7 

Mercantile 

6 

25 

II 

16 

5 

13 

7 

Petty  mercantile . 

0 

I 

5 

3 

I 

2 

7 

Clerical 

6 

8 

18 

16 

19 

20 

14 

Artisan 

9 

15 

18 

21 

38 

25 

29 

Laborer 

0 

I 

0 

0 

I 

3 

0 

Agriculture 

9 

6 

3               8 

5 

4 

29 

Other 

II 

9 

19 

6 

10 

17 

7 

100 

100 

100               ICX) 

100 

100 

100 

While  the  cases  in  which  the  fathers  are  professional  men  are  but 

5  per  cent  of  the  whole  number  of  cases,  the  cases  where  sons  wished 
to  be  professional  men  are  28  per  cent,  or  5^  times  as  many.  Fathers 
who  were  in  the  mercantile  class  constitute  2,Z  per  cent,  sons  choos- 
ing mercantile  occupations  constitute  14  per  cent,  or  less  than  half 
as  many;  clerical  positions  were  filled  by  fathers  in  6  per  cent  of  the 
cases  but  chosen  by  14  per  cent  of  the  boys.  Fathers  in  the  artisan 
class  were  28  per  cent,  the  boys  choosing  to  be  artisans  24  per  cent. 
Fathers  in  unskilled  manual  occupations  were  10  per  cent  of  the 
whole,  boys  choosing  such  were  i  per  cent.  Fathers  in  agricultural 
pursuits  were  i  per  cent,  sons  choosing  agricultural  pursuits  were 

6  per  cent. 

There  is  evident  in  these  figures  a  considerable  tendency  to 
choose  occupations  in  the  same  general  order  of  vocation  as  that  in 
which  the  father  is  employed;  thus  three-fifths  of  the  sons  of 
professional  men  wish  to  be  professional  men,  one-fourth  of  the  sons 
of  merchants  wish  to  be  merchants,  two-fifths  of  the  sons  of  artisans 
wish  to  be  artisans.    A  still  more  pronounced  tendency,  however,  is 


366  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

to  choose  occupations  of  a  more  remunerative  or  intellectual  and 
less  manual  sort  than  those  followed  by  the  father.  Thus  35  per 
cent  of  the  boys  from  the  mercantile  class  want  to  be  professional 
men;  37  per  cent  of  the  boys  from  the  petty  mercantile  class  wish 
to  be  merchants  or  professional  men;  49  per  cent  of  the  boys  from 
the  clerical  class  want  to  enter  the  professional  or  mercantile  classes 
and  46  per  cent  of  the  sons  of  artisans  wish  to  follow  non-manual  or 
clean-handed  occupations,  while  76  per  cent  of  the  sons  of  unskilled 
laborers  wish  to  be  artisans  or  to  follow  the  non-manual  occupations. 
These  figures  illustrate  very  clearly  the  relativity  of  vocational 
ambitions.  These  statements  of  preference  are  conditioned  by  the 
vocational  viewpoint  established  by  the  occupation  of  the  father. 
When  we  turn  to  specific  occupations  preferred  by  the  990  boys, 
the  results  indicate  that  the  adventurous,  the  out-of-doors,  the 
mechanical  or  electrical,  and  the  supposedly  profitable  professions 
and  crafts,  the  clean-handed  office  positions,  and  the  occupations 
involving  travel  are  strong  favorites.  The  list  of  occupations  pre- 
ferred by  ten  or  more  boys  is  as  follows: 

OCCUPATIONS  PREFERRED 

Civil,  electrical,  mechanical,  and  mining  engineer 139 

Office  clerk,  bookkeeper,  and  stenographer 113 

Machinist  and  mechanic 77 

Lawyer 69 

Agricultural  pursuits 59 

Engineer  (locomotive  principally) 56 

Merchant  and  business  man 55 

Electrician 42 

Architect  and  draughtsman 36 

Traveling  salesman 34 

Carpenter  and  cabinet-maker 30 

Physician 27 

Artistic  or  musical  pursuit 21 

Store  clerk 19 

Plumber  and  steamfitter 17 

Printer i3 

Surveyor 12 

Banking '. 12 

Real  estate 11 

Druggist 10 

Scattering 138 

Total  reporting  preference 99° 


SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL  ABILITY      367 

This  is  the  way  in  which  the  vocational  horizon  impresses  the 
average  St.  Paul  boy  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  grades.  That  the 
emphasis  is  as  far  as  possible  from  that  placed  by  the  actual  demand 
for  workers  is  not  at  all  surprising  when  the  fact  is  considered  that 
these  boys  have  probably  never  received  a  half-hour's  formal 
instruction  in  their  lives  with  regard  to  vocational  matters,  and 
particularly  with  reference  to  the  preparation  and  qualifications 
requisite  for  the  various  tasks  to  which  they  vaguely  aspire. 

We  teach  our  youth  about  the  characteristics  of  geographical 
regions,  the  properties  of  numbers,  and  the  peculiarities  of  language. 
As  they  go  on  with  their  studies  we  teach  them  the  characteristics 
of  chemical  elements  and  compounds,  the  physical  properties  of 
bodies,  the  texture  and  mechanism  of  organic  structures,  both 
vegetable  and  animal,  and  their  young  minds  unfold  in  the  presence 
of  a  world  richer  and  more  complicated  than  they  had  ever  dreamed. 
But  about  the  qualities  of  men  demanded  by  the  world's  work,  about 
the  r61e  played  by  tact,  by  ability  to  meet  men,  by  differing  traits 
and  tendencies  of  mind,  as  related  to  individual  success  in  specific 
present-day  tasks,  we  teach  little.  That  the  demands  of  one  pro- 
fession or  craft  are  radically  different  from  those  of  another,  that 
the  application  of  individual  endowment  to  its  appropriate  task  is  a 
tremendously  difficult  thing,  they  learn  only  in  the  wasteful  school 
of  experience. 

If  we  turn  from  aspirations  to  the  actual  "choice,"  so  called,  of 
occupations  by  American  youth,  we  find  still  less  of  the  rational 
and  more  of  the  accidental.  As  Mr.  Everett  W.  Lord  of  the 
National  Child  Labor  Committee  {Proceedings,  1910,  pp.  80-81) 
has  put  it:  "Boys  find  themselves  in  their  vocations  as  the  result  of 
custom,  heredity,  propinquity,  or  accident  far  oftener  than  through 
deliberate  and  conscious  choice."  Geographical  and  industrial 
conditions,  for  example,  cut  out  the  work  of  whole  communities  of 
people  from  birth,  almost  without  option  on  their  part,  as  Dr.  Peter 
Roberts  has  shown  so  clearly  of  the  anthracite  coal  communities. 

A  year  or  so  ago  Mr.  Lord  sent  out  "several  hundred  letters  to 
people  engaged  in  various  occupations,  asking  them  to  answer 

certain   questions Among   the   answers   to   the   question, 

'Why  did  you  choose  your  present  occupation?'  ....  were  such 


368  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

as,  'Because  that  was  what  the  other  boys  were  doing,'  'Because  I 
happened  to  get  a  job  at  that  trade,'  'Because  that  was  the  prin- 
cipal line  of  work  near  my  home'"  {ihid.,  p.  79). 

After  a  time  quite  a  number  of  people  who  have  entered  occupa- 
tions haphazard  stumble  out  of  work  to  which  they  are  ill-adapted, 
and  somehow  stumble  into  other  work  for  which  they  are  better 
fitted.  Multitudes  of  other  individuals,  I  am  forced  to  believe, 
succeed  just  well  enough  at  some  ill-chosen  task  to  be  held  to  it  until 
readjustment  has  become  difficult  or  impossible. 

The  man  who  is  fortunate  enough  to  hit  it  in  selecting  or  being 
put  into  a  vocation  succeeds  if  he  has  good  abilities.  The  other  man 
of  equal  or  greater  abilities,  just  as  industrious,  self-controlled,  or 
sagacious,  who  does  not  strike  that  happy  confluence  of  circum- 
stances which  makes  his  efforts  bear  conspicuous  fruit,  plods  along, 
tasting  most  of  the  pleasures  of  life  in  the  pursuit  of  activities  out- 
side of  his  trade  or  business — activities  or  interests,  whether 
domestic,  religious,  fraternal,  or  recreational,  which  engage  as  great 
capacities  as  the  successful  man  devotes  to  the  conspicuous  and 
interesting  problems  of  his  daily  work. 

After  this  somewhat  extended  although  imperfect  statement  of 
one  phase  of  the  problem  of  dormant  ability,  it  is  unnecessary  to  do 
more  than  point  out  the  very  great  significance  of  the  movement 
started  by  the  late  Professor  Frank  Parsons  of  Boston  and  by 
educators  in  several  sections  of  the  country  looking  toward  the  pro- 
vision of  scientific  vocational  advice  for  young  people  as  a  part  of 
their  formal  preparation  for  life. 

In  conclusion,  the  following  paragraphs  may  serve  to  summarize 
the  points  which  have  been  emphasized: 

1.  Society  is  suffering  less  from  the  race  suicide  of  the  capable, 
than  from  the  non-utilization  of  the  capacities  of  the  well  endowed. 

2.  One-half  of  our  male  population  is  not  carried  far  enough  by 
our  educational  system  even  to  see,  much  less  understand,  the 
vocational  opportunities  afforded  by  modern  life. 

3.  Of  those  boys  who  reach  the  last  years  of  the  elementary  school 
very  unequal  selection  is  made,  due  to  the  poverty,  lack  of  foresight 
and  outlook  entailed  by  a  narrow  and  difficult  social  environment. 


SOCIAL  WASTE  OF  UNGUIDED  PERSONAL  ABILITY      369 

4.  In  their  preference  for  occupations  boys  are  guided  by  whim 
contagious  admiration,  and  ambition  divorced  from  sound  reason,' 
oftener  than  by  a  perceived  compatibility  between  personal  traits 
and  the  requirements  of  tasks. 

5.  In  the  actual  selection  of  occupations  not  even  whunsical 
preferences  are  allowed  to  guide  in  very  many  cases,  but  rather  the 
first  remunerative  opening  in  the  local  industrial  mechanism 
determmes  the  career  of  the  boy  quite  irrespective  of  taste  or 
aptitude. 

_  6.  From  these  causes  there  results  an  indefinitely  great  waste  of 
abilities  which  remain  in  some  cases  undiscovered  and  in  others 
misapplied. 

7.  While  equality  of  opportunity  cannot  be  provided  by  any 
mere  change  in  educational  methods,  yet  as  a  step  in  the  direction 
of  difiPusing  the  opportunity  of  intelligent  vocational  outlook,  every 
boy  before  leaving  the  elementary  school  should  be  given  an 
accurate  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  principal  kinds  of  human  work 
the  qualities  demanded  by  them,  the  preparation  required    the 
rewards  offered,  the  advantages  and  the  opportunities  for  usefulness 
which  they  afford.     He  should,  moreover,  be  taught  the  rudiments 
of  self-appraisal  from  the  vocational  point  of  view  and  should  have 
the  benefit  of  counsel  with  a  professional  vocational  counselor  who 
IS  thoroughly  informed  with  regard  to  the  industrial  opportunities 
of  the  community  and  the  means  of  entrance  thereupon. 
^     8.  And  last:   Better  vocational  adjustments  will  link  the  real 
interests  and  energies  of  the  spirit  with  productive  tasks  instead  of 
allowmg  them  to  be  turned  to  merely  recreational  activities  which 
m  the  cramped  monotony  of  industrial  communities  so  often  verge 
upon  the  unsocial  and  the  criminal.     Thus  new  energy  legitimately 
released  wHl  increase  the  material  conditions  of  happmess,  and 
make  men  better  neighbors  and  members  of  society  as  well. 


WHAT  MAKES  A  PEOPLE  LETHARGIC  OR  ENERGETIC  ? 


ISAAC  EMERY  ASH 
Madison,  Wis. 


It  is  usually  assumed  that  the  tone  of  a  community,  whether 
vigorous  or  apathetic,  is  determined  by  the  prevailing  traits  of  its 
individual  members.  Without  disputing  the  importance  of  indi- 
vidual traits,  the  writer  beHeves  there  are  also  general  factors  which 
condition  the  dominant  tone  of  a  community  in  respect  to  energy 
and  inertia.  The  available  productive  energy  of  a  society  is  not 
always  equal  to  the  sum  of  the  physical  vigor  and  mental  acumen 
of  all  the  individuals.  Productive  energy,  like  controlHng  beliefs, 
is  largely  dependent  upon  the  social  atmosphere  by  which  it  is 
surrounded. 

Says  Cooley: 

The  physical  law  of  the  persistence  of  energy  in  uniform  quantity  is  a  most 
illusive  one  to  apply  to  human  life.  There  is  always  a  great  deal  more  mental 
energy  than  is  utilized,  and  the  amount  that  is  really  productive  depends  chiefly 
on  the  urgency  of  suggestion.  Indeed  the  higher  activities  of  the  human  mind 
are,  in  general,  more  like  a  series  of  somewhat  fortuitous  explosions  than  like 

the  work  of  a  uniform  force In  the  absence  of  suggestion  the  mind 

easily  spends  itself  in  minor  activities;  and  there  is  no  reason  why  this  should 
not  be  true  of  a  whole  people  and  continue  for  centuries.  Then  again  a  spark 
may  set  it  on  fire  and  produce  in  a  few  years  pregnant  changes  in  the  structure 
of  society.' 

If  "suggestion"  in  the  above  quotation  be  extended  in  its 
meaning  to  include  anything  that  stimulates  interest  and  instils 
hope  in  an  individual  or  a  people,  his  statement  will  be  in  accord 
with  the  most  recent  and  advanced  theories  of  the  psychology  of 
interest,  effort,  and  energy,  and  will  be  very  helpful  in  interpreting 
the  vigor  and  energy  of  certain  peoples  as  against  the  lethargy  and 
inertia  of  other  peoples  of  equal  capacity. 

There  is  a  theory,^'  held  by  recent  French  and  Enghsh  psychol- 
ogists and  apparently  verified  by  observations  and  analysis,  that 

'  Social  Organization,  p.  328. 

'  Claparede,  Experimental  Pedagogy. 

370 


WHAT  MAKES  A  PEOPLE  LETHARGIC  OR  ENERGETIC?     371 

the  energy  by  which  our  activities  are  performed  may  be  drawn 
from  either  of  two  distinct  sources.  First  there  is  the  central 
reservoir  or  reserve  store  of  human  energy,  available  only  for  work 
that  has  an  intrinsic  interest  and  which  draws  the  attention,  not 
necessarily  away  from  the  work,  but  through  and  past  its  processes, 
and  fixes  it  upon  the  purposes,  or  anticipated  results,  or  upon 
certain  pleasurable  accompaniments  which  are  previsaged  at  its 
inception.  Then  there  is  the  local  production  of  energy  within 
the  nerve  centers  of  the  organ  acting.  With  children  the  distinc- 
tion between  play  and  work  is  determined  very  largely  by  the 
source  of  the  energy  by  which  the  activity  is  sustained.  With 
adults  the  distinction  is  between  interesting,  fascinating  work  on 
the  one  hand  and  tedium  and  drudgery  on  the  other.  The  former 
requires  very  little  conscious  efifort  and  produces  few  toxins  of 
fatigue.  The  latter  requires  constant  conscious  efifort  and  produces 
many  toxins  of  fatigue.  The  following  table  from  Claparede 
represents  this  theory  in  graphic  or  schematic  form: 


Character  of  Work 


1.  Easy  and  interesting. 

2.  Difficult  and  interest 
ing 

3.  Easy  and   tedious  or 
uninteresting 

4.  Difficult  and  uninter- 
esting   


Resistance 


Of  the  Work 
Itself 


I 

ID 

I 
10 


Of  the  Re- 
flexes of 
Defense 


O 

O 

10 

10 


Expenditure  op  Energy 


From  the 
Reservoir 


1 
10 


From  Local 
Production 


Toxins  op 
Fatigue 


Very  few 
Few 
Many 
Very  many 


From  the  foregoing  it  will  appear  that  the  problem  of  account- 
ing for  the  lethargy  and  inertia  of  some  peoples  as  against  the 
energy  of  others,  or  of  the  same  peoples  at  dififerent  times,  consists 
in  determining  the  conditions  which  make  unavailable  their 
reserve  of  energy.  Of  such  conditions  we  shall  here  briefly  consider 
six. 

Communism  in  property  and  industry  causes  societies  to  move  in 
locks tep  fashion,  thus  making  all  to  conform  in  their  stride  to  that  of 
the  most  feeble  and  lethargic. — It  is  self-evident  that  any  set  of  con- 
ditions which  places  a  check  or  curb  on  self-expression,  innovation, 


372  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  initiative,  and  which  causes  men  to  move  in  herds  and  to  act 
in  unison  or  in  accordance  with  a  prescribed  standard  will  have  a 
tendency  to  eliminate  all  rivalry,  and  will  stifle  interest  by  sub- 
stituting, as  the  motive  to  action,  the  impelling  force  of  necessity 
for  the  lure  of  hope  and  the  suggestion  of  a  personal  interest.  Kline 
and  France  in  a  study  of  "The  Psychology  of  Ownership"^  show 
that  the  principal  cause  of  the  ''mental  dulness,  physical  laziness, 
and  lethargy  of  primitive  races"  is  due  to  communism  in  property 
and  in  all  their  enterprises  and  undertakings  more  than  to  any 
other  cause;  and  they  quote  numerous  authorities  to  show  that 
one  of  the  most  potent  and  essential  factors  in  race  development 
is  a  recognition  of  the  right  of  the  individual  in  the  possession  of 
something  which  he  may  call  his  own  and  upon  which  he  may 
exercise  his  personal  desires.  Communism  can  demand  no  more 
than  that  each  one  come  up  with  the  average;  and  it  is  a  fact  of 
common  experience  that  any  attempt  to  conform  to  an  average 
immediately  lowers  that  average,  since  it  is  so  much  easier  for  the 
superior  to  slacken  his  pace  or  to  lower  his  standard  than  for  the 
inferior  to  increase  or  raise  his.  Thus  does  the  average,  by  its 
own  weight,  tend  to  sink  to  constantly  lowering  levels. 

Hypertrophy  of  institutionalism  compels  the  individual  to  con- 
form in  his  activities  and  manner  of  life  to  the  mode  or  method  of  the 
group. — It  differs  from  communism  in  that  the  latter  lays  stress 
upon  the  question,  "How  much?"  The  former  simply  asks 
"How?"  Cooley,  discussing  the  conflict  between  personality  and 
institutionalism,  says:  "The  timeworn  question  of  conservatism 
as  against  change  has  evidently  much  in  common  with  that  of 
personaUty  as  against  institutionaHsm.  Innovation  is  bound  up 
with  the  assertion  of  fresh  personality  as  against  mechanism. 
Wherever  there  is  vigor  and  constructive  power  in  the  individual 
there  is  Ukely  to  be  discontent  with  the  estabhshment."'  Again: 
"An  institution  is  made  up  of  persons  but  not  of  whole  persons; 
each  one  enters  into  it  with  a  specialized  part  of  himself.  Consider, 
for  instance,  the  legal  part  of  a  lawyer,  the  ecclesiastical  part  of  a 
church  member,  or  the  business  part  of  a  merchant.     In  antithesis 

'  Pedagogical  Seminary,  VI,  429  ff. 
'O/*.  Ci/.,  p.  327. 


WHAT  MAKES  A  PEOPLE  LETHARGIC  OR  ENERGETIC?     373 

to  the  institution,  therefore,  the  person  represents  the  wholeness 
and  humanness  of  life;  he  is  a  corrector  of  partiality  and  a  trans- 
lator and  distributor  of  special  development.  "^ 

This  contributing  by  each  individual  of  a  part  of  himself  to  an 
institution  is  somewhat  analogous  to  subscribing  capital  to  a 
corporation.  The  part  subscribed  passes  from  individual  to  group 
control.  Now  if  this  subscription  or  investment  represents  a 
dominating  part,  a  voting  majority,  of  the  individual's  interests, 
then  his  activities,  instead  of  being  the  result  of  choice,  assume  the 
character  of  tasks  imposed  from  without.  His  successes  and 
failures,  indeed  his  very  joys  and  sorrows,  are  merely  dividends 
or  assessments  of  the  institution,  over  which  he  can  at  most  only 
rejoice  or  grieve  but  which  he  cannot  control.  And  when  an 
institution  numbers  as  its  members  all  or  even  a  large  majority 
of  the  social  group  we  have  institutionalism  "gone  to  seed." 
Under  such  circumstances  even  the  "individual  of  vigor  and  con- 
structive power,"  unless  he  be  of  that  "sterner  stuff"  of  which 
heroes  and  reformers  are  made,  and  is  able  to  break  the  spell  of 
orthodoxy  and  "regularity,"  will  find  if  he  tries  to  assert  his  person- 
aHty  that  he  is  only  the  more  heavily  weighted  by  the  institution 
which  he  serves.  He  will  find  himself  as  one  of  a  number  of  per- 
sons who  together  are  carrying  a  heavy  load,  such  as  a  large  beam 
or  piece  of  timber.  If  the  group  walks  bent  and  stooped  he  must  do 
likewise;  and  the  tendency  will  be  for  all  to  bend  lower  and  lower 
as  they  proceed. 

We  are  able,  in  a  measure,  to  realize  the  great  weight  of  the 
mediaeval  church,  as  an  institution,  and  its  withering  influence 
upon  personality  when  we  consider  that  the  spell  of  its  prestige 
was  able  to  compel  "the  emperor  of  the  Holy  Roman  Empire,  the 
successor  of  the  Caesars  and  of  Charlemagne,"  to  stand  clad  in 
sackcloth  and  barefoot  for  four  successive  days  in  the  dead  of 
winter  in  the  courtyard  of  the  castle  of  the  Roman  pontiff  waiting 
permission  to  kneel  at  his  feet  and  beg  forgiveness.  It  was  the 
same  menacing  weight  that  compelled  the  Emperor  Frederick 
Barbarossa  of  the  "Haughty  House  of  Hohenstaufen,"  when  "over- 
come by  emotion,  awe,  and  reverence,"  and  "in  the  presence  of  a 

'  Cooley,  Social  Organitation,  p.  319. 


374  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

vast  throng,  to  throw  himself  at  the  feet  of  the  pope  and  humbly 
seek  a  reconciliation." 

A  too  great  preponderance  of  old  men  in  places  of  authority  and 
leadership  is  likely  to  be  coincident  with  conservatism  and  compro- 
mise.— "Innovation  is  iconoclasm  and  sacrilege,  and  enthusiasm 
is  only  a  milder  form  of  insanity."  Restraint  and  a  calm  self- 
control  are  the  prime  virtues.  "Save  your  energies,"  is  likely  to 
be  the  advice  of  the  aged  to  active  energetic  youth.  But  energy 
like  the  wine  at  the  marriage  feast  is  energy  only  when  it  is  drawn 
out;  and,  like  the  manna  of  the  Israelites,  to  be  useful  it  must  be 
used. 

That  periods  of  stagnation  or  depression  in  a  country's  history 
are  likely  to  be  contemporaneous  with  the  domination  of  afTairs 
by  superannuates,  while  periods  that  are  pregnant  with  change  and 
reform  are  marked  by  the  presence  and  influence  of  youth  in  the 
councils  of  state,  is  strikingly  shown  in  an  investigation  made  by 
B.  E.  Gowin  at  the  University  of  Wisconsin  in  1909  on  the  "  Correla- 
tion between  Reformative  Epochs  and  the  Leadership  of  Young 
Men."  In  this  a  comparison  is  made  between  the  average  ages  of 
the  leaders  in  ten  of  the  world's  greatest  modern  reform  movements 
with  the  ages  of  the  leaders  in  times  of  quiet  and  conservatism. 
In  the  Protestant  Reformation  the  average  age  of  the  leaders  at 
the  time  of  their  greatest  activity  was  thirty-eight  years.  In  the 
Puritan  Revolution  of  1640  it  was  forty  years.  In  the  American 
Revolution  the  age  of  the  leaders  averaged  thirty-eight  years. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  French  Revolution  the  average  of  the 
eleven  men  who  became  leaders  was  but  thirty-four  years.  Other 
periods  and  the  age  of  leaders  are: 

Antislavery  movement  in  America 41 

Regeneration  of  Prussia,  1808-15 46 

Modernizing  of  Japan 38 

Awakening  of  China 38 

Revolution  in  Russia 44 

Revolt  in  Turkey 32 

In  contrast  to  the  above  he  shows  that  the  average  age  of  leaders 
in  these  same  countries  in  times  noted  for  their  conservatism  was 
from  twenty  to  thirty-three  years  greater. 


WHAT  MAKES  A  PEOPLE  LETHARGIC  OR  ENERGETIC?     375 

It  is  not  true  that  a  man  who  in  his  youth  is  active  and  energetic 
will  always  counsel  the  same  spirit  in  others  when  he  grows  old. 
Clay  and  Webster  were  wilhng  that  the  nation  should  fight  for  its 
interests  in  1812,  but  in  1849  ^^^  i^S^  they  counseled  expediency 
and  compromise.  How  much  of  the  political  apathy  and  economic 
instability  which  culminated  in  the  panic  of  1892  and  1893  may  be 
due  to  the  fact  that  for  the  twenty-five  years  preceding  we  had 
been  giving  out  as  rewards  all  positions  of  authority  and  leader- 
ship to  the  men  who  had  been  discovered  in  the  strenuous  years 
from  1 86 1  to  1865?  Says  Professor  Ross:  ''A  nation  is  easiest  to 
thrash  about  a  generation  after  a  successful  war." 

A  child  will  scarcely  keep  up  with  its  parent  if  it  must  step 
each  time  in  his  footstep,  but  if  allowed  to  run  at  its  own  stride 
will  usually  beat  him  to  the  goal.  The  same  principle  holds  true 
in  business  and  in  government.  It  is  too  wasteful  a  process  to 
require  that  youth  spend  all  its  years  of  vigor  and  enthusiasm  in 
acquiring  the  stride  and  mastering  the  methods  of  its  elders. 
"It  was,"  as  Ross  says,  "a  red-letter  day  for  progress  when  the 
lad  became  his  own  master  the  moment  he  could  wield  a  warrior's 
arms." 

Undue  reverence  for  past  achievements  is  likely  to  render  society 
irresponsive  to  present  opportunities  and  responsibilities. — It  is  said 
that  the  Emperor  Trajan  was  once  remonstrated  with  by  some  of 
the  Roman  senators  for  employing  the  resources  of  the  empire  in 
the  conquest  of  peoples  so  remote  from  Rome.  He  was  told  that 
all  the  nation's  resources  were  needed  to  hold  in  subjection  the 
provinces  that  had  already  been  conquered.  The  emperor  replied 
that  it  was  for  the  sake  of  holding  what  they  had  that  the  new 
conquests  had  been  undertaken;  *'for,"  said  he,  "if  Rome's 
legions  ever  conclude  that  their  work  is  done  and  that  there  are 
no  more  lands  to  conquer,  they  will  be  unable  to  maintain  their 
rule  where  it  is  now  firmly  established."  Alexander  the  Great 
wept  because  there  were  no  more  worlds  for  him  to  conquer,  but 
his  successors,  so  impressed  with  the  magnificence  of  his  achieve- 
ments and  the  grandeur  of  their  own  inheritance,  were  unable  to 
hold  even  a  part  of  what  had  been  given  them. 

Says  Bagehot:   "A  large  part,  a  very  large  part  of  the  world 


376  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

seems  to  be  ready  to  advance  to  something  good — to  have  prepared 
all  the  means  to  advance  to  something  good — and  then  to  have 
stopped  and  not  advanced.  Inda,  China,  Japan,  almost  every 
sort  of  oriental  civilization,  though  differing  in  nearly  all  other 
things,  are  alike  in  this,  they  look  as  if  they  had  paused  when  there 
was  no  reason  for  pausing — when  a  mere  observer  from  without 
would  say  they  were  not  likely  to  pause."'  This  arrest  of  develop- 
ment, this  nation-wide  lethargy,  is  not  due  to  a  sudden  epidemic 
of  hookworm.  Rather,  it  seems  to  me,  is  it  due  to  the  fact  that 
these  peoples,  like  Lot's  wife,  committed  the  fatal  error  of  looking 
backward.  Then  being  so  filled  with  wonder  and  admiration  at 
the  achievements  of  their  ancestors,  they  undertook  as  their  chief 
aun  in  life  to  preserve  these  ancient  glories  from  the  shocks  of 
change.  But  ancient  glories,  like  old  vases,  are  pretty  fragile  things 
and  require  gentle  handHng;  and  a  progressive,  energetic  people 
is  like  a  healthy  growing  boy;  it  is  not  easy  for  either  to  walk  lightly 
or  bear  a  burden  gently.  Hence  rather  than  take  chances  with 
their  precious  heritage  on  an  untried  way  they  pitched  camp  and 
set  themselves  as  a  permanent  guard  over  their  treasures  where 
they  first  found  that  they  possessed  them. 

Physical,  social,  and  economic  isolation  removes  men  from  the 
influence  of  the  stimulus  oj  standards  or  goals  of  achievement. — The 
effects  of  physical  isolation  upon  progress  have  been  commented 
upon  extensively  by  students  of  history  and  sociology.  It  has 
been  the  peoples  who  have  lived  off  the  thoroughfares  of  migration 
and  commerce,  and  have  thus  been  deprived  of  the  stimulus  which 
comes  from  contact  with  other  peoples,  who  have  furnished  the 
data  for  constructing  a  science  of  social  embryology.  There  are 
in  Asia  and  even  in  eastern  Europe  sections  whose  populations  are 
as  different  from  the  peoples  who  surround  them  as  the  child  is 
different  from  the  adult. 

A  traveler  in  some  of  the  hardly  accessible  sections  of  the 
Appalachian  region  of  this  country  will  find  Colonial  customs  and 
standards  preserved  with  scarcely  a  modification,  certainly  with 
no  improvement.  F.  A.  Sanborn  in  his  description  of  a  "Rural 
New  England  Community"  says: 

'  Quoted  by  Ross,  Social  Psychology,  209. 


WHAT  MAKES  A  PEOPLE  LETHARGIC  OR  ENERGETIC?     377 

In  the  center  of  this  room  [a  village  storeroom]  is  a  big  stove  around  which 
almost  every  evening  throughout  the  year  are  gathered  the  more  sociable 
men  of  the  community.     Some  are  seated  on  a  low  bench  placed  near  the 
stove  for  their  convenience-a  bench  so  whittled  by  a  generation  of  pocket 
knives  as  to  have  lost  all  resemblance  to  its  original  form;  others  sit  on  counters 
or  on  barrels,  and  there  are  always  a  few  restless  spirits  who  lean  against 
whatever  is  convenient  for  that  purpose  with  their  hands  in  their  pockets 
Nobody  ever  starves  in  our  village,  although  some  of  the  folk  who  live  on  byways 
and  in  places  which  are  less  accessible  are  poor,  ill  nourished,  and  Ul  clothed 
We  do  not  care  much  for  learning  of  any  sort.    Our  letters-which  we  put  off 
writing  till  about  six  months  after  they  are  due-do  not  excel  in  grammar  or 
m  penmanship.    And  it  is  really  astonishing  to  ourselves  how  little  we  care 
for  what  goes  on  in  the  outside  world.    There  is  very  little  ambition  of  any 
sort  among  us,  and  the  modern  principle  that  everybody  ought  to  work  every 
day  and  throughout  the  whole  of  every  day  finds  no  acceptance  whatever  in 
our  New  England  corner.    There  is  no  man  who  feels  that  he  cannot  afford 
to  take  off  a  day  for  visiting,  for  partridge  shooting,  or  simply  for  resting 
whenever  he  wants  to.' 

The  inertia  of  communities  and  societies,  where  the  caste  system 
obtains,  furnishes  the  best  example  of  the  deadening  effect  of  social 
isolation.     "Among  the  Hindoos,"  says  Cooley,  "a  child  is  brought 
up  from  mfancy  in  subjection  to  ceremonies  and  rites  which  stamp 
upon  him  the  impression  of  a  fixed  and  immemorial  system.     They 
control  the  most  minute  details  of  life  and  leave  little  room  for 
choice."     Returning  missionaries  from  India,  especially  those  who 
have  had  to  do  with  mission  schools,  ascribe  the  indifference  and 
apathy  of  the  Hindoos  toward  social  and  economic  improvement 
to  the  social  isolation  imposed  by  the  caste  system,  an  isolation  as 
complete  and  effective  as  if  the  different  classes  were  different 
species  of  animal  life,  physically  unable  to  amalgamate.     Every- 
one realizes  that  he  is  born  to  his  status  and  that  no  amount  of 
personal  effort  can  improve  it  nor  lack  of  effort  lower  it. 

The  greatest  value  to  society  of  leaders  in  social  reform  and 
economic  enterprises  who  have  risen  from  the  lower  ranks  is  that 
their  example  appears  as  a  rift  in  the  cloud  of  isolation  through 
which  others  of  less  penetrating  vision  may  see  a  star  of  hope 
The  greatest  service  that  leaders  like  Booker  T.  Washington  and 
others  are  performing  for  the  Negroes  does  not  consist  so  much 

'  Atlanlic  Monthly,  LXXXIII,  89  ff. 


378  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

n  the  industrial  and  economic  training  which  they  are  giving, 
however  great  that  may  be,  but  rather  in  stimulating  interest  and 
discovering  for  them  energies  and  capabilities  of  which  they  were 
unaware. 

One  of  the  arguments  advanced  by  the  people  of  the  South 
against  the  abolition  of  slavery  was  that  the  only  way  the  fruits 
of  the  Negroes'  labors  could  be  made  to  support  them  was  to  hold 
them  to  work  at  unskilled  labor  principally  upon  the  plantations 
under  the  constant  vigilance  of  the  taskmaster.  It  was  argued  that 
to  free  the  Negroes  would  be  to  make  of  them  pauper  wards  of  the 
state  or  private  charity.  But  with  freedom  and  the  prospect  of 
receiving  a  personal  remuneration  for  their  work  it  has  been  found 
that  free  labor  is  more  economical  than  slave  labor.  Instead  of 
their  not  being  able  to  maintain  themselves,  they  have  in  the 
fifty  years  since  their  emancipation  accumulated  property  repre- 
senting almost  three  times  the  value  which  they  themselves  repre- 
sented as  slaves,  and  still  have  left  sufficient  energy  to  secure  at 
least  a  modicum  of  education  for  three-fourths  of  their  number. 
And  the  reason  was  not  that  the  Negroes  were  sullen  and  rebellious, 
refusing  to  exert  themselves  as  slaves,  nor  that  they  did  not  fear 
the  taskmaster's  lash;  it  was  because  there  was  no  motive  in  their 
work  but  dread,  no  interest  to  tap  the  reserve  of  energy,  and  no 
anticipation  to  counteract  the  reflexes  of  defense.  All  effort  was 
at  the  expense  of  the  local  production  of  energy. 

The  practice  that  is  being  adopted  by  certain  corporations 
employing  large  numbers  of  men,  of  instituting  profit-sharing 
devices  and  special  rewards  to  their  employees  is  not  a  form  of 
charity  nor  a  distribution  of  "conscience  money,"  but  a  coolly 
calculated  investment.  The  prospect  of  a  share  in  the  profits  of 
the  institution,  or  a  reward  for  special  merit  gives  an  interest  to 
the  work  which  otherwise  would  be  lacking,  no  matter  how  con- 
scientious the  workmen. 

Forms  of  industry  in  which  emphasis  and  attention  must  be 
directed  to  processes  rather  than  purposes  are  more  taxing  and  require 
a  greater  strain  of  conscious  efort  than  those  in  which  the  individual 
is  working  toward  a  definite  end,  and  in  which  the  motive  is  interest 


WHAT  MAKES  A  PEOPLE  LETHARGIC  OR  ENERGETIC?     379 

in  the  outcome.'— When  we  apply  this  principle  to  the  study  of 
modern  industrial  systems  we  can  perhaps  appreciate  a  little  more 
fully  the  great  draft  which  they  make  upon  human  energy.  Before 
the  dominance  of  the  machine  in  modern  industry,  each  workman 
in  nearly  all  trades  fashioned  some  article  in  its  entirety.  His 
interest  was  sustained  by  an  idea  associated  with  the  finished 
product.  Luther  said:  "It  is  only  slaves  that  die  of  overwork. 
Labor  is  neither  cruel  nor  ungrateful.  It  restores  the  strength 
we  give  a  hundred  fold,  and,  unlike  financial  operations,  the 
revenue  is  what  brings  in  the  capital"— the  conditions  being, 
however,  that  ''the  worker  put  soul  and  self  into  his  work."  But 
how  is  it  possible  for  a  worker  to  bring  a  personal  interest  and 
enthusiasm  to  his  work  when  his  sole  task  is  to  perform  a  single 
operation  over  and  over  from  morning  till  night  upon  bits  of 
material  that  pass  as  monotonously  as  the  telegraph  poles  pass  the 
windows  of  a  moving  passenger  coach  ? 

In  the  shoemaking  industry,  for  example,  as  many  as  one 
hundred  men  have  a  part  in  making  a  single  shoe;  each  knowing 
little  and  caring  less  about  the  work  of  the  man  whose  task  imme- 
diately precedes  or  foUows  his  own.  A  man  takes  his  place  like  a 
piece  of  machinery  with  nothing  to  do  (as  employers  are  wont  to 
say)  but  to  see  that  his  part  of  the  machine  runs  regularly,  to  puU 
a  lever  here  or  throw  a  clutch  there.  The  importance  of  the  fact 
is  overlooked  that  he  must  maintain  an  unblinking  sentinel  over 
aU  the  reflexes  of  defense  and  that  at  the  expense  of  energy  pro- 
duced in  organs  already  poisoned  with  the  toxins  of  fatigue. 

And  the  case  is  all  the  more  serious  when  these  workers  are 
growing  children.  It  is  a  biological  principle  that  any  organ  or 
faculty  regularly  prevented  from  functioning  will  atrophy.  These 
child  workers,  denied  the  opportunity  for  spontaneous  self-directed 
activity,  shut  away  from  everything  that  can  touch  their  interests 
or  provoke  their  enthusiasm,  with  no  opportunity  for  developing 
a  reserve  of  energy— is  it  not  the  normal  thing  to  expect  that  they 
should  develop  into  either  listless,  calloused  dullards  or  unstrung 
neurasthenics  ? 

'  See  Woodworth,  The  Cause  of  a  Voluntary  Movement;  also  ClaparSde,  op.  cit. 


REVIEWS 


An  Introduction  to  the  Social  Sciences.  A  Textbook  Outline. 
By  Emory  Stephen  Bogardus,  Ph.D.  Los  Angeles:  Uni- 
versity of  Southern  California,  1913.     Pp.  206. 

This  outline  is  a  notable  contribution  to  the  pedagogy  of  the  social 
sciences.  It  deserves  careful  consideration  by  every  American  teacher 
in  any  department  of  social  science.  It  is  getting  to  be  notorious  that 
we  do  not  know  very  much  about  the  psychology  of  social  science 
instruction.  The  men  who  are  most  sure  that  they  know  how  and 
when  and  where  different  aspects  of  human  experience  should  be  pre- 
sented to  students  are  most  certain  to  be  challenged  by  other  men  who 
may  or  may  not  have  an  alternative  program,  but  they  are  not  convinced 
that  anyone's  else  program  has  found  the  way  to  do  the  most  cumu- 
lative and  comprehensive  work.  In  particular,  the  most  enterprising 
teachers  are  unable  to  convince  one  another  as  to  a  best  way  to  begin 
college  instruction  in  social  science. 

The  first  merit  of  Dr.  Bogardus'  attempt  is  that  it  is  not  provincial. 
It  is  not  an  introduction  to  one  of  our  artificially  limited  departments 
of  social  science,  but  to  the  whole  field  of  human  activities  which  the 
different  departments  of  social  science  survey  from  their  respective  points 
of  view. 

Because  of,  or  in  spite  of,  their  previous  school  experience.  Freshmen 
have  a  certain  assortment  of  information  and  ideas  about  matters  that 
fall  within  the  scope  of  the  several  social  sciences.  In  all  probability 
the  logic  of  the  social  sciences  as  it  appeals  to  the  maturest  scholars 
is  not  to  be  regarded  as  a  sufficient  and  final  guide  to  the  psychology  of 
immature  students  in  their  contacts  with  social  science.  The  pedagogi- 
cal problems  which  we  have  hardly  begun  to  solve  in  this  connection 
are  questions  of  relation  between  mental  reactions  at  comparatively 
early  stages  of  development,  and  the  objective  relationships  which  it  is 
the  task  of  the  social  sciences  to  interpret.  Otherwise  expressed,  we 
have  yet  to  find  out  what  steps  in  exploration  of  human  experience  may 
be  taken  to  best  purpose  at  different  stages  of  student  maturity. 

Dr.  Bogardus'  hypothesis,  as  represented  by  this  syllabus,  is  that 
the  best  start  may  be  made  with  college  students,  not  by  introducing 
them  first  to  the  special  interests  of  one  or  another  department  of  social 

380 


REVIEWS  381 

science,  but  by  enabling  them  to  make  a  general  survey  of  the  develop- 
ment of  human  activities.  Such  a  survey  is  of  course  fundamentally 
historical  in  its  perspective,  and  certain  historians  would  say  that  it  is 
nothing  more  nor  less  than  history.  No  one  need  quarrel  about  that. 
At  all  events  it  is  history  which  brings  into  focus  all  the  sorts  of  things 
from  which  all  the  departments  of  social  science  want  to  make  abstrac- 
tions, and  which  they  want  to  examine  more  in  detail  when  their  turn 
comes.  The  argument  behind  Dr.  Bogardus'  proposal  is  that  syn- 
thetic views  after  their  kind  have  their  place  all  along  the  way  of  the 
knowledge  process,  in  alternation  with  attention  to  particulars,  and 
that  it  is  good  psychology  to  ofifer  one  of  these  general  outlooks  at  the 
outset  of  the  college  grade  of  instruction  in  the  social  sciences. 

Experience  will  be  the  teacher  that  in  the  long  run  will  be  con- 
vincing in  this  matter.  It  is  gratifying  that  Dr.  Bogardus  has  not  only 
published  his  hypothesis,  but  is  testing  it  under  favorable  circum- 
stances with  college  classes.  If  he  is  right,  the  students  who  take  his 
initial  survey  will  presently  do  more  satisfactory  work  in  the  more 
special  departments  of  social  science  than  they  could  have  done  without 
this  preliminary  orientation. 

College  teachers  who  are  interested  in  the  pedagogy  of  the  social 
sciences  ought  to  take  the  occasion  presented  by  Dr.  Bogardus'  enter- 
prise to  help  thresh  out  the  proposition  which  he  is  testing.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  many  other  instructors  will  experiment  with  class  use  of  his 
syllabus.  It  is  not  a  course  that  interests  sociologists  alone.  In  fact 
it  is  an  adaptation  of  the  program  represented  by  Schmoller's  Grundriss. 
It  might  have  been  the  work  of  a  historian,  economist,  or  political 
scientist;  and  it  might  be  offered  by  one  of  these.  If  the  principle  on 
which  it  is  based  is  sound,  it  is  fundamental  to  all  parts  of  social  science, 
not  to  a  particular  department.  Readers  of  this  Journal  are  partic- 
ularly urged  to  write  Dr.  Bogardus  any  criticisms  or  suggestions  which 
examination  of  the  syllabus  may  suggest. 

The  one  caution  which  I  feel  like  expressing  at  present  concerns  the 
"Suggested  Topics  for  Investigation"  at  the  close  of  chapters.  They 
are,  as  a  rule,  over  the  heads  or  beyond  the  reach  of  the  grade  of  students 
for  whom  the  course  is  primarily  intended.  For  example,  I  open  at 
random  to  p.  61.  On  this  and  the  following  page  are  fourteen  topics. 
They  range  from  (i)  "History  of  Playgrounds  in  Your  City"  to  (11) 
"Overwork  in  the  United  States,"  (12)  "  Koch  and  His  Value  to  Society," 
(13)  "History  of  Medical  Science,"  and  (14)  "The  United  States  Public 
Health  Service."    My  observation  leads  me  to  put  a  high  estimate  on 


382  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  utility  of  work  assigned  to  college  students  on  subjects  typified  by 
the  first  named.  On  the  other  hand  there  is  great  danger  that  writing 
essays  on  ambitious  subjects  like  the  last  four  will  abort  the  process  of 
discovering  the  difference  between  knowledge  and  opinion,  and  of 
making  progress  in  finding  out  what  is  involved  in  exact  investigation 

Albion  W.  Small 
University  of  Chicago 


Soziale  Pathologie.    Versuch  einer  Lehre  von  den  sozialen  Bezie- 
hungen    der    menchlichen    Krankheiten    als    Grundlage    der 
sozialen  Medezin  und  der  soziale  Hygiene.     Von  Dr.  Med. 
Alfred  Grotjahn.     Berlin:  Verlag  von  August  Hirschwald, 
1912.     Pp.  viii+691. 
In  this  book  human  diseases  are  discussed  with  respect  to  their  social 
relationships  and  importance.     The  discussion  of  the  different  diseases 
or  groups  of  diseases  centers  about  the  following  points:  The  frequency 
of  the  disease;  the  most  important  manifestation  of  the  disease  from  the 
social  vie^\'point  as  distinguished  from  that  which  considers  the  indi- 
vidual especially;  the  part  played  by  social  factors  in  the  causation  of  the 
disease;  the  influence  of  the  disease  on  the  social  conditions  and  activ- 
ities;   the  social  effects  of  medical  treatment  of  the  disease;    and  the 
influence  of  social  measures  and  conditions  on  the  spread  and  the  mani- 
festations of  the  diseases. 

The  special  discussion  includes  practically  all  human  diseases,  notably 
the  infectious  and  the  sexual  diseases,  the  diseases  of  women  with  special 
reference  to  childbearing,  diseases  of  children,  nervous  and  mental 
diseases,  and  diseases  of  special  organs.  Then  follows  a  general  discus- 
sion of  the  relative  social  importance  of  individual  disease  groups,  of  the 
interrelationships  of  conditions  and  diseases,  of  general  methods  of 
prevention,  of  the  problems  of  degeneration  and  eugenics. 

The  book  deals  especially  with  conditions  in  Germany,  being  based 
largely  on  German  observations  and  statistics;  but  the  facts  are  rep- 
resentative and  their  lessons  have  wide  application.  Exception  may  be 
taken  to  the  nature  of  the  recommendations  for  the  prevention  of  sexual 
diseases,  but  the  book  in  general  is  sound,  reliable,  and  has  a  distinct 
value. 

L.  Hektoen 
Chicago 


REVIEWS  383 

The  Contributions  of  Demography  to  Eugenics.  By  Dr.  Corrado 
GiNi.    London:  Chas.  Knight  &  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  99. 

This  brief  statistical  study  by  the  professor  of  statistics  at  the 
University  of  Cagliari  aims  to  bring  together  the  significant  figures 
which  throw  light  upon  the  principles  of  literal  "good  breeding."  The 
data,  while  scanty  in  regard  to  a  few  topics,  are  drawn  from  a  wide  range 
of  sources,  and  appear  to  be  painstakingly  used. 

The  first  problem  considered  relates  to  the  effect  of  the  month  of 
birth  upon  the  offspring.  In  European  countries  the  maximum  of 
births  occurs  from  January  to  March,  and  in  Italy  it  is  during  these 
months  that  the  percentage  of  still  births  rises  to  a  maximum  and  the 
mortality  of  infants  is  greatest;  this  is  attributed  to  the  inadequate 
protection  of  the  people  against  the  inclemency  of  the  winter  season. 
Not  only  is  immediate  mortality  high  for  those  born  in  winter,  but 
vitality  in  after  life,  as  shown  by  statistics  of  survival  to  various  ages, 
appears  to  be  diminished.  In  higher  latitudes  the  summer  months 
exert  a  similarly  unfavorable  influence,  as  is  well  known. 

The  next  problem  treated  at  length  is  the  effect  upon  the  offspring 
of  the  age  of  the  parents.  The  author  concludes  (p.  74):  "All  data 
examined  as  to  the  characters  of  the  children  according  to  the  age  of 
the  parents — their  weight  and  length,  their  longevity,  their  inteUigence 
and  temper — agree  in  showing  that  the  younger  the  mother  at  delivery 
the  better  are  found  to  be  the  characters  of  the  offspring."  On  another 
page  (p.  87)  he  writes:  "It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  knowledge  of  the 
improvement  in  the  vitality  of  the  offspring  to  be  derived  from  the  early 

age  of  the  bride  may  spread To  have  shown  and  proved  these 

advantages  ....  represents,  according  to  our  point  of  view,  the  chief 
result  of  this  article." 

The  author's  views  on  the  significance  of  the  difference  of  birth 
rate  between  the  higher  and  lower  classes  are  refreshingly  optimistic  and 
afford  a  pleasant  contrast  to  the  cocksure  pessimism  of  some  eugenists: 
" ....  it  does  not  necessarily  follow  from  what  we  know  of  heredity 
that  the  children  of  the  higher  classes — if  they  were  subjected  from  birth, 
or  better,  even  from  conception,  to  the  same  life  'regime'  to  which  the 
children  of  the  lower  classes  are  subjected — would  succeed  better  than 
these"  (p.  83).  He  even  ventures  the  opinion  that  possibly  "Arti- 
ficially to  stimulate  reproduction  in  the  higher  classes  and  check  that 
of  the  lower  ones  would  be  equivalent  to  trying  to  improve  society 
by  increasing  the  duration  of  the  life  of  the  old  and  preventing  new 
generations  from  ta.king  their  places"  (p.  84).     Degenerate  individuals, 


384  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  course,  of  whatever  social  class,  should  be  restrained  from  reproduction 

by  the  exercise  of  social  control. 

Erville  B.  Woods 
Dartmouth  College 


The  Larger  Aspects  of  Socialism.    By  William  English  Walling. 
New  York:  Macmillan.     Pp.  xxi+403. 

This  work  completes  the  study  of  Socialism  begun  by  Walling  in  his 
Socialism  As  It  Is.  The  former  volume  treated  the  economic  and  politi- 
cal features  of  the  movement,  while  the  latter  deals  with  its  cultural 
bearings.  The  Socialist  attitude  toward  science,  history,  morality, 
religion,  education,  and  the  relations  of  the  sexes  is  presented  chiefly 
through  quotations  from  authors  whom  Walling  considers  most  advanced 
in  their  views  upon  these  subjects.  By  no  means  all  of  these  writers 
are  Socialists,  but  in  Walling's  opinion  they  are  pragmatists — at  least 
regarding  the  subject  in  question — and  for  Walling  pragmatism  is  only 
another  name  for  Socialism.  The  pragmatism  of  Professor  John 
Dewey,  according  to  Walling,  is  twentieth-century  Socialism. 

In  one  sense  the  work  contains  little  that  is  new,  being  composed 
largely  of  quotations  from  other  authors;  at  the  same  time,  it  is  probably 
the  most  original  work  yet  produced  by  an  American  Socialist,  for  it 
does  not  follow  the  beaten  paths  of  European  writers.  It  is  also  refresh- 
ing in  its  freedom  from  the  formulas  and  stock  phrases  of  most  Socialist 
works. 

In  accordance  with  his  pragmatic  viewpoint.  Walling  looks  forward, 
rather  than  backward.  He  believes  that  man  will  rapidly  increase  his 
power  to  control  his  physical  environment  and  social  relations,  and  that 
consequently  social  progress  will  be  rapid  in  the  future.  His  criticism 
of  the  science,  "evolutionism,"  biology,  and  history  which  dwell  too 
much  on  the  distant  past  and  too  little  with  the  present  and  future  is 
keen,  if  at  times  somewhat  overdone.  These  chapters  constitute  the 
strongest  part  of  the  work  and  undoubtedly  will  go  far  to  give  Socialists, 
as  well  as  other  readers,  a  more  pragmatic  point  of  view. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  chapters  dealing  with  the  position  of  the 
individual  in  the  "new  society,"  and  the  Socialist  view  of  morality,  are 
extremely  disappointing.  It  is  hard  to  understand  how  a  pragmatist 
should  seriously  concern  himself  with  the  ethics  of  a  society  not  yet  in 
existence,  the  form  of  which  can  only  be  conjectured  at  the  present  time. 
We  should  expect  a  pragmatist  to  study  the  Socialist  movement  as  it  is 
and  is  becoming,  in  order  to  discover  the  morality  that  is  actually  being 


REVIEWS  385 

developed  by  the  life  and  activity  of  the  working  class.  In  view  of  the 
Utopian  method  employed  by  Walling  in  this  part  of  his  work,  it  is  not 
surprising  that  he  selects  Stirner  and  Nietzsche  to  express  the  Socialist 
ideals  concerning  the  individual  and  morality.  The  ideals  of  these 
writers  are  far  more  characteristic  of  the  declining  petty  bourgeoisie 
aspiring  to  more  "freedom  for  the  individual"  than  of  the  advancing 
proletariat  which  is  becoming  ever  more  conscious  of  its  power  through 
class  solidarity,  co-operation,  and  mass  action.  The  psychology  of 
the  working  class  is  not  so  much  an  "I"  as  a  "We"  psychology,  and 
Walling  seems  to  have  missed  entirely  this  fundamental  characteristic. 
The  ethics  of  Socialism  will  not  be  formulated  by  a  Stirner  or  a  Nietzsche, 
but  by  one  who  has  come  to  feel  the  full  significance  of  co-operation  and 
comradeship. 

In  emphasizing  the  prime  importance  of  a  revolution  in  our  educa- 
tional system,  Walling  unquestionably  sees  more  deeply  than  most 
Socialists.  While  the  majority  of  his  comrades  are  centering  their 
thought  on  securing  control  of  the  means  of  production  and  distribu- 
tion, he  rightly  declares  that  it  is  of  even  greater  importance  for  the 
masses  that  there  should  be  true  equality  of  opportunity  in  the  right 
sort  of  educational  advantages  for  the  children  of  all  the  people.  Most 
educators  as  well  as  Socialists  will  agree  with  Walling  that  it  would  be  a 
boon  to  the  human  race  if  the  ideals  of  Dewey  and  Montessori  were  put 
into  general  practice.  Here  as  elsewhere,  however,  Walling  dwells  too 
exclusively  on  the  importance  of  developing  "individuality,"  for  while 
it  is  desirable  that  the  individuality  of  all  should  be  developed,  it  will 
also  be  necessary  to  create  a  strong  sense  of  duty  in  the  citizens  of  a 
society  dependent  largely  upon  co-operation  and  mass  action  for  its 
existence. 

It  is  probable  that  Waliing's  treatment  of  religion  as  nearly  represents 
the  Socialist  view  as  that  of  any  other  writer,  but  a  large  number  of 
Socialists,  particularly  the  Christian  Socialists,  will  take  exception  to  his 
position,  that  fundamentally  Socialism,  like  science,  is  irreconcilable 
with  religion.  While  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  in  a  brief  work  of  this 
kind,  a  much  broader  and  deeper  study  of  Religion  in  its  social  bearings 
is  much  to  be  desired  in  Socialist  literature. 

On  the  subject  of  the  relations  of  the  sexes,  as- on  that  of  religion, 
there  is  much  difference  of  opinion  among  Socialists.  The  majority 
will  agree  with  Walling  in  giving  great  weight  to  the  views  of  Key, 
Schreiner,  and  Oilman;  but  it  is  likely  that  both  Socialists  and  non- 
Socialists  will  feel  somewhat  "up  in^the  air"  after  reading  the  chapter 


386  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

on  this  subject.  The  reason  for  this  impression  is  probably  to  be  found 
chiefly  in  the  fact  that  Walling  deals  far  more  with  opinions  regarding 
what  the  relations  of  the  sexes  ought  to  be  than  with  facts  showing  what 
they  really  are  and  are  becoming.  It  would  be  especially  helpful  if  a 
more  careful  study  were  made  of  the  effects  of  present-day  industrial 
and  social  development  upon  the  sex  relations  among  the  members  of 
the  working  class  who  are  the  ones  who  will  unquestionably  shape  the 
morality  of  the  Socialist  society.  Of  course  it  is  to  be  recognized  that  the 
working  class  of  tomorrow  will  be  considerably  different  from  the  work- 
ing class  of  today ;  nevertheless  it  is  by  following  the  actual  development 
of  this  class  in  all  its  relations  that  we  get  the  best  idea  of  what  its  life 
is  likely  to  be  in  the  future. 

Throughout  this  volume  as  in  his  previous  work,  Socialism  As  It  Is, 
Walling  makes  a  great  deal  of  the  dangers  of  state  Socialism.  He 
constantly  contrasts  true  Socialism  with  state  Socialism  and  Collectivism. 
While  it  is  probable  that  even  the  capitalists  will  favor  the  increase  of 
state  activities  along  certain  lines  in  the  near  future,  it  is  not  likely  that 
the  majority  of  Socialists  will  share  Walling's  fears  regarding  this  devel- 
opment. It  is  certain,  moreover,  that  the  majority  of  Socialists  are 
Collectivists;  so  Walling  is  entirely  wrong  in  setting  Socialism  over 
against  Collectivism.  For  the  work  of  a  pragmatist  this  book  is  pecul- 
iarly unpragmatic  in  many  of  its  aspects;  one  of  the  most  striking  of 
these  is  Walling's  conception  of  a  Socialist  society  which  is  to  begin 
some  time  in  the  distant  future,  after  we  shall  have  passed  through  a 
period  of  state  Socialism.  A  far  more  pragmatic  and  scientific  view  of 
present  tendencies  would  be  to  hold  that  the  Socialist  society  is  already 
developing  in  our  midst  and  that  with  the  growing  power  of  the  Socialist 
movement  these  Socialist  tendencies  will  be  constantly  strengthened 
until  society  will  be  organized  predominantly  on  a  Socialist  basis  rather 

than  on  the  present  capitalistic  basis. 

John  C.  Kennedy 
Chicago 

Sociology.  (Russian  text.)  By  Maxime  Kovalevsky.  St.  Peters- 
burg, Russia:  M.  M.  Stasulevitch,  1910.  Two  vols.  Pp.600. 
Matthew  Arnold  in  his  criticism  of  Leo  Tolstoy  says  {Essays  on 
Criticism,  second  series,  p.  254) :  "The  Russian  novel  has  now  the  vogue, 
and  deserves  to  have  it.  If  fresh  literary  productions  maintain  this 
vogue  and  enhance  it,  we  shall  all  be  learning  Russian."  There  would 
be  an  equally  good  reason  to  learn  Russian  for  the  sake  of  its  scientific 


REVIEWS  387 

literature,  not  excluding  sociology.  Many  sociologists  of  western 
Europe  and  America  do  not  even  suspect  that,  besides  Novicow,  De 
Roberty,  Kovalevsky,  and  others  who  write  in  either  French,  German, 
or  English,  in  Russia  there  has  flourished  for  the  last  half-century  a 
sociological  literature  which  is  unique  and  should  be  known  by  sociologists 
at  large. 

The  work  we  are  to  review  bears  the  rather  too  broad  title  of  Soci- 
ology. Vol.  I,  Part  I,  is  devoted  to  the  methodological  aspect  of  soci- 
ology, with  special  emphasis  on  the  relation  of  sociology  to  the  concrete 
social  sciences.  Part  II  contains  a  historical  sketch  of  the  development 
of  sociology  and  is  intended  by  the  author  to  be  an  introduction  to  a 
larger  volume.  Contemporary  Sociologists  (Russian  text,  St.  Petersburg: 
L.  F.  Ponteleyeff,  1905),  which  is  similar  to  Dr.  Paul  Earth's  work  in 
Vol.  I  of  his  Die  Philosophic  der  Geschichte  als  Soziologie,  and  Faustus 
Squillace's  La  classification  des  doctrines  sociologiques.  Vol.  II  is  entitled 
"Genetic  Sociology"  or  "The  Doctrine  of  the  Starting-Points  (Literally 
Moments)  in  the  Development  of  the  Family,  the  Tribe,  of  Property, 
Political  Sovereignty,  and  Psychical  Activity."  The  author  also 
suggests  that  it  could  as  well  be  called  an  "  Embryology  and  Paleontology 
of  Society."  The  purpose  of  his  book  is  "to  lead  the  Russian  readers 
into  the  sphere  of  questions  which  interest  the  sociologists  of  the  West, 
and  acquaint  them  at  the  same  time  with  some  decisions  which  sociology 
gives  regarding  the  origin  of  the  principal  social  institutions." 

In  the  methodological  part  of  the  work  various  conceptions  of 
"what  is  sociology"  are  discussed.  The  author  accepts  Professor 
EUwood's  definition  that  "sociology  is  the  science  of  the  organization 
and  evolution  of  society."  This  definition,  however,  he  thinks,  is  but 
a  more  exact  statement  of  what  Comte  called  the  science  of  the  order 
and  progress  of  human  societies. 

In  the  chapters  devoted  to  the  relation  of  sociology  and  the  con- 
crete social  sciences  the  author  goes  into  an  interesting  discussion  of 
various  topics  and  criticism  of  authors  disagreeing  with  his  point  of 
view,  but  so  detailed  as  to  eclipse  the  real  issue  at  stake.  For  example, 
in  the  chapter  on  "Sociology  and  Law"  he  rightly  insists,  and  gives 
good  reasons  for  it,  that  sociology  should  supply  the  jurist  with  some 
guiding  principles  for  determining  the  various  stages  in  the  evolution 
of  law  and  in  this  manner  emancipate  jurisprudence  from  its  traditional 
metaphysical  premises.  Here  he  also  debates  the  question  whether 
or  not  the  development  of  social  organization  is  following  some  general 
law,  and  concludes,  after  a  detailed  comparative  survey,  that  the  gradual 


388  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

transition  from  the  clan  and  tribe  organization  to  civic  society  has  been, 
in  all  probability,  by  way  of  feudalism.  In  the  chapter  on  "  Sociology 
and  Ethnography"  there  is  a  bit  of  interesting  information  worth  taking 
the  space  to  mention  here.  In  discussing  the  claim  that  totemism  is  a 
universal  stage  among  savage  peoples,  the  author  assures  us  that,  so 
far  as  the  observations  of  himself  and  those  of  his  pupils  go,  there  is  no 
trace  of  totemism  among  the  barbarian  tribes  of  the  Caucasus,  and  a 
thorough  search  among  the  rich  Russian  ethnographic  literature  reveals 
none  among  the  peoples  of  the  Russian  Empire — a  land  area  equal  to 
one-sixth  of  the  globe. 

To  come  back  to  the  relation  of  sociology  and  the  concrete  social 
sciences,  we  may  sum  up  in  the  author's  words:  "The  concrete  social 
sciences,  though  furnishing  sociology  with  materials  for  its  synthesis, 
must  at  the  same  time  base  their  empirical  generalizations  upon  those 
general  laws  of  coexistence  and  development  which  sociology,  as  the 
science  of  the  order  and  progress  of  human  society,  is  called  upon  to 
estabUsh."  As  to  sociology  itself,  he  warns  against  the  monistic  bias 
which  many  sociologists  possess.  He  rejects  any  one  "all-determining 
social  force,"  be  it  economic  or  psychological,  and  recommends  the  his- 
torical comparative  synthesizing  method  as  best  adapted  for  sociological 
research. 

The  second  volume,  as  already  mentioned,  the  author  calls  "  Genetic 
Sociology."  He  finds  this  branch  of  sociology  of  special  interest  to  the 
Russians  because  of  the  extraordinarily  rich  ethnographic  material 
possessed  by  them,  which  in  spite  of  generations  of  research  is  by  no 
means  fully  treated.  He  divides  his  material  into  the  ethnographic — 
with  special  attention  to  the  survivals  of  the  matronymic  family,  of 
exogamy,  of  animism,  etc. — and  the  historical-legendary,  containing  a 
large  mass  of  folklore.  Employing  the  historical  comparative  method, 
he  is  careful  not  to  overestimate  anything  and  to  draw  his  conclusions 
from  premises  which  admit  of  being  checked  up  by  comparison.  Thus 
he  hopes  to  be  able  to  point  out  how  all  aspects  of  the  social  life  are 
psychically  related  to  one  another  and  how  they  interact,  resulting  in 
various  social  institutions.  His  argument  that  it  is  impossible  to 
establish  a  criterion  of  primitiveness  from  ethnography,  since  it  does 
not  put  us  face  to  face  with  the  primitive  conditions  of  mankind,  leads 
him  to  a  hypothesis  of  primitive  man,  which  is  formed  by  way  of  succes- 
sive conclusions  not  only  from  ethnography  but  also  from  animal  life. 
This  leads  to  an  analysis  of  the  social  and  family  life  of  animals,  which 
then  is  considered  as  the  starting-point  of  the  human  family  and  the 


REVIEWS  389 

human  horde  or  herd.  In  these  chapters  the  much-debated  topics  of 
the  matronymic  family  and  sexual  taboos  are  thoroughly  discussed. 
The  author  favors  the  view  which  ascribes  priority  to  the  matronymic 
order.  He  also  thinks  that  the  most  primitive  sex  taboo  was  limited 
to  the  mother,  as  can  be  also  observed  among  anthropoid  apes.  The 
tribe  has  not  grown  out  of  the  family,  it  is  rather  a  human  herd  which 
grew  through  the  integrating  influences  of  taboo,  of  exogamy,  and  of  the 
elimination  of  the  blood  vengeance  within  the  group.  Exogamy  has 
originated  as  a  means  of  stopping  the  bloody  feuds  and  quarrels  for  the 
possession  of  women  and  thus  protecting  the  tribe  against  annihilation. 
Gradually  with  the  transition  into  an  agricultural  state  of  life  and  the 
increase  of  property,  which  he  thinks  had  its  beginning  in  the  fear  of 
contagious  magic,  the  regulative  functions  of  the  group  differentiated 
into  simple  forms  of  government,  which  in  its  turn  hastens  the  decay 
of  the  tribal  forms  of  organization.  Agriculture  and  private  property 
make  slavery  possible  and  profitable.  The  latter  institution  encourages 
raids  and  conquests  which  coerce  the  weaker  tribes  to  confederate  or 
be  absorbed  by  their  enemies.  War  and  conquest  give  opportunity 
for  leadership.  The  successful  leader  gradually  rises  over  his  tribesmen 
in  wealth  and  power  and  is  able  to  dictate  to  and  subordinate  them. 
This  situation  prepares  the  way  for  feudalism.  Along  with  these 
developments  of  property  and  government,  and  from  its  psychical 
aspect  intrinsically  related,  goes  on  the  development  of  religion.  Accord- 
ing to  our  author  it  has  its  roots  in  an  animistic  conception  of  nature, 
in  fear  of  departed  ancestors,  in  dreams,  etc.  Fetishism,  totemism, 
animal  and  plant  cults,  and  finally  the  worship  of  the  cosmic  forces  of 
nature  are  the  earlier  forms  of  expression  in  religion.  This  is  briefly 
the  gist  of  the  "  Genetic  Sociology." 

Although  the  foregoing  argument  is  more  or  less  familiar,  it  is  richly 
illustrated  by  old  and  new  ethnographic  material,  some  of  which  has 
been  gathered  by  the  author  himself  in  his  expeditions  among  the  bar- 
barian tribes  of  the  Russian  Empire.  His  interpretation  of  exogamy 
is  original  and  finds  support  in  a  later  independent  research  by  W.  M. 
Strong,  described  in  an  article  on  "The  Origin  of  Exogamy,"  Socio- 
logical Review,  V,  No.  4.  His  view  on  the  origin  of  religion  is  a  little 
out  of  date,  being  based  on  the  animistic  hypothesis  of  Tylor.  This, 
however,  does  not  diminish  the  value  of  his  illustrative  material,  which 
would  lend  itself  as  well  to  the  recent  interpretations  of  Miss  Jane 
Harrison  (in  Themis),  and  Emile  Durkheim  (in  Les  formes  eUmentaires 
de  la  vie  religieuse).    The  main  defect  of  Kovalevsky's  work  is  its  lack 


390  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  terseness  and  clearness  in  arrangement  of  the  great  bulk  of  valuable 
subject-matter.  Had  he  supplemented  his  volumes  by  an  outline  and 
index  of  the  contents  he  would  have  added  much  to  their  practical 
usefulness.  Aside  from  these  minor  defects  we  have  in  Kovalevsky's 
work  a  real  and  valuable  contribution  to  sociology. 

Julius  F.  Hecker 
CoLtJMBiA  University 


American  City  Government.  By  Charles  A.  Beard.  New  York: 
Century  Co.,  191 2.     Pp.  x+420. 

American  City  Government  is,  in  the  words  of  the  author,  "a  survey 
of  newer  tendencies"  in  municipal  government  with  special  emphasis 
upon  its  economic  and  social  functions.  It  is  not  intended  as  a  pro- 
found or  comprehensive  treatise.  Its  real  worth  lies  in  the  happy 
manner  in  which  a  popular  presentation  in  terms  of  human  interest  of 
some  modern  city  problems  has  been  combined  with  a  commendable 
degree  of  scientific  accuracy.  The  general  reader  will  here  find  a  most 
interesting  and  valuable  account  of  the  interplay  of  the  economic, 
social,  political,  and  legal  forces  that  condition  municipal  development 
and  which  is  so  essential  to  an  intelligent  appreciation  of  its  problems. 
The  volume  should  materially  stimulate  popular  interest  in  municipal 
affairs. 

The  work  is  divided  into  fourteen  chapters  dealing  with  such  sub- 
jects as  home  rule,  budgetary  reform,  public  utilities,  municipal  owner- 
ship, crime  and  vice,  tenement  house  problems,  municipal  recreation, 
and  city-planning.  The  writer's  treatment  of  home  rule  is  especially 
strong,  giving  an  excellent  summary  of  the  arguments  pro  and  con  and 
frankly  admitting  the  difficulties  of  the  problem.  The  writer's  ability 
to  popularize  what  is  unusually  dry  and  barren  is  best  evidenced, 
perhaps,  in  his  treatment  of  the  city's  budget  in  which  the  differences  in 
the  city's  social  efficiency  resulting  from  an  effective  financial  adminis- 
tration and  the  wasting  of  public  funds  are  vividly  set  forth.  In  the 
final  chapter,  which  deals  with  city-planning  and  municipal  art,  a 
convincing  plea  is  made  for  social  utility  as  the  basis  for  all  such  work, 
while  the  superficiality  of  most  efforts  along  this  line  is  arraigned  with 
telling  effect. 

The  whole  work  is  characterized  by  a  frankness  and  sanity  that  is 
both  pleasing  and  persuasive.  The  continual  insistence  that  mimicipal 
reform  is  only  begun  with  the  passage  of  appropriate  legislation  and  that 
the  great,  unceasing  conflict  must  be  for  its  adequate  enforcement  is 


REVIEWS  391 

both  forceful  and  timely.  That  the  mere  passage  of  reform  legislation 
is  not  a  panacea  for  municipal  ills  is  an  idea  which  the  public  has  seemed 
incapable  of  grasping  but  which  the  author  has  argued  consistently  and 
effectively.  Finally,  without  minimizing  the  importance  of  local  prob- 
lems, he  takes  the  sound  position  that  such  problems  are  ultimately 
based  upon  fundamental,  social,  and  economic  evils  which  only  the  state 
and  nation  can  successfully  assail.  Among  these  evils  are  long  hours, 
low  wages,  and  extensive  periods  of  unemployment.  "A  great  deal  can 
be  done  by  the  city  to  make  the  living  and  working  conditions  within 
its  borders  better,  but  when  the  city  has  done  its  utmost,  many  of  the 
fundamental  evils  will  remain  untouched  at  the  real  source"  (p.  386). 

A  few  inaccuracies  have  crept  into  the  work,  as  where  the  statement 
is  made  that  a  state  legislature  may  at  any  time  seize  a  municipal  water 
plant  and  "transfer  it  to  a  private  corporation  on  such  terms  as  it  may 
choose  to  provide"  (p.  36).  It  would  be  quite  difficult  to  find  any  legal 
authority  for  so  startling  a  proposition.  On  the  whole,  however,  the 
book  is  generally  free  from  the  inaccuracies,  the  superficiality,  and  the 
bias  that  too  frequently  characterize  popular  treatises  of  like  nature, 
and  it  will  undoubtedly  fill  a  distinctive  need.  The  usefulness  of  the 
volume  is  enhanced  by  an  excellent  index.  The  appendices  contain  an 
outline  of  sections  for  a  model  street  railroad  franchise,  the  recommenda- 
tions of  the  New  York  City  Commission  on  Congestion,  and  a  select, 
classified  bibliography. 

Arnold  B.  Hall 

University  of  Wisconsin 


The  Quest  of  the  Best:  Insights  into  Ethics  for  Parents,  Teachers,  and 
Leaders  of  Boys.     By  William  DeWitt  Hyde.     New  York: 
Thomas  Y.  Crowell  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  vi+267.     $1.00  net. 
According  to  the  author,  boys  are  by  nature  slovenly,  gluttonous, 
mischievous,  lazy,  prodigal,  cowardly,  untruthful,  thieving,  tardy,  dis- 
orderly, vulgar,  awkward,  contentious,  treacherous,  conceited,  licentious, 
vindictive,  and  murderous.     The  aim  of  the  book  is  to  show  the  ele- 
ment of  good  which  these  vices  may  indicate,  the  inefficiency  of  goodness 
by  constraint  and  the  efficiency  of  personal  friendship  and  example  in 
building  up  an  inner  control  and  the  quest  of  what  is  best  in  the  light  of 
one's  own  largest  good  and  the  equal  good  of  others  and  of  all. 

One  may  take  exception  to  the  general  indictment  if  it  is  made  to 
carry  more  than  the  fact  that  adjustments  to  the  social  order  are  neces- 
sarily faulty  in  the  immature  by  virtue  of  inexperience,  poor  example, 


392 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


and  defective  nurture.  Probably  an  equally  good  case  can  be  made  out 
for  the  exact  opposites  of  these  vices,  and  possibly  the  fact  is  that,  with 
the  vast  majority  of  boys,  moral  adjustments  are  made  according  to  the 
moral  efficiency  and  practices  of  the  enveloping  group.  If  so,  what  is 
called  badness  or  goodness  by  nature  loses  practically  all  of  its  individual 
moral  color,  the  remaining  pigment  being  due  to  heredity  in  the  form  of 
a  sound  or  damaged  nervous  system. 

In  addition  to  the  sane  and  reflective  treatment  of  the  specific 
ethical  problems  of  boy-life,  the  author  adds  a  chapter  on  "The  Birth- 
right of  the  Child,"  in  which  he  treats  very  briefly  such  subjects  as 
child-labor,  industrial  education,  vocational  guidance,  the  playground 
movement,  the  juvenile  court,  and  clubs  and  associations.  The  quo- 
tation on  page  251  is  probably  from  Judge  Julian  W.  Mack,  William 
being  a  misprint.  As  is  indicated  in  the  subtitle  and  introduction,  the 
book  is  not  intended  for  boys,  but  for  those  responsible  for  their  training. 
The  adult  reader,  however,  may  not  enjoy  the  repetition  which  seems 

rather  suited  to  less  mature  minds. 

Allan  Hoben 
University  of  Chicago 

Le  syndicalisme  et  la  prochaine  revolution.  By  Dufour,  Former 
Professor  of  Political  Economy. 

Within  its  professed  limits  this  work  is  an  excellent  presentation  of 
the  position  of  the  French  Syndicalists.  It  should  take  equal  rank  with 
Paul  Louis'  Le  syndicalisme  contre  Vetat.  These  limits  are  that  it  deals 
with  France  only,  and  that  it  presents  the  arguments  of  the  movement  in 
an  abstract  and  logical  form  without  undertaking  in  any  degree  to 
describe  the  movement  itself.  It  describes,  not  the  world-wide  move- 
ment loosely  called  Syndicalism,  but  the  doctrine  of  the  French  school, 
which  the  author  regards  as  "perfectly  coherent,  perfectly  demonstrable, 
and  perfectly  demonstrated." 

A  large  part  of  the  work  consists  in  the  usual  Syndicalist  reaffirmation 
of  ultra  orthodox  Marxism.  The  middle  class  is  absolutely  of  no  conse- 
quence (p.  58).  The  liberal  professions  are  all  bitter  enemies  of  syndi- 
calism (p.  180).  Labor  is  absolutely  one  and  indivisible,  and  every 
strike  is  a  class-struggle  (p.  181).  The  submission  of  present  govern- 
ments to  financial  oligarchies  is  a  permanent  feature  of  every  political 
government  (p.  1S4).  Syndicalism  will  force  the  small  agriculturists  to 
abandon  their  farms  (p.  436). 

The  expropriation  of  the  middle  class  and  the  increase  of  the  misery 


REVIEWS  393 

of  the  working  class,  however,  have  not  taken  place  to  the  degree  political 
Socialists  had  hoped  for  (sic)  (p.  222).  Moreover  the  working  class  is 
divided,  but  only  by  ideas,  not  on  economic  lines.  Strange,  this  refusal 
of  Socialists  and  Syndicalists  alike  to  accept  an  economic  explanation  for 
the  increasing  class  struggles  between  the  upper  and  lower  classes  of 
labor ! 

Combined  with  this  orthodox  Marxism  is  a  large  measure  of  pure 
anarchy.  The  mixture  is  by  no  means  merely  mechanical,  but  is  rather 
to  be  likened  to  a  chemical  combination,  for  every  close  student  must 
admit  that  Syndicalism  is  neither  Marxism  nor  Anarchism.  Typical 
anarchical  statements  are  the  following:  The  state  is  a  parasite  without 
any  economic  function ;  universal  suffrage  is  one  of  the  chief  obstacles  to 
social  revolution  (p.  181);  any  economic  action  of  the  state  is  an  inter- 
ference with  the  normal  process  of  production  (p.  186);  such  activities 
must  be  reduced,  and  the  sovereignty  of  the  state  abolished;  to  make  a 
revolution  means  to  the  Syndicalist  to  destroy  all  government  institu- 
tions, to  the  Socialist  it  means  to  take  possession  of  the  state. 

But  in  spite  of  these  anarchist  positions,  the  Syndicalist  is  no  Anar- 
chist even  in  practical  life.  Dufour  points  out  that  French  Syndicalists 
often  vote  for  Socialists,  even  when  they  refuse  to  allow  their  unions  to 
have  any  relations  with  the  Socialist  party.  This  seems  to  show,  then, 
that  the  statement  that  "in  France  the  Socialist  party  has  no  serious 
influence  on  the  working  class"  is  only  partially  true.  There  is,  on  the 
contrary,  much  in  common  between  the  two  movements,  especially  on 
this  fundamental  proposition,  mentioned  by  Dufour,  that  until  the 
Socialists  control  society,  legislation  cannot  raise  wages  in  proportion  to 
the  increasing  productivity  of  machinery.  Nor  do  the  French  Syndi- 
calists believe  that  this  can  be  accomplished  by  labor  union  any  more 
than  by  political  action.  In  this  respect  they  are  to  be  contrasted  with 
the  so-called  Syndicalists  of  England  and  America  who  are  opportunistic, 
economic  Socialists  believing  in  the  immediate  possibility  of  forcing 
capitalism  back  step  by  step  through  labor-union  action  and  without  a 
revolution. 

The  American  and  British  Syndicalists  are  interested  in  partial 
strikes  and  sabotage.  The  French  Syndicalists  are  interested  in  general 
strikes,  insurrection,  and  disintegration  of  the  army.  The  French  are 
more  Socialistic  than  the  others,  but  they  are  also  more  tied  to  traditions 
of  the  past,  and  especially  to  the  traditions  of  violent  revolutions  which 
naturally  reign  among  the  French  working  people. 

Dufour,  for  example,  is  an  evident  admirer  of  Marat.     He  does  not 


394  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

counsel  violence,  unless  the  ruling  class  resists,  but  he  predicts  that  they 
will  resist.  So,  in  his  concluding  paragraph,  the  most  emphatic  position 
possible,  he  advises  the  Revolutionists  to  remember  all  the  infamies  that 
will  have  been  committed  against  them  by  the  bourgeoisie  in  order  to 
defeat  the  establishment  of  a  new  regime.  "Any  individual  who  will 
then  be  coward  enough  to  make  an  appeal  to  our  pity  should  be  immedi- 
ately struck  down.  A  blood  bath  must  be  proclaimed  against  the  ruling 
class  and  must  equal  the  total  of  all  those  they  have  practiced  for  a 
century  on  the  workers.  Even  then  it  will  never  be  possible  to  settle 
the  debt  that  the  employing  class  owes  to  the  working  class."  The 
book  gives  an  accurate  and  consistent  summary  of  the  French  Syndicalist 
doctrine. 

William  English  Walling 
Long  Island,  New  York. 

Art  for  Life's  Sake.   By  Charles  H.  Caffin.    The  Prang  Co.    1913. 

Mr.  Caffin  has  discussed  aristocratic  and  democratic  ideals  in  art  and 
life,  education,  nature  as  the  material  of  art,  beauty,  ugliness,  naturalism 
and  realism,  religion,  morality,  machinery,  from  the  standpoint  of 
aesthetic  aims.  His  purpose  may  be  stated  in  his  own  words:  "I  have 
tried  to  show  that  the  idea  of  Beauty,  not  metaphorically  but  actually, 
involves  whatever  makes  for  the  Healthful  and  Happy  Growth  of  the 
Individual  and  Collective  Life.  Inspired  by  this  ideal  of  Beauty  and 
working  through  the  methods  of  the  artist,  men  and  women  may  become 
artists  of  their  own  lives  and  co-operate  as  artists  in  the  whole  life  of  the 
community."  The  very  suggestive  treatment  of  this  worthy  theme  did 
not  need  the  lavish  use  of  capitals  to  make  it  vigorous  and  impressive. 
The  argument  is  strong  and  convincing. 

C.  R.  Henderson 

Untversity  of  Chicago 

La  Identificacion  Dactiloscopica.  Per  Fernando  Ortiz.  Habana: 
Imp.  "La  Universal,"  1913.  Pp.  282. 
Our  Cuban  neighbors  keep  in  touch  with  the  studies  of  criminology 
and  have  given  us  a  good  treatise  on  the  "finger-print  system"  of 
identification.  The  various  methods  are  described  historically  and 
analytically,  and  the  entire  technique  is  presented  with  effective  illus- 
trations. The  applications  of  the  system  of  identification  to  civil  affairs 
may  prove  to  be  as  valuable  as  they  have  been  found  in  connection  with 
criminality. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  CEncAoo 


REVIEWS  395 

The  Task  of  Social  Hygiene.  By  Havelock  Ellis.  Boston: 
Houghton,  Mifflin  Co.,  1912.     Pp.xvH-4i4.     $2.50  net. 

The  reader  who  takes  up  this  book  with  the  expectation  of  being 
given  a  discussion  of  public  health  and  sanitation  in  the  purely  physical 
sense  will  be  at  first  disappointed,  then  interested,  and  at  length  either 
delighted  or  shocked,  according  to  the  particular  type  of  mind  to  which 
he  may  belong.  We  recommend  those  who  do  not  feel  able  to  put  up 
with  a  tolerably  frank  discussion  of  social  problems  and  a  well-considered 
but  biting  criticism  of  certain  prevalent  social  and  moral  attitudes  to 
leave  the  book  alone.  Others  will  find  it  a  stimulating  critical  discus- 
sion of  some  very  live  topics.         ' 

Havelock  Ellis  is  probably  best  known  to  most  of  us  as  the  author 
of  Man  and  Woman  and  The  Criminal,  as  editor  of  the  "Mermaid" 
series,  and  more  recently  as  author  of  a  fascinating  series  of  essays  on 
dreams.  His  studies  in  the  psychology  and  ethics  of  sex,  to  which 
Man  and  Woman  was  merely  a  preliminary,  are  naturally  familiar  to  a 
comparatively  small  circle  of  psychologists,  medical  men,  and  sociologists. 
In  fact  his  work  in  this  line — pursued  as  he  tells  us  in  the  postscript  to 
the  last  volume  of  the  Psychology  of  Sex  and  the  preface  to  the  present 
volume  for  a  quarter  of  a  century — is  probably  better  known  in  Germany 
than  in  either  the  United  States  or  England.  It  is  perhaps  regrettable 
that  his  remarkably  broad-minded  Sex  in  Relation  to  Society,  voluminous 
as  it  is  with  the  digested  observation  and  investigation  of  thirty  years, 
illumined  by  a  genuinely  sincere  rational  earnestness  to  get  at  the  truth, 
and  extraordinarily  free  from  preconceived  conceptions,  either  "scien- 
tific," moral,  or  religious — unless  a  firmly  rooted  desire  to  see  progress 
follow  both  nature  and  reason  toward  the  free  and  full  unfolding  of  life's 
finest  possibilities  be  such — should  not  have  a  wider  circle  of  readers. 
For  such  as  do  not  care  to  take  the  time  for  the  fuller  and  more  technical 
presentation  we  recommend  this  more  popular  presentation  of  the  task 
of  what  the  author  calls  social  hygiene. 

By  social  hygiene  we  are  to  understand  "what  was  formerly  known 
as  social  reform,"  or,  even  more  broadly,  "  the  study  of  those  things  which 
concern  the  welfare  of  human  beings  living  in  societies."  Out  of  the 
infinite  number  of  problems  the  author  obviously  might  have  selected 
for  discussion  under  so  broad  a  heading,  he  naturally  chooses  those 
which  seem  to  him  very  essential  and  very  fundamental.  "It  is  the 
task  of  this  hygiene  not  only  to  make  sewers,  but  to  remake  love,  and  to 
do  both  in  the  same  large  spirit  of  human  fellowship,  to  ensure  finer 
individual  development  and  a  larger  social  organization." 


396  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Social  reform,  as  such,  which  arose  out  of  English  industrialism, 
has  gone  through  four  stages,  according  to  the  author's  analysis:  sanita- 
tion, factory  legislation,  the  extension  of  the  scope  of  education,  and 
finally,  puericulture,  which  last  finds  its  fullest  development  today  in 
France,  but  is  rapidly  extending,  under  the  influence  of  eugenics  and 
what  we  may  call  the  modern  cult  of  the  child,  to  England  and  even 
(as  the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Children's  Bureau  suggests)  to  the 
United  States.  With  this  last  movement — "the  effort  to  guard  the  child 
before  the  school  age,  even  at  birth,  even  before  birth,  by  bestowing  due 
care  on  the  future  mother" — social  reform  goes  as  far  as  it  can,  and 
social  hygiene  in  a  broader  and  deeper  sense  must  be  set  to  work.  This 
next  stage,  the  essential  idea  in  which  seems  generally  speaking  to  be 
eugenics,  "cannot  fail  to  take  us  to  the  very  source  of  life  itself,  lifting 
us  beyond  the  task  of  purifying  the  conditions,  and  laying  on  us  the 
further  task  of  regulating  the  quantity  and  raising  the  quality  of  life 
at  its  very  source."  When  it  "became  generally  realized  that  it  was 
possible  to  limit  offspring  without  interfering  with  conjugal  life,  a  step 
of  immense  importance  was  achieved"  because  with  this  knowledge 
procreation  becomes  a  deliberate  act,  and  through  control  of  reproduc- 
tion a  new  conception  of  social  hygiene  is  rendered  possible. 

It  follows  that  the  unthinking  people  who  decry  any  limitation  of  the 
birth-rate  get  short  shrift  with  Mr.  Ellis.  His  chapter  on  the  declin- 
ing birth-rate  shows  as  fine  and  accurate  appreciation  of  the  real  ethics 
of  the  population  problem  as  we  have  found,  albeit  it  contains  one  or 
two  rather  obvious  overstatements.  We  recommend  that  those  who 
hold  to  the  military  and  selectionist  view  of  population  give  this  chapter 
a  thoughtful  reading. 

It  is  not  without  reason  that  the  second  chapter  is  a  republication 
of  a  paper  on  "the  changing  status  of  women"  originally  written  in  1888, 
for  in  the  author's  view  a  complete  change  is  necessary  to  the  carrying- 
out  of  the  new  hygiene  which  will  be  quite  as  much  in  woman's  hands 
as  man's.  We  find  him  accordingly  a  consistent  and  thoughtful  feminist, 
with  a  vivid  consciousness  of  the  powerful  progressive  significance  of  the 
woman's  movement,  and  at  the  same  time  a  keen  critic  of  what  he  con- 
siders its  shortcomings  and  dangers,  especially  in  the  United  States  and 
England.  In  this  volume  as  in  the  Sex  in  Relation  to  Society,  he  emphat- 
ically points  out  the  ethical  and  biological  indispensability  of  economic 
independence  of  women.  It  will,  he  says,  certainly  tend  to  restore  to 
sexual  selection  its  due  weight  in  human  development.  One  is  put 
somewhat  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  judge  Mr.  Ellis'  ideals  of  what  the 


REVIEWS  397 

woman  movement  ought  to  accomplish.  He  sees  great  possibilities  in 
the  eugenics  movement,  and  his  long  study  of  sex  matters  from  a  thor- 
oughly rationalistic  point  of  view  has  made  him,  one  usually  feels,  a 
champion  of  the  right  and  duty  of  women  to  free  and  unhampered 
development.  At  times,  however,  he  comes  perilously  near  to  falling 
into  the  usual  masculine  fallacy  of  saying  that  women  "are  different" 
and  then  proceeding  to  lay  down  a  law  of  development  for  them  accord- 
ing to  some  preconceived  masculine  conception  of  just  wherein  the 
difference  is  to  be  found.  One  can  rarely  accuse  this  writer,  however, 
of  ever  preconceiving  anything.  He  has  been  considerably  influenced 
by  Ellen  Key  (or  is  the  debt  the  other  way  ?)  but  he  is  remarkably  free 
from  the  false  and  wishy-washy  sentimentalism  which  too  often  charac- 
terizes the  worshipers  of  motherhood.  Nevertheless,  he  finds  the  true 
ideals  for  the  woman's  movement  not  in  England  or  America,  but  in 
Germany,  where  Die  Neue  Generation,  the  Bund  fiir  Mutterschutz  are 
to  our  notion,  putting  the  emphasis  on  woman's  freedom  to  self-develop- 
ment as  a  sex  rather  than  as  human  beings.  Mr.  Ellis  seems  to  think, 
with  Ellen  Key,  that  there  is  no  median  ground  between  two  extremes, 
the  one  putting  the  whole  emphasis  on  woman  as  mother,  the  other  what 
Ellen  Key  "regards  as  the  American  conception  of  progress  in  woman's 
movements,  that  is  to  say,  the  tendency  of  women  to  seek  to  capture  the 
activities  which  may  be  much  more  adequately  fulfilled  by  the  other 
sex."  "Women,"  he  concedes,  "need  free  scope  for  their  activities — 
and  the  earlier  aspirations  of  feminism  are  thus  justified — but  they  need 
it  ....  to  play  their  part  in  that  field  of  creative  life  which  is  peculiarly 
their  own."  Whatever  the  large  element  of  truth  in  it,  this  smacks  too 
much  of  the  sort  of  thing  we  get  from  writers  like  Dr.  C.  W.  Saleeby. 
Mr.  Ellis  should  see  that  this  mode  of  expression,  if  not  of  thought,  plays 
directly  into  the  hands  of  those,  now  rapidly  diminishing  in  number  and 
influence,  who  wish  to  deny  freedom  and  responsibility  to  women  in  any 
field.  When  he  goes  on  to  say  that  "  the  really  fundamental  difference 
between  man  and  woman  is  that  he  can  usually  give  his  best  as  a  creator, 
and  she  as  a  lover,  that  his  value  is  according  to  his  work  and  hers  accord- 
ing to  her  love,"  we  think  he  simply  lets  his  literary  abihty  get  away 
with  his  science.  It  may  be  that  for  Germany  the  Bund  fiir  Mutter- 
schutz in  seeking  to  strike  the  chains  off  human  motherhood  is  preparing 
the  way  for  a  larger  freedom  and  service,  but  in  our  opinion  both  the 
Germans  and  Mr.  Ellis  are  in  danger  of  forgetting  that  motherhood, 
whether  with  or  without  matrimony,  takes  only  a  portion  of  woman's 
time,  and,  according  to  Mr.  Ellis'  own  hopes  for  a  continued  fall  in  the 


398  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

birth-rate,  may  reasonably  be  expected  in  the  aggregate  to  take  still  less 
in  the  future.  We  recommend  to  him  Anna  Garland  Spencer's  chapter 
on  the  "  Social  Use  of  the  Post-Graduate  Mother."  Nevertheless,  what- 
ever minor  differences  in  point  of  view  there  may  be,  the  reader  will 
find  his  brief  discussion  of  the  German  woman  movement  informing. 

If  we  ask  what  definitely  are  the  tasks  of  social  hygiene,  they  seem 
to  be  the  eugenic  uplift  of  the  race,  the  abolition  of  war  between  classes 
and  nations  (to  which  one  chapter  is  given),  and  the  establishment  of  an 
international  language — some  offshoot  of  Esperanto — which  claims 
another  chapter.  It  is  not  easy  superficially  to  trace  a  line  of  unity 
through  the  last  half  of  the  book,  although  the  chapters  on  "Religion 
and  the  Child,"  ''The  Problem  of  Sexual  Hygiene,"  and  "Immorality 
of  the  law  "  all  do  find  a  certain  unity  in  the  ideas  of  puericulture  and  the 
purification  of  sex  and  all  that  pertains  to  sex  from  the  foulness  and 
secrecy  and  commercialism  into  which,  partly  through  economic  condi- 
tions, partly  through  uncivilized  human  nature,  and  partly  through  the 
mistaken  notions  of  Puritanism  and  the  unholy  influence  of  Christian 
asceticism,  these  matters  have  fallen.  Space  forbids  any  estimate  of 
the  Tightness  or  wrongness  of  the  author's  views  on  sex  education  and 
attempted  legal  control  of  prostitution  and  liquor  traffic,  but  they  are 
worth  attention. 

A.  B.  Wolfe 
Oberlin  College 

San  Francisco  Relief  Survey.     The  Organization  and  Methods  of 
Relief  used  after  the  Earthquake  and  Fire  of  April  i8,  1906. 
Compiled  from  studies  by  Charles  J.  O'Connor,  Francis  H. 
McLean,  Helen  Swett  Artieda,  James  Marvin  Motley, 
Jessica  Peixotto,  Mary  Roberts  Coolidge.    New  York: 
Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  1913.     Pp.  xxv+483.     $3.50. 
This  late  publication  of  the  Russell  Sage  Foundation  is  a  highly  con- 
crete study  of  a  specific  emergency,  a  disaster  involving  an  entire  city  in 
every  phase  of  its  life.     A  notice  from  the  publishers  states  that  advance 
copies  were  hurriedly  prepared  in  March  and  sent  to  the  Red  Cross 
representatives  at  Dayton  and  other  cities  of  the  flood  district.     One 
value  of  such  a  survey  lies  in  its  application  to  similar  disasters. 

The  study  opens  with  an  account  of  the  tentative  methods  of  organi- 
zation adopted  on  the  first  day  of  the  disaster  in  meeting  the  pressing 
immediate  needs  and  in  making  some  provision  for  the  more  extended 
direction  of  relief  to  follow.     From  this  beginning  the  relief  work  is  traced 


REVIEWS  399 

in  detail  through  its  entire  period.  The  concluding  chapters  deal  with 
the  situation  two  years  later,  giving  a  resume  of  the  final  status  when 
approximately  normal  conditions  were  restored,  and,  in  the  section  on 
the  permanent  care  of  dependents,  stating  some  of  the  lasting  results  as 
shown  in  those  who  had  become  charges  upon  the  community. 

The  part  played  in  successive  periods  by  the  army,  the  Red  Cross, 
the  Corporation,'  and  finally  the  Associated  Charities,  is  brought  out,  the 
management  passing  to  the  more  normal  agencies  as  the  situation 
developed  from  critical  emergency  to  an  increasing  adjustment.  The 
military  control  of  the  first  month?  is  an  interesting  phase,  with  its 
demonstration  of  the  immediate  use  of  an  organized  and  efficient  system 
in  a  municipaUty  whose  regular  agencies  and  normal  connections  had 
been  completely  destroyed.  The  military  supervision  of  the  distribution 
of  supplies  and  the  management  of  camps,  extending  over  the  emergency 
period  of  the  first  two  months,  gave  way  early  to  a  business  organization 
with  a  definite  constructive  policy. 

The  account  of  the  work  of  the  Corporation  is  given  in  two  of  the  most 
interesting  sections,  those  on  business  and  housing  rehabilitation  (Parts 
III-IV,  pp.  171-278).  They  are  a  recital  of  the  attempt  to  restore  the 
bases  of  the  city's  life.  The  viewpoint  was  comprehensive:  the  aim, 
more  or  less  completely  realized,  was  to  maintain  and  whenever  possible 
to  raise  the  standard  of  living.  The  statistics  of  the  revisit  of  1908  show 
that  this  purpose  was  achieved  in  a  marked  degree. 

In  conclusion  there  is  a  short  summarizing  chapter  outlining  "Some 
Lessons  of  the  Survey,"  distinguishing  successful  measures  from  those 
less  successful.  Definite  recommendations  for  future  reUef  work  are 
included.  The  survey  is  supplemented  by  appendices  containing  various 
official  documents,  additional  statistics,  detailed  financial  statements,  the 
personnel  of  the  several  committees,  and  reproductions  of  the  official 
registration  and  application  forms. 

Outside  of  its  interesting  sociological  data  and  its  obvious  practical 
value,  the  study  is  significant  in  demonstrating  the  modern  viewpoint 
and  way  of  approach  in  regard  to  problems  of  relief.  The  method  in 
San  Francisco  was  democratic  in  principle;  the  plan  of  action  was  worked 
out  under  an  administration  maintaining  a  high  degree  of  efficiency  with- 
out the  sacrifice  of  the  essential  human  equation. 

E.  L.  Talbert 

University  of  Chicago 

» The  Corporation  and  Board  of  Trustees  of  Relief  and  Red  Cross  Funds,  the 
official  agency  of  relief. 


400  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Constructive  Rural  Sociology.  By  John  M.  Gillette.  New  York: 
Sturgis  &  Walton  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  xiii+301. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  useful  books  on  Country  Life  which  has  yet 
appeared.  It  combines  a  wide  range  of  topics  discussed  briefly  but  sug- 
gestively, with  a  list  of  references,  chapter  by  chapter,  which  tempt  the 
reader  to  further  exploration  of  the  field. 

The  social  life  of  the  country  is  approached  by  means  of  such  topics 
as  "Rural  and  Urban  Increase,"  "Advantages  and  Disadvantages  of 
Farm  Life,"  "Improvement  of  Agricultural  Production,  of  Farm  Busi- 
ness Operations,  of  Transportation,"  "Social  Aspects  of  Land  and 
Labor,"  "Rural  Health  and  Sanitation."  In  later  chapters  the  working 
of  the  rural  social  institutions  is  traced;  rural  clubs,  the  church,  the 
school,  rural  charity  and  correction  are  discussed.  A  chapter  might  well 
have  been  devoted  to  a  unified  account  of  the  "Rural  Family."  Other 
important  topics  are  treated,  including  a  suggestive  final  chapter  on 
"Rural  Social  Surveys." 

Both  the  strength  and  the  weakness  of  the  book  are  connected  with 
the  breadth  of  the  field  covered.  Any  attempt  to  link  the  practical 
problems  of  rural  life  with  the  general  principles  of  social  theory  within 
the  limits  of  a  three-hundred-page  volume  is  beset  with  difficulties;  in 
this  work  a  certain  expansion  of  the  subject  is  effected  by  the  attempt 
which  cannot  but  prove  stimulating.  In  general,  however,  the  chapters 
in  which  the  concrete  predominates,  and  theoretical  preliminaries  are 
gotten  over  with  speedily,  are  the  more  successful. 

The  first  five  chapters  which  are  of  a  more  or  less  general  nature  are 
probably  the  weakest  portion  of  the  book.  Chapter  iii  on  "Types  of 
Communities"  is  not  convincing  as  a  piece  of  classification,  and  chapter 
iv  is  open  to  grave  criticism  from  a  statistical  point  of  view.  For 
example,  on  page  39,  a  considerable  mass  of  entirely  undated  statistics 
relating  to  interstate  migration  is  cited.  Again  on  pp.  36-38  the  author 
argues  that  since  3,687,564  aliens  were  admitted  to  the  United  States  in 
the  nineties,  and  since  probably  78  per  cent,  or  2,876,300,  of  them  settled 
in  certain  industrial  states,  and  finally,  since  this  latter  figure  "is  found 
to  be  67 . 5  per  cent  of  the  total  urban  increase  of  those  states  during  the 
same  decade,"  therefore  we  may  conclude  that  from  65  to  70  per  cent 
of  the  urban  growth  is  composed  of  immigrants.  Such  a  conclusion  is 
hardly  justified  when  we  consider  that  the  3,687,564  upon  which  the 
argument  rests  is  simply  the  total  of  incoming  aliens  entirely  uncorrected 
for  departures  from  our  ports.  The  exact  number  of  such  departures  is 
indeed  unknown  for  the  years  previous  to  1908,  but  they  were  un- 


REVIEWS  401 

doubtedly  numerous  during  the  years  of  depression  in  the  nineties. 
Apparently  we  find  in  the  author's  reasoning  the  double  assumption, 
first,  that  the  uncorrected  total  of  incoming  aliens  during  a  decade 
increases  the  population  at  the  end  of  the  decade  by  their  exact  number, 
and,  second,  that  all  of  the  immigrants  going  to  these  specified  states 
settled  in  the  cities;  of  course,  in  general,  immigrants  do  settle  in  the 
cities  of  our  industrial  states  in  very  large  proportions,  but  it  is  not  good 
statistics  to  assiune  that  100  per  cent  of  them  do  so. 

Great  credit,  however,  is  due  the  author  for  valuable  pioneering  in 
a  most  fertile  and  promising  field,  and  the  usefulness  of  this  book,  it  is  to 
be  hoped,  will  justify  another  edition  in  which  typographical  errors, 
occasional  infelicities  of  expression,  and  a  certain  looseness  of  statistical 

treatment  throughout  may  be  corrected. 

Erville  B.  Woods 
Dartmouth  College 


Elements  de  sociologie.  Par  P.  Caullet.  Paris:  Librarie  des 
Sciences  Politiques  et  Sociales,  Riviere  et  Cie.     Pp.  356. 

The  author  of  this  interesting  work  declares  in  his  preface  that  he 
does  not  intend  to  set  forth  any  new  sociological  theory,  but  to  offer  a 
summary  of  results  upon  which  the  most  authoritative  sociologists  are 
substantially  agreed,  or  of  points  which,  if  somewhat  divergent  as  stated 
by  their  original  authors,  may  readily  be  brought  into  a  synthesis. 

He  precedes  each  chapter  by  a  bibliography.  These  bibliographies 
include  only  books  that  are  accessible  in  French,  the  American  authors 
mentioned  being  Ward,  Giddings,  and  Baldwin.  If  one  were  to  attempt 
to  name  the  authorities  upon  whom  he  most  depends,  in  the  order  of 
their  importance  to  this  work,  the  list  would  be  somewhat  as  follows: 
Roberty,  Tarde,  Durkheim,  Comte,  Spencer,  DeGreef,  Bougie,  Worms, 
and  perhaps  Waxwiler,  Coste,  and  Consentini. 

The  author  proposes  a  study  of  sociology,  considered  as  an  abstract 
science.  However,  he  devotes  the  two  closing  chapters  to  plans  of  social 
amelioration;  and,  like  others  of  the  sociologists  whose  work  he  sum- 
marizes, he  exhibits  the  hope  that  socialism  may  be  so  developed  and 
modified  as  to  prove  an  available  program  of  progress. 

In  its  treatment  of  "abstract  sociology"  the  book  is  proportionally 
fullest  on  the  subjects  of  method  and  scope,  which  occupy  the  first  six 
of  its  twenty-two  chapters.  In  replying  to  the  question:  What  char- 
acterizes social  phenomena,  as  a  distinct  class  requiring  to  be  studied 
by  a  distinct  science  ?  he  recalls  the  answer  of  Rene  Worms:  co-operation 


402  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

between  the  thoughts  or  actions  of  different  persons,  whether  few  or 
many;  and  that  of  Durkheim:  external  constraint,  such  as  that  of  law, 
morality,  and  conventionality;  and  that  of  DeGreef:  contractualism, 
express  or  implied;  and  that  of  Tarde:  the  contact  of  spirits  in  which 
thoughts  and  desires  become  the  property  of  minds  in  which  they  did 
not  originate.  But  he  gives  chief  emphasis  to  the  answer  that  social 
phenomena  are  a  realm  of  finalism,  that  is,  of  definite  conscious  desires 
which,  by  a  sort  of  illusion,  even  seem  to  play  the  part  of  causes.  If  it 
were  objected  that  this  does  not  constitute  a  ground  of  distinction 
between  social  and  individual  action,  M.  Caullet  would  reply  that  any 
desires  that  could  be  developed  by  individuals  in  total  isolation  would 
be,  like  the  desires  of  animals,  merely  physiological  phenomena,  having 
only  an  indirect  interest  for  sociology.  It  is  true  that  desires,  once 
evolved,  like  other  elements  of  social  reality,  play  a  part  in  social  causa- 
tion; moreover,  tracing  the  relation  between  desires  and  other  social 
phenomena  may  be  accepted  as  one  of  the  several  methods  of  sociology. 
Nevertheless  he  says  that  to  regard  desires  as  the  social  causes  would  be 
to  imitate  our  ancestors  who  explained  fire  by  "phlogiston"  and  life  by 
"vital  force."  The  argument  at  this  point  is  a  vivid  reminder  of  the 
view  expressed  by  the  reviewer  on  "  the  social  forces  error."'  M.  Caulett 
correctly  excludes  geographic,  ethnographic  (biologic),  and  demographic 
facts  (number,  density,  etc.)  from  the  sphere  of  social  realities,  recog- 
nizing them  only  as  among  the  conditions  that  help  to  cause  and  to 
explain  the  social  phenomena. 

In  his  attempt  to  synthesize  the  various  answers  to  the  question: 
What  is  the  essential  characteristic  of  social  reality  ?  the  author  happily 
imitates  Le  Dantec's  definition  of  biological  reality,  with  this  result: 
Sociology  studies  those  traits  which  are  common  to  all  social  phenomena 
and  absent  from  all  organic  or  inorganic  phenomena. 

In  classifying  social  phenomena  he  adopts  the  main  distinction  made 
by  Roberty  between  social  thought  and  social  action.  Far  from  regarding 
economic  facts  as  the  foundation  of  all  other  social  realities,  he  teaches 
that  without  social  thoughts  economic  phenomena  would  not  be  social 
but  only  biological  realities,  and  that  economic  facts  are  effects,  not 
causes  of  social  thought,  although,  like  many  other  phenomena,  once 
produced  they  react  powerfully  upon  their  cause.  His  classification 
is  as  follows:  (I)  phenomena  of  social  thought,  (i)  scientific,  (2)  philo- 
sophic, (3)  aesthetic;    (II)  phenomena  of  social  action,  (i)  economic, 

'American  Journal  of  Sociology,  XIV,  pp.  613,  642;  and  Proceedings  of  The 
American  Sociological  Society,  V. 


REVIEWS  403 

(2)  juridical,  (3)  political.  Economics,  jurisprudence,  and  political 
science  he  regards  as  "the  hierarchy  of  special  sociological  sciences." 
Some  might  be  inclined  to  comment  that  if  he  were  true  to  his  definition 
which  was  given  above,  on  the  analogy  of  the  definition  of  general 
biology,  he  would  reserve  the  word  "sociological"  to  designate  studies 
of  traits  common  to  all  the  phenomena  included  in  this  classification, 
and  not  claim,  as  he  does  both  here  and  in  his  later  summary,  that  the 
special  social  sciences  are  provinces  within  general  sociology.  To 
place  the  phenomena  of  social  thought  and  of  social  action  in  the  two 
separate  main  divisions  of  his  classification  suggests  the  question  whether 
it  would  not  be  truer  to  facts,  and  a  better  guide  to  investigation,  to 
recognize  thought  and  action  as  distinguishable  elements  in  social  phe- 
nomena or  nearly  every  class,  rather  than  as  two  main  divisions  of  social 
phenomena.  Science  and  philosophy  are  indeed  made  up  almost  entirely 
of  thought-elements,  but  the  practical  arts  which  he  classifies  as  actions 
are  made  up  largely  of  thought  elements,  and  in  the  aesthetic  phenomena 
feeling-elements  largely  predominate. 

The  second  "book"  of  the  work  is  entitled  "The  Genesis  of  Social 
Phenomena,"  and  the  third  and  last  is  entitled  "The  Evolution  of  Social 
Phenomena."  These  two  titles  most  American  sociologists  would  have 
used  as  designations  for  phases  of  the  subject-matter  belonging  in  one 
"book"  in  a  treatise  on  sociology.  The  subject  of  social  origin  and 
evolution  is  only  briefly  discussed. 

The  second  "book"  contains  a  most  interesting  introductory  chapter 
on  the  relation  between  sociology  and  psychology.  Here  is  set  forth 
the  doctrine  of  the  "bio-social  hypothesis,"  according  to  Roberty. 
This  doctrine  is  that  mentality,  as  well  as  individuality,  is  a  social 
product,  that  cerebral  physiology  and  sociology  supply  all  the  abstract 
and  fundamental  principles  for  the  explanation  of  mental  life;  that 
physiology  and  sociology  are  abstract  fundamental  sciences,  as  physics 
and  chemistry  are,  and  that  they  are  to  psychology  what  physics  and 
chemistry  are  to  geology,  that  is  to  say,  just  as  geology  is  an  application 
of  the  principles  of  physics  and  chemistry  to  a  special  set  of  concrete 
problems,  so  also  psychology  is  an  application  of  the  principles  of  cerebral 
physiology  and  of  sociology  to  the  explanation  of  mental  life,  so  that 
psychology,  like  geology,  is  not  an  abstract  and  fundamental  science 
but  only  a  "concrete"  science,  depending  for  all  its  ultimate  explana- 
tions upon  the  fundamental  sciences  from  which  its  explanatory  principles 
must  be  borrowed. 

The  more  usual  view  among  American  sociologists  has  been  that 


404  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

while  the  content  of  mental  life,  which  constitutes  individuality  and 
composes  social  realities,  is  indeed  a  social  product,  still  the  method  and 
mechanism  of  conscious  life  is  not  necessarily  dependent  upon  associa- 
tion but  antecedent  to  association,  and  while  the  method  as  well  as  the 
mechanism  of  consciousness  may  require  biological  explanation,  yet  the 
investigation  of  them  is  a  study  so  important,  so  exacting,  and  so  differ- 
ent from  the  rest  of  biology,  that  it  is  proper  to  regard  it  as  a  science  by 
itself;  and  furthermore,  that  this  science  of  psychology  is  fundamental 
to  sociology  much  as  chemistry  is  fundamental  to  biology,  and  as  every 
antecedent  science  in  Comte's  hierarchy  is  fundamental  to  those  which 
follow. 

It  may  be  remarked  that  M.  Caullet  adopts  the  Comtian  hierarchy 
of  the  sciences,  though  criticizing  Comte's  references  to  psychology,  and 
justifying  the  absence  of  psychology  as  well  as  of  geology  from  the  hier- 
archical list  by  the  "bio-social  hypothesis"  in  the  manner  above  indi- 
cated. 

Following  Roberty  again,  the  author  teaches  that  the  four  essential 
modes  in  which  social  thought  appears,  namely,  science,  philosophy, 
art,  and  action,  form  a  true  hierarchy,  developments  in  each  of  the  four 
following  each  other  in  a  strict  order  of  causal  sequence.  Science,  in 
this  view,  of  course,  includes  rudimentary  knowledge  of  particular 
things.  Comte's  doctrine  of  the  three  stages  is  thus  set  aside  as  a  uni- 
versal generalization,  but  it  is  accepted  as  applying  to  philosophy,  and 
as  having  application  to  other  social  realities  in  so  far  as  they  are  inter- 
penetrated by  philosophical  ideas. 

In  accordance  with  this  view  that  each  of  the  particular  social  sciences 
"constitutes  a  branch  of  general  sociology,"  "Book  Three"  is  divided 
into  two  parts.  Part  One  consisting  of  a  very  brief  summary  of  results 
in  "social  geography,"  "social  psychology,"  "economics,"  "jurispru- 
dence," and  "political  science,"  Part  Two  offering  a  statement  of  gen- 
eral principles  of  the  life  and  evolution  of  society  as  a  whole. 

The  following  five  principles  of  social  life  are  emphasized:  (i)  the 
principle  of  limits  of  variation,  due  to  the  boundaries  set  by  human  nature 
and  material  environment,  in  consequence  of  which  we  find,  not  an  end- 
less variety  of  social  forms,  but  certain  types  appropriate  to  each  stage 
of  evolution,  which  reappear  among  different  peoples  who  have  not 
imitated  each  other;  (2)  the  principle  of  continuity,  comparable  to  the 
biological  principle  of  heredity,  according  to  which  the  past  shapes  the 
present  in  spite  of  the  will  of  men;  (3)  the  principle  of  correlation,  easily 
lost  sight  of  by  social  specialists,  according  to  which  social  activities 


REVIEWS  405 

of  one  class  modify  all  the  other  activities  of  the  same  society,  and 
even  produce  theological,  military,  industrial,  and  other  social  types; 
(4)  the  principle  of  equivalence,  based  upon  the  importance  of  the 
sunplest  functions  to  all  the  rest,  which  excludes  any  hierarchical  arrange- 
ment of  social  functions  based  upon  their  importance,  and  exhibits 
them  in  mutual  subordination— that  is,  in  equivalence;  (5)  the  principle 
of  differentiation,  Spencer's  principle  of  continual  progression  from  con- 
fused homogeneity  to  definite  and  co-ordinated  heterogeneity. 

To  these  he  adds  that  the  fundamental  law  of  social  evolution  is 
that  social  relationships  first  engender  intellectual  phenomena,  but  that 
intellectual  phenomena,  once  present,  so  react  upon  their  own  cause  that 
intellectual  evolution  issuing  as  it  does  from  social  realities  yet  is  the 
basal  determinant  of  social  evolution. 

This  review  cannot  attempt  anything  like  a  complete  enumeration 
of  the  points  included  under  the  heading  of  principles  of  general  sociology 
as  distinguished  from  results  of  the  special  social  sciences,  but  one  more 
point  specially  calling  for  mention  is  the  fact  that  our  author  exhibits 
the  "process"  viewpoint,  even  saying:  "There  is  nothing  static  in  social 
reality,  and  nothing  of  anatomy,  in  the  sense  of  structure,  independent 
of  function." 

In  referring  to  the  agents  of  social  progress  he  employs  the  phase 
"social  technician"  (p.  333).  He  emphasizes  the  statement  that  the 
progress  of  any  society  can  be  effectively  led  only  by  an  elite  group  which 
that  society  has  itself  produced. 

No  doubt,  the  rapid  development  of  sociological  thought  in  France 
precludes  the  possibility  of  presenting  a  complete  system  of  sociology 
that  would  command  the  entire  assent  of  all  competent  French  writers. 
But  the  present  volume  derives  great  interest  from  the  fact  that  it 
formulates  not  the  results  of  a  single  system-maker,  but  that  which  an 
able  scholar  regards  as  a  "consensus  of  the  competent." 

Edward  Gary  Hayes 
University  of  Illinois  

An  Economic  Interpretation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

By   Charles   A.    Beard.     New    York:    Macmillan,    1913. 

Pp.  vii+330.     $2.25. 

To  those  who  have  credulously  found  in  the  history  of  our  constitu- 
tion a  story  of  inspired,  harmonious  statesmen,  untainted  by  economic 
or  financial  interests,  founding  a  government  on  the  abstract  specula- 
tions of  political  philosophy,  this  interesting  and  instructive  volume  will 


4o6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

afford  a  rude  awakening.  But  those  who  believe  that  the  problem  of  the 
fathers  was  the  careful  adjustment  and  compromise  of  the  interests  of 
conflicting  groups,  vesting  the  immediate  controlling  power  in  those 
groups  whose  interests  were  identified  with  the  cause  of  order  and 
efficiency,  and  who  recognize  that  economic  factors  are  the  bases  of  the 
conflicting  interests,  will  accept  its  main  thesis  with  approval.  To 
this  latter  class  neither  the  theory  nor  the  viewpoint  will  be  new,  although 
it  is  the  first  effort  at  a  systematic  treatment  of  the  subject.  It  com- 
prehends all  of  the  scattering  material  produced  by  others  and  in  addi- 
tion much  new  evidence  that  now  appears  for  the  first  time.  Much 
emphasis  is  based  upon  the  possibilities  and  importance  of  more  thorough 
investigations  along  this  line,  the  author  declaring  that  the  present  work 
is  but  fragmentary  and  published  with  the  "hope  that  a  few  of  this 
generation  of  historical  scholars  may  be  encouraged  to  turn  away  from 
barren  'political'  history  to  a  study  of  the  real  economic  forces  which 
condition  great  movements  in  politics"  (p.  v). 
The  author's  thesis  seems  to  be  as  follows: 

Different  degrees  and  kinds  of  property  inevitably  exist  in  modern  society; 
party  doctrines  and  "principles"  originate  in  the  sentiments  and  views  which 
the  possession  of  various  kinds  of  property  creates  in  the  minds  of  the  pos- 
sessors; class  and  group  divisions  based  on  property  lie  at  the  basis  of  modern 
government;  and  politics  and  constitutional  law  are  inevitably  a  reflex  of 
these  contending  interests"  [pp.  15-16]. 

His  application  of  this  theory  and  methods  of  proof  are  indicated 
in  his  own  words: 

Suppose  ....  that  substantially  all  of  the  merchants,  money-lenders, 
security-holders,  manufacturers,  shippers,  capitalists,  and  financiers  and 
their  professional  associates  are  to  be  found  on  one  side  in  support  of  the  con- 
stitution and  that  substantially  all  or  the  major  portion  of  the  opposition  came 
from  the  non-slaveholding  farmers  and  the  debtors — would  it  not  be  pretty 
conclusively  demonstrated  that  our  fundamental  law  was  not  the  product  of 
an  abstraction  known  as  "the  whole  people,"  but  of  a  group  of  economic 
interests  which  must  have  expected  beneficial  results  from  its  adoption? 
[P-  I?]- 

As  evidence  of  the  existence  of  a  class  spirit  in  1787,  the  writer  in 
his  second  chapter  submits  the  facts  of  Shay's  Rebellion  and  the  popular 
advocacy  of  various  schemes  for  the  relief  of  debtors,  such  as  the  aboli- 
tion of  imprisonment  for  debt,  paper  money,  stay  laws,  the  substitution 
of  land  for  specie  in  the  payment  of  debts,  and  similar  provisions, 
tending  to  show  a  clear  community  of  interests  among  the  members  of 


REVIEWS  407 

the  debtor  class.  They  were  obviously  opposed  to  a  stable  government 
capable  of  collecting  taxes  and  enforcing  contracts.  Opposed  to  them 
were  the  southern  slaveholders  interested  in  a  government  capable  of 
protecting  the  rights  of  slaveholders  and  keeping  down  revolt,  the 
creditors  naturally  opposing  the  interests  of  the  debtors,  the  holders  of 
public  securities  which  would  appreciate  $40,000,000  through  the 
establishment  of  a  powerful  government,  the  manufacturers  and  shippers 
who  associated  the  adoption  of  the  new  constitution  with  schemes  for 
protective  tariff,  and  the  western  land  speculators  whose  interests  were 
directly  conditioned  on  a  national  government  of  strength  and  eflSciency. 
Chap,  iii  is  devoted  to  the  proof  that  the  movement  for  the  new  con- 
stitution was  largely  created  and  supported  by  the  representatives  of 
this  latter  class.  That  the  constitutional  convention  was  in  their 
control  seems  amply  demonstrated  in  chap.  v.  An  examination  into 
the  economic  and  professional  interests  of  the  members  of  the  con- 
ventions gives  the  following  results:  Most  of  the  members  came  from 
the  towns  or  near  the  coast  where  personal  property  was  largely  con- 
centrated; "not  one  member  represented  in  his  immediate  personal 
economic  interests  the  small  farming  or  mechanic  classes"  (p.  149); 
forty  out  of  fifty-five  members  were  interested  in  the  public  securities, 
and  fully  "five-sixths  were  immediately,  directly,  and  personally 
interested  in  the  outcome  of  their  labors  at  Philadelphia,  and  were  to 
a  greater  or  less  extent  economic  beneficiaries  from  the  adoption  of  the 
constitution"  (p.  149).  The  cause  of  this  is  explained  in  chap,  iv  by 
the  fact  that  the  delegates  to  the  convention  were  selected  by  state 
legislatures  which  in  turn  were  chosen  by  an  electorate  subject  to 
property  or  taxpaying  qualifications. 

In  chaps,  vi  and  vii  the  constitution  and  the  expositions  of  it  found 
in  the  Federalist  are  analyzed  to  demonstrate  that  its  chief  concern  was 
with  economic  problems  and  not  abstract  conceptions  of  liberty  and 
justice.  An  examination  into  the  political  beliefs  of  the  members  of 
the  convention  seems  to  indicate  that  these  commentaries  of  the  Federal- 
ist on  the  constitution  accurately  represented  the  political  ideas  of  the 
majority.  "It  was  an  economic  document  drawn  with  superb  skill 
by  men  whose  property  interests  were  immediately  at  stake;  and  as 
such  it  appealed  directly  and  unerringly  to  identical  interests  in  the 
country  at  large"  (p.  188). 

The  four  final  chapters  deal  with  the  ratification  of  the  constitution. 
It  is  contended  that  not  one-fifth  of  the  adult  males  and  not  one-half 
of  those  voting  for  delegates  to  the  state  constitutional  conventions  were 


4o8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

favorable  to  ratification.  The  final  adoption  of  the  constitution  was 
due  to  the  superior  skill  and  greater  resources  of  its  advocates.  In 
analyzing  the  vote,  the  movement  for  ratification  seemed  to  center 
"particularly  in  the  regions  in  which  mercantile,  manufacturing,  security, 
and  personalty  interests  generally  had  their  greatest  strength"  (p.  290). 
"The  opposition  to  the  constitution  almost  uniformly  came  from  the 
at^ricultural  regions  and  from  the  areas  in  which  debtors  had  been  formu- 
lating paper  money  and  other  depreciatory  schemes"  (p.  291).  An 
analysis  of  the  contemporary  literature  dealing  with  the  contest  for 
ratification  seems  to  justify  the  foregoing  conclusions. 

While  some  may  differ  as  to  the  relative  value  of  the  evidence  sub- 
mitted by  Professor  Beard  and  decline  to  accept  in  detail  all  of  his 
interpretations,  yet  none  will  deny  that  new  light  has  been  thrown 
upon  this  important  question  and  that  to  a  limited  extent  at  least  his 
position  is  unassailable.  The  author's  attitude  throughout  has  seemed 
fair  and  honest.  He  has  scrupulously  avoided  any  moral  issues  that 
might  be  raised,  has  refrained  from  commendation  or  condemnation 
of  either  side,  and  confined  his  efforts  exclusively  to  ascertaining  the 
real  forces  that  governed  in  the  making  of  our  constitution. 

Arnold  B.  Hall 

University  of  Wisconsin 

American  Syndicalism:  The  I.W.W.  By  John  Graham  Brooks. 
New  York:  Macmillan  Co.     $1.25. 

Syndicalism  is  a  relatively  recent  movement;  it  did  not  amount  to 
much  even  in  France  until  1905.  The  I.W.W.  became  a  national  factor 
in  the  American  labor  union  and  Socialist  movement  only  with  the 
Lawrence  strike  early  in  191 2.  If  we  consider  this  newness,  both  our 
publishers  and  our  publicists  are  to  be  congratulated  on  the  prompt  and 
thorough  way  they  are  dealing  with  the  subject.  The  most  scientific 
work  is  undoubtedly  Louis  Levine's  Labor  Movement  in  France.  But 
French  syndicalism  is  also  fearlessly  expounded  by  an  insider  in  Andre 
Tridon's  New  Unionism— which,  unfortunately  presents  itself  as  the  study 
of  the  world-movement.  Dr.  Brooks  had  the  newer  and  more  difficult 
problem.  But  as  he  has  been  a  direct  observer  of  the  I.W.W.  from  its 
very  beginnings  he  has  handled  it  with  gratifying  accuracy  and  sym- 
pathy—though he  does  not  deny  his  hostility  to  most  of  its  principles 
and  methods. 

Dr.  Brooks's  description  is  usually  just,  even  when  he  is  most  critical. 
He  has  taken  all  pains  to  be  accurate  as  to  his  facts,  and  has  weighed 


REVIEWS 


409 


every  feature  of  the  movement  with  the  most  conscientious  deliberation. 
The  result  is  a  highly  valuable  contribution  to  the  subject,  though  facts 
and  judgments  are  so  commingled  that  they  are  rather  difficult  to 
separate. 

As  most  people  have  ideas  of  their  own  about  this  movement,  Dr. 
Brooks's  conclusions  and  interpretations  will  prove  rather  suggestive 
than  misleading  to  the  educated  public,  even  when  they  seem  pretty 
clearly  to  contain  an  element  of  error.  Nor  do  they  take  away  anything 
from  his  eminent  success  in  accomplishing  his  central  purpose,  to  bring 
about  a  better  understanding  of  the  subject. 

The  basic  propositions  of  Dr.  Brooks's  analysis,  moreover,  can 
hardly  be  questioned.  The  I.W.W.  and  syndicalism,  he  contends,  are 
an  essentially  new  and  a  highly  important  movement,  not  an  organization 
of  "bums"  or  of  the  " lumpenproletariat "  as  Socialist  and  labor-union 
rivals  contend.  Nor  is  it  a  mere  transmigration  of  the  soul  of  anarchism 
into  the  body  of  labor  unionism.  It  is  essentially  a  "revolutionary 
section"  of  the  Socialist  movement,  and  has  arisen  as  a  protest  against 
the  merely  political  action  of  the  older  Socialists  and  the  unaggressive 
policy  of  the  older  labor  unions. 

At  this  point,  however.  Dr.  Brooks  makes  the  error  of  following 
Tridon's  method  rather  than  that  of  Levine.  His  statement  of  I.W.W. 
activities,  being  the  result  of  direct  observation,  is  excellent.  But  he 
proceeds  to  fuse  it,  more  or  less,  with  French,  Italian,  and  English  move- 
ments— where  vast  contrasts  as  well  as  similarities  should  be  considered. 
So  he  speaks  of  the  I.W.W.  as  strictly  a  revolutionary  uprising  against 
capitalism— whereas  it  is  just  as  much  an  uprising  of  the  imskilled 
workers  against  low  wages.  Dr.  Brooks  mentions  this  latter  view  of  the 
movement,  but  passes  over  it  without  much  discussion,  apparently 
because  it  scarcely  appears  either  in  the  French  or  Italian  movements 
or  in  their  literature. 

Then  he  contends  that  if  the  wage-earner  is  to  get  a  relatively  larger 
share  in  wealth  production  "he  will  have  to  fight  for  it."  As  a  general 
rule  this  is  true.  But  it  does  not  strictly  hold  of  the  submerged  tenth  in 
this  country  at  the  present  time.  There  was  a  widespread  "popular 
sympathy"  with  the  Lawrence  strikers  extending  "from  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  to  the  great  dailies,"  as  Dr.  Brooks  himself  points  out.  If  he 
had  confined  his  attention  to  this  country  and  England,  he  would 
doubtless  have  been  able  to  explain  this  with  ease.  The  new  progressive 
and  social  reform  movement  in  these  countries  proposes  to  raise  the  sub- 
merged tenth  to  the  level  of  industrial  efficiency.    However  costly  this 


4IO  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

may  be  to  individual  employers,  like  the  American  Woolen  Company  of 
Lawrence,  it  will  be  profitable  to  the  country's  employers  generally. 
And  secondly,  the  progressive  politicians  are  only  too  glad  to  have  a 
little  revolutionary  red-fire  at  the  extreme  left — provided  it  is  really  not 
in  the  least  menacing.  It  helps  to  throw  the  political  balance  of  power 
their  way. 

But  the  struggle  for  "a  relatively  larger  share  in  wealth-production," 
which  Dr.  Brooks  justifies,  is  undoubtedly  one  of  the  chief  motives  of  the 
I.W.W.,  as  this  struggle  if  successful  would  obviously  lead  toward 
Socialism.  Why  then  does  he  fail  to  stick  consistently  to  the  point  that 
this  is  the  basic  principle  of  the  movement?  His  other  e.xplanations 
that  it  is  anti-governmental,  that  it  represents  industrial  vs.  craft 
unionism,  etc.,  are  only  confusing  to  anybody  but  an  insider,  unless 
presented  as  mere  corollaries  to  this  proposition. 

Dr.  Brooks  lays  great  weight,  for  example,  on  the  syndicalists' 
disparagement  of  reform.  It  is  true  that,  together  with  dogmatic  and 
partisan  Socialists  generally,  many  syndicalists,  especially  in  Europe, 
declare  all  reform  futile  or  valueless  from  the  workers'  standpoint.  But 
this  is  evidently  a  mere  obiter  dictum.  The  question  is  not  whether  any 
given  reform  policy  benefits  the  workers,  but  whether  it  benefits  them 
enough  so  as  to  amount  to  giving  them  a  larger  relative  share  of  wealth- 
production. 

If  he  had  regarded  the  I.W.W.  steadily  as  a  movement  to  win  by 
fighting  a  constantly  larger  relative  share  in  wealth-production.  Dr. 
Brooks  would  have  made  many  of  its  features  comprehensible  that  seem 
inexplicable  in  his  treatment.  A  movement  so  defined  would  have  to 
take  in  a  whole  class  if  it  was  to  succeed,  and  would  be  fought  by  all 
existing  governments.  And  it  would  have  to  get  its  support  chiefly  from 
the  masses  of  wage-earners  and  not  from  the  skilled  workers  of  the  older 
unions.  For  the  skilled  are  divided  and  do  not  lend  themselves  to  class 
action,  and,  being  more  or  less  privileged  themselves,  have  no  desire  to 
take  large  risks.  Only  when  labor  is  organized  by  industry  and  even 
then,  only  taken  the  skilled  are  in  a  helpless  minority,  can  the  latter  be 
forced  to  co-operate.  And  finally,  such  a  movement  represents  a 
minority  of  the  population,  so  that  political  action  will  have  for  it  only  a 
very  secondary  value. 

With  this  key,  which  he  already  held  in  his  hand.  Dr.  Brooks  might 
have  understood  that  sabotage,  and  strikes  aimed  to  damage  the  em- 
ployer as  much  as  to  advance  wages,  are  indispensable  weapons  to  a 
permanent  minority,  which,  as  he  says,  must  fight  for  its  chief  demands, 


REVIEWS  411 

no  matter  how  justifiable.  And  he  might  have  understood,  too,  that 
"the  general  strike"  merely  expresses  the  goal  this  movement  desires, 
and  not  its  practical  aim,  since  it  is  utterly  impossible  without  the  aid, 
at  least  of  the  other  Socialists  and  labor  unionists,  if  not  also  of  a  large 
part  of  the  progressives. 

But  in  spite  of  every  possible  error  of  which  Dr.  Brooks  can  be 
accused,  his  book  has  brought  us  a  long  way  on  the  road  to  a  scientific 
understanding  of  a  highly  significant  movement.  And  we  can  be  con- 
fident now  that,  in  proportion  as  the  movement  itself  crystallizes  and 
assumes  a  more  definite  form,  it  will  receive  a  correspondingly  more 

thorough  and  adequate  treatment. 

William  English  Walling 
Long  Island, 
New  York 


Vers   le    salaire    minimum.     Etude    d'economie    et    de    legislation 

industrielles.     Par  Barth^lemy  Raynaud,   Professeur  a  la 

Faculte    de    Droit    de    rUniversite    d'Aix-Marseille.     Paris: 

L.  Larose  et  L.  Tenin,  1913.     Pp.  xi+518.     Fr.  14. 

The  minimum  wage  is  coming.    It  is  to  be  adjusted  both  to  the 

subsistence-wants  of  the  laborer  and  to  a  definite  quantum  of  work  done; 

it  is  to  be  worked  out  through  trade  organizations  of  employers  and 

employees,  with  legal   requirements   in   the  background    to  facilitate 

collective  bargaining  through  the  agency  of  wage-boards.     Such  is  the 

conclusion  of  M.  Raynaud,  and  his  book  is  a  survey  of  the  progress  in 

various  directions,  in  many  countries,  toward  the  establishment  of  the 

minimum  wage  on  this  basis. 

After  fifty  pages  given  to  the  exposition  of  the  theory  of  the  minimum 
wage  as  advocated  by  social  Catholicism,  by  Socialists,  and  by  those 
who  argue  its  social  utility,  the  author  presents  the  facts  that  show  the 
present-day  tendencies  toward  the  realization  of  the  idea.  He  finds 
an  indirect  realization  in  the  wage-stipulations  of  government  contracts, 
in  the  abrogation  by  the  courts  of  wage-contracts  in  which  the  laborer's 
ignorance  and  necessity  have  been  exploited,  and  in  insurance  at  the 
employer's  expense  against  accident,  illness,  and  other  industrial  risks. 
Next  are  discussed  the  direct  methods  of  attaining  a  minimum  wage, 
namely,  collective  bargaining  and  the  trade  agreement,  the  action  of 
governments  in  fixing  a  minimum  for  their  own  employees,  and  legisla- 
tion prescribing  minima  for  persons  employed  in  industries  under 
private  management.    Here  the  legislation  of  the  Australasian  colonies 


412  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

is  favorably  considered  and  the  British  Trade  Boards  Act  of  1909  and 
Coal  Mines  Act  of  191 2  are  strongly  approved.  The  outlook  for  the 
future  is  reviewed  country  by  country;  plans  and  laws  proposed  are 
cited,  and  the  data  are  brought  down  to  the  summer  of  191 2.  Two 
points  stand  out  clearly  in  this  general  survey:  the  wide  and  rapid 
spread  of  interest  in  the  question,  and  the  influence  of  the  British  act 
of  1909  both  in  stimulating  action  and  in  supplying  a  model  for  details 
of  method.  The  development  of  public  opinion  is  seen  in  the  review 
of  the  action  of  the  International  Association  for  Labor  Legislation, 
which  in  1893  rejected  the  proposition  of  a  legal  minimum  wage  but  in 
1908  gave  it  tentative  approval  and  in  191 2  complete  indorsement  as  a 
remedy  for  the  evils  of  the  sweating  system. 

The  work  is  valuable  as  a  comprehensive  and  scholarly  presentation 
of  the  status  of  the  movement  for  a  minimum  wage.  The  data  for 
Australia  and  England  are  compacted  conveniently  from  the  report  of 
Mr.  Aves  and  other  official  documents  accessible  in  detail  to  American 
students.  An  appendix  gives  the  text  (in  French)  of  the  laws  in  question, 
including  extracts  from  a  law  of  Roumania  of  1908,  designed  to  secure 
a  minimum  for  agricultural  laborers.  A  page  is  given  to  the  bill  intro- 
duced in  the  legislature  of  Wisconsin  in  191 1.  American  legislation 
is  better  understood  by  the  author  than  American  geography,  to  judge 
from  the  enumeration  (p.  432),  "Dans  le  Wisconsin,  au  Massachusetts, 
dans  I'Etat  de  Milwaokee."  The  situation  in  France  is  described  with 
some  fulness  of  detail,  although  it  appears  that  progress  here  has  not 
been  rapid.  Interest  centers  in  the  conflict  between  the  authorities  of 
the  department  of  the  Seine  and  the  central  government  over  the  inclu- 
sion of  minimum-wage  provisions  in  municipal  contracts,  and  in  the 
persistent  efforts  of  the  advocates  of  the  minimum  wage  to  insert  an 
entering  wedge  in  the  form  of  amendments  to  tariff  acts  and  to  bills  for 
the  encouragement  of  the  silk  industry.  To  the  weakness  of  the  trade 
unions  is  laid  the  slow  progress  of  the  movement  in  France.  It  is  to  be 
regretted  that  the  author  does  not  discuss,  in  this  connection,  the 
question  which  he  merely  raises  elsewhere  as  to  the  effect  upon  the 
minimum-wage  movement  of  the  diversion  of  the  labor  movement 
from  collective  bargaining  to  "direct  action." 

M.  Raynaud  is  stronger  in  deahng  with  facts  and  with  law  than  in 
economic  argument.  He  does  not  develop  the  Catholic  basis  for  the 
minimum  wage  as  a  consequence  of  the  right  to  existence,  which  he 
seems  to  accept — as  thoroughly  as  does  Father  Ryan  in  The  Living 
Wage,  nor  does  he  meet  the  economic  argument  against  the  proposal 


REVIEWS  413 

with  the  skill  and  force  shown  by  Sidney  Webb.  The  chapter  that  takes 
up  the  objections  to  the  legal  minimum  is  one  of  the  less  satisfactory 
portions  of  the  book.  The  limited  experience  of  England  and  Australia 
is  relied  upon  as  a  final  answer  to  all  a  priori  argument.  The  entire 
scope  of  the  objection  on  the  score  of  diminished  productivity  seems 
hardly  to  be  comprehended,  embracing,  as  it  does,  the  questions  of 
economic  progress  and  of  increase  of  population.  In  discussing  the 
effect  of  higher  wages  on  prices  why  not  admit,  once  for  all,  that  prices 
ought  to  be  raised  if  based  on  starvation  wage-rates,  instead  of  trying 
first  to  show  that  prices  do  not  always  rise  with  wages  ?  Further,  the 
author's  praiseworthy  limitation  of  his  attention  to  that  which  bears 
directly  on  the  minimum  wage  has  apparently  prevented  him  from 
bringing  out  the  full  strength  of  the  minimum  wage  as  a  part  of  a  com- 
prehensive social  policy.  The  legal  minimum  has  everywhere  been 
put  forward  as  the  last  weapon  in  the  fight  on  the  sweating  system. 
It  cannot  succeed  as  a  permanent  policy  unless  accompanied  by  ade- 
quate measures  to  care  for  the  incompetent  and  the  aged,  to  educate 
the  young  for  profitable  employment,  to  provide  proper  safeguards 
for  health  and  suitable  opportunities  for  recreation.  If  it  is  supported 
by  such  measures  the  prospect  of  its  success  and  the  argument  for  its 
adoption  are  much  stronger  than  when  it  stands  by  itself. 

Robert  Coit  Chapin 
Beloit  College 

Report  on  the  Condition  of  Woman  and  Child  Wage-Earners  in  the 
United  States.     In  19  volumes.     6ist  Cong.,  2d  Sess.  Senate, 
Doc.  645.     Prepared  under  the  direction  of  Charles  P.  Neill, 
Commissioner    of    Labor.     Vol.    XVIII.     "Employment    of 
Women  and  Children  in  Selected  Industries."     Washington, 
1913.     Pp.  531. 
In  the  present  volume  the  purpose  was  to  supplement  the  investiga- 
tions published  in  previous  volumes  with  a  general  investigation  giving 
some  idea  of  conditions  affecting  women  and  children  in  the  wider  field 
of    industry.     Hence,    twenty-three    industries    were    selected,    either 
beca,use  of  the  number  of  women  and  children  they  employed,  or  as 
showing  certain  important  aspects  of  their  employment.     Canning  and 
preserving,  candy  making,  cigarette  and  cigar  making,  paper  box  making, 
jewelry,  woolen  and  worsted  goods,  and  others  were  among  those  studied. 
The  inquiry  covered  seventeen  states  and  included  between  50,000  and 
60,000  women  and  girls. 


414  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Several  significant  facts  appear  from  the  investigation.  The  work 
done  by  the  women  in  these  industries  was  on  the  whole  unskilled.  The 
women  were  not  employed  most  numerously  in  their  traditional  trades. 
For  example,  they  were  relatively  most  numerous  in  the  making  of  paper 
boxes  and  cigars,  not  in  the  preparation  of  food-stuffs,  spinning,  and 
weaving.  Again,  one  of  the  salient  impressions  gained  through  the 
investigation  was  the  "absolutely  haphazard  and  unstandardized 
character  of  the  industrial  world  as  known  .  ..."  to  women.  Miss 
Van  Kleeck's  studies  of  the  bookbinding  and  artificial  flower-making 
trades  in  New  York  City  as  well  as  many  other  facts  lend  additional 
evidence  to  the  impression  gained  from  this  investigation.  The  lack  of 
preliminary  training,  the  fact  that  sanitary  conditions,  length  of  hours, 
overtime,  extent  of  machinery  used,  its  safeguarding,  etc.,  depend  upon 
the  whim  of  the  particular  employer,  the  chaos  which  exists  regarding 
wages,  which  here  again  seem  to  depend  largely  upon  the  attitude  of  the 
individual  employer,  all  point  to  the  weakness  of  women's  position  in 
industry  and  to  the  imperative  need  of  standardization  for  her  protection. 
Trade  training  in  the  public  schools,  the  fixing  of  minimum  sanitary 
conditions,  the  establishment  of  minimum  wages  in  different  trades,  and 
other  such  efforts  cannot  be  too  strongly  urged.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that 
the  great  body  of  facts  regarding  conditions  surrounding  women  and 
children  in  industry  made  available  through  this  monumental  govern- 
ment investigation  will  not  merely  remain  between  the  pages  of  the 
nineteen  volumes,  but  will  form  the  basis  of  wisely  planned  federal  and 
state  action  for  the  protection  of  this  great  body  of  wage-earners. 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 
Gainesville,  Florida 


The  Old-Fashioned  Woman.    By  Elsie  Clews  Parsons.    New 

York:  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons,  1913.     Pp.  viii+373.     $1 .  50  net. 

Woman  and  To-M arrow.     By  W.  L.   George.     New  York:    D. 

Appleton  &  Co.,  1913.  Pp.  188. 
The  Unrest  of  Women.  By  Edward  Sandford  Martin.  New 
York:  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  1913.  Pp.  146.  $1  net. 
It  is  a  satisfaction  to  turn  from  the  heat  and  partisanship  of  the 
woman  movement  to  the  pages  of  Mrs.  Parson's  The  Old-Fashioned 
Woman,  in  which  feminist  and  antifeminist  may  "get  some  ethnological 
inkling  of  themselves."  In  this  book  Mrs.  Parsons,  with  a  humor  and 
lightness  of  treatment  that  yet  do  not  disguise  real  seriousness,  has 


REVIEWS  415 

brought  together  a  fund  of  material  from  wide  sources,  the  quaint  fancies, 
customs,  taboos  of  both  primitive  and  advanced  peoples  regarding 
women.  A  part  of  the  significance  as  well  as  charm  of  the  book  lies  in 
the  connection  and  analogy  which  the  author  has  everywhere  drawn 
between  primitive  and  modern  attitudes  with  the  result  of  showing  the 
irrational  basis  upon  which  many  of  the  ideas  and  conventions  of  modern 
women  and  regarding  modern  women  rest. 

Women  have  always  been  set  off  as  a  distinct  class,  differentiated  by 
certain  prescribed  privileges  and  inhibitions.  Especially  during  the 
critical  periods  of  woman's  life  have  these  differentiations  been  very 
marked.  Indeed,  their  survival  in  our  modern  world  in  modified  form 
and  their  influence  upon  woman's  social,  economic,  and  political  status 
will  be  a  matter  of  surprise  to  many  unfamiliar  with  primitive  ways  or 
unused  to  the  critical  analysis  of  their  modern  environment.  For 
example,  while  female  infanticide  no  longer  prevails  among  us,  one 
hears,  nevertheless,  such  discriminatory  phrases  as  "I  am  just  as  glad  to 
have  a  girl  as  a  boy."  Cloisters  and  harems  are  not  as  popular  as  they 
once  were,  but  girls  are  still  sent  to  convents  and  "girls  schools." 
Debutantes  and  all  the  ritual  surrounding  that  period  of  "coming-out" 
still  survive  and  occupy  an  even  longer  period  with  us  than  among 
savage  peoples.  The  place  of  the  old  maid  has  today  been  taken  by  the 
married  woman.  "She  is  forced  either  into  idleness  or  into  fictitious 
jobs  by  the  pride  of  her  family  or  by  the  nature  of  our  economic  organiza- 
tion, there  being  no  place  in  it,  outside  of  depressed  industries,  for  a 
half-time  worker.  She  is  'protected'  at  home.  She  is  discounted, 
excused,  and  sometimes  pitied  abroad.  Her  wedding-ring  is  a  token  of 
inadequacy  as  well  as  of  'respectability.'"  Examples  might  be  mul- 
tiplied indefinitely. 

The  book  contains,  besides  seven  pages  showing  the  location  of  the 
less  well-known  peoples  cited,  a  very  complete  bibliography  and  refer- 
ences for  each  chapter.  Three  misprints  should  be  noted:  "the"  on  p. 
200;  "often"  on  p.  203;  "one  rainy"  on  p.  11. 

The  two  small  volumes  of  essays.  Woman  and  To-Morrow,  and  The 
Unrest  of  Women,  while  they  are  by  no  means  fundamental  in  viewpoint 
or  treatment,  and  exhibit  little  grasp  of  certain  social  problems  dis- 
cussed, nevertheless,  do  contain  some  insight  into  certain  phases  of  the 
woman  movement. 

The  author  of  the  former  is  a  strong  partisan  of  women  and  of  the 
feminist  movement,  but  on  sentimental  and  literary  rather  than  on 


41 6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

rational  grounds.  Women  should  have  the  vote  as  a  means  of  education, 
he  thinks.  At  the  outset  her  vote  will  be  cast  for  sentimental  reasons 
and  in  ignorance  of  the  facts  of  the  question  upon  which  she  is  voting. 
The  following  instances  will  show  the  author's  own  ignorance  of  certain 
social  facts.  He  says,  "They  [the  women  of  England]  coalesced  to 
procure  the  repeal  of  the  Contagious  Diseases  Act,  the  working  of  which 
they  were  not  familiar  with,  because  their  feelings  and  not  their  minds 
were  stirred."  This  act  introduced  into  England  the  continental  system 
of  police  regulation  of  prostitution,  and  the  women,  led  by  Mrs.  Josephine 
Butler,  upon  the  basis  of  evidence  gathered  as  to  the  evil  effects  of 
regulation  in  England  and  on  the  Continent,  waged  a  successful  fight 
for  its  repeal  and  finally  fought  for  the  abolition  of  prostitution  itself. 
All  of  the  facts  available  at  the  present  time  seem  fully  to  justify  this 
attitude  on  the  part  of  the  women.  Yet  the  author  says,  "The  regula- 
tion of  vice  in  Europe  has  done  nobody  any  good  or  any  harm  ....  it 
has  neither  improved  nor  damaged  the  health  of  nations." 

Again,  he  pronounces  the  activity  of  the  women  of  New  Zealand  and 
of  some  of  our  own  states  in  procuring  the  enforcement  of  local  prohibi- 
tion fanaticism.  He  says,  "  I  argue  more  definitely  against  prohibition 
than  against  the  repeal  of  the  Contagious  Diseases  Act,  for  the  latter  does 
not  matter  while  the  former  is  important.  Prohibition  means  that 
perfectly  normal  pleasures  have  been  stolen  from  man's  scanty  store, 
that  conviviality  and  friendship  have  been  impeded  and  whole  districts 
charged  with  weakness  of  mind.  Alcohol  may  be  an  evil,  but  we  have 
yet  to  learn  that  the  brave  man  is  the  one  who  runs  away  from  it.  If 
women  supported  prohibition,  it  was  because  they  jumped  to  conclusions 
and  believed  that  if  men  were  allowed  to  drink  they  would  become 
drunkards." 

The  author's  sentimental  soarings  reach  their  highest  flight  in  the 
chapter  on  "Woman  and  Passion."  He  idealizes  passion  for  its  own 
sake,  wishes  it  and  the  desire  for  offspring  to  be  kept  quite  distinct,  and 
goes  so  far  in  his  musings  upon  the  wonder  and  beauty  of  woman  and 
passion  as  to  state  that  the  "courtesan  ....  carries  higher  than  the 
mother  the  standard  of  the  race." 

The  chapter  on  "Woman  and  the  Home"  has  in  it  a  very  good 
criticism  of  the  waste  in  the  present  system  of  private  housekeeping. 

In  The  Unrest  of  Women,  although  the  method  is  superficial,  yet  the 
author  shows  considerable  understanding  of  the  weaknesses  of  phases  of 
the  woman  movement.    He  examines  the  demands  and  aspirations  of 


REVIEWS  417 

well-known  advocates  of  the  movement.  Of  Miss  Thomas'  "disquiet" 
he  says,  "The  fault,  as  I  see  it,  that  is  to  be  found  with  her  kind  of 
unrest  is  that  it  overvalues  independence  for  women,  overvalues  the 
wage-earning,  untrammeled  career,  and  undervalues  the  career  that  goes 
with  marriage  and  domestic  life."  The  fallacy  in  the  "agitation  of  Mrs. 
Belmont"  is  that  "she  thinks  that  when  women  get  the  vote  they  are 
going  to  be  different."  In  the  "admirable  Miss  Addams,"  the  author 
finds  much  to  admire  and  approve,  but  considers  the  connection  she 
makes  between  the  ends  for  which  she  is  working  and  women's  votes 
entirely  speculative.  He  also  very  justly  criticizes  the  opinions  of  Miss 
Milholland  on  the  sex  question,  especially  her  plea  for  the  liberation  of 
women  if  that  is  to  mean,  as  she  implies,  lowering  the  sex  standard  of 
women  to  that  of  men. 

A  single  instance  will  suffice  to  show  the  author's  own  lack  of  grasp 
of  social  situations.  Speaking  of  Beveridge's  federal  child-labor  law, 
prohibiting  the  interstate  shipment  of  goods  made  illegally  by  child- 
labor,  he  says,  "Miss  Addams  seems  to  have  approved  that  bill  (which 
to  me  seems  scandalous),  as  did  most  of  the  social  workers.  State  rights 
and  the  fabric  of  government  seem  to  be  nothing  to  her,  and  even 
parental  and  family  rights  seem  to  be  very  little " 

Frances  Fenton  Bernard 
Gainesville,  Florida 


The  Making  of  a  Town.  By  Frank  L.  McVey.  Chicago:  A.  C. 
McClurg  &  Co.,  1913.  Pp.  221.  $1.00. 
There  is  such  a  great  need  for  literature  on  that  community  in 
American  life  between  the  large  cities  and  the  open  rural  districts  that 
it  was  hoped  The  Making  of  a  Town  would  help  supply  that  need  for 
the  "town  problem."  In  the  light  of  that  hope  the  book  is  a  disappoint- 
ment. It  has  little  value  to  the  specialist.  It  may  help  arouse  the 
citizens  of  the  towns  to  their  responsibilities.  The  expressed  purpose 
of  the  author  is  to  "bring  to  light  some  of  the  more  essential  features  of 
town  growth  and  the  need  of  careful  planning." 

Scott  E.  W.  Bedford 

University  of  Chicago 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


NOTES  AND   ABSTRACTS 

A  School  for  Health  Officers. — The  public  and  public  officials  are  awakening  to 
the  great  possibilities  of  modern  prevention  medicine.  It  is  coming  to  be  realized, 
moreover,  that  the  health  affairs  of  a  municipality  cannot  be  efficiently  administered 
excepting  by  thoroughly  trained  health  officers,  who  give  their  undivided  time  and 
energies  to  this  work,  and  who  are  adequately  compensated  therefor.  Evidence  of 
these  facts  is  furnished  by  the  rapidly  increasing  demand  for  trained  experts  to  fill  the 
positions  of  city  and  state  health  officers  and  their  assistants,  a  demand  which  it  is 
quite  impossible  adequately  to  supply  in  this  country  at  the  present  time.  The 
supply  must  be  furnished,  for  the  most  part,  through  the  universities,  by  the  provision 
in  their  departments  of  medicine  and  engineering  of  courses  in  hj'giene,  sanitation,  and 
allied  topics.  Such  curricula  have  been  arranged  by  a  few  of  the  leading  universities, 
and  among  the  most  recent  developments  is  the  organization  of  a  School  for  Health 
Officers  in  Boston,  in  which  courses  are  to  be  given  by  Harvard  University  and  the 
Massachusetts  Institute  of  Technology,  the  faculties  of  these  schools  co-operating  in 
this  movement.  A  large  number  of  courses  are  ofifered  in  the  following  groups:  _  (I) 
Prevention  Medicine;  (II)  Personal  Hygiene;  (III)  Public  Health  Administration; 
(IV)  Sanitary  Biology  and  Sanitary  Chemistry;  (V)  Special  Pathology;  (VI)  Com- 
municable Diseases;  (VII)  Sanitary  Engineering;  (VIII)  Demography;  and  (IX) 
Medical  and  Other  Sciences.  The  director  of  the  school  is  Dr.  Milton  J.  Rosenau, 
professor  of  prevention  medicine  and  hygiene.  Harvard  University. 

Students  of  sociology,  who  are  fitting  themselves  for  practical  work  in  this  field, 
will  find  many  of  these  courses  of  especial  interest  and  value. 

John  M.  Dodson 
Dean  of  Rush  Medical  College 

Verbindlung  stattlicher  Zwangsversicherung  und  freier  Privatversicherung 
nach  den  bisherigen  praktischen  Ergebnissen  und  der  Moglichkeit  weiterer 
Fortentwicklung  zur  wechselseitigen  Erganzung  und  Vervollkommnung. — Obliga- 
tory insurance  should  include  insurance  against  sickness,  accident,  invahdity,  old  age, 
widowhood,  etc.  Any  other  amelioration  of  the  economic  condition  of  the  less  for- 
tunate classes  should  be  pursued  only  through  the  development  of  voluntary  insurance, 
in  which  the  greatest  liberty  possible  should  be  left  to  the  individual  ap  to  the  natuie 
and  amount  of  insurance  and  the  mode  of  paying  premiums.  This  development 
must  be  in  harmony  with  existing  institutions  so  as  to  avoid  technical  difficulties. 
Preference  should  be  given  to  the  plan  of  insurance  that  combines  most  eflectively  the 
principle  of  economy  and  the  principle  of  insurance.  There  should  be  direct  and 
indirect  co-operation  of  state,  communes,  employers,  and  welfare  associations.  Private 
insurance  must  be  made  accessible  to  those  not  subject  to  obligatory  insurance.  It 
must  be  improved  so  as  to  offer  such  advantages  as:  capital-sum  or  annuity  insurance, 
profit-sharing,  loans,  etc. — Geh.  Reg.  Rat.  Bielefeldt,  Bulletin  des  assurances  sociales, 
191 2,  Supplement.  R-  F-  C. 

Reporting  of  Industrial  Accidents. — A  careful  examination  of  the  inquiries  con- 
cerning industrial  accidents  in  various  states  shows  a  wide  variation  in  the  sort  of 
i  nformation  upon  which  most  states  agree.  The  twenty-one  states  collecting  statistics 
upon  industrial  accidents  are  unanimous  in  respect  to  one  inquiry  only — the  name  of 
the  injured.  Such  a  condition  clearly  indicates  a  need  for  greater  uniformity  in 
schedules  and  methods  and  for  agreement  on  essential  facts  required.    A  clear  under- 

418 


RECENT  LITERATURE  419 

standing  of  the  nature  of  the  problems,  in  the  solution  of  which  statistical  data  are 
essential,  is  necessary  and  should  be  preliminary  to  the  collection  of  facts.  The  prob- 
lems which  should  be  considered  are:  (i)  relation  of  fatigue  to  accidents;  (2)  hour  of 
day  at  which  accident  occurs;  (3)  experience  of  the  injured;  (4)  nature  and  duration 
of  disability;  (5)  mechanical  causes  of  accident  and  nature  of  injury  by  industries; 
(6)  sex,  age,  and  conjugal  condition  of  injured. — R.  E.  Chaddock,  American  Slalistical 
Association,  June,  1912.  J-  ".  K. 

Die  Frage  der  Arbeitslosigkeit  in  der  klassischen  Nationalokonomie. — The 

classical  school  of  political  economy  stood  dominantly  for  the  view  that  the  general 
cause  of  maladjustment  of  supply  and  demand  in  the  labor  market  was  the  persistence 
of  the  industrial  reglementation  of  the  earlier  times,  and  that  the  remedy  for  this  kind 
of  unemployment  was  the  abolition  of  that  reglementation.  The  unemployment  due 
to  a  general  and  absolute  surplus  supply  of  labor  was  the  result  of  overpopulation  and 
could  be  prevented  by  teaching  the  laborer  that  he  was  responsible  for  such  unemploy- 
ment, in  so  far  as  he  was  responsible  for  overpopulation.  This  theory  of  unemployment 
was  a  definite  expression  of  their  individualistic  thought  and  of  the  interests  which  it 
represented. — J.  Lipowski,  Zeitsckrift  fiir  die  gesamte  Staatswissenschaft,  Heft  IV,  1Q12. 

E.  H.  S. 

The  Fluctuating  Climate  of  North  America. — Ruins  and  physiographic  evidences 
from  the  arid  parts  of  North  America  indicate  that  people  inhabited  regions  and  culti- 
vated land  where  now  no  crops  can  be  raised.  These  arid  and  non-irrigable  regions 
must  have  had  moister  climate  than  at  present.  There  are  also  indications  that  there 
have  been  successive  changes  of  civilization  accompanying  periodic  changes  of  climate. 
The  rate  of  growth  of  trees  indicates  that  the  climate  of  the  earth  is  subject  to  pulsa- 
tions having  a  period  of  hundreds  of  years,  and  that  in  the  distant  past  the  rnoist 
epochs  were  moister  than  similar  epochs  in  more  recent  times.  There  are  also  indi- 
cations that  periods  of  exceptional  moisture  have  occurred  at  the  same  time  in  all  the 
temperate  continental  regions  of  the  world.  More  exact  knowledge  of  the  nature  and 
degree  of  these  historic  climatic  changes  will  furnish  a  basis  for  a  truer  appreciation 
of  their  effects  upon  society. — Ellsworth  Huntington,  The  Geographical  Journal, 
October,  191 2.  V.  W.  B. 

Anthropology,  Psychology,  and  Sociology. — Sociology  and  anthropology,  though 
properly  classified  as  separate  sciences,  are  so  closely  related  that  a  scientific  knowledge 
of  one  involves  a  knowledge  of  the  other.  They  deal  with  the  phenomena  of  life,  but 
in  its  collective  rather  than  in  its  individual  phases,  bearing  in  mind  that  such  are 
distinctly  different  from  individual  phenomena,  and  that  the  so-called  "social  con- 
science" is  merely  a  convenient  abstraction.  They  do  not  rest  upon  fixed  rules  as  does 
mathematics,  nor  concern  themselves  with  dead  tissues  as  does  anatomy,  nor  are  they 
immediately  interested  in  defunct  social  periods  as  is  history.  They  are  essentially 
sciences  of  the  living,  and  their  method  is  the  more  natural  one  employed  in  biology — 
that  of  observation  and  experience.  And  from  this  method  of  investigation  the 
employment  of  psychology  is  inseparable.— -M.  J.  Maxwell,  "Anthropologie,  psychol- 
ogie,  et  sociologie,"  Arch,  d'anlh.  crim.,  June  15,  19 13.  E.  E.  E. 

Progress. — Progress  is  synonymous  with  development,  evolution,  not  considered 
with  regard  to  whether  it  is  good  or  evil,  but  simply  in  itself  with  regard  to  whether 
it  is  an  onward  movement.  Science  consists  of  the  body  of  positively  established 
knowledge,  as  distinguished  from  faith,  or  unestablished  belief.  Intellectual  progress 
consists  of  the  augmentation  of  knowledge  and  the  diminution  of  credence  in  matters 
unestablished  scientifically.  Political  progress  consists  of  constantly  increasing  the 
possibility  of  meeting  the  needs  of  an  increasing  number  of  persons,  and  of  establishing 
a  social  relation  in  which  the  element  of  constraint  by  means  of  physical  force — as  typi- 
fied in  modern  class  conflict— is  reduced  and  its  place  taken  by  voluntary  human 
co-operation.  To  bring  this  about  a  new  notion  of  human  values  must  be  developed, 
and  the  highest  quality  of  economic,  intellectual,  and  material  forces  must  be  applied. — 
Andre  de  Maday,  "Le  Progr^s,"  Rev.  int.  de  soc,  June,  19 13.  E.  E.  E. 


420  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  Problem  of  Population. — The  family  average  of  children  in  France  during  the 
last  century  decreased  from  4.  24  to  2. 18.  The  past  fifty  years  have  seen  a  decrease 
from  one  million  annual  births  to  about  three-fourths  that  number.  At  this  rate 
deaths  have  for  several  years  out-numbered  the  births.  The  causes  are:  (i)  children 
are  no  longer  income-producers;  (2)  development  of  instruction,  personal  ambition, 
keener  competition  in  many  lines,  desire  for  luxury,  have  retarded  marriage  and  de- 
creased the  number  of  births;  (3)  prolongation  of  the  education  of  children  leaves  them 
a  long  time  the  charge  of  their  parents;  (4)  pride  for  a  good  inheritance  for  their  chil- 
dren is  more  easily  accomplished  with  fewer  children;  (5)  disagreeableness  of  parent- 
hood to  upper  classes.  Remedies  advocated:  More  church  emphasis  upon  the  sacred- 
ness  of  parenthood;  give  the  official  with  a  family  preference;  reform  in  the  inheritance 
laws;  enforce  measures  upon  the  young  army  men  at  the  time  they  are  becorning 
fathers. — A.  De  Metz  Noblat,  "Le  probleme  de  la  population,"  La  refarme  sociale, 
June  I,  1913.  P-  E.  C. 

Juvenile  Courts. — The  juvenile  courts  of  France  have  three  special  features: 
special  magistrates,  special  procedures,  and  special  penalties.  There  are  two  courts, 
one  for  children  of  thirteen  and  under,  and  another  for  adolescent  children.  However, 
a  single  court  would  acquire  more  experience,  would  be  more  regular  and  less  com- 
plicated. Very  praiseworthy  is  the  provision  forbidding  any  publicity  whatsoever 
of  the  cases  of  the  children.  For  each  crime  or  misdemeanor,  an  investigation  is  made 
of  the  moral  and  physical  conditions  of  the  child  arraigned,  of  his  parents  and  ancestors. 
The  children  in  alrnost  all  cases  are  put  under  guardianship  or  sent  to  an  institution. 
The  child  under  thirteen,  when  repeating  an  offense,  should  not,  as  provided  now,  be 
tried  and  exposed  to  the  same  punishment  as  the  delinquent  or  criminal,  but  should 
go  unpunished.  Deputies  are  appointed  as  visitors  and  they  give  reports  to  the  court 
on  the  conduct  of  the  child. — E.  Voron,  "Les  tribuneaux  pour  enfants,"  Revue  catho- 
liqiie  des  institutions  et  du  droit,  June,  19 13.  P-  E.  C. 

Chance  and  Auto-determinism. — Those  who  believe  in  the  law  of  chance  fre- 
quently make  the  mistake  of  classing  accidents  and  irregular  happenings  as  "chance" 
occurrences.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  most  inconsequential  movement  takes  place 
in  conformity  with  fixed  physical  laws.  Chance  and  irregularity  are  by  no  means 
synonymous.  A  matter  is  not  exempt  from  law  just  because  it  occurs  in  a  way 
unexpected.  Let  us  regard  the  notion  of  chance  as  nothing  more  than  an  idea-limit 
toward  which  the  idea  of  determined  causality  tends;  for,  scientifically  regarded, 
chance  as  a  determining  element  is  an  impossible  notion  and  universal  laws  do  not 
turn  from  their  courses  for  its  accommodation. — Alfred  Fouillee,  "La  contingence  et 
I'auto-determinism,"  Rev.  int.  de  soc.,  June,  1913.  E.  E.  E. 

Influence  of  Heredity  and  Environment  upon  Growth. — We  have  three  problems: 
(i)  to  point  out  the  hereditary  differences  in  each  characteristic  stage  of  development; 
(2)  to  discover  the  environmental  influences  upon  the  rate  of  growth;  (3)  the  question 
of  the  possibility  of  distinguishing  between  hereditary  and  environmental  influences. 
As  yet,  the  only  material  available  is  that  concerning  the  difTerent  rates  of  growth  of 
the  sexes.  The  two  sexes  in  the  same  environment  have  different  anatomical  and 
phvsiological  characteristics  and  different  rates  of  growth.  These  differences  are 
noticeable  very  early.  The  comparative  study  of  the  heads  of  girls  and  boys  shows  that 
the  girl  develops  one  and  one-half  years  earlier  than  the  boy.  In  studying  the  accelera- 
tion and  retardation  in  the  process  of  growth  we  must  not  ignore  the  influence  of 
nourishment  and  condition  of  health.  During  the  period  of  sex  development  a  dis- 
turbance of  the  regular  accelerative  rate  of  growth  takes  place,  then  occurs  a  quick 
increase  in  the  rate  of  growth,  followed  by  a  period  of  retardation  in  the  growth  of  the 
size  of  the  body  as  a  whole.  This  does  not  mean  that  all  the  different  parts  of  the  body 
develop  at  the  same  rate,  for  there  is  a  certain  variation  in  the  growth  of  the  different 
organs.  Investigations  of  the  sizes  of  the  heads,  of  both  parents  and  children,  of  mixed 
and  pure  races,  in  the  same,  and  in  different,  environments  seem  to  show  that  there 
are  not  only  variations  in  individuals  but  al.so  certain  common  differences  in  large 
groups  due  to  environment.  Similarities  in  the  form  of  the  body  are  not  necessarily 
hereditary  similarities. — Franz  Boaz,  "Einfluss  von  Erblichkeit  und  Umwelt  auf  das 
Wachstum,"  Zeitschriftfur  Ethnologic,  45.  Jahrgang,  Heft  3,  19 13.  V.  W.  B. 


RECENT  LITERATURE  421 

The  National  Insurance  Act,  191 1. — The  basic  principles  of  the  national  insurance 
act  of  19 1 1  are:  (i)  Insurance  against  sickness  and  injury.  This  is  a  national  health 
insurance,  compulsory  for  all  persons,  of  both  sexes,  over  sixteen  years  old,  who  are 
employed  in  manual  labor,  regardless  of  their  citizenship.  Persons  with  an  income 
of  £160  per  year,  skilled  laborers,  militia,  or  others  who  are  already  insured  are  exempt 
from  the  compulsion  of  the  law.  The  insurance  is  optional  with  those  who  do  not 
come  under  the  prescribed  regulations,  but  have  an  income  of  £160  or  less,  or  who 
v/ere  under  the  compulsory  provision  for  five  or  more  years.  (2)  Unemployment 
insurance,  compulsory  for  all  manual  laborers  over  sixteen  years  of  age.  The  com- 
pensation, of  -js  per  week,  begins  the  second  week  of  unemployment.  The  compen- 
sation does  not  begin  until  the  sixth  week  of  unemployment  if  the  laborer  is  guilty 
of  incompetence.  The  fees  are  paid  by  the  employees,  the  employers,  and  the  state. — 
Regierungrat  Nehse,  "Das  englische  Arbeiterversicherungsgesetz,  Archiv  fur  Eisen- 
bahnwesen,  Heft  i,  1913.  V.  W.  B. 

Industry  and  Fashions. — The  subject  of  fashions  has  been  treated  by  Vischer, 
Kleinwochtes,  Simmel,  and  J.  Lessing,  chiefly  from  the  philosophical  viewpoint,  and  by 
Sombart,  Schellwien,  Gaulke,  Rosch,  and  Troeltsch  from  the  economic  viewpoint. 
Some  writers  include  under  fashions  all  likes  and  dislikes  which  are  subject  to  change, 
but  we  consider  fashion  to  be  the  reigning  form  of  human  wearing-apparel,  whose 
e.xistence  and  adoption  are  dependent  upon  the  psychic  tendency  of  the  masses.  This 
tendency  is  largely  determined  by  the  inherent  desire  for  variation,  and  by  our  imita- 
tive proclivities.  Fashion  has  a  far-reaching  influence  on  production  and  consump- 
tion. It  creates  and  destroys  entire  industries,  thus  demanding  the  utmost  alertness 
to  its  whims  of  both  the  producer  and  distributer.  Its  effect  upon  social  and  economic 
life  is,  at  first,  to  sharply  distinguish,  but  gradually  to  blend  the  social  and  economic 
classes  of  society.  Efforts  to  counteract  the  demands  of  fashion  have  failed  because 
its  psychic  demands  were  overlooked. — Alexander  Elster,  "Wirtschaft  und  Mode," 
Jahrhiicher  fur  Nalionalokonomie  und  Statistik,  August,  1913.  M.  C.  E. 

Hungarian  Industrial  Politics. — The  industrial  problem  in  Hungary  has  four 
distinct  features,  viz.,  household  industry,  manual  labor,  manufacturing  industry,  and 
social  legislation.  The  household  industry  is  not  of  a  permanent  nature;  however, 
it  is  of  considerable  importance.  Lacemaking,  which  is  its  most  important  phase, 
is  aided  by  the  government,  both  in  the  securing  of  a  market  and  in  providing  train- 
ing for  women  and  girls  in  that  line  of  work.  In  dealing  with  manual  labor,  Hungary 
has  found  its  greatest  problem.  It  is  being  met  by  providing  trade  and  continuation 
schools,  of  which  there  were  last  year,  in  Hungary,  583  manual-training,  and  105 
continuation  schools.  This  same  method  is  being  adopted  to  meet  the  industrial 
situation.  The  first  social  legislation  was  the  factory  inspection  law  of  1891.  This 
was  followed  by  the  Sunday  observance  and  compulsory  industrial  insurance  laws. 
More  recently,  there  has  been  legislation  on  housing,  child-labor,  and  the  prohibition 
of  the  manufacturing  of  white  phosphorous. — Szterenyi,  "Die  Hungerische  Industrie," 
Zeitschrift  fiir  Volkswirtschaft,  Socialpolitik  und  Verwaltung,  July,  1913.      M.  C.  E. 

New  Forms  of  Credit  Insurance. — 'There  is  a  very  pressing  demand  in  all  depart- 
ments of  business  life  for  a  workable  credit  insurance.  The  efforts  to  establish  a  good 
system  have  failed  in  the  past,  not  because  there  was  no  need,  but  because  it  was 
believed  that  one  system  could  be  applied  to  all  phases  of  business  without  differentia- 
tion. A  new  system  has  been  proposed  which  combines  some  of  the  features  of  the 
transportation  insurance,  and  of  a  general  credit  insurance,  compelling  the  listing  of 
the  entire  industry.  While  it  would  increase  premiums  to  some  extent,  it  would  place 
business  on  a  much  firmer  basis,  and  eliminate,  to  a  large  degree,  the  present  risks 
involved  in  unsound  enterprises. — Emil  Herzfelder,  "Neue  Formen  der  Kreditver- 
sicherun"-  "   Zeitschrift  fiir  die  gesamte    Versicherungs-Wissenschaft,  January,   1913. 

M.  C.  E. 

Principles  for  the  Moral-psychological  Examination  of  Juveniles. — Based  on  a 
test  of  1,250  children  from  the  common  and  finishing  schools,  three  difliculties  were 
encountered  when  asking  the  children  questions  to  discover  their  moral  motives: 
(i)  without  thinking  the  children  gave  set  answers,  suggested  by  the  religious  cate- 


42  2  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

chisms;  (2)  dififerences  in  the  children  due  to  influences  of  localities,  social  strata,  and 
relit'ious  faiths;  (3)  fear  in  the  presence  of  elders  caused  them  to  hold  some  things 
in  reserve  Results  from  this  method  of  test  do  not  indicate  the  child's  actual  stage 
of  moral  perception  but  his  account  of  it.  These  results,  however,  suggest  general 
tvpes  of  motives  behind  the  child's  moral  attitudes:  (i)  religious  motives,  (a)  ego- 
tistic fear  of  purging  fire,  {b)  fear  of  offending  God;  (2)  non-rehgious,  social,  or 
political  motives,  (a)  consideration  of  self-interest,  fear  of  physical  harm  or  punishment, 
loss  of  good  opinion  of  comrades,  (6)  consideration  of  family  honor,  (c)  consideration 
of  society,  sense  of  justice,  respect  for  law,  love  for  friends.— M.  Schaeffer,  "Elemente 
zur  morai-psychologischen  Beurteilung  Jugendlicher,"  Zeilschrifl  fiir  padagogtsche 
Psychologic  und  experimentelle  Padagogik,  January,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

Race  Betterment.— The  only  new  emphasis  in  the  study  of  race-hygiene  vs. 
eu-^enics  is  that  of  its  absolute  social  character.  The  declining  birth-rate  is  not  due 
to\nv  definite  racial  peculiarities,  but  it  is,  rather,  on  account  of  poverty  and  an 
underfed  and  sickly  proletariat,  or  purely  social  conditions.  On  the  other  hand,  it 
is  generally  understood  that  this  decrease  in  population  is  greatly  effected  by  a  more 
advanced  civilization.  The  problem,  however,  is  not  to  stem  this  tide,  but  to  guard 
a-^ainst  its  results.  The  relative  vitality  and  efhciency  of  the  last-born  children  of 
kriie  families  is  not  so  much  of  social  import  as  the  vitality  of  the  first-born  children 
o'f  normal  families.  It  is  not  onlv  observed  that  the  first-born  children  weigh  less  at 
birth  but  that  their  fitness  for  life  is  below  the  average.  Thus  the  question  is  not 
only  to  limiting  the  number  in  a  family,  but  to  do  so  without  lowering  the  family  s 
average  quality.  This  is  yet  an  unsolved  problem  of  eugenics.— S0ren  Hansen, 
"Om    Raceforbedring,"    Nalional^konomisk     Tidsskrift,     January-February,     1913. 

J.  E.  E. 

Conditions  of  Vice  and  Crime  in  New  York  and  the  Relations  to  These  of  the 
Police  Force  of  the  City.— In  curbing  a  city's  vice  and  crime,  state  legislation  will 
do  little  "ood.  Under  home  rule,  the  measures  for  supervision  of  crime  and  vice  will 
be  according  as  the  standards  of  the  people.  Laws  unenforced  because  in  advance 
of  the  ideals"'of  a  majority  will  cause  a  contempt  of  government  and  offer  temptations 
to  olhcials  with  a  demoralizing  effect.  Home  rule  would,  as  an  example,  undoubtedly 
sanction  Sunday  liquor-selling  and  gambling.  However,  advertisements  of  the  latter 
should  be  forbidden.  The  great  responsibilities  involved  demand  from  the  police 
force  a  discipline  equivalent  to  military  standards.  The  chief  of  police  should  be 
annointed  by  a  group  of  city  officials;  the  term  should  be  during  good  behavior  or 
lone-  entire  control  should  be  given  to  him;  also  an  adequate  salary;  his  removal 
should  be  only  by  the  same  group  that  appointed  him.  A  city  like  New  \  ork  cannot 
be  freed  from  crime  and  vice,  but  its  exploitation  by  greedy  police  officials  can  be  largely 
prevented.— George  H.  Putnam,  Nat.  Mun.  Rev.,  July,  1913.  P.  E.  C. 

Modern  Feminism  and  Sex-Antagonism.— Broadly  defined,  feminism  has  three 
asnects-  the  furthering  of  women's  interests,  the  leveling  of  the  se.xes,  and  the  social 
and  Dolitical  emancipation  of  woman.  The  first  attempts  have  been  at  higher  educa- 
tion The  result  in  the  United  States  is  not,  so  far,  a  stringing-up  of  the  feniale  to 
the  male  pitch  but  a  tendency  to  bring  all  education  to  a  feminine  level.  The  admira- 
tion chained  now  by  the  child-free  woman  tends  to  demoralize  women,  otherwise  con- 
tented with  their  normal  functions.  Meanwhile,  the  main  effect  of  modern  education 
is  to  complicate  instead  of  solve  the  economic  questions.  Though  men  are  fairly  well 
adiustlnsr  themselves  to  modern  life,  women  are  growing  more  at  issue  with  their 
environment.  They  think  that  the  farther  humanity  advances,  just  so  much  farther 
must  the  female  sex,  for  the  sake  of  motherhood,  remain  behind.  They  fail  to  see 
that  woman's  difference  is  not  entirely  in  sex  relations,  but  that  physiological  modi- 
fications are  continually  affecting  her.  They  underestimate  the  part  played  by  their 
sex  in  building  up  fundamental  social  values.  The  true  woman  s  movement  must  be 
one  which  rcco-nizing  the  principal  of  natural  division  of  duties  between  the  sexes, 
aims  at  strengthening  woman  in  her  normal  sphere  and  developing  her  along  lines 
suggested  by  her  sex  needs  and  characteristics.— Ethel  Colquhoun,  Quarlerh  Rev. 
July,  1913- 


RECENT  LITERATURE  423 

The  Virginia  Mountaineers. — The  ordinary  portrayals  of  the  southern  mountain 
folk  are  striking  misrepresentations  of  the  mountain  people.  The  number  of  physi- 
cians, lawyers,  ministers,  schools,  colleges,  and  churches,  rural  mail-routes,  telephones, 
and  railroads,  all  show  that  the  mountaineers  are  not  as  backward  and  are  not  so 
completely  isolated  from  civilization  as  popular  reports  claim.  The  following  unscien- 
tific methods  of  study  account  for  much  of  the  false  information:  (i)  describing  past 
conditions  and  ascribing  these  to  the  present;  (2)  generalizing  from  few  particulars, 
i.e.,  the  picturesque,  the  uncommon,  and  the  unique  persons  and  things  are  called 
"typical."  These  false  conclusions  from  unscientific  methods  are  the  outcome  of 
(i)  ignorance,  and  (2)  unscrupulous  misrepresentation  by  (a)  newspaper  and  magazine 
writers,  (6)  prospectors  and  engineers,  (c)  missionaries.— John  H.  Ashworth,  South 
Atlantic  Quarterly,  July,  1913.  V.  W.  B. 

The  Relationship  of  Scientific  Management  to  Labor.— Scientific  management 
tends  to  drive  workmen  to  their  physical  limit,  through  the  setting  of  tasks,  the  pay- 
ment of  bonuses  to  workmen  for  greater  production,  and  the  paying  of  premiums  to 
foremen.  It  tends  to  prevent  the  proper  development  of  mechanical  skill,  and  it 
tends  to  emphasize  quantity  as  above  quality.  It  fails  adequately  to  include  the 
human  factor.  It  does  not  favor  collective  bargaining.  In  these  respects  scientific 
management  is  unscientific— John  P.  Frey,  Journal  of  Political  Economy,  May,  19 13. 

V.  W.  B. 

The  Head-Forms  of  the  Italians  as  Influenced  by  Heredity  and  Environment. — 
The  head-forms  of  man  change  under  the  influence  of  new  environment.  A  careful 
investigation  of  the  extended  anthropometric  tables  in  Ridolfo  Livi's  Anthropometria 
Militare  shows  that  the  highest  variabilities  of  head-forms  are  found  in  the  central 
parts  of  Italy  and  the  lowest  in  the  north  and  the  south.  This,  perhaps,  is  due  to 
mixture  of  several  types  as  revealed  by  the  history  of  that  part  of  the  country.  Besides 
the  head-index  undergoes  changes  in  cities  owing  to  the  long-continued  influx  of 
foreigners  into  the  cities.  Attention  may  also  be  called  to  the  apparent  massing  of 
hic'h  variabilities  in  mountain  areas,  due,  perhaps,  to  the  fact  that  such  areas  have  been 
for  long  periods  places  of  refuge  for  individuals  from  different  parts  of  the  country. — 
Franz  Boas  and  Helene  M.  Boas,  American  Anthropologist,  April,  1913.      B.  D.  Bh. 

The  Biological  Status  and  Social  Worth  of  the  Mulattoes.— Skin  color  among  the 
mulattoes  has  been  the  scientific  index  of  those  who  have  declared  with  Le  Bon  that 
the  hybrid  is  lost  to  his  country  or  have  tried  to  interpret  his  biological  status  in  terms 
of  certain  zoological  paradoxes  which  tell  us  that  hybrids  become  quite  barren  when 
they  inbreed  among  themselves.  Various  experimental  facts  stare  us  in  the_  face 
demanding  recognition  that  mulattoes  are,  by  far,  physically,  and  mentally,  superior  to 
the  Negroes,  whose  higher  mental  capacities  have  so  often  been  suspected  with  reasons. 
The  mulatto  in  Jamaica  is  an  acquisition  to  the  community.  In  America,  he  is  prac- 
tically solving  the  much-dreaded  Negro  problem.  Struggling  against  difficulties,  he 
is  setting  an  admirable  example  to  the  Negroes.  He  is  much  more  efficient  and  clever 
than  the  latter.  Psychological  experiments  have  shown  that  his  mental  capacities 
are  in  no  way  inferior  to  those  of  the  whites,  whose  rivalry  he  legitimately  envies. 
It  is  ethically  imperative  to  the  white  population  of  the  country  to  encourage  him  in 
all  his  attempts  to  reach  for  the  higher  status  he  has  learned  to  cherish.— H.  E.  Jordon, 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  June,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

The  Relation  of  Culture  to  Environment  from  the  Standpoint  of  Invention. — 
Most  geographers  lay  too  much  stress  on  the  part  played  by  the  environment  in  the 
development  of  culture,  which  is  a  complex  of  elements  as  varied  as  those  making  up 
our  own  lives.  Culture  depends  upon  {a)  inventions,  and  {b)  social  selection  or 
socialization  of  inventions.  The  passive  limiting  character  of  the  geographical  environ- 
ment may,  to  a  large  extent,  modify  the  inventors'  original  plans,  but  it  hardly  plays 
any  active  r61e  in  the  psychological  processes  involved  in  inventions  or  the  socializa- 
tion of  the  inventions.  Just  what  attitude  will  the  social  mind  assume  toward  the 
inventions  is  in  no  way  determined  by  the  geographical  environment,  it  rather  depends 
upon  the  traditions,  customs,  and  the  sense  of  utility  of  the  society.— Clark  Wissler, 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  August,  1913.  -B-  -D.  Bh. 


424  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

On  the  Use  of  the  Theory  of  Probabilities  in  Statistics  Relating  to  Society. — By 

the  method  of  sampling,  and  applying  the  theory  of  normal  frequency  or  probability, 
perhaps  we  can  draw  legitimate  conclusions  in  regard  to  the  social  conditions  of  any 
group  that  is  a  logical  class  and  not  a  mere  multitude.  The  application  of  probabilities 
to  constructive  sampling,  such  as  the  experience  of  hospitals  and  social  conditions  of  a 
community,  may  not  prove  so  powerful  an  aid  to  the  ordinary  methods  of  induction, 
even  if  supplemented  by  the  refinements  of  "association"  or  "correlation."  The 
character  of  progress  in  human  institutions  is  unfavorable  to  the  employment  of 
analytical  curves  and  surfaces  to  represent  groups  of  statistics.  If  "relating  to  society" 
might  include  biology,  the  conclusion  would  be  that  those  statistics  most  nearly  related 
to  our  physical  nature,  in  particular  vital  statistics,  are  most  amenable  to  the  applica- 
tion of  the  calculus  of  probabilities. — -F.  Y.  Edgeworth,  Journal  of  the  Royal  Staiislical 
Society,  January,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

Transforming  the  Eskimo  into  a  Herder. — Sometime  ago.  Dr.  Sheldon  Jackson, 
United  States  general  agent  of  education  in  Alaska,  brought  a  herd  of  sixteen  reindeer 
across  from  Siberia  and  started  the  first  reindeer  colony  at  Unalaska.  In  1894  the 
United  States  government  made  an  appropriation  of  $6,000  and  since  has  increased 
it  to  $25,000  annually.  With  the  herds  doubling  every  three  years,  the  question  of  a 
food  supply  for  Alaska  will  soon  be  a  thing  of  the  past.  Reindeer  furnish  the  30,000 
natives  with  food,  clothing,  and  means  of  transportation. — E.  W.  Hawkes,  Anthropos, 
March,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

Pensions  for  Mothers. — Weekly  or  monthly  payments  to  mothers  from  public 
funds  raised  by  taxation  is  not  in  harmony  with  the  principles  of  social  insurance;  is 
not  insurance  at  all,  merely  a  revamped  and  in  the  long  run  unworkable  form  of 
public  outdoor  relief;  has  no  claim  to  the  name  of  pension  and  no  place  in  a  rational 
scheme  of  social  legislation;  is  embodying  no  element  of  prevention  or  radical  cure 
for  any  recognized  evil;  is  an  insidious  attack  upon  the  family,  inimical  to  the  welfare 
of  children,  and  injurious  to  the  character  of  parents;  is  imposing,  in  the  form  in 
which  it  is  usually  embodied,  an  unjustifiable  burden  upon  the  courts;  is  illustrating 
all  that  is  most  objectionable  in  state  Socialism,  and  failing  to  represent  that  ideal  of 
social  justice  which  the  Socialist  movement,  whatever  are  its  faults,  is  constantly 
brinr^ing  nearer. — Edward  T.  Devine,  American  Labor  Legislation  Review,  Vol.  Ill, 
June,  1913-  J-  ^-  ^• 

The  Industrial  Schools  in  Berlin. — Looking  over  the  Berlin  industrial  schools  as 
a  whole,  we  see  that  here,  as  elsewhere  in  Germany,  industrial  education  does  not 
shorten  the  period  of  apprenticeship.  Generally  speaking,  the  schools  increase  the 
interest  of  the  pupils  in  their  work,  but  this  does  not  apply  to  all  pupils,  for  in  the 
compulsory-improvement  schools  many  of  the  pupils  are  not  there  from  choice  and 
are  lazy  and  indifferent.  There  is  a  special  demand  by  employers  for  those  who  have 
studied  in  trade  schools,  wherever  such  study  is  optional.  This  demand  shows  itself 
in  the  better  positions  and  wages  secured  by  those  who  continue  in  the  trade  schools 
more  than  the  minimum  period  required.  With  minor  exceptions,  the  Berlin  industrial 
schools  accept  as  students  only  those  actually  working  as  apprentices,  journeymen, 
or  otherwise,  in  the  trade  studied.  There  is  thus  no  undue  increase  of  the  numbers 
entering  single  trades,  for  the  number  studying  each  trade  is  automatically  adjusted 
to  its  needs!  Practical  work  in  industry  is  always  regarded  as  prerequisite  to  trade- 
school  training  received  to  good  effect;  and  the  expense  of  the  industrial  schools, 
though  heavy,  is  regarded  by  the  taxpayers  as  well  worth  while. —  U.S.  Bureau  of 
Education,  Bulletin   No.  19,  1913.  J-  E.  E. 

Courts  and  Legislation. — Application  of  law  must  involve  not  logic  merely  but 
discretion  as  well.  Indeed,  under  the  influence  of  the  social,  philosophical,  and 
sociological  jurists,  who  have  insisted  that  the  essential  thing  in  administration  of 
justice  according  to  law  is  a  reasonable  and  just  solution  of  the  individual  controversy, 
application  of  law  has  become  the  central  problem  in  present-day  legal  science.  A 
lesson  of  legal  history  is  that  the  lawmaker  must  not  be  over  ambitious  to  laydown 
universal  rules.  While  the  lawyer  thinks  of  popular  action  as  subject  to  legal  limita- 
tions running  back  of  all  constitutions  and  merely  reasserted,  not  created,  thereby, 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


425 


the  people  think  of  themselves  as  the  authors  of  all  constitutions  and  limitations  and 
the  final  judges  of  their  meaning  and  effect.  There  is  an  aversion  to  straightforward 
change  of  any  important  legal  doctrine.  The  cry  is,  "Interpret  it."  But  such  inter- 
pretation is  spurious.  It  is  legislation.  And  yet  the  lawyer  is  trained  to  it  as  an 
ancient  common  law  doctrine,  and  it  has  a  great  hold  upon  the  public.  Thus  an 
unnecessary  strain  is  imposed  upon  our  judicial  system,  and  courts  are  held  for  what 
should  be  the  work  of  the  legislature.  Our  task  then  is  (i)  to  rid  ourselves  of  abso- 
lute theories,  and  in  particular  of  the  remains  of  the  dogma  of  finality  of  the  common 
law;  (2)  to  repeal,  what  ought  to  be  repealed,  directly,  and  not  to  demand  indirect 
repeal  by  spurious  interpretation;  (3)  above  all  to  develop  a  sociological  method  of 
applying  rules  and  then,  if  need  be,  of  developing  new  ones  by  the  judicial  power  of 
finding  the  law. — Roscoe  Pound,  American  Political  Science  Review,  August,  1913. 

J.  E.  E. 

The  Doctrine  of  Evolution  and  Anthropology. — To  anthropology  the  vital  problem 
is  the  existence  or  non-existence  of  innate  equipments  for  particular  cultures.  The 
evidence,  so  far,  seems  decidedly  in  favor  of  their  non-existence.  When  the  anthro- 
pologist sets  over  the  historical  against  the  evolutionary  conception  in  his  science,  he 
is  not  for  a  moment  denying  that  cultures  evolve  or  grow,  he  is  only  denying  that  this 
growth  is  an  integral  part  of  biological  evolution.  That  cultural  phenomena  are  a 
part  of,  parallel  to,  or  continuous  with  biological  phenomena  is  not  accepted  by  anthro- 
pology. The  historical  method  assumes  that  there  is  a  history  of  cultural  activity 
for  each  particular  group  of  mankind  and  that  the  culture  of  any  given  moment  is 
only  to  be  interpreted  by  its  past.  There  is  a  clear  distinction  between  cultures  on 
the  one  hand  and  the  psycho-physical  mechanisms  that  produce  them  on  the  other. 
Consequently  anthropology  holds  that  the  mechanism  is  general,  in  so  far  as  it  is  not 
limited  to  any  particular  culture,  and  that  it  enables  the  individual  to  practice  any 
culture  he  may  need,  though  not  necessarily  to  equal  degrees. — Clark  Wissler,  Journal 
of  Religions  Psychology,  July,  1913.  J.  E.  E. 

The  Problem  of  Illegitimacy  in  Europe. — In  some  of  the  European  countries, 
there  are  more  illegitimate  than  legitimate  children.  In  almost  every  European 
country,  if  the  father  of  an  illegitimate  child  can  be  discovered  he  must  wholly  or 
partially  support  it,  except  in  England  only.  The  governments  are  assuming  the 
responsibility  of  building  up  institutions  where  illegitimate  children  can  be  cared  for 
by  trained  nurses  and  guardians.  European  societies  are  learning  to  regard  cases  of 
inevitable  illegitimacy  with  less  severity.— Victor  V.  Borosini,  Journal  of  the  American 
Institute  of  Criminal  Law  and  Crinmiology,  July,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

Mr.  Andrew  Lang's  Theory  of  the  Origin  of  Exogamy  and  Totemism. — Exogamy 
arose  in  early  group  life  through  the  expulsion  of  the  young  males  by  the  jealous  sire. 
No  small  society  could  have  survived  the  strife  of  sons  and  sires  consequent  upon 
promiscuous  love-making  within  the  group,  for  primitive  man  was  fiercely  jealous  of 
this  relationship.  In  later  periods  the  sire,  softened  by  his  female  mate,  allowed  the 
sons  to  remain  in  the  group  so  long  as  they  secured  their  wives  from  without. 

Totemism  began  when,  with  no  mystical  significance,  human  groups  adopted  the 
names  of  objects.  Each  group,  hostile  to  all  the  rest,  distinguished  them  by  a  nick- 
name from  the  group  "we".  They  found  out  their  names  through  taunts  or  from 
their  stolen  wives.  The  objection  that  no  group  would  adopt  a  nickname  is  refuted 
by  the  evidence  of  existing  facts.  Later  generations  forgot  how  thev  got  their  names, 
for  they  invented  myths  to  explain  it.  When  they  realized  that  they  had  the  same 
name  as  an  animal  they  speculated  as  to  the  mystical  connection,  for  to  the  savage 
the  name  was  the  very  essence  of  the  thing  named.  If  the  animal  and  the  group  had 
the  same  name  they  must  go  back  to  a  common  ancestry,  for  savage  man  drew  no 
line  between  animals  and  human  beings.  Thus  the  animal  whose  name  the  group 
borewas  a  brother  possessed  of  magic  wisdom  and  it  became  their  duty  to  protect  and 
cherish  it — hence  totemism.— Andrew  Lang,  Folk  Lore,  July,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

The  Unconscious  Reason  in  Social  Evolution. — The  origin  of  such  rational  and 
purposive  institutions  as  exogamy,  the  family,  division  of  labor,  monetary-  system,  and 
so  on,  cannot  be  explained  as  the  result  of  conscious  reflection.     Such  an  'institution 


426  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

as  the  family  is  to  be  explained  only  as  a  mechanical  adjustment  to  physiological 
needs,  and  is  an  "exact  social  parallel  to  any  individual,  unconscious  reaction,  such 
as  eating  when  hungry."  Man  is  essentially  a  reasoning  creature,  but  nine-tenths 
of  his  mental  activity  is  below  the  threshold  of  consciousness.  Intuition  is  uncon- 
scious reasoning,  and  impulsive  action  is  unconscious  response  to  stimulus.  The  less 
conscious  we  are  of  the  subject  of  intelligence  the  more  perfect  is  our  adaptation. 
So  the  rational  and  purposive  structure  of  social  institutions  arose  as  adaptations 
of  means  to  ends,  as  mechanically  logical  (in  a  word,  rational),  as  the  biological  adap- 
tations in  the  individual,  and  the  sequence  of  psychical  reactions  engineering  the 
structure  was  as  purposive  and  as  unconscious  as  the  chain-instincts  in  the  lowest 
animals. — A.  E.  Crawley,  Sociological  Review,  July,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

The  Problem  of  Social  Insurance:  An  Analysis. — Industrial  workers  have  been 
in  great  part  reduced  to  a  condition  of  dependence  in  respect  to  the  enjoyment  of  oppor- 
tunities for  gainful  labor.  When  disabled  through  old  age  or  failing  powers,  and  when 
not  needed  thrpugh  reduction  in  the  scale  of  operations,  they  are  discarded  as  are 
other  useless  parts.  These  inherent,  inevitable  causes  of  need,  social  insurance  seeks 
to  meet  at  their  source.  That  it  may  do  so  involves  the  recognition  of  social  as  well 
as  individual  action.  Stated  in  another  way,  social  insurance  sets  to  itself  the  task 
of  meeting  the  problem  of  the  economic  insecurity  of  labor. — William  F.  Willoughby, 
American  Labor  Legislation  Review,  June,  1913.  J.  E.  E. 

Eugenics:  "With  Special  Reference  to  Intellect  and  Character. — (a)  The  general 
average  tendency  of  the  original  intellectual  and  moral  natures  of  children  is  like  the 
original  natures  of  their  ancestry.  Environment  may  modify  it  but  very  little  indeed. 
(6)  In  intellect  and  morals,  as  in  bodily  structure  and  features,  men  differ  by  original 
nature  and  by  families,  (c)  There  are  hereditary  bonds  by  which  one  kind  of  intellect 
or  character  rather  than  another  is  produced,  (d)  Selective  breeding  can  alter  a  man's 
capacity  to  learn,  to  keep  sane,  to  cherish  justice,  or  to  be  happy.  People  will  soon 
learn  to  realize  the  most  important  principles  of  eugenics. — Edward  L.  Thorndike, 
Popular  Science  Monthly,  August,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

A  Brief  Survey  of  the  Field  of  Organic  Evolution. — The  theor>'  of  the  descent  with 
modification  is  an  established  fact.  As  an  explanation  of  descent,  Lamarckism  is  a 
possible  but  unlikely  factor  because  of  the  improbability  that  the  inheritance  of 
acquired  characters  takes  place.  Darwinism,  or  natural  selection,  on  the  other  hand, 
is  apparently  a  real  factor  in  organic  evolution,  at  least  roughly  outlining  natural 
species.  Its  chief  defect,  the  inability  to  produce  useful  traits  from  small  beginnings, 
is  apparently  fully  met  by  the  mutation  theory,  which,  however,  is  too  novel  to  be 
passed  on  with  any  degree  of  certainty.  The  popular  distrust  which  has  recently 
arisen  concerning  evolution  is  based  on  a  confusion  of  natural  selection  with  descent. 
As  to  the  effectiveness  of  the  former  the  biologist  has  good  reason  for  doubt;  as  to  the 
reality  of  the  latter  he  has  none  whatever. — George  Howard  Parker,  Harvard  Theologi- 
cal Review,  July,  1913.  J-  E.  E. 

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RECENT  LITERATURE 


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RECENT  LITERATURE 


431 


Le  mouvement  syndical  en  191 1  et  191 2 

(fitats-Unis).      Bulletin      officiel      du 

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V33 


THE  AMERICAN 

JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


Volume  XIX  JANUARY     I914  Number  4 


A  VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY^ 


ALBION  W.  SMALL 
University  of  Chicago 


PRESIDENTIAL  ADDRESS 

The  less  numerous  of  the  two  prominent  British  schools  of 
sociology  cherishes  the  proposition  that  the  business  of  sociology  is 
to  construct  social  ideals.  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  whether 
or  not  that  view  would  be  adopted  by  the  American  Sociological 
Society.  I  should  certainly  not  accept  it  as  a  definition  of  the 
functions  of  Sociology.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  scant  respect  for 
any  sociological  technique  which  does  not  at  last  contribute  to 
credible  forecasts  of  better  things  in  the  future,  and  thus  at  least 
indirectly  to  foreshadowings  of  improved  society  in  general,  along 
with  partial  revelations  of  ways  and  means  of  achieving  those 
improvements. 

Accordingly  I  shall  take  the  Uberty  this  evening  of  throwing 
science  to  the  winds,  and  of  installing  imagination  in  its  place.  I 
do  not  call  what  I  am  to  say  Sociology.  It  is  that  better  type  of 
thing  than  can  be  produced  by  any  strictly  cognitive  process  what- 
ever. It  is  the  composite  outlook  upon  life  projected  upon  the 
background  of  the  thinker's  total  knowledge,  with  the  assistance  of 
all  the  intellectual  processes  at  his  command,  but  at  last  frankly 
toned  and  colored  by  his  own  personal  estimate  of  all  the  values 

'  Address  delivered  before  the  American  Sociological  Society. 

433 


434  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

involved.  This  testimony  may  have  Uttle  intrinsic  value,  but  at  all 
events  it  is  the  thinker's  own.  It  reflects  an  authentic  self.  It  is 
an  actual  human  reaction,  and  as  such  it  is  entitled  to  its  propor- 
tionate place  among  the  evidences  which  go  to  establish  the  con- 
clusions of  life.  Accordingly,  without  committing  sociology  or  the 
American  Sociological  Society  to  the  slightest  responsibility  for 
what  I  am  saying,  I  shall  allow  myself  the  luxury  of  sketching  the 
picture  of  a  relatively  rational  society  which  my  own  judgment 
projects. 

As  a  vanishing-point  for  the  picture,  let  us  suppose  that  the 
occupants  of  the  cabin  of  the  "Mayflower."  when  the  famous  pact 
was  drawn  and  signed,  were  not  the  historical  company,  but  the 
present  members  of  the  American  Sociological  Society.  Suppose 
further  that  by  some  preternatural  discernment  these  adventurers 
were  able  to  bring  before  their  view  our  present  national  domain, 
with  its  present  population,  its  present  technical  equipment,  its 
present  accumulations  of  wealth,  its  present  scientific  methods  and 
results,  yet  without  an  inkling  of  the  present  pohtical  and  economic 
organization,  or  of  the  social  stratification.  Let  us  suppose  also 
that  the  company  had  not  the  Pilgrims'  type  of  social  consciousness, 
but  ours — for  when  the  imagination  decides  to  take  liberties  it  is 
foolish  to  scrimp  them.  While  we  are  about  it,  we  may  as  well 
abstract  our  social  consciousness,  as  far  as  it  is  a  complex  of  valua- 
tions, from  our  knowledge  of  national  history  and  present  condi- 
tions, although  this  knowledge  has  been  a  chief  factor  in  forming 
the  valuations. 

Now  then,  with  this  forecast  of  scope  for  action,  and  of  the 
numbers  of  actors  to  be  concerned,  and  of  the  t>pes  of  achievement 
designated,  and  with  our  present  criteria  of  social  values  as  our 
standard,  what  would  be  our  idea  of  the  quaUty  of  relations  fit  to 
form  the  social  framework  of  the  millions  who  should  succeed  to 
these  national  resources,  and  accomphsh  the  aggregate  results  that 
are  familiar  to  us  today  ? 

As  I  have  taken  pains  to  confess,  the  answer  that  I  am  to  give 
may  not  be  the  answer  of  the  members  of  the  Sociological  Society 
at  all.  It  is  merely  my  own  answer.  Yet  in  order  to  avoid  as 
much  as  possible  the  first-personal  form,  while  admitting  the  sub- 


A    VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY  435 

stance,  I  indulge  the  fancy  that  the  Society  is  of  one  mind  in  this 
matter  and  that  I  am  merely  the  mind-reader. 

Sweeping  the  spatial  perspective  then  from  Provincetown  to  the 
Golden  Gate,  and  the  temporal  expanse  from  1620  to  19 14  and  on  to 
our  farthest  reach  into  the  future,  what  stipulations  would  we  make 
for  the  spirit  and  purposes  of  the  society  destined  to  carry  on  that 
section  of  humanity's  process  which  is  to  occupy  the  quota  of  space 
and  time  allotted  to  the  American  people  ? 

While  I  can  speak  with  authority  of  my  own  opinion  alone,  I 
still  have  no  doubt  that,  if  we  could  agree  on  the  meaning  of  the 
words,  so  that  we  should  not  fear  that  to  some  of  us  some  of  them 
would  mean  one  thing  and  to  some  another,  there  would  be  sub- 
stantial unanimity  in  this  Society  along  the  following  lines.  They 
are  specifications  of  the  general  conception  which  we  entertain  of 
our  whole  national  experience,  of  the  physical  conditions  which 
make  that  experience  possible,  of  the  goal  toward  which  that  ex- 
perience is  to  be  directed,  as  fast  as  it  becomes  conscious,  and  of  the 
operative  principles  which  will  insure  the  efficiency  of  the  experience. 
The  form  in  which  I  recite  the  items  is  not  that  of  law-givings  for 
the  enterprise,  but  of  presumptions,  or  prophetic  forelookings  which 
we  should  rely  upon  as  the  matrix  in  which,  from  time  to  time,  con- 
stitutions and  statutes  and  ordinances  in  pursuance  of  these  valu- 
ations would  grow. 

We  should  presume  then,  first,  that  as  a  matter  of  course  the 
enormous  enterprise  of  utiHzing  this  space  and  time,  these  material 
deposits,  and  physical  energies  and  moral  opportunities  is  a  com- 
munity undertaking;  an  affair  of  co-operation  in  duties  and  copart- 
nership in  enjoyments;  with  the  common  interest  always  effectively 
paramount  to  minor  aims. 

We  should  assume,  second,  that  the  innermost  and  ultimate 
meaning  of  the  whole  undertaking  is  not  to  be  found  in  its  mastery 
of  physical  conditions,  but  in  its  transmuting  of  this  control  of  forces 
into  realization  of  types  of  persons  surpassing  one  another,  genera- 
tion after  generation,  in  progressive  realization  of  completer  physical 
and  mental  and  moral  attainments. 

We  should  take  it  for  granted,  third,  that  the  total  of  external 
resources  will  always  be  regarded  as  a  trust  to  be  administered  by 


436  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  community  as  an  endowment  for  the  human  process  in  which 
the  enterprise  finds  its  ultimate  expression. 

We  should  regard  it  as  settled,  fourth,  that  the  undertaking  will 
always  be  conducted  with  a  view  to  encouragement,  in  each 
individual,  of  every  excellence,  and  the  highest  degree  of  every 
excellence  which  can  be  harmonized  with  the  efficiency  of  the  whole 
process  of  human  development. 

We  should  be  confident,  fifth,  that  all  normal  adults  concerned 
in  the  undertaking  wall  be  agreed  that  certain  regulative  principles 
of  conduct  are  indispensable.  They  will  consequently  be  sure  that 
all  the  resources  of  the  community  must  be  pledged  to  the  pro- 
curing of  conduct  consistent  with  these  principles. 

That  is.  a  system  of  control  will  be  demanded  which  will  be 
inexorable  in  its  insistence  upon  certain  conduct  held  by  the  general 
community  judgment  to  be  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  whole. 
The  system  of  control  will  shade  off  into  non-compulsion  and  even 
non-prescription  and  non-intervention  in  the  degree  in  which  it  is 
the  consensus  of  the  community  that,  in  certain  ranges  of  conduct, 
spontaneity  of  action  makes  more  for  the  good  of  the  whole  than 
group  constraint. 

Sixth:  Because  the  "realization  of  completer  human  types" 
and  **the  good  of  the  whole"  are  concepts  which  must  redefine  each 
other  in  an  incessant  reciprocity  during  the  term  of  this  enterprise, 
we  should  anticipate  that  the  system  of  control  will  be  flexible,  and 
adaptable,  both  in  its  structure  and  in  its  functions,  to  the  changing 
implications  of  the  undertaking. 

Consequently,  types  of  conduct  which  may  be  secured  by 
forcible  means  at  one  stage  of  the  process  may  not  need  to  be 
required  nor  even  enjoined  at  another.  Thus  the  system  of  control 
may  never  usurp  the  place  of  an  absolute  authority.  On  the  con- 
trary, in  its  structure,  its  policies  and  its  programs  the  system  of 
control  must  always  be  itself  controlled  by  the  evolving  require- 
ments of  the  enterprise. 

It  would  be  understood,  seventh,  that  there  will  be  no  arbitrary 
limitations  upon  the  freedom  of  each  normal  adult  member  of  the 
community  to  exercise  his  abiUties  in  promotion  of  the  enterprise, 
and  that  the  partnership  of  each  in  all  the  franchises  and  emolu- 


A   VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY  437 

ments  of  the  undertaking  will  correspond  with  the  value  of  his 
contribution  to  the  common  operations. 

We  should  foresee,  eighth,  that  from  year  to  year  and  from 
decade  to  decade  the  enterprise  will  show  an  increasing  surplus  of 
material  and  spiritual  goods.  This  accumulation  will  of  course  be 
held  as  a  trust  fund  by  the  community,  and  it  will  be  used  as  a 
special  endowment  to  reinforce  those  operations  which  in  the  general 
interest  from  time  to  time  most  require  stimulation.  Experience 
will  develop  a  code  of  equity  to  govern  the  administration  of  this 
material  and  spiritual  wealth.  It  will  be  dedicated  to  the  assistance 
of  all  persons  and  processes  that  increasing  enlightenment  discovers 
to  be  worthy  of  exceptional  support.  It  will  be  jealously  guarded 
against  concession  in  the  form  of  permanent  privilege,  and  it  will 
be  held  without  prejudice  at  the  service  of  every  interest  in  the 
community  which  needs  temporary  encouragement  in  developing 
activities  that  give  assurance  of  contributing  ultimately  to  the 
good  of  the  whole. 

We  should  have  no  doubt,  ninth,  that  those  persons  who,  more 
through  misfortune  than  through  culpable  fault,  are  only  sHghtly  or 
not  at  all  able  to  contribute  to  the  common  enterprise  will  be 
enhsted  for  the  most  useful  employments  of  which  they  are  capable, 
and  that  the  deficit  between  their  services  and  a  reasonable  appraisal 
of  their  needs  will  be  a  charge  upon  the  insurance  reserve. 

We  should  be  agreed,  tenth,  that  those  persons  who,  more  by 
their  own  choice  than  by  misfortune,  are  unfit  to  contribute  to  the 
common  enterprise  will  be  held  to  such  discipUnary  constraints  by 
the  community  that  they  will  acquire  some  social  fitness,  and  that 
they  will  at  length  prefer  a  tolerable  measure  of  usefulness  in  the 
general  undertaking  to  the  alternative  constraint. 

In  the  case  of  persons  whose  social  unfitness  is  due  in  part  to 
the  predetermining  negligence  of  the  society,  attempts  to  correlate 
these  persons  with  the  whole  functional  process  will  have  due  regard 
to  the  different  causes  of  the  abnormality,  and  will  always  be 
guided  by  supreme  reference  to  establishment  of  normality,  both  in 
the  erring  society  and  in  the  delinquent  individual. 

We  should  look  forward,  eleventh,  to  progressive  recognition  of 
gradations  in  the  scale  of  accredited  values.    That  is,  material  values 


438  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

will  be  appraised  in  the  proportion  of  the  uses  of  the  respective 
things  to  people,  and  moral  values  will  rank  in  accordance  with  the 
social  worth  of  the  various  types  and  qualities  of  human  activity. 

It  would  follow,  twelfth,  that  adequate  provision  must  be  made 
for  the  function  of  keeping  all  the  members  of  the  community  aware 
of  the  reciprocal  nature  of  the  enterprise  in  which  they  are  engaged, 
and  of  the  implied  liabilities  of  all  to  each  and  of  each  to  all. 

For  similar  reasons,  thirteenth,  a  part  of  the  common  undertaking 
must  always  be  to  see  that  no  specific  plans  adopted  or  permitted 
by  the  community  should  tend  to  prejudice  the  general  purpose. 

It  would  be  our  conviction,  fourteenth,  that  the  general  purpose 
will  be  prejudiced  if  either  of  the  following  things  occurs : 

a)  If  tendencies  are  tolerated  which  give  to  some  types  of  people 
more  than  their  proportional  share  of  the  returns  of  the  enterprise, 
or  which  deprive  other  types  of  any  portion  of  their  due  share  of 
those  returns. 

h)  If  tendencies  are  tolerated  which  encourage  the  increase  of 
less  desirable  types  of  persons,  or  which  discourage  the  increase  of 
more  desirable  types. 

c)  In  particular,  if  tendencies  are  tolerated  which  make  it 
possible  for  some  people  to  enjoy  without  being  useful,  and  which 
veto  other  people's  will  to  be  useful  for  the  sake  of  enjoying. 

d)  If  it  becomes  harder  for  some  parts  of  the  community  than 
for  others  to  obtain  justice. 

e)  If  the  belief  becomes  current  among  some  members  of  the 
community  that  the  best  way  to  get  their  rights  is  to  repudiate 
parts  of  their  obligations. 

/)  If  a  creed  becomes  current  that  things  are  more  important 
than  people. 

g)  If,  whether  as  cause  or  effect  of  this  creed,  programs  become 
fixed  which  set  the  interests  of  wealth  above  the  interests  of  people. 

Fifteenth,  and  finally,  but  first  and  constantly  the  precondition 
of  all  the  rest:  we  should  presuppose  that  the  members  of  the  com- 
munity will  be  instant,  in  season  and  out  of  season,  in  discovering 
for  themselves,  and  in  passing  along  to  their  children,  zeal  for 
discovering  every  accessible  detail  and  interpretation  of  knowledge 
which  may  reveal  conditions  upon  which  promotion  of  the  whole 


A   VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY  439 

moral  enterprise  depends;  and  which  especially  may  disclose  fail- 
ures of  the  persons  concerned  to  apply  their  resources  and  abilities 
most  efficiently  to  promotion  of  the  undertaking. 

Please  observe  that  I  have  not  referred  to  this  scheme  as  a  vision 
of  social  righteousness,  or  a  vision  of  socialjustice,  or  a  vision  of  social 
reform.  There  might  be  a  suspicion  of  something  weakly  senti- 
mental about  such  visions.  I  have  been  talking  about  the  literal 
business  in  which  humanity  is  engaged;  the  most  matter-of-fact 
aflfair  which  mundane  people  have  on  their  hands — this  central  and 
circumferential  business  of  transforming  all  the  resources  of  the 
world  into  the  highest  grade  of  physical,  mental,  and  moral  persons 
evolvable  out  of  the  given  elements.  I  have  been  enumerating 
some  of  the  basic  requirements  of  efficiency  in  this  business.  Such 
inteUigence  as  we  possess  tells  us  that  the  large  business  of  life  is 
not  economically  conducted  unless  it  sustains  the  efficiency  test 
which  these  specifications  enforce. 

Of  course,  the  vision  which  I  have  drawn  reminds  us  all  of  our 
own  social  system.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  assert  that  the  United 
States  of  America,  the  most  enlightened  country  of  the  world,  the 
path-breaker  of  human  freedom,  the  pacemaker  of  moral  progress, 
is  deficient  in  a  single  one  of  these  particulars!  This  is  a  time  for 
felicitation.  Carpings  and  criticisms  would  be  bad  form.  Besides, 
the  newspapers  of  the  Twin  Cities  are  doubtless  not  behind  cos- 
mopolitan journalism  in  general  in  their  promptness  to  denounce 
the  due  damnation  of  a  pessimist  upon  the  ill-advised  academic 
theorist  who  in  public  betrays  a  doubt  that  everything  American  is 
not  only  the  best  that  ever  was,  but  the  best  that  ever  can  be. 
No!  I  am  not  the  pessimist  that  the  reporters  dearly  love  to  find 
in  academic  circles.  There  have  been  savage  peoples  that  have 
not  come  up  to  the  mark  which  our  vision  sets.  Possibly  trivial 
details  of  it  are  not  yet  in  full  force  in  Dahomey  and  Thibet  and 
Mexico;  but  "practical"  Americans  are  assuredly  not  lacking  in 
anything  that  pertains  to  efficiency!  Wherefore  my  epilogue  is 
evidently  a  propos  of  nothing  in  particular.  I  am  simply  musing, 
as  the  manner  of  some  is  when  their  minds  are  not  otherwise  engaged. 

I  recall  that  one  of  the  dift'erences  between  an  individual  and  a 
society  is  that  the  latter  may  actually  begin  where  a  completed 


440  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

cycle  of  its  career  ends,  and  may  shape  a  later  type  of  career  in 
the  light  of  its  previous  experience.  Individuals  frequently  ring 
changes  on  the  futile  reflection:  ''If  I  could  live  my  life  over  again, 
knowing  what  I  do  now,  I  could  do  better."  In  the  case  of  the 
individual  this  is  less  certain  than  is  assumed.  Societies  actually 
may,  and  so  long  as  they  are  virile  they  actually  do,  reconstruct 
themselves  after  failure  and  even  disaster.  Germany  did  it  after 
the  Thirty  Years'  War.  England  did  it  after  the  second  probation 
of  the  Stuarts.  France  did  it  after  the  Revolution  and  again  after 
the  debacle. 

The  social  problem  of  the  twentieth  century  is  whether  the 
civilized  nations  can  restore  themselves  to  sanity  after  their 
nineteenth-century  aberrations  of  individualism  and   capitalism. 

Bear  with  me  for  pointing  out  that  I  have  neither  said  nor 
implied  that  the  actual  company  in  the  "Mayflower"  ought  to  have 
seen  as  far  as  we  see  into  the  functional  requirements  of  civilization 
as  highly  evolved  as  ours.  It  was  not  their  fault  that  they  did  not 
see  all  that  we  can.  It  is  not  our  merit  that  we  see  more  than  they 
could.  The  judgment  of  history  upon  us  will  turn,  however,  upon 
the  programs  which  we  follow  since  meaning  factors  of  the  human 
problem  which  our  predecessors  could  not  see  have  been  forced  on 
our  attention. 

Referring  to  these  factors  in  the  most  summary  way,  there  are 
four  functional  fallacies  in  the  institutions  of  modern  civiHzed  states; 
four  radical  ignorings  of  the  demands  of  social  efficiency: 

First:  The  fallacy  of  treating  capital  as  though  it  were  an  active 
agent  in  human  processes,  and  of  crediting  income  to  the  personal 
representatives  of  capital  irrespective  of  their  actual  share  in 
human  service. 

Second:  The  fallacy  of  excluding  the  vast  majority  of  the  active 
workers  in  capitalistic  industries  from  representation  in  control  of 
the  businesses  in  which  they  function. 

Third:  The  fallacy  of  incorporating  the  fallacious  capitalistic 
principle,  thus  promoting  the  legal  person  to  an  artificial  advantage 
over  natural  persons,  and  consequently,  by  social  vohtion,  giving 
the  initial  fallacy  cumulative  force  by  an  uncontrolled  law  of 
accelerated  motion. 


A   VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY  441 

Of  course  I  am  not  asserting  that  incorporation  in  itself  is  a 
social  fallacy,  but  only  incorporation  inadequately  controlled  by  the 
whole  social  process.  Corporations  as  they  will  one  day  be  articu- 
lated into  the  inclusive  human  process  will  be  as  different  from  cor- 
porations as  they  are,  as  the  wrench  serving  the  uses  of  a  skilled 
mechanic  is  from  the  wrench  thrown  into  the  machinery. 

Fourth:  The  fallacy  of  a  system  of  inheritance  which  assigns 
the  powers  and  privileges  of  incorporated  capital  to  sentimentally 
designated  individuals,  instead  of  reserving  their  benefits  primarily 
to  the  actively  functioning  agents  of  society.  This  fourth  fallacy, 
in  conjunction  with  the  other  three,  creates  phenomena  of  hereditary 
economic  sovereignty  which  must  eventually  become  more  intoler- 
able than  the  hereditary  poHtical  sovereignties  overthrown  by  the 
republican  revolutions. 

Back  of  these  four  fallacies  of  operation  is  a  malignantly  sub- 
servient fallacy  of  logic.  It  is  the  naive  sophistry  of  dogmatizing 
an  obvious  analogy  into  an  identity.  The  analogy  starts  with 
homely  everyday  aspects  of  the  lives  of  types  of  persons  who  are 
every  day  growing  more  rare  in  capitalistic  societies,  but  it  shades 
off  by  imperceptible  degrees  into  the  radically  different  things  with 
which  these  remote  parallels  are  supposed  to  be  identical.  This 
accounts  for  the  plausibihty  of  the  argument,  while  it  is  egregiously 
superficial.  In  a  word,  the  detached  individual,  with  his  labor,  his 
savings,  and  his  implicit  right  to  reasonable  freedom  in  use  of  his 
savings,  is  presumed  to  be  the  ground  pattern  of  all  the  economic 
rights  and  duties  in  present  society.  Thereupon,  what  is  true  of 
this  unaided  individual,  deahng  with  similar  unaided  individuals,  is 
predicated  of  natural  and  legal  persons  ahke  in  their  property 
rights.  That  is,  not  merely  analogy,  but  identity  of  principle  is 
alleged  between  the  literal  individual  and  incorporated  capital! 

What  is  incorporated  capital  ?  It  is  a  few  individuals  applying 
a  nucleus  of  wealth  and  credit  to  natural  opportunity,  but  not  with 
their  own  unaided  powers  alone.  It  is  a  few  individuals  exploiting 
wealth  and  credit  and  opportunity  with  the  perpetual  alliance  of 
the  state;  and  this  alliance  is  a  talisman  which  confers  a  virtually 
magical  touch  upon  the  persons  incorporated.  The  increment  of 
power  with  which  the  state  thus  artificially  endows  corporations 


442  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

makes  them  social  factors  with  which  the  powers  of  natural  persons 
are  ridiculously  incomparable.  This  transparent  logical  fallacy  is 
the  key  to  the  theoretical  defense  of  the  four  chief  operative 
fallacies.  The  chief  social  task  of  the  next  great  stage  of  civilization 
will  be  this — to  dissipate  this  nebulous  defense  and  to  instal  rational 
substitutes  for  the  fallacious  operative  principles. 

Returning  from  this  digression  into  literal  fact,  and  resuming  for 
a  moment  my  flight  of  fancy,  I  predict  that  the  effective  refutation 
of  these  confederated  fallacies  will  receive  its  next  great  impulse, 
not  from  recognition  of  claims  of  justice,  as  between  man  and  man, 
or  class  and  class,  but  from  discovery  that  the  combination  mightily 
obstructs  social  efficiency. 

If  it  were  not  commonplace,  it  would  be  astonishing  that,  after 
so  many  thousands  of  years  of  human  history,  we  have  no  consensus 
of  opinion  as  to  why  we  are  living  at  all.  I  see  no  reason  to  believe 
that  we  shall  ever  reach  a  common  conclusion  about  the  ultimate 
meaning  of  this  planet  and  the  occurrences  upon  it  for  the  whole 
cosmic  reality  in  which  it  is  a  speck.  On  the  other  hand,  it  looks 
to  me  altogether  probable  that  men  will  one  day  be  substantially 
agreed  in  this— that  efficiency  in  living  involves  as  a  minimum  the 
utmost  correlation  of  human  powers  in  endeavor  after  those  con- 
certed social  achievements  which  prove  by  experience  to  do  most 
toward  placing  physical  resources  at  the  disposal  of  all  the  world's 
people;  and  which  at  the  same  time  do  most  toward  inclining  all 
the  world's  people  so  to  use  those  resources  that  they  may  become 
progressively  admirable  people.  No  sooner  has  this  construction 
of  life  commended  itself  to  anyone  than  he  begins  to  understand 
that  the  dominating  principle  of  our  capitalistic  civilization  is  a 
suspensive  veto  upon  realization  of  this  ideal.  The  illusion  that  the 
way  to  Hve  is  to  subordinate  hfe  to  the  lifeless  thing  capital  is  the 
most  astounding  of  the  paganisms. 

I  do  not  imagine  that  the  practical  refutation  of  capitalism  will 
be  accomplished  when  proof  is  furnished  that  the  system  is  not 
efficient  in  producing  progressively  admirable  people.  That  might 
pass  as  a  nonessential,  to  be  worried  about  by  no  one  except 
pedagogues  and  preachers.  It  doubtless  would  not  powerfully 
interest  the  type  of  people  whose  measure  of  the  world's  efficiency 


A   VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY  443 

is  dividends.  But  more  to  the  immediate  point  than  that,  I  predict 
that  before  long  the  statisticians  and  the  accountants  will  begin  to 
show  that  capitahsm  is  not  solvently  efficient  in  raising  the  funds  to 
pay  its  own  bills.     Then  the  judgment  day  of  capitalism  will  be  due. 

For  a  number  of  years  men  wise  and  simple  have  been  puzzling 
over  the  problem  of  the  rising  cost  of  living.  Among  all  our  national 
leaders,  not  one  has  had  the  wit  to  point  out  that  capitalism  steadily 
increases  the  overhead  charges  upon  national  industry,  and  that 
sooner  or  later  the  burden  of  this  increase  must  be  felt  in  its  enlar- 
ging ratio  to  the  output.  Under  the  capitalistic  system,  when  we 
pay  for  today's  dinner  we  are  paying  also  for  dinners  served  and 
paid  for  long  ago,  and  we  are  also  paying  instalments  on  other 
dinners  that  will  be  served  generations  hence.  Yet  we  go  jauntily 
on  adding  percentages  of  yesterday's  and  tomorrow's  accounts  to 
the  price  of  today's  dinner,  while  we  marvel  at  the  growing  size  of 
the  bill! 

For  example,  we  are  still  paying  interest  on  four  hundred  and 
forty-one  million  dollars  of  national  debt  incurred  previous  to  1865. 
But  the  interest  payments  on  this  sum  have  already  equaled  the  origi- 
nal loans  twice  over.  Through  continuance  of  the  annual  interest 
payments  which  do  not  reduce  the  principal,  we  are  now  engaged 
in  discharging  those  loans  a  third  time.  Looking  in  the  other 
direction,  Americans  for  the  next  fifty  years  will  be  paying  at  the 
rate  of  from  2  to  3  per  cent  for  certain  portions  of  the  cost  of  the 
Panama  Canal.  In  1961  or  thereabout  we  shall  have  repaid  the 
original  borrowings  to  defray  these  particular  portions  of  the  expense. 
This  repayment  of  the  principal,  however,  will  not  have  retired  a 
single  one  of  the  bonds,  but  the  principal  and  the  annual  interest 
will  still  be  due,  just  as  though  no  payments  had  been  made. 

As  another  type  of  illustration,  it  would  be  easy  to  schedule 
improvements  of  railroad  terminals  completed  or  projected  in 
various  cities,  and  bonded  to  the  amount  of  one  hundred  million 
dollars.  Nothing  affecting  the  point  of  the  illustration  could  be 
gained  by  attempting  to  make  a  complete  estimate  of  this  sort  of 
liability.  The  interest  on  such  bonds  will  become  a  permanent 
charge  upon  the  earnings.  It  will  press  down  upon  wages,  and  it 
will  lift  up  on  demands  for  higher  traffic  rates,  while  the  next 


444  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

twenty-five  years  are  making  full  return  of  the  principal.  Whether 
the  original  bonds  have  a  longer  or  shorter  life,  they  will  probably 
be  represented  in  the  funded  debt  of  the  companies  for  an  indefinite 
period.  That  is,  our  industries  will  repay  these  loans  over  and  over 
again  to  the  children  and  children's  children  of  the  original  lenders, 
and  in  the  apparently  innocent  form  of  a  reasonable  rate  of  interest 
on  an  honest  debt! 

My  argument  would  deserve  no  attention  if  I  asserted  that  all 
capitalistic  operations,  or  even  all  financing  operations,  are  of  this 
improvident  and  fallacious  type.  I  neither  assert  nor  believe  that 
this  is  the  case.  I  do  say  that  this  fallacious  type  of  capitalistic 
operation  bulks  so  large  in  modern  affairs  that  it  may  turn  out  to 
be  the  prime  factor  in  our  age  of  transition. 

Unless  Americans  fifty  years  hence  are  less  stupid  than  we  are 
today,  they  will  go  on  repaying  old  debts  an  indefinite  number  of 
times,  and  heaping  up  new  ones,  while  they  wonder  why  it  grows 
harder  every  day  to  provide  the  necessities  of  life.  It  is  barely 
possible  that  the  multiphcity  of  object-lessons  may  have  taught  our 
successors  something  by  the  end  of  another  half-century.  Perhaps 
the  next  generation  will  have  learned  that  capitalism  is  not  the 
Utopia  in  which  everyone  may  eat  his  cake  and  have  it  too.  In 
another  fifty  years  it  may  have  been  discovered  that  capitalism  is  a 
merger  of  famine  and  lottery.  The  majority  pay  for  cakes  they 
do  not  get,  and  the  surplus  provides  prizes  for  the  minority. 

Payments  under  the  head  of  interest  that  correspond  with  value 
received,  including  proper  rates  of  wages  for  the  necessary  labor 
and  minor  charges  connected  with  the  transactions,  may  or  may  not 
be  items  in  a  needlessly  extravagant  way  of  Kving,  In  principle 
they  are  not  otherwise  fallacious.  The  premium  element  in  pay- 
ments of  interest,  however — that  is,  the  excess  over  payment  of 
the  principal  and  fair  remuneration  for  real  services  connected 
with  the  loan — is  without  justification  in  economics  or  in  morals, 
and  the  civilization  which  presumes  the  contrary  is  riding  for  a  fall. 
Some  day  not  far  off  the  statisticians  will  disclose  the  amount  of  this 
premimn  element  loaded  upon  our  national  production,  and  col- 
lected from  the  non-capitalistic  classes  both  in  low  wages  and 
in  high  price  of  commodities.  I  do  not  venture  to  predict  the 
subsequent  course  of  events. 


A  VISION  OF  SOCIAL  EFFICIENCY  445 

Not  opponents  only  but  supporters  of  the  last  three  presidents  of 
the  United  States  have  reached  the  conclusion  that  each  of  these 
worthy  citizens  is  convinced  that  something  is  the  matter  with  our 
social    system.     Each   of    them    is   eager    to    find    the    remedy. 
Obviously  to  others,  however,  and  perhaps  also  to  himself,  each  is 
unable  to  arrive  at  a  convincing  diagnosis.     The  earliest  of  these 
chief  magistrates  thinks  that,  whatever  the  difficulty  is,  its  main 
evils  might  be  removed  by  controlling  monopoly.     The  latest  of 
them  is  equally  sure  that  health  may  be  restored  by  controlhng 
competition.    The  intermediate  incumbent  radiates  a  hardly  less 
futile  optimism  in  the  belief  that  our  social  ills  would  be  reduced  to 
a  minimum  if  we  would  resign  ourselves  to  control  by  a  few  master- 
ful gentlemen  who  on  their  part  do  not  propose  to  be  controlled 

at  all.  .  .,, 

Our  program  toward  the  central  problems  of  our  time  will 
amount  to  nothing  but  impotent  and  irritating  tinkering  with 
details,  until  the  leaders  of  our  thought  and  action  consent  to  a 
poUcy  of  candid  and  thorough  inquiry  as  to  whether  there  is  some- 
thing radically  mistaken  in  the  capitalistic  system  itself. 

Returning  for  a  moment  to  my  point  of  departure,  it  is  a  more 
comfortable  job  to  card-index  the  past  or  the  present  than  to  work 
on  construction  of  the  future.  By  far  the  bulk  of  American 
scholarship  in  the  social  sciences  has  gravitated  in  the  line  of  least 
resistance.  We  are  not  doing  our  share  toward  helping  our  confused 
modern  social  consciousness  to  become  articulate,  and  toward 
concentrating  our  divergent  purposes  upon  wisely  chosen  aims. 
No  scholars  in  the  world  have  had  a  fairer  field  than  we  for  durable 
social  service.  Reorganization  of  social  relations  is  going  on,  with 
us  or  in  spite  of  us.  It  might  be  a  more  constructive  and  less 
wasteful  transformation  if  the  best  that  we  can  contribute  were 
cast  into  the  lot  with  the  labors  of  our  fellows.  We  may  consent 
to  be  mere  bookkeepers  of  other  men's  deeds,  or  we  may  be  ''instead 
of  eyes"  to  men  with  more  force  than  insight  for  rational  progress. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM 


EDGAR  EUGENE  ROBINSON 
Leland  Stanford  Junior  University 


At  the  Madison  meeting  of  the  American  Sociological  Society 
in  December  of  1907  Professor  Frederick  Jackson  Turner  said,  in 
the  conclusion  of  his  discussion  of  the  question,  *'Is  Sectionalism 
in  America  Dying  Away?":  ''....  I  make  the  suggestion  that 
as  the  nation  reaches  a  more  stable  equiHbrium,  a  more  settled 
state  of  society,  with  denser  populations  pressing  upon  the  means 
of  existence,  with  the  population  no  longer  migratory,  the  injauence 
of  the  diverse  physiographic  provinces  which  make  up  the  nation 

will  become   more  marked '"     In   the   discussion   which 

followed,  the  participants  agreed  that  at  least  three  causes  could 
be  looked  for  to  underly  the  sectionahsm  of  the  future:  different 
industrial  and  social  conditions,  the  pecuHar  economic  needs  of 
certain  areas,  and  the  conflict  of  races  on  the  Pacific  coast.^  In 
the  five  years  that  have  intervened  since  that  discussion  there  have 
been  repeated  evidences  that  these  causes  are  at  work.  Of  the 
expression  of  the  first  as  shown  in  votes  in  Congress  this  paper 
gives  some  account. 

In  the  election  of  1908  Taft  lost  to  Bryan  in  but  four  states 
outside  of  the  South:  Oklahoma,  Nebraska,  Colorado,  Nevada^ 
trans-Mississippi  states  in  which  Bryan  had  a  majority  of  19,000 
in  a  total  vote  of  825,000.  Three-fifths  of  the  Taft  electoral  vote 
came  from  states  west  of  the  Alleghanies.  Yet  within  a  year  no 
statement  was  more  generally  accepted  than  that  the  "West"  was 
the  enemy's  country,  in  that  it  was  opposed  to  the  leadership 
dominant  in  the  RepubUcan  organization  and  dissatisfied  with  the 
Taft  administration.  The  rules  fight  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  the  tariff  debate  in  the  Senate  in  the  spring  and  summer 
of  1909  revealed  Insurgent  Republicanism  as  the  protest  of  western 
men.  Although  the  personnel  of  the  Republican  organization 
changed  somewhat  in  19 10  and  191 1,  the  renewal  of  the  rules  fight 

'  American  Journal  of  Sociology,  XIII,  661-75.  ^  Ibid.,  811-19. 

446 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  447 

and  the  recurrence  of  the  tariff  alignment  in  the  succeeding  sessions 
emphasized  the  continuance  of  Insurgency.  The  President's  ac- 
ceptance of  the  organization  leaders  and  the  activity  of  western 
men  in  opposing  his  renomination  justified  the  continued  assump- 
tion that  the  East  was  the  home  of  official  Republicanism,  even 
though  the  landshde  of  19 10  gave  three  New  England  states  and 
New  York  and  New  Jersey  Democratic  executives.  At  the  same 
time  the  very  general  indorsement  of  the  western  Insurgents  that 
stood  for  re-election  gave  additional  impetus  to  the  movement  for 
the  control  of  the  party.  The  early  preliminaries  of  the  campaign 
of  191 2  disclosed  large  backing  for  the  Insurgent  Republican  pro- 
posals and  a  movement  for  a  western  candidate.  Then  for  six 
months  the  largest  part  of  this  western  revolt  was  temporarily  lost 
sight  of  in  the  Roosevelt  campaign  for  the  Republican  nomination. 
But  the  nature  of  the  split  in  the  Republican  convention,  the 
advent  of  the  Progressive  party,  and  the  nomination  of  Wilson, 
all  served  to  revive  and  nurture  the  growth  of  sectionalism,  as  will 
be  seen  in  the  distribution  of  the  vote  of  November  of  191 2.  The 
tariff  session  of   1913  has  revealed  the  continuance  of  western 

sectionaHsm. 

I 

The  overthrow  of  the  Republican  majority  in  the  House  of 

Representatives  in  the  election  of  19 10  ended  a  complete  control 

of  the  national  government  which  that  party  had  held  for  fourteen 

years.^     During  this  period  of  supremacy,  although  not  seriously 

threatened  by  a  divided  and  consequently  weakened  Democracy,' 

'  The  Democratic  party  had  been  out  of  power  since  March  4,  1897.  The  Repub- 
licans then  had  a  majority  of  12  in  the  Senate  and  72  in  the  House.  On  March  4, 
1909,  there  was  a  Republican  majority  of  28  in  the  Senate  and  47  in  the  House.  The 
elections  of  19 10  reduced  the  Senate  majority  to  11,  giving  the  balance  of  power  to  the 
Insurgents,  and  gave  the  Democratic  party  a  majority  of  66  in  the  House. 

^The  Democratic  convention  in  1896  in  repudiating  the  Cleveland  administra- 
tion had  reflected  the  growing  disagreement  of  the  East  and  the  West  as  to  the  solu- 
tion of  problems  of  the  new  period.  The  capture  of  one  of  the  great  parties  by  the 
elements  of  discontent  emphasized  the  growing  importance  of  the  West  in  the  nation. 
Of  the  candidates  before  the  convention  all  but  one  came  from  states  west  of  the 
Alleghanies,  and  the  two  leading  candidates  from  west  of  the  Mississippi.  Under  the 
apportionment  of  the  census  of  1870  twenty-three  representatives  had  come  to  Con- 
gress from  west  of  the  Mississippi;  by  the  act  of  1882  there  were  forty-three;  by  the 
act  of  1892  there  were  fifty- three. 


448  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Republican  leaders  had  found  it  necessary  to  formulate  a  con- 
structive poKcy  to  meet  the  demands  of  a  new  industrial  era.  As 
huge  aggregations  of  capital  assumed  a  more  complete  control  of 
the  natural  resources,  necessities  of  life,  and  means  of  transporta- 
tion, the  national  administration,  responding  to  a  public  apprehen- 
sion that  manifested  greater  intensity  in  the  first  years  of  the  new 
century,  embarked  upon  a  poUcy  of  stricter  control  of  industrial 
development.  In  this  period  of  the  widening  of  government 
activity,  in  the  state  as  well  as  in  the  nation,  it  became  evident  that 
the  two  ideals  of  individual  freedom  and  equal  opportunity,  richly 
nurtured  and  steadily  upheld  in  the  recently  completed  pioneer 
movement,  had  become  irreconcilable.  Unrestricted  individual 
freedom  in  the  new  period  tended  to  hasten  the  elimination  of  equal 
opportunity.  It  became  clearer  that  business  had  entered  politics 
in  order  to  conserve  by  indirection  the  principle  of  unrestricted 
liberty  that  it  might  be  appUed  to  the  corporation.  Western 
poHtical  leaders,  still  maintaining  the  ideal  of  equal  opportunity, 
urged  a  more  adequate  control  of  the  activities  of  the  corporation. 
Representative  government  was  put  to  a  test  by  these  conflicting 
forces.  New  ahgnments  first  appeared  in  states  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley'  where  the  manifest  weakness  of  the  Democracy  embold- 
ened the  RepubUcan  organization  to  refuse  to  accede  to  the  demands 
of  some  of  the  younger  men  who  were  desirous  of  "driving  the 
System  out  of  politics."  The  disagreement  more  often  than  not 
took  form  in  the  opposition  of  the  younger  group  to  the  influence 
and  methods  of  the  railway  companies.  Dissatisfaction  with  party 
forms  and  practices  found  expression  in  bills  providing  for  primary 
elections,  campaign  publicity,  restrictions  upon  lobbying,  and 
a  more  careful  legislative  procedure,  all  aiming  to  enhance  the 
control  of  the  electorates  even  though  one  strong  poUtical  party 
remained  in  ofl&ce. 

These  conflicts  within  the  dominant  party  brought  an  increased 
public  interest  in  the  problems  and  machinery  of  government. 
Voters  began  to  care  less  for  the  comphmentary  references  to  their 
representatives  and  to  watch  more  carefully  the  roll-call  upon 

'  In  Wisconsin  and  Iowa;  Populism  and  Bryan  Democracy  had  failed  to  make 
serious  inroads  in  either  state. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  449 

important  measures.  The  government  was  brought  nearer  to  the 
people  perhaps  as  much  by  this  renewed  interest  as  by  the  changes 
in  the  machinery  of  elections.  Yet  as  the  field  of  the  struggle 
widened  there  arose  a  conviction  that  the  representative  principle 
had  failed.  It  became  apparent  that  an  absolute  faith  in  repre- 
sentative government  led  to  the  lack  of  interest  among  the  mass 
of  citizens  and  resulted  in  a  concentration  of  power  in  the  hands  of 
a  few  men.  Such  concentration  of  power  was  not  in  keeping  with 
the  aims  of  a  democratically  minded  people. 

In  several  states  these  insurgents  within  the  dominant  party 
achieved  a  degree  of  reform  in  political  forms  and  methods.  As 
an  attitude  of  mind  rather  than  a  political  creed  and  having  its  rise 
within  state  ahgnments  the  appeal  of  insurgency  cut  across  old 
party  barriers.  Each  fight  attracted  the  interest  and  aid  of  a  large 
group  of  independents,  men  who  for  twenty  years  had  been  voicing 
a  growing  discontent.  More  and  more  after  1900  the  independent 
voter  lost  interest  in  third-party  movements  and  in  the  rather 
indefinite  promises  of  a  weakening  Democracy  and  turned  atten- 
tion to  the  control  of  the  dominant  party. ^ 

For  almost  a  decade  the  insurgency  manifest  in  certain  states 
did  not  trouble  the  national  RepubUcan  organization.  In  the  few 
cases  where  the  clash  was  revealed  the  national  power  was  used 
to  crush  the  insurgents.  And  attention  was  diverted  from  the 
dominant  figures  in  the  Republican  party  organization  by  the 
energetic  personaHty  in  the  White  House.  Roosevelt's  under- 
standing of  the  West  made  it  possible  for  him  to  voice  its  feehngs 
more  completely  than  had  any  prominent  federal  official  up  to  that 
time,  and  the  ehmination  of  Bryan's  influence  in  the  Parker  cam- 
paign of  1904  gave  the  Repubhcan  candidate  an  enthusiastic 
support  in  former  Populist  areas.  The  extent  of  his  western 
triumph  was  the  most  startling  feature  of  the  two  and  one-half 

'  Not  only  did  the  Republican  party  remain  in  complete  control,  but  Independents 
have  been  missing  in  Congress  during  the  ten  years  after  1900.  In  the  Fifty-seventh 
Congress,  1901-3,  there  were  in  the  House  six  Populists  and  two  Silver  party  men; 
in  the  Senate  four  Populists  and  four  Independents.  These  sixteen  men  came  from 
the  following  western  states:  Washington,  Idaho,  Montana,  Nevada,  Colorado, 
Nebraska,  South  Dakota,  Kansas.  From  1903-11  only  the  two  parties  were  repre- 
sented. 


45©  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

million  majority.^  Yet  the  national  character  of  the  Roosevelt  vote 
showed  that  the  Republican  organization  was  still  responsive  to 
eastern  interests.  During  his  second  administration  Roosevelt 
voiced  with  increasing  emphasis  the  distrust  of  party  organization 
that  has  been  developing  with  great  rapidity  in  the  Middle  West.^* 
His  expressions  lent  aid  to  additional  state  conflicts.^  As  his  term 
approached  a  close  his  continued  assaults  upon  predatory  wealth 
and  unrepresentative  government  brought  estrangement  from  his 
party  organization  in  both  Senate  and  House. 

Less  than  a  year  after  the  opening  of  the  second  Roosevelt 
administration  Robert  M.  La  Follette  had  appeared  in  the  Senate. 
For  ten  years  he  had  fought  the  organization  leaders  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  his  state.  His  objection  to  the  undue  influence  of 
corporation  interests  led  to  the  assault  upon  the  poHtical  practices 
that  had  made  possible  the  repeated  subversion  of  the  popular 
will.  As  governor  of  Wisconsin,  1900-1906,  he  secured  provisions 
for  primary  elections  and  a  more  equitable  taxation  of  public  ser- 
vice corporations,  and  insured  the  enactment  of  measures  providing 
for  a  more  careful  legislative  procedure  and  for  restrictions  upon 
lobbying.  He  appeared  in  Washington  at  a  time  when  party 
methods  were  coming  under  closer  public  scrutiny.  Voicing  the 
distrust  of  prevailing  party  practices  that  had  been  developing 
throughout  the  Middle  West,  he  advocated  the  measures  of  pub- 
licity that  had  led  the  way  to  the  restoration  of  popular  control 
in  Wisconsin.  His  disagreement  with  the  RepubHcan  organization 
leaders  was  constant  and  rose  to  bitter  denunciation  in  the  railway 
debate  of  1906.  He  asked  for  a  roll-call  upon  significant  amend- 
ments and  this  record  was  read  widely  in  the  Middle  West.  Inter- 
est was  aroused  in  the  methods  and  personnel  of  the  Senate. 

Not  until  the  meeting  of  the  Sixty-first  Congress  did  the  new 
alignment  appear  in  the  national  councils  of  the  RepubHcan  party. 

'  He  carried  every  western  state.  Of  these  Missouri,  Colorado,  Wyoming,  Mon- 
tana, Idaho,  and  Nevada  had  been  Bryan  states  in  1900.  South  Dakota,  Nebraska, 
Kansas,  Utah,  and  Washington  had  been  in  the  Bryan  column  in  1896. 

'  In  Wisconsin  and  Iowa  anti-machine  campaigns  had  been  successful. 

3  The  organization  of  the  Lincoln-Roosevelt  League  in  California  led  to  the 
election  of  Hiram  Johnson  as  governor  in  19 10  on  a  platform  emphasizing  reform  in 
political  methods. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  451 

At  the  critical  moment  of  a  promised  tariff  revision  the  party  lost 
its  astute  leader,  and  as  the  organization  in  both  House  and  Senate 
rested  in  the  hands  of  veterans  who  were  not  responsive  to  demands 
for  changes  in  method,  western  insurgency,  confident  and  expe- 
rienced in  many  a  state  conflict,  swept  into  the  national  arena.  In 
the  ensuing  three  years  the  West  grew  increasingly  restless. 
"Restore  the  government  to  the  people!"  became  a  winning  slogan 
for  the  dominant  party  in  at  least  twelve  states  west  of  the  AUe- 
ghanies.  It  had  a  famiHar  sound  and  it  came  from  territory  pre- 
viously defected;  but  now  it  was  used  most  insistently  by  a  group 
within  the  Republican  party  rather  than  by  the  followers  of  Bryan. 
This  does  not  imply  that  progressive  Democrats  ceased  to  advocate 
more  democracy  as  a  solution  for  present-day  problems.'  But 
in  determining  the  influence  of  the  West  in  national  affairs  the 
attitude  of  the  Insurgent  RepubHcans  is  of  first  importance,  inas- 
much as  the  Republican  party  has  been  dominant  in  the  Middle 
West  since  1899. 

The  western  Republican,  by  the  time  that  the  Taft  adminis- 
tration was  well  started,  admitted  his  hostility  to  the  organization 
dominant  in  his  party,  but  refused  to  admit  that  true  Republican 
doctrine  and  practice  came  from  leaders  who  seemed  to  be  opposed 
to  popular  government.  To  the  charge  that  western  states  had 
not  shown  political  capacity  he  pointed  to  constructive  legislation 
that  had  conserved  popular  control  and  in  which  legitimate  busi- 
ness rejoiced.  To  the  claim  that  the  West  was  not  basic  Repub- 
lican territory  he  pointed  to  its  very  necessary  allegiance  to  the 
dominant  party.  To  the  charge  that  he  would  destroy  parties  he 
renewed  his  allegiance  to  the  Republican  faith  and  announced  his 
intention  to  make  the  old  party  respond  to  new  demands.  He 
stated  that  if  his  demand  for  publicity,  primaries,  and  popular 
control  had  made  the  West  the  enemy's  country  it  was  high  time 
that  men  of  the  insurgent  faith  captured  control  of  the  Republican 
organization  and  placed  that  party  in  as  enviable  a  position  as  it 
occupied  under  the  leadership  of  the  West  a  half-century  before.^ 

'The  National  Democratic  Progessive  League,  organized  to  insure  control  of 
that  party,  had  an  extensive  platform  "to  drive  special  interests  out  of  poUtics." 

» See  J.  P.  DoUiver,  in  the  Outlook,  September  24,  1910;  R.  M.  La  FoUette, 
Autobiography,  chap.  xj. 


452  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

We  shall  j&nd,  in  reviewing  the  political  alignment  in  1908,  the 
struggles  of  the  Sixty-first  Congress,  and  the  Congressional  pre- 
liminaries of  the  campaign  of  191 2,  that  the  region  of  revolt  has 
revealed  a  sectional  unity  that  coincides  with  the  area  in  which 
during  the  last  decade  state  conflicts  within  the  Repubhcan  party 
have  been  waged  ''to  restore  the  government  to  the  people." 
Bearing  in  mind  the  development  of  American  democracy  in  the 
pioneer  movement,  we  should  expect  to  find  in  the  northern  Mis- 
sissippi Valley  strong  forces  for  the  maintenance  of  that  democracy 
through  ''the  strengthening  of  government." 

II 

It  was  twelve  years  after  a  sectional  revolt  split  the  Democracy 
at  Chicago  that  the  Republican  convention  of  1908  meeting  in  that 
city  had  occasion  to  consider  western  radicalism.  Its  representa- 
tive was  presented  to  the  convention  with  this  form  of  recommenda- 
tion: "We  point  to  the  most  perfect  system  of  constructive  legis- 
lation written  on  the  statute  books  of  any  state  in  the  Union. 
The  Wisconsin  idea — the  restoration  of  the  government  to  the 
people — is  today  an  upHfting  force  in  every  commonwealth  in 
this  republic."'  Thus  was  Senator  La  Follette  urged  upon  the 
convention  as  "the  man  who  justly  should  be  the  successor  of 
Theodore  Roosevelt."  This  convention  was  prepared  to  do  the 
bidding  of  President  Roosevelt  because  of  the  body  of  public  senti- 
ment back  of  any  indorsement  that  he  might  make,  and  the  out- 
spoken president  was  in  his  turn  too  good  a  politician  to  ask  the 
nomination  of  the  lone  insurgent  who  had  fought  the  battle  in  the 
Senate  but  who  was  as  yet  the  leader  of  a  few  western  folk.^  The 
nomination  of  Secretary  Taft  might  be  expected  to  carry  assurance 
to  the  West  that  the  " Roosevelt  policies"  would  be  carried  forward 
in  the  event  of  Republican  victory.  But  in  the  framing  of  the  plat- 
form the  organization  controlled  as  completely  as  it  did  in  the 
nomination  of  Representative  Sherman  for  the  vice-presidency. 
The  western  radicals  offered  amendments  in  the  committee  and 

'  Nominating  speech  of  Henry  F.  Cochems. 

^  In  the  spring  of  ign  in  speech  and  editorial  ex-President  Roosevelt  commended 
to  the  nation  the  governmental  policies  '  'instituted  in  Wisconsin  under  the  leadership 
of  Senator  La  Follette." 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  453 

filed  a  minority  report  from  the  Committee  on  Resolutions.  Here 
were  proposals  for  the  physical  valuation  of  railway  properties  as 
a  basis  for  government  rate-making,  a  revision  of  the  tariff  on  the 
basis  of  the  difference  in  cost  of  production  at  home  and  abroad, 
a  permanent  tariff  commission;  and  planks  favoring  popular 
election  of  senators  and  the  publication  of  campaign  contributions 
and  expenditures.  This  report  of  the  minority  was  termed  ''  Social- 
istic and  Democratic"  by  the  chairman  of  the  Commitee  on  Reso- 
lutions. The  largest  vote  for  a  minority  amendment  was  114  for 
the  popular  election  of  senators,  and  the  minority  report  as  a  whole 
received  28  votes  on  the  final  question  of  the  adoption  of  the  plat- 
form as  submitted.' 

The  ultra-western  character  of  the  Denver  convention  and  the 
nomination  of  Mr.  Bryan  led  to  the  opinion  that  much  of  the  West 
might  re-enter  Democratic  ranks."  But  the  changes  of  the  last 
few  years  in  the  Republican  party  in  certain  western  states  had  not 
only  won  local  support  but  also  engendered  a  confidence  in  the 
national  possibilities  of  the  party.  Moreover,  the  "Roosevelt 
policies"  were  constantly  to  the  fore.  The  national  Republican 
appeal  to  the  West  may  be  found  in  these  words  of  Mr.  Taft  in  his 
acceptance  speech  on  the  twenty-second  of  September:  "He 
[Roosevelt]  demonstrated  to  the  people  by  what  he  said,  by  what 
he  recommended,  and  by  what  he  did,  the  sincerity  of  his  efforts 
to  command  respect  for  the  law,  to  secure  the  equahty  of  all  before 
the  law,  and  to  save  the  country  from  the  dangers  of  a  plutocratic 
government,  toward  which  we  were  fast  tending. "^  The  West, 
adhering  to  the  principle  of  protection,  accepted  the  Republican 
promise  of  revision,  findmg  confidence  in  the  repeated  declarations 
of  Mr.  Taft  during  his  campaign  tour  in  the  Middle  West  that 
"the  Republican  party  [was]  pledged  to  a  genuine  revision  of  the 
tariff."  Finally,  in  answer  to  Mr.  Bryan's  attacks,  he  said:  "I 
can  say  that  our  party  is  pledged  to  a  genuine  revision,  and  as  tem- 
porary head  of  that  party  and  President  of  the  United  States  if  it 

'  The  appearances  of  these  rejected  proposals  from  time  to  time  during  the  Taft 
administration  have  made  interesting  history. 

•■  It  was  charged,  not  without  reason,  that  Oklahoma  had  more  influence  in  the 
making  of  the  Denver  nomination  and  platform  than  had  New  York. 

3  Republican  Campaign  Textbook,  1908,  p.  2. 


454  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

be  successful  in  November,  I  expect  to  use  all  the  influence  that 
I  have  by  calling  immediately  a  special  session  and  by  recommenda- 
tions to  Congress  to  secure  a  genuine  and  honest  revision.'"  Sec- 
retary Taft  was  accepted  in  the  Middle  West  as  the  political  heir 
of  President  Roosevelt. 

Ill 
Insurgency  immediately  became  of  national  importance  when 
the  extra  session  of  the  Sixty-first  Congress  opened  on  March  15, 
1909.  This  session,  called  to  give  consideration  to  the  revision  of 
the  tariff,  opened  in  the  House  of  Representatives  with  a  struggle 
over  the  organization  of  that  body  in  the  election  of  a  Speaker  and 
the  adoption  of  rules.  This  situation  was  brought  about  by  the 
opposition  of  a  group  of  Republican  members  both  to  the  re-election 
of  ]\Ir.  Cannon  and  to  the  readoption  of  the  rules  of  the  former 
Congress.  The  Insurgents  claimed  to  have  the  sympathy  of  Presi- 
dent Taft  in  their  fight  upon  Cannonism.  But  when  the  test  came 
it  was  found  that  the  President  had  thrown  the  influence  of  the 
administration  in  favor  of  the  organization  leaders  of  the  Repub- 
lican majority.  In  spite  of  this  development  the  Insurgents  made 
their  protest.  Twelve  Republicans  refused  to  vote  for  the  caucus 
nominee  for  Speaker.^  They  were  distributed  as  follows:  Wis- 
consin, 6;  Minnesota,  2;  Iowa,  i;  Nebraska,  i;  Kansas,  i;  Wash- 
ington, I.  This  defection  was  not  sufficient  to  defeat  ]\Ir.  Cannon 
but  the  insurgency  of  thirty-one  Republicans  defeated  the  motion 
to  adopt  the  rules  of  the  former  Congress.^  These  votes  were  dis- 
tributed as  follows:  Massachusetts,  2;  New  Jersey,  i;  Wisconsin, 
8;  Iowa,  6;  Minnesota,  4;  Nebraska,  3;  Kansas,  2;  North  Dakota, 
i;  Ohio,  2;  Washington,  i;  California,  i.  But  these  Insurgents 
voting  with  the  majority  of  the  Democrats  were  unable  in  their 
turn  to  secure  the  adoption  of  their  proposals.  The  struggle  closed 
with  the  adoption  of  a  resolution,  introduced  by  Fitzgerald,  a 
Democratic  member  from  New  York,  and  carried  with  the  votes 
of  the  Republican  organization  and  of  twenty-two  Democrats. 
Twenty-eight  of  the  thirty-one  RepubHcans  opposed  the  adoption 
of  this  resolution. 

'  Chicago  Record-IIcrald,  September  25,  1908. 

» Congressional  Record,  XLIV,  18.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  20. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  455 

When  the  appointments  of  Speaker  Cannon  became  known, 
it  was  found  that  of  the  61  committees  the  chairmanships  of 
44  important  committees  had  been  given  to  representatives  from 
8  states,  of  which  Pennsylvania  had  10,  lUinois  7,  and  New  York 
and  Massachusetts  6  each.  Representatives  from  25  states  held 
no  chairmanships,  and,  of  these,  16  were  Republican  states  sending 
52  representatives,  30  of  whom  were  men  of  at  least  one  term's 
experience.  Four  states  holding  29  chairmanships  sent  118  repre- 
sentatives; 25  states  holding  no  chairmanships  sent  129  represen- 
tatives. 

Little  opportunity  was  given  in  the  House  for  a  manifestation 
of  insurgency  upon  the  tariff  revision  program  of  the  organization 
and  the  debate  was  very  early  transferred  to  the  Senate.'  The 
non-committal  tariff  message  of  the  President  had  excited  appre- 
hension among  those  western  Republicans  who  had  campaigned 
for  a  downward  revision.  Apprehension  grew  when  Chairman 
Aldrich  of  the  Committee  on  Finance  did  not,  in  an  explanation 
of  an  hour  and  a  half,  mention  the  word  "revision,"  while  devoting 
himself  to  this  question:  "Will  the  bill  as  reported  from  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance  produce  sufficient  revenue  when  taken  in  con- 
nection with  the  internal  revenue  taxes  and  other  existing  sources 
of  revenue  to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  government  without  the 
imposition  of  additional  taxes  ?"^  This  introduction  called  for 
expressions  of  surprise  from  western  Republicans.  Then  it  was 
that  Senator  Daniels,  ranking  Democratic  member  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Finance,  made  this  statement:  "The  Democratic  mem- 
bers of  the  Finance  Committee  have  as  yet  had  no  opportunity  to 
read  this  bill  or  to  know  anything  about  its  contents."^  The  bill 
then  as  presented  to  the  Senate  came  from  a  committee  of  nine 
Republicans:  Aldrich  of  Rhode  Island,  Burrows  of  Michigan, 
Penrose  of  Pennsylvania,  Hale  of  Maine,  Cullom  of  Illinois,  Lodge 
of  Massachusetts,  McCumber  of  North  Dakota,  Smoot  of  Utah, 
Flint  of  California.     Of  these,  Aldrich,  Hale,  and  Lodge,  all  of 

'  Republican  representatives  from  these  states  voted  against  the  bill:  Minnesota, 
7;  Iowa,  4;  Wisconsin,  3 ;  North  Dakota,  i;  Kansas,  i;  Washington,!;  New  York, 
i;  Ohio,  i;   Illinois,  i. 

^  Congressional  Record,  XLIV,  1275.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  1377. 


456  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

New  England,  and  Smoot  of  Utah  appeared  most  often  in  defense 
of  the  bill. 

The  provisions  of  the  reported  bill  were  at  once  assailed  by  a 
group  of  Republican  Senators  from  the  Middle  West.  Chairman 
Aldrich  had  stated  that  "  the  Senate  would  have  ample  opportunity 
without  any  limitation  whatever  to  read  the  bill,  discuss  it,  and 
amend  it."  In  doing  so  the  western  men  complained  of  inade- 
quate information,  questioned  the  statistics  submitted  by  the 
chairman,  reminded  the  committee  of  the  platform  pledges  and  of 
Taft's  utterances  in  the  campaign,  and  most  emphatically  de- 
manded more  knowledge  of  the  methods  employed  by  the  com- 
mittee in  arriving  at  the  duties  provided  for  in  the  bill.  In  the 
face  of  these  protests  Chairman  Aldrich  repeatedly  contented  him- 
self with  the  statement,  ''The  gentleman  is  misinformed,"  and 
several  times  refused  to  give  the  committee's  method  of  procedure. 
In  answer  to  the  request  of  Senator  DolUver  that  "the  general 
underlying  principle  of  the  committee's  provisions  in  Schedule  K" 
be  explained,  Senator  Aldrich  said:  "I  am  so  anxious  to  get  a  vote 
upon  this  bill,  and  every  feature  of  it,  that  I  am  willing  to  forego 
any  desire  to  make  a  speech  and  go  on  and  vote  now.'"  Finally 
he  was  provoked  to  retort:  "Mr.  President,  where  did  we  ever 
make  a  statement  that  we  would  revise  the  tarifif  downward?"* 
And  Senator  Heyburn  added:  "There  is  nothing  in  the  platform 
of  the  Republican  party  that  pledges  us  to  reform  either  the  Repub- 
lican party  or  its  principles."'' 

Such  reform  was  demanded  by  the  ten  Republicans  that  voted 
against  the  bill  when  it  went  into  conference:  Beveridge  of  Indiana, 
Bristow  of  Kansas,  Brown  of  Nebraska,  Burkett  of  Nebraska, 
Clapp  of  JMinnesota,  Cummins  of  Iowa,  Crawford  of  South  Dakota, 
Dolliver  of  Iowa,  Nelson  of  Minnesota,  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin. 

When  the  bill  was  again  reported  to  the  Senate  after  passing 
the  conference  committee,  it  was  subject  to  the  renewed  attack  of 
Senators  Cummins,  Dolliver,  and  La  Follette.  Finally  in  closing 
the  debate  on  behalf  of  the  committee  Senator  Aldrich  gave  offi- 
cial recognition  of  the  sectionalism  of  the  revolt:  "If  senators  shall 

'  Congressional  Record,  XLIV,  p.  27Q1. 

» Ibid,  p.  2889.  ^  Ibid,  p.  2966. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  457 

see  fit  to  vote  against  this  bill  on  account  of  their  individual  opin- 
ions, that  is  a  matter  for  them  to  determine;  but  I  suggest  to  those 
senators  that  they  cannot  attempt  to  speak  for  the  party  without 
a  protest  from  men  who  represent  states  here  that  have  elected  and 
can  and  will  elect  Republican  presidents  whatever  may  be  the 
attitude  of  individuals."^ 

Senator  La  Follette,  one  of  the  seven  senators  who  voted 
against  the  bill  on  its  final  passage,  later  said:  ''I  say  in  response 
to  the  criticism  of  the  Senator  from  Rhode  Island  that  the  Chicago 
convention  was  not  controlled  and  the  Chicago  platform  was  not 
made  by  his  kind  of  Republicanism,  and  I  say  to  him  here  tonight 
that  if  he  had  been  running  for  the  presidency  of  the  United  States 
upon  a  tariff  platform  such  as  this  bill  seeks  to  embody  into  law 
he  could  not  have  carried  four  states  in  the  Union.  "^ 

In  considering  the  basis  for  the  statement  of  the  leader  of  the 
Senate  organization  it  may  be  suggested  that  the  vote  of  1908  gave 
httle  reason  for  such  confidence.  The  states  from  which  came  one 
or  two  Insurgent  RepubHcan  senators  cast  74  electoral  votes  in 
1908;  66  of  them  were  cast  for  Taft.  Had  they  been  taken  from 
the  Republican  column,  had  Missouri  failed  to  give  629  majority 
for  Taft,  and  had  two  additional  votes  in  Maryland,  where  the 
ticket  was  split,  been  Democratic,  Bryan  would  have  had  a  ma- 
jority of  thirteen. 

Throughout  the  debates  in  the  summer  of  1909  the  attack  of 
the  insurgents  was  aimed  not  so  much  at  the  provisions  of  the  bill 
as  at  the  methods  employed  by  the  committee  in  making  the  bill. 
As  a  partial  explanation  of  the  immediate  cause  for  this  cleavage 
in  the  Republican  party  these  considerations  may  be  offered.  Of 
the  nine  states  represented  by  RepubHcans  on  the  Finance  Com- 
mittee Rhode  Island,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  and  Pennsylvania 
in  national  contests  had  given  steady  Republican  majorities  for 
twenty-five  years  and  more;  Michigan,  Illinois,  North  Dakota,  and 
California,  had  not  changed  since  1892;  Utah  had  been  Republican 
since  1896.  Party  organization  to  which  these  Senators  were 
attached  had  held  unbroken  control.  The  lowest  majority  given 
by  any  one  of  these  states  in  1908  was  18,444.     Political  upheaval 

'  Ibid.,  p.  2892.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  3021. 


458  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

seemed  very  remote.  Of  the  seven  states  one  or  both  of  whose 
Senators  voted  against  the  bill  as  it  went  into  conference,  Iowa 
had  never  left  the  Republican  column,  although  the  majority  for 
governor  in  1908  was  the  lowest  in  history;  Kansas  and  South 
Dakota  were  Democratic  in  1896;  Indiana  and  Wisconsin  were 
Democratic  in  1892;  Minnesota  and  Indiana  elected  Democratic 
governors  in  1908;  and  Nebraska  gave  its  1908  vote  for  Bryan. 
In  Kansas,  Iowa,  and  Wisconsin  the  progressive  wing  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  had  caused  much  strife  and  consequently  more  alertness. 

IV 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  President  Taft  signed  the  Payne- 
Aldrich  bill,  a  great  portion  of  the  West  maintained  confidence  in 
the  successor  of  Roosevelt.  But  his  defense  of  the  law  in  his  speech 
at  Winona  definitely  made  the  Middle  West  "  the  enemy's  country," 
the  enemy  in  this  case  being  the  group  of  Insurgent  Republicans 
in  both  Senate  and  House  against  whom  the  federal  organization 
was  prepared  to  wage  a  war  of  extermination.  As  the  Balhnger- 
Pinchot  controversy  rose  to  first  importance  these  Middle  Western 
leaders  asserted  their  conviction  that  a  battle  had  been  lost  in  the 
elevation  of  Secretary  Taft  to  the  presidency. 

When  Congress  convened  in  regular  session  the  continued 
Insurgency  of  a  group  of  western  Republicans  was  at  once  appar- 
ent. The  House  voted  to  have  an  investigation  of  the  "Ballinger 
affair."  To  take  from  Speaker  Cannon  the  power  to  appoint  the 
members  of  the  committee  a  motion  was  made  on  January  7,  19 10, 
to  have  the  House  elect  the  members  to  serve  in  that  capacity. 
Twenty-six  Republicans  voted  for  the  motion:  Iowa,  6;  Wiscon- 
sin, 5;  Minnesota,  4;  Kansas,  2;  Nebraska,  2;  North  Dakota, i; 
New  York,  2;  Massachusetts,  2;  Washington,  i;  California,  i. 
When  on  March  19,  19 10  the  "rules  struggle"  was  renewed  in  the 
House  the  resolution  of  Insurgent  Republican  Norris,  of  Nebraska, 
polled  the  largest  Insurgent  vote — ^forty-one:  Wisconsin,  8;  Iowa, 
7;  Minnesota,  5;  Nebraska,  3;  Kansas,  2;  North  Dakota,  i; 
South  Dakota,  i ;  Massachusetts,  2;  New  York,  3;  New  Jersey,  i; 
Ohio,  4;    Michigan,  2;    Indiana,  i;    California,   i.     Throughout 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  459 

the  remainder  of  this  session  the  fight  upon  the  party  organization 
was  continued.* 

In  the  Senate  a  group  of  western  Republicans  opposed  the  party 
organization  upon  all  important  measures,  not  often  on  motions  for 
final  passage  but  invariably  upon  the  preliminary  votes.  Upon 
twenty-five  important  roll-calls  of  this  session  the  following  Repub- 
lican senators  voted  more  than  ten  times  against  the  RepubHcan 
organization:  Beveridge  of  Indiana,  22;  Borah  of  Idaho,  23; 
Bourne  of  Oregon,  17;  Bristow  of  Kansas,  21 ;  Brown  of  Nebraska, 
15;  Clapp  of  Minnesota,  23;  Crawford  of  South  Dakota,  18; 
Cummins  of  Iowa,  15;  Dixon  of  Montana,  16;  Dolliver  of  Iowa, 
22;   Gamble  of  South  Dakota,  14;  La  FoUette  of  Wisconsin,  21. 

The  November  elections  of  19 10  revealed  the  strength  of 
Insurgency  in  the  West.  Men  in  sympathy  with  the  revolt  against 
the  methods  of  the  Republican  organization  named  candidates  or 
wrote  platforms  in  every  Republican  state  west  of  the  Mississippi 
River  except  Colorado,  Utah,  Wyoming,  and  Montana;  as  well  as 
in  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  and  Indiana.  In  Wisconsin  Senator 
La  Follette  stood  for  re-election  and  encountered  the  concentrated 
opposition  of  the  national  RepubHcan  organization.  The  Insur- 
gent senators  entered  the  campaign,  made  Wisconsin  the  battle- 
field, and  won  the  crucial  engagement  in  the  overwhelming  popular 
indorsement  of  the  pioneer  of  Insurgency.  With  two  exceptions 
the  western  voters  returned  those  Insurgent  representatives  who 
stood  for  re-election,  and  added  to  their  number  new  members  who 
in  campaign  pledged  themselves  to  "a  scientific  revision  of  the 
tariff,"  to  "more  direct  control  of  legislative  procedure,"  and  to 
"more  careful  supervision  of  corporate  power."  When  contrasted 
with  the  Democratic  landslide  in  the  East  and  the  very  general 
weakness  of  the  support  given  to  prominent  organization  leaders 
everywhere,  it  was  clear  not  only  that  Insurgency  was  a  winning 
issue  but  also  that  the  West  showed  faith  in  the  attempt  to  accom- 
phsh  reform  within  the  RepubHcan  party,  and  had  directed  its 
representatives  to  continue  their  struggle  for  control  of  the  party. 

'  An  unsuccessful  attempt  was  made  to  amend  the  railway  bill  and  to  force  a 
debate  on  the  postal  bill  (June  7,  1910). 


46o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

To  meet  the  new  emergency  the  National  Progressive  Repub- 
lican League  was  organized  in  Washington,  D.C.,  on  January  21, 
1 91 1.  Its  founders  came  from  various  sections  of  the  country  but 
those  holding  political  office  came  from  the  following  states:  Cali- 
fornia, Oregon,  Washington,  Idaho,  Montana,  North  Dakota, 
Nebraska,  Kansas,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Wisconsin,  Michigan,  Indiana. 
The  statement  of  principles  did  not  deal  directly  with  any  economic 
question.  The  founders  advocated:  direct  election  of  United 
States  senators;  direct  primaries  for  all  elective  offices;  direct 
election  of  delegates  to  national  conventions;  submission  of  amend- 
ments for  the  initiative,  the  referendum,  and  the  recall  in  the 
states  corrupt  practice  acts.  This  was  the  program  of  the  Insur- 
gent leaders  to  achieve  the  reformation  of  the  Republican  party. 
The  struggles  of  a  decade  in  the  states  and  the  initial  conflict  in 
the  national  arena  had  convinced  these  men  of  the  hopelessness  of 
making  representative  government  responsive  to  the  will  of  the 
electorate  without  changes  in  the  machinery  of  parties  and  govern- 
ment. 

When  the  Sixty-second  Congress  met  in  extra  session  in  April 
of  191 1  seventeen  Republicans  refused  to  vote  for  the  caucus 
nominee  for  Speaker:'  Wisconsin,  6;  Minnesota,  3;  Kansas,  2; 
New  York,  i;  California,  i;  Washington,  2;  Oregon,  i;  Idaho,  i. 
As  the  House  was  in  the  control  of  the  Democratic  party  there  was 
less  opportunity  than  in  the  previous  sesssion  for  a  manifestation  of 
Republican  insurgency.^  Of  eighty-five  Congressmen  from  west 
of  the  AUeghanies  sixty  voted  against  the  reciprocity  agreement 
with  Canada,^  and  later,  in  the  regular  session,  a  smaller  group 
broke  from  the  party  organization  and  voted  with  the  Democratic 

'  Congressional  Record,  XL VII,  6. 

» The  resolution  for  the  popular  election  of  United  States  senators,  rejected  by  the 
Chicago  convention,  passed  the  House  (April  13,  1911)  with  only  fifteen  Republican 
votes  against  it. 

3  Distribution  of  the  votes  against  reciprocity:  California,  2;  Oregon,  i;  Wash- 
ington, 3;  Idaho,  i;  Utah,  i;  Wyoming,  i;  Montana,  i;  Pennsylvania,  7;  New  Jer- 
sey, 2;  New  York,  9;  Vermont,  2;  New  Hampshire,  i;  Massachusetts,!;  Maine,  2; 
North  Dakota,  2;  South  Dakota,  2;  Nebraska,  3;  Kansas,  4;  Oklahoma,  2;  Minne- 
sota, 5;  Iowa,  8;  Wisconsin,  6;  Illinois,  7;  Michigan,  8;  Ohio,  i;  Kentucky,  2. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  461 

majority  in  favor  of  the  ''woolen"  bill/  and  the  35  per  cent  reduc- 
tion on  iron  and  steel.^ 

The  Repubhcans  still  constituted  a  majority  in  the  Senate. 
When  in  April  the  committee  assignments  were  announced  by 
the  RepubHcan  organization,  a  formal  protest  against  the  method 
of  selection  was  read  by  Senator  La  Follette  on  ''behalf  of  thirteen 
Republican  Senators."^  These  Republicans  held  the  balance  of 
power  and  prevented  the  election  of  a  president  of  the  Senate  until 
December  16,  191 2,  when  a  resolution  introduced  by  Senator 
Smoot,  providing  that  Senators  Gallinger  and  Bacon,  RepubKcan 
and  Democrat  respectively,  should  serve  alternately,  was  finally 
adopted.  Ten  western  Republicans  voted  against  this  compromise 
resolution.'' 

As  in  the  discussion  of  the  tariff  bill  of  1909,  the  great  part  of 
the  debate  upon  the  Canadian  reciprocity  agreement  took  place 
in  the  Senate.  The  Insurgent  Repubhcans  maintained  that  this 
treaty-tariff  was  in  keeping  with  the  former  revisions  when  the 
dominant  party  organization  had  lowered  certain  tariff  duties 
without  careful  investigation,  and  with  no  other  purpose  than  that 
of  saving  the  whole  system  from  pubHc  wrath.  They  reiterated 
their  demand  of  1909  for  a  generally  accepted  principle  as  a  basis 
for  all  tariff-making  and  general  access  to  reUable  and  adequate 
statistics.  A  number  of  organization  Repubhcans  voted  against  the 
adoption  of  this  treaty,  but  the  bulk  of  the  Repubhcan  opposition 
came  from  the  West  and  was  voiced  by  the  Insurgents  as  in  1909.^ 

Throughout  the  spring  and  summer  of  191 1  the  attitude  of 
Congressional  Insurgents  became  more  and  more  hostile  to  the 
renomination  of  President  Taft.^  In  April  an  informal  conference 
of  Insurgents  held  in  Washington  on  their  arrival  for  the  extra 

'  Twenty  Republicans  to  pass  over  veto  {Congressional  Record,  XLVIII,  3280). 

'Nineteen  Republicans  for  the  bill  {ibid.,  p.  4170). 

3  Op.  cit.,  XLVII,  714-  "  Ibid.,  XLIX,  634. 

sOf  twenty-four  Republican  senators  voting  "Nay,"  all  except  four  were  from 
west  of  the  AUeghanies. 

<>  A  nice  balance  of  political  forces  prevented  action  on  the  tariff  in  this  Congress. 
Thirteen  Repubhcans  voted  for  the  "woolen  bill":  California,  i;  Oregon,  i;  Wash- 
ington, i;  North  Dakota,  2;  South  Dakota,  i;  Nebraska,  i;  Wisconsin,  i;  Kansas, 
i;  Iowa,  2;  Minnesota,  2. 


462  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

session  urged  Senator  La  Follette  that  he  become  a  candidate. 
Members  of  Congress  in  attendance  or  immediately  in  sympathy 
with  the  movement  came  from  the  following  states:  California, 
Oregon,  Washington,  North  Dakota,  South  Dakota,  Nebraska, 
Kansas,  Iowa,  Minnesota,  Wisconsin.  The  progress  of  the  reci- 
procity debate  emphasized  the  weakness  of  the  Taft  candidacy  in 
the  West,  and  the  coahtion  of  the  Democrats  and  the  Insurgents 
in  the  Senate  in  passing  the  tariff  revision  bills  added  momentum 
to  the  movement  for  a  western  candidate  to  contest  the  nomination 
with  President  Taft.  The  active  campaign  in  the  interests  of 
Senator  La  Follette  opened  in  July,  and  on  October  16  three 
hundred  delegates  composed  a  Progressive  Republican  convention 
at  Chicago  which  indorsed  his  candidacy.' 

The  reciprocity  debate  had  finally  made  it  clear  that  a  reduc- 
tion of  the  tariff  was  not  the  leading  cause  for  western  Insurgency. 
The  opposition  of  the  Congressional  Insurgents  as  early  as  1906 
had  invariably  been  against  the  methods  of  the  party  organization.^ 
The  program  of  the  Progressive  Repubhcans  now  emphasized  this 
disagreement  as  to  party  methods  and  governmental  machinery. 
Here  was  revealed  the  essential  nature  of  the  western  revolt.  For 
a  decade  and  more  the  movement  for  a  more  direct  government  or 
at  least  for  safeguards  to  prevent  its  indirection  had  been  growing 
steadily  in  the  West.^  It  had  arisen  out  of  vain  attempts  to  make 
the  government  responsive  to  the  popular  will,  particularly  with 
reference  to  the  control  of  public  utilities.''     In  September  of  191 1 

'  List  of  delegates  not  published.  Western  men  composed  three-fourths  and 
more  of  the  membership  of  the  two  committees. 

'  The  question  of  methods  cut  party  barriers.  Twenty-two  Republicans  voted 
with  eighteen  Democrats  against  the  motion  of  Senator  La  Follette  that  "  the  Senator 
from  Illinois  was  not  duly  and  legally  elected."  On  the  resolution  for  the  popular 
election  of  senators  nine  Democrats  united  with  twenty-three  Republicans  to  retain 
the  old  method. 

3  A  prominent  southern  Senator  was  "unalterably  opposed  to  the  Initiative  and 
Referendum"  measures  warmly  advocated  by  ten  of  his  western  colleagues  in  that 
party.  An  eastern  Repubhcan  in  the  Senate  "would  scorn  to  consider  Primary  Elec- 
tions or  Direct  Legislation,"  measures  which  were  a  part  of  the  creed  of  twelve  of  his 
party  colleagues. 

^  State  parties  have  habitually  followed  the  national  alignment.  Since  1000  the 
struggles  within  the  states  have  been  of  first  importance.  The  platform  of  the  Pro- 
gressive Republicans  embodied  for  national  discussion  the  issues  brought  forward  in 
these  state  conflicts  in  the  West  since  1900. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  463 

direct  legislation  obtained  in  the  following  states:  South  Dakota, 
Oregon,  Oklahoma,  Montana,  Colorado,  Nevada,  Arkansas, 
Arizona,  New  Mexico.  Legislatures  had  referred  it  to  the  voters  in 
California,  Washington,  Wyoming,  North  Dakota,  Idaho,  Nebraska, 
Florida,  and  Wisconsin.  Popular  election  of  Senators  was  already 
the  practice  in  Oregon,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  Minnesota,  Ohio,  New 
Jersey,  Kansas,  California,  and  Wisconsin.  Primaries  to  elect 
delegates  to  the  national  conventions  were  at  that  time  provided 
for  in  North  Dakota,  Nebraska,  Wisconsin,  Oregon,  Cahfornia, 
and  New  Jersey. 

Just  as  President  Taft  reached  the  Pacific  coast  at  the  end  of 
the  transcontinental  tour  that  had  opened  in  Massachusetts 
with  his  denunciation  of  the  Congressional  Insurgents,  Cahfornia 
adopted  by  popular  vote  the  constitutional  amendments  providing 
for  direct  legislation  and  the  recall.  Not  all  western  Republicans 
were  agreed  upon  these  constitutional  changes  even  within  the 
states,  but  all  united  in  demanding  changes  in  machinery  and 
methods  in  nominations  and  elections.  In  particular  at  this  time 
was  a  widespread  direct  primary  desired  to  select  delegates  to  the 
national  convention— urged  throughout  the  West  in  order  to  per- 
mit "the  rank  and  file  of  the  party  to  express  its  choice." 

Although  a  great  portion  of  the  Republican  West  seemed 
eager  to  repudiate  the  Taft  administration— perhaps  as  bitterly 
hostile  in  that  opposition  as  the  Democratic  West  had  been  in  the 
preliminaries  of  the  campaign  of  1896— a  comparison  of  the  western 
demands  in  the  two  campaigns  makes  clearer  the  real  nature  of 
Insurgent  Republicanism.  Sixteen  years  before  the  W^st  had 
reiterated  the  PopuHst  demands  for  "honesty  and  economy  in 
government,"  "a  fair  field  for  all,"  had  opposed  " commerciahsm 
and  banks,"  and  denounced  "Wall  Street,"  the  "money  power," 
and  the  "corruption  and  cowardice  of  party  organization."  Simi- 
lar protests  still  came  from  the  agricultural  Middle  West.  After 
almost  two  decades  of  steadily  increasing  prosperity  the  westerner 
was  still  asking:  "Are  the  trusts  and  combinations  still  stronger 
than  the  government  ?"  But  in  answer  Senator  La  Follette  asked 
that  "the  Republican  platform  be  in  the  last  degree  a  constructive 
platform"  and  offered  the  following  as  his  tentative  suggestion:^ 
'  Issued  March  13,  191 2. 


464  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

direct  nominations  and  elections;  income  and  inheritance  taxes; 
parcels  post;  government  ownership  and  operation  of  the  express 
business;  physical  valuation  of  the  railways  and  "trusts"  as  a 
basis  for  control.  As  a  representative  of  the  western  protest 
within  the  dominant  party,  this  leader  seemed  convinced  that  the 
correct  solution  was  not  to  be  found  in  the  adoption  of  any  panacea, 
but  in  a  closer  grip  upon  the  organs  of  government  and  in  a  careful 
investigation  and  greater  consideration  by  the  electorate. 

V 

Sufficient  evidence  has  been  cited  to  make  clear  the  sectionalism 
of  the  Insurgent  group  within  the  Republican  party  in  Congress 
prior  to  the  primary  campaign  for  the  presidential  nomination  in 
the  spring  of  191 2.  The  advent  of  the  Roosevelt  candidacy 
destroyed  the  unity  of  the  Insurgent  movement  in  Congress  as 
in  the  nation.  Temporarily  large  elements  in  the  West  ceased  to 
express  sectional  convictions  in  an  eflfort  to  gain  ascendency  in  the 
party  organization  by  a  union  with  discordant  elements  from  other 
sections  of  the  country.  In  spite  of  this  defection  a  considerable 
protest  was  registered  in  the  Repubhcan  convention  on  behalf  of 
the  sectional  demands  of  the  West  and  its  candidate.  In  Con- 
gress the  fight  upon  the  party  organization  was  continued. 

In  the  midst  of  the  presidential  campaign  the  Senate  com- 
menced the  consideration  of  the  following  resolution  that  had  been 
reported  out  of  the  Judiciary  Committee  by  Senator  Cummins: 
"The  term  of  office  of  President  shall  be  six  years  and  no  person 
who  has  held  the  office  by  election  or  discharged  its  powers  or 
duties  or  acted  as  President  under  the  Constitution  and  laws  made 
in  pursuance  thereof  shall  be  eligible  again  to  hold  the  office  by 
election.'"  The  original  resolution  had  been  introduced  by 
Senator  Works  of  California.  The  greater  portion  of  the  debate 
took  place  subsequent  to  the  November  election.  Except  for  the 
support  of  the  two  Senators  named,  the  adoption  of  the  resolution 
was  opposed  by  the  Insurgent  group  in  the  Senate.  But  in  the 
preliminary  votes  upon  the  nine  amendments  that  were  offered 

'  Congressional  Record,  XLVIII,  11255. 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  465 

to  the  resolution  the  ten  Insurgent  senators  were  distinguished  as 
a  group  from  their  Republican  colleagues.' 

Evidence  of  the  recurrence  of  the  alignment  in  the  Sixty-third 
Congress  is  as  yet  fragmentary.  Thus  far  it  has  revealed  the 
Insurgent  or  Progressive  Republican  movement  weakened  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  in  the  Senate  about  where  it  was 
prior  to  the  Roosevelt  candidacy.  In  the  organization  of  the 
House  five  western  Republicans  refused  to  vote  for  the  caucus 
nominee  for  Speaker:  Wisconsin,  2;  North  Dakota,  2;  Michigan, 
I .  Upon  the  tariff  roll-calls  in  the  Senate  a  group  of  western  Repub- 
licans has  voted  frequently  with  the  Democratic  Finance  Com- 
mittee. The  following  is  a  list  of  the  Republicans  who  during  the 
first  three  weeks  of  the  debate  voted  with  the  Democrats  more 
than  four  times:  Borah  of  Idaho,  12;  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin,  10; 
Gronna  of  North  Dakota,  9;  Kenyon  of  Iowa,  8;  Cummins  of 
Iowa,  7;  Jones  of  Washington,  7;  Crawford  of  South  Dakota,  7; 
Bristow  of  Kansas,  7;  Poindexter  of  Washington,  6;  Sterh'ng  of 
South  Dakota,  6;  Clapp  of  Minnesota,  5;  Norris  of  Nebraska,  7. 
The  significance  of  the  continuity  of  the  western  revolt  is  increased 
by  a  reference  to  the  sentiments  of  the  members  of  the  group  as 
expressed  in  this  tariff  debate. 

For  the  western  Senators  have  attacked  the  Democratic  pro- 
cedure; first,  because  the  bill  was  prepared  by  the  Democratic 
members  of  the  committee  and  then  submitted  to,  and  approved 
by,  a  secret  Democratic  caucus,  and  second,  because  of  the  dis- 
crimination against  western  products.  Senator  Cummins  prefaced 
his  argument  as  to  the  discrimination  shown  in  the  making  of  the 
bill  with  this  statement:  ".  .  .  .  with  the  exception  of  the  final 
caucus,  the  proceedings  this  year  are  a  practical  repetition  of  the 
proceedings  attending  the  Payne- Aldrich  bill  in  1909.  They  were 
indefensible  then;  they  are  indefensible  now.  The  Republican 
leadership  in  1909  was  willing  to  exclude  the  minority  of  the  finance 
committee  from  participation  in  making  up  the  bill,  but,  bold  as 
it  was,  it  was  not  rash  enough  to  attempt  the  revival  of  the  tyran- 

'  Republicans  in  the  group:  Poindexter  of  Washington,  Bristow  of  Kansas,  Clapp 
of  Minnesota,  Dixon  of  Montana,  La  Follette  of  Wisconsin,  Bourne  of  Oregon,  Borah 
of  Idaho,  Kenyon  of  Iowa,  Cummins  of  Iowa,  and  Works  of  California. 


466  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

nical  rule  of  the  caucus."^  In  putting  forward  the  proposals  of  the 
western  men  he  said:  "The  Progressive  Republicans  charted  the 
way  in  1909,  and  they  will  chart  it  again  in  19 13." 

That  may  be  the  keynote  of  a  campaign  that  is  going  to  furnish 
additional  material  for  the  students  of  sectionaHsm,  For  when 
this  section,  many  of  whose  RepubHcan  representatives  have 
spoken  as  a  group  during  the  past  five  years  including  two  tariff 
sessions,  shall  conclude  a  satisfactory  alliance  with  another  section 
and  become  powerful  enough  thereby  to  constitute  a  majority 
power  in  Congress  and  to  enact  legislation,  an  opportunity  will  be 
given  for  a  more  satisfactory  analysis  of  its  program  both  political 
and  economic. 

In  attempting  to  assign  a  cause  or  causes  for  these  recent  mani- 
festations of  sectionaHsm,  we  may  wisely  recall  the  suggestion  of 
Dr.  Turner  that  the  influence  of  the  physiographic  province  would 
become  more  marked,  and  point  out  that  the  northern  Mississippi 
Valley  is  not  only  such  an  area  but  is  characterized  by  unity  of 
products  and  a  common  remoteness  from  markets.  Here,  more- 
over, there  is  a  great  preponderance  of  independent  business  men 
and  farmers.  The  fluidic  conditions  of  a  pioneer  community  have 
not  as  yet  disappeared. 

This  area  has  for  twenty  years  and  more  been  the  home  of 
movements  "to  restore  the  government  to  the  people."  Not 
always  has  it  stressed  peculiar  economic  needs  upon  the  tariff  or 
the  currency,  but  invariably  it  has  waged  war  upon  the  "power  of 
money  in  poKtics."  It  early  became  convinced  and  at  last  has 
made  articulate  the  conviction  that  private  hberty  must  be 
restricted  in  the  interests  of  public  Uberty.  Its  demand  for 
improved  machinery  of  parties  and  governments  is  an  effort  to 
attain  that  end.  The  Progressive  Republican  leaders  have  first 
and  last  achieved  election  and  held  it,  not  because  of  position  upon 
the  tariff  revision  or  the  regulation  of  railways,  although  each  of 
these  has  had  greatest  influence  at  certain  times  in  certain  areas, 

» Total  production  west  of  the  Mississippi,  under  the  proposed  bill:  free,  61  per 
cent;  dutiable,  39  per  cent:  total  production  east  of  the  river,  under  the  proposed 
bill:  free  40  per  cent;  dutiable,  60  per  cent  {Congressional  Record,  L,  3033;  map  on 
p.  3037)- 


RECENT  MANIFESTATIONS  OF  SECTIONALISM  467 

but  because  they  represented  the  desire  of  the  great  portion  of  their 
constituency  actually  to  direct  their  government,  state  and  national. 

The  success  of  the  advocates  of  publicity  in  the  West,  and  con- 
sequently their  appearance  in  Congress,  has  been  due  not  so  much 
to  the  peculiar  economic  needs  of  the  Middle  West  as  to  the  inde- 
pendent position  of  the  greater  number  of  the  voters.  Economi- 
cally they  have  been  free  and  poHtically  they  have  been  alert  to 
follow  the  leader  who  voiced  their  desire  to  make  the  government 
the  agent,  not  of  aggregations  of  men  banded  together  for  private 
profit,  but  of  the  individual  men  who  make  up  the  electorate. 
For  industrially  and  socially  they  have  come  into  contact  with  the 
government  as  individuals. 

Their  leaders,  raised  to  power,  have  voiced  these  desires  in 
Congress.  It  has  brought  them  into  conflict  with  the  RepubHcan 
organization  not  in  sympathy  with  the  proposed  changes  because 
based  on  different  industrial  and  social  conditions,  and  later  into 
conflict  with  the  Democratic  organization  still  largely  in  the  hands 
of  men  who  are  not  as  yet  familiar  with  the  demands  of  the  inde- 
pendent voters.  Thus  as  East  and  South  have  successively  been  in 
power  the  West  has  manifested  sectionaUsm  through  its  votes  in 
Congress. 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:   WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES? 


CLINTON  ROGERS  WOODRUFF 
Philadelphia 


For  years  it  has  been  the  fashion  to  hold  the  politician  respon- 
sible for  everything  that  has  gone  wrong  in  the  body  politic:  for 
corruption,  inefficiency,  indirection,  indifference.  One  and  all  have 
laid  the  blame  at  his  door.  While  he  deserves  a  share,  there  are 
others  who  are  equally  blameworthy. 

Then,  again,  it  has  been  the  fashion  in  many  quarters  to  lay 
our  political  shortcomings  on  the  shoulders  of  the  ignorant  foreign 
vote.  Boston's  delinquencies  and  New  York's  were  due  to  the 
preponderance  of  the  Irish  vote;  Milwaukee's  conservatism 
(although  that  has  gone  a-shimmering  with  the  advent  of  the  So- 
cialists) and  Pennsylvania's  were  due  to  the  preponderance  of 
the  German  vote;  and  so  on  through  the  list. 

It  is  not  possible  in  a  phrase,  or  an  article  even,  to  analyze  the 
blame  for  our  political  ills.  George  William  Curtis'  diagnosis 
perhaps  comes  nearest:  "It  is  not  a  government  mastered  by 
ignorance;  it  is  a  government  betrayed  by  intelligence;  it  is  not 
the  victory  of  the  slums;  it  is  the  surrender  of  the  schools;  it  is 
not  that  bad  men  are  politically  shrewd;  it  is  that  good  men  are 
political  infidels  and  cowards."  Or,  as  another  had  put  it,  it  is 
"the  bad  citizenship  of  the  good  citizen  that  lies  at  the  bottom  of 
much  of  our  present  troubles,  and  especially  in  this  matter  of  graft 
about  which  we  hear  so  much  these  days." 

It  is  easy  to  assume  that  the  politician  is  responsible  for  graft 
and  then  "let  it  go  at  that,"  but  will  the  facts  sustain  this  assump- 
tion? 

Gentlemen,  the  business  men  of  this  country  have  debased  the  meaning 
of  that  good  word  "commercialism."  It  is  they  alone  who  are  responsible 
for  the  sinister  significance  that  now  attaches  to  that  term.  I  tell  you,  further, 
that  it  is  the  business  men  themselves  who  are  chiefly  to  blame  for  the  politi- 
cal graft  and  corruption  so  widespread  throughout  the  nation. 

468 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:  WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES?     469 

So  declared  Julius  Henry  Cohen,  the  New  York  lawyer,  who  has 
so  successfully  prosecuted  a  number  of  commercial  swindlers. 
This  was  in  an  address  before  credit  men. 

We  hear  a  great  deal  about  the  grafting  legislature  and  the  bribe-taking 
public  official  in  these  days,  but,  gentlemen,  I  want  to  ask  you  who  makes 
possible  this  graft  and  who  offers  these  bribes  ?  It  is  not  necessary  to  make 
any  wild  charges.    We  have  in  Chicago  and  in  New  York  two  specific  instances. 

In  my  own  city  we  had  a  legislative  scandal,  in  which  a  member  of  the 
legislature  is  accused  of  accepting  $1,000  as  a  bribe  for  his  vote.  When  we 
go  back  to  the  fundamental  facts  of  that  offense  we  find  that  the  bribe  was 
offered  by  a  bridge  company.  My  friends,  bridge  companies  are  not  run  by 
legislators;  they  are  managed  by  business  men. 

In  Chicago  we  discovered  that  certain  city  officials  are  accused  of  help- 
ing to  defraud  the  city  by  paying  shale-rock  prices  for  the  digging  of  sand. 
Who  was  it  profited  by  that  transaction  ?  It  was  a  contractor.  A  contractor, 
gentlemen,  is  a  business  man,  and  if  there  is  fraud  in  the  shale-rock  deal,  then 
that  contractor  is  the  chief  villain  in  that  crime. 

This  is  plain  talk,  but  how  can  the  business  man  evade  the 
answer  ?  As  a  rule  he  does  so  by  a  plea  in  confession  and  avoid- 
ance: "Yes,  we  do  these  things,  but  we  have  to  do  them  or  go  out 
of  business!"    As  Mr.  Cohen  says: 

In  the  one  year  we  have  prosecuted  and  convicted  in  New  York  twelve 
men  for  going  into  bankruptcy  fraudulently.  I  know  about  aU  those  cases 
personally,  and  I  tell  you,  gentlemen,  that  the  fundamental  reason  for  those 
twelve  crimes  was  that  the  swindler  believed  in  his  heart  that  the  men  he  was 
swindling  would  swindle  him  if  they  had  a  chance,  and  that  the  only  difference 
between  him  and  the  people  he  was  swindling  was  the  fact  that  they  had  a 
little  more  money.    And  in  most  cases,  gentlemen,  the  swindler  was  right. 

"As  is  done  in  private  business"  describes  what  most  people 
want  to  see  government  do.  In  commenting  on  this,  the  New 
York  Bureau  of  Municipal  Research  pointed  out  that  there  was 
a  general  assumption,  which  was  very  rarely  challenged,  namely, 
that  there  is  something  about  "private"  that  makes  for  honesty 
and  efficiency,  and  something  about  "pubHc"  that  encourages 
dishonesty  and  inefficiency. 

Nothing  could  be  farther  from  the  truth,  the  bureau  perti- 
nently points  out,  for  private  janitors  force  milk  companies  to  pay 
them  a  commission  of  so  much  per  customer  in  the  apartment 
houses  which  the  private  landlord  pays  the  janitor   to   attend 


470  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

without  commission.  Private  cashiers  need  cash  registers.  Private 
railroad  conductors  and  inspectors  need  innumerable  checks  on 
tickets  sold.  Private  hospital  superintendents  have  made  per- 
functory inspections  of  goods  furnished  by  favorite  customers 
who  made  them  presents.  Private  bankers  are  bonded.  Private 
universities  have  recently  been  undergoing  business  reorganiza- 
tion, because  of  wastefulness  and  diversion  of  trust  funds.  Private 
department  stores  pay  fabulous  salaries  plus  interest  in  business 
profits  to  experts  for  cutting  out  waste,  incompetence,  and  dis- 
honesty. Private  railroads  save  fortunes  every  year  by  central 
purchasing  agencies.  Private  scales  and  measures  defraud  cus- 
tomers. 

Looking  after  one's  taxes  is  private  business.  Yet  what  a 
poor  standard  this  private  business  has  heretofore  set  for  pubHc 
business! 

Caveat  emptor  is  the  old  common-law  rule;  it  still  holds  sway 
over  the  business  practices  of  the  day,  and  until  a  different  rule 
is  followed  we  may  expect  just  such  conditions  as  recent  revela- 
tions have  exposed. 

If  we  are  going  to  get  rid  of  graft,  we  must  get  rid  of  the  graft 
germ  in  human  nature,  we  must  get  rid  of  the  deep-rooted  idea 
that  we  owe  no  obhgation  to  the  man  on  the  other  side  of  the  bar- 
gain, that  we  have  no  concern  for  anyone,  either  the  other  man  or 
the  great  third  party — the  pubhc.  The  doctrine  of  "every  man 
for  himself  and  the  devil  take  the  hindmost"  must  be  eradicated. 

Here,  to  my  way  of  thinking,  is  the  great,  comprehensive 
remedy  to  be  appHed.  But  how  is  this  to  be  accompHshed  ?  That 
is  the  great  question.  We  must  adopt  those  poHcies  that  will  make 
the  body  healthier  and  therefore  more  abundantly  able  to  resist  or 
throw  off  the  germ;  and  all  the  time  make  the  germ  weaker. 

A  successful  diagnosis  is  an  essential  prerequisite  to  a  com- 
plete cure.  We  must  get  at  the  symptoms  and  their  causes. 
Mr.  Cohen  has  touched  on  one.  The  prevalence  of  the  doctrine 
of  "let  the  buyer  beware"  in  the  world  of  business  is  another. 
We  must  get  it  clearly  into  our  minds  that  graft  is  not  a  disease 
of  pontics  only.  It  inheres  in  business,  and  in  the  views  of  many 
pubhcists  it;finds  its  origin  there. 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:  WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES?     471 

It  is  a  common  enough  belief  that  poHticians  are  more  corrupt 
than  business  men,  but  such  figures  as  we  have  at  hand  do  not 
bear  this  out.  The  Outlook  some  years  ago  quoted  the  United 
States  Fidelity  and  Trust  Company  as  authority  for  the  state- 
ment that  in  1901  the  banks  of  the  country  lost  $1,665,109  from 
defalcations,  and  in  1902,  $1,709,301.  The  editor  of  Midland 
Municipalities  is  responsible  for  the  statement  that  the  loss  of 
federal,  county,  and  municipal  governments  from  the  same  cause 
was  $1,283,055  in  1901,  and  in  1902,  $1,067,789.  So  that  for 
these  two  years  the  employees  and  officers  of  banks  defaulted  in 
the  amount  of  $1,024,569  more  than  did  all  the  pubHc  officials  in 
the  country. 

This  is  an  interesting  and  in  some  ways  a  remarkable  showing, 
as  the  opinion  quite  generally  prevails  that  there  is  more  dis- 
honesty in  public  than  in  private  service,  and  especially  on  the 
part  of  municipal  employees.  To  be  sure,  these  figures  do  not  take 
into  consideration  the  exorbitant  prices  which  ofttimes  the  city, 
state,  or  nation  is  compelled  to  pay,  no  more  do  the  others  take 
into  consideration  the  profits  accruing  from  watered  stock  and 
other  peculiar  devices  for  making  money.  They  concern  solely 
the  question  of  honesty,  and  show  that  the  average  public  officer  is 
as  honest  as  the  bank  officer. 

As  the  editor  of  Midland  Municipalities  pertinently  remarks, 
however:  "The  fact  is  that  neither  the  bankers  nor  the  officials 
are  as  a  class  dishonest,  but,  on  the  contrary,  look  after  the  interests 
in  their  care  much  better  than  the  average  man  looks  after  his 
business.  With  the  vast  sums  handled  each  year  by  the  officials  of 
the  banks,  the  amounts  lost  in  defalcations  are  exceptionally  small 
— so  small  that  when  compared  with  the  whole  they  are  hardly 
worth  notice,  much  less  an  excuse  for  general  condemnation." 

I  hold  no  special  brief  for  the  poKtician,  but  I  beheve  the  sooner 
we  come  to  take  a  just  view  of  the  situation,  the  sooner  we  shall 
get  rehef  from  grafting,  the  sooner  we  shall  have  self-respecting 
politicians.  Moreover,  what  this  country  needs  from  its  business 
men  today  is  service — and  a  good  example.  If  there  are  no  bribe- 
givers, there  will  be  no  bribe-takers.  The  business  man  of  the 
time  must  raise  his  standards  of  morals.    What  should  we  think  of 


472  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

a  doctor  or  a  lawyer  who,  all  the  time  he  was  serving  us,  is  thinking 
how  much  money  he  is  going  to  get  out  of  us  ?  Well,  what  about 
the  business  man  who  never  thinks  of  anything  else  in  a  business 
deal  except  how  much  money  there  is  in  it  for  him  ?  The  business 
man  must  put  moral  values  into  his  figures  of  profit  and  loss. 
Service  must  bulk  as  large  with  him  as  with  the  professional  man. 

"It  is  a  splendid  city,"  said  Field  Marshal  Blucher  to  the 
king  of  Prussia  about  the  city  of  London,  "a  splendid  city— to 
loot!"  This,  alas!  is  the  attitude  of  all  too  many  business  men. 
The  city  and  the  state— they  appeal  only  for  the  loot  they  represent. 
Whatever  interferes  with  this  end  must  be  suppressed,  even  to 
graft  prosecuting,  as  in  San  Francisco.  During  the  height  of  the 
excitement  in  that  city  the  Good  Government  League  addressed 
the  following  communication  to  the  editors  of  the  metropolitan 
papers : 

During  the  past  three  years  San  Francisco  has  undertaken  to  punish  its 
criminals,  high  and  low,  rich  and  poor,  without  prejudice.  In  doing  so,  it  has 
reached  into  the  biggest  circles,  social  and  financial.  Men  high  in  the  business 
world  have  been  indicted  and  prosecuted  with  great  vigor. 

The  argument  has  been  used  that  these  prosecutions  are  hurting  busi- 
ness, and  that  therefore  they  should  be  discontinued.  Here  at  close  range 
we  possibly  cannot  obtain  a  clear  view  of  the  situation.  We  are  therefore 
desirous  of  obtaining  a  consensus  of  national  opinion,  with  particular  refer- 
ence to  the  following: 

1.  Does  the  prosecution  of  wealthy  persons  charged  with  civic  crimes 
injure  business;  or  does  it  improve  the  financial  standing  of  a  city  in  the  eyes 
of  outside  investors  ?    Why  ? 

2.  Would  San  Francisco  profit  financially  by  abandoning  the  present 
prosecution;  or  would  it  be  to  the  permanent  material  advantage  of  the  city 
to  prosecute  to  a  final  determination  the  indicted  "high-ups,"  so  caUed? 
Why? 

The  answers  were  mostly  to  the  effect  that  the  cleansing  of 
a  city  was  right  morally  and  a  good  poHcy  financially.  As  one 
put  it: 

There  never  was  a  crusade  in  behalf  of  justice  and  good  morals  but  it 
was  deprecated  because  of  selfish  interest.  The  men  of  Babylon  offered 
their  virgin  sisters  on  the  market-place  once  a  year  as  a  means  of  making 
Babylon  a  great  commercial  center.  And  Babylon  perished  from  its  own 
corruption.    There  never  was  a  crusade  in  behalf  of  civic  purity  but  some 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:  WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES?     473 

seller  of  silks  and  ribbons,  of  powder  and  rouge,  of  wines  and  liquors,  and 
some  landlord  protested  that  to  clean  out  the  bad  resorts  would  hurt  busi- 
ness. There  never  was  a  scourge  of  contagious  disease  but  the  newspapers 
were  appealed  to  to  suppress  reference  to  the  facts  because  publicity  hurt 
business.  What  is  business  that  it  should  be  put  above  the  law,  above  the 
enforcement  of  right  dealing  or  good  morals?  Is  it  a  sacred  thing?  Are 
dollars  all  ?  If  so,  the  publisher  ought  to  sell  his  editorial  space,  the  council- 
man his  vote,  the  minister  his  conscience,  the  physician  betray  his  trust 
because  he  can  enrich  himself  by  so  doing. 

But  of  course  enforcement  of  the  law  against  criminal  offenders  does  not 
hurt  a  town.  When  the  offenders  are  rich  and  powerful  they  can  make  a 
great  noise  and  influence  men  with  whom  they  have  dealings  to  say  that 
business  is  being  hurt  by  the  prosecution  of  guilty  men.  Corporate  wealth 
was  never  so  ingenious  as  when  at  bay.  If  it  can  save  itself  by  false  cries  it 
will  do  so.  It  is  no  different  position  from  the  man  in  the  dock  who  points 
to  his  weeping  children  or  his  sobbing  mother  as  a  reason  why  he  should  be 
given  his  freedom.    His  conviction  would  hurt  them. 

A  prominent  manufacturer  of  San  Francisco  put  the  case  in 

this  way: 

I  will  not  say  that,  personally,  I  want  to  see  the  graft  cases  pushed  to  a 
determination;  but  if  Francis  J.  Heney  is  a  candidate  I  am  going  to  vote  for 
him  and  do  all  I  can  to  elect  him,  simply  for  the  good  effect  his  election  will 
have  upon  public  sentiment  regarding  the  San  Francisco  situation.  I  know 
what  outsiders  think  about  us.  I  know  that  practically  every  banker,  every 
manufacturer,  every  big  business  man  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  is  watch- 
ing us  to  see  whether  we  dare  prosecute  cases  like  this,  to  see  whether  we  act 
like  men  or  like  poltroons.  I  am  not  saying  what  I  think  ought  to  happen  in 
these  cases;  but  when  I  know  what  the  rest  of  the  world  thinks  I  hope  I  have 
sense  enough  to  try  to  help  San  Francisco  rebuild  her  reputation. 

While  holding  that  Pittsburgh  was  no  worse  than  other  large 
cities,  a  well-known  lawyer  of  that  city  declared  some  time  ago 
that  Pittsburgh  had  lost  a  manufacturing  plant  which  would  have 
employed  10,000  men  because  living-conditions  were  so  bad  there. 
Many  similar  concerns,  he  said,  were  being  lost  because  they 
could  not  get  in  without  paying  graft.  One  man,  he  quoted, 
had  said  to  him  that  he  was  unable  to  obtain  switching-rights 
there  and  so  went  to  another  city.  ''This  man  said  to  me," 
declared  Mr.  Wallace,  ''  'I'll  be  blamed  if  I  will  pay  any  graft  and 
run  a  chance  of  getting  into  the  penitentiary  to  get  into  your 
city.' " 


474  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

If  the  business  men  once  get  it  into  their  minds  that  grafting 
does  not  pay,  the  country  will  have  made  a  great  stride  forward. 

When  the  Hon.  E.  R.  Taylor  was  mayor,  San  Francisco  ap- 
pointed a  commission  to  consider  the  whole  problem  of  graft,  which 
did  not  hesitate  to  report  in  favor  of  cancehng  franchises  procured 
by  fraud.     The  language  it  used  was: 

Laws  should  be  enacted  for  the  cancelation  of  franchises  procured  by 
fraud  or  crime  of  the  owners  of  the  franchises,  or  of  their  predecessors  in  inter- 
est. These  laws  should  be  of  a  civil  nature,  cognizable  in  a  court  of  equity, 
so  that  the  extreme  technicality  of  our  criminal  procedure  will  not  embarrass 
their  enforcement.  The  mayor  and  the  district  attorney,  each  on  his  own 
motion,  should  have  the  right  to  initiate  such  proceedings  in  the  name  of  the 
municipality  upon  which  the  fraud  has  been  committed.  Their  power  should 
be  concurrent  with  that  of  the  state  to  take  similar  action  in  qtw  warranto 
proceedings. 

This  recommendation  is  a  corollary  to  the  observation  that 
grafting  does  not  pay,  nor  should  be  permitted  to  pay.  If  the 
grafter  cannot  keep  the  cake,  then  he  does  not  want  it.  If  he  may 
be  compelled  to  disgorge,  he  will  hesitate  before  entering  upon  a 
policy  of  corruption.  The  suits  instituted  by  the  state  of  Pennsyl- 
vania to  recover  $5,500,000  were  as  potent  as  the  criminal  prosecu- 
tions, but  both  should  be  availed  of.  Bishop  Brooks  on  one  occa- 
sion said:  ''The  escape  from  being  jailed  of  every  thief  of  the 
public  money  breeds  a  half-dozen  more  malefactors.  If  the 
public  won't  punish,  it  deserves  to  be  plucked." 

Fear  is  still  a  potent  factor,  and  for  that  reason,  if  for  no  other, 
the  laws  against  bribery  and  corruption  should  be  rigidly  enforced 
against  high  and  low  both,  and,  to  follow  the  recommendations 
of  the  San  Francisco  Commission,  the  laws  creating  the  crime  of 
bribery  should  be  so  amended  as  to  provide  for  the  punishment 
of  corporations  in  their  corporate  capacity.  Very  heavy  fines 
should  be  imposed,  and  the  forfeiture  to  the  state  or  city  of  prior 
acquired  franchises  should  be  made  a  part  of  the  punishment. 
Let  it  be  thoroughly  understood  that  grafting  is  dangerous,  and  it 
will  become  unpopular.  Perhaps  it  will  never  be  altogether  done 
away  with,  any  more  than  murder  is,  but  the  stringency  of  the 
laws  against  murder  and  the  vigor  of  its  prosecution  act  as  a  power- 
ful deterrent. 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:  WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES?     475 

As  an  effective  aid  in  the  prosecution  of  grafters  it  would  be 
well,  as  the  San  Francisco  investigators  advised,  that  the  law  of 
evidence  in  criminal  cases  should  be  so  amended  that  a  corporation 
accused  of  crime  cannot  claim  immunity  from  producing  or  giving 
evidence  against  itself,  and  the  testimony  of  its  ofl&cers  and  all 
its  documents  should  be  admissible  in  criminal  proceedings  against 
it.  As  a  corporation  can  commit  a  crime  only  through  an  officer 
or  an  employee,  in  a  prosecution  for  such  crime  the  officer  or 
employee  should  not  be  permitted  to  remain  mute  on  the  ground 
that  his  testimony  would  tend  to  incriminate  him. 

There  has  always  been  more  or  less  discussion  as  to  the  advisa- 
bility of  offering  immunity  to  the  informer.  While  normally 
minded  men,  who  have  no  connection  with  the  enforcement  of 
the  criminal  laws,  may  feel  repugnance  to  allowing  such  as  turn 
state's  evidence  to  go  free  from  punishment  in  exchange  for  testi- 
mony, nevertheless  experience  has  abundantly  demonstrated  that 
such  a  course  is  not  only  justified,  but  is  necessary. 

This  much,  however,  has  already  been  accomplished — the 
awakening  of  the  people.  They  are  now  discussing  specific 
remedies,  some  of  which  have  already  been  considered.  Let  us 
take  up  some  of  the  others  which  have  been  seriously  advanced  by 
thoughtful  observers.  These  deal  with  various  phases  of  the  prob- 
lem, but  all  have  for  their  object  the  protection  of  the  body  politic 
from  dangerous  and  undermining  influences. 

President  Pritchett  of  the  Carnegie  Institution,  in  an  ad- 
dress before  the  Massachusetts  Reform  Club,  outlined  one  com- 
prehensive and  fundamental  program.  The  argument  of  Doctor 
Pritchett  was  in  substance  this:  The  fundamental  need  in  Ameri- 
can political  Hfe  is  the  recognition  of  a  poHtical  career.  Untold 
harm  has  been  done  by  the  creation  of  a  contempt  for  pohtics  in 
the  minds  of  young  people.  Never  shall  we  get  efficient  popular 
government  in  a  democracy  until  the  profession  of  pohtics  becomes 
desirable  and  honorable  in  comparison  with  other  professions  and 
other  callings.  This  is  a  sine  qua  non  in  a  democratic  repubhc. 
The  question  is  how  to  make  the  profession  of  pohtics  desirable 
and  honorable;  how  to  make  it  possible  for  young,  ambitious,  and 
patriotic  Americans  to  find  in  politics  attractive  careers. 


476  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Three  practical  measures,  Dr.  Pritchett  avers,  if  carried  out, 
would  go  far  toward  making  possible  in  Boston  politics  such 
opportunities  and  such  careers  as  will  invite  efficient  and  earnest 
and  ambitious  men.  These  are:  (i)  to  provide,  first  of  all,  an 
administrative  system  capable  of  dealing  with  the  problems  of 
the  city;  (2)  to  pay  salaries  in  the  legislative  and  administrative 
service  of  the  municipaHty  comparable  to  the  salaries  paid  for 
similar  ability  in  private  administrative  work;  and  (3)  to  make 
the  tenure  of  office  long  enough  to  give  an  efficient  and  able  man 
opportunity  for  making  a  record,  and  to  make  the  responsibility 
and  the  power  of  executive  place  sufficient  to  attract  strong  men. 

The  San  Francisco  Commission,  in  addition  to  the  recommenda- 
tions already  quoted  and  commented  upon,  also  submitted  the 
following : 

The  charter  of  the  city  should  be  so  amended  as  to  prohibit 
partisan  nominations  for  election  to  municipal  offices,  and  the 
ballot,  when  printed,  should  show  nothing  more  than  the  name  and 
the  office  of  the  candidate. 

A  separate  tribunal  of  permanent  character  should  be  estab- 
lished for  the  judicial  determination  of  the  rates  and  charges  for 
public  utilities. 

Laws  should  be  enacted  requiring  all  quasi-public  corporations 
to  keep  their  books  in  collaboration  with  the  communities  they 
serve,  and  according  to  a  system  prescribed  by  law. 

Laws  should  be  enacted  making  it  a  crime  for  any  newspaper 
to  publish  as  news  any  matters  for  which  compensation  is  directly 
or  indirectly  paid,  or  agreed  to  be  paid,  unless  the  fact  that  such 
compensation  has  been  paid  or  agreed  to  be  paid  is  indicated  by 
some  plainly  distinguishing  mark  next  the  news  so  printed.  The 
jury  or  judge  should  be  given  Hberal  power  of  inferring  complicity 
from  considerations  indirectly  given.  A  person  paying  such  com- 
pensation should  be  permitted  to  recover  the  consideration  given 
by  him,  and  immunity  granted  him  if  he  disclose  the  crime.  A 
part  of  the  punishment  should  consist  in  forbidding  the  publica- 
tion of  the  paper  for  a  period  fixed  by  the  judge.  All  of  which 
reforms  are  in  a  fair  way  of  being  carefully  tested  at  various  points 
in  the  United  States. 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:  WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES?     477 

"If  you'll  vote  for  my  bill,  I'll  vote  for  yours,"  is  a  grafting 
proposition.  The  legislator  who  supports  a  bill  desired  by  special 
interests  because  of  his  expectation  that  he  will  not  be  opposed 
for  a  renomination  by  those  interests,  or  who  refuses  to  vote  for 
a  righteous  measure  for  fear  that  he  will  not  be  able  to  raise  a 
campaign  fund  from  influential  people  who  object  to  the  provisions 
of  the  bill,  places  himself  in  the  category  of  grafters.  Log-rolling 
in  legislative  bodies  must  therefore  be  eliminated. 

Direct  legislation,  its  advocates  claim,  reaches  this  condition 
of  affairs  as  no  other  remedy.  The  compulsory  initiative  and 
referendum  and  their  corollary,  the  recall,  get  at  the  very  source 
of  the  trouble.     To  use  the  language  of  a  recent  writer: 

We  do  not  act  upon  the  honest-man  theory  in  our  everyday  afifairs.  We 
know  that  there  are  honest  men,  but  we  also  know  that  there  are  others;  and 
because  we  cannot  discriminate  at  a  glance,  we  lock  our  doors,  instal  burglar 
alarms,  hire  policemen,  and  in  every  way  prepare  against  the  possibility  of 
being  visited  by  the  wrong  kind  of  a  man ! 

It  is  upon  the  broad  policy  of  prevention  that  direct  legislation  by  the 
people  is  based. 

We  know  from  numerous  examples  in  other  countries  and  our  own  that 
it  works.  It  compels  political  parties  to  define  the  measures  for  which  they 
stand. 

It  does  away  with  bribery.  Corporations  will  not  pay  for  legislation  which 
the  people  may  veto  at  the  polls. 

It  ends  the  career  of  mercenary  politicians.  They  cannot  survive  when 
corruption  funds  are  wanting. 

It  opens  the  way  for  the  people  to  discuss  concrete  questions  of  policy 
instead  of  niere  personal  mud-slinging. 

In  short,  it  is  the  final  and  effective  method  of  real  self-government,  the 
culmination  of  genuine  republicanism. 

Publicity  is  certainly  a  great  factor  in  making  graft  difficult 
of  accomplishement.  Secrecy  is  an  essential  to  its  successful 
conduct.  If  the  transactions  of  corporations  and  individuals  doing 
business  with  the  public  must  be  open  and  above  board,  where  is 
the  grafter  to  get  this  opportunity  ?  If  every  item  in  the  ledger 
must  be  vouched  for  and  if  every  public  transaction  is  to  be  closely 
watched  and  keenly  criticized,  the  ways  of  the  grafter  will  become 
hard  indeed.  And  this  is  just  what  the  people  are  learning  to  do- 
to  watch,  to  criticize,  and  to  correct— and  they  are  being  helped 
by  an  increasing  corps  of  lieutenants. 


478  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  stage  and  the  pulpit  are  doing  their  share.  The  latter  is 
preaching  ''budget  sermons"  as  well  as  showing  the  incompati- 
bihty  of  the  double  Hfe  in  business  and  pubhc  affairs — the  life  of 
the  two  standards,  one  for  the  home  and  the  church,  one  for  the 
counting-house  and  the  legislative  hall  and  the  poHtical  committee. 
There  is  also  a  strengthening  tendency  to  present  plays  dealing 
with  pohtical  corruption.  This  is  a  symptom  of  the  disease,  and, 
what  is  better  still,  a  sign  of  hope,  for  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  presentation  of  plays  of  this  kind  has  a  quickening  effect  on 
political  Hfe.  The  heroes  of  these  plays,  though  of  different  types, 
are  no  more  remarkable  than  are  actual  characters  like  Hughes, 
Folk,  and  Whitman. 

I  have  left  to  the  last,  however,  a  consideration  of  the  most 
potent  factor  of  all,  the  schools.  In  the  San  Francisco  report  to 
which  reference  has  already  been  so  frequently  made,  it  was  pointed 
out  that  the  trial  of  Mr.  Calhoun  had  disclosed  a  considerable 
number  of  citizens  who,  when  examined  under  oath  as  to  their 
quahfications  for  jury  service,  complacently  declared  that  they 
would  not  convict  a  man  for  bribery,  however  convincing  the 
evidence,  if,  since  his  crime,  he  had  successfully  broken  a  strike 
which  was  threatening  his  investments.  A  system  of  pubHc  educa- 
tion which  produces  such  men  must  be  radically  defective  in  both 
its  ethical  and  political  teaching.  It  is  our  behef  that  no  child 
should  be  permitted  to  leave  the  grammar  school  until  he  has  had 
thoroughly  instilled  into  him  a  strong  sense  of  his  obHgation  to  the 
state  to  set  aside  all  prejudice  or  private  interest  and  act  as  jury- 
man in  any  case  in  which  he  may  be  summoned.  He  should  be 
taught  that  this  obHgation  is  sacred,  that  its  performance  is  the 
highest  kind  of  pubUc  service,  outranking  the  mere  physical  courage 
and  devotion  of  a  soldier. 

The  schools  have  not  kept  pace  in  their  ethical  instruction 
with  the  many  complex  changes  in  our  commercial  organization. 
Every  child  should  be  taught  that  in  all  probability  he  will,  for  a 
large  period  of  his  Hfe,  be  an  agent  for  some  corporation.  He 
should  be  taught  the  elemental  facts  concerning  the  workings  of 
the  corporate  organization,  and  particularly  the  location  of  the 
immediate  responsibiHty  for  any  wrongdoing  with  the  directors 


GRAFT  AND  GRAFTING:  WHAT  ARE  THE  REMEDIES?     479 

who  elect  the  manager,  and  the  ultimate  responsibility  of  the 
stockholders  who,  in  turn,  elect  the  directors.  He  should  be  taught 
that,  if  a  disclosure  of  any  impropriety  in  the  relations  of  the  cor- 
poration to  the  state  does  not  receive  the  attention  of  the  directors, 
he  can  make  a  direct  appeal  to  the  stockholders  through  the  agency 
of  the  press. 

"Above  all,  he  should  be  taught  that  the  corporation  is  a  mere 
creature  of  the  state,  and  that  it  is  as  much  the  duty  of  the  citizen 
to  cry  'stop  thief  to  its  attempt  to  steal  a  pubhc  franchise  as  it 
is  to  raise  the  cry  when  it  discovers  the  treasurer,  or  any  other 
official,  robbing  the  pubHc  of  its  coin." 

The  struggle  against  greed  and  social  injustice  will  not  be  ended 
with  our  generation.  Those  who  come  after  must  continue  the 
battle  for  the  preservation  of  sane  democratic  government,  and 
the  "vigilance"  which  is  the  price  of  our  liberty  must  be  intel- 
ligent and  organized  as  well  as  eternal. 

Here,  then,  we  have  the  nub  of  the  whole  problem.  The 
American  child  must  be  taught  the  new  ideas  of  pubUc  loyalty 
to  the  common  good,  which  have  found  expression  in  the  following 
"Rochester  Prayer": 

For  all  the  love  and  virtue  in  the  homes  of  our  city,  for  the  green  of  our 
parks  and  the  flowers  within  them,  for  the  trees  along  our  streets  and  the  bird 
songs  above  them,  for  the  banks  and  waterfalls  of  our  lovely  Genesee,  we  lift 
our  hearts.  For  the  loyalty  and  friendliness  of  our  people,  for  the  helpfulness 
and  guidance  of  our  good,  for  the  spirit  of  wakefulness  and  eager  aspiration 
of  all,  we  render  hearty  thanks,  but  for  our  vision  of  the  Rochester  that  is  to 
be,  we  are  thankful  most  of  all. 

May  there  be  a  growing  righteousness  in  the  administration  of  all  our 
affairs,  a  growing  honesty  m  all  our  commercial  relations,  a  growing  desire 
in  the  minds  of  all  that  justice  and  equal  opportunity  shall  be  the  portion 
of  all  our  citizens.  Let  our  hands  be  merciful  to  all  who  wrong  us,  our  purpose 
earnest  against  all  wrong.  Let  the  spirit  of  our  comradeship  be  widened  and 
deepened,  that  together  we  may  labor  for  justice,  prosperity,  and  beauty  in 
our  midst. 

Bless  the  boys  and  girls  of  Rochester,  that,  disciplined  and  undisheartened, 
healthily  and  merrily,  they  may  lay  in  store  the  power  that  shall  one  day  lift 
our  city  to  the  democracy  of  our  vision.    Amen. 


AVOIDANCE 


ELSIE  CLEWS  PARSONS 
New  York.  City 


In  a  study  of  "conventionalities"  I  have  recently  made,  certain 
social  facts  known  to  ethnologists  under  the  rubric  of  "avoidance" 
have  taken  on  a  somewhat  new  look  to  me,  and  I  now  venture  to 
present  them  thus  recolored  with  only  a  preliminary  word  or  two 
about  the  light  cast  upon  them. 

Social  conventions,  I  take  it,  are  determined  by  two  deep  and 
far-reaching  instincts,  the  instinct  of  gregariousness  or  the  desire 
for  companionship,  and  the  instinct  for  routine  or  the  desire  for 
the  habitual.  These  instincts  are  seemingly  incompatible,  for  our 
habits  are  readily  upset  by  the  habits  of  others  and  personality 
is  most  easily  influenced  by  personaUty.  This  incompatibility 
is  the  task,  more  or  less  covert  and  subconscious,  for  social  con- 
ventions to  overcome,  by  supplying  the  kind  of  companionship  that 
will  be  most  innocuous  to  the  routine  of  our  Hfe  and  by  ehminating 
chances  of  companionship  with  those  likely  to  disturb  our  routine. 
The  task  is  enormous,  but  the  method  we  in  society  take  is  very 
simple.  We  merely  see  to  it  that  we  associate  only  with  our  own 
kind  and  avoid  those  unlike  us,  or  if  physical  contact  is  inevitable, 
that  we  raise  up  psychical  barriers  between  them  and  ourselves. 
These  barriers  are  the  conventionahties  of  age,  of  sex,  of  "posi- 
tion," of  nationality,  or  of  race. 

In  the  conventionalities  of  family  life  I  see  Hke  barriers,  and 
among  them  "avoidance"  and  its  variations. 

Conspicuous  examples  of  avoidance  occur  between  relatives 
by  marriage.  In  some  Victorian  tribes  a  woman's  mother  and 
aunts  may  never  in  their  Hves  speak  to  her  suitor  or  husband  or 
even  look  at  him.  Nor  may  a  man  mention  his  mother-in-law's 
name.^  If  a  Wemba  sees  his  mother-in-law  coming  along  the  path, 
he  must  at  once  retreat  into  the  bush.  If  he  meets  her  face  to 
face,  he  must  keep  his  eyes  fixed  on  the  ground,^  a  perfect  picture 

'  Ernest  Crawley,  The  Mystic  Rose  (London  and  New  York,  1902),  p.  400. 

'  C.  Gouldsbury  and  H.  Sheane,  The  Great  Plateau  of  Northern  Rhodesia  (London, 
1911),  p.  259. 

480 


AVOIDANCE  481 

for  the  modern  cartoonist.  A  Zulu  woman  may  have  nothing  to 
do  with  her  father-in-law  or  with  any  of  her  husband's  relatives 
in  the  ascending  Hne.  She  may  not  even  name  them  to  herself.* 
According  to  the  Lt  Kt,  a  Chinese  sister-in-law  and  brother-in-law 
"do  not  interchange  inquiries  about  each  other, "^  a  degree  of 
avoidance  we  ourselves  may  practice  quite  as  fully  by  the  opposite 
method  of  ''asking  about"  him  or  her  as  a  form  of  respect.  "How 
do  you  do  ?"  is  a  simple  but  most  efficient  formula  for  cutting  off 
a  personal  communication. 

The  popular  explanation  of  avoidance  as  an  expression  of  respect 
comes  nearer  the  truth,  I  think,  than  the  orthodox  scientific  expla- 
nation of  it  as  an  incest  rule.  For  respectful  conduct  is  merely 
treating  persons  in  a  way  which  puts  them  at  their  ease,  which 
does  not  disturb  their  settled  habits;  whereas  to  require  anyone 
to  make  a  sudden  personal  adjustment  is  never  good  manners, 
because  it  is  never  easy.  Hence  when  a  newcomer  is  introduced 
into  the  family,  such  a  requirement  may  be  precluded  altogether, 
particularly,  let  us  note,  between  those  of  a  different  age  or  of  the 
opposite  sex. 

It  is  the  fact  that  they  may  be  of  a  different  sex  which  is  taken 
as  an  argument  for  explaining  the  practice  as  an  incest  rule.  But 
a  Zulu  has  to  hlonipa  her  mother-in-law  as  well  as  her  father-in- 
law.  So  has  a  Fijian  woman,^  and  in  Fiji  and  among  the  North 
American  Indians  a  man  may  have  to  "avoid"  his  father-in-law 
as  well  as  his  mother-in-law."* 

No,  although  in  particular  communities  avoidance  between 
those  of  the  opposite  sex  related  by  marriage  may  be  or  may  have 
become  an  incest  inhibition,  it  is  in  general,  I  think,  merely  a  case 
of  the  avoidance  between  the  sexes  usual  in  all  communities, ^ 

'  Crawley,  p.  400.  ^  Book  I,  sec.  i,  Part  III,  32. 

3  T.  Williams  and  J.  Calvert,  Fiji  and  the  Fijians  (New  York,  1859),  p.  107. 

<  Crawley,  pp.  402-3. 

5  It  is  not,  however,  an  expression  of  sexual  taboo  in  quite  the  sense  Crawley 
gives  it.  Here  as  in  his  whole  theory  he  seems  to  me  to  exaggerate,  if  not  wholly  to 
manufacture,  the  mystical  element  he  sees  in  sex  taboos.  Difference  of  sex  carries 
with  it  a  sense  of  danger,  to  be  sure,  and  this  sense  may  express  itself  in  supernatural 
ideas;  but  fundamentally  sex  taboos  are  devices  against  the  encroachment  of  persons 
unlike  oneself. 


482  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

rendered  particularly  conspicuous  by  the  introduction  of  a  new- 
comer into  the  family  circle. 

It  is  as  an  expression  of  hostility  aroused  by  this  introduction 
that  Tylor  explained  avoidance.  As  a  stranger  he  or  she  is  cut.' 
I  differ  with  Tylor  merely  on  the  point  that  avoidance  is  first  a 
natural  and  then  a  ceremonial  method  of  shirking  an  adjustment 
in  a  personal  relationship,  rather  than  a  method  of  deHberately 
marking  a  difference  between  the  stranger  and  the  family  he  or 
she  marries  into. 

In  support  of  what  may  be  called  the  self-protective  theory  of 
avoidance  it  is  to  be  noted  that  although  avoidance  may  be  for 
life,  becoming  a  steadfast  habit,  in  some  cases,  after  a  lapse  of  time, 
after  people  have  had  a  chance  to  accustom  themselves  to  their  new 
relatives,  shall  we  say,  the  practice  of  avoidance  is  given  up.  A 
Wemba  may  talk  to  his  mother-in-law  as  soon  as  he  is  a  father;^ 
so  may  a  Cree  Indian.^  An  Armenian  bride  has  to  wear  a  veil  of 
crimson  wool  over  her  face  and  is  not  allowed  to  address  any  senior 
member  of  her  husband's  household,  but  in  course  of  time  the 
house-father,  well  assured  of  her  behavior,  removes  her  veil  and 
unloosens  her  tongue.'' 

Avoidance  as  we  know  is  practiced  not  alone  between  relatives 
by  marriage.  What  may  be  called  avoidance  symboHsm  figures 
in  the  initiation  ritual  of  many  tribes,  notably  in  Australia,  and 
tribal  initiates  have  commonly  to  avoid  women,  particularly  their 
own  kinswomen,  for  varying  periods.  In  the  Elema  district  of 
New  Guinea  initiates  leaving  their  eravo  must  not  go  near  home, 
to  preclude  all  possibility  of  being  recognized  by  their  kinswomen. 
A  mother  who  brings  her  son  food  must  by  some  noise  signal 
her  approach  to  give  him  time  to  run  back  into  the  eravo.^ 
Although  a  Hottentot  boy  is  so  tied  to  his  mother's  apron-strings 
until  his  initiation  that  he  is  not  allowed  to  talk  with  men  at 
all,  not  even  with  his  own  father,  after  initiation— at  eighteen — 

'Journal  oj  the  Anlhropological  InsUlitle,  XVIII  (1888-89),  247-48. 
"  Gouldsbury  and  Sheane,  p.  259.  ^  Tylor,  loc.  cit. 

*  Lucy  M.  J.  Garnett,  The  Women  of  Turkey:  The  Christian  Women  (London, 
1896),  p.  203. 

s  Holmes,  J.  A  J.,  XXXII,  418. 


AVOIDANCE  483 

he  has  to  avoid  his  mother  altogether,  at  the  risk,  if  ever  he 
speaks  to  her,  of  being  derided  as  a  baby — no  doubt  quite  as 
trying  an  insult  in  Africa  as  in  the  United  States/  A  New  Britain 
initiate  enjoys  the  utmost  freedom  with  women  not  of  his  own 
marriage  class,  but  from  his  kinswomen  he  must  sedulously  hide 
away.  If  unfortunate  enough  to  meet  one  in  the  bush,  he  must 
hand  over  to  her  anything  he  happens  to  have  with  him.  This 
forfeit  his  friends  have  then  to  redeem  for  him,  he  being  in  disgrace 
until  in  this  way  they  compensate  the  woman  "for  the  shame 
of  having  met  him."^ 

It  seems  to  me  that  such  furtiveness  on  the  part  of  initiates  is 
an  expression  of  the  sense  of  awkwardness  felt  on  both  sides,  by 
youths  and  kinswomen  alike,  through  the  break  in  their  habitual 
relations.  It  is  also  an  expression  of  reluctance  to  enter  into  new 
relations  with  those  who  have  been  associated  with  on  other  terms. 
In  this  case  as  in  others  the  need  for  an  adjustment  of  personal  rela- 
tions is  most  easily  met  or  dodged  by  the  raising  of  fresh  barriers. 

Such  barriers,  such  variations  in  the  practice  of  avoidance  are 
to  be  seen  again  and  again  in  family  life.  A  New  Caledonian  boy 
is  circumcised  at  three,  given  the  marron  or  emblem  of  manhood, 
and  expected  thereafter  to  have  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  his  mother.^ 
In  the  Society  and  Sandwich  islands  a  boy  takes  food  in  his  mother's 
company  only  when  he  is  at  her  breast.'*  In  China,  when  married 
aunts  or  sisters  or  daughters  return  home  on  a  visit,  they  may  not 
sit  on  the  same  mat  or  eat  from  the  same  dish  with  the  males  of 
the  family.^  "You  had  no  business  to  be  here,  Boyne,"  says  an 
American  mother  in  one  of  Howells'  stories.^  "I  don't  like  boys 
hanging  about  where  ladies  are  talking  together,  and  listening." 
In  these  instances,  by  the  way,  is  not  the  incest  hypothesis  a  little 
far-fetched  ?  Is  not  the  exclusiveness  more  easily  accounted  for 
on  the  theory  that  the  difference  of  sex  or  of  age  is  more  considered 
than  the  likeness  through  kinship,  or  on  the  theory  that  the  kinship 
feeling  itself  has  altered  ?    A  Pacific  Island  or  an  American  boy  is 

'Hutton  Webster,  Primitive  Secret  Societies  (New  York,  1908),  p.  24. 
*  B.  Danks,  "Marriage  Customs  of  the  New  Britain  Group,"  J.A.I. ,  XVIII,  287. 
3  Webster,  p.  23.  s  Lt  Ki,  Book  I,  sec.  i.  Part  III,  35. 

'>  Ellis,  Polynesean  Researches,  I,  263.  <■  The  Kenlons,  chap.  vi. 


484  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

shy  with  his  mother  when  he  recollects  her  sex  and  age.  A  Chinese 
father  is  distant  with  his  daughter  when  her  marriage  not  only 
emphasizes  her  age  and  sex,  but  means  that  she  has  joined  another 
kinship  group. 

Keeping  one's  distance  in  family  life,  disguising  one's  person- 
ality or  masking  many  phases  of  it,  family  reserves,  family  himior, 
the  evasions  of  family  conversation  are  psychical  forms  of  avoid- 
ance perhaps  more  significant  and  more  general  than  we  realize, 
but  avoidance  in  its  narrower  technical  sense  is  not  after  all  such 
a  common  occurrence.  It  is  really  an  exception  to  the  usual  way 
of  encountering — or  shirking — a  change  in  personal  relations — the 
way  of  ceremony. 


THE  CRISIS  FACTOR  IN  THINKING 


ARLAKD  D.  WEEKS 
North  Dakota  Agricultural  College 


In  view  of  the  fact  that  one  reasons  only  when  there  are  prob- 
lems to  be  solved  and  that  conditions  of  surprise  provoke  mental 
activity,  and  in  view  of  the  further  fact  that,  historically,  the 
greatest  progress  has  been  made  when  peoples  have  been  plunged 
into  new  environments,  as  in  America  and  Australasia,  it  is  inter- 
esting to  note  current  tendencies  with  reference  to  probable  effects 
upon  racial  and  individual  initiative  and  reasoning. 

It  is  no  longer,  if  ever,  necessary  to  understand  principles  and 
constructions  to  be  able  to  use  machinery.  Commercial  rivahy 
has  resulted  in  the  production  of  engines,  watches,  typewriters,  and 
mechanisms  of  all  sorts  that  require  but  a  minimum  of  intelhgent 
management.  Many  machines  are  put  on  the  market  "fool  proof." 
Even  the  carton  of  breakfast  wafers  tells  us  where  to  open  the 
box — "Cut  on  this  line." 

Along  with  the  tendency  on  the  part  of  manufacturers  to 
minimize  the  need  of  mechanical  insight  on  the  part  of  the  public, 
there  is  a  centralizing  of  intelligence  in  managerial  offices  and  a 
corresponding  removal  of  problems  from  employees  and  agents. 
A  dead  level  of  almost  automatic  performance  is  forced  upon 
factory  employees,  departmental  workers,  and  quite  generally 
upon  salaried  classes,  not  excluding  even  a  large  percentage  of 
those  employed  in  educational  service.  True,  the  individual  of 
natural  initiative  may  break  through  the  organization  and  regi- 
mentation to  v^rhich  he  is  subject  and  achieve  some  measure  of 
creative  experience,  but  can  it  be  doubted  that  the  element  of 
surprise  and  thought-compelling  situations  may  diminish  under 
modern  conditions  ? 

Contrast  the  regimented  Hves  of  city  workers  and  persons  whose 
activities  are  directed  from  central  offices  with  the  frontiersman's 
life,  or  with  a  single  day  of  camping  out.  The  improvising  of  uten- 
sils, the  meeting  of  emergencies,  and  reactions  to  the  unexpected, 

485 


486  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

give  an  exhilarating  taste  of  a  life  which  seems  of  a  different  world. 
The  life  of  the  frontier  has  given  the  world  many  of  its  most  valu- 
able assets,  from  Lincoln  and  Mark  Twain  to  the  Torrens  title- 
registration  law  and  the  Australian  ballot.  And  one  may  add  that 
to  peculiarly  free  conditions  of  nurture  we  must  attribute  much 
of  the  resourcefulness  of  Edison  and  Darwin. 

It  is  common  to  refer  to  modern  life  as  highly  complex.  This 
should  not  be  taken  to  mean  that  the  complexity  is  necessarily 
thought-compelling.  Often  quite  the  contrary.  One's  relations 
to  this  complex  hf  e  may  be  so  simple  as  to  preclude  those  conditions 
of  surprise  required  for  intellectual  advancement.  The  question 
to  be  asked  is,  to  what  extent  does  the  individual  find  himself 
actually  burdened  with  the  problems  arising  out  of  modem  Hfe? 
If  he  shares  but  sUghtly  or  not  at  all  in  the  management  of  the 
enterprise  with  which  he  is  associated,  if  he  is  surrounded  by 
authoritative  rules  and  conventions,  if  his  work  is  blocked  out 
for  him,  it  may  be  that  anything  Hke  initiative  and  resourcefulness 
will  be  virtually  out  of  the  question.  More  grave  than  the  economic 
menace  of  big  business  is  the  intellectual  menace  of  centralized 
intelligence,  represented  by  the  management  of  vast  enterprises 
from  central  offices,  accompanied  on  the  part  of  employees  by 
rule-following  self-effacement,  mechanical  compliance,  and  auto- 
matic performance.  The  arid  intellectual  atmosphere  of  large 
regimented  groups  in  business  and  industry  forms  a  striking 
phenomenon  in  society  today.  Business  and  industrial  complex- 
ity certainly  creates  many  problems,  but  by  a  centraHzed  solution 
the  rank  and  file  of  employees  tend  to  become  far  less  thoughtful 
than  if  they  were  scattered  about  pursuing  individual  and  pre- 
carious vocations. 

In  contrast  with  industrial  conditions  which  present  fewer 
new  situations  compelling  thought  on  the  part  of  the  rank  and 
file,  civic  and  political  conditions  seem  now,  as  never  before,  to 
demand  reasoning  of  the  citizen.  The  psychological  requirements 
for  evoking  the  highest  mental  processes  are  fulfilled  in  the  many 
problems  of  the  day  which  knock  at  every  door  for  solution. 

In  our  many  political  problems  appear  both  evidence  of  lack 
of  skill  in  reasoning  and  promise  of  gaining  that  skill,  provided  the 
electorate  is  admitted  to  the  practical  solution  of  political  prob- 


THE  CRISIS  FACTOR  IN  THINKING  487 

lems,  especially  under  direct  legislation,  and  is  not  ultimately 
displaced  by  the  governmental  expert  representing  highly  central- 
ized political  intelligence.  If  questions  of  government  are  thrown 
out  to  all  voters,  as  in  the  pamphlet  to  voters  in  Oregon  contain- 
ing 40  measures  under  the  initiative  and  referendum,  there  will 
surely  exist  sufficient  opportunity  for  exercising  popular  thinking. 
If  on  the  other  hand,  the  average  voter  were  to  feel  that  he  had 
no  more  part  in  the  administration  of  society  than  has  the  factory 
employee  and  the  newspaper  reporter  in  the  administration  of  the 
enterprises  with  which  they  are  connected,  one  of  the  greatest 
opportunities  for  developing  resourcefulness  and  reasoning  ever 
presented  would  be  lost.  The  mental  welfare  of  the  race  demands 
that  poKtical  questions  be  increasingly  forced  upon  the  electorate, 
and  that  the  electorate  be  expanded  to  include  those  who  have 
minds  to  develop. 

It  is  not  to  be  inferred  that  situations  of  surprise  immediately 
elicit  reasoning  of  good  quality  or  even  reasoning  at  all.  A  cry 
of  fire  throws  many  into  random  and  hysterical  actions.  Repeated 
experiences  with  fires,  however,  produce  more  intelligent  reaction. 

The  persistence  of  strikes  is  an  evidence  of  inability  to  respond 
to  historically  new  situations  by  thinking.  Strikes  suggest  the 
random,  ill-co-ordinated  actions  of  a  horse  frightened  at  a  news- 
paper, or  the  embarrassment  of  a  schoolboy  before  an  unexpected 
question.  A  strike  is  a  short-sighted  method  of  securing  economic 
justice.  The  efficient  method  of  striking  by  votes  and  expressing 
demands  through  the  established  channels,  through  laws,  implies 
a  connectedness  of  thinking  that  has  not  yet  been  fully  attained. 

The  election  of  mutually  incongruous  representatives  by  equal 
majorities  of  the  same  voters  is  an  evidence  to  the  same  end.  The 
preference  for  indirect  rather  than  direct  taxation  and  the  assent 
to  specious  arguments  for  war  are  significant.  To  these  might  be 
added  a  multitude  of  vote-winning  tricks  with  which  the  practical 
politician  is  familiar  but  which  are  a  reflection  upon  the  analytic 
intelligence  of  those  influenced. 

That  the  new  situations  of  the  day  in  civic  affairs  have  found 
the  public  unprepared  for  their  rational  solution,  and  that  even 
leaders  who  might  otherwise  be  statesmen  are  found  lacking  in 
administrative  ability  of  the  highest  grade  is  evidenced  by  failures 


488  TUE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  government.  The  object-minded  man,  the  man  trained  too 
narrowly  in  the  methods  of  money-making  businesses,  the  man  who 
never  had  any  use  for  the  intangible  and  the  theoretical,  and  the 
man  whose  mind  has  never  been  subjected  to  the  discipKne  of 
abstractions  in  htcrature  and  liberal  science  are  largely  responsi- 
ble for  tlie  bunglings  of  legislation  and  the  absence  of  consistent 
and  real  statesmanship.  One  of  the  most  hopeful  signs  of  the  times, 
however,  is  that  the  people  are  turning  instinctively  for  guidance 
to  the  university  doctrinaire  who  but  a  few  years  ago  would  have 
been  contemptuously  retired  in  favor  of  the  "practical"  man. 

Under  the  leadership  of  wise  theorists  the  extent  to  which  the 
general  public  may  gain  power  to  deal  with  the  principles  of  social 
administration  will  no  doubt  prove  remarkable.  Uninstructed,  the 
average  man  feels  inadequate  to  the  problems  of  poHtical  science. 
But  the  celerity  with  which  considerable  numbers  get  hold  of 
general  principles  and  theory  in  ethical  and  sociological  fields  proves 
the  possibihties  of  popular  thinking.  The  essential  conditions  are 
the  imminence  of  new  situations,  the  feehng  of  serious  personal 
responsibility  for  their  proper  solution,  and  a  fair  amount  of  intel- 
lectual leadership.  Too  heavy  problems  thrown  at  once  upon  an 
unprepared  public  lead  to  discouragement  and  irrational  response. 
Under  right  leadership  the  popular  reactions  to  conditions  of  social 
surprises  are  increasingly  rational,  and  the  intellectual  development 
of  the  race  demands  both  the  problem  and  the  thoughtful  reaction. 

To  insure  the  full  benefits  of  new  situations  as  compelling  think- 
ing there  must  be  a  willingness  to  attack  difficulties.  The  presence 
of  new  situations  does  not  mean  much  for  thinking  unless  these 
are  such  as  cannot  be  avoided  or  such  as  the  individual  elects 
to  grapple  with.  UnwilUngness  to  grapple  with  difficulties  and 
undergo  mental  stress  and  strain,  which  appears  especially  in  levels 
of  luxury,  and  affects  great  numbers  of  young  people  unwisely 
brought  up,  is  a  bar  to  the  evolution  of  intelHgence.  The  spirit 
to  find  novel  situations  with  which  to  grapple  is,  from  the  stand- 
point of  mind  in  evolution,  most  admirable  of  all. 

The  part  played  by  education  in  developing  reasoning  should 
be  unambiguous.  Nowhere  should  there  be  presented  so  many 
new  situations  and  conditions  of  surprise  as  afforded  by  education. 
The  school  may  provide  more  problems  in  an  hour  than  the  student 


THE  CRISIS  FACTOR  IN  THINKING  489 

would  consciously  meet  elsewhere  in  months.  From  one  point  of 
view  the  schools  are  agencies  to  precipitate  upon  students  unex- 
pected situations  and  thought-compelling  emergencies.  The  very 
nature  of  education  for  thinking  impHes  that  stubborn  problems 
surprise  the  student  at  every  turn.  To  the  extent  to  which  the 
student  picks  his  way  easily  through  a  course,  to  that  extent  he  is 
deprived  of  the  invaluable  experience  of  being  compelled  to  think. 
A  curriculum  should  represent  a  gauntlet  of  emergencies,  each 
necessitating  initiative,  resolution,  a  grasp  of  new  relations, 
resourcefulness,  mental  readjustment,  and  constructive  thinking. 

One  who  deals  with  students  must  observe  that  the  higher 
processes  seem  to  be  largely  unexercised  in  many  cases.  Whether 
less  exercised  than  formerly  may  be  a  matter  of  debate.  But  there 
can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  meaning  of  certain  facts  and  certain 
tendencies. 

The  essentially  uneducated  university  graduate  is  not  a  myth. 
When  one  can  tell  neither  by  range  of  interests  nor  sureness  of  dic- 
tion and  thought  whether  a  suspect  is  a  university  product  or  not, 
there  is  reason  for  pause.  The  fact  stated  by  James  Bryce  recently, 
that  the  greatest  advances  in  science  have  been  made  by  men  not 
trained  as  speciaHsts,  suggests  a  question  as  to  the  possibiHty  of 
producing  broad  thinkers  by  intensive  specialization.  The  gain- 
ing of  the  whip  hand  over  the  faculty  by  student  interests,  repre- 
senting spectacular  athletics  and  social  diversion  and  social  caste 
supported  by  wealth  that  discredits  the  impecunious  professor, 
tends  to  make  it  difficult  for  instructors  to  hold  students  to  grind- 
ing tasks.  The  instructor  is  perhaps  more  likely  to  find  that  he  is 
subjected  to  problems  by  the  student  than  that  he  is  subjecting 
the  student  to  thought-compelling  conditions. 

While  thinking  rests  upon  information,  the  proportion  of 
information  to  thinking  is  a  vital  point.  The  educational  world 
is  emphasizing  information  as  never  before.  This  emphasis  appears 
in  attention  paid  to  the  kinds  of  knowledge  regarded  as  most  use- 
ful and  in  fulness  of  data  and  details  in  bulky  departmental  courses 
and  swollen  syllabi.  It  is  even  not  yet  a  crime  for  a  writer  to  take 
more  pages  than  his  contribution  to  thought  actually  demands. 
Whole  volumes  appear  devoted  to  the  expansion  of  a  single  propo- 
sition which  an  intelhgent  reader  could  grasp  in  a  few  moments. 


490  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Over-elaboration  of  details  leaves  little  need  to  fill  in  outlines 
and  tax  one's  own  inventiveness.  An  excessive  amount  of  refer- 
ence reading  and  the  lecture  system  alike  emphasize  mass  of 
material  at  the  possible  expense  of  thought  activity. 

As  an  example  of  an  almost  perfect  educational  situation  the 
hypothetical  case  of  the  law  schools  suggests  itself.  Here  the 
student  is  called  upon  to  apply  known  principles  to  a  new  set  of 
facts.  He  must  meet  an  emergency  with  the  aid  of  memory,  but 
with  the  inevitable  use  of  reasoning.  Were  the  example  of  the 
hypothetical  case  more  freely  followed  in  general  classes,  instructors 
would  less  frequently  encounter  chambers  of  vacuity  in  the  student's 
mind  or  sink  through  a  quicksand  of  feeble  associations,  illustrated 
by  the  inability  of  a  college  student  to  decide  whether  any  of  her 
relatives  were  Hving  two  thousand  years  ago. 

Society  has  a  right  to  look  to  education  to  maintain  standards 
of  reasoning.  If  it  fails  here  there  is  nothing  in  education  to  guar- 
antee that  along  with  the  diffusion  of  useful  data  there  will  not 
ensue  a  dearth  of  inventiveness  and  a  decline  of  civilization.  A 
spurious  educational  activity  is  conceivable  unattended  by  real 
intellectual  improvement. 

Assuming  the  dementaUzing  influences  of  centraHzed  industry, 
and  cognizant  of  the  distrust  of  popular  abihty  to  assume  the  duties 
logically  devolving  upon  democratic  citizenship,  one  realizes  the 
importance  of  the  question  of  the  sufficiency  of  education  to  pro- 
vide effective  demands  upon  the  higher  mental  powers.  If  our 
complex  life  is  actually  an  increasingly  simple  and  unexacting  Hfe 
for  the  individual,  and  if  living  is  to  become  steadily  easier  in 
demands  upon  thought,  the  importance  of  assuring  every  individual 
insistent  problems  is  not  to  be  underrated. 

Railroad  tickets  are  delivered  at  the  door,  and  the  exigencies 
of  travel  quite  forestalled.  Every  care  and  worry  are  taken  over 
by  agents  and  experts — for  a  consideration.  Struggle  and  confu- 
sion, judgment  and  enforced  experimentation  are  ruled  out  by 
over-prosperous  parents  and  coddling  functionaries.  It  was  never 
more  easy  for  a  simpleton  to  live.  But  let  us  not  forget  that  an 
easy  environment,  with  few  conditions  of  surprise,  throws  the  indi- 
vidual down  to  the  lower  reactions  and  swings  the  beam  toward 
devolution  and  degeneracy. 


AN  OUTLINE  OF   SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY 

SCHOOLS 


JOHN  M.  GILLETTE 
University  of  North  Dakota 


A.      INTRODUCTION 

The  recent  developments  in  our  country  have  abundantly  shown 
that  much  of  the  abuse  which  has  arisen  in  our  political  and  indus- 
trial affairs  has  taken  place  because  of  the  one-sided  and  exaggerated 
individualism  which  has  been  fostered  in  our  educational  and 
political  system.  Our  psychology  has  been  individuahstic  and 
our  moral  precepts  and  teaching  have  been  in  the  direction  of 
viewing  the  individual  as  a  separate  agent,  alone  accountable  for 
his  success  and  without  obHgation  to  the  community  which  has 
really  produced  him.  The  cure  for  the  bad  conditions  and  the 
establishment  of  a  better  order  of  things  must,  in  large  part,  pro- 
ceed out  of  a  better  knowledge  on  the  part  of  individuals  of  their 
place  and  function  in  society  and  of  their  duty  to  it.  This  knowl- 
edge cannot  be  given  in  a  year  by  way  of  mere  precepts  bearing  on 
duty  in  the  abstract  but  must  arise  from  a  long  inoculation  through 
concrete  teaching  about  the  social  relations  of  the  individual  and 
institutions  as  they  are  found  in  action  in  the  community  about 
the  youth. 

Among  the  many  new  educational  conceptions  which  have 
appeared  during  the  last  few  years  the  perception  of  the  need  and 
worth  of  sociaUzing  the  child  by  the  use  of  his  social  environment 
is  a  valuable  one.  More  especially  it  is  to  be  observed  that  this 
sociaHzation  is  in  reality  a  moralization,  for,  as  Professor  Dewey 
indicates,  there  is  a  vast  difference  between  "moral  ideas"  and 
''ideas  about  morality,"  and  what  is  now  needed  is  the  former. 
Moreover,  moraUzation  should  be  a  process  in  which  the  emotional 
attitude  of  the  child  is  developed  relative  to  social  situations  so 
that  his  moral  ideas  are  moving  ideas  and  in  his  judgments  and 
reactions  to  a  given  situation  he  identifies  himself  with  the  side  of 

491 


492  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

justice  and  right,  thus  exercising  the  very  functions  in  his  school 
career  that  will  be  demanded  of  him  in  after  Ufe. 

Much  time  is  now  given  to  discussing  ''how  moraHty  shall  be 
taught."  Very  largely  these  discussions  run  to  formulating 
schemes  of  teaching  morahty  by  precepts  and  textbooks.  It  is 
to  be  questioned  if  this  formal  teaching  of  morals  would  make  moral 
people.  To  quote  Professor  Dewey,  "these  moral  principles  need 
to  be  brought  down  to  the  ground  through  their  statement  in 
social  and  in  psychological  terms.  We  need  to  see  that  moral 
principles  are  not  arbitrary,  that  they  are  not  'transcendental'; 
that  the  term  '  moral '  does  not  designate  a  special  region  or  portion 
of  life.  We  need  to  translate  the  moral  into  the  conditions  and 
forces  of  our  community  Hfe,  and  into  the  impulses  and  habits 
of  the  indixddual"  {Moral  Principles  in  Education,  pp.  57-58). 

It  is  conceived  that  the  embodiment  of  the  social  context  of 
the  child  in  his  educational  process,  thus  giving  him  an  under- 
standing of  its  nature  and  operations  and  a  sympathy  with  its 
best  ideals,  would  be  in  reahty  and  in  a  large  way  moralizing  the 
individual. 

As  in  the  case  of  nature-study,  which  begins  in  the  early  years 
of  the  school  and  gives  simple  lessons  about  objects  in  nature 
and  which  becomes  more  and  more  complex  in  the  objects  con- 
sidered or  in  the  study  of  the  objects  and  processes  of  nature  until 
at  the  end  of  the  elementary  schools  it  is  found  capable  of  being 
differentiated  into  the  several  natural  sciences,  so  there  should  be 
a  range  of  social  studies  which  begins  with  the  simple  things,  the 
persons  or  functionaries  of  the  community,  in  the  early  years  of 
the  school  and  takes  in  larger  and  larger  areas  of  social  facts  and 
processes  until  at  the  end  of  the  elementary  schools  the  differentia- 
tion into  the  various  social  sciences  may  proceed.  This  is  both  a 
preparation  for  the  higher  work  which  will  follow  if  the  individual 
goes  on  in  his  educational  career,  and  is  a  preparation  for  Hfe  in 
case  the  pupil  is  forced  to  drop  off  along  the  way. 

It  is  not  intended  that  this  should  displace  history  and  civics 
which  we  now  have.  It  would  rather  be  supplemental  and  founda- 
tional for  both.  We  are  not  immediately  concerned  with  what 
history  is  considered  to  be  by  competent  historians.     There  is  a 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  493 

wide  discrepancy  between  what  they  would  assign  as  its  task  and 
what  our  textbooks  of  history  in  elementary  schools  actually  give. 
As  these  have  been  written,  for  most  part  they  have  emphasized 
four  things:  the  past,  commanding  persons,  community  life  on  a 
vast  scale,  and  the  disconnected  event.  Perhaps  it  could  be 
summed  up  in  saying  they  have  lacked  an  interpretation  of  the 
past  Hfe  of  our  nation  which  would  be  significant  for  present  life. 
Could  Droysen's  definition  of  history  be  made  more  actual,  namely, 
"the  effort  of  the  present  to  understand  itself  by  understanding 
the  past,"  even  then  the  child  mind  is  likely  to  be  swamped  in 
attempting  to  secure  a  vital,  working  idea  of  community  life, 
because  of,  first,  the  magnitude  of  the  community  studied,  second, 
the  difficulty  of  dealing  with  the  past  so  as  to  make  it  directly 
fruitful  for  the  present. 

With  only  an  appreciation  of  what  our  competent  historians 
are  doing,  and  with  a  desire  to  avoid  the  appearance  of  discredit- 
ing the  teaching  of  history  in  the  schools,  it  may  be  said,  I  think, 
that  a  kind  of  study  is  needed  as  a  supplementary  study  which 
has  for  its  end  the  development  of  the  community  consciousness 
as  a  vital,  working  part  of  the  individual's  Hfe.  In  my  estimation 
social  study,  when  developed  by  discussion  and  experience,  should 
be  able  to  accompHsh  this.  It  would  be  fitted  to  do  this  for  these 
reasons:  First,  it  emphasizes  the  small  communities,  groups  that 
are  within  the  mental  grasp  of  the  child.  Second,  it  makes  use 
of  local  communities,  chiefly,  for  attaining  this  aim.  The  factor 
of  immediate  interest  or  interest  in  the  most  immediate  things  and 
conditions  is  brought  into  requisition.  Third,  while  communities 
remote  in  time  in  the  evolutionary  sense  may  be  used,  nevertheless 
the  point  of  emphasis  is  on  the  present  and  most  of  the  subject- 
matter  is  current.  Fourth,  the  content  of  the  course  and  the 
ideational  matter  is  concrete  instead  of  abstract.  Interdependence 
and  function  may  appear  to  be  abstract,  but  when  taught  by  means 
of  living  agents  and  personages  which  the  child  sees  and  knows 
they  approach  the  concrete. 

Social  study  thus  seeks  to  build  a  working  community-con- 
sciousness. At  the  same  time  it  keeps  in  the  foreground  the  ideal 
community,  the  ideal  conditions  of  human  hfe,  the  ideal  relation- 


494  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

ships  of  man  in  the  service  of  humanity.  Because  of  this  it  is  a 
needed  foundation  for  the  unraveHng  and  the  understanding  of 
the  story  told  in  history.  It  is  a  value  study  and  gives  the  child 
standards  of  value  to  measure  the  worth  of  the  historic  events 
as  they  are  met.  It  enables  history  to  assume  larger  significance 
than  it  otherwise  could. 

In  Hke  manner  it  is  not  civics,  though  civics  may  be  articulated 
with  it  as  a  phase  of  social  study.  For  illustration,  botany  is 
nature-study  but  the  reverse  is  not  true  because  the  whole  is  greater 
than  its  part.  Nature-study,  proper,  opens  up  all  sections  of 
concrete  nature  to  view.  It  is  the  basis  of  all  the  sciences,  physical, 
biological,  and  anthropological.  The  same  is  true  of  social  study. 
It  gets  at  all  parts  and  phases  of  community  life,  not  merely  the 
political  or  governmental.  There  are  five  or  six  fundamental 
phases  of  social  life,  or  we  may  call  them  interests,  which  are 
expressed  in  human  institutions  or  organizations,  namely,  the 
means  or  instruments  through  which  men  operate  to  satisfy  these 
various  wants.  Some  of  these  important  segments  of  society  are 
domestic,  political,  economic,  religious,  aesthetic,  cultural,  and 
sociabiUty  or  "social."  Civics  covers  that  small  section  included 
in  the  poHtical.  It  gives  but  a  fragmentary  view  of  man  in  his 
social  relations.  Social  study  would  therefore  supplement  this 
valuable  study. 

It  would  also  be  a  foundation  for  civics.  Civics  takes  up  the 
somewhat  specialized  study  of  the  functions  in  society  of  a  section 
of  society,  as  was  just  said.  Social  study  would  first  establish  the 
idea  of  a  larger  entity  called  society,  its  interdependent,  organic, 
and  co-operative  nature;  secondly,  give  the  idea  of  the  function  or 
service  of  every  person  or  organization  as  a  part  of  society;  third, 
give  ideals  of  what  society  and  community  life  should  strive  to  be, 
what  the  individual  should  be,  and  what  his  attitude  should  be  to 
make  possible  the  realization  of  progress  and  betterment.  As 
Professor  Small  says  of  sociology: 

Sociology  declares  that  every  thing  which  every  man  does  is  connected 
with  every  thing  which  every  other  man  does.  Before  it  is  possible  to  learn 
this  truth  except  by  rote,  we  must  get  acquainted  with  a  great  number  of  facts 
which  exhibit  the  principle.  We  must  learn  to  see  how  one  act  affects  another 
in  our  own  lives;  how  one  neighbor's  conduct  has  to  do  with  another  neighbor's 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  495 

comfort;  how  the  things  that  we  do  depend  on  the  things  that  others  have 
done  [A.  W.  Small,  Introduction  to  Thurston,  Economics  and  Industrial 
History,  p.  13]. 

The  following  outline  for  a  course  in  social  study  must  be 
regarded  as  being  only  tentative  in  nature.  It  is  intended  to  be  a 
suggestion  of  what  such  a  course  might  possibly  be.  No  doubt 
if  others  were  to  undertake  the  task  of  formulating  an  outline, 
quite  different  results  would  ensue.  Theoretically,  a  multitude  of 
such  courses  might  be  formulated  in  which  the  contents  would  be 
somewhat  different  from  course  to  course.  But  it  is  not  so  easily 
conceived  that  the  principles  involved  in  their  organization  could 
vary  greatly.  A  thorough  consideration  and  discussion  of  this 
particular  outline  would  doubtless  result  in  suggestions  which 
would  greatly  improve  and  strengthen  it. 

A  course  of  study  of  this  nature  is  not  entirely  theoretical  at 
the  present  time.  At  least  one  state  in  the  Union  is  conducting 
an  experiment  in  giving  social  instruction  in  its  public  schools. 
The  essentials  of  this  present  social  study  course  covering  the  first 
six  years'  work  have  been  placed  in  the  state  course  of  study  for  the 
elementary  schools  in  North  Dakota.  The  experiment  is  in  its 
second  year  and  the  writer  of  this  article  has  gathered  consider- 
able information  relative  to  its  use  and  success.  Since  this  topic 
is  to  be  a  matter  of  discussion  in  one  of  the  sessions  of  the  American 
Sociological  Society  meeting  at  Minneapolis  in  December,  the  data 
gathered  will  be  reserved  for  that  occasion.  The  bibliography 
which  appears  in  connection  with  the  various  portions  of  the  course 
is  intended  for  the  use  of  teachers.  It  is  apparent  that  much  of 
it  is  not  adapted  to  their  intelligence,  or  is  inaccessible  to  them. 
The  greatest  difficulty  is  experienced  in  finding  accessible  and  usable 
helps  and  readings  in  this  line.  Special  effort  will  be  required  to 
develop  it. 

B.      FIRST  FOUR  YEARS 

In  the  first  four  years  of  school  life  the  child  is  at  the  beginning 
of  the  larger  conception  of  the  world,  the  idea  that  there  is  a  larger 
world  of  activity  than  he  has  enjoyed  in  the  home.  The  child 
of  six  must  have  played  with  other  children  to  a  degree  and  dis- 
covered that  similarities  and  differences  exist  between  himself 


496  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  others.  He  has  found  satisfaction  in  the  presence  of  other 
children  and  in  carrying  on  activities  with  them.  Now  he  is  to 
carry  this  farther  and  to  gain  a  larger  insight  into  his  powers  of 
enjoyment  and  action  and  of  pleasure  which  comes  through  closer 
concord  and  identification  of  interest.  The  object  of  social  study 
in  this  period  is  not  to  get  the  child  to  build  up  and  formulate  a 
doctrine  of  social  Hfe  or  of  social  give-and-take,  but  to  estabhsh 
such  conditions  that  the  advantages  of  co-operative  action  and  of 
mutual  usefulness  may  be  recognized. 

FIRST  YEAR 

Expression  of  the  associational  sense  and  the  beginnings  of 
converted  volition  should  be  accompHshed  in  this  year.  In  so 
far  as  the  children  have  attended  kindergarten  previous  to  this 
year,  these  preparatory  steps  have  been  made  in  a  measure.  In 
most  cases  this  privilege  is  denied.  The  most  natural  and  obvious 
means  of  accomplishing  the  object  mentioned  are  play  and  games. 
Games  of  the  simple  sort  are  especially  adapted  to  put  into  effect 
a  germinal  organization  in  which  a  common  aim  is  set  up  and  each 
participant  has  a  part  which  makes  or  mars  the  success  of  the  whole 
enterprise.  Hence  the  child  discovers  that  he  must  control  him- 
self and  his  bodily  members  in  order  to  play  successfully,  his  dis- 
position is  improved,  he  gains  some  understanding  of  human  nature, 
picks  up  some  technique  of  plans  of  procedure,  may  develop  some 
initiative  and  leadership  and  some  idea  of  group  zeal,  loyalty,  and 
devotion.  It  is  perhaps  possible  in  this  first  year  that  the  intelli- 
gent teacher  may  lead  the  children  to  discover  the  facts  of  inter- 
dependence and  co-operation  as  facts. 

It  is  assumed  that  play  in  the  succeeding  years  will  be  used  to 
further  develop  the  social  sense  and  associational  abiUty.  As  this 
is  an  outline  of  social  study  the  play  phase  will  be  dismissed. 

The  following  suggestions  of  works  helpful  to  teachers  may  be 
made: 

Giddings,  Inductive  Sociology,  Book  II,  Part  II,  chaps,  iii  and  iv,  shows  the 
origin  of  the  consciousness  of  kind  and  of  concerted  volition.  Funda- 
mental to  give  insight  and  understanding. 

Johnson,  Education  by  Play  and  Games  (Ginn  &  Co.).  Deals  with  nature  of 
play  and  games,  play  ages,  and  lists  and  description  of  games  for  each 
play  period. 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  497 

Bancroft,  Games  for  the  Playground,  Home,  School  and  Gymnasium  (Mac- 

millan  Co.).     Gives  repertoire  of  games  and  also  social  and  pleasurable 

elements  in  them. 
Heller,  Mrs.  H.  H.,  The  Playground  as  a  Phase  of  Social  Reform,  Russell  Sage 

Foundation,  No.  31.     Proceedings  of  the  Third  Annual  Congress  of  the 

Playground  Association  of  America,  a  very  full  outline  of  all  phases  of 

organized  play. 
Mangold,  Child  Problems,  Book  II,  chaps,  i  and  ii,  on  play  and  the  playground 

movement. 
The  Playground,  November,  191 2,  "Rural  Recreation." 
Perry,  Wider  Use  of  the  School  Plant,  chap,  vi,  "School  Playgroimds." 
Mero,  E.  B.,  American  Playgrounds,  etc.  (American  Gymnasia  Co.,  Boston, 

1908). 

SECOND   YEAR 

A  Study  of  the  Home  Group 

It  is  quite  as  obvious  that  the  home  group  is  the  social  group 
with  which  to  begin  to  teach  the  facts  of  association  as  that  play 
is  the  place  of  expression  of  the  sense  of  association  and  the  power 
to  act  in  concert.  It  is  the  medium  in  which  the  child  has  developed 
thus  far,  and  it  enfolds  him  during  the  extra-school  hours.  Further 
it  is  the  epitome  of  the  larger  world  in  its  simpler  terms  and  phases. 
The  beginnings  of  the  larger  social  hfe  and  institutions  may  be 
laid  bare,  such  as  the  common  welfare,  need  of  co-operation  and 
division  of  labor,  mutual  rights  and  obHgations,  law,  government, 
culture,  religion,  and  protection. 

Common  welfare.- — -This  is  probably  represented  by  the  word 
"living"  to  the  child,  and  may  be  brought  into  sight  by  questions 
as  to  what  articles  and  material  things  are  needed  for  the  health, 
happiness,  and  support  of  the  home,  and  as  to  what  is  most  needed 
and  what  the  family  could  get  along  without. 

Co-operation  and  division  of  labor. — What  does  father,  mother, 
sister,  brother,  hired  help  do  to  furnish  the  things  and  services 
needed  to  make  the  home  ?  Suppose  one  should  get  sick  or  die 
or  go  away,  what  would  happen  ?  What  article  or  service  would 
be  missing  ? 

Mutual  rights. — How  much  belongs  of  food,  clothing,  heat, 
room,  etc.,  to  father,  mother,  brother,  sister?  May  one  eat  all 
the  butter  or  cake  or  pie  and  why  ?  Should  mother  do  all  the  wash- 
ing, cooking,  etc.,  if  children  are  large  enough  to  help  her  ?  Why  ? 
And  so  for  each  member  of  the  family. 


498  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Law  and  government. — Are  there  any  rules  in  the  home  ?  Who 
makes  them?  Who  enforces  them?  Who  decides  if  the  offend- 
ing member  is  guilty  and  what  the  penalty  is?  Are  there  any 
witnesses  in  trials?  Who  is  the  judge?  Do  all  obey  the  same 
rules  ?     May  father  come  in  with  muddy  feet  if  Johnny  may  not  ? 

Culture. — Is  there  a  library?  Books?  Papers?  What  for? 
Does  anyone  talk,  tell  stories,  teach  any  child  ?  Why  ?  Suppose 
no  one  talked  or  read  in  the  home.  Is  there  music  ?  Pictures  ? 
Is  not  home  a  kind  of  school  ? 

And  so  for  rehgion  and  protection  in  the  home. 

Some  helpful  books  on  this  year's  work  for  giving  suggestions 
of  the  function  and  importance  of  the  family  are  these: 
Small  and  Vincent,  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Sections  83-87  (American  Book 

Co.). 
Henderson,  Social  Elements  (Scribner),  chap,  iv,  "The  Family." 
Elwood,  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems  (American  Book  Co.).  2d  ed., 

chap.  iii. 
Sealey,  The  Sociology  of  the  Family  (Macmillan). 
Gillette,  The  Family  and  Society  (McClurg,  1913),  chap.  i. 
Cooley,  Social  Organization   (Scribner,   1909),  Part  I,   chap,   iii,   "Primary 

Europe." 

THIRD   AND   FOURTH   YEARS 

A  logical  advance  over  the  work  of  the  second  year  is  the  study 
of  the  neighborhood.  This  should  be  expansive  and  suggestive 
as  in  the  case  of  the  family.  Ideas  of  relationship  should  develop 
without  dogmatic  teachings.  The  essential  ideas  obtained  through 
a  study  of  the  domestic  group  may  be  discerned  in  the  next  larger 
and  more  complex  group,  the  neighborhood.  Questions  should 
be  asked  to  bring  out  the  nature,  location,  means  of  carrying  on, 
the  purpose,  and  authorization  of  the  work  of  the  various  kinds  of 
workers  of  the  community.  Further  questions  ehcit  information 
as  to  the  mutuahty  of  the  work  done  by  each,  whose  needs  are 
fulfilled  by  it,  whether  those  of  the  worker,  the  employer,  the 
neighborhood  group,  or  larger  society,  or  all. 

Compensation  for  service  in  various  ways  and  the  exchange 
of  products  and  services  may  also  receive  interrogations. 

The  average  rural  community  furnishes  the  following  workers 
or  functionaries  who  may  be  the  object  of  the  questions:   farmer, 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  499 

teacher,  preacher,  mail-carrier,  blacksmith,  carpenter,  thresher, 
farm-hand,  house  girl,  justice  of  the  peace,  marshal,  school  officers, 
road  supervisors,  etc.  In  a  village  or  city  other  functionaries  may 
be  added  at  will,  such  as  merchants,  transfer  men,  lawyers,  doctors, 
bankers,  delivery  men,  car  men,  railway  employees  of  various  sorts, 

etc. 

A  suggestive  treatment  of  the  rural  and  village  communities 
in  the  development  of  their  functions  and  division  of  labor  is  found 
in  Small  and  Vincent,  Introduction  to  Sociology,  chaps,  iii,  iv. 

C.      GRAMMAR   GRADES 

By  a  gradual  evolution  in  the  method  of  presenting  to  the  child 
the  social  matter  which  surrounds  him  the  teacher  has  thus  far 
proceeded  from  mere  suggestion  and  motor  attitude  to  something 
approaching  analysis  and  exposition  of  a  systematic  nature.  The 
grammar  grades  should  see  the  completion  of  this  development, 
the  more  systematic  efforts  being  left  to  the  last  years.  The  more 
complex  phases  of  groups  and  situations  may  be  taken  up  in  the 
fifth  and  sixth  grades  and  the  study  should  be  made  more  intensive 
by  extending  the  range  of  the  questions  to  more  ultimate  causes 
and  conditions.  Perhaps  another  distinct  advance  occurs  in  the 
ideal  pursued  by  the  teacher.  The  object  is  to  make  society  appear 
to  the  pupils  as  quite  as  real  and  vitahzed  an  object  as  would  the 
insect,  animal,  or  plant  in  the  nature-study  class.  In  fact,  the 
very  object  of  this  social  study  course  is  to  create  in  the  child's 
mind  that  conception  of  the  social  world  which  regards  it  as  a 
working  organism,  an  interdependent  and  co-operative  system  of 
individuals,  which  is  to  serve  as  an  advance  on  the  common  idea 
of  so  many  discreet  and  independent  individuals. 

Further,  the  teaching  should  be  so  dynamic  with  ethical  motive 
that  the  sentiment  of  justice  and  social  right,  of  ideal  actions  and 
attitudes  shall  appear,  the  social  judgments  shall  be  built  up  and 
exercised,  and  the  child  be  led  to  identify  himself  with  the  principle 
of  democracy  and  fair  dealing. 

FIFTH   GRADE 

Either  of  the  groups  already  studied  may  be  reconsidered  in 
a  more  intensive  manner.     But  it  would  probably  be  better  to 


500  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

develop  some  other  group  in  this  way  since  a  new  field  might  arouse 
fresh  interest,  permitting  the  reconsideration  of  the  others  later, 
if  desired.  In  the  following  suggestive  outline  of  the  intensive 
study  of  the  school  the  teacher  may  adapt  the  material  to  the  situa- 
tion by  omitting  the  consideration  of  such  ofiicials  or  functionaries 
as  are  not  involved  in  the  school  the  pupils  are  acquainted  with. 

This  outline  study  of  the  school  is  taken  from  the  articles  on 
a  social  science  outUne  by  J.  S.  Welch,  Elementary  School  Teacher, 
May  and  December,  1906: 

[Intensive  study  of  the  school.l  a)  Principal.— Consider:  selection  of 
teachers  and  books;  arranging  course  of  study;  programming  studies;  noting 
progress  of  pupils  and  advancmg  them  in  their  school  work;  care  of  school 
property;  of  individual  and  school  rights;  health  and  safety  of  pupils;  proper 
janitor  service,  etc.;  service  to  the  social  group. 

b)  The  teacher.— Consider:  what  she  is  for;  how  she  does  her  work;  the 
preparation  she  has  made;  who  benefits  by  what  she  does;  how  she  is  helped — 
hindered— in  her  work;  whose  loss  when  she  is  hindered;  how  hindrance  may 
be  avoided;  what  she  has  a  right  to  expect;  her  service  to  the  school  group; 
to  the  social  group. 

c)  The  janitor.— Consider:  what  he  does;  why  he  does  it;  why  it  is  im- 
portant; what  the  result  if  neglected;  how  it  may  affect  us;  how  he  is  helped— 
hindered— in  his  work;  what  should  be  our  attitude  toward  him;  why;  what 
are  his  needs;  how  are  they  satisfied;  what  he  exchanges  his  labor  for;  we 
satisfy  his  needs  for  what;  what  he  gains;  what  we  gain;  what  effect  his 
absence  would  have  on  our  work. 

d)  The  pupil.— Consider:  what  he  is  here  for;  basis  of  the  right;  who 
makes  the  privilege  possible;  what  he  gives  in  return;  the  benefit  to  those  who 
pay  for  it;  who  furnishes  him  the  conditions  for  growth;  what  his  attitude 
should  be  toward  property;  why;  toward  school  books;  toward  his  own 
books;  why;  how  he  is  helped  to  make  wise  use  of  books  and  materials;  how 
the  teacher  is  helped— hindered— in  doing  this;  how  the  pupil  is  affected 
when  the  teacher  is  busied  with  nonessentials;  what  he  has  a  right  to  expect 
from  teachers;  what  teachers  have  a  right  to  expect  from  him;  what  factors 
make  a  school;  what  conditions  determine  growth. 

An  alternative  study  or  a  supplementary  one  to  the  school  may 
be  found  in  a  study  of  a  primitive  group  as  a  complete  organic 
social  body.  It  is  another  means  of  gaining  an  idea  of  the  simpler 
forms  and  institutions  of  society.  Such  a  group  may  be  the  Siouan 
or  the  Iroquoian  for  example.  Questions  on  family,  clan,  and 
tribal  government,  on  war  and  peace,  on  civil  and  military  chiefs, 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  501 

on  medicine  and  medicine-men,  on  religious  ideas  and  rites,  on 
modes  of  hunting,  fishing,  raising  crops,  housekeeping,  division  of 
labor  between  men  and  women,  on  education  of  the  boys  and 
girls,  on  keeping  records  of  events,  on  communication  and  language, 
on  implement-making,  on  mythology,  etc.,  may  bring  out  the  salient 
points. 

Expansive  helps  for  teachers  in  a  cheap  and  accessible  form 
relative  to  primitive  life  can  hardly  be  said  to  exist.  But  the  fol- 
lowing references  contain  some  of  the  matter  from  which  such 
helps  may  be  derived: 

These  annual  reports  of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology  contain  so- 
ciological studies  of  the  American  Indians  mentioned:  Seminole,  5th  report, 
PP-  475-531;  Siouan  sociology,  15th  report;  the  Omaha  tribe,  27th  report, 
pp.  199-605;  the  western  Eskimo,  i8th  report,  pp.  19-518;  both  the  Prima 
and  the  Tlinglit  Indians  are  treated  in  the  26th  report. 

Graphic  pictures  and  descriptions  of  primitive  life  are  contained  in 
Miss  Dopp's  Cave  Dwellers  and  Tree  Dwellers,  and  in  Waterloo's  Siory  of 
Ab  and  London's  Before  Adam.  Chapin's  Social  Evolution  (Century  Co.) 
contains  much  attractive  material  on  primitive  man,  tribal  society  being 
especially  treated  in  chap.  viii. 

SIXTH   GRADE 

As  a  study  for  the  sixth  grade,  pioneer  conditions  may  be 
selected.  Such  a  study  would  be  representative  of  recent  frontier 
conditions  or  of  those  a  century  ago.  This  would  be  especially 
valuable  to  give  a  working  idea  of  how  societies  got  started  and  how 
they  developed.  It  would  show  also  how  the  interdependencies 
began,  and  how  very  desirable  they  were  after  people  had  had  to 
do  without  them. 

a)  The  land.— Consider:  what  the  prairie  (or  forest)  was  like;  what  was 
the  character  of  the  soil;  what  kind  of  vegetation  grew;  what  kind  of  animals 
and  birds;  what  advantage  the  soil,  vegetation,  and  animals  would  be  to  settlers; 
what  was  the  climate  and  how  it  affected  the  newcomers  or  hindered  them. 

b)  The  immigrants  or  settlers.— Consider:  where  they  came  from;  whether 
they  were  savage  or  civilized  and  what  difference  it  would  make  in  them  and 
in  what  they  did;  what  they  brought  with  them  in  property,  equipment, 
animals,  books,  and  why;  what  their  personal  equipment  in  knowledge,  educa- 
tion, skill,  ideas  of  government,  religion,  and  education,  taste,  and  character; 
their  motives  in  settling  in  an  unsettled  country  as  related  to  getting  a  living 
and  property,  their  sacrifices  in  companionship  and  conveniences,  and  their 
curiosity  about  the  region. 


502 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


c)  The  beginnings. — Consider:  why  the  particular  piece  of  ground  was 
chosen;  why  the  home  was  located  where  it  was;  how  the  house  and  stables 
were  built ;  how  the  ground  was  broken  (and  cleared  perhaps) ;  what  the  man 
did;  what  the  woman  did;  which  could  get  along  best  without  the  other;  how 
they  protected  their  home  from  fire  and  themselves  from  disease;  how  they 
procured  or  made  the  articles  they  needed;  what  the  daily  round  of  work  for 
man  and  for  wife;  what  amusement  or  recreation;  what  was  done  with  their 
produce;   what  they  got  for  it. 

d)  The  coming  of  others. — Consider:  the  birth  of  children  and  the  differ- 
ences it  made  in  work  and  incentive  to  man  and  woman;  the  hiring  of  a  hand 
and  its  effect  on  the  household  cares,  on  the  man's  work,  on  production,  on 
companionship;  the  appearance  of  emigrants;  why  they  came;  where  they 
settled;  what  they  brought  of  goods  and  information;  the  changes  it  made 
in  the  life  of  the  original  family;  how  they  dififered  in  ideas  and  personality 
from  each  other  and  the  difference  it  made. 

e)  The  neighborhood. — Consider:  how  the  farms  are  located ;  the  necessity 
of  a  survey;  how  trails  and  footpaths  are  used;  the  likeness  of  family  life  and 
what  it  makes  possible;  the  exchange  of  work  and  co-operation;  the  beginnings 
of  specialization,  the  ferry,  transportation;  exchange  of  produce;  the  new 
store  and  how  it  becomes  a  social  center;  the  appearance  of  a  blacksmith-shop 
and  its  effects;  the  school,  and  why,  results;  the  church,  and  why,  results; 
organization  of  a  township,  why,  effects  and  services. 

Especially  helpful  books  on  the  fifth-,  and  especially  the  sixth-, 
grade  work  are: 
Small  and  Vincent,  Introduction  to  Society,  chaps,  i,  ii,  on  which  the  outline 

for  frontier  life  is  based. 
Thurston,  Economic  and  Industrial  History,  first  few  chapters  on  occupation. 
Proceedings  of  the  North  Dakota  Historical  Society,  Vols.  I  and  II. 
F.  J.  Turner,  The  Significance  of  the  Frontier  in  American  History,  extracts 

given  in  Bullock,  Selected  Readings  in  Economics. 

An  alternative  or  supplementary  study  to  the  pioneer  com- 
munity may  be  found  in  the  correlation  of  the  geographical  and 
social  factors  of  a  physiographical  unit. 

Consider: 

a)  The  topography  in  its  area,  configuration,  altitude,  and  water  courses, 
showing  how  each  of  these  bears  out  the  distribution  of  population. 

b)  Climatic  conditions  in  the  way  of  temperature,  length  of  seasons,  and 
amount  of  moisture  precipitation  with  reference  to  farming  and  other  occupa- 
tions, products,  etc. 

c)  Soil  and  natural  resources,  such  as  forests,  fish,  mines,  and  waterfalls, 
in  their  significance  for  farming,  lumbering,  fishing,  mining,  and  manufactur- 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  503 

ing  industries.     The  kinds  of  soil  and  the  fertility  of  the  soil  would  further 
differentiate  occupations. 

d)  Populations,  races,  and  nationalities,  as  to  origins  and  characteristics, 
only  in  so  far  as  they  are  necessary  to  explain  differences  which  retard  or 
promote  the  regional  well-being  and  in  so  far  as  they  illustrate  the  larger  world. 

e)  Industries,  in  their  bearing  on  the  location  and  distribution  of  people, 
their  reasons  for  particular  locations,  their  relation  to  the  life  of  the  region, 
and  their  conditioning  influences  in  the  establishment  and  maintenance  of 
commercial  relations  with  the  larger  world. 

f)  Transportation  and  communicating  facilities,  in  their  bearing  on  the 
prosperity  and  satisfaction  of  the  region  and  their  influence  on  locating  larger 
collective  populations  for  commerce  and  manufacturing.  In  connection  with 
these  last  two  points  much  supplementary  reading  might  be  done.  This  is 
a  good  place  to  get  out  into  the  larger  world  by  following  the  threads  of  com- 
munication and  transportation  to  see  how  they  really  relate  and  unify  the 
region  with  others. 

g)  Influence  of  pursuits  and  occupations  on  the  life  of  the  people  of  the 
region  in  the  way  of  customs,  habitations,  dress,  education,  religion,  culture, 
and  government. 

In  addition  to  one  or  both  of  these  studies,  the  civics  of  the 
district  and  township  should  be  taken  up  by  the  use  of  some  stand- 
ard text  on  civics  which  treats  those  items  in  a  working  manner. 

SEVENTH  AND   EIGHTH   GRADES 

Social  study  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  grades  becomes  more 
mature,  reaches  out  to  grasp  principles  for  the  solution  of  problems, 
gets  organized  so  as  to  illuminate  specific  situations,  yet  must 
remain  essentially  concrete,  because  the  pupils  are  still  children. 
In  the  seventh  year  the  study  of  civics  may  comprise  the  civics 
of  county  and  state,  the  better  type  of  texts  affording  adequate 
syllabi  for  the  purpose.  The  emphasis  in  teaching  should  be 
thrown  on  functions  and  duties  of  officers,  good  as  opposed  to  bad 
systems  of  nomination  and  election  of  officers,  rather  than  on  the 
enumeration  of  offices  and  mere  memorization  of  election  dates. 
The  average  civics,  especially  those  on  local  government,  are 
purely  static  things,  synopses  of  election  dates,  names  of  ofiicers, 
and  dry  statements  of  duties.  They  are  lifeless,  and  unless  the 
teacher  has  fire  and  imagination,  a  real  understanding  of  our  poHti- 
cal  life,  and  an  enthusiastic  conception  of  what  government  should 
be  and  do,  the  study  will  be  of  slight  value.     Some  of  the  newer 


504  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

texts  are  dynamic  and  functional.  Careful  selection  will  arm  the 
teacher  with  a  competent  text  as  syllabus.  In  the  eighth  year 
the  civics  study  should  be  devoted  to  the  study  of  national  govern- 
ment, particularly  in  its  working  aspects. 

A  study  of  how  government  is  actually  conducted  by  means 
of  organized  parties  which  control  nomination,  election,  and 
therefore  legislation  and  principles  of  administration,  and  the 
popular  movements  to  bring  the  government  closer  to  the  people 
should  be  placed  in  the  foreground.  Such  texts  as  Foreman's, 
or  James  and  Sanford's  seek  to  accomplish  this  end. 

The  other  phase  of  the  social  study  might  be  devoted  to  a  con- 
sideration of  rural  social  problems.  If  country  pupils  are  to  gain 
a  conception  of  the  specific  problems  which  exist  in  rural  life,  the 
process  of  enlightenment  should  take  place  in  school  before  the 
bulk  of  the  boys  and  girls  have  passed  out.  In  the  rural  regions 
there  is  an  especially  heavy  elimination  from  school  in  the  later 
years.  In  many  portions  of  the  nation  only  a  small  percentage 
actually  complete  the  elementary  grades.  Hence  some  discussion 
of  these  problems  should  be  given  at  least  as  early  as  the  seventh 
grade. 

In  the  absence  of  published  texts  on  rural  social  matters  which 
are  available  for  rural  teachers,  the  outline  may  be  made  a  little 
fuller.  The  particular  problems  or  general  topics  presented  here, 
if  the  teacher  faithfully  prepares  the  material  for  suggesting  a 
variety  of  questions  on  each  subtopic  and  phase,  and  for  interest- 
ing information  and  data,  will  probably  develop  the  chief  points 
of  importance.  Naturally  the  information  cannot  be  offered  in  a 
suggestive  outline.  Sufficient  references  are  given  to  develop  the 
facts  pertinent  to  most  of  the  topics  and  subtopics. 

I.    The  Rural  Problem. 

1.  Origin  of:  Recent  agitation;  no  agricultural  deterioration;  exists 
in  perception  of  improvable  conditions;  work  of  the  Roosevelt 
Commission. 

2.  What  it  is: 

a)  Improvement  in  the  business  of  farming:   Scientific  agriculture; 

scientific  accounts;   scientific  marketing. 
h)  Improving  in  education  to  make  schools  meet  demands  of  farm 

life. 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  505 

c)  Improvement  in  living  conditions:    The  home;    the  roads;    the 
church. 

d)  Improvement  in  association  and  organization. 

e)  Improvement  in  health  and  recreation. 

3.  How  to  meet  it:  By  agitation;  by  discussion;  by  co-operation; 
by  organization. 
References.— Butter  field,  Chapters  in  Rural  Progress,  chap,  ii,  "The 
Problem  of  Progress";  Fiske,  The  Challenge  of  the  Country,  chap,  i;  Kern, 
Among  Country  Schools,  chap,  i,  "The  New  Country  Life";  BaUey,  The 
Housing  of  the  Farmers,  pp.  6-25;  Rural  Life  Commission  Report  (Sturgis  & 
Walton  Co.);  GUlette,  Constructive  Rural  Sociology  (Sturgis  &  Walton  Co.), 
chap.  V. 

II.  The  Problem  of  Better  Agriculture. 

1.  Soil  sterilization:  Methods  of  its  accomplishment:  one-crop 
method;  poor  cultivation. 

2.  Soil  improvement:  Rotation  of  crops  following  fertilization;  soil 
inoculation;   improved  cultivation. 

3.  Advantages  of  diversification:  Makes  farmmg  more  stable  and 
certain;  uses  labor  supply  to  better  advantage;  feeding  stock  prod- 
uce makes  double  profit. 

4.  Keeping  accounts  of  farming: 

a)  What  it  covers:  Fields  seeded,  with  area,  location,  varieties, 
time,  cultivation,  amount  of  seed,  amount  of  produce;  cost  of 
labor,  seed,  machinery  used,  of  feed  and  horse-power;  amount 
of  sales. 

b)  Advantage:  Gives  record  of  what  is  profitable  and  improfitable, 
and  degree  of  profit  of  given  produce;  puts  farming  on  business 
basis. 

5.  Marketing  organization: 

a)  Agencies  which  absorb  farmer's  profits:  Middlemen;  line 
elevators;  railways. 

b)  Protective  agencies:  Co-operative  societies;  American  Society 
of  Equity;  Farmers'  Union. 

References.— Bntterfield,  Chapters  in  Rural  Progress,  chap,  iii,  "The 
Expansion  of  Farm  Life";  Bailey,  The  State  and  the  Farmer,  chap,  i;  Fiske, 
chap,  iv;  Harwood,  New  Earth,  chaps,  iii,  vi,  x,  and  xv;  Gillette,  chaps, 
vii,  viii;  United  States  Agricultural  Department,  Farmers'  Bulletins,  Nos.  28, 
44,  54,  132,  242,  24s,  257,  315. 

III.  Social  Phases  of  Grain  Raising. 

1.  Wheat  raising  (as  sample):   Social  importance. 

2.  Soil  and  seeding: 

a)  Importance  of  good  seed:  Purity;  vitality;  adapted  to  the 
region. 


5o6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

b)  Preparation  of  the  soil. 

c)  Seasons  for  seeding. 

3.  Climate  and  wheat  growing:    Conditions  or  ranges  of  temperature; 
moisture;  distribution  of  rain  in  seasons. 

4.  Machinery  and  wheat  growing: 

a)  Kinds  used  in  production. 

b)  Comparison  with  former  methods. 

c)  How  they  are  made  and  sold. 

5.  The  farmer  and  the  wheat  market: 

a)  His  dependence  on  the  market  by  reason  of  his  specialization. 

b)  The  fact  of  competition  with  other  producers. 

c)  Supply  and  demand,  and  price. 

d)  Middlemen  organizations  and  control  of  price. 

e)  Transportation  system  as  necessary  to  connect  with  market: 
What  it  gets;  can  farmer  set  freight  rates? 

IV.    Rural  Labor. 

1.  Deficiencies  in  rural  labor: 

a)  Supply  lacking  at  time  of  need. 

b)  Vicious  and  unreliable  characters. 

c)  Unspecialized  and  untrained  for  farming. 

2.  Reasons  for  labor  problem: 

a)  Dislike  of  farm  work. 

b)  Dependence  on  floating  city  population. 

c)  Irregular,  partial,  and  seasonal  demands  for  farm  labor. 

3.  Betterment  of  conditions: 

a)  Develop  work  for  labor  throughout  the  year,  so  as  to  hold  the 
supply  in  the  country. 

b)  Provide  for  labor  families  to  encourage  permanence  and  give 
living  advantages. 

References. — Gillette,  chap,  x;  Fiske,  pp.  74-82. 

V.     Making  Farm  Life  More  Attractive. 

1.  Why  people  leave  the  farm: 

a)  Social  attractions  of  cities. 

b)  Improved  living  conditions  in  cities. 

c)  Low  estimate  of  farming  and  farmer. 

d)  Hard  work  and  drudgery. 

e)  Cultural  disadvantages. 

2.  Making  home  attractive: 

a)  Improved  homes:    Heating  plants;    bathing  facilities;    inside 
toilet;  improved  kitchen  devices. 

b)  More  books  and  periodicals. 

c)  Beautification  of  home. 

d)  Beautification  of  grounds. 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  507 

e)  Music. 

/)  Making  cooking  scientific. 

3.  Making  outdoor  work  attractive: 

a)  Use  of  labor-saving  machinery:  Windmills;  gasoline  engines  or 
other  motor  power  for  machines  run  by  hand;  milking  machines; 
riding  machinery. 

b)  Shorter  hours  and  faster  pace. 

c)  Diversification  of  crops  and  industry  to  distribute  work  and 
decrease  need  of  rush. 

d)  Scientific  agriculture  to  increase  intellectual  element. 

4.  Improved  roads  for  quick  communication,  travel,  and  visiting. 

5.  Social  center  for  associational  purposes. 

References— United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  Farmers'  Bulletins, 
Nos.  I  and  5,  "Beautifying  the  Home  Grounds";  No.  270,  "Modern  Con- 
veniences for  the  Home";  No.  126,  "Practical  Suggestions  for  Farm  Build- 
ings"; Henderson,  Social  Spirit  in  America,  chap,  ii,  "Home  Making  as  a 
Social' Art";  Gillette,  chaps,  vi,  ix,  xii;  Fiske,  chap.iii;  McKeeyev,  Farm  Boys 
and  Girls,  chaps,  iii,  iv,  v,  x,  xiii,  xv. 

VI.    The  School  and  Farm  Life. 

1.  Conditions  of  a  vigorous  living  school:  Professionally  trained 
teachers;  large  number  of  pupils  to  create  interest;  grading  and 
classification;   good  buildings  and  equipment;   regular  attendance. 

2.  Defects  of  rural  schools:  Untrained  teachers;  small  number  of 
pupils;  irregular  attendance;  lack  of  graded  system;  small,  poorly 
heated,  poorly  ventilated  buildings;  city-made  course  of  study, 
books,  and  ideals;  absence  of  training  for  the  chief  business  of  the 
community — agriculture  and  domestic  economy. 

3.  Remedies:  Consolidation  most  advantageous  because  it  attracts 
better  teachers,  makes  attractive,  differentiated,  and  equipped 
buildings  which  permit  grading,  teaching  of  agriculture,  manual 
training,  and  domestic  economy;  transports  pupils,  thus  securing 
better  attendance;  multiplies  pupils,  which  makes  for  enthusiasm; 
provides  a  center  for  the  varied  social  needs  of  the  community;  and 
furnishes  organized  play  and  recreation  so  much  needed  in  country 
life. 

References.— Foght,  The  American  Rural  School,  chaps,  i,  v,  vii,  ix,  xi,  xv; 
Kern,  Among  Country  Schools,  chaps,  ii,  x,  xii,  xiii,  xiv;  United  States  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture,  Bulletin  No.  232,  "Consolidated  Rural  Schools  and 
Organization  of  a  Country  System";  Gillette,  chap,  xvi;  references  at  end  of 
chapter;  Fiske,  chap,  vi;  McKeever,  chaps,  xvi,  xvii;  C.  C.  Schmidt,  "The 
Consolidation  of  Rural  Schools,"  Education  Bulletin  No.  3,  University  of  North 
Dakota,  191 2;  probably  the  best  work  on  the  subject. 


5o8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

VII.     Rural  Hygiene. 

1.  Social  importance  of  good  health: 

c)  The  poor,  the  defectives,  and  the  criminal  classes  spring  from 
devitalized  classes. 

b)  Physical  weakness  produces  unhappiness,  irritation,   bad  dis- 
position. 

c)  Sickness  a  great  inconvenience  and  expense. 

2.  Menaces  and  suggestions  as  to  rural  health:  Infected  water  supply; 
neighboring  barnyard  filth;  uncleanness  in  production  of  milk 
supply;  emptying  slops  in  yard;  uncared-for  closets;  stagnant 
pools;  exposure  and  colds;  bad  teeth;  eyestrains,  poor  hearing,  and 
poor  breathing,  especially  of  school  children;  bad  methods  of  pre- 
serving and  keeping  food;  propagation  of  germs  by  drinking-cups, 
pencils,  books,  etc.;  patent  medicines;  want  of  proper  bathing 
facilities. 

3.^,How  schools  may  be  made  sanitary:  Scrubbing  floor;  whitewashing 
plaster;  painting  woodwork;  jacketing  the  stove;   window  ventila- 
tors; covered  water  tank;   cleansed  and  disinfected  closets. 
References. — Allen,  Civics  and  Health;  Foght,  The  American  Rural  School, 
chap,  xiv;    Gillette,  chap,  xi,  with  references;   Isaac  Bemer,  Rural  Hygiene; 
Kern,  Among  Country  Schools,  chap.  v. 

VIII.     Good  Roads  and  Farm  Life. 

1.  Significance  for  civilization:  Roads  in  Roman  Empire;  roads  in 
Europe  today. 

2.  Social  function  of  roads:  Local  transportation  of  produce;  inter- 
change of  courtesies;  growth  of  ideas  and  fellowship;  basis  of 
prosperity  of  schools,  lodges,  churches,  sociables,  entertainments, 
spelling-matches,  musical  classes,  etc. 

3.  Economy  of  good  roads:  Saving  in  hauling;  saving  in  wagons  and 
horses;  increases  value  of  land;  speed  and  pleasure  in  travel. 

4.  Methods  of  securing  roads:  "Working  the  roads";  cash  wages; 
working  prisoners;  state  aid  as  local  support. 

5.  Kinds  of  country  roads:  Earth  roads  and  split-log  drag;  sand-clay 
roads  and  puddling;  burnt  clay  roads  and  lining;  dust  preventive; 
hard  roads — gravel,  shell,  stone. 

References. — United  States  Department  of  Agriculture,  "Roads  and  Road 
Building,"  "Macadam  Roads,"  "Use  of  the  Split  Log  Drag,"  Farmers'  Bul- 
letin, No.  321;  Fiske,  chap,  iii;  Gillette,  chap,  ix;  Henderson,  Social  Spirit 
in  America,  chap.  vi. 

IX.    Socializing  Country  Life. 

I.  Facts  of  lack  of  social  life  in  country  as  compared  with  city: 
Churches;  theaters;  neighbors;  public  balls;  amusement  places; 
recreation;  libraries;   culture  clubs,  etc. 


SOCIAL  STUDY  FOR  ELEMENTARY  SCHOOLS  509 

2.  Causes  of  social  poverty:  Isolation;  bad  roads;  absence  of  large 
and  specialized  buildings;  individualistic  philosophy;  depreciation 
of  play  and  recreation;  lack  of  reading-habit;  the  work-habit. 

3.  Means  of  socialization:  Good  roads;  automobiles;  telephones  and 
rural  delivery;  schools  and  churches  built  for  social  purposes; 
farmers'  organizations  such  as  institute,  grange,  American  Society 
of  Equity,  farmers'  unions,  etc. ;  mothers'  clubs  and  literary  clubs 
among  women;  athletic  meets  and  tournaments  at  school  grounds; 
literary  and  debating  clubs;  spelling-matches;  lectures  and  enter- 
tainments; moving-picture  shows;  banquets,  feasts,  and  "socials." 

References. — On  social  isolation:  Butterfield,  Chapters  in  Rural  Progress, 
pp.  17-22;  BaUey,  Insufficiencies  in  Country  Life,  "The  Training  of  the  Farmer," 
pp.  15-19;  Butterfield,  "The  Country  Church  and  Progress,"  chap,  xii;  School 
Buildings  for  Social  Purposes,  U.S.  Department  of  Agriculture,  Bulletin  No. 
232,  on  consolidated  schools;  Foght,  "Libraries  for  Rural  Communities,"  chap, 
xiii,  and  Kern,  chap,  vi;  Johnson,  Education  by  Play  and  Games,  "Organized 
Play  and  Recreation";  Butterfield,  "Farmers'  Institutes,"  chap,  vii,  and 
Kern,  chap,  ix;  Butterfield,  "The  Grange,"  chap,  x,  "Opportunities  for  Farm 
Women,"  chap,  xi;  Fiske,  chap,  v;  Gillette,  chaps,  xiii-xviii;  McKeever, 
chaps,  vi-x. 

THE   LARGER    SOCIAL   WORLD 

The  larger  side  of  social  life,  that  which  reaches  beyond  the 
local  community  into  the  nation  and  world,  may  be  developed 
by  means  of  a  brief  discussion  once  or  twice  a  week  of  the  events 
which  are  transpiring  in  the  world  at  large.  This  should  be  done 
in  a  manner  that  would  made  each  event  treated  mean  something 
for  life  by  showing  how  it  changes  conditions  and  thus  makes  for 
improvement  or  deterioration. 

A  brief  treatment  and  discussion  of  certain  phases  of  our  indus- 
trial history  would  also  be  useful  to  cultivate  the  idea  of  the  articu- 
lation of  ourselves  with  the  world  and  to  give  an  understanding 
of  some  of  the  pressing  economic  issues.  The  little  weekly  paper 
entitled  Current  Events,  published  in  Springfield,  Massachusetts, 
is  recommended  as  exceedingly  useful  to  accomphsh  the  former 
purpose.  Thurston's  Economic  and  Industrial  History  would  give 
the  material  for  the  second,  and  an  account  of  its  size  is  quite 
usable.  Coman's  Industrial  History  of  the  United  States,  or  Bogart's 
Economic  History  of  the  United  States  are  fuller  and  more  preten- 
tious. It  would  be  sufficient  to  select  only  the  more  recent  problems 
of  labor  and  industry. 


VARIABILITY  AS  RELATED  TO  SEX  DIFFERENCES  IN 
ACHIEVEMENT 

A  CRITIQUE 


LETA  STETTER  HOLLINGWORTH 
New  York  Citv 


This  paper  is  the  outcome  of  prolonged  reflection  on  the  doctrine 
of  greater  male  variability.  It  comprises  an  attempt  to  assemble 
and  review  briefly  data  at  present  accessible  as  to  the  comparative 
variability  of  the  sexes  in  mental  traits,  and  to  discuss  critically 
the  h}T30thesis  that  the  great  difference  between  the  sexes  in  intel- 
lectual achievement  and  eminence  is  due  to  the  inherently  greater 
variabihty  of  the  males.  This  hypothesis  is  stated  clearly  and 
concisely  by  Thorndike'  thus: 

The  trivial  difference  between  the  central  tendency  of  men  and  that  of 
women  which  is  the  common  finding  of  psychological  tests  and  school  experi- 
ence may  seem  at  variance  with  the  patent  fact  that  in  the  great  achievements 
of  the  world  in  science,  art,  invention,  and  management,  women  have  been 
far  excelled  by  men.  One  who  accepts  the  equality  of  typical  (i.e.,  modal) 
representatives  of  the  two  sexes,  must  assume  the  burden  of  explaining  this 
great  difference  in  the  high  ranges  of  achievement. 

The  probably  true  explanation  is  to  be  sought  in  the  greater  variability 
within  the  male  sex 

In  particular,  if  men  differ  in  intelligence  and  energy  by  wider  extremes 
than  do  women,  eminence  in  and  leadership  of  the  world's  affairs  of  whatever 
sort  will  inevitably  belong  oftener  to  men.     They  will  oftener  deserve  it. 

It  is  at  once  evident  how  important  are  the  impHcations  here 
stated  for  those  who  hope  much  from  the  present  tendency  to 
remove  all  disabilities  of  law,  custom,  and  prejudice  from  women. 
If  the  explanation  of  women's  failure  to  achieve  significant  things 
in  the  fields  named  by  Thorndike  is  really  to  be  found  in  the 
inherently  greater  variabihty  of  males,  then  complete  hberation 
of  women  from  excessive  maternity  and  from  all  the  consequent 
customs  and  legal  disabilities   that  have  developed,   will  result 

'  E.  L.  Thorndike,  Educational  Psychology  (1910),  p.  35. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     511 

only  in  raising  the  average  intelligence  and  happiness  of  the  race. 
We  shall  not  expect  any  increase  from  this  source  in  the  number 
of  eminent  individuals,  nor  in  achievement  of  that  high  order 
which  forces  knowledge  and  wisdom  farther. 

Thorndike'  states  the  impHcations  for  pedagogy  thus: 
This  one  fundamental  difference  in  variability  is  more  important  than  all 
the  differences  between  the  average  male  and  female  capacities  ....  a  slight 
excess  of  male  variability  would  mean  that  of  the  hundred  most  gifted  indi- 
viduals in  this  country  not  two  would  be  women,  and  of  the  thousand  most 

gifted,  not  one  in  twenty Women  may  and  doubtless  will  be  scientists 

and  engineers,  but  the  Joseph  Henry,  the  Rowland,  and  the  Edison  of  the 
future  will  be  men;  even  should  all  women  vote,  they  would  play  a  small  part 

in  the  Senate Not  only  the  probability  and  the  desirability  of  marriage 

and  the  training  of  children  as  an  essential  feature  of  woman's  career,  but 
also  the  restriction  of  women  to  the  mediocre  grades  of  ability  and  achievement 
should  be  reckoned  with  by  our  educational  systems.  The  education  of  women 
for  such  professions  as  administration,  statesmanship,  philosophy,  or  scientific 
research,  where  a  very  few  gifted  individuals  are  what  society  requires,  is  far 
less  needed  than  education  for  such  professions  as  nursing,  teaching,  medicine, 

or  architecture,  where  the  average  level  is  the  essential Postgraduate 

instruction,  to  which  women  are  flocking  in  large  numbers  is,  at  least  in  its 
higher  reaches,  a  far  more  remunerative  investment  in  the  case  of  men.^ 

The  first  discussion  of  the  comparative  variabihty  of  the  sexes 
bore  on  anatomical  traits,  and  began  about  a  century  ago.  The 
anatomist  Meckel  concluded  on  pathological  grounds  that  the 
human  female  showed  greater  variabihty  than  the  human  male, 
"and  he  thought  that  since  man  is  the  superior  animal  and  varia- 
tion a  sign  of  inferiority,  the  conclusion  was  justified."  Later, 
when  anatomists  and  naturahsts  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the 
male  is  more  variable,  variabihty  came  to  be  regarded  as  an  advan- 
tage, a  characteristic  affording  the  greatest  hope  for  progress,  and 
finally  as  the  probable  explanation  of  the  fact  that  all  the  world's 
greatest  deeds  of  intellect  have  been  the  deeds  of  men.  This 
latter  view  obtains  at  present  among  men  of  science,  though  not 
without  exceptions,  the  most  notable  of  whom  is  Karl  Pearson.'' 

'  E.  L.  Thorndike,  "Sex  in  Education,"  The  Bookman,  XXIII,  213. 
'  The  italics  here  are  mine. 

3  Meckel,  Manual  of  Descriptive  and  Pathological  Anatomy  (see  Ellis,  Man  and 
Woman  [1909],  p.  410). 

t  Karl  Pearson,  Chances  of  Death  (1897). 


512  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

It  will  be  well  at  this  point  to  consider  not  only  the  social  and 
biological  significance  of  variability,  but  also  the  connotation  of 
the  term  itself,  and  whether  every  author  who  discusses  variability 
means  the  same  thing.  There  is,  in  fact,  complaint  among  authors 
that  the  term  is  indefinite.  Even  in  their  controversial  matter,^ 
Ellis  and  Pearson  complain  of  each  other  that  there  is  failure  to 
define  the  word.  Theoretically  greater  variabihty  always  impUes 
greater  range,  if  the  trait  distributed  conforms  to  the  Gauss  curve 
of  probabihty.  Empirical  data,  however,  are  not  yet  forthcoming 
to  demonstrate  that  mental  traits  conform  to  the  theoretical  curve ; 
and  there  is  at  present  no  conclusive  empirical  evidence  to  show 
that  in  cases  where  the  coefficient  of  variation  is  greater  for  one 
sex  than  for  the  other,  this  greater  variability  consists  in  greater 
range.  If  we  neglect  theory  and  confine  ourselves  to  facts  as 
demonstrated,  greater  variability  is  found  to  consist  in  any  or 
all  of  three  typical  conditions: 

1.  Greater  range  (Series  B  as  compared  with  Series  A). 

2.  Equal  range  for  both  groups,  but  greater  frequency  at  the 
extremes  for  one  group  (Series  C  as  compared  with  Series  A). 

3.  Smaller  range  for  the  more  variable  group,  with  slight 
flattening  at  the  top  of  the  curve  of  distribution  (Series  D  as 
compared  with  Series  A). 

A  fourth  condition  is  found  in  the  work  of  Bonser,  where  the 
males  are  seen  to  be  more  variable  than  the  females,  though  the 
range  for  the  sexes  is  equal,  and  the  frequency  at  both  extremes  is 
nearly  twice  as  great  for  the  females.  This  case  will  be  taken  up 
later  in  connection  with  other  results  from  Bonser. 

Let  us  now  consider  a  hypothetical  case.  Table  I  gives  four 
possible  distributions  of  the  same  trait,  including  the  same  number 
of  cases.  This  trait  may  be,  for  example,  ability  to  perform  an 
amount  of  work  in  a  specified  time,  this  abiHty  being  indicated 
by  units  varying  from  i  to  15.  Let  Series  A  be  a  group  of  1,000 
women,  and  let  Series  B,  C,  and  D  be  groups  of  1,000  men  each. 
It  is  seen  that  these  Series  all  show  greater  variabihty  on  the  part 
of  the  males  (reference  to  Table  I  will  show  just  how  much  greater 
is  the  A.D.  in  each  case),  but  the  social  impHcations  differ  widely. 

'H.  Ellis,  Man  and  Woman  (Appendix). 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     513 

In  Series  B  the  greater  variability  of  the  males  consists  in  greater 
range.  It  is  on  this  Series  that  we  might  base  the  explanation  of 
the  fact  that  all  the  world's  greatest  deeds  of  ntellect  have  been 
the  deeds  of  men;  for  here  no  women  equal  the  best  men. 

In  Series  C  the  greater  variability  of  the  males  consists  in  greater 
frequency  at  the  extremes,  the  range  being  equal.  On  this  Series 
might  be  based  an  explanation  of  the  fact  that  more  men  than 
women  have  reached  the  same  degree  of  eminence.  It  would  not 
explain  why  no  women  have  reached  the  greatest  eminence. 

In  Series  D  the  greater  variability  of  the  males  consists  in  a 
flattening  at  the  top  of  the  curve  of  distribution,  the  range  for 
the  men  being  actually  less  than  for  the  women. 

Now  it  is  clear  that  if  social  significance  is  to  be  attached  to 
greater  variability,  not  only  the  coefficient  of  variation  must  be 
stated,  but  also  what  form  the  distribution  takes.  Obviously  a 
greater  male  variabiHty  Hke  that  shown  in  Series  D  would  have 
no  vaUdity  at  all  in  explaining  why  the  greatest  deeds  of  intellect 
have  been  the  deeds  of  men.  If  greater  male  variability  takes 
this  form,  all  the  greatest  deeds  will  be  those  of  women. 

In  his  discussions  of  greater  male  variability  and  its  implica- 
tions for  pedagogy,  Thorndike^  theoretically  means  greater  range: 
"Though  the  central  tendencies  were  the  same,  there  would  still 
be  two  men  of  the  hundred  who  were  better  than  the  best  woman 
and  two  men  who  were  worse  than  the  worst  woman."  This 
condition  would  be  represented  under  Series  B.  But,  in  discussing 
certain  statistics  regarding  third-year  high-school  classes  see  Table  I, 

P-  514- 

This  condition  would  be  that  of  Series  C.  The  range  for  the 
sexes  is  equal,  but  the  frequency  at  the  extremes  is  greater  for 
males.  Such  cases  of  greater  variability  do  not  suggest  an  explana- 
tion of  the  fact  that  no  women  have  achieved  the  greatest  intel- 
lectual eminence.  They  would  only  explain  the  condition  in  which 
twice  as  many  men  as  women  achieved  the  same  intellectual 
eminence.  But  our  chief  problem  is  to  explain  why  no  women  have 
equaled  the  best  men. 

Havelock  Ellis,^  in  a  chapter  on  "The  Variational  Tendency 

'  E.  L.  Thomdike,  op.  cit.,  p.  42.  »  H.  Ellis,  op.  ciL,  p.  412. 


5^4 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


of  Men,"  discusses  certain  anatomical  and  pathological  data  which 
show,  on  the  whole,  the  greater  variabiHty  of  the  male.  Karl 
Pearson,  in  a  polemical  article,  undertook  to  disprove  the  conclu- 
sions of  Ellis,  stigmatizing  them  as  "scientific  superstition."  This 
controversy  between  Elhs  and  Pearson  is  very  famiUar  to  students 
of  social  science,  and  each  of  us  may  weigh  the  evidence  for  himself, 
since  we  have  here  two  authorities,  of  perhaps  equal  competence, 
in  diametrical  disagreement. 

TABLE  I 


Frequency 

FREQITENCy 

Frequency 

Frequency 

Trait  Measured 

Series  A 

Series  B 

Series  C 

Series  D 

o 

O 

I 

lO 

45 
117 

20S 

244 
205 
117 

45 
10 

I 
0 
0 

I 
3 

7 
14 
42 

115 

200 

236 

200 

115 

42 

14 

7 

3 

I 

0 

0 

6 

18 

60 

112 

197 

214 

197 

112 

60 

18 

6 

0 

0 

0 

2    

0 

0 

A          

II 

e         

57 

6                 

130 

7 

190 

8 

224 

0 

190 

lO 

130 

II 

57 

12 

II 

I J                   

0 

TA                                                   

0 

IC 

0 

Series  A 

Series  B 

Series  C 

Series  D 

Women 

Men 

Men 

Men 

(Standard  group) 

Number 

=  1,000 

=  1 ,000 

=  1,000 

=  1 ,000 

Central  Tendency 

.  .       =8 

=  8 

=  8 

=  8 

Average  Deviation 

..      =1-238 

=  1-544 

=  1 .406 

=  1-330 

On  the  whole  boys  are  twice  as  frequent  as  girls  in  the  youngest  and  oldest 
age,  and  about  one  and  one-half  times  as  frequent  at  ages  fourteen  and  nineteen. 


But  if  it  were  definitely  proved  that  there  is  greater  male 
variabiHty  in  anatomical  measurements,  it  would  only  suggest, 
not  prove,  that  there  is  greater  male  variability  in  me?ital  traits 
also.  Very,  very  Httle  precise  evidence  has  been  adduced  as  to 
the  comparative  variability  of  the  sexes  in  mental  traits.  Such 
general  evidence  as  that  previously  brought  forward,  for  instance 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     515 

by  Ellis,  that  the  great  geniuses  of  the  world  have  been  men,  and 
that  there  are  at  the  same  time  more  idiots  among  men,  is  obviously 
fallacious.  For  the  geniuses  on  the  one  hand  may  be  accounted 
for  by  the  fact  that  woman's  biological  function  of  reproduction 
has  so  conditioned  her  that  eminence  in  the  fields  where  mental 
energy  is  publicly  recognized  has  been  extremely  improbable; 
and  we  should  expect  statisticians  to  find  more  idiots  and  feeble- 
minded individuals  among  men,  because  they  take  their  data 
from  institutions,  where  defective  men  are  more  Hkely  to  be 
admitted  than  women  of  the  same  degree  of  defectiveness.  Women 
have  been  and  are  a  dependent  and  non-competitive  class,  and 
when  defective  can  more  easily  survive  outside  of  institutions, 
since  they  do  not  have  to  compete  mentally  with  normal  individuals, 
as  men  do,  to  maintain  themselves  in  the  social  milieu.  This 
conclusion  is  well  confirmed  by  the  records  of  the  Clearing-House 
for  Mental  Defectives  at  the  Post-Graduate  Hospital  in  New 
York  City.  Among  1,000  consecutive  cases  of  mental  defect 
(including  idiocy,  imbecihty,  and  f eeble-mindedness) ,  taken  from 
all  cases  diagnosed  at  this  Clearing-House  during  the  years  191 2 
and  1913,  there  were  568  males  and  432  females.  But  of  indi- 
viduals over  sixteen  years  of  age  there  were  only  78  males,  while 
there  were  159  females;  and  of  individuals  over  jo  years  of  age 
there  were  9  males  and  28  females.  A  detailed  account  of  this 
study  may  be  found  in  an  article  recently  pubHshed.^  At  present 
it  suffices  to  point  out  that  the  fact  that  females  escape  the  Clearing- 
House  till  beyond  the  age  of  thirty  years  three  times  as  frequently 
as  males,  fits  very  well  with  the  fact  that  more  males  than  females 
are  brought  to  the  Clearing-House,  on  the  whole.  The  boy  who 
cannot  compete  mentally  is  found  out,  becomes  at  an  early  age 
an  object  of  concern  to  relatives,  is  brought  to  the  Clearing-House, 
and  directed  toward  an  institution.  The  girl  who  cannot  compete 
mentally  is  not  so  often  recognized  as  definitely  defective,  since 
it  is  not  unnatural  for  her  to  drop  into  the  isolation  of  the  home, 
where  she  can  "take  care  of"  small  children,  peel  potatoes,  scrub, 
etc.     If  physically  passable,  as  is  often  the  case,  she  may  marry, 

'  L.  S.  Hollingworth,  ''The  Frequency  of  Amentia  as  Related  to  Sex,"  Medical 
Record,  191 3. 


5i6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

thus  fastening  herself  to  economic  support;  or  she  may  become  a 
prostitute,  to  which  economic  pursuit  feeble  mentality  is  no  barrier. 
Thus  they  survive  outside  of  institutions.  The  writer  has  fre- 
quently questioned  those  who  accompany  these  feeble-minded 
women  over  thirty  years  of  age  to  the  Clearing-House.  Their 
tardy  appearance  there  is  usually  accounted  for  by  the  fact  that 
some  accident  has  at  last  happened:  "her  husband  has  just  died"; 
"she  has  rheumatism,  and  can  scrub  no  more";  "an  illegitimate 
pregnancy  has  again  befallen,  to  the  distraction  of  relatives"; 
"she  was  a  prostitute,  but  physical  illness  has  driven  her  in  from 
the  street."  No  one  can  doubt  that  there  are  scores  of  feeble- 
minded women  at  large,  to  whom  these  accidents  have  not 
happened. 

It  will  be  well  at  this  point  to  survey  and  compare  precise 
data  already  at  hand  to  show  sex  differences  in  mental  variability. 
Such  data  have  been  assembled  here  from  scattered  sources. 
Thorndike'  gives  precise  data  tending  to  show  greater  mental 
variability  in  men  and  boys.  He  calculated  as  well  as  might  be 
from  data  given,  the  variabiHty  for  each  sex  in  the  traits  tested 
by  Helen  Bradford  Thompson.^  His  results  show  that  men  are 
about  one-twentieth  more  variable  than  women,  in  these  experi- 
ments. He  also  concludes  from  certain  measurements  of  reaction 
time,  spelHng,  arithmetical  ability,  etc.,  that  "it  is  extremely 
probable  that,  except  in  the  two  years  nearest  the  age  of  puberty 
for  girls,  the  male  sex  is  slightly  more  variable." 

Wissler's  results  with  college  students  show  female  variability  to  be  in 
general  about  nine-tenths  that  of  males.  The  number  of  women  measured 
was,  however,  only  42,  and  the  ratio  of  female  variability  dififered  greatly  in 
the  different  traits,  so  that  the  nine-tenths  would,  by  itself  alone,  be  of  no 
great  reliabiUty.^ 

Thorndike  deplores  the  fact  that  there  is  so  Httle  precise  data 
at  hand,  but  leaves  us  to  suppose  that  he  considers  what  is  avail- 
able as  sufficient  to  lend  a  very,  very  high  degree  of  probabihty  to 
the  conclusion  which  he  states,  and  which  was  quoted  at  the  out- 
set.    Several  articles  and  monographs,   however,  have  appeared 

'  E.  L.  Thorndike,  op.  cit.,  pp.  33-43. 

'  H.  B.  Thompson,  The  Mental  Traits  of  Sex  (1906).  »  Thompson,  op.  cit. 


VAKL ABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     517 

since  19 10  which  are  in  disagreement  with  the  results  cited  by  this 
author. 

Wells'  in  a  study  of  "Sex  Differences  in  the  Tapping  Test" 
reached  the  conclusion  that  men  are  more  variable  than  women. 
He  had,  however,  only  ten  subjects,  five  women  and  five  men — too 
small  a  number  on  which  to  generalize.  In  another  study  including 
five  women  and  five  men  this  author  concludes: 

The  groups  of  subjects  are  perhaps  too  small  to  expect  any  special  sex 

differences  to  be  illustrated In  the  addition  test  the  performance  of 

the  women  is  much  more  variable  than  that  of  the  men,  in  the  number-checking 
test  it  is  much  less  so. 

H.  L.  Hollingworth^  made  a  study  of  judgments  of  persuasive- 
ness, using  advertisements  as  material.  He  had  as  subjects  20 
Juniors  in  Barnard  College  and  20  Juniors  in  Columbia  College. 
Among  his  conclusions  he  states:  "Men  correlate. with  their  group 
average  about  25  per  cent  more  closely  than  women,"  and  "the 
range  of  variabiHty  in  the  above  coefficient  is  for  the  men  only 
43  per  cent  as  large  as  for  women."  In  the  course  of  discussion 
this  author  says: 

Another  set  of  measurements  of  interest  is  found  in  the  figures  which  show 
the  approximation  of  the  individual's  judgments  to  the  average  judgment  of 

his  group The  coefiScients  for  the  women  range  between  —0.13  and 

0.66,  thus  giving  a  total  range  of  0.79,  with  the  average  at  0.48.  For  the 
men  the  coefficients  cover  a  much  narrower  range,  varying  between  0.40  and 
o.  74,  thus  giving  a  total  range  of  only  0.34,  a  range  only  43  per  cent  as  large 
as  that  of  the  women.  The  average  for  the  men  is  o.  59,  the  median  is  0.61, 
being  thus  about  25  per  cent  higher  than  the  same  for  the  women.  Only 
four  women  exceed  the  median  for  men,  while  all  the  men  but  four  exceed  the 
median  for  women. 

Both  of  these  facts — that  of  higher  correlation  and  that  of  narrower 
range — point  in  the  same  direction,  that  is,  toward  the  greater  homogeneity 
of  the  group  of  men.  The  high  coefficients  indicate  that  any  one  man  selected 
at  random  will  be  a  better  example  of  the  characteristics  of  his  group  than 
will  a  similarly  selected  woman  of  her  group.  And  the  narrow  range  again 
indicates  the  tendency  of  the  men,  not  only  to  depart  but  slightly  from  the 
type,  but  also  to  depart  in  approximately  equal  degrees  from  it.     Whether 

'  F.  L.  Wells,  "Sex  Differences  in  the  Tapping  Test,"  American  Journal  of 
Psychology,  1909. 

^  H.  L.  Hollingworth,  "Judgments  of  Persuasiveness,"  Psychological  Review 
XXVIIl  (191 1),  4- 


5i8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

these  facts  point  to  a  greater  general  variability  of  women  as  compared  with 
men,  or  only  to  the  particular  composition  of  the  two  groups  taking  part  in 
this  experiment,  one  cannot  say.  But  the  present  method  seems  to  indicate 
a  concrete  and  interesting  way  of  studying  this  much  disputed  question  of 
the  relative  variability  of  the  sexes,  in  what  may  be  called  the  higher  mental 
processes. 

E.  K.  Strong.  Jr.,^  in  a  study  of  the  merits  of  advertisements 
by  the  method  of  relative  position,  had  twenty-live  subjects — 
fifteen  men  and  ten  women.  Among  his  conclusions  he  states  the 
fol. owing: 

An  inspection  of  the  diagram  of  Table  I  shows  that  the  range  of  judgments 
for  the  men  is  much  less  than  for  the  women,  i.e.,  from  +0.84  to  o  for  the 
men,  and  from  +0.75  to  —0.43  for  the  women.  Both  have  55  per  cent  of 
the  entire  range  below  the  median  judgment,  But  the  average  A.D.  of  the 
medians  of  the  individual  judgments  for  each  advertisement  for  the  women 
is  69  per  cent  greater  than  for  the  men.  This  is  the  more  striking,  as  the  women 
would  apparently  be  a  more  homogeneous  group  than  the  men,  as  they  were 
all  Juniors  or  Seniors  in  Barnard  College,  and  within  a  very  few  years  of  each 
other  in  age,  while  the  men  included  graduate  students  and  professors  and  vary 

at  least  twenty  years  in  age A  comparison  of  the  two  groups  shows  us 

that  the  P.E.  of  the  women  averages  69.  7  per  cent  greater  than  that  of  the  men. 

In  the  arrangements  of  another  series  of  advertisements,  where 
a  greater  number  of  subjects  was  used,  this  author  found  the 
women  to  be  less  variable  than  the  men.  He  remarks  upon  these 
contradictory  findings  as  follows: 

It  is  true  that  the  methods  employed  in  the  two  chapters  are  different. 
But  if  different  methods  can  give  exactly  opposite  results  as  to  variability, 
they  can  be  of  little  value  as  to  its  determination.  Personally  I  believe  that 
the  situation  is  this.  The  results  of  chap,  vii  show  that  when  women  are 
given  an  equal  opportunity  with  men  to  rate  appeals  (advertisements)  they 
are  able  to  classify  their  dislikes  as  readily  as  their  preferences,  which  the 
men  do  not  do.  Such  a  condition  naturally  results  in  a  greater  total  range 
where  methods  of  experimentation  similar  to  those  in  this  chapter  are  used, 
and  consequently  in  a  seemingly  greater  variability.  A  careful  analysis  of 
the  data  will  not  really  show  greater  variability  of  judgment  among  the  women. 
What  it  does  show  is  that  women  have  more  and  greater  dislikes  and  are  surer 
of  them. 

HoUingworth,  however,  used  the  method  employed  by  Strong 
in  chap,  vi,  and  his  results  show  women  to  be  more  variable  than 
men  by  this  very  method.     It  is  also  true  that  to  say  that  the 

»  E.  K.  Strong,  Jr.,  Relative  Merits  of  Advertisements  (1911),  pp.  78,  79. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     519 

women  varied  more  because  ''they  have  more  and  greater  dislikes, 
and  are  surer  of  them"  is  not  to  conclude  that  "a  careful  analysis 
of  the  figures  will  not  show  greater  variability  of  judgment  among 
the  women."  It  is  only  to  restate  the  fact  that  women  do  vary 
more  in  this  case  than  men  do,  in  affective  processes. 

Table  XVI  in  Strong's  monograph  gives  details  from  which 
he  concluded  that  men  are  more  variable.  These  figures  show  that 
the  group  of  women  does  not  differ  as  much  from  the  first  group 
of  men  in  variabiHty  as  the  first  group  of  men  differs  from  the 
second  group  of  men.  For  the  group  of  women  (2=3-5;  for  the 
first  group  of  men  (3=4.0;  for  the  second  group  of  men  ^=5.0. 
Thus  the  group  of  women  differs  from  the  first  group  of  men  by 
.5,  and  from  the  second  group  of  men  by  1.5.  Averaging  these 
we  get  d=  1. 00.  For  the  two  groups  of  men  ^=  i . 00.  On  page 
59  of  his  monograph  Strong  explains  the  great  variability  of  the 
second  group  of  men  {Q=5.o)  on  the  ground  that  the  group  is 
composed  of  uneducated  persons  who  were  possibly  unable  to 
differentiate  complex  appeals.  Thus  he  explains  a  difference  in 
variability  between  two  groups  of  men  on  incidental  grounds,  but 
describes  the  same  amount  of  difference  in  variabiHty  between  a 
group  of  men  and  a  group  of  women  as  a  sex  difference! 

Gertrude  Kuper'  studied  children  of  various  ages  and  classes 
in  their  responses  to  a  series  of  appeals.  ''The  children  numbered 
over  200,  10  boys  and  10  giris  for  each  year's  age  from  6.5  to 
16. 5.  They  were  almost  entirely  attendants  of  the  pubHc  schools 
of  New  York  City,  and  came  from  quite  varied  sections  of  the 
city."     This  author  draws  the  following  conclusion: 

A  great  sex  difference  was  found  in  the  variability  measures  as  calculated 
for  the  various  ages,  appeals,  social  classes,  and  nationalities.  In  ever>'  case 
but  two  the  girls  exceeded  the  boys  in  their  P.E.,  and  in  these  two  exceptions 
the  boys'  P.E.  was  once  greater  than  the  girls'  by  5  per  cent,  and  another  time 

exactly  equal  to  the  girls'  P.E The  girls'  average  P.E.  was  1.66- 

that  for  the  boys  was  i .  36.  ' 

A  monograph  just  pubUshed  by  Garry  C.  Meyers^  offers  an 
opportunity  to  note  sex  differences  in  variability,  and  is  more 

'Gertrude  Kuper,  "Group  Differences  in  the  Interests  of  Children,"  Journal 
of  Philosophy,  Psychology,  and  Scientific  Methods  (191 2),  p.  377. 
^  Garry  C.  Meyers,  Incidental  Memory  (1913). 


520  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

valuable  from  our  point  of  view  than  any  of  the  studies  already 
cited,  because  he  investigated  a  much  greater  number  of  subjects. 
His  study  of  incidental  memory  of  objects  of  common  experience — 
bills,  coins,  and  stamps— comprises  704  subjects — 337  males  and 
367  females.  Meyers  classified  these  subjects  into  groups,  and 
these  groups  range  from  third-grade  pupils  to  college  students, 
teachers,  merchants,  and  bankers.  The  tables  in  which  he  gives 
the  data  for  these  groups  separately  have  been  studied  and  from 
them  have  been  tabulated  the  number  of  groups  of  males  showing 
greater  variabihty  than  the  corresponding  group  of  females,  and 
the  niunber  of  groups  of  females  showing  greater  variability  than 
the  corresponding  group  of  males.  The  total  number  of  groups  is 
182.  Of  this  number  65  groups  show  greater  variabihty  for  the 
males;  107  groups  show  greater  variability  for  the  females;  10 
groups  show  exactly  equal  variability  for  both  sexes.  On  the  basis 
of  these  figures  one  might  infer  that  females  are  much  more 
variable  than  males.  In  his  general  conclusions  about  incidental 
memory  for  these  objects  Meyers  himself  says: 

The  amount  of  overestimation  and  underestimation  of  the  sizes  of  the 
one  dollar  bill,  stamp,  and  coins  decreases  as  age  and  experience  increases, 
and  is  as  a  rule  greater  for  the  females  than  for  the  males.  Generally  the 
males  are  better  performers  than  the  females,  and  less  variable. 

Meyers  also  studied  incidental  memory  for  words,  using  1,663 
subjects — 773  males  and  890  females.  He  states  among  his  general 
conclusions: 

The  females  are  markedly  superior  to  the  males  for  average  number  of 
words  remembered  and  for  average  efficiency;  they  have  a  high  central  ten- 
dency, vary  more  in  the  high  schools  and  fourth  grades;  but  in  the  fifth,  sixth, 
seventh,  and  eighth  grades  they  vary  less  than  the  males. 

It  must  be  noted  here  that  the  finding  scarcely  agrees  with  the 
exception  previously  quoted,  i.e.,  that  girls  are  more  variable  at 
the  years  nearest  puberty,  for  on  the  average  it  seems  Hkely  that 
these  two  years  would  fall  in  the  seventh  and  eighth  grades,  rather 
than  in  the  fourth  grade  and  the  high  school. 

Wilham  Brown'  in  a  study  of  The  Correlation  of  Mental  Abilities 
found  that  in  groups  of  about  equal  homogeneity  with  respect 

•  W.  Brown,  "Correlation  of  Mental  Abilities,"  British  Journal  of  Psychology 
(1910),  296. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     521 

to  age,  training,  etc.,  females  are  more  variable  in  crossing  out 
E,  R;  males  are  more  variable  in  crossing  out  A,  N,  O,  S;  the  sexes 
are  equally  variable  in  motor  performance;  males  are  more  vari- 
able in  the  addition  test,  in  speed,  and  females  in  accuracy;  in 
the  Miiller-Lyer  Illusion  the  male  children  are  more  variable,  and 
the  female  adults  are  more  variable. 

Fox  and  Thorndike'  studied  arithmetical  abilities  of  school 
children,  using  as  subjects  28  boys  and  49  girls.  As  to  variability 
they  conclude  that  in  addition  girls  are  only  93  per  cent  as  variable 
as  boys,  and  in  multiplication  only  96  per  cent  as  variable. 

Stone^  also  studied  arithmetical  abilities  of  school  children  in 
various  school  systems,  using  as  subjects  250  girls  and  250  boys. 
Six  tests  were  given  in  four  systems.  Out  of  the  24  groups  thus 
yielded,  9  show  a  greater  variabihty  for  the  boys,  14  show  a  greater 
variability  for  the  girls,  and  i  shows  the  same  variability  for  both 
sexes.  If  we  average  the  coefJ&cients  of  variarion  for  all  groups,  a 
procedure  for  which  there  seems  to  be  little  justification  though 
not  infrequently  employed,  the  boys  are  found  to  be  only  99.5 
per  cent  as  variable  as  the  girls.     Stone  himself  says: 

This  table  shows  that  for  the  first  two  systems— the  boys  are  somewhat 
more  variable,  and  in  systems  8  and  14  about  the  same  amount  less  variable. 
This  is  interesting,  and  points  to  a  need  for  further  investigation,  for  the 
common  opinion  is  that  men  are  more  variable  than  women;  and  supposedly 
boys  more  so  than  girls.  But  as  seen  by  the  averages  for  these  four  systems, 
so  far  as  these  250  boys  and  250  girls  show  the  true  tendency,  there  are  no 
more  exceptionally  bright  or  exceptionally  dull  pupils  among  the  boys  than 
among  the  girls  at  this  age. 

Bonser^  in  a  study  of  arithmetical  abiHries  of  school  children 
had  a  greater  number  of  subjects  than  Stone  and  a  much  greater 
number  than  Fox  and  Thorndike.  He  tested  757  pupils— 385 
boys  and  372  girls.  He  found  that  in  arithmetical  abihty  boys 
are  only  66  per  cent  as  variable  as  girls. 

Bonser  studied  the  reasoning  abihty  of  these  757  pupils  with 
the  result  that  in  controlled  association  girls  are  once  more  variable 

'Fox   and   Thorndike,    "Sex   Differences   in   Arithmetical   Ability,"   Columbia 
Contributions  to  Philosophy,  Psychology,  and  Education,  XI. 
'  Stone,  Arithmetical  Abilities  (1908),  p.  36. 
3  Bonser,  The  Reasoning  Ability  of  Children  (1910),  p.  20. 


522  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  once  less  variable  than  boys;  in  selective  judgment  the  girls 
are  once  more  variable  and  once  less  variable  than  the  boys;  in 
arithmetical  ability,  as  noted  above,  the  girls  are  much  more 
variable  than  the  boys;  in  Hterary  interpretation  the  boys  are  more 
variable;  in  spelling  the  boys  are  slightly  more  variable.  Bonser's 
final  conclusion  regarding  sex  differences  in  variability  in  reasoning 
processes  is  as  follows: 

Taking  the  totals  of  all,  the  boys  are  slightly  higher,  the  ratio  being 
1.047.  The  fluctuations  are  so  numerous,  and  the  differences  so  slight,  that 
it  seems  unsound  to  make  any  general  statement  to  the  effect  that  the  boys 
of  these  grades  are  more  variable  than  the  girls,  in  so  far  as  these  tests  have 
shown. 

Bonser's  study  affords  a  case'  which  illustrates  very  well  the 
prime  importance  of  considering  the  whole  table  of  frequencies  when 
we  wish  to  infer  social  consequences.  He  distributed  his  subjects 
as  to  age,  sex,  and  grade,  and  the  medians  and  quartiles  show  much 
greater  variabiHty  in  age  on  the  part  of  boys.  Bonser  states  this 
fact  as  follows: 

The  variability  in  age  is  seen  to  be  much  greater  among  the  boys  than 
among  the  girls,  as  shown  by  a  comparison  of  the  Q's. 

But  fortunately  for  our  purpose,  Bonser  gives  the  complete 
table  of  frequencies.  From  this  we  are  able  to  see  in  what  the 
greater  male  variability  consists.  We  see  that  the  range  for  the 
sexes  is  equal.  At  the  oldest  extreme  we  find  1.04  per  cent  of 
the  boys  and  1.88  per  cent  of  the  girls,  while  at  the  youngest 
extreme  we  find  0.51  per  cent  of  the  boys  and  1.06  per  cent  of 
the  girls.  The  boys  are  more  variable,  but  the  highest  achievements 
are  more  than  twice  as  frequent,  and  the  lowest  achievements  are 
nearly  twice  as  frequent,  on  the  part  of  girls.  The  social  significance 
would  be  the  exact  opposite  of  what  greater  male  variability  is 
ordinarily  supposed  to  imply. 

None  of  these  studies  was  made  for  the  chief  purpose  of  studying 
sex  differences  in  variability.  The  variations  were  calculated  and 
stated  more  or  less  incidentally.  There  has  been  no  attempt  to 
select  for  reference  here  studies  which  found  greater  female  varia- 
biUty.     All  studies  known  and  accessible  to  the  present  writer, 

'  Bonser,  op.  cit.,  p.  20. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     523 

where  the  variability  of  the  sexes  in  mental  traits  has  been  com- 
puted, have  been  noted.  In  view  of  the  facts  that  in  many  of  the 
cases  the  conclusions  are  based  on  a  small  number  of  subjects,  and 
that  the  evidence  is  conflicting,  it  seems  necessary  to  conclude  that 
the  comparative  variabihty  of  the  sexes  in  mental  traits  has  not 
been  determined  experimentally.  If  the  evidence  can  be  said  to 
point  in  one  direction  rather  than  another,  a  greater  female  varia- 
bihty seems  actually  to  be  indicated  in  experiments  so  far  made  on 
the  higher  mental  processes. 

But  even  if  it  were  determined  that  men  actually  do  vary  more 
in  mental  traits  than  women  do,  still  nothing  would  be  proved 
regarding  their  inherent  variability.  In  order  to  estabhsh  the 
greater  native  variability  of  either  sex  it  is  necessary  to  show 
(i)  that  in  the  trait  being  distributed  the  opportunity  and  training 
of  the  sexes  have  been  exactly  equal,  and  (2)  that  in  neither  group 
has  variability  had  more  or  less  survival  value  than  in  the  other 
group. 

Under  these  conditions  the  only  measurements  of  the  sexes 
that  may  properly  be  compared  with  respect  to  variabihty  are 
the  measurements  of  infants  at  birth  and  for  a  short  period  there- 
after. These  are  hmited  to  anatomical  traits,  and  objections  are 
made  to  the  vahdity  of  even  these  data.  No  measurements, 
especially  mental  measurements,  of  adults  under  the  social  customs 
which  have  obtained  in  the  world  of  men  and  women  fulfil  either 
of  our  two  necessary  conditions.  Men  and  women  have  devoted 
themselves  to  different  activities  because  of  the  very  different 
parts  they  play  in  the  reproduction  of  the  species.  Women  are 
under  the  biological  necessity  of  bearing  and  rearing  the  children, 
and  in  the  present  almost  as  invariably  as  in  the  past,  child- 
bearing  has  impHed  and  compelled  as  a  consequence  the  one 
occupation  of  housekeeping.  Thus  intellectual  variability  had 
no  survival  value  for  women,  but  rather  the  opposite.  Women 
married,  or  were  married  by  their  parents,  at  an  early  age.  They 
bore  children — ^and  many  of  them,  since  until  the  present  century 
the  very  existence  of  a  nation  depended  on  the  increase  in  its 
numbers  of  fighting  men.  All  the  influences  of  social  pressure, 
reUgious  precept,  and  even  of  the  legal  restriction  of  knowledge 


524  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

have  been  brought  to  bear  on  women  to  the  end  that  there  might 
be  enough  increase  in  the  population  to  offset  the  wastage  of  war 
and  disease.  Physiological  facts  made  it  natural,  and  consequent 
public  expectation  made  it  well  nigh  imperative,  that  women  should 
contribute  to  the  care  of  these  numerous  children  by  housekeeping. 
This  was  formerly  almost  absolutely  the  case,  and  even  in  this 
century  the  cases  of  women  who  have  found  a  way  to  vary  from 
the  modal  occupation  and  status,  and  yet  procreate,  are  rare  indeed. 
Individual  prejudice  hinders,  poverty  forbids,  or  society  enacts 
legal  measures  against  it,  as  in  the  case  of  a  New  York  City  teacher, 
which  was  recently  given  much  publicity  in  the  daily  press.  But 
men,  except  slave  men,  could  always  procreate  and  at  the  same 
time  be  as  diverse  in  occupation,  trade,  and  inclination  as  possible. 

Thus  (i)  the  opportunity  and  exercise  of  the  two  sexes  in  the 
traits  which  make  for  intellectual  achievement  have  been  very 
dissimilar  in  kind  and  amount,  and  (2)  for  one  sex  variabihty  has 
had  survival  value;  for  the  other  sex  it  has  had  no  survival  value — 
this  by  virtue  of  the  different  parts  played  by  the  sexes  in  perpetuat- 
ing the  race.     Darwin'  says: 

With  respect  to  the  causes  of  variability  we  are  in  all  cases  very  ignorant, 
but  we  can  see  that  in  man,  as  in  the  lower  animals,  they  stand  in  some  rela- 
tion to  the  conditions  to  which  each  species  has  been  exposed  during  several 

generations We  see  the  influence  of  diversified  conditions  in  the  more 

civilized  nations;  for  the  members,  belonging  to  different  grades  of  rank,  and 
following  different  occupations,  present  a  greater  range  of  character  than  do  the 
members  of  barbarous  nations 

This  statement  by  Darwin  involves,  of  course,  a  fallacy.  For 
we  do  not  know  whether  the  civilized  nations  are  more  variable 
because  they  are  civilized,  or  civilized  because  they  are  more 
variable.  We  can,  however,  paraphrase  this  statement  and  apply 
it  to  the  situation  of  the  two  sexes.  Men  have  been  influenced 
by  diversified  conditions;  they  have  followed  the  greatest  possible 
range  of  occupations,  and  have  at  the  same  time  procreated  unhin- 
dered. Women  have  been  limited  to  07te  set  of  activities,  because 
of  the  part  they  play  in  the  perpetuation  of  the  species. 

Men  of  science  studying  the  ever-interesting  subject  of  genius 
and  leadership  have  pointed  out  women's  inferiority  to  men  in 

'  Charles  Darwin,  Descent  of  Man  (1871),  p.  44. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     525 

art,  science,  war,  politics,  and  invention.  They  have  diligently 
sought  to  explain  the  causes  of  this  failure  on  the  part  of  women. 
Ellis  finds  the  causes  in  the  greater  primitiveness,  less  variability, 
and  greater  affectabihty  of  women.  Lafitte  finds  the  cause  in  the 
fact  that  women's  minds  are  concrete  and  incapable  of  abstraction. 
Upton  finds  it  in  the  fact  that  woman  "is  emotional  by  tempera- 
ment and  nature,  and  cannot  project  herself  outwardly."  Thorn- 
dike  finds  it  chiefly  in  the  greater  variabihty  of  the  male,  and 
partly  in  the  fact  that  women  lack  the  fighting  instinct.  Count- 
less men  have  found  it  in  the  "less  ability"  of  women.  None,  so 
far  as  I  know,  has  announced  that  he  finds  it  in  the  conditioning 
influence  of  woman's  biological  function,  the  inescapable  fact  that 
she  bears  and  rears  the  children.  Frederic  Harrison  among 
general  writers,  in  an  essay  on  "The  Future  of  Woman,"  recog- 
nizes the  great  influence  that  excessive  maternity  has  had  on 
woman' s   achievement : 

We  look  to  the  good  feeling  of  the  future  to  relieve  women  from  the  agoni- 
zing wear  and  tear  of  families  far  too  large  to  be  reared  by  one  mother — a 
burden  which  crushes  down  the  best  years  of  life  for  so  many  mothers,  sisters, 
and  daughters — a  burden  which,  while  jt  exists,  makes  all  expectation  of 
superior  education  or  greater  moral  elevation  in  the  masses  of  women  mere 
idle  talk. 

Yet  Harrison  ends  by  forgetting  this  entirely,  finding  the 
final  causes  of  woman's  inferior  achievement  in  "shghter  nervous 
organization,"  "smaller  cerebral  mass,"  and  in  the  fact  that  she 
is  subject  to  the  catamenial  function  and  men  are  not. 

J.  McK.  CattelP  in  his  study  of  the  thousand  most  eminent 
persons  of  history  says: 

I  have  spoken  throughtout  of  eminent  men  as  we  lack  in  EngUsh  words 
including  both  men  and  women,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  women  do  not  have 
an  important  place  on  the  list.     They  have  in  all  32  representatives  in  the 

thousand Belles  lettres  and  fiction — the  only  department  in  which 

women  have  accomplished  much — give  ten  names Women  have  not 

excelled  in  poetry  or  art.  Yet  these  are  the  departments  ....  in  which 
the  environment  has  been,  perhaps,  as  favorable  for  women  as  for  men. 
Women  depart  less  from  the  normal  than  men — a  fact  that  usually  holds 

throughout  the  animal  series The  distribution  of  women  is  represented 

by  a  narrower,  bell-shaped  curve. 

'J.  McK.  Cattell,  "Statistical  Study  of  Eminent  Men,"  Popular  Science  Monthly, 
LXII. 


526  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  that  the  "only  department  in  which 
women  have  accomplished  much"  is  one  in  which  work  could 
be  carried  on  more  or  less  successfully  in  conjunction  with 
the  modal  occupation — providing  there  was  wealth  enough  to 
hire  servants  for  the  actual  drudgery.  Cattell  does  not  say 
explicitly  what  he  means  by  the  implied  unfavorableness  of  the 
environment  for  women  in  lines  other  than  art  and  poetry.  He  is 
not  entirely  certain  that  the  environment  has  been  as  favorable 
for  them  as  for  men  even  in  art  and  poetry,  since  he  qualifies  his 
statement  by  "perhaps."  But  it  is  clearly  imphed  that  this 
author  recognizes  an  environmental  condition  unfavorable  to  women. 

It  seems  indubitable  that  great  numbers  of  women  of  intellectual 
gifts,  confronted  with  the  necessity  of  choosing  a  "career"  or 
"domestic  happiness,"  have  chosen,  either  consciously  or  uncon- 
sciously the  latter.  And  it  must  be  remembered  that  even  the 
possibihty  of  a  choice  has  existed  only  in  recent  times;  that  through- 
out almost  the  whole  course  of  history  women  were  predestined  to 
their  work  of  housekeeping.  It  is  not  and  cannot  be  known  how 
much  nor  what  grade  of  potential  leadership  has  thus  been  turned 
into  energy-absorbing  channels  where  eminence  is  impossible. 
Housekeeping  and  the  rearing  of  children,  though  much  commended 
to  women  as  proper  fields  for  the  exploitation  of  their  talents,  are, 
unfortunately  for  their  fame,  not  fields  in  which  eminence  can  be 
attained.  No  one  knows,  for  instance,  who  at  present  is  the  best 
housekeeper  in  America,  nor  who  has  borne  and  reared  the  largest 
and  finest  family  of  children.  It  is  not  known  how  much  intel- 
lectual acumen  is  being  brought  to  bear  on  these  ends.  Eminent 
housekeepers  and  eminent  mothers  as  such  do  not  exist.  Yet  to 
say  that  women  of  great  intellectual  gifts  have  not  thus  expended 
their  energies  is  to  affirm  either  (i)  that  there  are  no  women  of 
intellectual  gifts,  an  affirmation  now  passe  in  the  scientific  world, 
(2)  that  intellect  is  unattractive  to  men,  and  that  thus  the  most 
intelligent  women  are  left  unmarried,  (3)  that  the  most  intelligent 
women  will  not  marry,  or  (4)  that  the  bearing  and  rearing  of  chil- 
dren, and  the  performance  of  household  tasks  at  present  coincident 
therewith  constitute  no  handicap  to  the  highest  attainment  in  the 
fields  where  eminence  is  possible. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     527 

Such  statements  as  these  are  very  hkely  to  be  construed  as 
an  attack  on  maternity  as  such.  It  is  certain,  however,  that  no 
such  attack  is  intended.  The  whole  and  the  sole  purpose  of  this 
paper  is  to  criticize  the  hypothesis  that  inherently  greater  male 
variability  is  the  cause  of  woman's  failure  to  attain  intellectual 
eminence.  Such  a  criticism  involves  the  unsentimental  statement 
of  biological  facts,  and  of  their  social  consequences.  Men  of  science, 
seeking  the  cause  of  woman's  failure,  have  not  sufficiently  recogn'zed 
these  facts  and  consequences,  or  else  they  have  deemed  it  unpeda- 
gogical  to  announce  them.  We  do  not  need,  even,  to  look  to  the 
high  ranges  of  achievement  for  hght  on  our  thesis.  We  need  only 
to  take  the  grade  of  intellectual  attainment  represented  by  the 
Ph.D.  degree.  It  is  proposed  soon  to  make  a  comprehensive 
study  of  the  percentage  of  women  who  have  taken  this  degree 
after  becoming  mothers,  as  compared  with  the  percentage  of  men 
who  have  taken  it  after  becoming  fathers.  It  is  Hkely  that  any 
person  of  academic  experience  would  forecast  the  result  that  few 
or  no  women  have  taken  this  degree  after  becoming  mothers. 

Cora  Sutton  Castle'  in  her  study  of  eminent  women  has 
attempted  to  determine  why  women  have  not  played  a  greater 
part  in  the  history  of  intellectual  progress.  She  has  treated 
eminent  women  with  respect  to  their  matrimonial  relations,  occu- 
pations, ages,  nationahties,  and  epochs.  But  she  has  not  yet 
determined  the  number  of  children  borne  by  those  women  who 
attained  eminence  through  their  intellectual  labor,  as  compared 
with  the  birth  rate  among  women  in  general  during  the  time  when 
these  women  hved.  Castle  implies  that  woman's  failure  may  be 
due  to  lack  of  educational  opportunities,  but  we  have  farther  to 
seek  than  that.  For  how  did  it  come  about  that  woman  lacked 
educational  opportunities  ?  What  was  the  genesis  of  this  situation, 
since  in  the  beginning  there  was  no  "educational  opportunity" 
for  either  sex  ? 

Thorndike  has  gone  farther  than  almost  any  other  man  of  science 
in  declaring  that  woman's  failure  may  to  some  extent  be  due  to  a 
difference  in  instincts  connected  with  reproduction.  He  declares 
also  that  "We  should  first  exhaust  the  known  physical  causes" 

'  Cora  Sutton  Castle,  Statistical  Study  of  Eminent  Women  (1913). 


528  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

before  we  proceed  to  any  assumption  of  mental  inferiority  in 
explaining  woman's  lack  of  achievement.  But  have  these  "known 
physical  causes"  been  exhausted  if  we  end  with  the  conclusion 
that  "the  probably  true  explanation  is  to  be  found  in  the  greater 
variabiHty  within  the  male  sex"  ?  Surely  we  should  consider  ^r^^ 
the  estabHshed,  obvious,  inescapable,  physical  fac  that  women 
bear  and  rear  the  children,  and  that  this  has  always  meant  and 
still  means  that  nearly  loo  per  cent  of  their  energy  is  expended  in 
the  performance  and  supervision  of  domestic  and  allied  tasks,  a  field 
where  eminence  is  impossible.  Only  when  we  had  exhausted  this 
fact  as  an  explanation  should  we  pass  on  to  the  question  of  com- 
parative variabiHty,  or  of  differences  in  intellect  or  instinct.  Men 
of  science  who  discuss  at  all  the  matter  of  woman's  failure  should 
thus  seek  the  cause  of  failure  in  the  most  obvious  facts,  and 
announce  the  conclusion  consequent  upon  such  search.  Other- 
wise their  discussion  is  futile  scientifically. 

Undoubtedly  one  of  the  most  difficult  and  fundamental  prob- 
lems that  today  confront  thinking  women  is  how  to  secure  for 
themselves  the  chance  to  vary  from  the  mode  of  their  sex,  and  at 
the  same  time  to  procreate,  in  a  social  order  that  has  been  built 
up  on  the  assumption  that  there  is  and  can  be  httle  or  no  variation 
in  tastes,  interests,  and  abilities  within  the  female  sex.  It  is  a 
problem  that  has  never  confronted  men.  At  times  it  seems  well- 
nigh  insoluble.  But  to  affirm  that  it  is  insoluble  is  at  the  same  time 
to  affirm  that  there  will  always  be  a  hard  choice  confronting  women 
whose  tastes  vary  from  the  mode;  that  there  will  be  restlessness, 
unhappiness,  and  strife  with  the  social  order  on  the  part  of  these 
individuals;  and  that  society  must  tend  to  lose  the  work  of  its 
intellectual  women  or  else  lose  their  children. 

Briefly  our  thesis  may  be  summed  up  thus: 

1.  The  greater  variabiHty  of  males  in  anatomical  traits  is  not 
estabHshed,  but  is  debated  by  authorities  of  perhaps  equal  com- 
petence. 

2.  But  even  if  it  were  estabHshed,  it  would  only  suggest,  not 
prove,  that  men  are  more  variable  in  mental  traits  also.  The 
empirical  data  at  present  available  on  this  point  are  inadequate 
and  contradictory,  and  if  they  point  either  way,  actually  indicate 
greater  female  variabiHty. 


VARIABILITY  AND  SEX  DIFFERENCE  IN  ACHIEVEMENT     529 

3.  But  even  if  it  were  established  that  there  actually  is  greater 
male  variability  in  mental  traits,  it  would  only  suggest,  not  prove, 
that  there  is  greater  inherent  variability.  For  {a)  the  opportunity 
and  exercise  of  the  sexes  have  been  dissimilar  and  unequal;  {h)  intel- 
lectual variabiKty  has  had  survival  value  for  men,  but  for  women 
it  has  had  little  or  none — ^this  by  virtue  of  the  different  parts  played 
by  the  sexes  in  the  perpetuation  of  the  species. 

4.  It  must  be  remembered  that  variability  in  and  of  itself  does 
not  have  social  significance,  unless  it  is  known  in  what  the  varia- 
bility consists — ^whether  in  greater  range,  greater  frequency  at  the 
extremes,  or  in  flattening  at  the  top  of  the  curve  of  distribution. 

5.  It  is  undesirable  to  seek  for  the  cause  of  sex  differences 
in  eminence  in  ultimate  and  obscure  affective  and  intellectual 
differences  until  we  have  exhausted  as  a  cause  the  known,  obvious, 
and  inescapable  fact  that  women  bear  and  rear  the  children,  and 
that  this  has  had  as  an  inevitable  sequel  the  occupation  of  house- 
keeping, a  field  where  eminence  is  not  possible. 

As  a  corollary  it  may  be  added  that 

6.  It  is  desirable,  for  both  the  enrichment  of  society  and  the 
peace  of  individuals,  that  women  may  find  a  way  to  vary  from  their 
mode  as  men  do,  and  yet  procreate.  Such  a  course  is  at  present 
hindered  by  individual  prejudice,  poverty,  and  the  enactment  of 
legal  measures.  But  pubhc  expectation  will  slowly  change,  as  the 
conditions  that  generated  that  expectation  have  already  changed, 
and  in  another  century  the  solution  to  this  problem  will  have  been 
found. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  CONSULTED 

Bonser,  Reasoning  Ability  of  Children  (1910). 

Brown,  W.,  "Correlation  of  Mental  Abilities,"  British  Journal  of  Psychology 

(1910). 
Castle,  Cora  S.,  Statistical  Study  of  Eminent  Women  (191 3). 
Cattell,   J.   McK.,   "Statistical   Study  of  Eminent   Men,"   Popular  Science 

Monthly,  62. 
Darwin,  Charles,  Descent  of  Man  (1871). 

Dubois,  H.,  Les  gros  enfants  au  point  de  vue  obstetrical.    These  de  Paris  (1897). 
Ellis,  H.,  Man  and  Woman  (1909). 
Fox  and  Thorndike,   "Sex  Differences  in  Arithmetical  Ability,"   Columbia 

Contributions  to  Philosophy,  Psychology,  and  Education,  II. 
Harrison,  F.,  Realities  and  Ideals  (1908). 


530  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Hollingworth,  H.  L.,  "Judgments  of  Persuasiveness,"  Psychological  Review, 

XXVIII  (191 1),  4- 
Hollingworth,  L.  S.,  "The  Frequency  of  Amentia  as  Related  to  Sex,"  Medical 

Record  (1913). 
Hrdlicka,  A.,  Anthropological  Investigation  of  One  Thousand  Children  (1899). 
Kuper,  G.,  "Group  Differences  in  the  Interests  of  Children,"  Journal  of 

Philosophy,  Psychology,  and  Scientific  Method  (191 2). 
Meyers,  G.  C,  Incidental  Memory  (1913). 
Pearson,  K.,  Cfwnces  of  Death  (1897). 
Scripture,  E.  W.,  "Arithmetical  Prodigies,"  American  Journal  of  Psychology 

(1891). 
Stone,  Arithmetical  Abilities  (1908). 

Strong,  E.  K.,  Jr.,  Relative  Merits  of  Advertisements  (191 1). 
Thorndike,  E.  L.,  Educational  Psychology  (1910). 
Thorndike,  E.  L.,  "Sex  in  Education,"  The  Bookman,  XXIII,  213. 
Wells,  F.  L.,  "Sex  Differences  in  the  Tapping  Test,"  American  Journal  of 

Psychology  (1909). 
Wells,  F.  L.,  "Relation  of  Practice  to  Individual  Differences,"  American 

Journal  of  Psychology  (191 2). 


ASSEMBLIES 


CHARLES  S.  GARDNER 
Southern  Baptist  Theological  Seminary 


When  a  number  of  persons  are  assembled  the  mental  processes 
of  each  are  modified,  so  that  his  thinking,  feeling,  and  acting 
are  different  from  what  they  would  be  were  he  alone.  Each  is 
more  or  less  conscious  of  the  presence  of  the  others,  and  this  con- 
sciousness affects  in  some  measure  his  mental  state ;  this  modifica- 
tion of  his  mental  state  is  reflected,  however  sKghtly,  in  his  bearing 
and  action  and,  in  turn,  reacts  upon  the  mental  state  of  those  in  his 
presence.  There  is  initiated  at  once  a  series  of  interactions  between 
the  persons  assembled  which  cannot  stop  until  they  are  again  dis- 
persed. This  class  of  psychical  phenomena  is  of  peculiar  interest, 
and  increasingly  so  in  this  age  of  dense  massing  of  population  and 
of  great  popular  gatherings. 

We  may  for  convenience  divide  assembhes  into  several  classes. 
The  three  chief  classes  we  shall  distinguish  according  to  the  con- 
ditions under  which  the  assembled  persons  are  brought  together. 

I.  There  is  the  purely  accidental  concourse.  A  number  of 
persons  find  themselves  near  to  one  another  by  accident,  as  each 
pursues  his  individual  way.  They  are  there  with  no  common  pur- 
pose, and  have  no  other  sort  of  common  interest  in  being  there.  They 
have  no  psychical  unity.  If  we  may  use  the  expression,  their  unity 
is  only  spatial;  they  are  in  the  same  locaHty  at  the  same  time, 
and  perhaps  this  unity  is  only  for  the  moment. 

Now,  the  proposition  as  to  mental  interaction  was  stated  as 
imiversal,  but  it  may  fairly  be  questioned  whether  it  holds  good  as 
to  an  accidental  concourse.  When,  for  instance — to  take  an 
extreme  case — a  number  of  people,  each  of  whom  is  bent  upon  his 
own  separate  purpose  and  going  his  own  way,  find  themselves  in 
juxtaposition  on  the  street,  can  it  be  claimed  with  reason  that  there 
results  a  modification  of  the  mental  Hfe  of  each  ?  Certainly  in  such 
cases  the  interaction  is  at  a  minimum ;  and  yet  a  little  careful  intro- 
spection and  observation  seem  to  me  to  show  that  even  under  such 

531 


532  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

circumstances  the  thinking  of  the  individual,  although  absorbed  in 
his  owTi  affairs  at  the  time  and  oblivious  of  the  presence  of  others, 
is  not  quite  the  same  as  it  would  be  if  he  were  isolated.  If  in  no 
other  way,  he  is  probably  subconsciously  influenced.  This,  how- 
ever, is  a  matter  of  only  theoretical  interest  and  may  be  passed  by. 
From  the  psychological  point  of  view  the  matter  of  chief  importance 
about  such  chance  assemblies  is  that  they  may  be  so  easily  con- 
verted into  crowds  with  a  decided  mental  unity.  A  shght  incident 
may  arrest  the  passing  throng  on  the  sidewalk  and  focus  the 
attention  of  all;  and  instantly  the  interaction  of  many  minds,  even 
if  it  were  wholly  absent  before,  becomes  obvious  and  more  or  less 
powerful  according  to  circumstances.  A  mob  may  originate  in 
this  way,  when  the  incident  that  focuses  the  attention  of  the  throng 
is  of  a  highly  exciting  character,  and  especially  if  it  arouses  to  a 
high  intensity  some  of  the  more  powerful  emotions  and  some  strong 
leader  is  ready  with  the  appropriate  suggestion. 

To  the  preacher  the  psychology  of  the  street  throng  is  of  interest 
because  of  the  revival  of  street  preaching — a  method  of  reaching 
the  masses  which  has  been  so  effectually  used  by  the  Salvation 
Army  and  is  now  copied  by  an  increasing  number  of  Christian 
workers.  Its  effectiveness  consists,  first,  in  the  contrast  which  a 
rehgious  service  and  appeal  offer  to  the  environment  of  street  life, 
where  men  are  engaged  in  the  diligent  pursuit  of  material  values. 
The  soft,  sweet  strains  of  a  Christian  hymn  rising  amidst  the  din 
and  roar  of  traffic  is  a  most  effective  means  of  arresting  the  atten- 
tion; and  the  appeal  to  men  to  turn  their  thought  toward  the  things 
that  transcend  time  and  sense  often  succeeds,  by  its  very  strange- 
ness in  such  surroundings,  in  awakening  a  thrill  in  a  heart  that 
would  under  ordinary  circumstances  be  wholly  unresponsive.  In 
the  second  place,  the  voice  of  the  singer  or  preacher  often  falls  upon 
the  ears  of  a  passer-by  at  the  "psychological  moment;"  for  a  man 
is  often  peculiarly  conscious  under  these  conditions  of  the  strain 
and  pressure  of  life,  of  the  sordidness  of  materialism,  of  the  mocking 
vanity  of  a  life  of  transgression,  of  the  need  of  moral  cleansing,  and 
of  spiritual  consolation  and  support.  At  such  moments  his  mind 
and  heart  are  quite  susceptible  to  the  rehgious  appeal.  But 
notwithstanding  these  advantages,  street  preaching  is  not  easy. 


ASSEMBLIES  533 

Only  a  few  are  sufficiently  interested  to  be  held;  the  urge  of 
business  is  upon  them ;  many  stop  for  a  moment  and  then  move  on ; 
newcomers  are  constantly  arriving.  The  speaker  addresses  a 
moving  procession  which  swarms  by  a  little  nucleus  of  interested 
listeners.  It  is  extremely  difficult  to  secure  a  sufficiently  stable 
group  to  induce  mental  unity.  The  diverting  and  distracting 
influences  are  very  hard  to  overcome.  There  is  required  something 
which  excites  powerful  emotions  in  order  to  form  a  unified  psycho- 
logical group  under  such  conditions. 

2.  The  inspirational  gathering. — -This  is  a  coming  together  of 
people  with  the  common  purpose  of  being  stimulated  or  inspired  by 
appeals  to  their  intellectual  or  emotional  nature.  To  be  more 
specific,  this  kind  of  assemblage  has  three  characteristic  marks. 
First,  it  is  physically  segregated — usually  shut  up  within  the  walls 
of  a  building,  though  in  some  cases  it  meets  in  the  open  air.  This 
gives  it  the  unity  of  locahty  in  such  a  way  as  to  emphasize  the 
consciousness  of  unity.  The  persons  so  brought  together  feel  their 
unity  all  the  more  from  the  fact  that  they  are  separated  as  a  group 
from  other  men,  i.e.,  the  local  unity  itself  develops  a  certain  measure 
of  psychic  unity.  Second,  its  members  have  a  unity  of  purpose  in 
being  present.  Often  this  sense  of  common  purpose  in  being 
together  is  only  relative  and  indefinite;  and  in  the  case  of  the 
average  church  congregation,  some  of  whom  are  present  solely  and 
many  partly  from  force  of  habit,  other  motives  operate  which  are 
only  remotely  related,  if  related  at  all,  to  the  purpose  which  is 
supposed  to  have  influenced  them.  However,  on  the  whole,  such 
gatherings  have  a  certain  unity  of  purpose,  loose  and  indefinite  as 
it  may  be,  which  constitutes  a  psychical  bond  of  considerable 
strength.  Third — and  this  is  a  very  important  characteristic 
which  differentiates  it  sharply  from  other  kinds  of  assemblies — its 
members  are  there  to  be  entertained  or  stimulated  or  influenced  in 
some  way.  They  may  take  part,  more  or  less,  in  some  of  the 
exercises  or  proceedings,  but  primarily  they  are  there  for  the  pur- 
pose of  receiving  some  intellectual  or  emotional  stimulation.  Such 
an  assemblage  is  the  audience  at  a  lecture,  the  crowd  at  a  theater, 
the  congregation  at  a  church.  In  the  latter,  however  ritualistic  or 
informal  may  be  the  service  and  however  much  or  little  the  people 


534  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

may  participate  in  it,  their  fundamental  purpose  is  to  receive  re- 
ligious inspiration,  which  they  expect  to  come  chiefly  through  the 
leader.  This  receptive  attitude  is  a  very  significant  factor  in  the 
psychological  situation,  an  important  condition  of  the  psychical 
effects  which  may  be  developed.  It  manifestly  renders  it  easier  to 
bring  about  mental  unity  or  fusion  than  under  any  other  conditions. 
In  gatherings  of  this  type  we  may  distinguish  three  stages  of  mental 
unity. 

(i)  In  the  primary  stage  the  psychical  fusion  is  low  and  there  is 
a  high  degree  of  self-conscious  individuality  among  the  members. 
There  is,  as  already  indicated,  a  certain  degree  of  mental  unity  due 
to  the  local  separateness  of  the  assembly,  to  the  similarity  of 
purpose  in  being  present  and  to  the  common  attitude  of  receptivity. 
But  this  is  all.  Each  person  is  self -centered,  and  there  is  little 
common  feehng.  The  critical  faculties  of  each  are  in  the  ascendant, 
and  the  words  and  acts  of  the  speaker  or  leader,  in  so  far  as  they 
succeed  in  securing  attention,  are  coolly  weighed  in  each  auditor's 
mental  balances;  while  the  thoughts  of  those  whose  attention  has 
not  been  secured  are  busily  engaged  with  their  personal  interests,  or 
idly  drifting  according  to  the  laws  of  association,  or  sinking  toward 
the  level  of  drowsy  extinction.  Perhaps  the  interest  is  keen  but 
predominantly  intellectual,  and  is  thus  of  a  character  to  accentuate 
the  individuahty  of  each  and  keep  the  psychic  fusion  at  a  minimum. 
But  whether  there  be  an  exclusively  intellectual  activity  or  an 
anarchic  wandering  of  the  attention  or  a  somnolent  relaxation  of 
consciousness,  there  is  little  common  emotion,  very  little  blending 
of  the  separate  units  into  a  psychical  mass  in  which  each  reahzes 
that  his  mental  reactions  coincide  with  those  of  others.  The 
speaker  addressing  such  a  group  will  feel  that  his  words  are  falHng 
upon  critical  or  indifferent  or  sleepy  ears. 

(2)  The  secondary  stage  is  marked  off  from  the  primary  by  no 
hard-and-fast  lines;  but  is  characterized  by  the  lowered  indi- 
viduality and  the  increased  mental  fusion  of  the  personal  units 
composing  the  assembly.  The  intellectual  activity  of  each  is  less 
independent  and  autonomous,  is  more  limited  by  a  common 
emotional  state  into^which  all  have  been  brought.  Emotion  has  a 
very  important  influence  upon  the  activity  of  the  intellect.     Up  to 


ASSEMBLIES  535 

a  certain  point  it  stimulates  intellectual  action,  and  beyond  that 
point  hinders  it  more  and  more ;  but  whether  stimulating,  as  in  its 
lower  degrees,  or  inhibitive,  as  in  its  higher  intensities,  emotion  is 
always  directive  of  whatever  intellectual  activities  are  going  on; 
because  feeling  defines,  if  it  does  not  determine,  the  fine  of  interest 
and  it  is  interest  which  engages  the  intellect.  Consequently  in  a 
gathering  in  which  a  common  feeling  of  considerable  strength  has 
been  developed  the  individuals  are  partially  blended  into  a  psychical 
mass  in  which  the  one  pervasive  emotion  intensifies  the  conscious- 
ness of  imity  and  orients  the  intellects  of  all  in  a  given  direction. 
The  tendency  to  individualistic  thinking,  i.e.,  thinking  independent 
of  or  diverse  from  that  of  the  assembly  as  a  whole,  is  to  a  large 
extent  inhibited.  Mark  that  it  is  the  tendency  to  diverse  thinking 
that  is  inhibited;  the  individual  is  not  conscious  of  the  limitation 
that  is  upon  him.  In  so  far  as  he  is  fused  with  others  he  simply 
does  not  tend  to  think  differently  from  the  mass;  or  to  state  it  in 
other  words,  to  the  extent  to  which  his  individuahty  has  been 
merged  he  feels  no  impulse  to  assert  his  mental  independence.  He 
is  not  aware  that  his  mental  autonomy  is  curtailed. 

But  in  this  secondary  stage  the  individuality  of  the  units  has 
not  wholly  disappeared.  The  fusion  is  partial  only;  a  measure  of 
independence  remains  to  the  average  person.  He  is  more  sug- 
gestible; is  more  thoroughly  under  the  influence  of  the  speaker;  he 
is  less  able  to  recollect  and  utilize  all  the  resources  of  his  intellect  by 
bringing  them  to  bear  upon  what  is  said  or  proposed.  He  is  less 
critical,  more  easily  convinced  and  led.  But  his  will  has  not  been 
paralyzed;  his  action  still  represents  his  personality,  though  not 
the  outcome  of  so  thorough  and  deliberate  a  consideration  of  all 
the  issues  involved.  There  are  many  cases  in  which  the  individual 
has  become  so  thoroughly  subject  to  habit,  so  warped  in  his  inclina- 
tions, so  biased  in  mental  action  by  long  persistence  in  certain 
courses  of  conduct  that  he  is  incapable  under  ordinary  conditions  of 
weighing  with  approximate  fairness  the  pros  and  cons  of  an  issue 
which  involves  those  habits  and  inchnations.  The  scales  of  his 
judgment  are  loaded.  He  sees  the  better  way  but  is  unable  to 
choose  it  when  the  test  comes.  The  habitual  drinker,  the  sensual 
libertine,  the  veterans  of  vice  and  the  victims  of  bad  habits,  in 


536  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

general,  see  the  evil  of  their  ways  but  have  become  so  perverted 
that  the  reasons  against  indulgence  are  not  effective  with  them,  are 
borne  down  or  smothered  by  the  clamorous  insistence  of  appetite, 
which  gives  exaggerated  force  to  the  considerations  in  favor  of  in- 
dulgence. Frequently  in  these  sad  cases  of  one-sided  or  perverted 
natures  it  is  the  emotional  contagion  of  the  crowd,  if  it  does  not 
reach  the  point  of  excess,  which,  by  acting  as  an  inhibition  upon 
these  vicious  incHnations,  balances  the  man  up  and  gives  his  rational 
nature  a  better  chance  to  express  itself;  and  by  the  aid  of  this 
influence  he  may  be  able  to  reach  and  fortify  himself  in  moral 
decisions  which  give  a  new  direction  to  his  life. 

(3)  The  third  stage  of  psychic  fusion  is  reached  when  the 
individuaUty  of  the  personal  units  has  disappeared;  or  perhaps  we 
should  say  when  the  only  elements  of  individuaUty  left  to  them  are 
the  reflexive  or  instinctive  peculiarities  of  their  individual  nervous 
constitutions.  The  modifications  of  their  emotional  natures 
resulting  from  their  intellectual  organization  have  disappeared. 
The  fusion  is  complete.  This  is  the  mob  state.  The  individual  no 
longer  thinks,  reasons,  chooses.  His  action  does  not  represent  his 
personaUty,  but  is  simply  his  reflex  or  instinctive  reaction  under  the 
powerful  influence  of  the  crowd-suggestion.  He  has  reached  a 
state  which  is  very  similar  to,  though  not  identical  with,  hypnosis. 
It  should  again  be  noted  that  he  is  not  conscious  of  the  limitation 
upon  him;  he  does  not  realize  that  the  action  of  his  rational 
faculties  is  suspended.  He  simply  does  not  differentiate  himself  in 
thought  from  the  mass.  His  actions  no  more  represent  himself 
than  those  of  the  hypnotic  subject  under  the  influence  of  the 
operator;  indeed  his  true  self  is  more  completely  annihilated  for 
the  tune.  The  hypnotic  subject  nearly  always  refuses  to  obey  a 
suggestion  which  runs  counter  to  his  deep  moral  instincts.  But 
the  personality  is  so  completely  suspended  in  the  mob-state  that  a 
man  may  be  induced  to  do  things  which  are  in  absolute  contra- 
diction to  his  self-respect  and  his  profoundest  moral  convictions. 
How  often  is  a  man  thus  led  to  commit  murder  who  would  be 
horrified  at  the  suggestion  under  ordinary  circumstances  and  would 
resist  it  even  in  the  hypnotic  trance!  Not  only  ridiculous  but 
disgraceful  acts  are  sometimes  performed  under  the  sway  of  crowd 


ASSEMBLIES  537 

suggestion,  the  sense  of  personal  decency  being  lost  in  the  wholesale 
collapse  of  the  personality.  It  is  doubtless  true  that  when  the 
psychic  fusion  of  the  crowd  reaches  its  limit  it  involves  a  dis- 
integration of  the  personality  more  thoroughgoing  than  can  be 
accompHshed  by  any  other  known  means,  except  certain  forms  of 
disease.  Of  course,  there  is  no  responsibility,  in  the  ordinary  sense 
of  the  word,  for  the  deed  performed  under  such  conditions.  The 
individuals  in  such  a  mass — I  speak  only  of  the  extreme  phenomena 
of  this  type — are  like  so  many  leaves  in  a  tornado.  They  are  simply 
a  herd  of  cattle  in  a  panic  or  a  fury — ^except  that  there  is  in  each  one 
a  temporarily  paralyzed  rational  and  voluntary  power,  which  may 
by  some  means  be  again  awakened  into  activity.  Until  that  is 
done  their  action,  because  of  the  complexity  of  the  forces  involved, 
is  more  incalculable  than  the  shifting  of  the  wind.  But  the  mob 
may  also  do  deeds  that  are  chivalrous  or  heroic.  Whether  its 
action  is  despicable,  horrible,  or  noble  depends  upon  the  character 
of  the  emotion  which  at  any  time  is  in  the  ascendant,  and,  as  the 
emotions  are  exceedingly  unstable  and  variable,  the  mob's  per- 
formances may  quickly  shift  from  one  extreme  of  the  moral  scale  to 
the  other;  and  yet,  strictly  speaking,  a  mob  is  not  an  ethical  entity 
and  its  acts  are  non-ethical. 

The  passing  of  an  assembly  into  the  second  and  third  stages  of 
unity  may  be  accurately  described  as  a  process  of  inhibiting  the 
intellectual  or  rational  control  of  conduct,  which  is  accomplished 
by  collective  suggestion  in  a  state  of  high  emotion.  But  the 
rational  control  itself  is  essentially  of  an  inhibitive  character.  The 
normal  personahty  consists,  first,  of  a  substratum  of  inherited  nerve 
co-ordinations,  reflexive  and  instinctive;  and,  second,  of  a  system 
of  ideas  which  are  the  deposit  of  personal  experience,  plus  a  certain 
inscrutable  and  indefinable  power  of  choice  which  develops  along 
with  the  organization  of  the  mind.  Now,  the  impulses  of  the 
instinctive  nature  are  controlled  by  the  mental  organization  which 
is  the  result  of  individual  experience;  and  this  control  is  exercised 
mainly,  if  not  exclusively,  by  the  arrest  of  many  among  the  con- 
flicting impulses  which  originate  in  the  numerous  contacts  with  our 
environment  or  in  our  organic  sensations;  by  the  stopping  of  some 
impulses  the  right  of  way  is  given  to  others,  which  thus  pass  on  into 


538  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

realization  as  our  volitions.  In  a  fused  mass  of  men  the  collective 
suggestion  simply  suspends  these  individual  inhibitive  functions; 
and  in  so  far  as  they  are  suspended,  the  reflexes  and  instincts  are 
left  exposed  to  be  played  upon  by  the  external  influences  of  the 
crowd  or  mob. 

Now,  these  reflexes  and  instincts  constitute  our  racial  inheri- 
tance; they  are  the  parts  of  our  nature  in  which,  notwithstanding 
individual  pecuHarities,  we  are  most  nearly  identical  with  our 
fellow-men.  They  are  a  common  patrimony.  It  is  in  the  mental 
systems  built  up  in  personal  experience  that  we  are  most  widely 
differentiated,  and  it  is  by  the  interstimulation  of  their  common 
instincts  and  the  parallel  suppression  or  suspension  of  their  unlike 
intellectual  systems  that  men  are  fused  into  a  psychic  mass. 

If  we  should  ask  whether  it  is  more  important  to  stress  the 
common  elements  in  our  human  nature,  to  develop  in  men  the 
consciousness  of  their  community  of  life,  or  to  emphasize  their 
divergent  variations,  to  make  them  sensible  of  their  distinctive 
individuahties,  the  true  answer  would  be  that  both  should  be  done 
in  about  equal  proportions.  We  are  Kving  under  conditions  which 
promote  a  very  high  differentiation  of  men,  and  conditions  which 
at  the  same  time  bring  the  population  together  in  increasingly  vast 
and  dense  communities  and  favor  and  facilitate  the  assembling  of 
men  in  ever  larger  masses.  A  notable  phenomenon  of  urban  hf  e  every- 
where is  the  building  of  mammoth  auditoriums  for  the  gathering 
of  people  in  great  numbers;  and  there  is  a  tendency  to  the  enlarge- 
ment of  lecture  halls,  theaters,  and  churches.  These  frequent,  large 
aggregations  of  people,  in  which,  as  we  shall  see,  collective  sug- 
gestibihty  is  greater  and  the  units  are  more  readily  fused  than  in 
smaller  ones,  constitute  one  of  the  most  effective  means  of  develop- 
ing and  strengthening  the  consciousness  of  the  unity  of  men  in  an 
age  of  high  speciahzation  of  individuals  and  groups;  if  only  the 
process  of  psychic  fusion  can  be  kept  from  going  to  the  excess  which 
effaces  the  sense  of  individual  responsibihty,  disintegrates  and 
weakens  personality,  and  results  in  hurtful  collective  action. 

The  first  stage  of  mental  unity  of  the  assembly  is  best  suited  to 
instruction.  The  class  in  the  lecture  room  has  this  degree  of  unity, 
and  a  certain  measure  of  common  feeHng  is  desirable  as  a  means  of 


ASSEMBLIES  539 

intellectual  quickening.  But  the  development  of  the  feeling  beyond 
a  low  intensity  should  be  avoided.  Wherever  the  didactive  purpose 
is  the  controUing  one  in  bringing  people  together,  care  should  be 
taken  to  keep  the  crowd  in  the  primary  stage  of  fusion.  When  the 
purpose  is  inspiration  rather  than  instruction,  aiming,  not  at  the 
impartation  of  ideas  or  their  correlation,  but  at  the  organization  of 
emotional  dispositions  around  certain  ideas,  the  development  and 
strengthening  of  common  sentiments  and  ideals,  the  secondary 
stage  of  fusion  is  desirable.  Suppose  the  preacher,  for  instance, 
desires  to  teach  his  congregation,  to  enlarge  and  improve  their 
conception  of  God.  This  cannot  be  done  by  developing  a  tide  of 
emotion  which  puts  limitations  upon  the  action  of  the  individual 
intellects  and  leads  to  uncritical  acceptance  of  the  ideas  which  he 
imparts.  The  method  should  be  an  appeal  to  their  individual 
rational  powers  with  the  aim  of  producing  conviction.  On  the 
other  hand,  suppose  it  is  his  desire  to  cultivate  the  sentiment  of 
loyalty  to  Christ;  then  he  should  strive  to  develop  in  connection 
with  the  intellectual  conception  of  Christ  the  appropriate  feeling  of 
devotion  to  him — -to  organize  in  the  minds  of  his  auditors  a  fixed 
association  of  certain  emotions  with  their  idea  of  his  character; 
and  this  involves,  of  course,  strong  and  repeated  stimulations  of 
the  affective  side  of  their  natures.  But  if  the  emotional  tide  runs 
so  high  as  to  submerge  the  intellectual  life  and  drown  all  definite 
ideas  in  its  flood,  the  second  purpose  as  well  as  the  first  is  wholly 
defeated.  No  sentiment  is  then  developed,  no  ideal  established, 
but  only  a  thirst  is  created  for  wild  and  senseless  emotional  intoxica- 
tion which  is  disorganizing  and  debilitating  in  its  effects  upon 
personality.  The  third  stage  of  psychic  fusion  should,  therefore, 
always  be  avoided. 

But  our  division  of  the  process  of  fusion  into  three  stages  is  a 
logical  one  and  does  not  correspond  to  the  reality  except  in  a  very 
general  way.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  while  these  three  stages  are  in  a 
general  way  distinguishable,  the  assembly  does  not  pass  as  a  whole 
from  one  into  the  other.  There  are  in  it  persons  of  very  various 
degrees  of  suggestibihty.  Those  of  the  greatest  suggestibiHty  are 
the  first  to  suffer  the  arrest  of  the  intellectual  processes  and  lose 
their  individuality,  while  those  who  are  least  suggestible  maintain 


540  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

their  mental  autonomy  until  the  extreme  limit  of  emotional  excite- 
ment is  reached.  Children,  women  (as  a  rule),  persons  of  limited 
experience  or  of  loose  mental  organization  are  apt  to  fall  Jfirst  wholly 
under  the  spell  of  the  crowd-suggestion;  but  as  the  tide  rises  others, 
according  to  the  measure  of  their  experience  or  of  the  stabihty  of 
their  mental  organization,  succumb  to  its  pervading  power.  It  is 
like  cutting  the  dykes  and  flooding  a  region.  First  the  lowest  lands, 
then  the  plains,  then  the  uplands  are  submerged  by  the  rising 
waters,  until  only  the  higher  hills  stand  out  above  the  waves.  It  is 
this  fact  of  greatly  unequal  suggestibility  which  constitutes  a  grave 
problem  for  the  leader  of  the  assembly  when  it  seems  desirable  to 
develop  a  considerable  degree  of  emotional  fusion.  That  which  is 
necessary  to  stimulate  in  some  members  of  the  congregation  a 
proper  sense  of  their  community  of  life  with  their  fellows  may  prove 
to  be  too  powerful  a  stimulation  of  others;  so  that  while  the  leader 
is  accomplishing  good  results  in  one  direction  he  is  doing  harm  in 
another.  In  dealing  with  this  aspect  of  the  matter,  the  highest 
judgment  and  skill  should  be  exercised  by  those  who  are  responsible. 
Especially  does  this  apply  to  the  preacher.  In  order  to  awaken  the 
consciences  of  some  and  create  in  them  a  thrill  of  spiritual  affection, 
the  children,  the  weak  women,  and  the  ill-balanced  men  may  be  led 
into  demonstrations  which  are  not  only  meaningless  but  perma- 
nently hurtful.  Discriminating  wisdom  and  a  thorough  under- 
standing of  psychological  laws  are  needed  by  men  who  are  making 
rehgious  appeals  to  promiscuous  assemblies. 

Doubtless  nobody  can  maintain  himself  wholly  independent  of 
the  contagion  of  the  crowd.  But  strong  personalities  of  the 
resistant  or  aggressive  type  can  in  some  measure  retain  their  self- 
possession  even  in  extreme  situations.  Such  strong  personalities 
may  even  prevail  against  the  contagion  and  break  the  spell  which 
threatens  to  swamp  the  individuaHties  of  all.  If  there  be  several 
such  persons  in  the  crowd  their  natural  impulse  will  be  to  get 
together  so  that  they  may  reinforce  one  another  in  their  common 
resistance  and  form  a  more  effective  breakwater  against  the  tidal 
wave.  In  doing  this,  however,  they  will  inevitably  develop  a 
considerable  measure  of  mental  unity  among  themselves,  so  as  to 
act  concertedly;    their  reaction  against  the  contagious  influence 


ASSEMBLIES  541 

forces  them,  to  some  extent,  into  psychical  fusion  with  one  another; 
they  are  much  more  able  to  stem  the  general  tide  when  close  together 
and  acting  as  a  unit  than  when  scattered  throughout  the  crowd  as 
isolated  centers  of  resistance.  It  is  another  case  of  "united  we 
stand,  divided  we  fall."  But  if  there  is  a  considerable  number  of 
such  persons,  and  they  come  together  so  as  to  form  a  distinct 
group,  there  is  always  danger  that  the  assembly  will  develop  into 
two  opposing  groups,  each  of  which  will  be  under  the  sway  of  the 
mob-mind — forming  a  sort  of  double-headed  mob.  This  not 
unfrequently  happens,  and  then  it  is  that  irrational  violence 
reaches,  perhaps,  its  maximum.  On  the  other  hand,  if  such  persons 
remain  scattered  through  the  crowd  and  from  several  centers 
undertake  to  resist  the  contagion  and  break  up  the  unity  by 
interruptions  or  counter-demonstrations  of  any  sort,  the  situation 
is  likely  to  become  one  of  extreme  agitation ;  the  intellectual  process 
will  be  inhibited  in  all,  partially  if  not  wholly;  but  the  only  emotion 
which  will  be  dominant  will  be  confused  excitement,  and  there  will 
be  what  may  be  called  a  chaotic  crowd.  In  such  a  situation  one 
part  of  the  fusion  process  takes  place — the  inhibition  of  the  rational 
process.  All  individualities  are  reduced  to  a  common  denominator, 
but  that  is  only  a  powerful  but  vague  agitation  caused  by  psychical 
cross-currents;  and  in  no  other  sense  does  mental  unification 
take  place. 

We  should  turn  now  to  consider  the  means  and  methods  by 
which  the  process  of  fusion  may  be  promoted. 

The  first  is  the  close  crowding  of  the  people.  Bodily  proximity 
of  a  group  of  persons  renders  the  passage  of  influences  from  one  to 
another  much  more  easy  and  rapid.  SUght  movements,  subtle  and 
fleeting  changes  of  countenance  are  more  readily  observed,  and 
the  ideas  and  feelings  of  which  these  are  the  expression  are  more 
surely  and  rapidly  communicated.  Wide  separation  tends  to 
produce  mental  isolation  and  the  pecuUarities  of  the  mental 
individuahty  become  relatively  more  prominent.  The  equalizing 
and  leveling  effect  of  the  interaction  of  the  individuals  is  reduced 
about  in  proportion  to  the  distances  which  separate  them.  When 
they  are  thinly  scattered  about  the  place  of  assembly  it  is  difficult 
to  focalize  their  attention  upon  the  same  idea  or  to  start  a  general 
current  of  feeling. 


542  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

We  should  guard  carefully  against  the  fallacious  notion  that 
there  passes  from  one  to  another  and  envelops  the  whole  crowd  a 
subtle  fluid  or  ethereal  substance.  We  are  prone  to  interpret  the 
facts  in  such  materialistic  terms.  There  is  not  the  slightest  evi- 
dence that  anything  of  the  kind  takes  place.  It  has  been  main- 
tained that  in  the  fusing  of  individuals  into  a  crowd  there  comes 
into  existence,  by  a  process  of  "creative  synthesis,"  a  new  psychical 
entity,  a  ''social  mind."  But  there  is  no  convincing  reason  for 
supposing  that  anything  more  takes  place  than  the  modification 
and  common  orientation  of  many  distinct  minds  through  their 
reaction  on  one  another.  What  we  know  takes  place  is  the  com- 
munication of  ideas,  feelings,  mental  attitudes  by  means  of  their 
physical  expression,  which  we  instinctively,  and  in  large  part 
subconsciously,  read  with  lightning-like  rapidity,  and  which 
modifies  the  activity  of  each  communicating  mind. 

But  when  the  people  are  crowded  it  promotes  the  fusion  process  in 
other  ways.  The  bodily  movements  of  all  are  thus  limited.  They 
cannot  shift  their  positions,  change  their  physical  attitudes,  turn 
about,  stretch  out  their  limbs,  etc.  This  has  the  effect  of  lessening 
their  sense  of  individuality  in  two  ways.  First,  their  all  being  in 
similar  bodily  attitudes  and  unable  to  vary  them  without  difficulty 
reacts  upon  their  mental  states,  tending  to  give  them  unity  of  mental 
attitude.  Second,  this  physical  restraint  tends  to  depress  the  self- 
feeling.  Sidis  says:  "If  anything  gives  us  a  strong  sense  of  our 
individuality  it  is  surely  our  voluntary  movements Con- 
versely the  life  of  the  individual  self  sinks,  shrinks  with  the  decrease 
of  variety  and  intensity  of  voluntary  movements."^  Ross,  quoting 
the  foregoing  words,  adds:  "Often  a  furious,  naughty  child  will 
suddenly  become  meek  and  obedient  after  being  held  a  moment  as 
in  a  vise.  On  the  playground  a  saucy  boy  will  abruptly  surrender 
and  'take  it  back'  when  held  firmly  on  the  ground  without  power 
to  move  hand  or  foot.  The  cause  is  not  fear  but  deflation  of  the 
ego."^  Crowding  appears,  then,  to  promote  the  spread  of  ideas 
and  feehngs,  the  bringing  of  all  individuals  to  a  common  state  of 
mind  and,  at  the  same  time,  the  lowering  of  the  self-feeHng  or  the 

'  Psychology  of  Suggestion,  p.  289. 
'  Social  Psychology,  p.  44. 


ASSEMBLIES  543 

sense  of  individuality;  and  is  thus  one  of  the  chief  means  of  merging 
many  separate  and  differentiated  personalities  into  one  psychical 
mass. 

A  second  important  means  of  accomplishing  the  same  result  is 
concerted  bodily  movement.  Just  as  the  necessity  of  keeping  the 
body  in  the  same  attitude  of  standing  or  sitting  because  of  close 
crowding  has  the  tendency  to  induce  mental  unity  in  a  group,  so 
does  the  performance  of  the  same  act  at  the  same  time  by  all  the 
persons  present.  For  all  to  stand,  or  to  leap  and  shout,  or  to  kneel, 
or  to  hold  up  the  right  hand,  or  to  bend  forward,  or  to  sing,  or  to 
repeat  a  formula,  or  to  do  anything  else  which  may  occur  to  the 
leader,  develops  a  consciousness  of  oneness,  and  breaks  up  the 
personal  isolation  in  which  the  sense  of  individuahty  is  at  a  maxi- 
mum. One  reason  why  the  prevention  of  bodily  movements  by 
crowding  is  a  condition  of  the  fusion  process  is  that  persons  widely 
separated  in  a  gathering  will  move  individually  without  respect  to 
the  movements  of  others,  and  this  keeps  ahve  the  sense  of  indi- 
viduahty, whereas  the  same  movements,  if  performed  by  all,  would 
have  the  opposite  tendency.  An  expert  leader  will  always,  when 
he  is  seeking  to  develop  mental  unity  and  soKdarity  in  the  assembly, 
insist  upon  all  ''joining  in"  whatever  concerted  action  he  proposes. 
For  some  to  refuse  to  participate  manifestly  obstructs  the  unifying 
process,  while  if  all  will  take  part  the  unifying  effect  is  very  great. 

It  is  upon  this  one  means  of  inducing  mental  unity  that  rituaUstic 
bodies,  whether  churches  or  lodges,  chiefly  rely;  but,  although  its 
whole  tendency  is  in  that  direction,  the  rituaHstic  use  of  it  is  not  so 
well  adapted  to  produce  intense  effects  as  the  non-rituahstic;  for 
the  reason,  doubtless,  that  the  formulae  and  concerted  actions 
required  by  the  rituals  are  not,  as  a  rule,  such  as  to  stir  intense 
emotions  and  that  their  frequent  repetition  takes  off  the  keen  edge 
of  the  feehngs  which  they  do  excite.  In  non-rituahstic  bodies  it  is 
used  more  effectively  as  a  means  of  fusion  because  prescribed 
formulae  are  not  used  and  the  concerted  actions  suggested  in 
informal  exercises  are  not  fixed  and  habitual;  but,  being  unusual  or 
at  least  infrequent,  are  more  stimulating  to  the  emotions,  and  when 
used  in  connection  with  other  means  to  the  same  end  generally 
secure  a  more  complete  submergence  of  the  individuahty  than  ever 


544  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

occurs  in  ritualistic  observances.  Hence  the  phenomena  of 
psychical  fusion  are  observed  much  more  frequently  and  are  much 
more  striking  in  bodies  which  use  a  minimum  of  ritual. ''in  fact  the 
ritual,  by  reason  of  its  habitual  or  customary  character,  tends  to 
prevent  more  than  a  certain  moderate  degree  of  mental  fusion. 

Singing,  especially  if  it  is  congregational,  is  a  quite  effective 
means  of  melting  the  assembled  individuals  into  a  psychical  mass. 
Its  effectiveness  lies  both  in  the  fact  that  it  is  a  concerted  action 
and  in  its  power  as  a  stimulus  of  the  emotions.  By  reason  of  its 
rhythmical  quahty  it  is  one  of  the  most  natural  expressions  of  the 
feelings,  and  conversely,  one  of  the  most  unfaihng  means  of  arousing 
feeling.  This  is  true  even  when  the  music  is  devoid  of  ideational 
content.  The  rhythmical  sounds  alone,  according  to  their  length 
and  combination,  develop  corresponding  effects.  "A  short  musical 
unit  tends  to  hght,  vivacious,  or  joyful  effects,  irrespective  of  the 
rapidity  of  succession  of  notes  or  of  the  melodic  intervals  employed. 
A  unit  which  'draws  out'  the  specious  present  [i.e.,  the  span  of 
consciousness]  sKghtly  beyond  the  normal  length  produces  a  sombre 
effect.  A  still  longer  unit  which  is  divided  between  two  not  long 
spans  of  consciousness,  gives  an  effect  which  is  solemn  but  not  sad."^ 
But  in  all  our  songs  there  are  ideas  which  are  organized  with 
appropriate  emotions  into  definite  sentiments,  and  which  greatly 
contribute  to  the  total  emotional  effect  when  the  music  is  suitable. 
There  is,  therefore,  no  surer  and  easier  way  to  develop  mental 
contagion  than  to  have  a  gathering  of  people  join  in  singing.  But 
for  this  purpose  much  depends  both  upon  the  character  of  the  music 
and  the  ideas  of  the  song.  The  rhythm  of  the  music  must  corre- 
spond to  the  rhythm  of  the  simpler  feehngs,  and  the  ideas  must  be 
correspondingly  simple.  "  In  music  of  the  so-called  intellectual  sort 
there  is  no  regular  relation  between  the  musical  unit  and  the  span 
of  consciousness;  the  unity  here  is  intentionally  ideational  and  does 
not  appeal  to  the  average  hearer.^  In  such  music  the  emphasis  is 
placed  upon  the  intellectual  processes  of  appreciation,  and  this  tends 
to  prevent  complete  fusion.  Who  has  not  observed  the  difference 
between  the  hymns  and  tunes  used  in  Sunday  school  and  evangel- 
istic meetings,  on  the  one  hand,  and  those  used  in  "regular  church 

'  Dunlap,  A  System  of  Psychology,  p.  312.  *  Ibid,  p.  313. 


ASSEMBLIES  545 

services,"  on  the  other  ?  In  a  word,  to  be  most  effective  in  produ- 
cing fusion  the  singing  must  be  such  as  strongly  stimulates  those 
elements  of  our  mental  Ufe  which  we  have  in  common  with  our 
fellow-men  rather  than  those  elements  in  which  we  are  most 
highly  differentiated.  Since  children  and  youths  are  undeveloped 
men  and  women,  they  represent  that  which  is  most  generic  in 
human  nature;  and  that  is  the  reason  why  songs  of  the  same  general 
type  are  best  adapted  to  use  in  the  Sunday  school,  in  evangehstic 
meetings  and  in  all  gatherings  where  a  high  degree  of  mental  unity 
is  sought  for.  It  is  hardly  possible  to  overestimate  the  psychological 
value  of  our  patriotic  songs,  the  ballads  which  are  expressions  of  the 
more  universal  sentiments  of  love  and  longing  and  the  more 
popular  religious  hymns,  as  means  of  developing  and  maintaining 
a  sense  of  community  of  life  with  our  fellow-men. 

Mental  fusion  may  also  be  promoted  by  imaginative,  passionate 
oratory.  If  a  speaker  has  intense  feeHng  himself,  is  gifted  with  the 
power  of  conveying  his  ideas  and  emotions  by  means  of  concrete 
and  vivid  images  and  dramatic  action,  it  is  often  possible  for  him 
without  the  aid  of  any  other  means,  and  sometimes  even  when  other 
influences  are  adverse,  to  convert  a  cold  and  critical  audience  into 
a  highly  fused  and  suggestible  crowd.  Doubtless  there  is  not  on 
record  a  more  signal  demonstration  of  the  sheer  power  of  oratory  to 
overcome  psychological  difficulties  than  the  triumph  of  Henry 
Ward  Beecher  in  England  in  1863.  In  his  defense  of  the  policy  of 
the  North  in  the  great  Civil  War,  he  faced  every  time  a  coldly 
critical  and  largely  hostile  gathering  of  Britishers.  He  was  inter- 
rupted from  the  beginning  by  questions,  taunts,  insults,  rotten  eggs, 
etc.  As,  despite  these  violent  attempts  to  silence  him,  his  mag- 
nificent patience,  self-possession  and  good  humor,  reinforced  by  a 
matchless  imaginative  and  histrionic  power,  won  over  sections  of 
the  throng,  the  desperation  of  his  opponents  increased;  and  they 
reboubled  their  efforts  to  break  up  the  mental  unity  which  they 
felt  to  be  growing,  but  without  avail;  and  always  in  the  end  he 
remained  master,  though  his  mastery  was  not  always  equally 
complete.  He  had  only  one  condition  in  his  favor — -the  close 
crowding  of  his  audiences.  Of  course,  when  all  the  other  conditions 
are  favorable,  the  task  of  the  orator  is  comparatively  easy.     For 


546  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

instance,  when  Mr.  Bryan  made  his  remarkable  address  at  the 
National  Democratic  Convention  in  Chicago  in  1896,  nearly  all  the 
psychological  conditions  were  in  his  favor.  There  was,  to  be  sure, 
an  opposing  group  in  the  convention,  but  they  were  in  a  decided 
minority;  and  the  debate,  which  his  address  concluded,  had  stirred 
intense  feeling.  He  was  the  magnetic  and  eloquent  voice  of  the 
majority;  his  sentences,  made  rhythmical  by  his  own  emotion,  and 
the  masterly  use  he  made  of  imagery  which  associated  his  cause 
with  some  of  the  deepest  and  most  powerful  sentiments  of  our 
human  hearts,  developed  a  tide  of  emotion  which  set  the  convention 
wild  (perhaps  literally)  and  overwhelmed  his  opponents.' 

We  should  turn  now  to  a  consideration  of  the  kinds  of  emotion 
which  are  most  effective  in  welding  heterogeneous  individuals  into 
a  homogeneous  crowd.  These  are  to  be  found  among  the  generic 
emotions  which  are  most  deeply  embedded  in  the  instincts  of  human 
nature.  When  aroused  they  are  the  most  powerful,  the  most 
pervasively  contagious,  and  the  most  difficult  to  control. 

First  we  may  consider  fear,  which  in  the  psychology-books  is 
generally  mentioned  as  the  first  of  the  simple  emotions.  How 
powerful  it  is,  how  completely  in  its  intense  developments  it 
paralyzes  reason,  how  thoroughly  suggestible  it  renders  its  subject 
— or  victim — -needs  no  demonstration  or  illustration.  Every  man's 
experience  furnishes  numerous  examples  of  its  power  to  upset  the 
rational  processes.  When  a  group  of  people  are  seized  by  this 
emotion  and  it  is  intensified  by  reflection  from  face  to  face  or  by 
screams  and  shrieks  it  quickly  overwhelms  reason  and  conscience, 
and  all  the  other  emotions  as  well,  in  its  turbid  flood;  and  men  are 
converted  into  maddened  beasts  each  of  whom  seeks  only  his  own 
safety.  While,  therefore,  it  annihilates  the  higher  individualizing 
factors  of  the  several  personalities  and  fuses  them  in  the  sense  that 
they  are  all  reduced  to  a  like  mental  state  which  is  intensified  by 
reflection  from  one  to  another,  it  desocializes  them,  so  to  speak;  it 
deadens  the  social  instincts  of  each  and  so  has  a  certain  disinte- 
grating effect.  This  is  especially  notable  in  panics.  It  reduces  the 
individuals  to  a  common  denominator,  but  that  common  denomi- 
nator is  an  impulse  to  take  care  of  self  without  regard  to  others. 

'  See  Scott,  Psychology  of  Public  Speaking  pp.  165-66, 


ASSEMBLIES  547 

There  is  no  emotion  which,  when  it  gains  exclusive  sway,  is  so 
absolutely  demoralizmg.  And  yet  when  it  is  refined  and  moraHzed, 
kept  under  the  control  of  intelligence  and  conscience,  it  becomes  a 
worthy  motive .  When  dominated  by  conscience ,  blended  with  love, 
and  transfigured  into  reverence,  it  becomes  one  of  our  noblest 
sentiments.  In  this  regenerated  form  it  retains,  though  in  a  much 
lower  degree,  its  fusing  power  and  may  be  most  properly  used  by 
the  orator  or  preacher.  But  in  its  baser  form  of  physical  fear  it 
should  never  be  appealed  to  by  one  who  aims  at  spiritual  results. 
Another  emotion  which  is  most  effective  in  welding  a  crowd  is 
anger.  This  is  one  of  the  most  powerful  emotions,  and  all  normal 
persons  are  capable  of  it,  although  there  are  great  variations  in  the 
development  of  the  pugnacious  instinct  among  men.  When  a 
common  hostile  feehng  against  any  object  is  aroused  in  a  group  of 
persons,  its  power  to  unify  and  blend  them  is  unsurpassed.  The 
heat  of  the  anger  which  envelops  them  all  melts  them  into  conscious 
oneness,  and  the  conscious  unity  is  considerably  strengthened  by 
the  sense  of  conflict  with  the  person  or  persons  against  whom  the 
hostiHty  is  directed;  for  conflict  with  an  outside  enemy  is  a  very 
eflacacious  means  of  unifying  the  members  of  a  group.  This  is  the 
emotion  that  usually  sways  a  mob.  It  is  a  matter  of  very  common 
experience  how  it  may  convulse  a  whole  neighborhood,  or  section,  or 
nation,  instantly  quieting  or  suspending  all  internal  antagonisms, 
and  soKdifying  all  interests.  Here  we  consider  it  only  as  it  develops 
and  manifests  itself  in  an  assembled  multitude.  It  is  so  easily 
aroused,  is  so  intensified  by  reflection  back  and  forth  between  the 
individuals,  and  so  quickly  overwhelms  reason  that  only  extreme 
situations  will  justify  an  appeal  to  it.  There  is  always  great 
danger  of  inducing  the  mob-state,  if  not  mob-action.  But  while  its 
crude  form  is  always  demorahzing  and  the  orator,  especially  the 
preacher,  should  rarely  or  never  make  his  appeal  to  it,  it  may, 
nevertheless,  Hke  fear,  be  redeemed  and  transformed  by  being 
moraHzed,  and  thus  converted  into  one  of  the  noblest,  most  health- 
ful and  valuable  of  all  human  feeHngs — indignation;  and  this  by 
continual  association  with  our  ethical  principles  may  be  organized 
into  a  sentiment  of  hatred,  not  for  men,  but  for  all  conduct  that  is 
low  and  selfish.    The  development  of  this  sentiment  is  one  of  the 


548  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

great  tasks  of  the  preacher.  Even  in  this  higher  form  the  emotion 
of  anger  is  a  potent  means  of  fusing  a  crowd;  and  the  ability  to  stir 
the  moral  indignation  of  an  audience  has  been  a  chief  element  of 
the  power  of  many  great  orators,  and  should  be  cultivated  by 
all  preachers. 

What  writers  on  psychology  call  the  "tender  emotion"  is 
another  which  is  powerful  as  a  means  of  melting  an  assembly  of 
heterogeneous  individuals  into  a  homogeneous  psychical  mass. 
The  forms  in  which  it  is  most  serviceable  for  the  orator  are  the  love 
of  parents  for  their  children,  the  love  of  children  for  their  mothers 
(the  love  for  fathers  taking  rather  the  form  of  reverence) ,  the  love 
of  men  and  women  for  little  children,  and  the  compassion  which  all 
normal  people  feel  for  the  unfortunate,  the  weak  and  the  helpless 
victims  of  injustice.  In  a  general  way  the  order  of  mention 
indicates  the  order  in  which  the  forms  of  the  tender  emotion  have 
historically  developed  in  power.  It  is  probable  that  the  last  three 
have  only  in  comparatively  recent  times  attained  to  approximate 
universahty  as  powerful  sentiments,  though  now  one  can  rarely  be 
found  who  is  not  susceptible  to  these  appeals.  Such  appeals  may, 
of  course,  be  overdone,  but  they  rarely  produce  unhealthful  psy- 
chological effects.  Persons  of  weak  intellectual  organization  may 
easily  be  overcome  and  thrown  into  a  mental  state  from  which  no 
rational  action  can  be  expected.  This,  it  is  to  be  feared,  not 
unfrequently  happens  in  "high  pressure"  evangelistic  services, 
when  the  danger  of  failing  to  meet  one's  mother  in  heaven  is  urged 
too  strongly  as  a  motive  for  consecrating  oneself  to  Christian 
service.  But  in  general  these  sentiments  are  so  pure,  so  free  from 
intermixture  with  the  grosser  passions  of  our  nature,  that  they 
rarely  produce  excessive  or  demoralizing  effects.  They  always 
tend  to  incite  men  to  courses  of  action  which  they  believe  to  be 
good;  and  when  the  appeal  to  them  is  overdone  the  correction  is 
usually  found  in  the  disgust  which  it  excites  in  the  minds  of  all 
normal  people.  The  orator  whose  motives  are  pure  but  whose 
judgment  is  not  discriminating  may,  of  course,  make  an  unfortunate 
use  of  this  emotion,  but  it  cannot  be  used  as  a  means  of  promoting 
a  cause  that  is  manifestly  bad.  If  the  preacher  fails  to  make  an 
extensive   (though,  of  course,  discriminating)   use  of  it,  he  will 


ASSEMBLIES  549 

certainly  not  only  fail  on  many  occasions  to  "carry  his  audience 
with  him,"  but  will  also  fail  to  do  what  he  might  in  the  ethical 
education  of  the  people. 

The  sentiment  of  hberty,  which  has  its  basis  in  the  instinct  of 
self-assertion,  is  of  increasing  importance  in  modern  Hfe  as  a  social 
force;  and  when  skilfully  appealed  to  is  capable  of  producing  strong 
emotional  effects.     The  fundamental  trend  in  human  society  is 
toward  democracy,  which  in  the  last  analysis  has  its  genesis  in  the 
individualizing  tendency  of  the  social  process.     It  cannot  be  finally 
resisted  and  can  be  retarded  only  by  slowing  down  the  social 
process;   but  this  becomes  more  dynamic  all  the  time;   and  hence 
the  sentiment  of  hberty  continually  grows  more  powerful.     The 
conception  of  hberty  is  modified  from  epoch  to  epoch;    but  the 
modifications  are  in  the  direction  of  increasing  depth  and  breadth. 
Men  do  not  crave  less  hberty  but  more;  though,  on  the  whole,  their 
idea  of  it  is  less  confused  with  hcense  and  more  consistent  with 
stable  social  order,  in  which  alone  it  can  be  reahzed.     The  emotion, 
therefore,  which  may  be  evoked  by  a  skilful  appeal  to  this  sentiment 
will  always  be  strong,  and  powerful  as  a  means  of  fusing  an  audience; 
but  will  not  lend  itself  so  readily  to  the  development  of  the  mob 
mind.     When  the  conception  of  hberty  is  chiefly  negative,  the 
appeal  to  this  sentunent  in  its  crude  stage  is  apt  to  produce  excesses, 
because  it  awakens  the  impulse  to  unregulated  self-indulgence  and 
arouses  anger  at  the  social  forces  that  hmit  one's  individual  action 
—unchaining  emotions  that  are  primal,  basal,  crude  and  undis- 
ciphned.     This  is  the  true  psychology  of  the  French  Revolution 
and  of  similar,  though  less  intense,  social  convulsions  in  other  lands. 
When  the  conception  of  hberty  is  positive,  men  may  be  deeply 
stirred  by  appeals  to  their  desire  for  self-reahzation;    but  in  this 
case  the  sentiment  is  more  highly  developed,  and  the  emotions 
called  forth  are  of  a  higher  order,  more  ethical  and  amenable  to 
rational  considerations.     As  the  impulse  to  unregulated  hving  has 
been  replaced  by  the  desire  for  self-realization,  so  the  emotion  of 
anger  evoked  by  appeal  to  this  sentiment  has  been  transformed  into 
moral  indignation.     In  rehgion  the  passion  for  hberty  grows  deeper 
every  day;  but  it  does  not  seek  satisfaction  so  much  as  formerly  by 
the  blatant  denial  of  the  rehgious  verities  and  the  contemptuous 


550  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

ridicule  of  the  religious  sentiments  so  characteristic  of  the  "infidels" 
of  the  last  and  especially  of  the  eighteenth  century.  On  the  con- 
trary, it  is  more  and  more  clearly  perceived  that  the  true  religious 
liberty  is  found  in  the  interpretation  of  the  universe  as  rehgious  and 
the  voluntary  acceptance  of  the  law  of  God  as  supreme.  The  appeal 
to  this  sentiment  by  the  preacher  receives  a  deep  emotional  response 
which  is  rationally  controlled  and  profoundly  ethical. 

I  shall  mention  but  one  more  of  the  emotional  dispositions  which 
are  available  to  the  orator  as  specially  efficacious  means  of  unifying 
and  mastering  an  audience.  That  is  the  sentiment  of  attachment  to 
that  which  is  old,  which  has  its  base  in  the  conservative  instinct. 
This  instinct  was  once  nearly  all-powerful;  but  the  rapidly  changing 
conditions  of  modern  Hfe  have  greatly  weakened  it  and  must 
weaken  it  yet  more.  Indeed,  our  Hfe  has  become  so  varied  and 
changeful  that  some  people  are  in  danger  of  falling  victims  to  the 
passion  for  novelty.  The  stimulation  of  change  becomes  a  habit 
and  forms  the  basis  of  a  craving  for  the  continual  repetition  of  the 
sensation  which  the  unexpected  produces.  But  notwithstanding 
this  tendency,  the  attachment  to  the  old  and  the  customary  still 
retains  a  strangely  potent  sway  over  the  average  human  mind. 
Through  long  ages  the  monotony  in  the  conditions  of  Hfe,  and  the 
consequent  persistence  of  modes  of  Hfe  from  generation  to  generation 
have  wrought  into  the  very  structure  of  the  human  mind  a  regard 
for  old  things  as  old  which  probably  can  never  be  wholly  eHminated, 
and  which  doubtless  it  would  not  be  wise  to  eradicate  entirely. 
But  with  most  men  it  has  been  so  deeply  ingrained  and  is  so 
thoroughly  dominating  that  an  adroit  appeal  to  it  could  always 
evoke  an  emotion  which  paralyzed  reason,  drowned  the  voice  of  con- 
science, obstructed  progress,  and  made  martyrs  of  the  beneficent 
innovators  of  the  race.  It  has  been  powerful  in  aH  spheres  of  Hfe, 
in  one  perhaps  as  much  as  in  another;  but  in  no  sphere  certainly 
has  it  been  more  freely  utiHzed  than  in  religion  as  a  means  of  con- 
verting reasonable  people  into  mobs  and  hurHng  them  in  furious 
masses  against  men  who  dared  to  question  the  truth  and  sacredness 
of  traditional  dogmas  and  practices.  By  it  have  all  the  prophets 
been  slain — and  the  cry  which  it  has  always  inspired  is,  "the 
prophets  are  dead." 


ASSEMBLIES 


551 


Now  the  passion  for  the  new  as  such  is  not  suflSciently  developed 
in  a  sufficiently  large  number  of  people  to  make  it  effective  as  a 
means  of  crowd-fusion,  except  under  extraordinary  circumstances, 
if  ever.  It  may,  indeed,  become  a  passion  and  render  one  irration- 
ally intolerant  of  the  old;  but  the  new  always  appeals  to  curiosity, 
and  awakens  intelligence,  in  some  measure  at  least,  and  for  that 
reason  is  not  adapted  to  the  development  of  the  mob-mind.  But  as 
a  passion  it  renders  one  irrational  in  his  disHke  of  the  old,  and 
should  never  be  appealed  to  by  an  orator  whose  motives  are  good. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  passion  for  the  old  as  such  is  so  strong  in 
such  a  large  proportion  of  the  people  and  is  so  violent  when  inflamed 
that  the  conscientious  orator — and  especially  the  preacher — should 
never  put  the  lighted  torch  of  eloquence  to  that  magazine  of 
explosive  emotion.  Such  an  appeal  is  non-rational  and  should 
never  be  made.  It  is  often  easy  enough  to  convert  an  audience  into 
a  mob  by  such  an  appeal  skilfully  made;  but  the  use  of  it  at  once 
raises  the  suspicion  either  of  sinister  design  which  is  not  scrupulous 
as  to  method  or  of  desperation  born  of  conscious  inability  to  carry 
one's  point  by  the  appeal  to  reason. 

In  the  light  of  the  foregoing  discussion  a  question  of  very  great 
importance  demands  an  answer:  Is  the  process  of  psychical  fusion 
conducive  to  genuine  rehgious  experience?  A  categorical  and 
unquaHfied  answer  cannot  be  given  without  conflict  with  the  facts. 
High  pressure  revivals  do  result  in  the  improvement  of  the  Hves  of 
some  persons;  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  they  result  in  an  equally 
permanent  demoralization  and  spiritual  depreciation  of  other 
lives— just  as  we  should  expect.  Not  a  few  people  have  become  so 
utterly  perverted  in  the  moral  habits  contracted  in  their  individual 
experience,  have  become  so  abnormally  subject  to  grossly  evil 
impulses,  that  a  powerful  counter-stimulation  of  their  emotional 
nature  is  necessary  in  order  that  better  impulses  may  have  any 
chance  at  all  to  influence  their  choices.  But,  of  course,  there  is 
always  danger  when  this  counter-stimulation  is  applied  through 
the  collective  emotion  of  the  crowd,  that  the  reason  of  the  person 
in  question,  as  well  as  that  of  others,  will  be  so  paralyzed  that  the 
resulting  action  will  not  represent  choice  at  all;  and  then  there  is 
every  reason  to  believe  that  the  effect  upon  character  is  demoraliz- 


552 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


ing  and  only  demoralizing.  The  moral  pervert  returns  to  his 
wallowing  in  the  mire;  and  his  last  state  is  worse  than  the  first; 
and  meanwhile  others  who  are  more  normal  and  who  are  swept  by 
the  same  tide  of  irrational  emotion  into  false  professions  and 
relations  are  religiously  "queered"  for  the  rest  of  their  lives.  It  is 
probable,  however,  that  a  moderate  degree  of  emotional  fusion  is 
usually  helpful  in  religious  experience.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
men  in  their  individual  experience  have  acquired  habits  or  incHna- 
tions  which,  in  part,  render  them  inaccessible  to  spiritual  influences. 
In  other  words,  there  may  be  wrought  into  the  elements  which 
differentiate  them  from  others  dispositions  or  tendencies  which 
render  them  unresponsive  to  the  spiritual  call.  It  would  seem, 
then,  that  the  fusion  process  by  which  the  differential  elements  of 
their  personalities  are  reduced  in  strength  might,  if  not  carried  to 
an  excess  which  obhterates  their  reason,  render  them  to  some  ex- 
tent more  open  to  divine  influences.  We  have  stated  it  as  a  possi- 
bility, but  can  it  not  be  safely  asserted  as  a  universal  fact  that 
each  man  does  acquire  in  individual  experience  some  peculiar 
attitude  of  mind,  or  mode  of  thought,  or  point  of  view — a  mental 
trait  of  some  kind  or  other — which  forms  an  obstruction  to  the 
forces  of  moral  regeneration  ?  If  this  be  true^and  it  is  entirely 
consonant  with  the  teaching  of  psychology— the  conclusion  is  that 
a  moderate  degree  of  mental  fusion  is  normally  conducive  to 
genuine  rehgious  experience,  especially  in  the  case  of  adults. 

3.  Something  should  be  said,  in  conclusion,  about  the  deliberative 
body.  Manifestly  this  is  an  assembly  of  a  distinct  psychological 
t>pe.  It  is  at  the  farthest  possible  remove  from  the  accidental  con- 
course ;  and  the  individuals  composing  it  are  drawn  together  for  the 
distinct  purpose,  not  of  receiving  some  intellectual  or  emotional 
stimulation,  but  of  taking  part  in  discussion  and  contribut- 
ing each  his  part  toward  a  collective  decision  of  definite  issues.  This 
gives  them  a  special  attitude  of  mind,  which  largely  determines 
the  character  of  the  mental  processes  of  the  body.  So  long  as  this 
attitude  is  maintained  the  suggestibiUty  of  each  is  reduced  to  a 
minimum;  his  critical  faculties  are  in  the  ascendant.  But  how 
shall  this  attitude  be  preserved  ? 

(i)  In  the  first  place  it  is  much  easier  to  maintain  the  delibera- 


ASSEMBLIES 


553 


tive  attitude  if  the  assembly  is  a  small  one.     The  reasons  are 
obvious.     The  greater  the  number  of  persons  between  whom  a 
common  feehng  is  reflected  back  and  forth,   the  more  intense 
becomes  the  emotion.     A  dozen  people  who  read  in  each  others' 
faces  the  same  impulse  or  sentiment  will  each  be  proportionately 
affected;  if  a  thousand  people  see  the  same  feehng  reflected  in  each 
others'  countenances,  each  is  again  proportionately  affected,  though 
one  quahfying  condition  must  be  taken  into  account,  viz.,  that  each 
will  be  more  powerfully  affected  by  those  near  him  than  by  those 
more  distant,  because  he  discerns  more  clearly  the  bodily  expressions 
of  their  mental  states  and  hence    receives  a  more  definite  and 
powerful   stimulation  from.   them.     After  an  assembly  passes  a 
certain  magnitude  it  no  longer  increases  in  general  suggestibiHty  in 
proportion  to  its  size;   but  up  to  a  certain  point  it  does  approxi- 
mately.    Again,  in  a  large  assembly  the  people  are  more  hkely  to  be 
closely  seated,  and  the  effect  of  physical  crowding,  as  before  noted, 
is  to  facihtate  the  rapid  spread  of  the  common  feehng  in  full  power 
in  all  directions.     Furthermore,  the  speaker  who  addresses  a  large 
gathering  must  use  higher  tones  of  voice  and  will  normally  make 
more  vigorous  gestures  from  the  natural  desire  to  be  adequately 
heard  and  seen.     But  the  more  elevated  tones  and  the  freer  gesticu- 
latory  movements  naturally  excite  stronger  feehngs  in  the  audience 
and  react  upon  the  speaker's  own  mind  to  intensify  his  emotion, 
which  in  turn  is  communicated  to  his  hearers. 

The  assembly,  then,  when  it  becomes  very  large  is  ahnost 
certain  to  lose  its  dehberative  character,  wholly  or  in  part,  to  assume 
the  character  of  a  mass-meeting  which  is  subject  to  the  spell  of  a 
few  orators  who  have  exceptional  voices,  and  to  be  swept  by  gusts 
of  intense,  pervasive  emotion.  As  a  result  it  is  customary  for  the 
real  dehberations  of  such  a  body  to  take  place  in  committee  rooms; 
and  the  decisions  reached  in  these  small  groups  are  reported  to  the 
assembly  and  advocated  by  persuasive  orators,  who  usually  secure 
their  ratification.  A  very  potent  argument  often  presented  in 
favor  of  such  a  committee  report  is  that  the  committee  has  had 
ample  opportunity  to  think  the  whole  subject  through  from  every 
point  of  view— a  tacit  confession  that  the  psychological  situation 
renders  it  impracticable  for  the  assembly  as  a  whole  to  do  so.     Since 


554  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  trend  in  recent  times  is  toward  large  assemblies  of  the  delibera- 
tive t^pe,  as  of  others,  the  tendency,  as  might  be  expected,  is 
toward  the  formulation  in  committee  rooms  of  the  deHverances  of 
such  bodies.  If,  therefore,  these  assemblies  are  to  be  what  their 
name  indicates,  if  the  fusing  process  which  increases  suggestibility 
and  renders  careful  thought  difficult  or  impossible  is  to  be  avoided, 
the  bodies  should  be  kept  small;  otherwise  the  deliberation  will 
have  to  be  done  exclusively  by  committees,  while  the  assembly  is 
transformed  into  a  ratification  mass-meeting. 

(2)  But  the  deHberative  assembly,  even  when  small,  needs 
special  safeguards  against  the  tendency  to  fusion.  These  special 
safeguards  are  found  in  the  rules  of  parHamentary  practice — rigid 
conventional  methods  of  proceedure  especially  fashioned  to  hold 
individual  as  well  as  collective  impulses  in  check  and  to  give  free 
play  to  the  rational  processes.  When,  however,  the  emotions  are 
powerfully  stimulated  these  artificial  devices  for  restraint  snap  like 
weak  cords;  and  the  president,  together  with  the  rest  of  the 
assembly,  is  swept  along  in  the  irresistible  current.  Or  if  the  body 
degenerates  into  a  double-headed  mob  or  into  a  chaotic  crowd,  the 
gentleman  who  holds  the  gavel  may  "lose  his  head,"  i.e.,  his 
intellectual  processes  may  be  inhibited,  and,  being  caught  in  the 
cross-currents  of  emotion,  he  may  be  tossed  about  like  a  cork  on  the 
choppy  waves. 

If,  however,  the  assembly  avoids  the  emotional  storms  and 
maintains  the  cahnness  of  dispassionate  thought,  the  effect  of 
rational  discussion  will  be  to  modify  the  thinking  of  each  individual; 
and  so  there  will  appear  most  likely  a  distinct  tendency  toward 
unity  of  thought.  This  is  implied  in  the  very  function  of  such  a 
body,  which  is  to  reach  and  render  a  collective  decision.  The 
stronger  minds,  while  being  more  or  less  modified  in  their  positions, 
will  be  able  to  lead  the  weaker  ones  and  thus  chiefly  determine  the 
evolution  of  the  collective  conclusion.  Usually  the  discussion  will 
result  in  the  cleavage  of  the  assembly  into  two  or  more  parties 
around  two  or  more  leaders,  or  groups  of  leaders;  in  which  case  the 
two  processes  of  unification  and  division  go  on  at  the  same  time. 
But  unless  the  whole  process  is  to  end  in  a  deadlock,  the  unification 
must  proceed  until  a  majority  of  the  members  have  been  brought 


ASSEMBLIES  555 

to  substantial  agreement.  This  intellectual  unity,  or  unity  of 
conviction,  results  from  the  give  and  take  of  debate  and  is  an 
organization  of  many  varied  and  perhaps  at  first  conflicting  opin- 
ions; and  is  an  entirely  different  sort  of  thing  from  the  unity  which 
is  induced  by  the  inhibition  of  free  rational  processes  and  the 
emotional  fusion  of  individuals. 

It  is  true,  however,  that  the  method  of  reaching  collective  or 
group  decisions  is  undergoing  a  profound  change.  That  change  is 
the  result  of  the  enormous  development  of  intercommunication. 
Now-a-days  the  discussion  of  questions  in  which  a  large  body  of 
people  are  interested  is  carried  on  in  the  press,  and  the  people 
reach  their  conclusions  on  the  basis  of  their  reading,  supplemented 
by  correspondence  and  private  conversation,  for  which  the  increas- 
ingly numerous  personal  contacts  of  modern  Hfe  afford  a  large 
opportunity.  The  result  is  that  the  dehberative  assembly,  so 
called,  is  coming  to  be  less  and  less  an  organ  of  collective  discussion 
and  deliberation,  and  more  and  more  a  means  of  simply  registering 
the  decisions  of  the  group.  At  the  same  time  it  is  notable  that  the 
deliverances  of  such  assemblies  no  longer  impress  the  people  with 
the  sense  of  authority  and  finality  as  they  did  in  the  days  in  which 
they  were,  far  more  than  they  now  are,  the  organs  through  which 
the  public  made  up  its  mind.  The  tendency  is  to  bring  such 
bodies  more  directly  under  the  control  of  pubHc  opinion,  to  revise, 
criticise,  and  perhaps  nulHfy  their  acts  more  freely  in  the  larger 
forum  of  the  press,  in  which  the  people  are  assembled,  not  in  person, 
but  in  mind.  It  is  a  singular  paradox  that  along  with  the  vast 
growth  and  compHcation  of  social  organization  the  direct  control  by 
the  people  of  their  affairs  is  growing  at  the  expense  of  the  indirect 
method.  Legislative  and  quasi-legislative  bodies  of  every  descrip- 
tion, in  all  spheres  of  Hfe,  are  compelled  to  act  more  and  more  as 
the  mere  registering  organs  of  the  pubhc  will  and  to  refer  their  acts 
back  to  the  people  for  their  approval  or  disapproval. 


REVIEWS 


Psychology  and  Industrial  Effidency.  By  Hugo  Munsterberg. 
Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  viii+321.     I1.25. 

This  is  not  a  translation  of  the  author's  recent  Psychologie  und 
Wirischaftsleben,  yet  the  essential  substance  of  the  two  books  is  identical. 
In  this  work  he  has  supplemented  his  previous  applications  of  psy- 
chology to  practical  problems  by  an  industrial  psychotechnics,  in  which 
he  attempts  to  show  how  the  psychological  experiment  can  be  placed 
systematically  at  the  servdce  of  commerce  and  industry.  After  an  intro- 
duction dealing  with  applied  psychology,  the  book  is  divided  into  three 
parts  dealing  with:  (i)  the  best  possible  man,  (2)  the  best  possible  work, 
and  (3)  the  best  possible  effect.  The  problem  is  to  assist  the  employer 
to  secure  such  workmen,  output  of  work,  and  effect  on  the  minds  of 
purchasers  as  will  be  best  for  business  interests. 

The  method  advocated  for  the  selection  of  employees  is  scientific 
measurement  of  the  "true  qualities  of  the  mind,"  and  may  be  a  test 
either  of  specific  qualities,  such  as  attention  or  memory,  or  of  the  entire 
complex  of  mental  processes  involved  in  the  occupation ;  but  it  does  not 
bring  within  its  scope  such  traits  as  honesty  or  quarrelsome  disposition. 
This  method  is  illustrated  very  satisfactorily  by  a  description  of  the 
tests  used  by  Professor  Miinsterberg  on  motormen,  ship's  officers,  and 
telephone  operators.  Such  scientific  measurements  are  advocated  as  a 
substitute  for  the  inadequate  examinations,  tests,  and  certificates  now 
used  by  employers,  for  the  psychological  dilettantism  of  vocational 
guidance  and  scientific  management,  and  for  the  inadequate  and  ignorant 
personal  self-direction.  But  it  is  admitted  that  personal  inclinations 
and  desires  should  remain  as  the  principal  factors  in  the  selection  of 
vocations,  since  they  give  much  of  the  joy  of  labor. 

In  Part  II  Professor  Munsterberg  attempts  to  show  how  the  psycho- 
logical experiment  can  be  used  to  secure  the  best  possible  work  from 
the  worker.  This  part  is  largely  a  description  of  the  methods  of  scien- 
tific management,  with  supplementary  material  from  previous  laboratory 
experiments.  Psychological  measurements  can  be  used  to  adjust  the 
tools  and  determine  the  speed  of  machines;  to  determine  the  hours  of 
work  and  the  most  suitable  pauses;    and  to  direct  the  movements  of 

556 


REVIEWS  557 

workers.  Such  readjustment  has  the  purpose  of  increased  output  of 
work.  There  is  in  this  part  an  important  chapter  on  monotony,  in 
which  it  is  maintained  that  the  feeUng  of  monotony  depends  much  less 
on  the  particular  kind  of  work  than  on  the  special  disposition  of  the 
individual,  and  that  those  who  recognize  repetitions  and  uniformities 
readily  are  not  the  ones  who  are  disturbed  by  them.  The  implication 
of  this  chapter  is  that  the  ordinary  criticisms  of  the  modern  industrial 
system  on  the  ground  of  increased  monotony  are  not  justified  by  experi- 
mental psychology. 

In  Part  III  it  is  proposed  that  the  psychologist  is  no  more  competent 
at  present  than  the  economist  to  analyze  psychologically  the  ultimate 
satisfactions  toward  which  the  economic  processes  lead.  But  the  psy- 
chologist can  study  those  economic  processes ;  for  that  purpose  Professor 
Miinsterberg  makes  a  statement  of  the  psychology  of  advertising,  dis- 
play, and  salesmanship,  and  suggests  the  possibility  of  determining  by 
psychological  experiments  the  point  at  which  a  trade  mark  becomes  so 
similar  to  another  as  to  be  called  illegal  imitation.  The  purpose  of  this 
part  seems  to  be  to  assist  the  business  man  in  creating  a  favorable 
impression  on  purchasers,  or  in  increasing  sales. 

There  are  implicit  in  this  treatment  important  questions  of  psy- 
chological and  sociological  method.  The  psychological  questions  are 
not  pertinent  to  the  present  review,  but  doubt  may  be  expressed  as  to 
whether  the  psychologist  would  find  much  scientific  satisfaction  in  tests 
of  the  "true  qualities"  of  the  mind  of  the  individual,  when  those  tests 
are  ten  minutes  or  thirty  minutes  in  duration,  and  when  the  control 
consists  in  the  fact  that  they  are  made  by  well-trained  psychologists 
who  "almost  automatically"  give  consideration,  for  example  in  measur- 
ing memory,  to  secondary  circumstances  or  indirect  influences,  such  as 
attention,  emotion,  or  intelligence  (p.  114). 

The  question  of  the  sociological  validity  of  the  book  is  much  more 
important.  This  is  presented  as  a  technical  study  which  may  serve 
certain  ends  of  commerce  and  industry  without  attempting  to  prove 
that  those  ends  are  desirable  (pp.  17-19).  The  end  which  the  author 
is  professing  both  explicitly  and  implicitly  to  serve  is  industrial  and 
business  efi&ciency,  increased  output,  and  sales.  He  is  not  content, 
however,  to  keep  the  book  within  the  limits  of  a  technology,  but  again 
and  again  implies  or  asserts  the  social  desirability  of  the  end,  and  of 
his  psychotechnical  methods  of  securing  that  end;  for  example,  after 
stating  that  increased  efficiency  would  be  for  the  interests  of  employers, 
employees,  and  the  nation  as  a  whole,  he  asserts:    "The  economic 


5S8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

experimental  psychologist  offers  no  more  inspiring  idea  than  this  adjust- 
ment of  work  to  psyche  by  which  mental  dissatisfaction  in  the  work, 
mental  depression,  and  discouragement,  may  be  replaced  in  our  social 
community  by  overflowing  joy  and  perfect  inner  harmony"  (pp.  308-9). 
Such  statements  lower  the  book  from  the  level  of  a  technology  to  propa- 
ganda; whether  an  increase  of  output  and  sales  is  socially  desirable  is 
primarily  a  question  of  the  distribution  of  wealth,  and  cannot  be  solved 
on  the  basis  of  data  which  include  only  the  technical  appliances  or 
methods  for  securing  that  increase. 

The  book  does,  nevertheless,  present  a  good  analysis  of  the  technical 
methods  and  problems  involved  in  increased  efl5ciency,  and  adds  con- 
siderable to  the  literature  of  scientific  management,  and  the  psychology 
of  advertising,  display,  and  salesmanship. 


E.  H.  Sutherland 


William  Jewell  College 


The  Primitive  Family  as  an  Educational  Agency.  By  Arthur 
James  Todd.  New  York  and  London:  G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons, 
1913.     Pp.  ix-f25i.     $1.75  net. 

Dr.  Todd's  monograph  is  a  useful  and  thoroughly  scientific  piece 
of  work.  As  a  study  of  a  particular  function  of  the  family,  in  the  early 
stages  of  evolution,  it  marks  an  advance  in  this  field  of  research.  Already 
the  forms  and  phases  of  the  human  family  and  of  human  marriage,  as 
they  have  existed  among  various  peoples,  have  been  helpfully  examined 
by  many  writers.  This  general  analytical  and  constructive  work  is  by 
no  means  complete;  but  the  time  is  ripe  for  intensive  investigation 
such  as  this  book  affords.  It  is  the  result  of  painstaking  analysis  of  an 
immense  mass  of  materials.  The  footnotes  disclose  an  intimate  acquaint- 
ance with  the  vast  literature  of  matrimonial  institutions,  and  with  the 
many  hard  problems  to  which  the  study  of  those  institutions  has  given 
rise.  Some  of  these  footnotes,  summarizing  the  bibliography  for  par- 
ticular subjects,  must  prove  very  helpful  to  other  students  and  writers. 

The  family  is  looked  upon  by  Professor  Todd  as  purely  a  social 
product;  as  an  institution  which  has  been  molded  by  human  experience 
for  the  satisfaction  of  human  needs.  Of  course,  no  other  point  of  view 
could  be  taken  by  the  scholar.  Nevertheless,  it  is  a  decided  merit 
that  the  author  has  frankly,  courageously,  and  consistently  maintained 
it  throughout  his  discussion.     Social  reformers  well  know  what  a  serious 


REVIEWS  559 

obstacle  to  progress  is  the  tradition  that  par  excellence  marriage  and  the 
family  are  the  privileged  institutions  which  alone  are  entitled  to  be 
called  holy  or  divine.  For  example,  this  persistent  notion  is  hindering 
the  right  solution  of  the  divorce  problem;  it  is  thwarting  efforts  to 
provide  education  in  sex  hygiene;  and  in  some  places  it  has  destroyed 
the  usefulness  of  the  juvenile  court. 

According  to  Dr.  Todd,  "  the  family  is  rooted  in  physiology,  eco- 
nomics, and  the  mores.  Its  origin  is  to  be  found  in  the  necessities  of 
infancy  and  the  food-quest  rather  than  in  the  pleasures  of  marital  com- 
radeship. Love  played  little  or  no  part  in  it."  The  "pairing  instinct" 
is  a  "flimsy  and  dangerous  foundation  for  a  serious  argument  for  mar- 
riage and  the  family."  The  pairing  instinct  "was  only  vague  and  more 
or  less  unformulated  until  eked  out  by  a  long  process  of  education 
through  other  social  forces  and  institutions;  in  other  words,  the  pairing 
instinct  would  have  come  to  naught  had  it  not  been  aided  by  organic 
selection."  In  fact,  the  family  is  a  "social,  not  a  natural  institution, 
for  the  primary  impulses  of  both  man  and  woman  are  against  it,  in  the 
sense  that  their  satisfactions  do  not  require  it,  nay,  are  even  repugnant 
to  it."  It  results  that  the  "family,  like  society,  is  a  variable  relation, 
not  a  fixed  thing,  and  can  only  be  defined  in  terms  of  genesis  and  func- 
tion." Furthermore,  the  family  precedes  marriage  in  the  order  of  evolu- 
tion. "We  concur,  at  least  in  the  second  part  of  Westermarck's  con- 
clusion, that  'it  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  young  that  male  and  female 
continue  to  live  together.  Marriage  is  therefore  rooted  in  the  family, 
rather  than  the  family  in  marriage.'" 

For  centuries,  notably  since  the  Reformation,  the  state  as  over- 
parent  has  been  extending  its  control  of  the  domestic  relations.  In 
many  ways  for  the  good  of  the  larger  society  the  authority  of  the  state 
has  encroached  upon  the  authority  of  the  parent,  especially  in  the  func- 
tion of  education.  Was  the  family  originally  the  sole  agency  of  educa- 
tion ?  or  were  there  other  agencies,  such  as  the  tribe,  which  shared  in 
the  important  process  of  training  the  child  ?  The  present  work  gives 
the  answer  to  that  question.  At  all  times  and  in  all  forms  the  family 
was  a  school  for  the  child;  but  it  was  not  the  only  school.  The  training 
provided  by  the  tribe,  by  the  "public,"  so  to  speak,  might  be  even  more 
important.     Of  this  the  evidence  here  provided  is  conclusive. 

The  foundation  for  the  systematic  discussion  of  primitive  educa- 
tion is  laid  in  the  first  five  chapters  which  provide  a  detailed  critical 
examination  of  the  problems  arising  in  primitive  marital  relations. 
After  the  introductory  chapter,  are  treated  in  succession  "Promiscuity 


560  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  Group  Marriage";  "Trial  Marriage,  Divorce,  Polygamy";  "Primi- 
tive Notions  of  Kinship  and  Relationship";  and  "Primitive  Parental 
and  Filial  Relations."  A  detailed  summary  of  the  discussion  may  not 
here  be  attempted.  The  evidence  for  the  former  universality  of  group- 
marriage  and  promiscuity  is  regarded  as  inconclusive.  The  "subordina- 
tion of  the  individual  to  the  group"  is  everywhere  a  "salient  character- 
istic." The  education  provided  in  the  family  was  inefficient,  sometimes 
harmful.  "It  is  obvious  that  with  a  continual  shifting  and  disturbing 
of  domestic  relations  there  could  have  been  no  continuity  of  any  policy 
of  parental  education  had  the  times  permitted  or  required  it."  Such 
a  "slack  marriage  relation,  instead  of  wholesomely  educating  the  child, 
must  have  left  him  without  education,  or  what  is  worse,  with  an  educa- 
tion in  rebellion,  looseness,  and  egoism."  Indeed,  "we  are  rather  of  the 
opinion  that  even  the  most  excellent  family  relations  are  likely  to  do 
actual  educational  harm  if  the  development  of  the  child's  self  and  his 
education  be  restricted  too  closely  within  the  family."  This  is  not  the 
only  enlightened  break  with  tradition.  The  much  revered  "parental 
instinct"  is  not  spared.  In  the  primitive  family,  the  "relation  of  parent 
to  child  was  far  from  stable  or  enduring.  If  there  be  such  a  thing  as 
'parental  instinct,'  it  is  at  best  only  a  secondary  instinct;  and  I  should 
go  so  far  as  to  say  that  it  is  not  even  a  thoroughly  acquired  character- 
istic." 

The  sixth  chapter  deals  with  the  "Aims  and  Content  of  Primitive 
Education";  and  this  is  followed  by  another  on  the  "Methods  and 
Organization  of  Primitive  Education."  The  general  conclusion  is 
reached  that  the  "aim,  the  content,  the  methods,  and  the  organization 
of  primitive  instruction  were  predominantly  public  and  communal  in 
their  nature"  and  that  the  family  occupied  only  a  subordinate  position 
in  education.  Even  the  province  Vvhere  domestic  education  appeared 
at  its  best,  viz.,  vocational  instruction)  is  often  invaded  by  group  agencies. 
The  training  provided  in  the  "men's  house"  is  especially  important; 
and  the  "various  puberty  ceremonies,  initiations,  and  paraphernalia 
of  moral  instruction,  which  we  found  to  be  supremely  important,  are 
pre-eminently  group  activities." 

This  excellent  study  is  a  welcome  and  timely  contribution  to  socio- 
logical literature.  It  will  help  to  win  for  the  family  and  the  related 
institutions  a  proper  place  in  modern  education. 

George  Elliott  Howard 

UXIVERSITY   OF   NEBRASKA 


REVIEWS  561 

Work  and  Life.  A  Study  of  the  Social  Problems  of  Today.  By 
Ira  W.  Howerth,  A.M.,  Ph.D.,  Professor  of  Education  in 
the  University  of  California.  New  York:  Sturgis  &  Walton 
Co.,  1913.     Pp.278.     $1.50  net. 

This  series  of  essays  on  the  modern  social  problem  deserves  wide 
reading.  They  are  sane  and  constructive,  while  at  the  same  time 
thought-provoking.  Beginning  with  the  problem  of  wealth  and  wel- 
fare, the  discussion  covers  a  wide  variety  of  topics,  such  as  competition 
and  co-operation,  living  and  getting  a  living,  labor  and  learning,  the 
social  ideal,  finally  ending  with  an  excellent  chapter  on  "Religion  and 
the  New  Social  Order." 

In  the  opinion  of  the  author  the  social  problem  of  today  is  dominantly 
economic.  He  says  (p.  23) :  "This,  then,  is  the  social  problem  of  today: 
How  are  the  economic  institutions  of  society,  in  which  so  much  power 
and  privilege  are  concentrated,  and  that  are  essential  to  the  well-being 
of  all,  to  be  effectively  organized  and  conducted  so  that  their  benefits 
may  be  justly  shared  by  all  members  of  society,  and  thus  the  last  refuge 
of  the  spirit  of  selfish  domination  be  in  the  hands  of  the  people  ?"  The 
solution  of  our  social  problem  is,  then,  in  industrial  democracy.  But 
our  author  is  under  no  illusions  as  to  the  practical  difiiculties  in  the  way. 
"External  changes,"  he  tells  us  (p.  130),  "in  the  industrial  environment 
are  necessary.  They  can  do  much.  But  no  external  change  can  be 
permanently  eft'ective  without  moral  and  psychological  changes  in  men. 
....  When  men  advocate,  in  a  spirit  of  hate,  an  industrial  and  social 
order  founded  upon  love,  they  should  reflect  their  own  unfitness  for  the 

conditions  they  seek  to  promote Industrial  democracy  is  spirit 

as  well  as  form." 

Thus  Professor  Howerth  brings  in  the  recognition  of  the  spiritual 
element  in  the  social  problem.  But  undoubtedly  he  has  overemphasized 
the  economic  element,  in  stating  the  social  problem  so  exclusively  in 
economic  terms.  If  the  social  problem,  the  problem  of  the  relations  of 
men  to  one  another,  is  today  primarily  economic,  why  is  it  that  in  those 
circles  and  classes  in  which  the  economic  problem  most  nearly  approaches 
solution,  the  social  problem  is  frequently  most  intense?  The  attain- 
ment of  the  most  ideal  economic  justice  in  society  is  surely  but  one  step, 
though,  we  may  agree  with  Professor  Howerth,  the  first  necessary  step, 
in  the  solution  of  our  social  problem.  But  he  fails  to  give  due  promi- 
nence to  the  spiritual  factors  in  the  problem.  Indeed,  he  seems  quite 
unconscious  of  the  mighty  conflict  in  modern  Hfe  between  spiritual 


562  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

forces  which  have  little  or  no  necessary  connection  with  present-day 
economic  problems. 

While  this  is  the  main  criticism  to  be  made  of  the  book,  some  minor 
criticisms  may  be  made  of  his  use  of  terms.  For  example,  his  opposi- 
tion of  the  terms  "competition"  and  "co-operation."  Professor 
Howerth  will  not  have  it  that  competition  may  mean  mere  rivalry  or 
emulation,  but  he  identifies  competition  with  the  brutal  struggle  for 
existence.  All  competition,  he  tells  us,  is  essentially  selfish.  There- 
fore he  condemns  even  "regulated  competition,"  and  prophesies  the 
gradual  elimination  of  competition  from  industrial  society  and  its  sub- 
stitution by  co-operation.  The  goal  of  industry,  therefore,  is  the  com- 
plete replacement  of  competition  by  co-operation.  But  those  writers 
who  argue  for  the  permanence  and  beneficence  of  competition  in  society 
usually  mean  by  competition,  not  the  "strifes  of  man  against  man," 
but  comparative  testing  of  fitness.  Competition  in  this  sense  is  a 
necessary  part  of  the  process  of  selection  in  society,  and  is  as  beneficent 
as  selection  itself.  It  is  indeed,  the  basis  of  our  whole  educational  sys- 
tem. With  its  grades,  grading  systems,  degrees,  and  other  competitive 
tests,  it  may  be  doubted  whether  competition  is  any  less  intense  in  the 
educational  world  than  in  the  industrial  world;  only  it  is  regulated 
competition.  Whatever  argument  there  may  be  for  retaining  regulated 
competition  in  the  educational  process,  certainly  applies  equally  to  the 
industrial  world.  It  would  seem  that  what  we  should  strive  for  is  not 
to  get  rid  of  competition,  but  to  replace  its  brutal  forms  by  rational 
forms. 

In  spite  of  these  strictures,  which  the  writer  of  this  notice  feels  com- 
pelled to  make,  the  book  is,  nevertherless,  a  thoughtful  one  and  should 

be  read  by  all  students  of  the  social  problem. 

Charles  A.  Ellwood 
University  of  Missouri 


The    World's    Legal    Philosophies.     By    Fritz    Berolzheimer, 

translated  from  the   German   by  Rachel   Szold  Jastrow, 

with   an   introduction   by   Sir   John   MacDonell   and   by 

Albert  Kocourek.     Boston,  191 2. 

This  is  the  second  volume  of  a  series  of  projected  volumes  on  Modern 

Legal  Philosophies,  edited  by  a  committee  of  the  American  Law  Schools. 

The  committee's  purpose  in  the  selection  of  the  volumes  for  the  series 

has  been,  "not  so  much  to  cover  the  whole  field  of  modern  philosophy 

or  lav.',  as  to  exhibit  faithfully  and  fairly  all  the  modern  viewpoints  of 


REVIEWS  563 

any  present  importance It  is  believed  that  the  complete  series 

will  represent,  in  compact  form,  a  collection  of  materials,  whose  equal 
is  not  to  be  found  at  any  single  time,  in  any  foreign  literature"  (p.  vi). 

No  particular  school  of  thought  has  dominated  in  the  selection; 
and  geographical  representation  is  given  only  incidental  consideration. 
"Continental  thought,"  the  committee  observes,  "has  lines  of  cleavage 
which  make  it  easy  to  represent  the  legal  schools  and  the  leading  nations 
at  the  same  time.  Germany,  for  example,  is  represented  in  modern 
thought  by  a  preponderant  metaphysical  influence.  Italy  is  primarily 
positivist,  with  subordinate  German  and  English  influences.  France, 
in  its  modern  standpoint,  is  largely  sociological"  (p.  vii).  The  first 
volume  of  the  series,  the  volume  preceding  Berolzheimer,  is  a  compre- 
hensive survey  of  the  science  of  law,  by  Karl  Gareis,  University  of 
Munich. 

The  volume  by  Berolzheimer  is  a  historical  presentation  of  the 
world's  legal  philosophies.  Berolzheimer  is  a  neo-Hegelian  in  distinc- 
tion from  a  neo-Kantian,  or  positivist.  He  postulates  close  relation  of 
economics  and  law.  While  he  does  not  posit  an  exclusively  economic 
interpretation  of  history,  he  regards  the  economic  life  of  each  succeeding 
culture  epoch  as  connected  with  its  predecessors.  Law  and  economics, 
according  to  Berolzheimer,  are  related  to  each  other  as  form  and  con- 
tent; the  economic  life  constituting  content,  to  which  the  law  gives  the 
form  or  constitution. 

In  his  first  two  chapters,  dealing  respectively  with  the  origins  of 
oriental  civilization  and  the  ancient  commonwealth  or  Greek  civiliza- 
tion, Berolzheimer  traverses  fairly  familiar  ground  in  the  usual  manner. 
In  the  former  field,  however,  his  information  is  fuller  than  that  of  the 
older  writers,  but  he  offers  little  that  is  really  new,  unless  we  call  it  new 
that  the  recovered  cuneiform  literature  of  Assyria  and  Babylonia  and 
the  demotic  literature  of  Egypt  enable  him  to  sketch  the  features  of 
oriental  civilization  with  a  firmer  hand  than  was  formerly  possible. 
His  brief  handling  of  the  ancient  Aryan  conception  of  rita,  and  the 
Egyptian  ra  as  like  unto  the  Roman  conception  oi  jus  naturale  rationis 
is  admirable.  Of  Greek  civilization  we  have  a  familiar  picture  of  the 
classical  Greek  writers  from  the  early  sophists,  through  Plato  and  Aris- 
totle, to  the  post-Aristotelian  period,  the  cynics,  cyreniacs,  stoics, 
skeptics,  and  neo-Platonists. 

With  the  third  chapter  we  enter  upon  ground  to  the  cultivation 
of  which  English  and  American  scholars  have  scantily  contributed, 
although  they  may  be  said  to  have  acquired,  through  the  labors  of 


564  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

continental  scholars,  a  fairly  adequate  conception  of  the  civic  empire  of 
ancient  Rome  and  its  moralization  of  Roman  law,  through  the  principle 
of  aeqidtas  and  jus  naturale,  of  Cicero,  who  led  his  own  contemporaries 
through  a  philosophic  study  of  law.  The  older  Roman  ethics,  like  the 
Greek  ethics,  was  aristocratic.  "From  the  appearance  of  Christianity, 
mankind  endeavored  to  apply  a  universal  humanitarian  ethics  to  the 
problems  of  life,  society,  and  government.  But  the  conception  was 
limited  to  a  Christian  article  of  faith  so  long  as  absence  of  temporal 
power  deprived  it  of  access  to  law  and  government,  and  therein  lies  the 
fundamental  significance  of  the  elevation  of  Christianity  to  an  estab- 
lished religion  within  the  Roman  Empire"  (p.  90).  Justinian,  the  final 
promulgator  of  the  civil  law,  was  a  Christian  emperor. 

In  chap,  iv  we  have  a  characterization  of  the  bondage  of  mediaeval- 
ism,  covering  some  twenty  pages,  in  which  the  philosophy  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, Thomas  Aquinas,  the  tenet  of  the  "two  swords,"  economic  and 
social  restrictions,  and  the  liberal  tendencies  of  the  Middle  Ages,  repre- 
sented by  Dante,  Occam,  MarsiUus,  and  Cusanus,  are  briefly  sketched. 
This  ground  is  covered  more  elaborately  and  from  the  same  compre- 
hensive point  of  view,  by  Dunning,  in  his  Political  Theories  Ancient 
and  Medieval. 

In  chap.  V  the  first  period  of  modern  legal  philosophy  is  compre- 
hensively surveyed  under  the  title,  "Civic  Emancipation:  Rise  and 
Decline  of  Natural  Law."  In  this  chapter  the  mercantilists,  the  physio- 
crats, the  systems  of  Colbert,  and  of  Quesnay,  and  other  physiocrats, 
and  the  classical  economists.  Smith,  Ricardo,  Say,  and  Malthus,  are 
considered  for  their  contributions  to  legal  philosophy,  along  with  the 
usually  cited  seventeenth-  and  eighteenth-century  poUticists  and  philos- 
ophers Uke  Grotius,  Hobbes,  Pufendorf,.  Locke,  Spinoza,  Thomasius, 
Bentham,  Mill,  Austin,  and  Montesquieu.  The  exposition  of  these 
legal  philosophies  is  followed  by  an  exposition  of  the  culminating  legal 
philosophies  of  the  older  schools,  under  the  leadership  of  Kant,  Fichte, 
Schopenhauer,  Schelling,  and  Hegel.  Allied  in  spirit  to  this  meta- 
physical school,  Berolzheimer  reviews  the  recent  contributions  of  Stahl, 
Trendelenburg,  Krause,  Ahrens,  Herbart,  Dahn,  and  Lasson. 

In  chap,  vi  Berolzheimer  introduces  a  critical  re\aew  of  French 
communism,  German  socialism,  anarchism,  and  other  types  of  socialism. 
He  entitles  the  chapter,  the  "  Emancipation  of  the  Proletariat,  Encroach- 
ment upon  the  Philosophy  or  Law  by  Economic  Realism." 

The  concluding  chapter  of  this  volume  is  devoted  to  an  examination 
of  the  sociological  character  and  constructive  tendencies  of  contem- 


REVIEWS  565 

porary  legal  philosophy.  An  effort  is  made  to  give  a  critical  estimate 
of  the  development  of  sociology,  under  the  leadership  of  Comte  and 
Spencer,  and  the  social  utilitarianism  represented  by  Shaftesbury  and 
Ihering.  Berolzheimer  finds  that  the  sociological  school,  through  its 
recent  representative  sociologists  like  Gumplowicz,  Ratzenhofer,  Tonnies, 
Kloppel,  and  others,  has  contributed  along  with  the  reahstic  and  his- 
torical trends  in  political  economy  to  the  reinstatement  of  Kant  and 
Hegel,  giving  us  the  neo-Kantianism,  and  the  neo-Hegelianism.  The 
psychological  aspects  of  law  and  economics  are  fully  recognized.  The 
closing  section  of  the  volume  contains  an  introduction  to  recent  surveys 
of  fundamental  problems  in  legal  philosophy  and  the  influence  of  the 
principles  of  evolution. 


State  University  of  Iowa 


Isaac  A,  Loos 


Sociology:  Its  Simpler  Teachings  and  Applications.  By  James 
QuAYLE  Dealey.  Ncw  York:  Silver,  Burdett  &  Co.,  1909. 
Pp.  405. 
In  this  book  Professor  Dealey  is  giving  his  own  views,  and  not 
condensing  Ward  as  in  the  Dealey  and  Ward  Text  Book  of  Sociology; 
and  yet  the  sociology  presented  is  the  sociology  of  Ward  and  Spencer 
and  Comte  rather  than  the  sociology  of  today.  Some  slight  discussion 
of  primitive  man  and  early  social  development  is  followed  by  a  good 
chapter  on  "Achievement  and  CiviHzation."  The  present  reviewer 
finds  the  chapter  on  "Social  Psychology"  inadequate  and  does  not 
consider  that  "The  Development  of  Social  Institutions"  should  con- 
stitute a  half  of  sociological  teaching.  There  are  those  who  do,  however, 
and  they  ought  to  find  the  six  sections  of  this  part  very  helpful:  (i)  "  Eco- 
nomic Development,"  (2)  "The  Family,"  (3)  "The  Development  of  the 
State,"  (4)  "The  Religious  Institution,"  (5)  " The  Institution  of  Morals," 
(6)  "Cultural  Development."  Part  II  deals  with  social  problems  and 
appears  to  the  present  reviewer  as  a  presentation  that  ought  to  appeal 
strongly  to  the  instructor  who  desires  to  make  much  of  problems  and 
social  evils  in  his  introductory  course.  In  the  search  for  a  good  text 
to  use  in  his  first  course  the  instructor  certainly  ought  to  consider  this 
book  carefully,  as  he  may  find  it  well  adapted  to  his  purposes. 

Howard  Woodhead 
Chicago 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


NOTES   AND   ABSTRACTS 

The  Struggle  of  the  Labor  Class  against  Judicial  Authority  in  the  United  States. — 

The  labor  struggle  in  the  United  States  may  be  divided  into  (a)  the  period  before  the 
Civil  War,  but  which  really  confines  itself  to  the  years  1827-37,  and  {h)  from  1867  to 
the  pre&ent  time.  Both  periods  are  characterized  by  united  efforts  against  the 
employer;  the  weapon  used  has  been  the  strike.  The  greatest  strike  period  \vas  in 
1892-94,  when,  after  the  Pullman  strike,  it  ceased  to  be  regarded  as  the  most  efficient 
means  for  obtaining  results.  The  decisions  of  the  courts  have  been  based  upon  (o) 
common  law,  (b)  legal  interpretation,  (r)  constitutionality,  (d)  precedent.  The 
first  issue  in  the  struggle  with  the  courts  was  "the  right  to  strike."  It  was  held  by 
the  courts  to  be  conspiracy.  The  contention,  however,  was  gradually  gained,  but  the 
very  point  of  its  effectiveness  was  blunted  by  action  concerning  "violence  and  intirnida- 
tion."  Boycotts  and  sympathetic  strikes  were  similarly  treated.  Judges  unwilling 
to  appear  in  opposition  to  strikes  secured  the  same  results  by  their  decisions  regarding 
boycotts.  Peaceful  strikes  were  defeated  by  means  of  "injunction"  and  "contempt 
of  court."  The  country  is  controlled  by  the  courts.  Their  power  is  above  that  of 
the  legislature  and  the  e.xecutive.  In  the  face  of  legislative  provisions,  a  judge  may 
impose  a  fine  for  "contempt,"  the  legality  of  which  he  alone  can  decide. — L.  B.  Boudin, 
"Der  Kampf  der  Arbeiterklasse  gegen  das  richterliche  Gewalt  in  den  Vereinigten 
Staten,"  Archiv  fur  die  Geschichle  des  Sozlalismus  und  der  Arbeiterbewegung,  IV, 
No.  I,  1913.  ^^-  C-  E. 

The  Psychology  of  Socialism.— Socialism  is  an  ideal,  a  goal  toward  which  human- 
ity strives.  Other  concepts  are  subordinate  and  are  only  means  of  obtaining  this 
common  goal,  an  ideal  condition  of  himian  relationships  in  which  political  stability 
is  inseparably  united  with  industrial  justice  and  harmony.  All  high  aspirations 
grow  out  of  desires,  and  all  desires  out  of  needs.  This  aspiration  has  grown  out  of 
the  greatest  need  of  mankind,  the  need  of  social  justice.  Every  individual  belongs 
to  at  least  two  groups,  society  in  general,  and  a  social  class.  The  influence  result- 
ing from  class-consciousness  is  very  strong.  Among  the  upper  classes  it  determines 
that  authority,  not  majority,  shall  rule.  In  the  lower  classes  it  determines  that 
equality  and  equal  justice  shall  reign.  Where  class  oppression  is  too  severe  social- 
ism means  revolution,  for  every  sane  mature  man  demands  the  rights  of  maturity; 
if  these  are  refused  him  he  takes  them.  In  an  actual  constitutional  state  where  the 
lower  classes  realize  that  the  root  of  all  evil  is  not  in  the  organization  of  the  state,  but 
in  industry,  property,  and  production,  socialism  means  evolution. — "Zur  Psychologic 
des  Socialismus,"  Die  Neiie  Rundschau,  September,  1913.  V.  W.  B. 

The  Influence  of  Socialism  upon  Political  Economy. — The  influence  of  socialism 
upon  political  economy  can  be  traced  with  reference  to  philosophy,  aims,  methods, 
logic,  and  pure  economy.  In  treating  of  man's  struggle  for  a  livelihood,  political 
economy  includes  more  than  the  mere  physical  subsistence.  Hence  the  study  thereof 
will  depend  largely  upon  whether  the  viewpoint  is  materialistic,  idealistic,  or  utili- 
tarian. Socialism  has  very  largely  taken  the  philosophical  viewpoint  and  has  influ- 
enced political  economy  by  its  struggle  for  a  more  idealistic  economic  basis.  Socialism 
has  fostered  the  problems:  What  is  a  legitimate  wage?  and.  Are  the  profits  of  the 
entrepreneur  justified  ?  Socialism  largely  established  the  fact  that  low  wages  signify 
more  than  merely  lower  prices  for  goods — they  lessen  the  ability  of  labor  and  thus  are 
an  injury  to  society.  The  problem  of  more  equal  distribution  must  be  placed  in 
the  foreground,  and  since  man  is  both  the  producer  and  the  consumer,  he  can  be 
assured  of  the  benefits  of  his  products  only  by  a  close  study  of  marginal  values.— 
Lewis  H.  Haney,  "Der  Einfluss  des  Socialismus  auf  die  Volkswirtschaftslehre,"  Archiv 
fur  die  Geschichle  des  Sozialismus  und  der  Arbeiterbewegung,  III,  No.  3,  1913. 
^  M.  C.  E. 

566 


RECENT  LITERATURE  567 

The  Sociological  Significance  and  Structure  of  the  Malthusian  Population  Theory. 

— Malthus'  theory  was  a  reaction  against  the  Plnt^lish  and  French  idea  of  progress. 
Their  view  of  society,  as  gained  through  pure  abstraction,  was  optimistic;  his  view, 
as  gained  through  study  of  actual  social  conditions,  though  rather  dark,  was  realistic. 
He  sought  the  key  to  all  misery  and  the  factors  of  progress.  He  found  the  lower  classes 
to  be  the  great  problem.  Therefore,  he  argues,  it  is  very  essential  to  raise  their  stand- 
ard of  living.  To  do  this,  he  advocates  teaching  fundamentals  of  trades  and  social 
science  in  the  public  schools.  Outside  relief  is  but  temporary;  improvement  must 
come  from  within,  man  himself  must  change.  He  further  argues  that  supporting 
the  poor  gives  the  opportunity  of  an  increased  number  of  marriages,  hence  increased 
population  and  sharpened  need  among  the  lower  classes.  The  only  solution  of  over- 
population is  moral  restraint,  delaying  marriage  until  the  man  is  economically  prepared 
to  support  a  family.  He  considered  the  natural  environment  as  fundamental  in  all 
life,  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  influence  of  place  and  climate,  and  the  law  of  land 
productivity.  From  this  idea  he  formulates  his  law,  that  the  population  of  a  country 
is  necessarily  limited  by  its  resources. — -Walther  Kohler,  "Die  sozialwissenschaftliche 
Grundlage  und  Struktur  der  Malthusianischen  Bevolkerungslehre,"  Schmollers  Jahr- 
biich,  XXXVII,  No.  3,  1913.  H.  A.  J. 

English  Social  Legislation,  1908-11. — ^This  legislation  has  been  along  the  follow- 
ing lines:  (i)  child  protection,  schools,  and  education,  as  compulsory  education, 
reform  schools,  continuation  schools,  and  charity  education;  (2)  schools  and  vocational 
guidance;  (3)  sanitation,  as  tuberculosis  campaigns  and  sanitary  condition  of  fac- 
tories; (4)  industrial  insurance  and  employers' liability;  (5)  old-age  pensions;  (6)  labor 
conditions,  as  wage-scale,  working-hours,  and  rest  periods;  (7)  industrial  arbitra- 
tion; (8)  problems  of  various  industries;  fixed  trades,  and  home  industry;  (g)  the 
housing  and  settlement  conditions  of  laborers. — Warnack,  "Der  englische  Sociol- 
gesetzgebung,  1908-1911,"  Jahrbiicher  fiir  National  Oekonoviie,  June,  1913. 

F.  P.  G. 

The  Influence  of  Superstitious  Conceptions  on  the  Economic  and  Social  Life 

of  Primitive  Peoples,  I. — Primitive  man  regards  all  inexplicable  phenomena  with 
superstitious  fear  and  attaches  sinister  connection  with  past  or  future  events  to  what 
seems  perfectly  natural  to  us.  Upon  a  trivial  omen,  or  a  dream,  he  drops  the  most 
promising  undertakings.  Fruitful  sources  of  interpretation  are  the  passage  of  birds 
that  bring  either  bad  or  good  luck,  and  dreams.  Days  are  set  aside  as  lucky  or 
unlucky,  sometimes  not  less  than  si.xteen  of  the  month  in  the  latter  classification. 
Many  exceedingly  useful  things  are  prohibited  for  fear  of  evil  consequences,  and  on 
special  occasions  the  ban  is  put  on  almost  indispensable  things.  Injurious  animals 
are  protected  through  fear  of  vengeance  from  other  animals.  A  great  deal  of  the  hostil- 
ity of  savage  tribes  to  whites  is  due  to  superstition,  which  also  limits  the  capacity  of 
primitive  folks  for  work. — H.  Berkusky,  "Der  Einfluss  aberglaubischer  Vorstellungen 
auf  das  wirtschaftliche  und  sociale  Leben  der  Naturvolker,"  Zeitschrift  fiir  Social- 
■wissenschaft,  July,  1913.  F.  P.  G. 

The  Influence  of  Superstitious  Conceptions  on  the  Economic  and  Social  Life  of 
Primitive  Peoples,  II. — Wholly  natural  physiological  events,  as  a  birth,  appear  to 
primitive  man  fraught  with  peril  and  give  rise  to  many  harmful  practices.  The 
entire  economic  life,  moreover,  is  largely  shaped  by  sorcerers  in  the  guise  of  the  priest. 
The  influence  of  these,  often  conscious  deceivers,  can  hardly  be  estimated.  All 
epidemics  are  regarded  as  the  work  of  demons;  the  priests  guide  the  people  through 
them  with  fearful  results.  Human  sacrifices  are  offered  in  an  effort  to  further  the 
prosperity  of  the  tribe  as  a  whole.  The  faith  of  these  peoples  in  ordeals  and  divine 
tests  for  guilt  is  very  firm,  as  witnessed  by  the  death  of  thirty  women,  in  one  tribe, 
within  twenty-four  hours,  for  adultery  proved  by  these  means.  In  many  cases, 
natural  death  is  not  believed;  a  murderer  must  be  found  by  the  ordeals.  Supersti- 
tions concerning  death  not  only  are  cause  for  bloodshed,  but  are  peculiarly  expensive. 
Even  the  poorest  families  must  have  an  elaborate  feast,  while  on  the  death  of  a  chief 
the  economic  life  of  the  tribe  is  prostrate  for  a  month.  It  is  probable  that  even  the 
vague  conceptions  of  immortality  effect  injuriously  savage  life.  Superstition  is  one 
of  the  leading  obstacles  to  material  and  spiritual  development. — H.  Berkusky,  "Der 
Einfluss  aberglaubischer  Vorstellungen  auf  das  wirtschaftliche  und  sociale  Leben  der 
Naturvolker,"  II,  Zeitschrift  fur  Socialwissenschaft,  August,  1913.  F.  P.  G. 


568 


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57° 


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573 


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Fitger,  E.  Die  neue  wirtschaftspolit- 
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Garcin,  J.  L'apprentissage  familial  et 
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Geering,  Z.  Das  Wirtschaftsjahr  191 2- 
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Gibbs,  Winifred  S.  Home  Economics 
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Haggerty,  N.  E.  The  Land  of  Learning. 
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Hall,  W.  P.  The  New  Spirit  in  America. 
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Haney,  L.  H.  The  Social  Point  of  View 
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Harle,  Otto.  Die  Lebensmittelteuerung 
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Hartmann,  Gustav.  Die  Achtstunden- 
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Hegarty,  W.  J.  The  Struggle  for  Reli- 
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Hell  wig,  Albert.  Der  Kampf  gegen  die 
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Hoben,     A.     Training    for     Citizenship 

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Hoetsch,  Otto.     Die  Polenfrage  in  Russ- 

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Johnston,  R.  F.  The  Religious  Future 
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RECENT  LITERATURE 


575' 


MacGregor,  James.  The  New  Tariff 
Rates  and  the  Household  Budget. 
Housewives  Leag.  Mag.  2:8-10,  Nov. 

'13- 

McManis,  John  T.  Chicago  Schools 
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50,  Oct.  '13. 

McNamara,  W.  H.  The  Medical  Pro- 
fession and  the  Insurance  Act.  Westm. 
Rev.,  Nov.  '13. 

Mart}',  H.  Les  boys-scouts  et  le  scout- 
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Mecking,  Ludwig.  Benares,  ein  kultur- 
geographisches  Characterbild.  Geog. 
Zeit.  19,  No.  1:20-35;    2:77-96. 

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^h 


THE  AMERICAN 

JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


Volume  XIX  MARCH     I914  Number  5 


THE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION 


ROBERT  A.  WOODS 

South  End  House,  Boston 


The  institution  of  the  family  existed  before  there  was  any 
human  nature.  It  was  not  humanity  which  created  the  family,  but 
in  a  real  sense  the  family  created  humanity. 

Now  the  neighborhood  is  a  still  more  ancient  and  fundamentally 
causative  institution  than  the  family.  It  seems  likely  that  the 
neighborhood,  in  the  shape  of  gregarious  association  among  the 
animals,  was  the  necessary  matrix  in  which  the  subtle  reciprocities 
of  the  family  could  find  suggestion  and  protection.  Such  groups 
developed  really  organic  quality,  as  each  of  them  became  a  ''family 
of  families."  The  clan  and  the  early  village  community  were  the 
dynamic  source  out  of  which  the  foundation  principles  of  all  the 
more  broadly  organized  social  forms  have  been  developed. 

It  is,  I  beheve,  one  of  the  most  important  and  one  of  the  most 
slighted  considerations  affecting  all  the  social  sciences,  that  the 
neighborhood  relation  has  a  function  in  the  maintenance  and 
progress  of  our  vast  and  infinitely  complicated  society  today  which 
is  not  wholly  beneath  comparison  with  the  function  which  it 
exercised  in  the  creative  evolution  of  that  society.  But  there  are 
today  signs  of  a  wholly  new  emphasis,  both  theoretical  and  practi- 
cal, upon  the  function  of  the  neighborhood  as  affecting  the  whole 
contemporary  social  process. 

577 


578  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  peculiar  disregard  of  the  neighborhood  in  the  theoretical  and 
practical  counsels  of  statesmanship,  and  of  the  non-governmental 
administration  of  society,  is  to  be  traced  largely  to  the  psycholo- 
gical attitude  of  social  students  and  social  administrators.  Once 
three  eminent  geographers — Elisee  Reclus,  Kropotkin,  and  Patrick 
Geddes — were  engaged  in  conversation  when  the  question  was 
raised,  "If  you  go  to  the  bottom  of  your  mind,  what  is  the  re- 
sultant conception  of  the  world  which  you  find  there  ?"  They  all 
agreed  that  it  was  the  one  which  had  been  determined  by  the  four- 
square Mercator's  projection-maps  in  the  little  textbooks  which 
they  had  first  studied.  Is  it  not  true  that  in  all  social  studies  our 
minds  are  inevitably  conventionalized  by  the  constant  dominance 
over  them,  during  the  whole  period  of  education,  of  those  particular 
social  institutions  which  are  in  more  or  less  crystallized  form,  whose 
sanctions  are  obvious  and  unavoidable,  and  which  project  them- 
selves in  large  and  somewhat  distant  terms  ?  Have  we  in  sociology 
really  passed  the  stage  represented  in  medicine  by  the  discovery  of 
the  circulation  of  the  blood  ?  If  so,  how  far  have  we  come  in  the 
study  of  society  to  the  microscopic  observational  analysis  of 
ultimate  cell  life  and  of  germ  cultures,  as  contrasted  with  the  dis- 
credited diagnosis  of  large-scale  symptoms  ? 

Aside  from  any  claim  of  the  neighborhood  based  on  past  social 
evolution,  it  presents  the  highest  contemporary  elements  of  value 
from  the  point  of  view  of  a  developed  scientific  method,  whether 
theoretical  or  applied.  The  neighborhood  is  large  enough  to 
include  in  essence  all  the  problems  of  the  city,  the  state,  and  the 
nation;  and  in  a  constantly  increasing  number  of  instances  in  this 
country  it  includes  all  the  fundamental  international  issues.  It  is 
large  enough  to  present  these  problems  in  a  recognizable  community 
form,  with  some  beginnings  of  social  sentiment  and  social  action 
with  regard  to  them.  It  is  large  enough  to  make  some  provision 
for  the  whole  variety  of  extra-family  interests  and  attachments, 
which  in  the  fully  developed  community  are  ever  more  and  more 
obscuring  the  boundary  line  that  closes  the  family  in  upon  itself. 
It  is  large  enough  so  that  the  facts  and  forces  of  its  public  life, 
rightly  considered,  have  significance  and  dramatic  compulsion;  so 
that  its  totality  can  arrest  and  hold  a  germinating  public  sense. 


THE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      579 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  small  enough  to  be  a  comprehensible 
and  manageable  community  unit.  It  is  in  fact  the  only  one  that  is 
comprehensible  and  manageable;  the  true  reason  why  city  admin- 
istration breaks  down  is  that  the  conception  of  the  city  breaks  down. 
The  neighborhood  is  concretely  conceivable;  the  city  is  not,  and 
will  not  be  except  as  it  is  organically  integrated  through  its 
neighborhoods. 

Everybody  knows  that  the  battle  for  sound  democratic  govern- 
ment, as  a  battle,  is  still  an  affair  of  sharpshooters  and  raiders. 
The  center  of  the  army  and  the  rear  detachments  are  not  yet 
engaged.  But  this  great  majority  is  consciously,  keenly,  and,  up 
to  a  certain  point,  successfully,  involved  in  the  democratic  admin- 
istration of  neighborhood  affairs.  The  neighborhood  is  the  vital 
public  arena  to  the  majority  of  men,  to  nearly  all  women  and  to  all 
children;  in  which  every  one  of  them  is  a  citizen,  and  many  of  them, 
even  among  the  children,  are  statesmen — as  projecting  and  pushing 
through  plans  for  its  total  welfare.  It  is  in  the  gradual  public  self- 
revelation  of  the  neighborhood — ^in  its  inner  public  values,  and  in 
its  harmony  of  interest  with  the  other  neighborhoods — that  the 
reverse  detachments  of  citizenship  are  to  be  swung  into  the  battle 
of  good  municipal  administration  and  good  administration  of  cul- 
tural association  in  the  city  at  large;  it  is  this  process  which  will 
turn  the  balance  definitely  and  decisively  in  the  direction  of  a 
humanized  system  of  politics,  of  industrialism,  and  of  morality. 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  on  the  whole  there  is  a  certain 
dignity  in  the  sentiment  of  the  neighborhood  about  itself  which  is 
not  equaled  in  fact  by  any  of  our  other  forms  of  social  self- 
consciousness.  The  family  may  be  abject;  the  neighborhood  is 
never  so.  The  city  may  admit  itself  disgraced;  the  neighborhood 
always  considers  disgrace  foisted  upon  it.  The  nation  may  have  its 
repentant  moods;  the  university  and  the  church  may  be  apologetic 
under  attack;  but  the  neighborhood  will  tolerate  no  criticism  from 
without  and  little  from  within. 

This  strong  and  sometimes  exaggerated  sense  of  collective  self- 
respect  brings  it  about  that  neighborhood  leadership,  so  far  as 
neighborhood  affairs  are  concerned,  and  if  it  is  to  be  real  and  con- 
tinuous leadership  of  the  people,  must  be  on  a  basis  both  of  equality 


58o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  of  honest  dealings.  The  local  boss,  however  autocratic  he 
may  be  in  the  larger  sphere  of  the  city  with  the  power  which  he 
gets  from  the  neighborhood,  must  always  be  in  and  of  the  local 
people;  and  he  is  always  very  careful  not  to  try  to  deceive  the  local 
people  so  far  as  their  distinctively  local  interests  are  concerned.  It 
is  hard  to  fool  a  neighborhood  about  its  own  neighborhood  affairs. 

A  neighborhood  is  a  peculiarly  spontaneous  social  group.  It 
represents  life  at  all  points  of  human  relations,  not  life  on  the  basis 
of  a  few  subjective  ideas.  Its  collective  sentiment  is  wrought  out 
of  a  variety  of  emotions  that  have  not  been  generalized  and  ab- 
stracted, and  therefore  go  as  directly  and  certainly  into  action  as 
those  of  a  normal  child.  It  is  not  a  smooth,  cut  and  dried  scheme, 
fashioned  by  imitation;  but  a  drama  full  of  initiative  and  adven- 
ture. Every  day  in  a  neighborhood  is  a  new  day.  Here  social 
action  is  discovered  out  in  the  open,  under  full  cry.  The  crowd 
psychology,  the  mysterious  currents  in  popular  sentiment,  which 
we  from  time  to  time  can  study  telescopically  in  the  larger  horizon, 
are  in  essence  constantly  alert  in  the  neighborhood. 

The  neighborhood  is  the  most  satisfactory  and  illuminating 
form  of  the  social  extension  of  personality,  of  the  interlacing  and 
comprehensive  complex  of  the  interplay  of  personalities;  the  social 
unit  which  can  by  its  clear  definition  of  outline,  its  inner  organic 
completeness,  its  hair-trigger  reactions,  be  fairly  considered  as 
functioning  like  a  social  mind. 

Modem  conditions  of  industrial  specialization,  the  mobility  of 
population,  and  easy  intercommunication  have  brought  a  degree 
of  disuitegration  to  neighborhood  life;  but  with  the  exception  of 
some  of  the  downtown  sections  of  the  great  cities,  this  disintegration 
has  not  proceeded  so  far  as  is  ordinarily  thought.  The  time  has 
come  for  a  great  renewal  of  confidence  in  the  vitality  of  the  neigh- 
borhood as  a  political  and  moral  unit.  Disorganized  neighborhoods 
must  by  a  great  and  special  effort  be  reconstructed.  These  and  all 
other  neighborhoods  which  have  lost  their  responsible  leadership 
must  by  motives  of  patriotic  adventure  be  provided  with  such  a 
transfusion  of  civic  blood  as  will  lead  to  a  thorough  quickening 
of  the  functions  of  "the  family  of  families."  And  all  normally 
conditioned  local  communities  must  be  inspired  to  the  rediscovery 


THE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      581 

in  modern  terms  and  under  modem  standards  of  achievement  of 
their  latent  collective  energies. 

It  happens  here  as  in  medical  science  that  discoveries  are  made 
under  the  appeal  and  threat  of  disease;  but  the  results  of  experi- 
ments with  untoward  conditions  have  their  great  use  not  in  the  cure 
or  even  in  the  prevention  of  specific  degeneracy  but  in  the  promo- 
tion and  exaltation  of  the  general,  normal  well-being.  The  new 
meaning  of  the  neighborhood  as  developed  at  four  hundred  settle- 
ment houses  which  have  sprung  up  in  America  during  this 
generation,  will  find  its  fulfilment  in  the  next  in  a  national  move- 
ment for  a  new  synthesis  of  neighborhood  well-being  and  productive 
power. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  the  transfer  of  social  leadership  from 
one  local  community  to  another,  one  of  the  most  striking  facts  about 
the  neighborhood  is  that,  though  it  is  essentially  an  intimate  circle, 
it  is  at  bottom  always  a  hospitable  one,  always  ready  to  receive  new 
recruits.  The  first  impact  of  a  new  arrival  may  be  chilling,  but  in 
due  time  the  newcomer  begins  almost  automatically  to  go  through 
the  degrees  of  this  greatest  and  freest  of  human  free-masonries.  As 
Mark  Twain  has  suggested,  when  a  man  sits  down  beside  you  in  the 
railroad  car,  your  first  feeling  is  one  of  intrusion;  but  after  a  little 
something  happens  to  make  your  being  in  the  same  seat  a  matter  of 
common  interest,  and  the  feeling  of  recoil  dissolves  into  a  con- 
tinuous friendly  glow. 

It  is  surely  one  of  the  most  remarkable  of  all  social  facts  that, 
coming  down  from  untold  ages,  there  should  be  this  instinctive 
understanding  that  the  man  who  establishes  his  home  beside  yours, 
by  that  very  act  begins  to  qualify  as  an  ally  of  yours  and  begins  to 
have  a  claim  upon  your  sense  of  comradeship.  Surely  this  deeply 
ingrained  human  instinct  is  capable  of  vast  and  even  revolutionary 
results.  Among  the  unexplored  and  almost  undiscovered  assets 
upon  which  we  must  depend  for  the  multiplication  of  wealth  and 
well-being  in  the  future,  may  it  not  be  that  here  in  the  apparently 
commonplace  routine  of  our  average  neighborhoods  is  the  pitch 
blende  out  of  which,  by  the  magic  of  the  applied  social  science  that 
is  to  come,  a  new  radium  of  economic  and  moral  productive  resource 
will  be  elicited  ? 


582  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

From  this  point  of  view,  the  science  of  the  community  needs  its 
neighborhood  laboratories  as  one  of  its  most  essential  resources. 
Nearly  all  highly  educated  persons  are  snatched  out  of  neighbor- 
hood experience  at  an  early  age,  and  few  of  us  ever  really  have  it 
again.  Thus  our  opportunity  for  the  experimental,  pragmatic 
study  of  typical  human  relations  is  lost — lost  so  far  that  in  most 
cases  we  forget  that  we  are  suffering  loss.  Neighborhood  impulse 
is  one  of  the  great  values  of  Hfe  as  to  which  we  forget  that  we  have 
ever  forgotten.  As  our  positive  interchange  is  almost  exclusively 
confined  to  the  one-sixth  of  the  population  of  our  cities  and  towns 
which  make  the  professional  and  commercial  classes — that  is  the 
unsettled  and  unneighborly  classes— we  are  inclined  to  think  of  the 
neighborhood  as  offering  little  more  challenge  to  scientific  inquiry 
than  our  almost  faded  out  neighbor  remembrances  would  suggest. 
It  is  m  fact  necessary  that  social  science  as  now  organized  should 
have  a  change  of  heart,  a  real  conversion,  as  to  the  endless  intel- 
lectual interest  and  inexhaustible  capacity  for  a  better  social  order 
which  lies  in  neighborhood  life  everywhere. 

As  has  been  suggested,  the  principal  forms  of  effort  leading  to 
neighborhood  research  He  in  experiments  directed  positively  toward 
the  better  organization  of  more  or  less  disintegrated  neighborhoods, 
and  conducted  chiefly  under  initiative  coming  in  the  first  instance 
from  without.  The  distinguishing  watchword  of  such  effort  is  par- 
ticipation. It  is  in  the  hands  of  persons  who  five  continuously  in 
the  neighborhood,  and  who  let  whatever  of  leadership  they  may 
have  take  the  sporting  chances  of  winning  approval  and  response 
from  the  people  of  the  neighborhood.  As  the  force  of  neighborhood 
workers  grows,  it  comes  to  represent  both  the  line  and  the  staff,  the 
different  grades  of  general  administrative  officers  and  the  specialists 
in  the  different  ways  of  service.  There  are  two  contrasted  but 
mutually  related  ways  of  attack— first,  an  ascending  scale  of  more 
or  less  formal  classes  and  clubs,  beginning  with  the  mothers'  prenatal 
class  and  reaching  up  into  adult  years;  and  secondly,  a  great  variety 
of  informal  effort,  principally  in  the  way  of  visiting  up  and  down  the 
front  streets,  the  side  streets,  and  the  back  streets— going  out  into 
the  highways  and  the  hedges— beginning  at  the  outer  circumference 
of  the  neighborhood  and  working  toward  the  center. 


TEE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      583 

The   more   obvious   common   interests   to   be   developed   and 
directed  fall  under  three  main  heads:  health,  vocation,  recreation. 

The  fact  that  no  modern  city  has  yet  proved  its  capacity  to 
reproduce  its  own  population;  that  one-half  of  each  generation  dies 
before  it  matures  into  productive  power;  that  two  of  the  greatest 
of  all  the  economic  wastes  are  found  in  infant  mortality  and  child 
morbidity — comes  home  to  the  neighborhood  worker  in  terms  of  a 
direct  personal  human  challenge.  The  proper  care  and  feeding  of 
infants;  the  development  of  medical  inspection  and  nursing  in  con- 
nection with  the  public  schools;  the  local  organization  of  the 
campaign  against  tuberculosis;  the  securing  of  public  baths, 
gymnasiums,  and  playgrounds;  the  provision  of  country  vacations 
for  the  children  and  young  people  of  congested  city  quarters;  and 
the  insistent  development  of  housing  reform — as  definite  forms  of 
action  toward  the  enhancement  of  public  health — had  many  of  their 
inevitable  beginnings  in  connection  with  this  motive  of  neighbor- 
hood reorganization;  and  their  progress  depends  largely  upon  its 
continuous,  first-hand,  intensive  contacts.  In  fact  it  is  historically 
true  that  the  constructive  motive  as  to  the  public  health  is  of  recent 
date,  and  until  the  last  two  or  three  decades  nothing  really  sub- 
stantial was  done  by  pubHc  health  authorities  in  our  cities,  except 
by  a  sort  of  spasm  immediately  after  an  epidemic.  The  raising  of 
the  banner  of  a  human  way  of  life  in  the  poorest  and  meanest 
byways  of  our  cities,  by  persons  of  intelligence  and  resource  who  are 
themselves  actually  encountering  such  serious  sanitary  evils  through 
dwelling  in  the  midst  of  them — this  has  had  much  to  do  with  bring- 
ing about  the  present  great  movement  of  continuous  and  exhaustive 
public  hygiene  in  our  cities. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  this  mighty  enterprise,  which  has 
already  accomplished  so  much  for  the  human  race,  for  the  widest 
dissemination  of  practical  knowledge  as  to  the  care  and  enhance- 
ment of  health,  cannot  accomplish  and  hold  its  result  unless  it  reach 
every  doorstep  and  every  fireside.  Particularly  since  the  collapse 
of  the  institutional  method  for  the  upbringing  of  neglected  children, 
and  the  return  to  the  problem  of  reconstructing  rather  than  abolish- 
ing even  the  low-grade  family  life,  it  has  been  seen  that  very 
important  new  responsibilities  are  to  be  laid  upon  average  and 


584  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

under-average  mothers  in  relatively  resourceless  neighborhoods; 
and  that  there  must  be  an  efficiently  led  neighborhood  system  by 
which  those  mothers  shall  be  trained  and  held  to  their  task ;  that  a 
neighborhood  sentiment  and  a  neighborhood  gossip  must  be  created 
and  steadily  maintained  which  shall  make  these  mothers  in  some 
degree  at  least  mentally  and  morally  equal  to  the  service  which 
civilization  must  lay  upon  them. 

Another  of  the  greatest  wastes  is  in  the  loss  of  productive  power 
through  the  lack  of  vocational  training.  Place  a  group  of  earnest 
young  men  and  women  who  have  themselves  received  the  best  and 
most  complete  training  for  life  which  their  times  afford,  in  a  neigh- 
borhood where  the  great  majority  of  the  children  end  their  educa- 
tional experience  without  any  sort  of  training  for  Hvelihood,  and  are 
thrown  helpless  out  into  the  confusing  currents  of  a  great  city's 
activities — and  you  soon  find  a  group  of  intense  and  restless  advo- 
cates of  the  vocational  extension  of  our  public-school  system.  The 
powerful  tendency  in  this  direction  throughout  the  country  is  owing 
not  a  little  to  just  such  experiences;  and  the  growing  reahzation  on 
the  part  of  working-class  parents  of  the  necessity  of  such  education 
— as  shown  in  the  marked  change  of  front  recently  made  upon  this 
subject  by  organized  labor— is  the  result  in  an  equal  degree  of  the 
activity  of  the  local  social  workers. 

Supposing  it  to  be  true  that  15  per  cent  of  the  new  generation  at 
the  most  is  now  receiving  some  sort  of  adequate  training  for  the 
intelligent  productive  work  of  Hfe,  one  of  the  greatest  of  all  present 
social  tasks  is  to  bring  it  about  that  the  next  15  per  cent  shall  have 
its  appropriate  opportunity  for  such  training.  In  such  effort,  as 
Professor  Marshall  has  pointed  out,  Hes  one  of  the  most  hopeful 
avenues  for  the  rapid  increase  of  national  wealth.  And  the  bringing 
it  about,  the  proper  encouragement  of  parents,  the  proper  launch- 
ing of  these  youth  upon  their  vocational  careers  must  come  in  the 
first  instance  at  least  through  effectively  organized  neighborhood 
relationships. 

The  social  recreation  of  young  people  is  in  every  sort  of  com- 
munity a  problem  of  anxious  significance;  but  where  the  home  and 
the  neighborhood  have  lost  their  coherence,  it  is  beset  continually 
with  moral  tragedy.     A  study  of  the  problem  of  the  young  working 


TEE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      585 

girl  which  the  National  Federation  of  Settlements  has  been  con- 
ducting for  the  past  two  years/  whose  results  represent  the  collated 
evidence  of  2,000  social  workers,  brings  out  very  clearly  the  fact 
that  as  soon  as  the  young  girl  wage-earner  finds  that  she  cannot  have 
in  her  own  neighborhood  a  satisfying  reaction  from  the  strain  of 
work,  she  is  carried  by  the  essential  forces  of  her  being  into  a  veri- 
table ambush  of  moral  danger.  As  President  Lowell  has  suggested 
in  urging  the  freshmen  dormitories,  the  recreations  of  youth  lose 
their  danger  when  they  are  associated  with  one's  normal  conditions 
and  relationships;  they  become  ominous  when  they  have  to  be 
sought  apart  from  the  normal  way  of  life.  It  is  precisely  so  with 
young  people  everywhere.  Some  of  the  best  social  service  of  today 
is  being  rendered  by  residents  of  settlements,  who  enter  whole- 
heartedly with  young  working  people  into  a  really  vital  program  of 
enjoyment  within  the  immediate  circle  of  neighborly  acquaintance. 
These  leaders  thus  acquire  an  authority  from  within  which  enables 
them,  with  full  and  free  consent,  to  establish  a  better  standard,  and 
a  still  better,  for  social  custom  and  for  personal  behavior.  To  those 
who  know  how  the  fundamental  sexual  morality  of  our  cities  often 
seems  to  be  trembling  in  the  balance,  the  value  of  such  a  method 
can  hardly  be  stated  in  terms  too  strong  or  too  broad;  and  it 
depends  upon  as  close  a  study,  and  as  persistent  and  exhaustive  a 
practice,  of  neighborhood  sociology  as  the  most  expert  local  poli- 
tician can  make  in  his  way  and  for  his  purpose.^ 

The  most  significant  new  phase  of  the  policy  of  our  various  semi- 
pubhc  and  pubHc  institutions  for  the  care  of  the  sick  and  of  the 
morally  delinquent  is  in  their  system  of  so-called  social  service,  or 
"follow-up"  work,  through  which  a  patient  or  inmate  is  once 
more,  by  a  marked  exercise  of  persistence  and  skill  on  the  part  of 
special  field  officers,  integrated  into  the  life  of  his  local  community. 

'  Young  Working  Girls,  edited  by  Robert  A.  Woods  and  Albert  J.  Kennedy. 
Boston:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1913. 

'  Professor  T.  N.  Carver,  of  the  conamunity  organization  section  of  the  national 
Department  of  Agriculture,  says  that  it  is  now  clear  that  the  economic  prosperity  of 
the  farmer,  instead  of  making  him  and  his  family  satisfied  to  remain  upon  the  farm, 
only  the  sooner  leads  them  to  move  to  a  town  or  city.  Neighborhood  cultural  organi- 
zation in  the  open  country  thus  appears  to  be  not  merely  a  matter  of  sentimental 
interest  but  of  the  most  substantial  national  concern. 


586  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

This  means  the  creation  of  a  network  of  local  influences  into  which 
the  physical  or  moral  convalescent  can  be  sympathetically  received, 
through  which  the  chance  of  his  again  falling  out  of  a  normal 
scheme  of  life  may  be  greatly  lessened. 

Such  effort  adds  point,  and  provides  technical  stimulus  and 
suggestion,  in  the  neighborhood,  toward  making  such  a  network 
effective  as  a  weir  in  which  to  catch  cases  on  their  way  to  physical 
or  moral  decline;  and  beyond  that  toward  creating  a  complete  and 
powerful  system  of  positive  up-building  forces  in  the  neighborhood, 
affecting  every  phase  of  life  from  infancy  onward,  which  will  more 
and  more  lay  aside  the  merely  preventive  motive  in  favor  of  that 
which  demands  the  largest  and  richest  fulfilment  of  Hfe. 

It  is  through  the  emergence  of  such  interests  in  their  neighbor- 
hood phase  that  a  plexus  of  ties  is  gradually  created  which  traverses 
all  the  cleavages  of  racial  and  religious  distinction.  We  need 
always  to  remember — and  we  certainly  do  not  often  remember  it 
in  the  right  connection — that  in  this  country  we  have  in  an  increas- 
ingly large  proportion  of  our  cities  and  towns  a  bewildering  com- 
plication of  all  the  problems  of  poKtical  and  industrial  democracy, 
together  with  all  the  problems  of  cosmopolitanism.  Those  issues 
coming  out  of  racial  instinct  which  other  nations  meet  on  their 
frontiers,  or  at  least  at  arms'  length,  we  find  at  the  very  center  of 
our  intensest  community  life.  The  continual  experience  of  finding 
that  efforts  to  unite  well-meaning  citizens  upon  programs  of  pubhc 
welfare  and  progress  are  so  easily  thwarted  by  the  crafty  use  of 
racial  and  religious  appeals  is  only  a  single  index  of  the  absolute 
patriotic  necessity  of  finding  a  genuine  foundation  upon  which  solid 
unity  of  interest  and  action  can  be  built  up.  Here  the  neighbor 
instinct  again  demonstrates  its  priceless  value  as  the  cement  of 
twentieth  century  democracy;  but  not  when  left  to  itself,  for  here 
more  than  ever  is  necessary  the  infusion  of  a  type  of  neighborhood 
leadership  which  represents  American  economic,  political,  and 
moral  standards.  It  would  be  only  too  easy  for  the  neighbor 
sentiment  to  bring  about  a  kind  of  assimilation  among  immigrants 
which  would  be  only  a  foreign  composite,  hardly  nearer  to  American 
standards  than  were  its  original  constituents. 

Under  enlightened  and  patriotic  American  leadership,  every 


THE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      587 

phase  of  immigrant  culture  is  not  only  respected  but  fostered;  but 
the  different  immigrant  types  are  gradually  brought  together  on 
the  basis  of  common  hygienic,  vocational,  and  recreative  interests, 
through  multiplex  forms  of  friendly  and  helpful  association  day 
after  day,  year  after  year— until  such  neighborhood  relations  begin 
to  constitute  in  themselves  an  underlying  current  of  conviction 
which  no  ordinary  appeal  to  ancient  prejudice  can  disturb,  and  upon 
which  the  incentives  of  civic  and  national  patriotism  can  begin 
surely  to  rely. 

Such  an  influence  provides  for  the  immigrant  that  welcome  of 
which  he  has  dreamed;  shelters  his  children  from  the  vicious  allure- 
ments against  which  he  often  cannot  protect  them;  brings  forth  for 
local  public  appreciation  the  skill  of  hand,  the  heirlooms,  the  train- 
ing in  native  music  or  drama,  which  the  different  types  of  immi- 
grants have  brought  with  them;  makes  special  efforts  to  prevent 
the  parents,  and  particularly  the  mothers,  from  falling  behind  their 
children  in  the  process  of  Americanization — thus  holding  together 
the  fabric  of  all  that  is  best  in  the  immigrant  home,  while  patiently 
integrating  it  into  the  common  local  relationships. 

Three  things  may  be  suggested  at  this  point  with  regard  to  the 
general  problem  of  immigration. 

1 .  All  such  effort  as  has  been  outlined  is  made  extremely  difficult 
and  sometimes  temporarily  impossible  by  the  flooding  of  neighbor- 
hoods with  constant  new  streams  of  immigrants. 

2.  The  intelligently  directed  neighborhood  process  can  easily  be 
made  the  most  effective  way  in  which  their  present  and  future 
value  to  the  nation  can  be  determined. 

3.  Whatever  may  be  said  about  the  restriction  of  immigration, 
there  is  no  question  but  that  the  one  policy  after  the  immigrants 
have  arrived  is  to  train  them  in  our  standard  of  living;  and  that  for 
this  purpose,  the  wisely  directed  neighborhood  process  is  an  abso- 
lutely indispensable  resource. 

Out  of  such  effort  today  is  coming  a  real  emergence  of  demo- 
cratic communal  capacity.  Directly  or  indirectly  as  the  result  of 
settlement  work,  there  are  springing  up  in  the  working-class  districts 
of  some  of  our  largest  cities  local  improvement  societies  in  which 
the  vital  germ  of  nascent  democratic  achievement  is  brought  about 


588  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

— a  civic  result  which  is  worth  more,  so  far  as  these  people  are  con- 
cerned, than  would  be  the  universal  mastery  on  their  part  of  all  the 
manuals  of  constitutional  government. 

The  initial  strategy  in  promoting  these  organizations  is  a  simple 
one.  It  is  found  that,  if  no  other  form  of  general  response  can  be 
secured,  it  is  always  possible  to  get  people  to  grumble.  They  are 
encouraged  to  complain  about  defects  in  the  local  municipal  service. 
The  complaints  are  then  classified,  and  those  which  are  most  general 
are  made  the  basis  of  a  common  expression.  This  common  expres- 
sion is  then  drawn  out  into  some  specific  piece  of  common  action. 
By  the  time  such  action  has  acccomplished  the  desired  result,  there 
has  come  about  a  single  complete  experience  and  achievement  of 
citizenship  which  marks  the  dawning  of  a  downright  civic  con- 
sciousness. 

The  repetition  of  such  experiences — the  discovery  that  democ- 
racy is  not  merely  repressive  but  constructive  in  tangible  terms; 
that  it  properly  calls  not  merely  for  honesty  but  for  serviceability 
of  administration;  that  its  tangible  benefits  come  equally  to  all  on 
the  same  terms — all  this  constitutes  a  vital  adventure  through 
which  a  group  of  neighbors  actually  taste  blood  in  the  matter  of 
citizenship;  its  sting,  its  virus  becomes  a  part  of  their  Hfe  from 
that  time  on. 

In  political  democracy  we  have  a  system  of  co-operation  in  the 
great  total,  which  began  with  the  socially  microscopic  neighborhood 
unit.  The  entire  succession  of  Utopian  social  solutions — leaving 
out  of  account  the  last  two  or  three  decades  when  crude  conceptions 
of  urban  mechanism  and  flat  nationality  have  dominated  them — 
has  always  centered  in  the  ideal  local  community.  There  is  good 
ground  for  considering  the  settlement  as  being  a  scientific  and  more 
actual  project  than  that  of  Fourier,'  for  instance,  for  ultimately, 
more  effectively,  and  more  conclusively  accomplishing  what  Fourier 
was  hitting  out  at.  Certain  phases  of  the  organization  of  labor, 
the  Knights  of  Labor  for  example,  have  undertaken  a  formation 
subject  to  the  fines  of  the  local  commimity.  Syndicafism  today 
seems  to  be  returning  to  the  same  emphasis.     It  is  true,  of  course, 

»  Brook  Farm,  in  which  George  William  Curtis,  Nathaniel  Hawthorne,  Charles  A. 
Dana,  and  others  were  interested,  was  founded  upon  the  teachings  of  Fourier. 


THE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      589 

that  co-operation  in  England  and  on  the  continent  has  built  largely 
upon  the  affiliation  of  local  neighborship,  and  in  turn  devotes  much 
attention  to  cultivating  such  affiliations.  These  references  are 
made  particularly  by  way  of  suggesting  that  if,  as  many  good 
observers  believe,  we  are  to  see  in  this  country  a  new  and  rapid 
growth  of  experiment  toward  economic  co-operation,  these  com- 
munities in  which  a  vital  and  achieving  neighborhood  consciousness 
has  already  been  aroused,  will  be  the  most  likely  soil  in  which  this 
seed  shall  germinate  and  bear  fruit.  The  success  of  co-operation 
in  England,  and  its  failure  thus  far  here,  are  commonly  laid  to  the 
homogeneity  of  the  one  people  and  the  lack  of  it  in  the  other.  The 
achievement  of  sound  neighborhood  assimilation  among  us  will 
surely  go  far  toward  bringing  such  experiments  within  our  range. 

One  of  the  most  striking  aspects  of  the  presence  of  mental  dark 
spots  with  regard  to  the  neighborhood  as  the  least  common  multiple, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  home,  and  the  greatest  common 
divisor,  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  state,  is  the  ahnost  total  lack 
of  the  compilation  and  publication  of  statistical  information  about 
it.  Considering  the  vast  effort  and  expense  involved  in  the  collec- 
tion of  statistics  covering  births,  mortality,  disease,  defectiveness, 
crime,  sanitation,  housing,  industries,  occupation,  incomes,  nation- 
ality, etc.,  it  is  really  a  tragic  form  of  neghgence  that  such  facts 
are  not  everywhere  compiled  and  graphically  set  forth  so  as  to 
point  the  finger  of  fate  at  actual  conditions  from  block  to  block. 
As  the  constructive  neighborhood  sense  grows,  it  will  certainly  insist 
that  such  precise  specifications  be  laid  before  it,  with  the  result 
that  the  collective  power  of  neighborhoods  will  be  greatly  stimu- 
lated and  developed. 

Such  a  disclosure,  minute  on  the  one  hand,  so  far  as  each  neigh- 
borhood is  concerned,  but  comprehensive  and  exhaustive  for  cities 
and  states,  will  for  the  first  tune  present  the  real  pattern  in  which 
the  municipality  and  the  commonwealth,  as  total  fabrics  put 
together  out  of  interlacing  neighborhoods,  will  begin  to  work  out 
large  human  projects  in  their  true  lights  and  shades,  and  in  their 
deHcate  adjustments  of  proportion  and  perspective.  It  would  be 
hard  to  overestimate  the  importance  of  such  results  to  city  planning. 
Sociology  as  an  art,  no  less  than  as  a  science,  must  find  its  prunary 


590  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

essential  data  in  the  fully  understood  neighborhood — building 
organically  from  the  neighborhood,  up  to  the  nation.  Aside  from 
political  action,  this  same  ascendant  synthesis  must  be  worked  out 
in  terms  of  voluntary  association  even  more  subtly  and  exhaustively 
for  purposes  of  advancing  social  welfare.  Here  such  federations  as 
were  first  organized  in  our  cities  for  purposes  of  scientific  charity, 
and  those  which  with  an  ampler  and  more  positive  program  are 
forming  among  the  settlement  houses  of  some  of  our  cities  are  fore- 
shadowing something  of  the  value  of  the  objects,  and  the  interest 
of  the  technique,  which  a  properly  worked  out  federation  of  the 
neighborhoods  of  a  city  would  have.  The  settlement  federations, 
gathering  up  in  an  increasing  degree  the  indigenous  interests  of  the 
tenement-house  neighborhoods  of  the  city,  proceed  to  eliminate 
wasteful  competition  of  effort,  to  bring  different  specialties  of  service 
up  to  the  best  standard  reached  by  any  of  the  houses,  to  secure 
experts  in  different  forms  of  service  and  send  them  from  neighbor- 
hood to  neighborhood,  to  classify  local  needs  that  are  common  to 
all  the  neighborhoods  and  make  them  the  basis  of  a  presentation  of 
ascertained  facts  to  be  acted  upon  by  the  city  government  or  the 
state  legislature,  and  to  bring  out  into  the  broader  life  of  the  city 
the  average  citizens  of  the  less  resourceful  local  sections. 

In  one  city  there  is  a  United  Improvement  Association  with 
delegates  from  some  eighteen  local  improvement  organizations, 
including  both  the  downtown  and  the  suburban  sections.  This 
organization  is  gradually  coming  to  have  much  of  the  influence  of 
a  branch  of  the  city  government,  with  the  important  qualification 
that  membership  in  it  is  by  definition  restricted  to  men  who  have 
won  their  right  to  membership  in  it  by  neighborhood  social  service. 
The  sociological  type  of  federation  goes  experimentally  through  the 
actual  hierarchy  of  the  social  organism,  from  the  family,  through 
the  neighborhood,  the  larger  district,  up  to  the  city  and  the  state 
— it  rediscovers  what  precise  functions  belong  to  each  in  and  of 
itself,  what  functions  the  neighborhoods  perform  for  the  city 
through  acting  by  themselves,  and  what  functions  they  can  render 
for  it  as  for  themselves  only  by  broad  forms  of  thoroughly  organ- 
ized team  play  covering  the  city  or  state  as  a  whole. 

There  are  two  of  our  great  institutions  which,  roused  by  the 


THE  NEIGHBORHOOD  IN  SOCIAL  RECONSTRUCTION      591 

results  of  experiment  in  neighborhood  reorganization,  are  beginning 
to  awaken  to  the  great  national  possibilities  of  a  quickened  neigh- 
borhood spirit,  freshened  down  to  date.  The  pubhc  school  in  some 
of  our  states  is  being  developed  into  a  rendezvous  for  every  form  of 
local  community  interest;  and  a  specialized  force  is  beginning  to  be 
organized  for  the  necessary  and  responsible  leadership  in  such 
enterprise.  The  church  social  service  commissions,  which  have 
now  been  organized  in  not  fewer  than  thirty-five  different  divisions 
of  the  Christian  church— though  somewhat  inclined  to  issue  judg- 
ments upon  broad  economic  problems  which  had  better  be  left  to 
experts  in  such  matters— are  coming  to  realize  that  the  churches 
possess  an  inconceivably  valuable  asset  for  social  reconstruction  in 
that  they  have  in  every  local  community  throughout  the  land  a 
building  equipment  and  a  group  of  people  who,  as  a  matter  of  fact, 
are  already  solemnly  pledged  to  work  with  everyone  in  the  com- 
munity for  the  well-being  and  progress  of  the  community  as  a 
whole.  The  spread  of  the  conception— and  it  is  spreading  rapidly 
—that  the  local  church  exists  not  for  itself  but  for  its  community— 
that  the  minister  must  find  in  his  congregation  not  his  field  but  his 
force— that  the  best  and  strongest  people  in  each  local  congregation 
must  be  sent  freely  out  into  the  open  community  there  to  work  out 
vows  of  service  in  full  co-operation  with  persons  coming  from  other 
congregations  and  with  men  of  good  will  apart  from  any  church 
connection — will  give  a  new  complexion  to  many  of  the  most  anxious 
problems  of  social  democracy. 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM 


HERBERT  ADOLPHUS  MILLER 
Olivet  College 


It  is  not  at  all  clear  just  where  the  individual  merges  into  the 
social,  but  we  have  become  familiar  with  the  contrast  between 
Individualism  and  Socialism,  and  everyone  has  a  fairly  good  idea 
of  what  is  meant  by  the  two  terms.  We  are  beginning  to  see  that 
men  are  more  closely  related  to  the  groups  to  which  they  belong — ■ 
family,  community,  and  rehgious  organization — than  to  any  inter- 
est which  could  be  more  specifically  called  merely  personal.  The 
object  of  this  paper  is  to  show  that  there  is  a  rapidly  developing 
individualism  that  is  distinctly  social,  and  which  promises  to  become 
a  powerful  factor  in  human  affairs.  The  earlier  conflict  between 
Socialism  and  Individualism  is  likely  to  be  diverted  to  that  between 
Socialism  and  Nationalism  or  the  struggle  for  national  individuality. 

At  the  present  moment  the  world  is  organizing  itself  into  two 
great  camps — Socialism  and  Nationalism.  Both  are  expressions 
of  the  group  feeling;  both  are  movements  of  revolt;  both  are 
struggles  for  freedom.  They  started  from  a  common  impulse 
about  fifty  years  ago,  but  quickly  found  themselves  arrayed  against 
each  other.  One  would  break  down  political  boundaries;  the 
other  would  build  them  up.  Socialism  calls  all  the  world  one; 
NationaUsm  sets  part  against  the  rest.  Socialism  is  economic; 
Nationalism  sentimental.  Both  are  rapidly  becoming  world-wide 
and  must  fundamentally  modify  statescraft. 

Socialism  is  one  of  the  world-movements  accepted  as  an  actu- 
ality. It  has  a  program  which  seeks  more  or  less  clearly  defined 
results.  But  National  Individualism  looms  on  the  horizon  as  an 
equally  extensive  expression  of  human  association  which  cannot 
fail  to  be  a  temporary  check  to  the  realization  of  the  ideal  of  the 
socialist. 

It  has  sprung  into  being  in  its  present  form  so  rapidly  that  it 
has  been  difiicult  to  recognize  it  as  one  of  the  most  potent  forms 

592 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  593 

of  social  consciousness.  It  is  akin  to  patriotism  as  generally  under- 
stood, but  draws  its  lines  according  to  the  group  consciousness  for 
a  common  language,  common  traditions,  or  a  feeling  of  the  unity 
of  blood  through  some  common  ancestor.  It  does  not  correspond 
to  present  national  boundaries,  but  rather  to  historic  or  even  imagi- 
nary boundaries.  At  the  present  time  this  sentimental  Nationalism 
is  fraught  with  more  significance  on  the  continent  of  Europe  than 
existing  political  divisions. 

In  the  United  States  with  its  hordes  of  various  peoples  such  as 
no  other  country  ever  knew,  an  understanding  of  the  national 
feeling  is  indispensable  before  we  can  hope  to  assimilate  our  aliens 
into  Americans. 

Just  as  Socialism  has  been  a  revolt  against  the  coercive  control 
of  men  by  wealth  or  arbitrary  government,  so  this  national  feeling 
is  the  revolt  of  a  people  conscious  of  its  unity,  against  control  by 
a  power  trying  to  annihilate  this  consciousness.  The  phenomenal 
development  of  both  Socialism  and  Nationalism  has  been  in  the 
last  decade. 

Labor  has  been  oppressed  since  war  first  made  slaves,  and 
nations  have  been  oppressed  since  war  first  made  some  groups  con- 
querors and  others  subjects,  and  until  recent  times  no  one  thought 
any  other  condition  possible.  The  discovery  that  these  condi- 
tions are  not  inherent  in  the  structure  of  the  universe  resulted  in 
Socialism  for  the  individual  and  Nationalism  for  the  group. 

The  policy  of  Europe  has  been  the  control  of  various  areas  and 
peoples  by  a  few  great  powers.  Of  late  years  this  control  has  been 
maintained  by  relatively  much  less  war  than  formerly.  Thus  the 
German  Empire  was  consolidated  rather  peaceably.  Austria  has 
established  and  maintained  its  domination  over  its  heterogeneous 
aggregation  of  Germans,  Poles,  Bohemians,  Slovaks,  Slovenes, 
Croations,  Bosnians,  Dalmatians,  and  Italians.  Russia  has 
increased  its  control  over  Finland  and  Poland.  Italy  has  become 
strong  through  the  union  of  small  kingdoms.  But  there  was  never 
a  time  when  there  was  so  little  assimilation  as  at  present.  Bavaria 
and  Saxony  love  Prussia  no  better  than  before  they  became  integral 
parts  of  the  German  Empire.  It  seems  inevitable  that  the  time  is 
not  far  distant  when  disintegration  and  realignments  will  change 


594  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  map  of  Europe.  They  are  Hkely  to  be  made  peaceably — that 
is,  if  the  psychologically  inevitable  is  accepted,  and  the  indications 
are  so  clear  that  he  who  runs  may  read,  even  if  he  be  the  Czar  of 
all  the  Russias. 

Austria  is  more  nearly  like  the  United  States  in  the  complexity 
of  her  problem,  and  sends  us  samples  of  all  her  own  troubles.  If  we 
take  one  of  her  provinces,  Bohemia,  we  may  observe  one  of  the  ways 
in  which  the  national  movement  is  expressing  itself. 

The  Bohemians  are  members  of  the  great  Slavic  division  of  the 
human  race.  For  many  centuries  the  country  has  been  part  of 
Austria.  In  141 5  John  Hus,  a  Bohemian  Protestant  leader,  a  cen- 
tury before  Luther,  was  burned  at  the  stake.  From  that  date  he  has 
been  the  symbol  of  the  Bohemian  spirit,  and  at  the  five-hundredth 
anniversary  of  his  death,  in  191 5,  will  be  held  the  greatest  cele- 
bration ever  seen  in  Bohemia.  Bohemians  in  America  have  been 
planning  for  years  to  return  for  it.  This  is  very  significant  in  light 
of  the  fact  that  after  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  which  began  in  1620, 
Protestants  were  exterminated  from  Bohemia,  and  for  more  than  a 
hundred  and  fifty  years  everyone  within  the  borders  of  Austria 
except  Jews  had  to  be  Catholic,  and  at  the  present  time  nearly  all 
of  them  are  ofiicially  members  of  that  church.  The  language 
became  officially  and  practically  German.  Bohemian,  in  fact,  was 
hardly  known  except  in  the  remote  districts. 

The  present  situation  was  brought  out  in  an  address  given  by 
Count  Liitzow  in  Prague  in  191 1,  when  he  said: 

One  of  the  most  interesting  facts  that  in  Bohemia  and  especially  in  Prague 
mark  the  period  of  peace  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  is  the 

revival  oi  the  National  feeling  a.nd  language The  greatest  part  of  Bohemia 

formerly  almost  Germanized  has  now  again  become  thoroughly  Slavic.  The 
national  language,  for  a  time  used  almost  only  by  the  peasantry  in  outlying 
districts,  is  now  freely  and  generally  used  by  the  educated  classes  in  most 
parts  of  the  country.  Prague  itself,  that  had  for  a  time  acquired  almost  the 
appearance  of  a  German  town,  has  now  a  thoroughly  Slavic  character.  The 
national  literature  also,  which  had  ahnost  ceased  to  exist,  is  in  a  very  flourish- 
ing state,  particularly  since  the  foundation  of  a  national  university.  At  no 
period  have  so  many  and  so  valuable  books  been  written  in  the  Bohemian 
language. 

Count  Liitzow  himself  had  an  EngHsh  mother  and  a  German 
father,  but  has  identified  himself  completely  with  the  Bohemian 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  595 

nationalism.  The  Countess  is  the  daughter  of  a  German  minis- 
ter in  Mecklenberg,  but  feels  so  strongly  against  the  Germans,  that, 
not  knowing  the  Bohemian  language,  she  speaks  only  English  and 
French. 

About  fifty  years  ago  several  Bohemian  writers  were  bold  enough 
to  write  in  their  own  language  instead  of  in  German,  and  from  that 
time  the  Bohemian  spirit  has  grown  until  now  hostility  to  German 
has  become  a  passion.  In  many  of  the  restaurants  throughout 
Bohemia,  the  headwaiter  or  proprietor  passes  a  collection  box  reg- 
ularly for  "the  mother  of  schools"  which  supports  public  schools 
in  the  Bohemian  language  in  all  parts  of  the  country  where  there 
is  a  majority  of  Germans.  In  the  case  of  a  German  majority  the 
community  provides  only  German  schools. 

The  inevitable  result  of  this  universal  spirit  is  the  gradual 
elimination  of  the  German  language.  One  rarely  hears  German  on 
the  streets  of  Prague,  whereas  ten  years  ago  one  heard  Uttle  else. 
Fathers  were  reared  to  speak  German  but  teach  their  children 
Bohemian  instead.  Business  men  take  great  pride  in  the  fact  that 
they  are  succeeding  without  knowing  any  German,  for  it  proves 
that  Bohemian  is  winning.  A  German  cannot  get  served  in  a 
Bohemian  restaurant  in  Prague  unless  he  speak  Bohemian,  though 
the  waiters  know  both  languages.  All  older  people  speak  both 
languages  equally  well,  but  the  younger  very  little  German.  At 
the  University  of  Prague,  where  until  1882  all  the  work  was  in 
German,  now  the  graduates  do  not  know  German  well,  and  the 
Bohemian  part  of  the  university  is  more  than  twice  as  large  as  the 
German.  The  nationalizing  process  of  unifying  the  people  is  going 
on  in  face  of  the  disrupting  force  of  eleven  political  parties,  besides 
the  sharp  spiritual  division  into  Catholics  and  anti-Catholics. 

It  is  unquestionably  a  disadvantage  for  a  people  of  seven  million 
to  cut  itself  off  from  the  opportunities  of  the  environing  German 
culture,  science,  and  commerce,  but  even  those  who  see  it  best 
deliberately  assume  the  cost  in  their  struggle  for  the  freedom  of 
the  spirit.  When  we  remember  that  the  prestige  is  on  the  side 
of  the  German,  we  see  in  this  movement  the  same  indifference 
to  personal  success  that  characterizes  the  socialist. 

SociaHsm  is  strong  in  Bohemia.  The  party  has  nineteen  news- 
papers including  three  dailies;   1,500  locals  with  130,000  members; 


596  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  at  the  last  election  400,000  votes  were  cast.  But  they  were 
Socialists  in  part  as  a  revolt  against  the  government  and  the  church. 
When  they  get  to  America  most  of  them  do  not  remain  with  the 
party.  In  Bohemia  and  in  some  other  countries  there  are  already 
two  Socialist  parties,  Nationalists  and  Internationalists,  with  the 
Nationalists  increasing  the  more  rapidly. 

The  most  striking  form  of  national  spirit  in  America  is  expressed 
by  the  Bohemians  in  their  organized  propaganda  for  free  thought. 
Ninety-seven  per  cent  of  the  Bohemians  are  nominal  Catholics  on 
their  arrival,  but  at  least  two-thirds  of  those  in  America  are  militant 
freethinkers.  Their  attitude  toward  religion,  especially  toward 
the  Catholic  church,  is  similar  to  that  of  the  Socialists,  but  this 
makes  no  bond  of  union  between  them.  Bohemian  freethinking 
is  a  story  in  itself,  and  it  obviously  is  too  general  to  have  a  real  philo- 
sophical basis  in  the  minds  of  a  large  portion  of  its  adherents.  It 
is  rather  an  expression  of  the  historical  hatred  for  Catholic  Austria, 
just  as  Polish  Catholicism  is  an  opposition  to  orthodox  Russia  and 
Protestant  Russia,  and  Irish  Catholicism  to  Protestant  England. 
As  the  sight  of  a  Russian  church  makes  a  Pole  pious,  so  the  sight 
of  any  church  makes  a  Bohemian  a  freethinker.  In  the  city  of 
Chicago  there  are  more  than  twenty-seven  thousand  people  who 
make  quarterly  payments  for  the  support  of  schools  on  Saturday 
and  Sunday  to  teach  the  Bohemian  language  and  free  thought. 

Not  only  is  NationaHsm  a  controlling  force  in  the  social 
institutions  of  our  immigrants  in  America,  but  they  all  have 
organizations  for  the  raising  of  money  to  promote  the  cause  in  the 
mother-countries. 

A  more  comprehensive  and  fundamental  expression  of  this 
movement  than  has  been  described  is  the  rapidly  developing  pan- 
Slavic  feeling.  In  191 2  there  was  an  international  Slavic  gymnastic 
meet  in  Prague.  More  than  twenty  thousand  persons  took  part, 
and  at  one  time  eleven  thousand  men  speaking  several  different 
languages  including  the  soon-to-be  enemies,  Bulgarians  and  Servians, 
were  doing  calisthenics  exercises  together.  With  the  exception  of 
the  Poles,  who  would  not  come  because  the  Russians  were  invited, 
there  were  representatives  from  all  the  Slavic  divisions:  Slovaks, 
Slovenes,  Serbs,  Servians,   Croatians,  Bulgarians,  Montenegrins, 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  597 

Ruthenians,  Moravians,  Bohemians,  and  Russians.  The  keynote 
of  every  speech  was  "Slavie!  Slavie!"  and  when  it  was  uttered  the 
crowds  would  go  wild. 

There  were  a  quarter  of  a  million  visitors  in  the  city  and  illus- 
trated reports  of  the  exhibition  went  to  the  ends  of  the  Slavic 
world.  A  few  weeks  afterward  I  saw  some  of  them  pasted  on 
the  wall  of  a  peasant's  factory  in  the  back  districts  of  Moscow. 
But  the  German  papers  completely  ignored  the  whole  thing,  and 
no  self-respecting  German  could  attend  the  meet.  The  streets 
were  everywhere  decorated  with  flags,  but  never  did  one  see  the 
Austrian  flag.  People  of  conservative  judgment  stated  that  the 
meet  indicated  a  great  growth  of  pan-Slavic  feeling  as  compared 
with  five  years  before. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  recent  hostilities  in  the  Balkan  States 
it  was  feared  that  there  might  be  a  general  European  war,  but 
especially  between  Austria  and  Russia,  and  Austria  and  Servia. 
The  latter  seemed  very  imminent  at  one  time.  We  were  given  to 
understand  that  the  modern  high  level  of  diplomacy  held  the  war 
off.  It  was  generally  admitted  that  the  great  Socialist  meeting  in 
Switzerland,  held  to  protest  against  making  the  working-men  of 
one  country  fight  the  working-men  of  other  countries,  was  influential 
in  preventing  hostilities. 

There  was  interesting  news  that  was  not  being  published  from 
Vienna  which  also  had  an  influence.  It  did  not  seem  possible  that 
Austria  with  two-thirds  of  its  population  Slavic  could  make  war  on 
Servia.  Inquiry  disclosed  that  when  the  Bohemians  were  being 
entrained  from  their  garrisons  for  mobilization  on  the  Servian 
border,  they  sang  the  pan-Slavic  hymn,  "Hej  Slovene!"  sung  by  all 
the  Slavic  nations,  but  forbidden  to  be  sung  by  Austrian  soldiers 
in  service.  This  is  an  enthusiastic  and  powerful  hymn  full  of 
encouragement  to  the  Slavs,  telling  them  that  their  language  shall 
never  perish,  nor  shall  they,  ''even  though  the  number  of  Germans 
equal  the  number  of  souls  in  hell."  There  is  not  a  shadow  of  a 
doubt  that  if  Austria  had  forced  these  men  to  go  against  Servia 
at  that  time,  Austria  would  have  been  disrupted.  More  than 
70,000  Austrian  Slavs  disappeared  when  they  were  called  for  their 
mihtary  service. 


598  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  diplomats  knew  this  feeling  and  now  the  German  Empire  is 
struggling  under  an  unparalleled  war  tax  which  the  chancellor 
openly  stated  was  being  raised  from  fear  of  what  might  happen 
as  the  result  of  this  rapidly  growing  pan-Slavic  feeling.  Pan- 
Germanism  is  growing  to  keep  pace  with  its  antagonists.  The 
military  future  of  Europe  must  reckon  with  all  this,  just  as  it  must 
reckon  with  the  international  brotherhood  idea  of  Socialism.  When 
a  war  does  come  which  raises  a  conflict  between  these  motives,  we 
may  expect  that  the  emotion  of  Nationalism  will  overthrow  the 
rationality  of  Socialism.  In  other  words,  there  is  a  definite  obstacle 
to  Socialism  which  cannot  be  put  aside  until  the  spirit  of  national 
individuality  shall  have  had  an  opportunity  to  free  itself  from  the 
coercion  which  has  attempted  to  crush  it.  The  time  cannot  be 
far  off  when  the  rulers  of  the  world  will  realize  that  the  way  to  vital- 
ize it  is  to  try  to  kill  it.  When  the  group  no  longer  feels  any 
restraint  on  itself  as  a  group,  then  the  free  development  of  the  idea 
of  brotherhood  stands  a  good  chance  of  encircling  the  earth;  but 
in  the  meantime,  the  human  soul  in  its  common  life  will  fight  to 
extinction  to  be  assured  of  its  own  common  identity. 

Julius  Lippert,  quoted  in  the  American  Journal  of  Sociology, 
September,  1913,  said: 

All  the  experiences  which  I  gathered  in  my  most  diversified  political  activi- 
ties tended  to  confirm  my  conviction  that  the  first  and  indispensable  precon- 
dition of  the  material  and  spiritual  prosperity  of  two  national  stocks,  located 
in  the  same  country  imder  such  circumstances  as  those  which  existed  in 
Bohemia,  must  be  a  fixed  legal  norm  for  their  status,  and  their  freedom  of 
movement.  How  strict  or  liberal  should  be  the  terms  of  this  law  is  a  matter 
of  secondary  importance.  WTienever  we  Germans  have  neglected  to  secure 
such  a  norm  we  have  committed  a  political  blunder  injurious  to  both  parties. 
It  is  no  longer  practical  politics  to  demand  the  subordination  of  one  of  the 
national  groups  to  the  other. 

Socialism  is  horizontal,  aiming  to  unite  all  those  of  common 
economic  interests  in  the  common  cause,  that  none  may  have  unfair 
advantage  over  another.  Nationalism,  on  the  other  hand,  is  per- 
pendicular; forgetting  class  lines,  it  makes  common  cause  of  the 
symbols  of  unity,  whether  they  be  blood,  language,  or  tradition. 
It  is  an  evidence  of  the  subtle  fact  that  one's  individuahsm  is  not 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  599 

revealed  in  an  isolated  being,  and  that  the  nearest  and  dearest 
thing  to  the  heart  of  man  is  the  social  group  in  which  he  identifies 
his  spiritual  reality.  And  since  one's  personaHty  is  more  the  work 
of  the  group  than  of  himself,  the  loyalty  which  expresses  itself  in 
national  feeling  is  a  more  powerful  control  than  Socialism.  As 
was  stated  above,  Socialism  is  economic,  Nationalism  sentimental. 
The  central  philosophical  principle  of  SociaUsm  is  economic  deter- 
minism which  Nationalism  sets  at  naught  by  flying  into  the  face 
of  economic  advantage.  Both  movements  are  conspicuously  un- 
selfish, and  the  devotion  to  them  is  distinctly  religious  in  its  char- 
acter. Both  thrive  within  the  same  people,  but  sooner  or  later 
come  into  conflict.  Both  thrive  best  where  there  is  the  most  oppo- 
sition to  them.  In  America  neither  has  been  comparable  to  the 
European  developments.  Nationahsm  persists  among  our  immi- 
grants until  they  discover  that  we  make  no  effort  to  curb  it,  and 
dies  in  the  third  generation.  The  widespread  growth  of  National- 
ism is  illustrated  further  in  the  following: 

Poland  was  never  particularly  conspicuous  in  art,  literature, 
or  government,  but  something  over  a  hundred  years  ago  it  was  a 
free  country.  Now,  Germany,  Austria,  and  Russia  have  divided 
it,  and,  completely  ignoring  sociological  laws,  are  trying  to  absorb 
it.  Never  was  there  such  another  deliberate  attempt  on  a  large 
scale  to  wipe  out  national  individuahty,  but  if  there  was  ever  a 
case  of  imperial  indigestion,  Poland  is  causing  three  chronic  attacks. 
Bismarck's  policy  of  forbidding  the  PoUsh  language,  and  forcing 
German  in  its  place;  and  Russia's  similar  poHcy  with  Russian 
have  made  the  preservation  of  the  language  a  religion,  and  martyr- 
dom for  it  a  glorification.  At  the  present  time  there  is  little  doubt 
that  Poland  is  best  organized  for  the  propaganda  of  Nationalism. 
SociaUsm  has  considerable  strength,  and  in  Warsaw  where  a  Social- 
ist paper  may  not  be  published,  they  are  smuggled  from  Cracow 
regularly.  The  strong  hold  of  the  CathoHc  church  upon  the  Poles 
makes  it  hard  for  Socialism  to  gain  headway,  and  greatly  compli- 
cates the  situation.  The  Poles  think  that  their  love  for  the  church 
is  piety.  They  are  really  good  Catholics  because  their  religion  is 
Poland,  and  Cathoficism  is  a  Pohsh  protest  against  orthodox  Russia 


6oo  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  Protestant  Prussia.  I  was  interested  in  observing,  when  walk- 
ing with  a  Pohsh  gentleman,  whose  education  is  such  that  he  would 
have  been  a  weak  Catholic  in  any  other  country,  that  after  passing 
a  Russian  church  his  zeal  in  crossing  himself  at  the  next  Catholic 
church  would  be  increased.  Every  sign  of  Russia  or  Germany 
says  to  the  Pole,  ''Be  a  devout  Catholic."  In  fact,  any  particular 
religious  form  is  never  so  strong  as  the  spirit  of  Nationalism  to 
which  it  may  often  serve  merely  as  a  symbol.  As  one  listens  to 
the  bated  breath  and  sees  the  uplifted  eye  of  the  Pole  when  the  an- 
cient kingdom  of  Poland  is  mentioned,  one  needs  no  interpreter 
to  tell  where  the  heart  is.  The  obsession  of  the  Poles  is  to  find 
ingenious  methods  for  thwarting  the  plans  of  the  various  controlling 
governments.  Progress  as  a  plan  has  no  interest.  Their  backward 
look  becomes  more  intense  every  day,  so  that  psychologically  with 
them,  if  not  temporarily,  the  day  of  ultimate  international  social 
co-operation  is  farther  off  the  nearer  we  come  to  it. 

In  the  midst  of  Poland  is  the  Lithuanian  movement.  Several 
centuries  ago  a  prince  and  princess  of  these  two  countries  married, 
and  the  government  and  culture  became  PoKsh.  There  was  no 
Lithuanian  literature  or  education.  The  language  was  preserved 
by  the  peasants  as  was  the  case  among  the  Finns,  Hungarians,  and 
many  other  peoples.  Poles  and  Germans  were  the  landholders, 
and  the  Lithuanians  almost  altogether  laborers  or  serfs.  Within 
the  last  decade  the  Lithuanian  consciousness  has  burst  into  a  con- 
flagration. A  man  fully  PoHsh  in  culture  and  associations,  but  pos- 
sessing some  Lithuanian  blood,  will  become  Lithuanian  in  spirit. 
He  is  learning  the  language  from  the  peasants,  and  chooses  them  for 
associates  rather  than  the  cultured  Pole  with  whom  he  associated 
ten  years  ago.  After  the  revolution  of  1905  the  privilege  was 
granted  the  students  in  the  gymnasia  to  adopt  the  Russian,  Polish, 
or  Lithuanian  language  for  part  of  their  instruction,  where  previ- 
ously only  Russian  had  been  allowed.  In  a  gymnasium  in  Vilna, 
where  there  had  been  in  one  class  thirty  who  had  spoken  Pohsh, 
only  three  chose  Lithuanian.  Now  out  of  the  same  number  at 
least  twenty  will  take  Lithuanian,  and  the  change  is  an  indication 
of  the  growth  of  the  movement  throughout  the  people.  I  have 
had  two  students  who  speak  PoUsh  as  a  mother-tongue,  and  Lithu- 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  6oi 

anian  with  relative  difficulty.  One  is  half  Polish  in  blood,  and  has 
learned  to  read  Lithuanian  since  coming  to  America.  When  in  the 
gymnasium  in  1905  he  chose  Polish  as  his  language,  but  his  younger 
brother  now  in  the  gymnasium  speaks  nothing  but  Lithuanian  when 
possible,  though  his  mother  does  not  know  the  language,  and  his 
father  very  slightly.  A  still  older  brother,  a  successful  attorney  in 
St.  Petersburg,  is  now  studying  the  language  and  feels  fully  Lithu- 
anian. One  of  the  students,  when  he  came  to  America  three  years 
ago,  allied  himself  with  Lithuanians,  although  there  are  practically 
none  of  his  class  here  and  the  Poles  would  have  welcomed  him 
gladly.  Although  an  aristocrat  in  training,  he  feels  closer  to  the 
Lithuanian  peasant  than  to  the  Pole  of  his  own  social  position  with 
whom  he  has  associated  all  his  life.  We  see  in  this  case — that  of 
my  other  student  is  similar — that  national  consciousness  has  broken 
down  class  lines  exactly  as  SociaUsm  seeks  to  do,  but  entirely 
within  the  nation,  and  thus  raises  a  barrier  to  one  of  the  main 
purposes  of  Socialism.  The  wall  is  thus  raised  between  people  of 
the  same  class  across  the  borders. 

Finland  is  similar  to  Lithuania  in  being  subject  to  a  subject 
people  of  Russia.  For  six  and  a  half  centuries  the  Finns  were  ruled 
by  Sweden,  but  in  1890  the  country  became  subject  to  Russia, 
since  which  time  the  efforts  at  Russification  have  been  continuous. 
The  population  is  approximately  85  per  cent  Finnish,  12  per  cent 
Swedish,  3  per  cent  Russian.  The  culture  has  been  continuously 
Swedish.  At  the  University  of  Helsingfors,  where  twenty-five 
years  ago  all  the  work  was  done  in  Swedish,  now  the  larger  portion 
is  in  Finnish,  and  the  Finnish  spirit  is  increasing  by  leaps  and  bounds. 
Seven  and  a  half  centuries  of  Swedish  culture  with  no  Finnish  edu- 
cation has  had  no  effect  except  to  stimulate  the  growth  of  Finnish 
national  feeling.  The  two  peoples  live  amicably  together.  The 
Swedes  and  a  few  Russians  conduct  most  of  the  business  and  have 
the  social  standing.  Both  Finns  and  Swedes  are  Lutheran,  the 
services  in  the  official  church  alternating  between  the  two  languages. 
Finland  is  very  democratic — equal  suffrage  has  prevailed  for  several 
years.  SociaUsm  has  been  very  strong  among  them.  In  Chicago 
they  have  the  largest  proportional  membership  in  the  party  of  any 
foreigners.     But  in   Finland   the  Socialist  vote  is  beginning   to 


6o2  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

diminish,  apparently  because  this  other  struggle  for  freedom  cannot 
be  attained  through  Socialism.  The  children  in  the  schools  must 
study  Swedish,  Finnish,  and  Russian.  The  government  is  increas- 
ingly Russian,  but  there  are  absolutely  no  signs  of  assimilation. 
Helsingfors  and  other  Finnish  cities  look  more  like  Detroit  and 
Washington  than  like  St.  Petersburg,  though  Russia  has  been  work- 
ing a  full  century  on  them. 

As  has  been  suggested,  both  Lithuanian  and  Finn  are  revolting 
against  the  culture  authority  of  Pole  and  Swede  rather  than  the 
political  or  economic  authority  of  Russia.  This  is  because  in  both 
cases  the  nationaHzing  people  feel  that  their  individuality  is  more 
endangered  by  the  spiritual  than  by  the  material  power.  A  union 
between  the  working-classes  of  Poles  and  Lithuanians,  Finns  and 
Swedes  must  overcome  a  much  greater  resistance  today  than  would 
have  been  necessary  ten  years  ago.  In  Chicago  the  Lithuanian 
NationaHsts  and  Socialists  are  divided  into  two  nearly  equal  camps, 
and  practically  all  the  people  belong  to  one  or  the  other.  National- 
ists regularly  resist  Americanization.  They  do  not  want  their 
young  men  to  go  to  American  colleges  lest  they  come  under  too 
much  American  influence. 

Sweden  and  Norway  have  already  made  a  new  alignment.  Here 
were  two  countries  with  similar  people,  language,  tradition,  and 
geography,  but  Norway  felt  a  restraint  on  her  individuality,  and  in 
1905,  there  was  peaceable  disunion.  In  America  one  can  hardly 
commit  a  more  serious  offense  than  to  confuse  a  Swede  and  a  Nor- 
wegian. These  two  countries  are  very  democratic  and  both  cast 
a  large  Socialist  vote,  but  a  Swede  is  a  Swede,  and  a  Norwegian  is 
a  Norwegian  before  he  is  class-conscious  across  the  border.  The 
Norwegians  have  revived  and  modified  the  language  which  was 
spoken  by  the  people  before  Norway  was  conquered  by  the  Danes, 
and  in  the  coming  year  a  formal  popular  movement  is  to  be  launched 
to  make  it  the  language  of  the  people  instead  of  the  one  which  has 
been  used  for  centuries.  In  America  the  Scandinavians  have  made 
no  eflfort  until  recently  to  teach  their  children  the  language  of  the 
fatherland.  Now  many  schools  have  been  established  for  teaching 
the  language,  and  in  Sweden,  as  in  Bohemia,  many  towns  have 
museums  with  collections  representing  the  peculiar  local  history; 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  603 

and  costumes  that  had  yielded  to  the  common  European  dress  are 
now  being  worn  on  gala  occasions. 

Human  nature  is  the  same  in  all  peoples.  It  is,  nevertheless, 
a  remarkable  fact  that  this  movement  should  occur  so  contempo- 
raneously among  such  diverse  peoples  in  such  various  degrees  of 
civilization,  but  it  is  unquestionably  a  world-movement.  Japan, 
India,  and  Egypt  are  teeming  with  it.  Korea,  after  being  satisfied 
with  Chinese  hterature  for  centuries,  now  that  Japan  is  exercising 
authority  over  her  is  religiously  developing  her  own  language  and 
literature.  In  Hungary,  Slovak  hates  Magyar,  and  both  hate  the 
Germans.  In  France,  where  Syndicalism,  the  most  unpatriotic 
and  radical  form  of  class-consciousness,  calls  for  class  war,  in  the 
last  three  or  four  years  the  spirit  of  nationalism  has  risen  to  a  level 
never  before  realized  in  its  history. 

In  any  particular  nation  there  seem  to  be  peculiar  reasons  justi- 
fying and  promoting  its  development,  but  they  are  the  occasion 
rather  than  the  cause.  There  can  be  nothing  mystical  about  it, 
but  the  rapidity  of  communication  must  have  enabled  a  suggestion 
to  find  ready  fields.  Thus  Ireland  in  the  fifties  was  a  stimulus  to 
Bohemia,  though  the  history  of  Bohemia  seems  to  contain  quite 
enough  stimulus  of  its  own. 

Ireland  has  been  the  best-known  expression  of  Nationalism 
because  of  the  recurrence  and  continuance  of  the  home  rule  dis- 
cussion. The  present  conflict  between  the  home  rulers  and  the 
people  of  Ulster  who  are  opposing  them  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
question  is  nationalistic  rather  than  geographical.  The  Scotch 
Irish  of  the  north  are  not  only  Protestants,  but  feel  their  relation- 
ship to  England,  and  home  rule  for  Ireland  will  mean  foreign  rule 
for  them.  For  all  the  noise  of  their  struggle,  the  Irish  have  made 
far  less  success  than  many  of  the  others,  for  Gaelic  has  succumbed 
to  English. 

As  we  become  more  familiar  with  the  soul  of  our  newer  immi- 
grants we  shall  hear  stories  about  home  rule  that  will  make  the 
activities  of  the  Irish  seem  relatively  unimportant. 

Canada  is  coming  into  a  national  feeling.  The  reciprocity 
treaty  with  the  United  States  was  rejected  as  soon  as  the  import 
of  Champ  Clark's  annexation  speech  was  understood,  and  the 


6o4  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

government  of  Canada  was  forced  into  a  complete  change,  while 
Canada's  self-consciousness  has  increased  beyond  all  expectation. 

Every  sane  person  realizes  that  interference  with  the  affairs 
of  Mexico  would  arouse  a  nationaUsm  which  would  make  ineffec- 
tive any  ideas  we  might  try  to  impose  upon  the  country.  Domina- 
tion by  superior  force  is  no  longer  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course,  and 
this  is  a  new  fact  in  the  world's  development. 

From  these  examples  of  intense  feeUng  it  becomes  clear  why 
representatives  of  the  subject  nations  of  Austria  should  visit  the 
director  of  census,  and  Congress,  to  demand  that  they  be  counted 
by  mother-tongue  rather  than  by  country  of  birth.  There  is  far 
less  community  of  feeling  between  Bohemian,  Magyar,  and  German 
in  Austria,  than  between  England,  France,  and  Germany,  and  from 
the  point  of  view  of  assimilation  in  this  country,  the  latter  group 
might  much  better  be  grouped  as  one  than  the  former. 

Whether  Nationalism  be  rational  or  irrational,  it  is  a  fact.  The 
political  science  of  the  nations  of  the  earth  must  be  revised  in  the 
face  of  it,  and  in  America  our  practical  treatment  of  our  aUen  peoples 
needs  to  take  cognizance  of  the  fact  that  human  nature  expresses 
itself  more  strongly  in  the  struggle  for  sentiment  than  in  the  struggle 
for  bread.  But  when  full  freedom  for  the  development  of  group- 
consciousness  shall  have  been  attained,  the  fearsome  elements  of 
the  antithetical  movements  of  SociaUsm,  Syndicalism,  and  Anarchy 
will  have  disappeared. 

In  America  the  popular  idea  prevails  that  it  is  our  business  to 
assunilate  our  aliens  by  making  them  over  according  to  some 
fixed  standard.  The  only  true  prophet  seems  to  be  crass  American- 
ism. This  is  a  pathetic  and  impractical  mistake.  The  nationali- 
ties have  as  definite  cultures  as  individuals.  Why  should  our 
Bohemian  children  be  made  into  Americans  by  singing  "Land 
where  our  Fathers  died,"  when  their  fathers  died  in  just  as  noble  a 
fight  for  freedom  in  the  Hussite  wars  ?  At  least  they  ought  also 
to  sing  their  own  national  song.  Our  problem  is  to  make  our  immi- 
grants co-operating  members  of  our  civilization,  and  we  cannot  do 
this  by  repressing  the  peculiar  social  impulses  each  group  brings 
with  it.     Probably  there  is  no  other  nationality  in  which  the  com- 


THE  RISING  NATIONAL  INDIVIDUALISM  605 

mon  use  of  the  language  persists  so  long  as  with  the  Bohemians. 
Often  the  third  generation  use  nothing  else  in  the  family  circle. 
Since  so  many  of  them  have  passed  beyond  any  religious  influence, 
I  think  there  can  be  no  better  method  of  moral  control  and  assimila- 
tion into  American  life,  than  offering  the  Bohemian  language  in  the 
elementary  schools.  They  would  thus  develop  a  respect  for  their 
language  and  a  respect  for  the  ideals  which  have  actuated  their 
national  heroes.  We  need  have  no  fear  that  they  will  not  learn 
English.  Our  problem  is  not  at  present  at  all  parallel  to  that  of 
Europe.  With  us  Nationalism  is  an  emotional  force  that  can  be 
used  to  control  the  second  generation,  whereas  if  we  attempt  to 
suppress  it  we  shall  be  laying  up  for  ourselves  increasing  trouble. 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS' 
WITH  PARTICULAR  REFERENCE  TO  THE  NEGRO 


ROBERT  E.  PARK 
University  of  Chicago 


I 

The  race  problem  has  sometimes  been  described  as  a  problem  in 
assimilation.  It  is  not  always  clear,  however,  what  assimilation 
means.  Historically  the  word  has  had  two  distinct  significations. 
According  to  earlier  usage  it  meant  "to  compare"  or  "to  make 
like."  According  to  later  usage  it  signifies  "to  take  up  and 
incorporate." 

There  is  a  process  that  goes  on  in  society  by  which  individuals 
spontaneously  acquire  one  another's  language,  characteristic  atti- 
tudes, habits,  and  modes  of  behavior.  There  is  also  a  process  by 
which  individuals  and  groups  of  individuals  are  taken  over  and 
incorporated  into  larger  groups.  Both  processes  have  been  con- 
cerned in  the  formation  of  modern  nationalities.  The  modern 
Italian,  Frenchman,  and  German  is  a  composite  of  the  broken  frag- 
ments of  several  different  racial  groups.  Interbreeding  has  broken 
up  the  ancient  stocks,  and  interaction  and  imitation  have  created 
new  national  types  which  exhibit  definite  uniformities  in  language, 
manners,  and  formal  behavior. 

It  has  sometimes  been  assumed  that  the  creation  of  a  national 
type  is  the  specific  function  of  assimilation  and  that  national  soli- 
darity is  based  upon  national  homogeneity  and  "like-mindedness." 
The  extent  and  importance  of  the  kind  of  homogeneity  that 
individuals  of  the  same  nationality  exhibit  have  been  greatly 
exaggerated,  i  Neither  interbreeding  nor  interaction  has  created, 
in  what  the  French  term  "nationals,"  a  more  than  superficial  Hke- 
ness  or  like-mindedness.  Racial  differences  have,  to  be  sure,  dis- 
appeared or  been  obscured,  but  individual  differences  remain. 
Individual  differences,  again,  have  been  intensified  by  education, 

'  The  distinction  between  primary  and  secondary  groups  used  in  this  paper  is  that 
made  by  Charles  H.  Cooley. 

606 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        607 

personal  competition,  and  the  division  of  labor,  until  individual 
members  of  cosmopolitan  groups  probably  represent  greater 
variations  in  disposition,  temperament,  and  mental  capacity  than 
those  which  distinguished  the  more  homogeneous  races  and  peoples 
of  an  earher  civilization/ 

What  then,  precisely,  is  the  nature  of  the  homogeneity  which 
characterizes  cosmopolitan  groups  ? 

The  growth  of  modern  states  exhibits  the  progressive  merging 
of  smaller,  mutually  exclusive,  into  larger  and  more  inclusive  social 
groups.  This  result  has  been  achieved  in  various  ways,  but  it  has 
usually  been  followed,  or  accompanied,  by  a  more  or  less  complete 
adoption,  by  the  members  of  the  smaller  groups,  of  the  language,  I 
technique,  and  mores  of  the  larger  and  more  inclusive  ones.  The 
immigrant  readily  takes  over  the  language,  manners,  the  social 
ritual,  and  outward  forms  of  his  adopted  country.  In  America  it 
has  become  proverbial  that  a  Pole,  Lithuanian,  or  Norwegian 
cannot  be  distinguished,  in  the  second  generation,  from  an  American 
born  of  native  parents. 
^  There  is  no  reason  to  assume  that  this  assimilation  of  alien 
groups  to  native  standards  has  modified  to  any  great  extent  funda- 
mental racial  characteristics.  It  has,  however,  erased  the  external 
signs  which  formerly  distinguished  the  members  of  one  race  from 
those  of  another. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  breaking-up  of  the  isolation  of  smaller 
groups  has  had  the  effect  of  emancipating  the  individual  man, 
giving  him  room  and  freedom  for  the  expansion  and  development 
of  his  individual  aptitudes. 

What  one  actually  finds  in  cosmopoHtan  groups,  then,  is  a 
superficial  uniformity,  a  homogeneity  in  manners  and  fashJon, 
associated  with  relatively  profound  differences  in  individual  opin- 
ions, sentiments,  and  beliefs.  This  is  just  the  reverse  of  what  one 
meets  among  primitive  peoples,  where  diversity  in  external  forms, 
as  between  different  groups,  is  accompanied  with  a  monotonous 
sameness  in  the  mental  attitudes  of  individuals.  There  is  a 
striking  similarity  in  the  sentiments  and  mental  attitudes  of  peasant 
peoples  in  all  parts  of  the  world,  although  the  external  differences 

'  F.  Boas,  Journal  of  American  Folk-lore,  quoted  by  W.  I.  Thomas,  in  Source 
Book  for  Social  Origins,  p.  155. 


6o8  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

are  often  great.  In  the  Black  Forest,  in  Baden,  Germany,  almost 
every  valley  shows  a  different  style  of  costume,  a  different  type  of 
architecture,  although  in  each  separate  valley  every  house  is  Uke 
every  other  and  the  costume,  as  well  as  the  rehgion,  is  for  every 
member  of  each  separate  community  absolutely  after  the  same 
pattern.  On  the  other  hand,  a  German,  Russian,  or  Negro  peasant 
of  the  southern  states,  different  as  each  is  in  some  respects,  are  all 
very  much  alike  in  certain  habitual  attitudes  and  sentiments. 

What,  then,  is  the  role  of  homogeneity  and  like-mindedness, 
such  as  we  find  them  to  be,  in  cosmopoHtan  states  ? 

So  far  as  it  makes  each  individual  look  like  every  other — ^no 
matter  how  different  under  the  skin— homogeneity  mobilizes  the 
individual  man.  It  removes  the  social  taboo,  permits  the  individual 
to  move  into  strange  groups,  and  thus  facihtates  new  and  adven- 
turous contacts.  In  obliterating  the  external  signs,  which  in  second- 
ary groups  seem  to  be  the  sole  basis  of  caste  and  class  distinctions, 
it  realizes,  for  the  individual,  the  principle  of  laissez-faire,  laissez- 
aller.  Its  ultimate  economic  effect  is  to  substitute  personal  for 
racial  competition,  and  to  give  free  play  to  forces  that  tend  to 
relegate  every  individual,  irrespective  of  race  or  status,  to  the 
position  he  or  she  is  best  fitted  to  fill. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  ease  and  rapidity  with  which  aliens, 
under  existing  conditions  in  the  United  States,  have  been  able  to 
assimilate  themselves  to  the  customs  and  manners  of  American  life 
have  enabled  this  country  to  swallow  and  digest  every  sort  of 
normal  human  difference,  except  the  purely  external  ones,  like  the 
color  of  the  skin. 

It  is  probably  true,  also,  that  like-mindedness  of  the  kind  that 
expresses  itself  in  national  types,  contributes,  indirectly,  by 
facilitating  the  intermingling  of  the  different  elements  of  the  popu- 
lation, to  the  national  soHdarity.  This  is  due  to  the  fact  that  the 
soHdarity  of  modern  states  depends  less  on  the  homogeneity  of 
population  than,  as  James  Bryce  has  suggested,  upon  the  thorough- 
going mixture  of  heterogeneous  elements.'    Like-mindedness,  so  far 

»  "Racial  differences  and  animosities,  which  have  played  a  large  part  in  threaten- 
ing the  unity  of  States,  are  usually  dangerous  when  unfriendly  races  occupy  different 
parts  of  the  country.    If  they  live  intermixed,  in  tolerably  equal  numbers,  and  if  in 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        609 

as  that  term  signifies  a  standard  grade  of  intelligence,  contributes 
little  or  nothing  to  national  solidarity.  Likeness  is,  after  all,  a 
purely  formal  concept  which  of  itself  cannot  hold  anything  together. 

In  the  last  analysis  social  solidarity  is  based  on  sentiment  and 
habit.  It  is  the  sentiment  of  loyalty  and  the  habit  of  what  Sumner 
calls  "concurrent  action,"  that  gives  substance  and  insures  unity  to 
the  state,  as  to  every  other  type  of  social  group.  This  sentiment  of 
loyalty  has  its  basis  in  a  modus  vivendi,  a  working  relation  and 
mutual  imderstanding,  of  the  members  of  the  group.  Social 
institutions  are  not  founded  in  similarities  any  more  than  they  are 
founded  in  differences,  but  in  relations,  and  in  the  mutual  inter- 
dependence of  parts.  When  these  relations  have  the  sanction  of 
custom  and  are  fixed  in  individual  habit,  so  that  the  activities  of  the 
group  are  running  smoothly,  personal  attitudes  and  sentiments, 
which  are  the  only  forms  in  which  individual  minds  collide  and 
clash  with  one  another,  easily  accommodate  themselves  to  the 
existing  situation. 

.^y  It  may,  perhaps,  be  said  that  loyalty  itself  is  a  form  of  Uke- 
mindedness,  or  that  it  is  dependent  in  some  way  upon  the 
like-mindedness  of  the  individuals  whom  it  binds  together.  This, 
however,  cannot  be  true,  for  there  is  no  greater  loyalty  than  that 
which  binds  the  dog  to  his  master,  and  this  is  a  sentiment  which 
that  faithful  animal  usually  extends  to  other  members  of  the  house- 
hold to  which  he  belongs.  A  dog  without  a  master  is  a  dangerous 
animal,  but  the  dog  that  has  been  domesticated  is  a  member  of 
society.  He  is  not,  of  course,  a  citizen,  although  he  is  not  entirely 
without  rights.  But  he  has  got  into  some  sort  of  practical  working 
relations  with  the  group  to  which  he  belongs. 

It  is  this  practical  working  arrangement,  into  which  individuals 
with  widely  different  mental  capacities  enter  as  co-ordinate  parts, 
that  gives  the  corporate  character  to  social  groups  and  insures  their 
solidarity. 

addition  they  are  not  of  different  religions,  and  speak  the  same  tongue,  the  antagonism 

will  disappear  in  a  generation  or  two  and  especially  by  intermarriage But  in 

one  set  of  cases  no  fusion  is  possible;  and  this  set  of  cases  forms  the  despair  of  states- 
men. It  presents  a  problem  which  no  constitution  can  solve.  It  is  the  juxtaposition 
on  the  same  soil  of  races  of  different  color." — James  Bryce,  Studies  in  History  and 
Jurisprudence,  pp.  245-46.  » 


6io  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

It  is  the  process  of  assimilation  by  which  groups  of  individuals, 
originally  indifferent  or  perhaps  hostile,  achieve  this  corporate 
character,  rather  than  the  process  by  which  they  acquire  a  formal 
like-mindedness,  with  which  this  paper  is  mainly  concerned. 

The  difficulty  with  the  conception  of  assimilation  which  one 
ordinarily  meets  in  discussions  of  the  race  problem,  is  that  it  is 
based  on  observations  confined  to  individualistic  groups  where  the 
characteristic  relations  are  indirect  and  secondary.  It  takes  no 
accoimt  of  the  kind  of  assimilation  that  takes  place  in  primary- 
groups  where  relations  are  direct  and  personal — in  the  tribe,  for 
example,  and  in  the  family. 

Thus  Charles  Francis  Adams,  referring  to  the  race  problem  in 
an  address  at  Richmond,  Va.,  in  November,  1908,  said: 

The  American  system,  as  we  know,  was  founded  on  the  assumed  basis  of  a 
common  humanity,  that  is,  absence  of  absolutely  fundamental  racial  charac- 
teristics was  accepted  as  an  established  truth.  Those  of  all  races  were  wel- 
comed to  our  shores.  They  came,  aliens;  they  and  their  descendants  would 
become  citizens  first,  natives  afterward.  It  was  a  process  first  of  assimilation 
and  then  of  absorption.  On  this  all  depended.  There  could  be  no  permanent 
divisional  lines.  That  theory  is  now  plainly  broken  down.  We  are  confronted 
by  the  obvious  fact,  as  undeniable  as  it  is  hard,  that  the  African  will  only 
partially  assimilate  and  that  he  cannot  be  absorbed.  He  remains  an  alien 
element  in  the  body  politic.  A  foreign  substance,  he  can  neither  be  assimilated 
nor  thrown  out. 

More  recently  an  editorial  in  the  Outlook,  discussing  the  Japanese 
situation  in  California,  made  this  statement: 

The  hundred  millions  of  people  now  inhabiting  the  United  States  must  be 
a  united  people,  not  merely  a  collection  of  groups  of  different  peoples,  different 
in  racial  cultures  and  ideals,  agreeing  to  live  together  in  peace  and  amity. 
These  himdred  millions  must  have  common  ideals,  common  aims,  a  common 
custom,  a  common  culture,  a  common  language,  and  common  characteristics 
if  the  nation  is  to  endure.' 

All  this  is  quite  true  and  interesting,  but  it  does  not  clearly 
recognize  the  fact  that  the  chief  obstacle  to  the  assimilation  of  the 
Negro  and  the  Oriental  are  not  mental  but  physical  traits.  It  is 
not  because  the  Negro  and  the  Japanese  are  so  differently  con- 
stituted that  they  do  not  assimilate.     If  they  were  given  an  oppor- 

'  Outlook,  August  2,  1913. 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS         6ii 

tunity  the  Japanese  are  quite  as  capable  as  the  Italians,  the 
Armenians,  or  the  Slavs  of  acquiring  our  culture,  and  sharing  our 
national  ideals.  The  trouble  is  not  with  the  Japanese  mind  but 
with  the  Japanese  skin.     The  Jap  is  not  the  right  color. 

The  fact  that  the  Japanese  bears  in  his  features  a  distinctive 
racial  halhnark,  that  he  wears,  so  to  speak,  a  racial  uniform, 
classifies  him.  He  cannot  become  a  mere  individual,  indistinguish- 
able in  the  cosmopohtan  mass  of  the  population,  as  is  true,  for 
example,  of  the  Irish  and,  to  a  lesser  extent,  of  some  of  the  other 
immigrant  races.  The  Japanese,  like  the  Negro,  is  condemned  to 
remain  among  us  an  abstraction,  a  symbol,  and  a  symbol  not 
merely  of  his  own  race,  but  of  the  Orient  and  of  that  vague,  ill- 
defined  menace  we  sometimes  refer  to  as  the  "yellow  peril."  This 
not  only  determines,  to  a  very  large  extent,  the  attitude  of  the  j 
white  world  toward  the  yellow  man,  but  it  determines  the  attitude 
of  the  yellow  man  to  the  white.  It  puts  between  the  races  the  1 
invisible  but  very  real  gulf  of  self-consciousness. 

There  is  another  consideration.  Peoples  we  know  intimately 
we  respect  and  esteem.  In  our  casual  contact  with  aliens,  however, 
it  is  the  offensive  rather  than  the  pleasing  traits  that  impress  us! 
These  impressions  accumulate  and  reinforce  natural  prejudices. 
Where  races  are  distinguished  by  certain  external  marks  these 
furnish  a  permanent  physical  substratum  upon  which  and  around 
which  the  irritations  and  animosities,  incidental  to  all  human  inter- 
course, tend  to  accumulate  and  so  gain  strength  and  volume. 

II 

Assimilation,  as  the  word  is  here  used,  brings  with  it  a  certain 
borrowed  significance  which  it  carried  over  from  physiology  where 
it  is  employed  to  describe  the  process  of  nutrition.  By  a  process 
of  nutrition,  somewhat  similar  to  the  physiological  one,  we  may 
conceive  alien  peoples  to  be  incorporated  with,  and  made  part  of, 
the  community  or  state.  Ordinarily  assimilation  goes  on  silently 
and  unconsciously,  and  only  forces  itself  into  popular  conscience 
when  there  is  some  interruption  or  disturbance  of  the  process.  ^j 

At  the  outset  it  may  be  said,  then,  that  assimilation  rarely 
becomes  a  problem  except  in  secondary  groups.    Admission  to  the 


6i2  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

primary  group,  that  is  to  say,  the  group  in  which  relationships  are 
direct  and  personal,  as,  for  example,  in  the  family  and  in  the  tribe, 
makes  assimilation  comparatively  easy,  and  almost  inevitable. 

The  most  striking  illustration  of  this  is  the  fact  of  domestic 
slavery.  Slavery  has  been,  historically,  the  usual  method  by  which 
peoples  have  been  incorporated  into  alien  groups.  When  a  member 
of  an  alien  race  is  adopted  into  the  family  as  a  servant,  or  as  a  slave, 
and  particularly  when  that  status  is  made  hereditary,  as  it  was  in 
the  case  of  the  Negro  after  his  importation  to  America,  assimilation 
followed  rapidly  and  as  a  matter  of  course. 

It  is  diflEicult  to  conceive  two  races  farther  removed  from  each 
other  in  temperament  and  tradition  than  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the 
Negro,  and  yet  the  Negro  in  the  southern  states,  particularly  where 
he  was  adopted  into  the  household  as  a  family  servant,  learned  in  a 
comparatively  short  time  the  manners  and  customs  of  his  master's 
family.  He  very  soon  possessed  himself  of  so  much  of  the  language, 
rehgion,  and  the  technique  of  the  civilization  of  his  master  as,  in 
his  station,  he  was  fitted  or  permitted  to  acquire.  Eventually, 
also,  Negro  slaves  transferred  their  allegiance  to  the  state,  of  which 
they  were  only  indirectly  members,  or  at  least  to  their  masters' 
families,  with  whom  they  felt  themselves  in  most  things  one  in 
sentiment  and  interest. 

The  assimilation  of  the  Negro  field  hand,  where  the  contact  of 
the  slave  with  his  master  and  his  master's  family  was  less  intimate, 
was  naturally  less  complete.     On  the  large  plantations,  where  an        Ki^ 
overseer  stood  between  the  master  and  the  majority  of  his  slaves,  " 

and  especially  on  the  Sea  Island  plantations  off  the  coast  of  South 
Carolina,  where  the  master  and  his  family  were  likely  to  be  merely 
winter  visitors,  this  distance  between  master  and  slave  was  greatly 
increased.  The  consequence  is  that  the  Negroes  in  these  regions  are 
less  touched  today  by  the  white  man's  influence  and  civilization 
than  elsewhere  in  the  southern  states.  The  size  of  the  plantation, 
the  density  of  the  slave  population,  and  the  extent  and  character  of 
the  isolation  in  which  the  master  and  his  slave  lived  are  factors  to 
be  reckoned  with  in  estimating  the  influence  which  the  plantation 
exerted  on  the  Negro.  In  Virginia  the  average  slave  population 
on  the  plantation  has  been  estimated  at  about  ten.     On  the  Sea 


/ 

V 


n 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        613 

Islands  and  farther  south  it  was  thirty;  and  in  Jamaica  it  was  two 
hundred.* 

As  might  be  expected  there  were  class  distinctions  among  the 
slaves  as  among  the  whites,  and  these  class  distinctions  were  more 
rigidly  enforced  on  the  large  plantations  than  on  the  smaller  ones. 
In  Jamaica,  for  example,  it  was  customary  to  employ  the  mulattoes 
in  the  lighter  and  the  more  desirable  occupations  about  the  master's 
house.  The  mulattoes  in  that  part  of  the  coimtry,  more  definitely 
than  was  true  in  the  United  States,  constituted  a  separate  caste 
midway  between  the  white  man  and  black.  Under  these  conditions 
the  assimilation  of  the  masses  of  the  Negro  people  took  place  more 
slowly  and  less  completely  in  Jamaica  than  in  the  United  States. 

In  Virginia  and  the  border  states,  and  in  what  was  known  as 
the  Back  Country,  where  the  plantations  were  smaller  and  the 
relation  of  the  races  more  intimate,  slaves  gained  relatively  more  of 
the  white  man's  civilization.  The  kindly  relations  of  master  and 
slave  in  Virginia  are  indicated  by  the  number  of  free  Negroes  in 
that  state.  In  i860  one  Negro  in  every  eight  was  free  and  in  one 
county  in  the  Tidewater  Region,  the  county  of  Nansemond,  there 
were  2,473  Negroes  and  only  581  slaves.  The  differences  in  the 
Negro  population  which  existed  before  the  Civil  War  are  still  clearly 
marked  today.  They  are  so  clearly  marked,  in  fact,  that  an  out- 
line of  the  areas  in  which  the  different  types  of  plantation  existed 
before  the  War  would  furnish  the  basis  for  a  map  showing  distinct 
cultural  levels  in  the  Negro  population  in  the  South  today. 

The  first  Negroes  were  imported  into  the  United  States  in  1619. 
At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  there  were  900,000 
slaves  in  the  United  States.  By  i860  that  number  had  increased 
to  nearly  4,000,000.  At  that  time,  it  is  safe  to  say,  the  great  mass 
of  the  Negroes  were  no  longer,  in  any  true  sense,  an  alien  people. 
They  were,  of  course,  not  citizens.  They  lived  in  the  smaller  world 
of  the  particular  plantation  to  which  they  belonged.  It  might, 
perhaps,  be  more  correct  to  say  that  they  were  less  assimilated 
than  domesticated. 

In  this  respect,  however,  the  situation  of  the  Negro  was  not 

'  Documentary  History  of  American  and  Industrial  Society,  Vol.  I,  "Plantation  and 
Frontier":  Introduction,  pp.  80-81. 


6i4  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

different  from  that  of  the  Russian  peasant,  at  least  as  late  as  i860. 
The  Russian  noble  and  the  Russian  peasant  were  likely  to  be  of  the 
same  ethnic  stock,  but  mentally  they  were  probably  not  much 
more  alike  than  the  Negro  slave  and  his  master.  The  noble  and 
the  peasant  did  not  intermarry.  The  peasant  lived  in  the  Httle 
world  of  the  mir  or  commune.  He  had  his  own  customs  and  tra- 
ditions. His  hfe  and  thought  moved  in  a  smaller  orbit  and  he  knew 
nothing  about  the  larger  world  which  belonged  exclusively  to  the 
noble.  The  relations  between  the  serf  and  the  proprietor  of  the 
estate  to  which  he  was  attached  were,  perhaps,  less  famihar  and  less 
frank  than  those  which  existed  between  the  Negro  slave  and  his 
master.  The  attitude  of  the  serf  in  the  presence  of  the  noble  was 
more  abject.  Still,  one  could  hardly  say  that  the  Russian  peasant 
had  not  been  assimilated,  at  least  in  the  sense  in  which  it  has  been 
decided  to  use  that  term  in  this  paper. 

A  right  understanding  of  conditions  in  the  South  before  the  War 
will  make  clear  that  the  southern  plantation  was  founded  in  the 
different  temperaments,  habits,  and  sentiments  of  the  white  man 
and  the  black.  The  discipline  of  the  plantation  put  its  own  impress 
upon,  and  largely  formed  the  character  of,  both  races.  In  the  Ufe 
of  the  plantation  white  and  black  were  different  but  complementary, 
the  one  bred  to  the  role  of  a  slave  and  the  other  to  that  of  master. 
This,  of  course,  takes  no  account  of  the  poor  white  man  who  was 
also  formed  by  slavery,  but  rather  as  a  by-product. 

Where  the  conditions  of  slavery  brought  the  two  races,  as  it 
frequently  did,  into  close  and  intimate  contact,  there  grew  up  a 
mutual  s>Tnpathy  and  understanding  which  frequently  withstood 
not  only  the  shock  of  the  Civil  War,  but  the  political  agitation  and 
chicane  which  followed  it  in  the  southern  states. 

Speaking  of  the  difference  between  the  North  and  the  South  in 
its  attitude  toward  the  Negro,  Booker  T.  Washington  says:  "It  is 
the  individual  touch  which  holds  the  races  together  in  the  South, 
and  it  is  this  individual  touch  which  is  lacking  to  a  large  degree  in 
the  North." 

No  doubt  kindly  relations  between  individual  members  of  the 
two  races  do  exist  in  the  South  to  an  extent  not  known  in  the  North. 
As  a  rule,  it  will  be  found  that  these  kindly  relations  had  their 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        615 

origin  in  slavery.  The  men  who  have  given  the  tone  to  political 
discussion  in  southern  states  in  recent  years  are  men  who  did  not 
own  slaves.  The  men  from  the  mountain  districts  of  the  South, 
whose  sentiments  found  expression  in  a  great  antislavery  document, 
like  Hinton  Helper's  Impending  Crisis,  hated  slavery  with  an  inten- 
sity that  was  only  equaled  by  their  hatred  for  the  Negro.  It  is  the 
raucus  note  of  the  Hill  Billy  and  the  Red  Neck  that  one  hears  in  the 
pubHc  utterances  of  men  like  Senator  Vardaman,  of  Mississippi,  and 
Governor  Blease,  of  South  CaroHna. 

ni 

The  Civil  War  weakened  but  did  not  fully  destroy  the  modus 
Vivendi  which  slavery  had  established  between  the  slave  and  his 
master.  With  emancipation  the  authority  which  had  formerly 
been  exercised  by  the  master  was  transferred  to  the  state,  and 
Washington,  D.C.,  began  to  assume  in  the  mind  of  the  freedman 
the  position  that  formerly  had  been  occupied  by  the  *'big  house" 
on  the  plantation.  The  masses  of  the  Negro  people  still  main- 
tained their  habit  of  dependence,  however,  and  after  the  first  con- 
fusion of  the  change  had  passed,  Hfe  went  on,  for  most  of  them, 
much  as  it  had  before  the  War.  As  one  old  farmer  explained,  the 
only  difference  he  could  see  was  that  in  slavery  he  "was  working 
for  old  Marster  and  now  he  was  working  for  himself." 

There  was  one  difference  between  slavery  and  freedom,  never- 
theless, which  was  very  real  to  the  freedman.  And  this  was  the 
liberty  to  move.  To  move  from  one  plantation  to  another  in  case 
he  was  discontented  was  one  of  the  ways  in  which  a  freedman  was 
able  to  reaHze  his  freedom  and  to  make  sure  that  he  possessed  it. 
This  hberty  to  move  meant  a  good  deal  more  to  the  plantation 
Negro  than  one  not  acquainted  with  the  situation  in  the  South  is 
likely  to  understand. 

If  there  had  been  an  abundance  of  labor  in  the  South;  if  the 
situation  had  been  such  that  the  Negro  laborer  was  seeking  the 
opportunity  to  work,  or  such  that  the  Negro  tenant  farmers  were 
competing  for  the  opportunity  to  get  a  place  on  the  land,  as  is 
so  frequently  the  case  in  Europe,  the  situation  would  have  been 
fundamentally  different  from  what  it  actually  was.     But  the  South 


6i6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

was,  and  is  today,  what  Nieboer  called  a  country  of  "open,"  in 
contradistinction  to  a  country  of  ''closed"  resources.  In  other 
words  there  is  more  land  in  the  South  than  there  is  labor  to  till  it. 
Land  owners  are  driven  to  competing  for  laborers  and  tenants  to 
work  their  plantations. 

Owing  to  his  ignorance  of  business  matters  and  to  a  long-  J 
established  habit  of  submission  the  Negro  after  emancipation  was 
placed  at  a  great  disadvantage  in  his  dealings  with  the  white  man. 
His  right  to  move  from  one  plantation  to  another  became,  therefore, 
the  Negro  tenant's  method  of  enforcing  consideration  from  the 
planter.  He  might  not  dispute  the  planter's  accounts,  because  he 
was  not  capable  of  doing  so,  and  it  was  unprofitable  to  attempt  it, 
but  if  he  felt  aggrieved  he  could  move. 

This  was  the  significance  of  the  exodus  in  some  of  the  southern 
states  which  took  place  about  1879,  when  40,000  people  left  the 
plantations  in  the  Black  Belts  of  Louisiana  and  Mississippi  and  went 
to  Kansas.  The  masses  of  the  colored  people  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  treatment  they  were  receiving  from  the  planters  and  made 
up  their  minds  to  move  to  "a  free  country,"  as  they  described  it. 
At  the  same  time  it  was  the  attempt  of  the  planter  to  bind  the  Negro 
tenant  who  was  in  debt  to  him,  to  his  place  on  the  plantation,  that 
gave  rise  to  the  system  of  peonage  that  still  exists  in  a  mitigated 
form  in  the  South  today. 

When  the  Negro  moved  off  the  plantation  upon  which  he  was  ^ 
reared  he  severed  the  personal  relations  which  bound  him  to  his 
master's  people.  It  was  just  at  this  point  that  the  two  races  began 
to  lose  touch  with  each  other.  From  this  time  on  the  relations  of 
the  black  man  and  white,  which  in  slavery  had  been  direct  and 
personal,  became  every  year,  as  the  old  associations  were  broken, 
more  and  more  indirect  and  secondary.  There  lingers  still  the  dis-  : 
position  on  the  part  of  the  white  man  to  treat  every  Negro  famil- 
iarly, and  the  disposition  on  the  part  of  every  Negro  to  treat  every 
white  man  respectfully.  But  these  are  habits  which  are  gradually 
disappearing.  The  breaking-down  of  the  instincts  and  habits  of 
servitude,  and  the  acquisition,  by  the  masses  of  the  Negro  people, 
of  the  instincts  and  habits  of  freedom  have  proceeded  slowly  but 
steadily.     The  reason  the  change  seems  to  have  gone  on  more 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        617 

rapidly  in  some  cases  than  others  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  at  the 
time  of  emancipation  10  per  cent  of  the  Negroes  in  the  United 
States  were  already  free,  and  others,  those  who  had  worked  in 
trades,  many  of  whom  had  hired  their  own  time  from  their  masters, 
had  become  more  or  less  adapted  to  the  competitive  conditions  of 
free  society. 

One  of  the  effects  of  the  mobilization  of  the  Negro  has  been  to 
bring  him  into  closer  and  more  intimate  contact  with  his  own  people. 
Common  interests  have  drawn  the  blacks  together,  and  caste  senti- 
ment has  kept  the  black  and  white  apart.     The  segregation  of  the 
races,  which  began  as  a  spontaneous  movement  on  the  part  of  both, 
has  been  fostered  by  the  policy  of  the  dominant  race.     The  agitation 
of  the  Reconstruction  Period  made  the  di\asion  between  the  races 
in  poUtics  absolute.     Segregation  and  separation  in  other  matters 
have  gone  on  steadily  ever  since.     The  Negro  at  the  present  time 
has  separate  churches,  schools,  Ubraries,  hospitals,  Y.M.C.A.  asso- 
ciations, and  even  separate  towns.     There  are,  perhaps,  a  half- 
dozen  communities  in  the  United  States,  every  inhabitant  of  which 
is  a  Negro.     Most  of  these  so-caUed  Negro  towns  are  suburban 
villages;  two  of  them,  at  any  rate,  are  the  centers  of  a  considerable 
Negro  farming  population.     In  general  it  may  be  said  that  where 
the  Negro  schools,  churches,  and  Y.M.C.A.  associations  are  not 
separate  they  do  not  exist. 

It  is  hard  to  estimate  the  ultimate  effect  of  this  isolation  of  the 
black  man.  One  of  the  most  important  effects  has  been  to  estab- 
Ush  a  common  interest  among  all  the  different  colors  and  classes  of 
the  race.  This  sense  of  solidarity  has  grown  up  gradually  with  the 
organization  of  the  Negro  people.  It  is  stronger  in  the  South, 
where  segregation  is  more  complete,  than  it  is  in  the  North  where^ 
twenty  years  ago,  it  would  have  been  safe  to  say  it  did  not  exist! 
Gradually,  imperceptibly,  within  the  larger  world  of  the  white  man^ 
a  smaller  world,  the  world  of  the  black  man,  is  silently  taking  form' 
and  shape. 

Every  advance  in  education  and  intelligence  puts  the  Negro  in 
possession  of  the  technique  of  communication  and  organization  of   \ 
the  white  man,  and  so  contributes  to  the  extension  and  consoHda-    ' 
tion  of  the  Negro  world  within  the  white. 


6i8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  motive  for  this  increasing  soHdarity  is  furnished  by  the 
increasing  pressure,  or  perhaps  I  should  say,  by  the  increasing  sen- 
sibiHty  of  Negroes  to  the  pressure  and  the  prejudice  without.  The 
sentiment  of  racial  loyalty,  which  is  a  comparatively  recent  mani- 
festation of  the  growing  self -consciousness  of  the  race,  must  be 
regarded  as  a  response  and  "accommodation"  to  changing  internal 
and  external  relations  of  the  race.  The  sentiment  which  Negroes 
are  beginning  to  call  "race  pride"  does  not  exist  to  the  same  extent 
in  the  North  as  in  the  South,  but  an  increasmg  disposition  to 
enforce  racial  distinctions  in  the  North,  as  in  the  South,  is  bringing 
it  into  existence. 

One  or  two  incidents  in  this  connection  are  significant.  A  few 
years  ago  a  man  who  is  the  head  of  the  largest  Negro  pubHshing 
busmess  in  this  country  sent  to  Germany  and  had  a  number  of 
Negro  dolls  manufactured  according  to  specifications  of  his  own. 
At  the  time  this  company  was  started  Negro  children  were  in  the 
habit  of  playing  with  white  dolls.  There  were  already  Negro  dolls 
on  the  market,  but  they  were  for  white  children  and  represented 
the  white  man's  conception  of  the  Negro  and  not  the  Negro's  ideal 
of  himself.  The  new  Negro  doll  was  a  mulatto  with  regular 
features  slightly  modified  in  favor  of  the  conventional  Negro  type. 
It  was  a  neat,  prim,  well-dressed,  well-behaved,  self-respectmg  doll. 
Later  on,  as  I  understand,  there  were  other  dolls,  equally  tidy  and 
respectable  in  appearance,  but  in  darker  shades  with  Negro  features 
a  little  more  pronounced.  The  man  who  designed  these  dolls  was 
perfectly  clear  in  regard  to  the  significance  of  the  substitution  that 
he  was  making.  He  said  that  he  thought  it  was  a  good  thing  to  let 
Negro  girls  become  accustomed  to  dolls  of  their  own  color.  He 
thought  it  important,  as  long  as  the  races  were  to  be  segregated, 
that  the  dolls,  which  like  other  forms  of  art,  are  patterns  and  rep- 
resent ideals,  should  be  segregated  also. 

This  substitution  of  the  Negro  model  for  the  white  is  a  very 
interesting  and  a  very  significant  fact.  It  means  that  the  Negro 
has  begun  to  fashion  his  own  ideals  and  in  his  own  image  rather  than 
in  that  of  the  white  man.  It  is  also  interesting  to  know  that  the 
Negro  doll  company  has  been  a  success  and  that  these  dolls  are  now 
widely  sold  in  every  part  of  the  United  States.     Nothing  exhibits 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        619 

more  clearly  the  extent  to  which  the  Negro  had  become  assimilated 
in  slavery  or  the  extent  to  which  he  has  broken  with  the  past  in 
recent  years  than  this  episode  of  the  Negro  doll. 

The  incident  is  typical.  It  is  an  indication  of  the  nature  of 
tendencies  and  of  forces  that  are  stirring  in  the  background  of  the 
Negro's  mind,  although  they  have  not  succeeded  in  forcing  them- 
selves, except  in  special  instances,  into  clear  consciousness. 

In  this  same  category  must  be  reckoned  the  poetry  of  Paul 
Lawrence  Dunbar,  in  whom,  as  WiUiam  Dean  Howells  has  said,  the 
Negro  ''attained  civilization."  Before  Paul  Lawrence  Dunbar, 
Negro  Hterature  had  been  either  apologetic  or  self-assertive,  but 
Dunbar  "studied  the  Negro  objectively."  He  represented  him  as 
he  found  him,  not  only  without  apology,  but  with  an  affectionate 
understanding  and  sympathy  which  one  can  have  only  for  what  is 
one's  own.  In  Dunbar,  Negro  literature  attained  an  ethnocentric 
point  of  view.  Through  the  medium  of  his  verses  the  ordinary 
shapes  and  forms  of  the  Negro's  life  have  taken  on  the  color  of  his 
affections  and  sentiments  and  we  see  the  black  man,  not  as  he  looks, 
but  as  he  feels  and  is. 

It  is  a  significant  fact  that  a  certain  number  of  educated— or 
rather  the  so-called  educated— Negroes  were  not  at  first  disposed 
to  accept  at  their  full  value  either  Dunbar's  dialect  verse  or  the 
famihar  pictures  of  Negro  life  which  are  the  symbols  in  which  his 
poetry  usually  found  expression.  The  explanation  sometimes  offered 
for  the  dialect  poems  was  that  "they  were  made  to  please  white 
folk."  The  assumption  seems  to  have  been  that  if  they  had  been 
written  for  Negroes  it  would  have  been  impossible  in  his  poetry  to 
distinguish  black  people  from  white.  This  was  a  sentiment  which 
was  never  shared  by  the  masses  of  the  people,  who,  upon  the 
occasions  when  Dunbar  recited  to  them,  were  fairly  bowled  over 
with  amusement  and  dehght  because  of  the  authenticity  of  the 
portraits  he  offered  them.  At  the  present  time  Dunbar  is  so  far 
accepted  as  to  have  hundreds  of  imitators. 

Literature  and  art  have  played  a  similar  and  perhaps  more 
important  role  in  the  racial  struggles  of  Europe  than  of  America. 
One  reason  seems  to  be  that  racial  conflicts,  as  they  occur  in  second- 
ary groups,  are  primarily  sentunental  and  secondarily  economic. 


620  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Literature  and  art,  when  they  are  employed  to  give  expression  to 
racial  sentiment  and  form  to  racial  ideals,  serve,  along  with  other 
agencies,  to  mobilize  the  group  and  put  the  masses  en  rapport  with 
their  leaders  and  with  each  other.  In  such  case  art  and  literature 
are  like  silent  drummers  which  summon  into  action  the  latent 
instincts  and  energies  of  the  race. 

These  struggles,  I  might  add,  in  which  a  submerged  people  seek 
to  rise  and  make  for  themselves  a  place  in  a  world  occupied  by 
superior  and  privileged  races,  are  not  less  vital  or  less  important 
because  they  are  bloodless.  They  serve  to  stimulate  ambitions 
and  inspire  ideals  which  years,  perhaps,  of  subjection  and  subordi- 
nation have  suppressed.  In  fact,  it  seems  as  if  it  were  through 
conflicts  of  this  kind,  rather  than  through  war,  that  the  minor 
peoples  were  destined  to  gain  the  moral  concentration  and  discipline 
that  fit  them  to  share,  on  anything  like  equal  terms,  in  the  conscious 
life  of  the  civilized  world. 

IV 

The  progress  of  race  adjustment  in  the  southern  states  since  the 
emancipation  has,  on  the  whole,  run  parallel  with  the  nationalist 
movement  in  Europe.  The  so-called  "nationalities"  are,  for  the 
most  part,  Slavic  peoples,  fragments  of  the  great  Slavic  race,  that 
have  attained  national  self-consciousness  as  a  result  of  their  struggle 
for  freedom  and  air  against  their  German  conquerors.  It  is  a 
significant  fact  that  the  nationalist  movement,  as  well  as  the 
"nationahties"  that  it  has  brought  into  existence,  had  its  rise  in 
that  twilight  zone,  upon  the  eastern  border  of  Germany  and  the 
western  border  of  Russia,  and  is  part  of  the  century-long  conflict, 
partly  racial,  partly  cultural,  of  which  this  meeting-place  of  the 
East  and  West  has  been  the  scene. 

Until  the  beginning  of  the  last  century  the  European  peasant, 
like  the  Negro  slave,  bound  as  he  was  to  the  soil,  lived  in  the  little 
world  of  direct  and  personal  relations,  under  what  we  may  call  a 
domestic  regime.  It  was  military  necessity  that  first  turned  the 
attention  of  statesmen  like  Frederick  the  Great  of  Prussia  to  the 
welfare  of  the  peasant.  It  was  the  overthrow  of  Prussia  by 
Napoleon  in  1807  that  brought  about  his  final  emancipation  in  that 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        621 

country.  In  recent  years  it  has  been  the  international  struggle  for 
economic  efl&ciency  which  has  contributed  most  to  mobilize  the 
peasant  and  laboring  classes  in  Europe. 

As  the  peasant  slowly  emerged  from  serfdom  he  found  himself  a 
member  of  a  depressed  class,  without  education,  poHtical  privileges, 
or  capital.  It  was  the  struggle  of  this  class  for  wider  opportunity 
and  better  conditions  of  life  that  made  most  of  the  history  of  the 
previous  century.  Among  the  peoples  in  the  racial  borderland  the 
effect  of  this  struggle  has  been,  on  the  whole,  to  substitute  for  a 
horizontal  organization  of  society — in  which  the  upper  strata,  that 
is  to  say  the  wealthy  or  privileged  class,  was  mainly  of  one  race  and 
the  poorer  and  subject  class  was  mainly  of  another — a  vertical 
organization  in  which  all  classes  of  each  racial  group  were  united 
under  the  title  of  their  respective  nationalities.  Thus  organized, 
the  nationalities  represent,  on  the  one  hand,  intractable  minorities 
engaged  in  a  ruthless  partisan  struggle  for  political  privilege  or 
economic  advantage  and,  on  the  other,  they  represent  cultural 
groups,  each  struggling  to  maintain  a  sentiment  of  loyalty  to  the 
distinctive  traditions,  language,  and  institutions  of  the  race  they 
represent. 

This  sketch  of  the  racial  situation  in  Europe  is,  of  course,  the 
barest  abstraction  and  should  not  be  accepted  realistically.  It  is 
intended  merely  as  an  indication  of  similarities,  in  the  broader  out- 
Hnes,  of  the  motives  that  have  produced  nationalities  in  Europe  and 
are  making  the  Negro  in  America,  as  Booker  Washington  says,  "a 
nation  within  a  nation." 

It  may  be  said  that  there  is  one  profound  difference  between 
the  Negro  and  the  European  nationalities,  namely,  that  the  Negro 
has  had  his  separateness  and  consequent  race  consciousness  thrust 
upon  him,  because  of  his  exclusion  and  forcible  isolation  from  white 
society.  The  Slavic  nationalities,  on  the  contrary,  have  segregated 
themselves  in  order  to  escape  assimilation  and  escape  racial  extinc- 
tion in  the  larger  cosmopolitan  states. 

The  difference  is,  however,  not  so  great  as  it  seems.  With  the 
exception  of  the  Poles,  nationalistic  sentiment  may  be  said  hardly 
to  have  existed  fifty  years  ago.  Forty  years  ago  when  German 
was  the  language  of  the  educated  classes,  educated  Bohemians 


622  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

were  a  little  ashamed  to  speak  their  own  language  in  public.  Now 
nationalist  sentiment  is  so  strong  that,  where  the  Czech  nationality 
has  gained  control,  it  has  sought  to  wipe  out  every  vestige  of  the 
German  language.  It  has  changed  the  names  of  streets,  buildings, 
and  pubHc  places.  In  the  city  of  Praag,  for  example,  all  that 
formerly  held  German  associations  now  fairly  reeks  with  the  senti- 
ment of  Bohemian  nationality. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  masses  of  the  PoHsh  people  cherished 
very  little  nationalist  sentiment  until  after  the  Franco-Prussian 
War.  The  fact  is  that  nationahst  sendment  among  the  Slavs,  like 
racial  sentiment  among  the  Negroes,  has  sprung  up  as  the  result  of 
a  struggle  against  privilege  and  discrimination  based  upon  racial 
distinctions.  The  movement  is  not  so  far  advanced  among 
Negroes;  sentiment  is  not  so  intense,  and  for  several  reasons  prob- 
ably never  will  be.  One  reason  is  that  Negroes,  in  their  struggle  for 
equal  opportunities,  have  the  democratic  sentiment  of  the  country 
on  their  side. 

From  what  has  been  said  it  seems  fair  to  draw  one  conclusion, 
namely:  under  conditions  of  secondary  contact,  that  is  to  say,  con- 
ditions of  individual  liberty  and  individual  competition,  charac- 
teristic of  modern  civilization,  depressed  racial  groups  tend  to 
assume  the  form  of  nationalities.  A  nationality,  in  this  narrower 
sense,  may  be  defined  as  the  racial  group  which  has  attained  self- 
consciousness,  no  matter  whether  it  has  at  the  same  time  gained 
political  independence  or  not. 

In  societies  organized  along  horizontal  lines  the  disposition  of 
individuals  in  the  lower  strata  is  to  seek  their  models  in  the  strata 
above  them.  Loyalty  attaches  to  individuals,  particularly  to  the 
upper  classes,  who  furnish,  in  their  persons  and  in  their  lives,  the 
models  for  the  masses  of  the  people  below  them.  Long  after  the 
nobility  has  lost  every  other  social  function  connected  with  its  voca- 
tion the  ideals  of  the  nobility  have  survived  in  our  conception  of  the 
gentleman,  genteel  manners  and  bearing — gentility. 

The  sentiment  of  the  Negro  slave  was,  in  a  certain  sense,  not 
merely  loyalty  to  his  master,  but  to  the  white  race.  Negroes  of  the 
older  generations  speak  very  frequently,  with  a  sense  of  proprietor- 
ship, of  "our  white  folks."     This  sentiment  was  not  always  con- 


RACIAL  ASSIMILATION  IN  SECONDARY  GROUPS        623 

fined  to  the  ignorant  masses.  An  educated  colored  man  once 
explained  to  me  "that  we  colored  people  always  want  our  white 
folks  to  be  superior."  He  was  shocked  when  I  showed  no  particular 
enthusiasm  for  that  form  of  sentiment. 

The  fundamental  significance  of  the  nationalist  movement  must 
be  sought  in  the  effort  of  subject  races,  sometimes  consciously, 
sometimes  unconsciously,  to  substitute,  for  those  supplied  them  by 
aliens,  models  based  on  their  own  racial  individuality  and  embody- 
ing sentiments  and  ideals  which  spring  naturally  out  of  their 
own  Kves. 

After  a  race  has  achieved  in  this  way  its  moral  independence, 

assimilation,  in  the  sense  of  copying,  will  still  continue.  Nations 
and  races  borrow  from  those  whom  they  fear  as  well  as  from  those 
whom  they  admire.  Materials  taken  over  in  this  way,  however, 
are  inevitably  stamped  with  the  individuality  of  the  nationalities 
that  appropriate  them.  These  materials  will  contribute  to  the 
dignity,  to  the  prestige,  and  to  the  solidarity  of  the  nationality 
which  borrows  them,  but  they  will  no  longer  inspire  loyalty  to  the 
race  from  which  they  are  borrowed.  A  race  which  has  attained 
the  character  of  a  nationality  may  still  retain  its  loyalty  to  the  state 
of  which  it  is  a  part,  but  only  in  so  far  as  that  state  incorporates, 
as  an  integral  part  of  its  organization,  the  practical  interests,  the 
aspirations  and  ideals  of  that  nationality. 

The  aim  of  the  contending  nationalities  in  Austria-Hungary  at 
the  present  time  seems  to  be  a  federation,  like  that  of  Switzerland, 
based  upon  the  autonomy  of  the  different  races  composing  the 
empire.^  In  the  South,  similarly,  the  races  seem  to  be  tending  in 
the  direction  of  a  bi-racial  organization  of  society,  in  which  the 
Negro  is  gradually  gaining  a  limited  autonomy.  What  the  ulti- 
mate outcome  of  this  movement  may  be  it  is  not  safe  to  predict. 

'  Aurel  C.  Popovici,  Die  Vereinigien  Staaten  von  Gross-Oestreich,  Politische  Studien 
zur  Losung  der  nalionalen  Fragen  u.  statsrechtUchen  Krisen  in  Oestreich,  Leipzig,  1906. 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION:   AN  EXPERIMENT 
IN  ASSIMILATION 


WILLIAM  I.  THOMAS 
University  of  Chicago 


There  is  a  stage  of  social  organization  where  solidarity  of  senti- 
ment and  action  are  more  essential  to  the  welfare  of  the  group  than 
ideas.  This  principle  holds  in  the  kinship  group  of  primitive  times, 
in  the  peasant  house-community,  and  has  its  more  absolute  expres- 
sion in  animal  colonies  and  gregarious  groups. 

Now  these  are  the  laws  of  the  Jungle, 

and  many  and  mighty  are  they; 
But  the  head  and  the  hoof  of  the  Law 

and  the  haunch  and  the  hump  is — Obey! 

The  principle  of  primary  or  face-to-face  relations,  which  Pro- 
fessor Cooley  has  made  so  useful  to  all  of  us,  is  one  on  which  a 
society  may  best  preserve  its  life  so  long  as  it  can  preserve  a  degree 
of  isolation.  Moreover,  it  is  a  type  of  relationship  which,  with  its 
more  immediate  contacts,  its  loves  and  hates,  its  gossip  and  hos- 
pitaUty,  its  costumes,  vanities,  and  self-sacrifices,  Ues  nearer  to  the 
primal  instincts  and  contains  consequently  more  sentiment  and 
warmth  than  is  secured  through  the  more  abstract  relations  of  the 
secondary  group.  In  Southeastern  and  Slavic  Europe  I  was  more 
than  once  struck  by  the  tendency  of  the  individual  of  the  higher 
cultural  group  to  drop  back  into  the  lower.  I  am  told  that  there 
is  no  case  on  record  of  a  Magyarized  Rumanian,  but  in  Transylvania 
I  met  case  after  case  of  Rumanized  Magyars.  I  remember  par- 
ticularly one  village  where  an  old  Magyar  woman,  who  spoke 
Rumanian  very  badly,  insisted  with  vehemence,  almost  with  tears, 
that  she  was  a  Rumanian,  while  the  villagers  winked  and  laughed. 
The  Rumanian  of  this  region  stands  only  just  above  the  Gipsy. 
Another  striking  fact  in  this  eastern  and  southeastern  fringe  of 
Europe  is  that  the  lower  cultural  groups  are,  at  least  temporarily, 
pushing  back  those  of  the  higher  cultural  levels.    The  Pole  of  Posen 

624 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  625 

is  pushing  back  the  Prussian,  the  Ruthenian  is  pushing  back  the 
Pole  in  Galicia,  the  Lithuanian  is  beginning  to  make  headway 
against  the  Pole  also  at  another  point,  and  the  Italian  in  Austria 
is  pushing  back  the  German.  Naturally  the  isolated  individual 
tends  to  be  absorbed  by  the  larger  group,  and  the  question  of  the 
expansion  of  the  populations  of  the  lower  cultural  levels  is  largely 
a  matter  of  the  birth  rate  and  of  the  standard  of  living,  but  the 
question  of  the  solidarity  of  sentiment  in  the  more  primary  group 
and  the  force  of  this  sentiment  when  organized  toward  certain  ends, 
and  inflamed  through  leadership,  is  an  important  factor  in  the 
struggle  for  nationahty  in  Eastern  Europe,  and  one  which  we  must 
consider  in  coimection  with  racial  assimilation  in  general. 

Now,  I  believe  we  all  recognize  that  there  are  no  races  in  Europe, 
properly  speaking.  There  are  only  language-groups.  But  these 
groups  have  certain  marks,  of  language,  religion,  custom,  and  senti- 
ments, and  feel  themselves  as  races;  and  they  struggle  as  bitterly 
for  the  preservation  of  these  marks  as  if  they  were  true  races. 

I  think  it  is  clear  also  that  the  smaller  alien  language-group, 
incorporated  against  its  will  in  the  larger  state,  behaves  essentially 
as  a  primary  group.  That  the  state  also  behaves  somewhat  as  a 
primary  group  in  this  connection  is  true,  but  the  state  is  neverthe- 
less a  secondary  organization  acting  through  legislation  and  bu- 
reaucracy in  its  efforts  to  coerce  the  sentiments  of  the  ahen  group 
and  to  assimilate  it. 

Among  these  efforts  to  assimilate  an  incorporated  group,  I  have 
found  those  of  Prussia  in  connection  with  the  Poles  of  its  eastern 
provinces  perhaps  the  most  interesting,  because  the  policy  was 
formulated  by  the  man  who  formed  the  German  Empire,  and  has 
been  carried  on  with  resourcefulness,  system,  and  ferocity,  and 
because,  on  the  other  hand,  it  discloses  in  a  more  complete  way  than 
I  have  found  elsewhere  the  varieties  of  reaction  which  the  coerced 
group  may  develop  under  this  external  pressure. 

It  is  estimated  by  the  German  that  during  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury 100,000  Germans  in  the  eastern  provinces  of  Prussia  were 
Polonized,  that  is,  they  adopted  the  language,  religion,  and  senti- 
ments of  the  Poles.  During  this  time  the  Poles  were  making  no 
systematic  effort  in  this  direction.     It  seems  to  me  that  the  main 


626  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

force  in  operation  was  the  attractive  qualities  of  the  Poles — and 
their  more  intimate,  personal,  face-to-face  relations. 

On  the  other  hand  it  seems  that  the  PoUsh  population  was  at 
one  time  on  the  road  to  Germanization.  In  the  period  of  serfdom 
the  peasant  had  been  so  mercilessly  exploited  that  he  acquired  a  pro- 
found suspicion  of  the  upper  classes,  and  this  remains  a  prominent 
trait  in  his  character  today.  It  has  been  hard  to  convince  a  peas- 
ant that  anybody  will  do  anything  for  him  or  for  his  community  in  a 
disinterested  way.  A  leading  Galician  economist,  himself  peasant- 
born,  informed  me  that  when  he  returned  to  his  native  village  and 
interested  himself  in  its  sanitation  the  peasants  speculated  on  what 
he  was  going  to  get  out  of  it  for  himself.  But  in  the  back  of  the 
peasant's  head  there  lingered  a  tradition  that  he  fared  badly 
because  the  emperor  was  deceived  by  the  nobility  and  did  not 
know  how  the  peasant  was  treated.  And  under  the  German  gov- 
ernment he  began  to  be  loyal  (for  Germany  understands  how  to 
care  for  her  people)  and  for  a  long  time — until  after  the  war  with 
France — she  treated  the  Poles  without  discrimination — protected 
them  and  let  them  alone.  And  they  in  turn  began  to  be  patriotic, 
to  speak  German  and  drink  beer,  and  to  be  proud  of  the  Prussian 
uniform.  A  Polish  nobleman  has  recently  admitted  that  if  you 
should  put  a  Prussian  Pole  into  a  press,  German  culture  would  pour 
in  streams  from  every  opening  and  pore  in  his  body.  Prussian 
Poles  are  much  sought  in  Russian  Poland  and  Gahcia  as  agricul- 
tural overseers,  but  they  become  homesick  and  long  for  the  time 
when  they  may  end  their  banishment  and  return  to  Posen.  And 
the  aristocractic  Poles  were  coming  even  more  under  German 
influence  and  unconsciously  imitating  German  institutions  and 
speech.  I  do  not  know  how  far  this  process  of  assimilation  would 
have  progressed,  for  there  was  arising  a  noticeable  nationaUstic 
movement — a  movement  dating  back  to  the  '30's. 

At  any  rate,  so  long  as  the  peasant  felt  that  the  government 
was  friendly  to  him  he  paid  Httle  attention  to  agitators.  But  in 
1873  he  was  attacked  by  the  government.  At  this  point  Bismarck 
took  a  hand  and  decided  to  force  the  process  of  Germanization. 
He  said  he  was  not  afraid  of  the  PoUsh  man,  but  of  the  Polish 
woman.     She  produced  so  many  children.     He  undertook  the  task 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  627 

with  apparent  confidence,  but  he  was  profoundly  deceived  in  his 
judgment  of  the  peasant.  He  said  that  the  peasant  who  had  shed 
his  bJood  so  generously  for  Germany  was  at  heart  a  true  German. 
The  fact  is,  the  peasant  had  been  gradually  losing  sight  of  the  fact 
that  he  was  a  Pole  and  the  policy  of  Bismarck  restored  to  him  that 
consciousness. 

It  was  a  saying  in  Germany  that  the  Prussian  schoolmaster  had 
won  the  battle  of  Sadowa,  and  it  was  Bismarck's  poUcy  to  use  the 
same  schoohnaster  in  the  Germanization  of  Posen.    The  German 
language  was  substituted  for  the  Polish  in  the  schools,  and  German 
teachers,  preferably  without  a  knowledge  of  Pohsh,  were  introduced 
mto  the  schools.     Now  speech  is  one  of  the  signs  by  which  a  people 
recognizes  itself,  and  fear  of  the  effacement  of  the  signs  of  self- 
consciousness  is  somewhat  like  the  fear  of  death.     And  this  efface- 
ment of  speech  implied  also  the  effacement  of  rehgion,  for  in  the 
mind  of  the  peasant  speech  and  religion  were  identified.    Ask  a 
Pole  his  nationahty  and  he  will  not  improbably  reply:  "Catholic  " 
He  felt  also,  and  the  priest  taught,  that  the  good  Lord  did  not 
understand  German.    At  this  point  the  peasant  knew  that  the 
government  was  his  enemy.    He  had  heard  it  before  from  the 
priest  and  the  nobility,  but  he  did  not  beHeve  it. 

There  is  not  the  sHghtest  doubt  that  the  Prussian  government 
at  this  pomt  raised  a  devil  which  it  has  not  been  able  to  lay     This 
action,  indeed,  marked  the  beginning  of  what  is  now  known  as  the 
Pohsh  Peasant  RepubUc  in  Posen.     The  direct  consequences  of 
this  school  pohcy  were  riots  and  school  strikes.    At  Wreschen  a 
number  of  women  who  entered  a  schoolhouse  and  rescued  their 
children  from  a  teacher  were  tried  for  violation  of  domicile  and 
sentenced  to  two,  three,  and  five  years'  imprisonment.     In  1906 
there  followed  a  systematically  organized  school  strike  involving 
about  150,000  children.     The  children  at  the  instigation  of  their 
parents,  the  priests,  and  the  press,  refused  to  answer  in  German 
It  seems  that  the  behavior  of  the  school  officials  was  on  the  whole 
patient.     But  the  strike  had  the  effect  of  developing  in  the  Pohsh 
children  a  hatred  of  the  Germans.     Indeed,  this  was  probably  the 
mam  object  of  the  organizers  of  the  strike.     It  may  be  that  the 
Poles  had  planned  precisely  this,  and  expected  no  further  results 


628  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  next  important  move  of  the  Prussian  government  was  the 
establishment  of  a  colonization  commission,  with  the  object  of 
purchasing  Polish  land  and  settling  it  with  German  peasants. 
This  commission  has  been  in  operation  for  27  years,  has  expended 
about  $140,000,000  in  the  purchase  of  land,  and  the  result  is  that 
the  Poles  have  more  land  than  they  had  at  the  beginning. 

The  next  important  move  was  a  law  prohibiting  the  construc- 
tion of  any  buildings  without  a  permit.  This  virtually  meant  that 
the  Poles  could  not  build  on  land  newly  acquired,  nor  build  further 
on  land  already  possessed;  not  even  old  buildings  could  be  repaired 
nor  chimneys  renewed.  It  may  be  said  at  once  that  the  Poles  have 
almost  completely  nullified  the  force  of  this  law  by  buying  large 
estates  and  parceling  them.  The  peasants  then  live  in  the  manorial 
house,  in  the  carriage  house,  the  stable,  the  barns,  the  tenant  houses, 
and  by  packing  themselves  in  like  sardines  they  have  found  that 
they  save  money. 

And  finally,  in  1907  the  government  passed  the  expropriation 
act  authorizing  the  legal  seizure  of  any  land  which  the  colonization 
commission  desired  but  could  not  purchase.  This  meant  Polish 
land,  and  the  action  was  forced  by  the  fact  that  the  Poles  had 
developed  so  perfect  a  morale  that  practically  no  land  was  offered 
to  the  commission  by  Poles.  This  action  aroused  intense  indigna- 
tion, and  was  condemned  by  many  Germans,  notably  by  Professor 
Delbriick,  who  took  the  ground  that  a  modern  state  could  not 
resort  to  such  methods  and  remain  a  modern  state.  It  was  thought 
and  hoped  by  many  members  of  the  government  voting  for  this 
measure  that  it  would  never  be  enforced — that  it  was  to  be  used 
as  a  threat — but  in  191 2  the  government  began  to  carry  out  the 
pohcy  of  expropriation. 

These  are  the  main  steps  taken  by  the  Prussian  government  in 
its  experiment  with  the  assimilation  of  the  Poles,  and  the  Poles 
claim  that  the  government  is  making  war  on  4,000,000  of  its  people. 

Before  outlining  the  results  of  this  policy  I  wish  to  point  out 
that  the  peasant  has  been  the  main  factor  in  the  struggle  on  the 
PoHsh  side.  He  was  aroused  (i)  by  the  Prussian  state,  (2)  by  a 
small  middle  class  of  agitators  and  patriots,  (3)  by  the  press,  (4)  by 
the  clergy,  (5)  by  Polish  business  men,  who  developed  in  him  an 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  629 

immense  land  hunger  and  ministered  to  it.  It  is  noticeable  also 
that  the  nobihty  and  revolutionary  agitators  made  no  headway  and 
secured  no  effective  organization  until  the  national  consciousness 
of  the  peasant  had  been  aroused.  Indeed,  I  have  the  impression 
that,  generally  speaking,  the  nobility  and  the  priest  were,  so  to 
speak,  shamed  into  co-operation  with  this  aroused  consciousness 
of  the  peasant. 

Coming  then  to  the  types  of  organization  which  the  Poles  have 
developed  in  their  struggle  with  the  Prussian,  the  Marcinkowski 
Association  deserves,  perhaps,  the  first  mention,  because  it  is  the 
one  important  and  successful  organization  antedating  the  period  of 
Bismarck.     Marcinkowski  was  a  physician  who  after  the  revolution 
of  1831  had  retired  to  Paris.     But  about  1836  a  report  reached  him 
that  the  poor  people  in  Posen  were  complaining  of  his  absence  and 
he  returned.     In  1840  he  formed  a  society  for  the  education  of 
Pohsh  youth.     His  immediate  purpose  was  the  formation  of  a 
middle  class.     This  society,  with  its  central  organization  m  the  city 
of  Posen,  has  about  forty  branch  associations  and  gives  what  we 
call  fellowships  to  about  six  hundred  Polish  young  men  who  are 
studying  in  high  schools  and  universities.     Wherever  these  stipen- 
diaries are  located  not  only  their  studies  but  their  habits  are  closely 
watched  and  reported  on  by  resident  Poles.     They  are  also  expected 
to  pay  back  in  course  of  time  the  money  advanced  to  them,  and  to 
make  in  addition  contributions  to  the  funds  of  the  society.     An 
annual  Hst  of  old  stipendiaries  making  repayments  and  contribu- 
tions, with  the  amounts,  is  pubHshed  and  commented  on     Here 
indeed,  as  everywhere,  the  Poles  make  use  of  comment  and  criti- 
cism very  freely.     If,  for  instance,  the  branch  association  in  Gnesen 
has  been  very  active  and  that  in  MowgHno  apathetic,  the  one  is 
commended  and  the  other  rebuked  in  the  annual  report.     Further- 
more, the  central  association  receives  all  funds  collected  by  the 
branches,  but  returns  to  the  branches  the  amount  sent  in,  with  an 
addition  from  the  funds  of  the  central  association.     But  in  this 
redistribution  each  branch  is  treated  according  to  the  zeal  it  has 
shown.     For  instance,  in  one  year  the  district  of  Scrimm  sent  in 
about^  M.  1,500  and  received  back  M.  5,000,  while  the  district 
of  Znin  sent  in  about  M.  400  and  received  back  only  M   500 


630  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Marcinkowski  was  also  very  successful  in  his  insistence  on  what  he 
called  the  "moral  principle,"  that  the  nobility  and  well-to-do  Poles 
who  chose  not  to  live  in  Posen  were  not  released  from  their  obHga- 
tion  to  contribute  to  the  Polish  cause,  but  that  they  were  rather 
under  the  greater  obligation  to  do  so— a  sort  of  penalizing  of  the 
non-residents  for  their  absence.  This  society  is  also  the  beneficiary 
of  the  courts  of  honor  to  which  I  may  barely  allude.  The  Poles 
are  a  Utigious  people,  an  attitude  growing  perhaps  out  of  their 
previous  communal  system  and  the  troubles  arising  from  the 
periodical  distribution  of  land.  At  any  rate,  going  to  law  may  be 
regarded  as  their  national  sport.  From  the  adjudication  of  these 
cases  the  Prussian  government  was  profiting  in  the  way  of  fines,  and 
the  Poles  have  understood  how  to  form  an  organization  to  which 
litigants  voluntarily  submit  their  grievances  and  to  which  they  pay 
their  fines.  These  fines  are  turned  over  to  the  Marcinkowski 
Association,  The  association  has  also  been  more  instrumental  than 
any  other  organization,  with  the  exception  perhaps  of  the  press,  in 
drawing  the  priests  into  the  nationalistic  movement.  As  early  as 
1 84 1  the  archbishop  of  Posen  and  Gnesen  addressed  a  circular  letter 
to  the  clergy  of  his  diocese  in  which  he  said:  "I  urge  the  priests 
and  chaplains  and  lay  it  upon  them  particularly  forthwith  to 
co-operate  with  this  society,  which  will  be  a  blessing  to  mankind, 
and  appropriately  to  assist  its  noble  and  useful  purpose."  From 
the  American  standpoint  the  association  is  not  rich.  Its  capital 
is  about  M.  1,400,000,  and  about  half  of  its  expenses  are  defrayed 
from  the  interest  on  its  capital.  Associated  with  the  Marcinkowski 
Association  are  four  other  associations:  (i)  the  West  Prussian  Edu- 
cational Association,  (2)  the  Association  for  Girl  Students,  (3)  the 
Association  for  Girl  Students  of  West  Prussia,  and  (4)  the  Public 
Library  Association. 

In  1873  Maximilian  Jackowski  began  to  organize  the  peasants 
into  associations,  and  in  the  first  year  founded  11  such  associations; 
in  1880  he  had  personally  founded  120  associations;  at  present 
there  are  more  than  300  associations.  During  his  life  Jackowski 
traveled,  wrote,  and  spoke  unceasingly.  His  two  main  objects  were 
the  improvement  of  the  economic  condition  of  the  peasant  and  the 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  631 

preservation  of  the  national  spirit  through  a  national  organization 
This  organization  was  to  be  based  on  the  peasant. 
^     The  peasant  associations,  each  under  a  president,  are  divided 
into  26  districts,  each  under  a  vice-patron,  and  all  are  united  in  a 
central  association  under  a  patron.     The  monthly  meetmgs  of  the 
associations  are  devoted  to  a  discussion  of  matters  of  agriculture 
though  they  serve  also  to  foster  the  feeUng  of  nationality     The 
annual  district  meetings  under  the  vice-patrons  bring  out  350  mem- 
bers, and  the  annual  general  assembly  of  the  associations  m  Posen 
has  an  attendance  of  about  1,000.    And  as  the  same  date  of  meeting 
is  selected  by  the  Polish  Association  of  Large  Land  Owners,  Trades 
Umons  and  other  societies,  the  meeting  in  Posen  in  the  middle  of 
March  assumes  the  aspect  of  a  national  demonstration.     Neverthe- 
less poUtics  and  sentiment  are  strenuously  disallowed  in  the  meet- 
mgs of  the  associations.     This  is  not  only  essential  to  the  existence 
of  the  associations  under  the  Prussian  government,  but  is  regarded 
as  mtrmsically  miportant.     For  the  Poles  thoroughly  realize  that 
their  success  and  the  reahzation  of  their  emotional  amis  he  in  busi- 
ness enterprise.     They  were  at  one  time  the  most  emotional  people 
in  the  world,  or  bore  that  reputation— indeed  the  Pole  has  been 
called  the  Slavus  saltans~hut  there  is  a  legend  that  a  deputation 
of  Poles  asked  the  historian  Thierry  m  Paris  what  was  a  good  pro- 
gram, and  he  said:  ''Get  rich."    And  they  have  since  foUowed  that 
pohcy.     It  is  by  no  means  true  that  they  have  lost  their  senti- 
ment;  It  is  the  force  behind  all,  but  they  carry  it  in  a  different 
compartment. 

The  peasant  associations  have  an  official  paper,  the  Poradnik 
Gospodarski  ("Agricultural  Messenger")  which  is  perfectly  adapted 
to  the  peasant's  needs,  and,  I  may  say,  to  his  psychology  The 
paper  is  indeed  dull  reading  to  the  outsider,  with  its  description  of 
dramage,  soils,  manures,  etc.;  but  we  must  remember  that  the 
peasant  has  an  affection  for  the  soil  greater  than  that  for  all  else- 
the  soil  IS  a  part  of  his  being.  In  the  greatest  of  the  novels  based 
on  the  Slavic  peasant,  ReymonVsClopi  ("Peasants"),  an  old  peasant 
who  had  received  an  mjury  to  his  head  in  a  fight  over  some  tunber 
and  who  had  lain  m  a  comatose  condition  for  months,  rises  from 


632  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

his  bed  one  night  and  walks  out  over  his  land,  and  in  the  morning 
he  is  found  dead  in  the  fields.  He  had  fallen  face  foremost,  and 
the  earth  stopped  his  mouth  and  was  clasped  tightly  in  both  of  his 
hands.  By  an  appropriate  automatism  he  had  in  death  embraced 
and  kissed  what  was  supremely  dear  to  him.  A  people  so  disposed 
responds  eagerly  to  suggestions  about  the  soil.  Formerly  Pol- 
nische  Wirtschajt  was  a  synon3rm  among  the  Germans  for  all  that 
was  sluttish.  Now  it  is  amusingly  inappropriate  as  applied  to 
Polish  agriculture  in  Posen. 

If  the  primary  group  is  distinguished  by  face-to-face  and  senti- 
mental relations  I  think  it  is  correct  to  say  that  the  land  of  the 
peasant  was  included  in  his  group.  And  this  land  sentiment  is  the 
most  important  factor  in  the  failure  up  to  date  of  the  plans  of  the 
colonization  commission.  It  was  not,  indeed,  the  plan  of  the  com- 
mission to  buy  peasant  land,  but  to  buy  large  Polish  estates  and 
partition  them  among  German  settlers.  This  plan  worked  very 
well  for  some  years,  because  a  sufficient  morale  was  not  immedi- 
ately developed  among  the  landed  Poles  to  prevent  the  sale  of  some 
estates.  But  at  the  very  beginning  something  occurred  which  the 
commission  had  not  counted  on — namely  the  German  large  land 
owners  in  West  Prussia  were  much  more  eager  to  sell  than  the  Poles. 
When  it  became  known  that  the  government  was  spending  about 
M.  40,000,000  annually  for  land,  there  was  a  stampede  of  German 
owners  to  get  in  on  the  money.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  commission 
pointed  out  that  it  did  not  wish  German  land,  only  Polish.  The 
German  land  owner  protested  that  he  was  obliged  to  sell,  and  that 
if  the  government  did  not  purchase  he  would  be  compelled,  in  order 
to  avoid  ruin,  to  sell  to  PoUsh  speculators.  In  fact,  the  commis- 
sion was  compelled  to  buy  German  land.  As  late  as  1903  the  com- 
mission bought  from  German  owners  land  for  about  M.  40,000,000; 
in  1904  for  M.  30,000,000;  and  in  1905  for  M.  35,000,000.  On  the 
other  hand  the  amount  of  land  offered  by  Polish  owners  was  always 
small  in  comparison  with  that  of  German  owners,  and  at  present 
practically  no  Polish  land  is  offered.  For  instance,  in  1903,  210,000 
hectares  of  German  land  were  offered  to  the  commission,  as  against 
35,000  hectares  of  Polish  land;  in  1904,  200,000  hectares,  as 
against  20.000;  and  in  1905  the  Germans  offered  135,000  hectares, 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  633 

and  the  Poles  offered  almost  none.  In  this  connection  land  specu- 
lation became  rife  and  the  price  of  land  has  doubled.  Polish  specu- 
lators began  to  purchase  large  Polish  estates  and  parcel  them  out 
to  Polish  peasants,  and  to  take  over  and  parcel  in  the  same  way 
German  estates  refused  by  the  colonization  commission.  They 
also  began  to  outbid  the  government  for  German  land,  and  to 
organize  parceling  banks  and  other  associations  to  enable  the 
Polish  peasant  to  acquire  land.  It  is  here  that  the  land-hunger  of 
the  Polish  peasant  became  an  important  factor.  On  the  Polish 
side  the  most  daring  and  inventive  land  speculator  was  a  certain 
Martin  Biedermann.  Among  his  inventions,  two  are  most  notable. 
The  first  is  known  as  the  "Biedermann  clause."  A  German  estate 
owner  offered  his  estate  to  the  commission.  If  this  was  declined 
he  went  to  Biedermann  and  sold  him  the  estate,  with  the  reserva- 
tion that  he  might  have  the  privilege  of  withdrawing  from  the  trans- 
action within  a  month.  The  deed  drawn  with  Biedermann's  firm, 
say  for  M.  500,000,  contained  the  following  paragraph:  "But  if  a 
third  party  [the  colonization  commission]  enters  into  the  trans- 
action before  [a  given  date]  said  party  shall  pay  M.  30,000  more. 
But  this  sum  shall  be  divided  equally  between  the  firm  of  Drweski 
&  Langner  [Biedermann's  firm]  and  the  estate  owner  X."  At  this 
point  the  commission  might  yield  and  buy  the  estate,  in  which  case 
Biedermann's  firm  had  a  profit  of  M.  15,000.  Otherwise  the  estate 
was  parceled  among  Polish  peasants.  In  the  second  place,  Bieder- 
mann understood  how  to  make  out  of  land-buying  a  patriotic  sport 
for  rich  Poles.  The  Pole  is  socially  ambitious  and  fives  very  much 
for  the  approbation  of  his  circle.  Many  of  the  attractive  careers 
are  closed  to  him;  he  has  no  place  in  the  army,  the  government,  or 
the  university.  If,  then,  a  young  man  comes  into  an  estate  of  some 
millions,  and  presently  a  large  estate  comes  onto  the  market,  it  is 
suggested  to  him  that  it  would  be  a  fine  thing  to  outbid  the  govern- 
ment and  secure  this  for  the  Poles.  He  will  have  to  pay  dear, 
perhaps  very  dear,  for  his  whistle,  but  to  have  his  name  on  every 
Polish  tongue  and  to  be  mentioned  in  many  of  the  600  newspapers 
and  periodicals  in  the  three  parts  of  Poland  is  worth  the  M.  50,000 
which  he  pays  in  excess  of  its  value. 

The  heart  of  the  peasant  has  been  won  to  the  Polish  cause  quite 


634  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

as  much  through  a  system  of  small  parceling  banks  as  through  the 
peasant  associations.  The  peasant  is  usually  in  debt.  Under  the 
Polish  custom  the  oldest  son  usually  takes  over  the  estate  from  the 
father  and  pensions  him,  and  assumes  the  obligation  of  paying  to 
the  younger  children  the  worth  of  their  portions.  On  a  small  farm 
there  may  be  ten  or  fifteen  mortgages  outstanding.  Formerly,  at 
any  rate,  this  was  so,  and  the  mortgages  were  in  the  hands  of  money 
lenders,  some  of  whom  would  welcome  an  opportunity  to  foreclose. 
So  the  peasant  led  an  unhappy  and  harassed  life.  The  Catholic 
clergy  under  the  leadership  of  Wawrzyniak,  a  truly  remarkable 
man,  whom  the  Poles  called  the  "King  of  Action,"  have  been 
active  in  the  organization  of  the  parceling  banks.  At  present,  when 
a  peasant  is  in  difficulties,  he  speaks  to  his  priest  or  to  an  officer  of 
the  local  bank.  His  affairs  are  looked  into,  the  small  mortgages 
are  taken  up,  and  the  bank  lends  him  the  necessary  money.  If  the 
peasant  is  in  trouble  through  bad  management,  drink,  or  other 
fault  of  his  own,  every  influence  is  brought  to  bear  on  him  to  reform 
him  and  save  his  land.  If  it  is  necessary  to  sell  a  part  or  the  whole 
of  it,  it  at  least  does  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Germans.  These 
banks  also  furnish  the  peasant  with  the  means  to  acquire  new  land. 
Another  device  developed  by  the  Poles  in  the  land  struggle  may 
be  called  the  ''great  family  council,"  and  is  based  on  a  peculiar 
trait  of  aristocratic  Polish  society.  The  noble  Polish  families  are 
closely  related  by  blood  and  marriage  and  show  a  minute  personal 
interest  in  the  private  affairs  of  one  another — a  sort  of  friendly 
inquisitiveness  which  we  should  regard  as  offensive,  but  which 
among  themselves  is  felt  to  be  not  only  good  form  but  a  welcome 
expression  of  affection.  It  is  in  fact  family  life  extended  to  a 
larger  circle.  This  larger  family  circle  is  formally  represented  by 
a  club  in  the  city  of  Posen  called  the  "Bazar,"  and  not  to  be  a 
member  of  this  club  is  not  to  be  in  the  better  Polish  world.  When 
now  it  becomes  known  that  a  young  land  owner  is  not  living  prop- 
erly, and  that  he  is  in  danger  of  coming  to  ruin,  a  friend  speaks  to 
him  and  advises  him  to  have  a  conference  with  the  president  of  the 
club.  This  advice  is  practically  mandatory.  If  he  does  not  follow 
it  he  will  receive  a  note  from  the  president  of  the  club  requesting 
him  to  call  and  have  a  talk.     If  he  ignores  this  he  will  be  expelled 


THE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  635 

from  the  club.  One  of  the  by-laws  of  the  club  is  that  a  member 
may  be  expelled  for  unbecoming  conduct.  If  he  is  dropped  from 
his  club  he  is  dropped  from  all  the  connections  in  life  that  mean 
most  to  him.  So  he  goes.  He  is  then  asked  how  his  affairs  stand 
what  debts  he  has-^verything.  If  he  lies  on  this  point,  he  is  also 
expelled.  He  is  then  informed  that  a  committee  will  take  charge 
of  his  estate  and  place  him  on  an  annuity  until  his  affairs  are 
re-estabhshed.  The  most  skilled  men  in  Posen  will  then  administer 
his  estate  at  a  nominal  charge  of  say  M.  500.  He  signs  an  agree- 
ment to  this  effect.  A  paid  overseer  may  also  be  engaged  for  say 
M.  1,500.  In  this  way  the  land  is  not  lost  to  his  creditors,  above 
all  it  does  not  fall  into  German  hands,  and  the  young  man  may  be 
reformed.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  occasion  presents  a  very  favor- 
able opportunity  for  conversion. 

In  the  course  of  time  the  press  has  become  the  most  violent  if 
not  the  most  influential  force  in  the  struggle  for  the  development  of 
Pohsh  national  spirit.     Every  smaU  town  has  its  newspaper,  and 
It  cannot  be  denied  that  some  of  the  newspapers  make  a  business 
of  working  on  the  emotions  of  the  people  in  a  way  that  not  even  the 
more  responsible  PoHsh  leaders  approve.    A  few  editors  in  fact 
make  it  a  part  of  their  business  to  go  to  jail,  and  some  papers  are 
said  to  keep  two  editors,  one  to  go  to  jail  when  the  term  of  the  other 
expires.    A  Mr.  Kulerski,  editor  of  the  Gazeta  Grudzionska,  pub- 
Hshed  at  Graudenz,  when  sentenced  for  "exciting  to  violence  " 
writes  something  like  this:    "Dear  brothers  and  fellow-struggler's • 
When  these  words  reach  you,  I  shall  be  no  longer  a  free  man,  but 
in  prison.     Therefore  it  is  my  wish  to  address  a  few  final  words  to 
you  from  the  threshold  of  the  prison.     My  sentence  has  excited 
great  joy  among  the  Pole  baiters,  but  the  incident  may  be  made  to 
recoil  on  their  heads  if  you  will  rally  to  the  support  of  the  Gazeta 
Grudzionska:   500  new  subscribers  for  every  day  of  imprisonment! 
That  must  now  be  your  solution  of  the  matter.     If  in  this  way 
15,000  new  subscribers  are  secured,  our  PoUsh  cause  will  thereby 
secure  a  powerful  impetus."     I  must  repeat  that  this  "business 
patriotism"  has  had  a  wide  condemnation,  but  the  Gazeta  Grud- 
zionska has  a  subscription  list  of  100,000. 

Frequently  recurring  themes  in  the  more  sensational  of  the 


636  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

newspapers  are:  Poland  must  become  again  an  independent  power; 
the  Poles  are  neither  true  nor  loyal  Prussian  subjects;  the  Prussians 
are  unwelcome  guests  in  the  Polish  land;  no  loyal  Pole  will  illu- 
minate his  house  or  otherwise  participate  in  any  Prussian  demon- 
stration, such  as  the  celebration  of  the  emperor's  birthday;  the 
suppression  of  the  Polish  language  is  a  device  for  killing  the  intel- 
ligence of  Polish  youth,  because  the  mind  cannot  be  developed 
normally  in  a  foreign  speech;  no  true  Polish  girl  will  marry  a 
German;  every  true  Pole  will  read  the  Polish  newspapers;  the 
German  CathoHc  is  the  most  dangerous  and  detestable  form  of 
Prussian. 

Many  of  the  papers  have  children's  supplements,  in  which  they 
print  and  answer  letters  from  children,  and  praise  their  expressions 
of  patriotism.  Commenting  on  the  report  that  a  schoolboy  had 
said:  "William  II  is  only  a  German  king;  our  PoHsh  king  is 
named  Ladislaus  and  is  no  longer  alive,"  the  paper  Praca  said: 
"This  boy  is  a  proof  that  nature  itself  rebels  with  violence  and 
protests  against  the  doctrine  that  we  are  or  can  be  true  and  loyal 
German-speaking  Poles."  The  development  of  the  boycott  of 
German  and  Jewish  shops  and  manufactures  has  been  a  particular 
work  of  the  press,  and  on  this  point  it  has  been  truly  ferocious. 
Some  papers  have  made  it  a  poHcy  to  name  or  give  the  initials  of 
Poles  who  buy  from  "Strangers,"  or  "Hares,"  that  is  Germans,  or 
from  "  Jerusalemites"  or  "Hook-noses."  "The  newly  wed  Mrs.  A., 
a  born  Pole,  and  one  who  should  feel  herself  particularly  identi- 
fied with  Poles  because  she  was  recently  a  saleswoman  in  a  Polish 
shop,  was  seen  entering  a  German  shop."  "The  Misses  B.  are 
patronizing  the  Jews.  Is  this  a  proper  way  to  show  respect  for 
their  recently  deceased  mother?"  "And  from  whom  has  Mr. 
Anton  bought  the  pretty  necktie?  It  has  indeed  the  national 
colors,  but  was  bought  from  'Strangers.'"  "Swoi  do  swoich"— 
each  to  his  own— that  is.  Buy  only  from  your  own  people,  has 
become  a  slogan.  "God  will  punish  those  who  buy  from 'Strangers.'" 
Lists  of  Polish  shops  are  printed,  and  lists  of  the  "friends  of  our 
enemies  "  also.  Against  those  selling  land  to  the  Germans  the  press 
is  particularly  violent.  The  following  paragraph  is  from  Lech  (pub- 
lished in  Gnesen) ,  May  4,  1906 :     "  Our  community  has  taken  steps, 


TEE  PRUSSIAN-POLISH  SITUATION  63 j 

and  properly,  too,  to  enrol  in  a  special  book  the  names  of  those  who 
for  a  Judas  penny  have  sold  their  land  into  the  hands  of  the  coloni- 
zation commission,  and  in  this  book  will  be  indicated  also  the  name 
of  the  estate  and  its  size,  in  order  that  our  posterity  may  know  of 
the  infamous  deeds  of  these  betrayers  of  their  country  and  at  the 
same  time  of  the  mdignation  and  contempt  expressed  by  the  com- 
munity for  the  traitors,  and  may  beware  of  staining  its  Polish  name 
and  heart  by  similar  actions.  It  is  only  to  be  regretted  that  the 
pictures  of  these  vendors  are  not  to  be  contained  in  the  'black 
book.'  If  we  only  had  their  pictures  before  our  eyes  and  could 
thus  impress  their  features  on  our  memories  then  we  could  easily 
know  from  whose  path  we  should  step  aside,  before  whom  we 
should  spit,  and  whose  hand  we  should  decline  to  shake;  for  these 
infamous  rascals  who  have  so  shamed  our  dear  fatherland  deserve 
nothing  better." 

It  must  be  understood  that  the  boycott  is  very  real  and  that  it 
extends  to  everything  ''made  in  Germany."  The  organization  of 
the  peasants  has  been  used  in  the  attempt  to  exclude  all  German 
agricultural  implements  and  machinery.  There  was  developed  a 
plan  to  import  from  England  and  France  everything  which  could 
not  be  supplied  in  Poland.  In  this  respect  the  boycott  has  had 
only  a  limited  success,  for  Polish  firms  have  long-established  rela- 
tions with  German  manufacturers,  and  buy  on  long  credit,  and  it 
has  been  found  impossible  to  break  off  with  them.  In  some  cases 
Polish  firms  have  been  driven  to  an  arrangement  with  German 
manufacturers  whereby  the  latter  supply  the  products,  but  stamped 
with  the  name  of  a  Polish  firm.  But  in  general  the  boycott  is  very 
bitter,  and  this  is  especially  so  since  the  inauguration  of  the  policy 
of  expropriation  in  the  fall  of  191 2. 

There  are  some  special  psychological  features  which  have  tended 
to  make  this  a  losing  fight  for  the  Germans.  The  old  German 
residents  of  Posen,  as  we  have  seen,  were  only  too  eager  to  sell  their 
land  to  the  government.  It  is  not  pleasant  to  be  surrounded  by 
and  dependent  on  Poles.  The  new  settlers  also  have  not  been 
altogether  happy  in  their  new  home.  Posen  is  not  an  attractive 
country  in  comparison  with  the  Rhine  region  from  which  many  of 
the  settlers  came.   It  is  said  that  the  soldiers  of  Napoleon  exclaimed : 


638  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

"Et  voila  ce  que  les  Polonais  appellent  une  patrie!"  But  most  of 
all,  the  old  residents  and  the  new  have  felt  that  they  have  a  power- 
ful patron  in  the  government — that  the  government  must  stand  by 
them,  that  what  the  individual  does  is  not  important,  that  the 
government  will  live  and  see  to  it  that  they  live.  School  teachers 
receive  extra  pay  for  serving  in  Posen,  and  sluggish  and  boycotted 
German  merchants  send  in  an  appeal  to  the  Ostmark  Verein  and 
receive  subsidies.  This  is  the  weakness  of  a  secondary  group.  It 
is  the  principle  of  making  something  out  of  the  government  which 
we  are  familiar  with  among  ourselves. 

There  has  been  also  a  growing  feeling  of  discontent  with  the 
government  policy  among  the  large  German  land  owners  who  other- 
wise have  remained  loyal.  They  have  seen  themselves  gradually 
surrounded  by  small  German  settlers  who  take  the  place  of  the 
nobility  whose  estates  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  the  commis- 
sion. Their  social  circle  has  been  broken  up  and  they  find  them- 
selves isolated.  They  also  feel  that  German  prestige  and  the 
leadership  of  the  nobility  in  poHtics  is  threatened  by  the  influx  of 
settlers,  whom  they  call  ''the  coddled  children  of  the  state."  So 
in  January,  1909,  the  Association  of  German  Land  Owners  held  a 
session  in  which  a  demand  was  made  that  the  commission  pay  less 
attention  to  the  settling  of  peasants  and  more  to  the  development 
of  large  and  medium-sized  estates.  "The  peasant,"  they  said,  "is 
indeed  poHtically  enfranchised  and  sits  in  the  community  assemblies 
but  without  the  leadership  of  the  large  estates  and  medimn-sized 
estates  he  would  be  powerless."  This  precipitated  a  counter- 
movement  among  the  German  settlers.  In  March,  1909,  1,000 
German  peasants  assembled  in  Gnesen  and  the  settler  Reinecke 
spoke  on  the  theme:  "Have  we  a  vote  or  not?"  and  said:  "We 
demand  an  advisory  voice  in  the  managing  body  of  the  coloniza- 
tion commission.  We  demand  more  part  than  heretofore  in  the 
provincial  government,  and  we  will  guard  ourselves  against  the 
establishment  by  new  settlements  of  so-called  permanent  estates 
whose  owners  might  serve  as  our  leaders  politically  and  economi- 
cally. For  the  peasant  is  very  well  fitted  to  look  out  for  his  own 
interests  and  to  choose  leaders  out  of  his  own  number.  The  Poles 
are  our  enemies.     Against  them  we  will  protect  ourselves,  but 


THE  PRUSSIAN -POLISH  SITUATION  639 

against  our  friends  may  God  protect  us."  And  shortly  afterward 
a  German  Peasant  Association  was  formed.  There  is  then  at  pres- 
ent a  dangerous  split  in  the  German  forces  in  the  Ostmark,  and  the 
Poles  have  not  hesitated  to  enlarge  it.  A  Pole,  Morawski  by  name, 
issued  a  very  plausible  pamphlet,  which  was  taken  seriously  and 
echoed  by  a  part  of  the  German  press,  in  which  he  sought  to  show 
that  the  nobility,  both  Polish  and  German,  should  combine  against 
the  rising  peasant  democracy,  and  he  pointed  out  that  a  German 
song  was  ahready  current  in  the  provinces: 

Michel  sagt  zu  seinem  Sohne: 
Hoi'  der  Teufel  die  Barone, 
Ob  sie  deutsch  sind  oder  Polen, 
Alle  soil  der  Teufel  holen. 

Finally,  the  labor  situation  at  present  has  an  ominous  outlook 
for  the  Germans.     Of  the  laborers  on  the  German  estates  80  per 
cent  are  Poles,  and  these  are  now  thoroughly  saturated  with  the 
PoHsh  spirit.    Lately  labor  has  been  organized,  and  is  in  a  position 
to   strike   effectively.     But   between    the   Association   of   Polish 
Laborers  and  the  Association  of  Polish  Estate  Owners  an  agree- 
ment has  been  reached  for  the  arbitration  of  all  differences  through 
committees.     It  is  apparent  that  the  Poles  are  therefore  in  a  posi- 
tion to  call  a  general  labor  strike  on  the  German  estates,  and  no 
greater  calamity  can  be  imagmed  than  a  general  agrarian  strike  at 
harvest  time.     The  Poles  threatened  to  call  such  a  strike  if  the 
Prussians  carried  out  the  expropriation  policy.    Why  they  did  not 
do  so  I  do  not  know,  but  I  think  it  is  because  they  did  not  want  to 
disturb  business.     For,  thanks  to  the  land  struggle  and  the  train 
of  events  which  I  have  indicated,  Polish  business  has  expanded 
enormously.    Last  year  the  president  of  the  largest  bank  in  Posen 
showed  me  a  report  of  the  condition  of  the  bank.     During  the  past 
twelve  months  it  had  done  almost  exactly  the  same  amount  of  busi- 
ness that  it  had  done  in  the  whole  of  the  preceding  24  years  of  its 
existence.    And  then  there  is  the  Polish  woman  who  is  still  repro- 
ducing her  kind  in  a  generous  way,  and  the  question  of  nationality 
is  after  all  largely  a  question  of  the  birth-rate.     At  any  rate,  the 
Poles  are  quoting  an  old  proverb  that  "the  abbey  lasts  longer  than 
the  abbot." 


"SOCIAL  ASSIMILATION":    AMERICA  AND  CHINA 


CHARLES  RICHMOND  HENDERSON 

University  of  Chicago 


The  phrase  ''social  assimilation"  has  hardly  come  to  have  a 
precise  and  commonly  accepted  meaning;  but  it  is  sufficiently 
exact  to  indicate  a  field  of  observation  and  of  critical  interpretation 
of  intercourse  between  members  of  groups,  races,  or  nations.  It  is 
proposed  in  this  paper  to  discuss  a  few  of  the  phenomena  of  relations 
between  Americans  and  persons  in  China;  but  no  claim  of  com- 
pleteness, adequacy,  or  authority  is  suggested.  A  statement  of 
certain  facts  of  common  knowledge  may  furnish  the  starting-point 
of  this  brief  study  or  hungry  interrogation : 

1.  Since  about  1840  trade  enterprises,  driven  by  powerful  com- 
mercial interests,  have  been  pushed  in  China,  with  Great  Britain 
in  the  lead.  Many  British  authors  deny  that  there  ever  was  an 
aggressive  war  to  force  the  opium  traffic  on  the  Chinese,  and  that 
question  need  not  be  discussed  here.  But  certain  it  is,  and  a  matter 
of  boast  in  our  mother-country,  that  English  gunpowder  has  opened 
ports  and  made  commerce  relatively  secure  in  the  Celestial  Empire; 
and  that  Hongkong  remains  in  the  possession  of  the  British  govern- 
ment. The  French  and  the  Germans  have  planted  their  flags  on 
the  Continent  and  occupy  fortified  centers  by  force  of  arms  and 
dread  of  using  them.  Under  their  protection,  or  in  occasional 
alliance  with  these  powers,  the  United  States  have  helped  to  secure 
an  "open  door,"  through  which  very  few  of  our  traders  have  yet 
cared  to  pass  with  their  wares.  The  statistics  of  trade  between 
China  and  the  various  countries  give  us  a  more  exact  notion  of  the 
result  up  to  this  time.^ 

2.  The  political  relations  between  China  and  the  United  States 
have  steadily  become  closer.  China  does  not  yet  belong  fully  in 
the  group  of  nations  which  recognize  and  respect  international  law. 
China  still  submits  to  the  decisions  of  foreign  courts  on  her  own  soil 

»  Given  in  the  China  Year  Book,  1913. 

640 


"SOCIAL  ASSIMILATION":  AMERICA  AND  CHINA        641 

and  accepts  foreign  tax-gatherers  at  the  receipt  of  customs.  The 
United  States  embassy  at  Peking  lives  in  a  fort  protected  by 
American  soldiers,  even  in  time  of  peace.  This  must  be  regarded 
as  a  transient  situation.  Certain  it  is  that  many  Chinese  public 
men  secretly  resent  and  detest  the  arrangement,  and  bide  the  time 
when  a  self-respecting  treaty  may  be  secured,  and  the  position 
maintained  by  Japan.  It  is  one  source  of  friction  and  ill-concealed 
grudge.  As  the  United  States  government  was  not  so  prominent 
as  Great  Britain  in  the  aggressive  miUtary  operations  which  placed 
China  in  this  position,  we  do  not  suffer  so  much  in  their  esteem 
and  confidence. 

3.  Certain  districts  of  China  feel  the  painful  pressure  of  popula- 
tion on  the  means  of  subsistence,  even  with  a  high  rate  of  mortahty ; 
and  they  are  seeking  an  outlet  for  the  surplus  in  Burmah,  the 
Malayan  colonies,  and  elsewhere.  They  are  energetic,  industrious, 
shrewd,  masterful,  and  successful.  They  are  prosperous,  even  in 
Hongkong,  under  the  British  flag.  Many  are  looking  with  longing 
toward  California;  some  of  them  know  of  the  efforts  of  Japan  to 
secure  a  foothold  on  this  continent;  and  millions  would  be  ready  to 
come  over  if  there  was  any  hope  of  having  a  two-acre  farm.  The 
treatment  received  by  their  pathfinders  on  the  Pacific  Coast  has 
not  helped  us  in  our  relations  with  the  Chinese,  whatever  justifica- 
tion it  may  have  had  in  the  supposed  necessity  for  self-defense. 
The  problem  of  regulation,  Hmitation,  or  prohibition  of  Chinese 
labor  is  not  discussed  here  on  its  merits;  it  is  alluded  to  as  a  factor 
in  explanation  of  the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  assimilation  of 
American  culture. 

4.  On  the  other  hand,  the  American  people  have  done  certain 
acts  which  are  recorded  to  our  credit,  and  which  at  banquets,  where 
Chinese  orators  wish  to  toss  us  bouquets,  serve  for  material  in 
flattering  addresses.  They  remind  us  that  when  in  settlement  of 
claims  we  were  awarded  indemnity  for  wrongs  done  our  country- 
men, we  told  them  to  keep  the  money;  and  they  chose  to  invest  its 
income  in  education;  the  "Indemnity  College"  near  Peking  is  now 
sending  us  scores  of  young  fellows,  keen,  bright,  and  brotherly. 
They  do  not  altogether  forget  that  in  the  last  awful  famine,  when 
about  two  million  people  faced  starvation,  the  Americans  led  in 


642  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

organization  of  relief  and  contributed  about  90  per  cent  of  the 
foreign  funds  for  mitigating  the  terrible  misery.  Yuan  Shih-Kai 
has  voiced  the  sentiment  of  milHons  of  Chinese  people  when,  before 
the  visiting  medical  missionaries  assembled  in  the  wonderful 
capital,  he  manfully  acknowledged  the  debt  of  his  people  to  our  own. 

I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  that  form  of  assimilation  which 
springs  from  intermarriage,  important  as  that  subject  is.  Some 
day  it  may  come  to  ask  for  practical  action  of  some  kind;  but  not 
now.  No  doubt  we  shall  hear  occasionally  of  instances  of  inter- 
marriage, and  in  certain  localities  the  number  may  be  considerable. 
Some  Chinese  students  and  others  have  already  expressed  im- 
patience on  the  subject.  It  does  not  seem  worth  while  to  indulge 
in  speculation  at  present,  for  many  reasons,  and  partly  because  the 
biological  basis  for  the  speculations  are  not  yet  sufficiently  sohd  for 
valid  conclusions  on  the  racial  effects  of  such  unions. 

The  facts  and  consequences  of  exchange  of  ideas  and  sentiments 
seem  to  be  most  urgently  in  need  of  study  for  the  present.  We  have 
here  to  do  chiefly  with  deeper  and  more  interior,  personal  phe- 
nomena than  those  of  trade,  conquest,  poHtics,  and  international 
law:  (i)  What  are  some  of  the  significant  facts  and  tendencies  in 
the  interchange  of  ideals,  sentiments,  valuations,  standards  of 
character  between  Chinese  and  Americans?  (2)  What  are  some 
of  the  consequences  of  social  intercourse  in  trade,  institutions  of 
education,  medical  service,  and  missionary  contacts  on  the  inner 
and  intimate  life  and  soul  of  the  Chinese  ?  (3)  Does  our  study  of 
these  facts  and  their  consequences  throw  any  Hght  on  the  probable 
future  of  this  intercourse  ?  (4)  Can  we  derive  from  this  study  any 
light  on  the  subject  of  our  duty  in  the  situation;  whether  we  have 
any  duty;  what  it  is;  how  we  may  best  meet  the  obligations 
involved  ?  Is  it  desirable  to  make  any  effort  to  promote  or  hinder 
"assimilation,"  and  if  so,  of  what  kind  ? 


It  is  common  to  hear  from  well-informed  writers  that  the 
Chinese  are  a  "mystery"  to  Americans;  that  they  are  so  peculiar 
that  we  can  never  understand  them;  so  sly  and  deceptive  that  we 


"SOCIAL  ASSIMILATION":  AMERICA  AND  CHINA        643 

can  never  learn  the  real  facts  about  them.     Unquestionably  there 
are  both  physical  and  psychical  differences;  for  there  are  consider- 
able tracts  and  caverns  of  our  own  being  of  which  we  have  only  dim 
and  confused  notions.     Just  as  certainly  there  are  shades  and 
refijiements  of  motive  and  taste,  of  belief  and  reverence  in  the 
Chmese,  which  must  remain  to  us  terra  incognita;  not  to  dwell  upon 
the  fact  that  in  a  population  of  400,000,000  people,  some  children 
do  not  know  their  own  fathers,  and  some  misunderstandings  may 
arise  about  contracts  and  land  marks.     At  the  same  time  certain 
chance  personal  observations  and  readings  have  convinced  me  that 
there  are  a  few  things  in  the  Chinese  that  we  can  read  off  without 
a  dictionary.     For  example:    it  is  not  difficult  to  see  that  the 
Chinese  like  to  eat,  and  are  willing  to  work  hard  for  food.     There 
is  no  mystery  about  the  contents  of  the  open  fish  tanks  which  the 
messengers  of  Canton  carry  around  for  their  customers     The 
people  shiver  with  cold,  as  we  do.     They  occasionally  die  of  typhoid 
though  Professor  Ross  finds  them  somewhat  immune,  as  we  are  if 
we  survive  an  attack.     They  will  give  a  good  deal  to  live;  and  some 
of  them  are  ready  to  die  if  they  must. 

Readers  of  our  newspapers  should  not  find  it  too  hard  to  under- 
stand Chinese  politics.  There  is  ''squeeze"  in  Peking;  "graft"  in 
New  York  and  in  the  administration  of  big  railways'.  In  China 
they  do  many  things  to  "save  their  face";  while  our  looters  of 
municipal  funds  grow  indignant  when  accused  and  fill  the  air  with 
the  dust  of  counter-recriminations,  meanwhile  wearing,  somewhat 
awkwardly,  the  assumed  halo  of  sainthood  and  accepting  from 
their  partners  a  double  coat  of  whitewash. 

When  the  governor  of  Hangchow  told  me  he  lived  on  a  salary  of 
$300  a  year  and  did  not  mention  fees  and  perquisites,  I  knew  from 
our  experience  with  county  sheriffs  and  treasurers  what  must 
follow.  The  fee  system  is  rich  soil  for  the  roots  of  rascaUty  in  the 
state  of  Alabama  and  in  Kwangtung  Province.  In  Chicago  our 
bosses  tell  us  virtue  is  more  robust! 

But  we  may  go  deeper.  In  the  ethical  and  poetical  literature  of 
China  there  are  gems  of  purest  ray  serene.  We  need  not  be 
ashamed  to  welcome  them  into  world-literature.  Someone  must 
have  felt  the  inspiration  of  those  noble  sentiments;  and  there  must 


644  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

have  been  something  which  responded  to  them  in  a  people  who  have 
cherished  and  revered  these  writings  for  many  generations. 

II 

What  are  some  of  the  consequences  of  contact  between  the 
Chinese  and  Americans?  There  are  so  few  Americans  in  China, 
and  they  have  been  there  so  short  a  time,  that  their  influence  as  yet 
touches  comparatively  few  points;  a  few  soldiers  and  marines;  a 
few  consuls  in  the  most  important  cities;  a  few  teachers  in  colleges 
and  schools,  private  and  pubHc;  a  few  medical  and  evangelizing 
missionaries;  some  traders  of  various  grades  of  integrity  and 
character.  It  would  be  impossible  to  describe  all  the  consequences 
which  have  come  from  the  occasional  and  limited  contacts  of  our 
citizens  with  those  of  China;  much  less  to  give  any  numerical  or 
true  measure  of  the  extent  of  these  influences.  Who  can  tell  what 
the  crop  will  be  from  seed  buried  temporarily  under  the  sheet  of 
winter  snow  ?  No  one  has  yet  set  forth  in  more  fascinating  and 
picturesque  phrase  some  of  the  manifest  fruits  of  these  relations 
than  our  own  Professor  Ross,  of  whose  book  on  the  Changing 
Chinese  a  high  authority  told  me  in  Peking:  "I  have  found  some 
errors  in  Httle  things;  but  in  all  the  big  things  he  is  right." 

One  consequence  is  that  China  is  seeking  Western  science  and 
art;  not  all  China,  but  the  most  prescient  and  influential  persons. 
The  example  of  Japan  and  the  humiliating  defeat  which  the  big 
nation  suffered  at  her  hands  have  compelled  a  study  of  the  causes. 
Recently  the  flood  of  Chinese  students  to  Japan  has  been  dimin- 
ished and  the  number  sent  to  Europe  and  America  is  increasing; 
while  in  government  schools  teachers  from  the  West  are  installed 
in  considerable  numbers. 

It  may  be  easy  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of  these  facts. 
The  people  of  China  are  numerous  and  self-satisfied;  proud  of  their 
ancient  culture  and  achievements;  and  the  means  of  communica- 
tion are  imperfect.  The  movement  of  ideas  is  obstructed  by  preju- 
dice, ignorance,  and  custom.  Corrupt  politicians,  there,  as  here, 
are  suspicious  of  any  change  which  threatens  to  curtail  their  power 
to  loot  and  spoil.  Reactions  and  revolutions  must  be  expected; 
splendid  promises  and  pitiful  performances;   delays  and  intrigue; 


"SOCIAL  ASSIMILATION'':  AMERICA  AND  CHINA       645 

treacherous  diplomacy  and  open  defiance.  All  these  obstacles  will 
give  the  critics  of  China  abundant  food  for  gossip,  and  to  aggressive 
powers  excuses  for  armed  intervention,  especially  when  commercial 
interests,  not  always  clean,  appeal  to  the  honor  of  their  country's 
flag  whenever  railway  or  mining  stocks  decUne  and  interest  on 
bonds  is  difficult  to  collect. 

In  spite  of  these  reactionary  movements  and  these  pessimistic 
prophecies,  one  does  not  need  to  draw  from  the  spring  of  national 
optimism  to  justify  a  sober  hope  of  the  gradual  transformation  of 
Chinese  ideals,  ethics,  education,  diplomacy,  commerce.  There  is 
a  sound  root  and  trunk  to  Chinese  character;  amazing  industry; 
wonderful  capacity;  a  persistence  and  solidarity  of  national  life 
which  has  held  together  the  peoples  of  many  widely  extended 
provinces  for  aeons.  Already  in  particular  instances  we  see  what 
a  Chinese  man  may  become  when,  though  still  Chinese,  he  enriches 
his  mind  with  the  scientific  and  ethical  ideas  won  by  the  Western 
world.  What  has  happened  in  a  few  cases  may  become  general 
— even  universal. 

Ill 

What  is  the  probable  future  of  these  relations?  Enough  has 
been  said  to  indicate  that  some  kind  of  contact  is  inevitable.  It 
does  not  seem  possible  to  tear  down  the  wonderful  Chinese  wall  and 
use  the  stones  for  a  barrier  along  our  Pacific  Coast. 

1.  The  American  manufacturers  have  already  begun  to  study 
the  Chinese  markets  with  keener  interest.  If  British,  German, 
and  French  traders  are  eager  to  have  a  share  in  the  enterprises  of 
mining,  building  railways  and  bridges,  selling  coal  oil,  textile 
machinery,  electric  light  and  power  companies,  cotton  and  silk 
mills,  etc.,  then  our  Americans  of  energy  and  vision  are  certain  to 
seek  a  share,  whenever  the  demands  of  the  home  market  are  not 
adequate.     China  has  many  articles  of  export  which  we  want. 

For  economic  reasons  it  does  not  seem  probable  that  we  can 
avoid  closer  contact. 

2.  Our  methods  of  dealing  with  immigration  are  a  constant 
insult  to  the  pride  of  all  Orientals.  They  seem  willing  to  accept 
laws  of  exclusion  based  on  economic  grounds,  but  feel  keenly  that 


646  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

discrimination  in  favor  of  European  laborers  must  be  protested 
against  with  all  the  force  of  their  national  feeling.  This  sentiment 
is  sure  to  grow  and  must  be  reckoned  with.  The  discrimination 
against  the  Chinese  on  grounds  of  race  will  continue  to  rankle  in  the 
oriental  soul  and  the  hatred  it  induces  will  wait  only  the  moment 
of  our  weakness  to  find  expression. 

3.  As  a  member  of  the  group  of  nations  which  recognize  the 
ethical  principles  of  international  law  we  cannot  avoid  our  share  of 
responsibiUty  for  steadily  insisting  on  those  principles  in  the  East. 
This  means  that  our  diplomacy  must  penetrate  the  sentiments, 
customs,  administration,  and  legislation  of  China;  for  China 
cannot  be  fully  admitted  to  the  privileges  of  the  international  law 
group  of  nations  while  its  revenue  system  remains  mediaeval,  its 
criminal  law  and  procedure  archaic,  its  central  government  despotic 
and  feeble,  its  local  administration  corrupt  and  oppressive. 

4.  We  have  gone  too  far  in  our  voluntary  efforts  to  promote 
science  and  education  in  the  East  to  retreat  unless  compelled  by 
insurmountable  obstacles. 

5.  Without  discussing  the  dogmas  or  behefs  of  missionaries,  or 
the  wisdom  and  sanity  of  some  of  their  purposes,  no  interpreta- 
tion of  the  situation  is  complete  without  taking  missionary  efforts 
into  account.  Science  and  education  are  mediated  chiefly  by 
missionaries,  including  the  Y.M.C.A.  Recent  history  shows  that 
the  capacity  for  martyrdom  has  not  been  exhausted.  The  behefs 
which  actuate  missionaries  are  of  the  stuff  which  robs  death,  not  of 
its  terrors,  but  of  its  inhibiting  power.  The  governments  might 
remove  their  protection  from  these  enthusiasts  and  enough  of 
them  would  remain  to  keep  the  bond  between  the  peoples  aUve. 
Furthermore,  there  are  thousands  of  Chinese  who  also  are  ready 
to  die  for  this  faith;  and  thousands  of  them  who  are  not  converts 
who  have  seen  enough  of  our  missions  and  schools  to  desire  their 

continuance. 

IV 

Have  Americans  any  obHgations  of  duty  to  China  ?  We  may 
remind  ourselves  of  the  hard-won  achievement  of  social  science,  the 
discovery  that  the  ascent  of  man  is  no  longer  left  to  the  control  of 
natural  selection  and  bhnd  instinct.     Even  in  the  ethics  and  poUtics 


"SOCIAL  ASSIMILATION":  AMERICA  AND  CHINA        647 

of  Plato  and  Aristotle  the  aims  of  general  welfare  became  motives  to 
concerted  volition.  The  negative  policy  of  laissez  faire  is  yielding 
to  the  positive  and  constructive  policy  of  scientific  investigation 
and  co-operative  effort  to  promote  the  common  good.  Nations 
are  determined  to  have  something  to  say  about  their  own  future  to 
fate  and  to  despots. 

The  word  "ought"  in  social  science  begins  to  make  conquest  of 
the  word  ''must,"  which  is  the  last  word  of  nature  sciences.  And 
the  conduct  which  ought  to  be  is  no  longer  determined  by  some 
vague  appeal  to  ''justice,"  "natural  law,"  "law  of  nations,"  but 
by  the  largest  and  most  exact  possible  array  of  facts  in  the  relations 
of  conditions  and  consequences  to  welfare.  In  this  vast  and  com- 
plex calculation  of  consequences,  certain  or  probable,  economic  and 
physical  welfare  must  take  no  more  than  a  fair  and  reasonable  place 
at  the  banquet  of  life;  the  higher  ends  of  personality,  to  which 
wealth  and  health  are,  in  the  phrase  of  Carlyle,  mere  "prehminary 
items,"  are  coming  to  be  counted  in  social  science  as  reahties. 
Furthermore,  we  are  surely  passing  beyond  the  political  ethics  of 
Machiavelli,  which  helped  temporarily  to  build  nations,  and 
which,  having  achieved  its  end,  should  be  laid  away  in  the  historical 
museum  with  other  dried  and  dead  specimens.  Even  Bismarck  is 
becoming  obsolete.  That  calculation  of  social  science  which  omits 
the  highest  form  of  welfare  of  the  400,000,000  people  of  China 
deserves  scant  notice.  The  facts  are  too  vast  to  ignore.  The 
exploitation  theory  of  colonization  may  sometimes  still  be  followed 
by  private  greed,  but  it  is  solemnly  disowned  in  politics  and  diplo- 
macy. The  Belgian  infamies  on  the  Congo,  and  the  treatment  of 
Indian  laborers  in  South  Africa,  only  serve  to  evoke  cries  of  horror 
and  reprobation  among  civilized  peoples;  they  would  not  be 
tolerated  in  China. 

The  argument  of  this  brief  and  inadequate  statement  has  for  its 
issue  these  demands  of  social  morality : 

Contact  with  China  is  inevitable.  Intercourse  with  the  Chinese 
people  through  trade,  education,  travel,  missions,  and  diplomacy 
must  grow.  The  consequences  of  this  increasing  intercourse  must 
be  felt  in  all  the  interests  of  our  nation  and  of  mankind.  The 
movement,  which  is  irresistible,  requires  for  its  rational  direction 


648  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

all  the  resources  of  social  science  to  master  and  present  the  entire 
causal  series  of  phenomena,  and  so  present  them  that  the  federation 
of  the  world  can  be  guided  on  the  way  of  justice,  culture,  fair 
dealing,  elevation  of  the  whole  human  race. 

It  is  just  the  distinction  of  true  science  that  it  makes  common 
knowledge  more  systematic  and  complete;  that  it  ignores  the 
selfish  considerations,  prejudices,  and  national  pride  which  conceal 
the  merits  and  rights  of  strangers  and  exaggerate  the  importance  of 
the  interests  which  are  near;  that  it  takes  into  account  all  elements 
which  may  help  to  visualize  and  comprehend  the  entire  problem; 
and  thus  it  brings  to  law,  diplomacy,  commerce,  education,  philan- 
thropy, and  rehgion  that  mastery  of  knowledge  which  illuminates 
the  progress  of  mankind  on  its  royal  highway  to  ever-increasing 
wisdom,  beauty,  justice,  brotherhood,  and  intimations  of  endless 
hope  and  striving. 


TEKNONYMY 


ELSIE  CLEWS  PARSONS 
New  York  City 


Four  hypotheses  have  been  put  forward  in  explanation  of  the 
practice  of  naming  parents  after  their  children.  It  has  been  sug- 
gested that  (i)  teknonymy  marks  a  transition  from  matronymy  to 
patronymy,^  that  (2)  it  recognizes  the  right  of  the  father  in  the 
home  of  the  maternal  grandparents,^  that  (3)  it  is  a  survival  from 
the  origmal  familyless  group  in  which  first  the  mother  and  then  the 
father  wished  to  show  that  she  or  he  was  actually  the  parent  of  the 
child.3  The  fourth  hypothesis  is  one  of  parental  contact  and  pro- 
tection. By  taking  their  child's  name,  by  identifying  themselves 
with  hmi,  parents  put  themselves  into  touch  with  the  child  and  are 
thereby  enabled  to  shield  hrni." 

The  first  two  hypotheses  are  untenable,  as  Steinmetz  has  pointed 
out,s  because  m  many  cases  both  parents  take  the  name  of  the  child 
and  in  Fiji  the  mother  only  takes  it.     Steinmetz'  own  hypothesis' 
the  third,  presupposes  not  only  an  original  promiscuity  between  the 
sexes,  a  supposition  far  from  verified;  it  presupposes  also  ignorance 
of  matermty  as  well  as  of  paternity,  considering  the  duration  of 
human  infancy  an  incredible  condition.     The  fourth  hypothesis 
the  identification  or  union  hypothesis,  is  also  untenable      It  is 
proved  untenable  by  the  very  cases  of  teknonymy  its  author  cites 
Why  should  the  parents  desire  to  protect  only  their  firstborn 
child?     (In  most  cases  they  take  his  name  only.)     Then  how 
explam  the  less  common  practice  of  parents  taking  a  child's  name 
only  when  he  reaches  puberty  or  only  when  he  becomes  distin- 
guished, making  a  name  for  himself?     It  is  the  young  child  who 

der  W.T.T6  rf'-H^-  "^  ,t""''''  Ethnolo,ische  Studlen  .ur  ersten  Eni^icMun, 
aer  ^traje,  11,  236  (Leiden  and  Leipzig,  1894). 

"  Tylor,  Journal  of  the  Anthropological  Institute,  XVIII  (1888-89),  248-50 
3  Steinmetz,  II,  240.  .  £.  Crawley,  The  Mystic  Rose,  p.  428. 

^  Ethnologtsche  Studien  zur  ersten  Entwicklung  der  Strafe,  II,  239-40. 

649 


650  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

stands  most  in  need  of  protection  against  supernatural  as  well  as 
natural  foes,  and  a  son  grown  famous  is  a  priori  better  able  to  look 
after  himself  than  a  son  socially  obscure. 

Against  these  descent  and  protection  theories  of  teknonymy  I 
should  like  to  advance  what  may  be  called  a  theory  of  family 
shyness.  On  this  hypothesis  teknonymy  is  merely  one  case  of  the 
widespread  practice  of  avoiding  the  use  of  a  personal  name  by 
substituting  a  status  name,  a  title,  or  a  nickname.  Calling  a 
woman  Mother  of  So-and-So,  a  man,  Father  of  So-and-So  lets  you 
out  just  as  do  other  kinship  names  from  the  embarrassing  use  of 
her  or  his  personal  name.  Teknonymy  is  a  means  of  concentrating 
attention  upon  kinship  or  status,  diverting  it,  to  the  comfort  of  the 
family,  from  the  individual  to  his  or  her  position.  The  child  serves 
as  a  barrier  between  his  parents  and  the  rest  of  the  family  group. 
The  parent  loses  himself  or  herself  in  the  child.  Through  the 
child  the  personality  of  the  parent  may  be  the  better  ignored. 
Children  are  a  kind  of  armor,  armor  of  one  parent  against  the  other, 
of  parent  against  grandparent,  of  parent  against  outsider.  The 
child  becomes  the  center  of  attention,  as  we  say,  protecting  one 
adult  personality  from  another.  Can  we  not  see  this  performance 
going  on  among  ourselves  any  day  in  almost  any  group  of  children 
and  adults  ?  Conversation  is  not  possible  with  children  present, 
we  say.  Why  ?  They  distract  your  attention.  Why  ?  But  con- 
versation of  a  kind  does  go  on  with  children  present,  and  when 
we  notice  the  highly  conventionalized  character  of  it— particularly 
between  unsophisticated  mothers  or  nurses— it  is  quite  apparent 
to  what  use  the  child  is  being  put.  The  child  serves  as  a  buffer. 
To  look  at  the  child  instead  of  at  one  another,  to  "make  conversa- 
tion" about  the  child  instead  of  getting  into  touch  with  one  another, 
is  a  comfort  to  those  who  are  disquieted  by  a  direct  personal  rela- 
tionship and  who  are  yet  "sociably  inclined."  And  so  we  have  here 
in  their  manner  and  talk  an  expression  of  what  in  other  cultures  is 
more  formally  expressed  in  teknonymy. 


EDITORIAL 


SHALL  SCIENCE  BE   STERILIZED? 

The  esoteric  group  which  produces  the  ex  cathedra  deliverances  of 
the  New  York  Evening  Post  is  made  up  of  gentlemen  conventionalized 
into  imposing  facility  in  giving  plausibly  Pickwickian  utterance  to 
fatuous  prepossessions. 

A  recent  instance  is  a  laboriously  sophistical  editorial,  which  ingen- 
iously darkens  counsel  by  solemnly  chiding  a  sociologist  for  "mistaking 
his  mission,"  when  he  exhorts  his  fellow  social  scientists  not  to  be  con- 
tent with  card-indexing  the  past  or  the  present,  but  to  subordinate  that 
process  to  constructive  work  upon  the  future. 

There  is  a  pedantry  which  convinces  itself  that  adding  a  decimal 
place  to  the  precision  of  the  location  of  the  boundary  line  between  the 
science  and  the  art  of  medicine  is  a  more  worthy  pursuit  than  finding 
out  how  to  adapt  medical  knowledge  to  practice.  There  is  a  smugness 
which  classifies  an  application  of  ascertained  facts  to  a  patentable 
invention  as  a  discovery  "of  the  head,"  while  it  treats  endeavor  to  use 
ascertained  facts  for  the  betterment  of  human  relations  as  an  impotent 
impudence ' '  of  the  heart. ' '  There  is  a  journalistic  prudery  which  regards 
itself  as  licensed,  not  to  say  divinely  appointed,  to  read  into  the  words 
of  anyone  who  ventures  an  unconventional  opinion  whatever  glosses 
are  necessary  in  order  to  convict  the  innovator  of  folly.  By  some 
mysterious  law  of  association,  these  platitudes  are  suggested  by  the 
essay  in  question. 

Much  of  the  recurrent  discussion  as  to  whether  a  given  activity  is 
"scientific"  or  not  is  a  mere  matter  of  the  use  of  terms.  Much  of  it 
merely  raises  questions  of  boundaries  between  different  phases  of  mental 
activities,  which  must  pass  through  the  whole  circuit  from  stimulus, 
through  knowledge,  and  feeling,  and  volition  and  the  technique  of 
execution,  or  sink  into  the  rank  of  abortions.  Much  of  it  is  merely 
dogmatic  disguise  for  the  amiable  conceit  that  systematic  effort  toward 
ends  which  the  dogmatizers  approve  is  scientific,  while  equally  syste- 
matic effort  toward  ends  which  the  dogmatizers  disapprove  is  unscien- 
tific.    Let  us  relax  our  features  in  the  appropriate  smiles! 

Pathetic  solicitude  about  the  sanctity  of  science  is  one  of  the  most 
convenient   finding-marks    of   laissez-faire   philosophy.     If    knowledge 

6si 


652  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

can  only  be  so  sterilized  that  it  is  in  no  danger  of  fertilizing  action  which 
might  disturb  the  equilibrium  of  things-as-they-are,  your  laissez-passez 
theorist  will  furnish  forth  all  its  natal  anniversaries  with  verbal  nose- 
gays, and  enjoy  his  full  quota  of  sleep  in  peace.  But  there  is  a  cry  of 
abomination  in  the  traditionalist  camp  whenever  knowledge  of  things 
as  they  are,  and  as  they  need  not  be,  except  by  grace  of  general  consent, 
moves  a  scientist  to  be  true  to  himself  as  more-than-scientist,  by  investi- 
gating how  facts  as  they  are  known  may  be  controlled,  by  appeal  from 
general  consent  to  better  instructed  general  consent,  in  the  interest  of 
situations  more  worthy  to  be.  This  is  solemn  trifling;  and  judicially 
minded  men  who  have  been  trained  in  scientific  methods  and  who  know 
both  the  limitations  and  the  uses  of  science,  know  that  it  is  either  a 
conscious  pose,  or  it  is  pompous  ignorance.  In  either  case  it  is  worth 
noticing  simply  for  the  sake  of  reaffirming  the  proposition  that  scholars 
stultify  themselves  if  they  adopt  a  conception  of  science  which  bars  or 
exempts  them  from  sharing  in  constructive  work. 

To  be  sure,  there  are  areas  of  scientific  inquiry  which  do  not  now  and 
may  never  yield  results  which  can  appreciably  affect  the  conduct  of  life. 
The  men  who  devote  themselves  to  research  in  these  fields  cannot  of 
course  be  expected  to  make  first-hand  contributions  from  their  specialty 
to  problems  of  human  action.  On  the  other  hand,  it  really  amounts 
to  a  demand  that  life  shall  be  rated  as  an  irrational  procedure  at  best, 
and  that  it  be  accepted  as  such,  if  we  call  thinking  and  other  activities 
unscientific  in  the  degree  that,  so  far  as  our  knowledge  goes,  they  are 
contingent.  Compared  with  the  whole  content  of  human  activities,  our 
total  of  science  conclusive  enough  to  furnish  demonstrative  authoriza- 
tion even  of  our  routine  programs  is  woefully  small.  Nevertheless,  we 
neither  doom  ourselves  to  inaction  till  science  becomes  inerrantly  pro- 
phetic, nor  do  we  brand  ourselves  as  unscientific,  when  we  eat  our  break- 
fast without  possessing  indubitable  proof  that  it  will  not  poison  us;  or 
when  we  go  to  our  daily  work  without  sure  knowledge  that  our  next 
footfall  will  not  close  the  chain  of  causation  that  will  stop  the  action  of 
brain  or  heart;  or  when  we  put  the  telephone  receiver  to  our  ear  without 
infallible  assurance  that  it  will  not  end  our  lives  with  a  shock.  In  our 
contacts  with  our  fellow-men,  we  should  mark  time  till  we  dropped 
lifeless,  if  we  waited  for  unquestionable  evidence  that  their  actions 
would  correspond  to  our  expectations. 

Life  in  society  is  experimental  at  best,  so  far  as  human  powers  of 
prognostication  are  concerned.  Deliberate  experimentation  of  society, 
by  society,  for  society,  may  be  just  as  scientific  as  individual  or  group 


EDITORIAL  653 

experimentation  in  the  laboratory.  The  constructive  spirit  among  social 
scientists  is  not  a  disposition  to  act,  regardless  of  the  state  of  knowl- 
edge. That  would  surely  be  unscientific.  It  is  rather  a  purpose  to  use 
all  the  extant  or  obtainable  knowledge  pertinent  to  the  situation  in 
question,  first,  in  forming  conclusions  as  to  the  degree  in  which  the 
situation  utilizes  all  the  resources  in  sight  for  human  advantage;  sec- 
ond, in  visualizing  conditions  indicated  by  knowledge  not  yet  fully 
applied  in  the  programs  of  life;  and  third,  in  stimulating  experimental 
effort  to  work  out  programs  which  will  turn  the  unutilized  resources  into 
realizing  the  vision. 

In  form  and  in  spirit  all  this  is  as  loyal  to  the  laws  of  science  as  the 
efforts  of  Darwin  and  Wallace  to  solve  the  mysteries  of  organic  variation, 
or  of  the  Curies  to  learn  the  properties  of  radium.  It  is,  furthermore, 
that  better  thing  than  science — that  more-than-science,  which  loyalty 
to  life  demands,  viz.,  application  of  such  science  as  there  is  to  inquisitive 
experience  that  may  at  once  enlarge  the  range  of  living,  or  that  in  any 
event  will  increase  our  knowledge  of  the  difficulties  of  enlarging  the  range 
of  living. 

When  the  do-nothingists  warn  scholars  not  to  enter  the  field  of 
social  experiment,  because  it  is  not  science,  they  are  as  silly  as  if  they 
should  exhort  farmers  not  to  send  their  children  to  school  on  the  ground 
that  education  is  not  farming. 


THE  "SOCIAL  CONCEPT"  BUGBEAR 

In  the  Quarterly  Journal  of  Economics  for  November,  1913,  Professor 
L.  H.  Haney  has  the  first  of  two  papers  on  "The  Social  Point  of  View  in 
Economics."  The  discussion  is  a  highly  technical  critique  of  four  differ- 
ent types  of  interpretation  of  the  "social"  reality:  viz.,  (i)  the  social- 
contract  theory,  (2)  the  social  organism  theory,  (3)  the  common-conscious- 
ness theory,  and  (4)  the  conscious-commonness  theory. 

It  would  rouse  suspicions  of  insincerity  or  of  jealousy  if  a  sociologist 
should  object  to  such  a  discussion  in  itself.  If  it  stood  alone,  as  a  con- 
tribution to  pure  sociological  theory,  ^ve  should  refer  to  it  with  great 
appreciation,  although  we  should  take  issue  with  some  of  its  positions. 
Our  present  point  is  that  Professor  Haney  starts  with  an  entirely  inde- 
fensible and  confusing  assumption  about  that  in  "a  social  point  of  view" 
which  need  be  taken  into  account  by  economics,  or  anything  else  outside 
the  confines  of  pure  sociology. 

Interest  in  running  down  remote  implications  of  the  concept  "social" 


654  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

has  occupied  the  writer  of  this  paragraph  a  large  part  of  his  time  for 
more  than  twenty-five  years,  and  he  hopes  to  do  further  work  in  the 
same  line.  He  is  happy  to  confess,  however,  that  not  least  among  the 
things  that  he  values,  as  the  upshot  of  all  this  study,  is  his  ability  to 
testify,  with  a  clear  mind  and  a  clean  conscience,  that  nobody,  except 
the  professional  sociologist  or  the  student  who  is  getting  a  part  of  his 
education  from  pure  sociology,  need  bother  his  head  a  moment  about 
the  range  of  conceptional  subtlety  to  which  Professor  Haney  refers. 
This  is  not  a  concession  that  the  higher  sociology— to  coin  a  convenient 
phrase— is  of  no  further  use.  On  the  contrary,  the  relations  of  "the 
higher  sociology"  to  men's  affairs  are  closely  analogous  with  the  relation 
of  "the  higher  mathematics"  to  everyday  reckonings.  On  the  one 
hand,  the  most  abstruse  mathematical  reasonings  have  bearings  and 
values  beyond  the  immediate  interests  of  mathematicians.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  not  necessary  to  have  taken  sides  on  mooted  questions 
in  the  logic  of  mathematics,  in  order  to  be  a  good  bookkeeper. 

The  elements  of  everything  that  the  most  penetrating  search  can 
find  from  "a  social  point  of  view"  are  on  exhibition  in  every  family, 
or  schoolroom,  or  workshop,  or  playground,  or  other  everyday  meeting- 
place  of  two  or  more  persons.  It  is  these  literal  elements  that  are  impor- 
tant in  all  judgments  of  conduct,  not  the  elaborations  and  refinements 
and  generalizations  through  which  these  elements  become  material  for 
philosophical  systems.  The  latter,  as  we  have  said,  have  their  uses,  but 
they  are  not  uses  that  justify  dragging  them  into  connections  where  they 
embarrass  more  immediate  concerns. 

Professor  Haney  is  quite  within  the  truth  in  hinting  that  the  adjec- 
tive "social"  covers  a  multitude  of  squints.  Some  of  these  may  be 
clearer,  and  in  a  straighter  line,  than  others.  At  all  events,  it  is  hard 
to  know  what  the  term  means  in  the  mouth  of  a  given  person.  Attempts 
to  show  what  it  ought  to  mean  have  been  more  or  less  responsible  for 
wide  variations  in  sociological  theory. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  repeat  that,  except  in  details  which  need  not 
concern  anyone  but  the  sociological  specialist,  there  is  no  important 
difference  among  sociologists  about  the  substantial  matter  referred  to 
by  the  word  "social."  Moreover,  everything  essential  in  the  concept 
"social"  may  be  fully  taken  into  account  for  all  practical  purposes,  out- 
side of  technical  sociology,  without  bothering  in  the  least  about  the  types 
of  philosophical  construction  to  which  Professor  Haney  refers  as  the 
leading  social  conceptions. 

The  plain  matter  of  fact  with  which  all  our  sociologizings  start  is 


EDITORIAL  65^ 

that  no  person  exists  in  a  moral  vacuum.     Contradiction  of  everything 
like  a  moral  vacuum  conception  of  the  lot  of  persons  is  the  sum  and  sub- 
stance predicated  in  all  accurate  sociological  uses  of  the  term  "social." 
That  is,  every  person's  life  touches  other  persons'  lives.    These  contacts 
with  others  receive  or  transmit  influences,  and  usually  they  do  some 
quantity  of  both.     Any  "  social  point  of  view  "  is  merely  a  way  of  trying 
to  visualize  this  rudimentary  fact  on  some  large  scale  intended  to  insure 
distinctness  and  proportion  in  all  surveys  of  that  give-and-take  relation- 
ship in  actual  life.     Whatever  their  preferences  among  the  types  of 
general  exhibit  that  have  been  proposed,  the  sociologists  regard  each 
and  all  of  these  efforts  at  symbolization  as  so  many  algebraic  formulas, 
so  to  speak,  for  the  terms  of  which  we  must  find  the  quantitative  and 
qualitative  values  whenever  we  are  dealing  with  an  actual  situation. 
In  other  words,  whether  we  have  in  the  backs  of  our  heads  one  of  the 
technical  schemes  of  sociological  analysis  or  not,  if  we  are  trying  to  under- 
stand the  factors  involved  in  a  real  human  experience,  say  the  break-up 
of  a  family,  the  strike  in  the  Calumet  district,  or  our  relations  with 
Mexico,  we  face  the  fact  that  the  crisis  as  it  stands  is  the  result  of  a  com- 
bination of  gives  and  takes  between  people,  and  any  resolution  of  the 
crisis  whatever  will  be  another  combination  of  gives  and  takes  between 
people.    If  our  purpose  is  merely  to  understand  how  the  crisis  came 
about,  or  how  a  given  settlement  works,  our  task  is  to  ferret  out,  on  the 
one  hand,  as  many  as  possible  of  the  influences  which  culminated  in  the 
crisis,  with  as  much  as  we  can  learn  about  the  relative  force  of  each,  or 
to  discover  the  different  lines  of  influence  set  in  operation  by  the  settle- 
ment.    If  we  are  personally  concerned  with  either  situation,    and  if  our 
problem  is  what  to  do  under  the  circumstances,  then  "a  social  pomt  of 
view"  means  consideration  of  the  whole  problem  as  an  affair  of  the 
effect  upon  all  the  persons  concerned  of  each  possible  alternative,  and 
choice  of  action  in  accordance  with  the  estimated  balance  of  interests. 
In  other  words,  taking  problems  of  conduct  as  the  illustrations,  "a  social 
point  of  view"  means  keeping  the  questions  always  open:  What  specific 
lines  of  influence  will  spring  from  the  possible  alternatives  ?  and  What 
do  these  prospective  effects  of  action  indicate  as  to  obligation,  in  view  of 
all  the  interests  depending  on  the  decision  ?    In  a  nutshell,  this  is  all 
there  is  in  any  "social  point  of  view,"  no  matter  how  ambitious  the 
amplifications  to  which  it  leads. 

Otherwise  expressed,  "a  social  point  of  view,"  as  related  to  present 
problems,  is  an  outlook  upon  life  which,  in  every  situation,  keeps  the 
question  to  the  fore:  Just  what  different  human  interests  are  concerned 


656  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

here;  how  will  each  of  them  be  affected  by  the  different  lines  of  action 
that  are  possible  in  the  situation;  and  what  does  the  weighing  of  all 
these  influences  with  one  another  show  about  what  is  just  and  reason- 
able, considering  all  the  circumstances? 

*'A  social  point  of  view"  does  not  turn  out  then  to  be  anything 
mystical  or  metaphysical  or  schematic  or  even  novel.  In  its  essence 
it  is  merely  paying  due  attention  to  the  most  obvious  commonplace 
in  human  life. 


THE  FORD  MOTOR  COMPANY  INCIDENT 

Out  of  all  the  publicity  given  to  the  plan  of  the  Ford  Motor  Company 
for  distributing  its  profits,  only  one  clearly  demonstrated  proposition 
emerges,  viz.,  the  scheme  illustrates  on  a  large  scale  the  much-disputed 
commonplace  that,  even  in  business,  men  act  from  mixed  motives,  not 
solely  from  desire  for  gain. 

We  might  put  the  most  cynical  interpretation  upon  the  facts.  We 
might  assume  that  in  Mr.  Ford's  calculation,  a  voluntary  contribution  of 
ten  million  dollars  to  the  annual  wage  of  the  help  in  his  concern  will  in 
the  end  buy  more  than  its  equivalent,  in  advertising,  and  in  the  loyalty 
and  efficiency  of  his  employees.  Even  if  that  were  the  whole  story, 
the  case  would  remain  a  spectacular  exhibition  of  the  play  of  considera- 
tion for  fellow- workmen,  as  a  factor  in  the  pursuit  of  profits  in  a  single 
instance. 

We  are  far,  however,  from  accepting  this  ungenerous  interpretation. 
We  believe  that  Mr.  Ford's  motives  are  as  unselfish  as  they  appear. 
We  are  heartily  in  sympathy  with  his  apparent  purpose.  We  believe 
it  is  a  move  in  a  direction  which  corporate  management  will  ultimately 
take.  At  the  same  time  it  is  prudent  for  academic  theorists  to  reflect 
that  such  a  variation  from  custom  must  for  a  long  time  rate  as  on  trial 
before  an  incredulous  world.  There  is  certainly  room  for  candid 
doubt  whether  Mr.  Ford's  method  of  carrying  out  praiseworthy  inten- 
tions was  the  wisest  which  further  consideration  might  have  suggested. 
Although  the  parallel  is  by  no  means  close,  the  accounts  of  the  Detroit 
program  thus  far  published  have  actually  reminded  us  of  those  early 
philanthropic  orgies  in  which  Tolstoi  scattered  coins  indiscriminately 
among  street  crowds. 

The  social  problem  which  Mr.  Ford  confronted  reduces  to  this: 
Under  the  present  workings  of  our  technical  equipment,  together  with 
the  legal,  economic,  and  moral  institutions  within  which  the  equipment 
operates,  a  yearly  dividend  is  credited  to  our  stock  which  makes  the 


EDITORIAL  657 

wages  of  our  help  look  small.  Is  the  contrast  something  that  is  caused 
wholly  by  the  unalterable  nature  of  things  or  partly  by  something  in  the 
legal,  economic,  or  moral  system  under  which  we  are  working  ?  If  the 
latter  factors  have  any  share  in  the  result,  what  is  there  about  them  that 
might  be  changed  if  we  only  thought  so,  and  that  we  should  agree  upon 
the  necessity  of  changing  if  we  got  a  more  correct  view  of  industrial 
relations  ?  Assimiing  that  these  questions  have  received  specific  answers, 
to  the  effect  that  the  actual  contrasts  in  distribution  are  to  a  certain 
extent  real  anomalies,  and  that  these  anomalies  would  be  reduced  or 
removed  if  certain  changes  were  made  in  our  fundamental  business 
assumptions  and  practices,  what  is  the  wisest  method  on  the  whole  of 
readjusting  ourselves  to  our  own  convictions  about  the  situation  ? 

Taking  the  Ford  program  at  face  value  then,  in  contrast  with  the 
supposition  which  we  have  dismissed,  the  alternative  chosen  amounts  to 
this:  Without  waiting  to  convince  anybody  else,  without  being  halted 
by  the  bogey  of  possible  disturbing  effects  of  our  action  upon  market 
conditions  in  general,  without  allowing  ourselves  to  be  held  up  by  thought 
of  conceivable  evil  consequences,  for  a  large  body  of  workmen,  of  a 
sudden  change  of  fortune,  which  will  make  them  exceptional  in  their 
several  divisions  of  labor,  we  will  at  once,  in  our  own  business,  put  into 
effect  the  conclusions  which  we  have  reached  about  a  proper  scheme  of 
distribution.  We  think  our  stock  has  a  legal  claim  to  at  least  ten  million 
dollars  a  year  which  belongs  morally  to  our  help.  We  will  accordingly 
relinquish  our  legal  claim  to  that  sum,  and  divide  it  among  the  employees 
as  justly  as  possible. 

If  Mr.  Ford  had  waited  for  preliminary  demonstrations  of  the 
effects  of  all  thinkable  alternatives,  upon  all  the  interests  affected, 
neither  he  nor  his  children  nor  his  children's  children  would  have  had  the 
proofs  at  hand  which  would  have  justified  any  innovation  at  all.  Nobody 
knows,  and  nobody  can  know  until  experience  has  presented  the  facts 
as  something  already  in  the  past,  all  the  effects  of  a  modification  such  as 
Mr.  Ford  has  adopted.  In  the  same  way  no  one  could  be  sure  in  advance 
of  the  detailed  and  total  effects  of  a  Wilson  tariff  or  currency  bill.  The 
moral  from  this  fact  is  that  men  of  affairs  have  incessantly  to  choose 
between  letting  things  alone  and  running  a  measure  of  risk  in  attempt- 
ing improvement. 

It  is  an  old  and  frequent  saying  that  there  can  be  no  such  thing  as 
social  science,  because  there  can  be  no  social  experimentation  in  the 
scientific  sense.  This  is  a  mere  fraction  of  a  truth.  The  social  scientist 
cannot  put  persons  into  a  test  tube,  as  chemists  can  manipulate  matter. 


658  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

On  the  other  hand,  human  hfe  is  incessant  experimentation,  conscious 
or  unconscious,  intended  or  unintended.  Whenever  a  man  and  a  woman 
mate,  whenever  two  men  form  a  partnerhip,  whenever  a  legislature 
enacts  a  law,  whenever  voters  elect  an  official,  an  experiment  is  per- 
formed which  may  have  precisely  the  same  degree  of  value  as  a  scientific 
datum  as  any  experiment  in  the  laboratory.  The  detail  that  the  sci- 
entific observer  in  the  former  instances  may  have  no  control  over  the 
experiments  does  not  signify,  so  far  as  their  evidential  value  is  con- 
cerned, provided  only  that  the  observer  admits  no  mistakes  into  his 
calculations  of  the  conditions  under  which  the  experiments  were  per- 
formed. The  social  observer  simply  has  a  different  kind  of  task,  and  a 
more  difficult  one,  from  that  of  the  laboratory  observer.  The  extra 
difficulty  is  principally  connected  with  this  more  complicated  task  of 
checking  up  the  conditions. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  experimentation  which  it  is  the  social  scientist's 
task  to  generalize  is  of  a  much  less  artificial  sort  than  the  experiments 
of  the  laboratory.  When  men  try  to  run  a  political  machine,  or  a 
religious  sect,  or  an  academic  organization,  they  are  trying  to  make 
means  serve  ends  in  the  actual  medium  in  which  their  purposes  must 
succeed,  if  they  succeed  at  all.  Such  experiments  are  consequently 
the  most  searching  and  instructive  tests  of  the  means,  or  of  the  ends,  or 
both.  If  they  succeed,  or  if  they  fail,  the  success  or  the  failure  at  the 
same  time  does  more  to  indicate  the  reasons  for  success  or  failure,  and 
to  demonstrate  conditions  in  which  success  or  failure  is  probable,  than 
is  the  rule  with  laboratory  experiments. 

Regardless  of  its  philanthropic  phase  then,  and  from  the  purely 
scientific  standpoint,  the  Ford  experiment  is  as  commendable  in  its  way 
as  an  attempt  to  discover  an  antitoxin  for  a  baffling  disease.  From  this 
same  standpoint,  too,  the  experiment  can  hardly  be  worthless.  It  will 
surely  lead  to  results  that  will  change,  in  one  way  or  another,  the  state 
of  the  evidence  about  a  good  many  industrial  relations.  Even  if  it 
should  turn  out  to  be  a  disappointment  to  some  or  all  of  the  parties 
directly  concerned,  they  and  the  rest  of  the  world  should  be  wiser  for  the 
experience.  It  is  certainly  to  be  hoped  that  a  program  with  so  much 
in  its  favor,  on  the  side  of  human  fellowship,  will  yield  a  large  surplus  of 
good  over  bad  results. 


REVIEWS 


Glimpses  of  the  Cosmos:  A  Mental  Autobiography.  Vol.  I,  "Ado- 
lescence to  Manhood."  Pp.  lxxxix+244.  Vol.  II,  "Scientific 
Career  Inaugurated."  Pp.  xiii+464.  Vol.  Ill,  "Dynamic 
Sociology."  Pp.  1 1 -{-434,  By  Lester  F.  Ward.  New- 
York:  Putnam,  1913. 
These  first  three  of  the  twelve  volumes  of  which  the  series  is  to  consist 

will  be  received  with  delight  by  all  careful  students  of  the  author's  major 

works.    The  advertisement  says: 

The  volumes  comprised  in  the  series  contain  the  collected  essays  of 
Dr.  Ward,  representing  contributions  minor  in  compass,  but  in  most  cases 
of  first  importance  in  character,  which  have  been  brought  into  print  during 
a  series  of  years,  and  which  are  here  accompanied  by  sketches  at  once  biographi- 
cal and  historical.  The  volumes  present  not  merely  the  writings  of  this  dis- 
tinguished thinker  and  author,  but  may  be  described  as  recording,  so  to  speak, 
the  evolution  of  his  brain. 

Those  who  not  only  knew  Dr.  Ward's  works  but  were  also  within 
his  circle  of  acquaintance  will  find  in  these  volumes  invaluable  means  of 
understanding  him  more  intimately.  They  reveal  him  more  distinctly 
as  a  great  man — not  merely  as  a  great  craftsman  in  two  broad  scientific 
fields — greater  even  than  those  of  us  who  rated  him  highest  had  esti- 
mated. To  students  of  the  development  of  knowledge  and  theory  about 
social  relations  who  have  never  discovered  Ward,  these  books  will 
furnish  a  key  to  a  body  of  literature,  with  a  stimulus  to  study  it,  without 
knowledge  of  which  one  of  the  most  significant  and  creditable  develop- 
ments during  the  last  thirty  years  of  American  life  could  be  but  super- 
ficially understood. 

Until  the  present  contents  of  sociology  are  absorbed  and  redistributed 
into  systems  that  will  arise  in  the  future,  no  one  can  be  thoroughly 
informed  about  sociology  unless  he  is  familiar  with  Ward's  thinking, 
and  unless  he  has  arrived  at  precise  agreements  or  disagreements  with 
him,  and  knows  the  reasons  why.  Readers  of  this  Journal  do  not  get 
their  judgments  on  such  matters  from  reviewers.  It  is  necessary,  there- 
fore, to  confine  this  notice  to  certain  reactions  which  may  be  recorded 
as  the  latest  of  a  long  series  of  individual  impressions  about  phases  of 
Dr.  Ward's  character  and  work. 

659 


66o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

I  have  known  for  twenty-five  years  that  Ward  was  exceptionally 
methodical.  His  command  of  the  literature  of  his  subjects,  down  to 
brief  and  fugitive  observations,  has  challenged  my  wonder;  yet  I  have 
often  queried  whether  the  labor  necessary  to  control  such  auxiliaries  was 
worth  while.  The  section  entitled,  "History  of  the  Present  Work" 
(I,  pp.  xxiii-lvi),  throws  much  light  upon  his  methods,  and  indicates 
that  it  was  the  habit  of  making  entries  in  time,  in  accordance  with  a 
thorough  system,  which  accumulated  an  apparatus  of  references  by  the 
use  of  interstitial  moments  which  men  without  such  a  system  would 
have  wasted.  The  same  results  would  be  bought  too  dear  by  men  who 
had  to  gain  them  without  his  economies.  Even  with  this  explanation, 
added  to  the  statements  in  the  text  and  the  internal  evidences  as  to  the 
assistance  rendered  by  Mrs.  Cape,  Mrs.  Comstock,  and  Miss  Simons, 
I  am  amazed  that  while  the  regular  work  of  a  professor  was  in  progress, 
the  mass  of  minute  and  diflScult  editing  involved  in  the  plan  of  this 
work  could  have  been  accomplished  between  October,  igog,  and  April, 

1913- 

In  my  editorial  relations  with  Ward,  which  extended  from  his 

contribution  to  the  first  number  of  this  Journal  (July,  1895)  to  our  corre- 
spondence about  the  last  two  manuscripts  which  he  prepared  for  publi- 
cation (see  this  Journal,  May,  1913,  pp.  737  and  814),  I  came  to  have 
something  closely  approaching  awe  for  his  terrific  mental  drive.  It  was 
the  more  impressive  because  it  was  utterly  without  fuss  or  fluster. 
He  never  for  a  moment  seemed  to  be  trying  to  get  his  bearings  in  a  fog. 
He  always  knew  where  he  was,  and  the  direction  in  which  he  wanted  to 
move,  and  the  means  at  his  command  for  holding  his  course.  When 
he  could  not  undertake  a  piece  of  work  he  stated  the  reasons,  and  they 
were  almost  mathematically  convincing.  He  accepted  an  engagement 
with  equal  promptness.  He  seemed  to  have  no  accumulated  hindrances 
to  remove.  He  was  as  ready  as  an  express  locomotive  watered  and 
coaled  and  fired  for  its  run.  He  was  exactly  punctual  in  keeping  his 
promises;  and  of  all  the  writers  whose  copy  I  have  handled  he  made 
the  fewest  corrections  in  the  proof.  His  papers  always  came  to  me  in 
his  own  handwriting,  which  was  of  rugged  size  and  form,  and  composi- 
tors told  me  that  it  was  better  for  their  purpose  than  typewriting.  The 
volumes  at  hand  reflect  all  these  characteristics;  and  it  seems  to  me 
that  graduate  students  who  have  never  seen  the  author  will  find  it  a 
liberal  training  in  precision,  not  to  speak  of  sociology  and  botany,  to 
become  acquainted  with  his  method. 

In  one  respect  I  am  seriously  disappointed  in  these  volumes.     I  had 


REVIEWS  66l 

hoped  that  they  would  do  something  toward  clearing  up  what  has  always 
been  to  me  the  mystery  of  his  attitude  toward  religion.  I  have  v/anted 
to  know  what  his  early  contacts  with  religious  opinions  could  have  been, 
to  have  left  him  in  such  a  naive  state  of  mind  toward  religious  ideas  and 
religious  people.  There  is  practically  nothing  in  these  volumes  to  satisfy 
this  desire.  Just  as  Ward's  prevailing  interests  as  a  botanist  were  in 
histology  and  morphology,  rather  than  in  ecology,  so  in  sociology  and 
biography  he  seemed  to  feel  that  there  was  a  self-sufficient  structure 
of  his  thinking,  and  that  any  reference  to  the  surroundings  in  which 
the  structure  took  shape  was  irrelevant,  or  at  least  superfluous. 

Accordingly,  in  his  "Personal  Remark"  (I,  pp.  Ivii-lxxxix),  there 
are  only  two  items  from  which  inferences  bearing  on  this  subject  might 
be  drawn,  and  they  merely  serve  to  emphasize  the  unanswered  questions. 
In  the  first  place,  Dr.  Ward  refers  to  his  maternal  grandfather  with  the 
casual  remark,  "who  I  believe  was  a  clergyman"  (op.  ciL,  p.  Ixviii).  In 
the  second  place,  he  calls  the  place  where  his  parents  lived  during  his 
eleventh  and  twelfth  years,  ".  .  .  .  only  headquarters  ....  a  place 
....  for  my  parents  to  have  social  and  religious  society"  (ibid., 
p.  Ixxi).  Beyond  this  I  have  discovered  not  a  syllable  which  might  be 
taken  as  a  guide  to  his  religious  associations.  Whatever  we  might 
suppose  about  the  religious  atmosphere  of  the  home  as  thus  vaguely 
indicated,  the  boy  was  not  in  that  home  after  he  was  fourteen,  and  there 
is  not  the  slightest  indication  of  further  religious  contacts  until  recoils 
from  them  begin  to  appear  in  his  writings,  starting  for  example  with 
the  editorial  written  at  the  age  of  twenty-seven,  on  "The  Present  Age" 
(ibid.,  p.  48). 

From  the  viewpoint  of  Ward's  own  aims  in  editing  these  volumes, 
viz.,  to  exhibit  the  histological  development  of  his  own  mind  (ibid., 
p.  xiv) ,  this  hiatus  is  deplorable.  No  one  is  scientifically  interested  today 
in  studying  the  evolution  of  anything,  if  it  must  be  considered  in  isola- 
tion from  its  environment.  That  detachment  leaves  us  merely  the  result 
of  the  evolution  minus  the  principal  factors  of  its  process.  We  can 
find  out  what  Ward  thought,  but  in  this  connection,  at  any  rate,  we 
cannot  find  out  what  is  much  more  worth  finding  out,  viz.,  why  he 
thought  it. 

Ward's  attitude  toward  religious  beliefs  and  those  who  professed 
them  was  very  much  like  that  of  a  model  housewife  toward  a  slattern. 
In  either  case  the  monster  in  question  would  rate  as  inexplicable  and 
intolerable  and  inexcusable.  To  Ward's  mind,  until  long  after  the 
publication  of  Dynamic  Sociology,  what  religious  people  understood  as 


662  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

reverence  for  truth  was  merely  benighted  and  stubborn  refusal  to  be 
taught  the  truth.  While  I  think  his  religious  philosophy  was  in  substance 
nearer  right  than  wrong,  his  manner  of  treating  religious  opinion  was 
unfortunately  lacking  in  what  the  Germans  call  Schlif;  and  his  utter- 
ances on  religious  subjects  were  often  in  a  tone  which  tended  to  confirm 
religious  people  in  the  impression  that  the  sort  of  science  for  which  he 
spoke  was  itself  defiance  of  truth. 

My  acquaintance  with  Ward  began  in  correspondence  over  this 
feature  in  Dynamic  Sociology.  I  asked  him  why  he  felt  called  upon  to 
say  things  in  the  book  which  were  inamaterial  to  its  argument,  and  which 
would  gratuitously  wound  the  feelings  of  religious  people.  His  reply 
was:  "I  was  not  writing  for  the  weak  minded."  He  had  no  working 
measure  of  the  strength  of  mind  it  has  always  cost  individuals  who  were 
in  and  of  resolute  religious  groups  merely  to  begin  tentative  criticism 
of  the  viores  of  those  groups. 

In  fact,  Ward  was  tilting  at  certain  types  of  theology,  not  at  religion; 
and  so  far  as  I  could  discover  he  never  successfully  differentiated  the 
two.  His  feelings  softened,  however,  notably  in  later  years.  In  New 
Orleans  a  decade  ago,  he  said  to  me,  while  we  were  chatting  over  the 
lunch-table:  "I've  changed  my  views  about  religion.  I  see  now  that 
it  has  a  function  in  society."  Some  of  the  papers  which  will  appear  in 
later  volumes  of  the  present  series  will  illuminate  this  remark. 

From  my  earliest  acquaintance  with  Ward,  I  have  had  no  doubt 
that  he  was  a  genuinely  religious  man;  and  as  a  moral  matter  I  have 
never  had  a  more  serious  reaction  than  amusement  at  his  inability  to 
recognize  himself  in  that  character.  He  was  a  prophet  of  righteousness 
as  uncompromising  as  Amos  or  Hosea,  but  what  he  regarded  as  truth 
was  so  clear  to  him  that  he  could  not  see  how  people  who  had  not  reached 
his  outlook  could  be  honest. 

Among  all  the  other  subjects  which  a  glance  through  these  volumes 
tempts  one  to  discuss,  I  mention  but  two  more.  The  first  is  the  paper 
entitled,  "Mind  as  a  Social  Factor"  (III,  361).  It  was  completed  and 
published  in  1884.  I  do  not  remember  that  I  had  seen  it  until  these 
volumes  reached  me.  So  far  as  I  am  aware,  it  is  the  most  compact  and 
forcible  formulation  that  Ward  ever  made  of  the  radical  conception, 
developed  in  Dynamic  Sociology  in  1883,  which  displaced  the  Spencerian 
type  of  fatalistic  evolutionism  in  American  social  theory.  The  main 
thesis  of  the  essay  is  contained  in  these  paragraphs  (III,  367) : 

....  modem  scientific  philosophers  fail  to  recognize  the  true  value  of 
the  psychic  factor.    Just  as  the  metaphysicians  lost  their  bearings  by  an  empty 


REVIEWS  663 

worship  of  mind,  and  made  philosophy  a  plaything,  so  the  modem  evolutionists 
have  missed  their  mark  by  degrading  mind  to  the  level  of  mechanical  force. 
They  seem  thus  about  to  fling  away  the  grand  results  that  the  doctrine  of  evo- 
lution cannot  otherwise  fail  to  achieve.  Far  be  it  from  me  to  appeal  to  the 
prejudices  of  the  enemies  of  science  by  casting  opprobrium  upon  scientific  de- 
ductions, but  when  I  consider  the  tendencies  which  are  now  so  unmistakable, 
and  which  are  so  certainly  the  consequence  of  the  protracted  study,  on  the  part 
of  leading  scientists,  of  the  unquestionable  methods  of  nature,  I  think  I  can, 
though  holding  precisely  opposite  opinions,  fully  sympathize  with  Carlyle  in 
characterizing  the  philosophy  of  evolution  as  a  "Gospel  of  dirt." 

But  I  need  not  longer  dwell  upon  the  blighting  influence  of  this  construc- 
tion of  the  known  laws  of  nature.  Let  us  approach  the  kernel  of  the  problem. 
The  laissez-faire  doctrme  fails  to  recognize  that,  in  the  development  of 
mind,  a  virtually  new  power  was  introduced  into  the  world.  To  say  that  this 
has  been  done  is  no  startling  armouncement.  It  is  no  more  than  has  taken 
place  many  times  in  the  course  of  the  evolution  of  living  and  feeling  beings  out 
of  the  tenuous  nebulae  of  space.  For,  while  it  is  true  that  nature  makes  no 
leaps,  while,  so  long  as  we  consider  their  beginnings,  all  the  great  steps  in  evolu- 
tion are  due  to  minute  increments  repeated  through  vast  periods,  still,  when  we 
survey  the  whole  field,  as  we  must  do  to  comprehend  the  scheme,  and  contrast 
the  extremes,  we  find  that  nature  has  been  making  a  series  of  enormous  strides 
and  reaching  from  one  plane  of  development  to  another.  It  is  these  independ- 
ent achievements  of  evolution  that  the  true  philosopher  must  study. 

Not  to  mention  the  great  steps  in  the  cosmical  history  of  the  solar  system 
and  of  the  earth,  we  must  regard  the  evolution  of  protoplasm,  the  physical 
basis  of  life,  as  one  of  those  gigantic  strides  which  thenceforth  completely 
revolutionized  the  surface  of  our  planet.  The  development  of  the  cell  as  the 
unit  of  organization  was  another  such  stride.  The  origin  of  vertebrate  life 
introduced  a  new  element,  and  the  birth  of  man  wrought  still  another  trans- 
formation. These  are  only  a  few  of  nature's  revolutions.  Many  more  will 
suggest  themselves.  And  although  in  no  single  one  of  these  cases  can  it  be 
said  at  what  exact  point  the  new  essence  commenced  to  exist,  although  the 
development  of  all  these  several  expressions  of  nature's  method  of  concentrating 
her  hitherto  diffused  forces  was  accomplished  through  an  unbroken  series  of 
minute  transitional  increments  continued  through  eons  of  time,  still,  it  is  not 
a  whit  less  true  that  each  of  these  grand  products  of  evolution,  when  at  length 
fully  formed,  constituted  a  new  cosmic  energy  and  proceeded  to  stamp  the 
future  products  and  processes  with  a  character  hitherto  wholly  unknown  upon 

the  globe 

It  has  always  been  a  marvel  to  my  comprehension  that  wise  men  and 
philosophers,  when  smitten  with  the  specious  logic  of  the  laissez-faire  school, 
can  close  their  eyes  to  the  most  obtrusive  fact  that  civilization  presents.  In 
spite  of  the  influence  of  philosophy,  all  forms  of  which  have  thus  far  been  nega- 
tive and  nihilistic,  the  human  animal  with  his  growing  intellect  has  still  ever 


664  "^tlE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

realized  the  power  that  is  vouchsafed  through  mind,  and  has  ever  exercised  that 
power.  Philosophy  would  have  long  since  robbed  him  of  it,  and  caused  his 
early  extermination  from  the  earth,  but  for  the  persistence,  through  heredity, 
of  the  impulse  to  exercise  in  self-preservation  every  power  in  his  possession; 
by  which  practice  alone  he  first  gained  his  ascendancy  ages  before  philosophy 
began. 

The  great  fact,  then,  to  which  I  allude  is  that,  in  spite  of  all  philosophy, 
whether  mythological,  metaphysical,  or  naturalistic,  declaring  that  man  must 
and  can  do  nothing,  he  has,  from  the  very  dawn  of  his  intelligence,  been  trans- 
forming the  entire  surface  of  the  planet  he  inhabits.  No  other  animal  performs 
anything  comparable  to  what  man  performs.  This  is  solely  because  no  other 
possesses  the  developed  psychic  faculty. 

The  paper  from  which  these  extracts  are  made  should  have  a  place 
in  the  double-starred  literature  of  sociological  instruction. 

Only  a  word  need  be  said  about  the  second  of  these  minor  subjects. 
Have  any  of  the  sociologists  joined  the  Bergson  cult  ?  I  do  not  know 
how  persistent  the  affection  is,  but  those  of  us  who  have  not  sufTered 
from  it  will  probably  be  more  interested  than  those  who  have  at  finding 
a  diagnosis  of  the  disease  in  Ward's  best  vein,  in  the  first  volume  at  the 
close  of  the  "Personal  Remark"  (pp.  Ixxxiii-lxxxviii).  Ward  never 
pricked  a  bubble  more  neatly. 

We  shall  report  the  other  volumes  in  the  series  as  fast  as  they  appear. 

Albion  W.  Small 
University  of  Chicago 


The  Unpopular  Review.  Vol.  I,  No.  i  (January,  1914),  pp.  226. 
Published  quarterly  by  Henry  Holt  &  Co.  Single  copies 
75c,  $2.50  a  year. 
Since  Puck  and  Jiidge  passed  into  the  category  of  class  organs,  and 
Life  is  no  longer  as  unexpected  as  at  first,  the  United  States  of  America 
has  become  a  vast  stomach  gnawing  with  hunger  for  a  steady  diet  of 
strictly  high-grade  humor.  With  a  single  regret  we  greet  this  first  evi- 
dence that  an  inexhaustible  source  of  supply  for  the  demand  has  been 
tapped.  The  title  chosen  for  this  gurgling  spring  of  revivification  will 
retard  discovery  of  its  soul-refreshing  properties  by  the  multitude,  until 
philanthropists  like  ourselves  have  spread  abroad  the  news  that,  barring 
its  whimsical  taboo  of  a  catchy  label,  it  has  all  the  requisites  of  a  potential 
best-seller.  Since  the  soul  of  humor  is  dramatic  juxtaposition  of  things 
out  of  their  places  and  proportions,  and  since  the  folk-soul  is  a  garbage 
heap  of  things  whose  displacements  and  disproportions  miss  being  humor- 


REVIEWS  665 

ous  merely  from  lack  of  the  dramatic  motif,  there  is  an  evident  chemical 
aflSnity  between  this  beatification  of  bathos  and  the  average  mind,  which 
will  not  long  be  denied.  Unpopular  indeed!  It  cannot  be  many  days 
before  the  greedy  public  will  be  storming  the  bargain  counters  for  fresh 
loaves  of  this  bread  of  life.  If  the  title  had  only  been  Everybody's 
Foolishnesses  Solemnly  Parodied,  or  Mediocrity  Magnified,  no  one  would 
have  had  the  slightest  hesitation  in  jumping  at  the  just  appraisal  that 
here  at  last  is  humorous  literature  which  gets  its  effects  by  that  touch 
of  nature  which  makes  all  men  kin— unfaltering  conviction  that  the 
evils  of  things  as  they  are  must  vanish  before  dogmatic  asseveration 
of  things  as  they  ought  not  to  be. 

This  leads  us  to  remark  that  the  greatness  of  the  project  and  per- 
formance embodied  in  this  Review  must  be  recognized  from  another 
coign  of  vantage.  We  must  remember  that  humor  is  spurious  unless 
in  its  deepest  impulses  it  is  evangelistic.  If  it  is  not  a  preacher  of  glad 
tidings  to  sorrowful,  or  sordid,  or  saturated  souls,  it  is  sounding  brass 
or  a  clattering  cymbal.  In  this  respect  this  latest  reinforcement  of 
inspiration  is  instantaneously  impressive.  Its  cue  is  the  unpopularized 
discovery  that  fatigue  is  the  arch-fiend;  that  mental  fatigue  in  particular 
is  both  cause  and  effect  of  toxic  secretions  that  play  the  devil  with  all 
conventional  prearrangements;  and  that  a  permanent  dolce  far  niente 
for  the  human  race  will  have  been  inaugurated  whenever  the  precise 
date  in  the  past  when  sound  thinking  ceased  can  be  agreed  upon,  and 
whenever,  abandoning  vain  strivings  after  solutions  of  impertinently 
alleged  "problems,"  we  enter  into  our  inheritance  of  a  petrified  working- 
pattern  for  the  world,  from  which  there  may  henceforth  be  no  variation 
nor  shadow  of  turning.  Words  would  ignominiously  fail  adequately 
to  eulogize  this  splendid  conception. 

Fondly  as  we  find  ourselves  lingering  over  these  and  similar  out- 
standing qualities  of  this  precious  volume,  we  must  not  rob  its  fore- 
ordainedly  multitudinous  readers  of  the  deUght  of  discovering  the 
remainder  for  themselves;  and  we  reluctantly  restrict  ourselves  to  one 
or  two  minor  observations. 

The  contents  of  this  initial  number  are  grouped  under  fourteen 
titles.  The  undiscriminating  would  incontinently  assume  that,  besides 
the  editor,  at  least  twelve  or  thirteen  dredgers  in  the  ocean  of  wisdom 
had  been  engaged  in  bringing  together  these  pearls  of  purest  ray  serene. 
Instead  of  weakening  this  hypothesis,  the  device  of  anonymity  artfully 
intensifies  the  illusion.  The  critically  minded  will  not  be  long,  however, 
in  concluding  that  not  more  than  one  genius  could  have  occurred  in  a 


666  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

generation,  equal  to  the  order  of  intellectual  achievement  deposited  under 
each  of  these  titles.  Even  if  twelve  or  thirteen  of  such  penetrating 
searchlights  of  superiority  were  thinkable,  it  would  too  much  tax  our 
credulity  to  suppose  that  their  several  luminosities  could  be  blended  in  a 
single  beam  of  jfiawless  white  light.  To  change  the  figure,  as  the  luxuri- 
ance of  the  subject-matter  miscellaneously  provokes  us  to  do,  from  cover 
to  cover  the  book  is  a  symphonic  crescendo  of  harmony.  Doubtless 
the  architect  of  this  monument  of  merriment  had  more  or  less  vaguely 
in  mind  that  rhythm  of  the  spirit  counted  upon  when  relieving  gargoyles 
complete  otherwise  oppressively  beautiful  cathedrals.  He  has  called 
the  finial  of  his  creation.  The  Steivpan  {En  Casserole).  Critical  appraisal 
of  the  whole  structure,  however,  in  plan  and  execution,  forces  us  most 
earnestly  to  protest  against  this  invidious  reservation. 

We  must  admit  that  at  times  the  humor  is  rather  broad.  But  just 
as  Bret  Harte  and  Finley  Peter  Dunne  succeeded  in  effacing  the  local 
coloring  of  their  provincialism,  and  flattened  the  picturesqueness  of 
Roaring  Camp  and  Archey  Road  into  decent  conventionality,  after  they 
had  mingled  with  a  bigger  world,  so,  after  he  has  enlarged  his  experience, 
this  stimulator  of  the  gaiety  of  nations  will  hardly  be  able  to  remain 
uniformly  as  funny  as  he  has  been  throughout  his  maiden  attempt. 
For  instance  everybody  knows  that  Miss  Jane  Addams  is  the  most 
dangerous  perverter  of  morals  since  Socrates;  but  what  a  scintillation 
of  inimitable  originality  it  was  to  caricature  her  premises  and  her  con- 
clusions, and  to  label  dismembered  and  mutilated  fragments  of  her 
message,  "The  New  Morality"!  If  this  unique  and  unprecedented 
device  had  been  thought  of  soon  enough,  what  a  convenience  it  would 
have  been  to  the  world's  great  traducers! 

We  propose  to  keep  this  treasure  on  our  desk  as  a  recourse  against 
over-seriousness  in  our  graduate  classes.  It  will  be  an  invaluable  deposit 
of  material  for  stimulation  by  the  "case  method."  So  far  as  we  are 
informed,  no  such  closely  up-to-the-minute  jokebook  has  been  produced 
since  Aristophanes. 

Puck  will  pardon  us  for  stealing  its  stolen  superscription — "What 

fools  these  mortals  bet  ^' 

A.  W.  S. 

University  of  Chicago 


REVIEWS  667 

Uncle  and  Nephew  in  the  Old  French  Chansons  de  geste.  A 
Study  in  the  Survival  of  Matriarchy.  By  William  Oliver 
Farns WORTH.  New  York:  Columbia  University  Press,  19 13. 
Pp.  xii+267. 

Es  erben  sich  Gesetz'  und  Rechte 
Wie  eine  ew'ge  Krankheit  fort;' 

and  more  than  one  indication  of  our  remote  past  survives  in  the  customs 
and  traditions  of  a  later  day.  So  it  is  with  matriarchy.  Origmally 
built  up  on  the  principle  of  exogamy,  which  forbade  intermarriage  in  the 
same  group  and  traced  family  descent  in  the  female  line,  it  long  outlived 
its  practical  usefuhiess,  in  order  to  be  handed  down  in  the  legendary 
material  of  various  peoples  of  the  earth.  Thus  traces  of  matriarchy  are 
to  be  found  in  the  Bible,  in  oriental  literature,  in  the  legends  of  Ireland 
and  Germany,  and  among  the  so-called  savage  races  of  the  present  day. 
Its  most  endurmg  feature  is  the  ultimate  bond  between  maternal  uncles 
and  sisters'  sons.  The  present  work,  a  Columbia  Doctor's  dissertation, 
is  a  consideration  of  this  question  in  the  field  of  the  Old  French  epic. 

It  may  be  said  at  once  that  Dr.  Farnsworth  has  collated  the  large 
body  of  the  Chansons  de  geste  with  great  care.  Apparently  no  efifort  was 
spared  to  unearth  every  vestige  of  his  theme  that  might  prove  interesting. 
Indeed,  if  there  is  a  particular  criticism  we  should  make,  it  is  that  the 
material  tends  to  crowd  the  discussion.  For  instance,  a  fuller  account 
of  the  two  most  prominent  theories  of  the  origm  of  the  Old  French  epic 
would  have  been  of  service,  especially  to  scholars  in  other  fields,  and 
would,  we  believe,  have  further  clarified  the  author's  own  thought.  But 
too  much  evidence  is  certainly  better  than  too  little,  and  the  book  has 
the  advantage  of  resting  on  a  firm  foundation. 

The  treatise  has  an  introduction— outlming  the  problem  and  estab- 
lishing the  linguistic  usage  of  ''uncle"  and  "nephew"— six  chapters, 
which  treat  respectively,  "the  attitude  of  father  compared  with  that  of 
uncle,"  "points  of  contact  between  uncle  and  nephew,"  "stylistic  treat- 
ment in  the  poems"— by  which  is  meant  the  emotional  manifestations 
due  to  the  relationship— "the  sister's  son,"  "the  prevalence  of  mother- 
right"  (Mutterrecht),  and  "the  conclusion"  or  summary. 

There  are  two  appendices,  the  one  on  formulas  for  identifymg  the 
sister's  son,  the  other  listing  the  bibliography.     Quotations  from  the  Old 
French  are  translated  in  the  footnotes.     While  the  treatment  of  matri- 
archy in  general  offers  nothing  new,  the  use  of  authorities  on  the  subject 
'  Goethe's  Faust,  I,  vss.  1972  ff. 


668  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

is  both  complete  and  discriminating.  An  index  would  have  facilitated 
reference;  but  we  must  not  ask  too  much  of  a  dissertation,  and  this  one 
is  certainly  above  the  average. 

As  the  introduction  points  out:  "Even  the  more  or  less  casual  reader 
of  the  Old  French  epic  poems  cannot  have  failed  to  be  impressed  by  their 
constant,  pervading,  and  almost  obtrusive  glorification  of  the  relations 
between  uncle  and  nephew"  (p.  3).  The  interesting  problem,  then,  is 
not  so  much  the  occurrence  of  the  maternal  relationship  (and  Dr. 
Farnsworth  shows  how  widespread  the  idea  is  in  the  epic),  as  its  signifi- 
cance. Does  the  relationship  reflect  an  actual  social  condition  ?  Or  is 
it  merely  a  memory  of  such  a  condition,  surviving  in  the  epic  as  a  tradi- 
tion ?  And  if  this  alternative  be  true,  what  bearing  has  the  tradition 
on  the  origin  of  the  epic  itself  ? 

The  first  question  is  easily  answered.  The  Chansons  de  geste  contain 
"no  specific  indications  that  the  son  is  ever  dispossessed  in  favor  of  the 
nephew,"  and  instances  of  a  nephew  inheriting  in  the  maternal  line  are 
"not  many"  (p.  88).  Sentimentally  Charlemagne  may  favor  his 
nephew,  Roland;  legally  he  is  bound  to  Louis,  who  succeeds  him  in 
the  Empire:  "II  est  mes  filz,  e  si  tendrat  mes  marches."'  Doubtless 
the  tendency  is  "to  minimize  the  intimacy  between  father  and  son,  while 
exalting  that  between  uncle  and  nephew,"  still  we  question  whether  the 
affection  of  father  for  son  is  as  perfunctory  as  Dr.  Farnsworth  thinks  (cf. 
Girard  de  Roussillon,^  §618:  "il  vit  venir  son  fils  qu'il  aimait  tendre- 
ment"),  and  the  epic  is  so  far  historical  in  that  it  does  not  violate  the 
obvious  political  or  legal  practices  of  the  time,  and  these  were  paternal  and 
not  matriarchal,  as  Dr.  Farnsworth  makes  clear.  Indeed,  as  he  remarks 
in  speaking^  of  the  Entree  en  Espagne,  "the  whole  question  of  legal 
inheritance  is  disregarded  by  the  poet,  while  he  emphasizes  the  senti- 
mental bestowal  of  property."  In  other  words,  wherever  found  in  the 
epic,  the  emphasis  on  the  maternal  relation  seems  traditional  (we  should 
say  "poetic")  and  is  not  traceable  to  legal  or  social  conditions  of  the 
time. 

As  for  the  bearing  of  the  matriarchal  tradition  on  the  origin  of 
the  epic,  this  question  is  much  harder  to  answer.    Here  Dr.  Farns- 

'  Roland,  vs.  3716. 

'  In  the  translation  of  Paul  Meyer;  for  other  cases  see  Farnsworth,  pp.  32  ff. 
The  Girard  is  relatively  early. 

3  P.  89. 

■•  Except,  of  course,  in  the  sanction  that  must  have  been  given  the  claims  of  a 
nephew  on  an  uncle.     But  this  sanction  would  be  "sentimental." 


REVIEWS 


669 


worth  shows  praiseworthy  caution.     Nevertheless,  he  tells  us  in  closing 

(p.  244):      The  foundation  of  family  life is  plainly  the  most 

ancient  part  of  the  [epic]  poems,  and  the  inference  is  that  all  else  was  of 
gradual  growth^  the  stories  developing  and  expanding,  while  the  primi- 
tive core  remains  untU  the  period  when  paternity  becomes  actually  of 
such  authority  that  the  mediaeval  mind  no  longer  appreciated  the 
glorification  of  the  relation  between  the  maternal  uncle  and  nephew,  and 
tne  theme  dropped  out  of  literature." 

But  is  not  a  Chanson  de  geste  primarily  the  elaboration  of  a  dramatic 
situation  fomided,  if  not  in  history  (the  Roland^),  at  least  in  local  legend 
{G^rard  de  RoussiUon^)  ?  This  situation  the  poet  interprets  or  -human- 
izes for  his  audience  by  every  means  possible.  To  the  folk  of  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  the  sister's  son  was  stUl  a  familiar  figure. 
There  are  other  popular  themes  in  the  epic,  and  it  would  be  impossible 
to  affirm  that  they  were  not  derived  from  the  people  at  the  period  of  epic 
florescence  in  the  twelfth  century.4 

To  illustrate  our  point  concretely.  Roland  is  described  in  the  Vita 
Caroh  (about  800)  as  "Roland,  the  prefect  of  the  march  of  Brittany  " 
In  the  Chanson  (about  iioo)  he  is  still  associated  with  Brittany,  but  not 
specifically,  Brittany  being  one  of  the  countries  he  conquered  for 
Charles;  and  he  is  called  "count"  {li  cuenz  Rollanz,  vs.  175).  What  is 
most  strikmg,  however,  is  that  Roland  is  now  Charles's  "nephew"  and 
Ganelons  'stepson,"  personal  ties  which  explain  the  motives  of  the 
action.    Thus  has  the  poet  justified  history  through  the  imagination. 

But  could  we  affirm  then  that  nephew-right  "is  plainly  the  most 

ancient  part  of  the  poem"  ?    And  that  "  all  else  was  of  gradual  growth"  ? 

We  thmk  not     In  other  words,  the  mere  presence  of  the  matriarchal 

relation  would  not  prove  an  earlier  form  of  the  epic.    It  would  in  our 

opmion,  prove  only  that  when  the  first  epics  were  written  it  was  still 

possible  to  express  an  intimate  relationship  in  terms  of  uncle  and  nephew. 

That  the  relationship  survived  as  a  poetic  motif, ^  capable  of  swaying 

'  The  italics  are  ours. 

'See  BMier,  Z,es«,«fe  «/,,•,„„,  m,  „^,  ..^^,        f^  ,^  , 

3  Bedier,  II,  g2. 

4  See  Bedier  in  Studies  in  Honor  of  A.  M.  Elliott  (Baltimore),  I,  93. 
"ToI^Vp"'  ''  practically  a  formula  in  the  Pelerina.e  de  Charlemagne,  vs.  306: 
././.?'""  ?     '''-^^  "'  "^'^  Charlemaigne,  Rollanz  si  est  mis  nies."     "I  am 
the  head  of  France,|My  name  is  Charlemagne,  Rolland  is  mv  nephew  " 


670  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  audiences  the  jongleurs  addressed,  and  that  in  time  it  was  replaced 
in  the  epic  itself  by  the  bond  between  father  and  son,  these  facts  Dr. 
Farnsworth's  study  sets  in  a  new  and  interesting  light. 

William  A.  Nitze 

University  of  Chicago 


The  Family  among  the  Australian  Aborigines.  A  Sociological 
Study.  By  B.  Malinowski,  Ph.D.  (Cracow).  London: 
University  of  London  Press,  1913.     Pp.  xv+326. 

At  last  a  ray  of  clear  light  is  cast  upon  the  matrimonial  and  related 
institutions  of  the  native  races  of  Australia.  Dr.  Malinowski's  mono- 
graph is  a  fine  example  of  critical  and  constructive  research.  He  has 
successfully  grappled  with  a  very  hard  problem.  Perhaps  no  Uterature 
has  presented  more  dark  puzzles,  more  confusion  and  contradiction, 
than  the  great  mass  of  writings  dealing  with  the  kinship,  family,  and 
tribal  relations  of  these  peoples.  Even  the  specialist  has  been  inclined 
to  turn  in  dismay  from  the  task  of  threading  its  forbidding  mazes.  The 
existence  of  individual  relationship,  individual  marriage,  and  the  indi- 
vidual family  among  the  Austrahan  aborigines — a  fact  more  or  less 
dimly  perceived  by  several  preceding  writers — is  set  beyond  reasonable 
doubt  in  this  book. 

An  "exposition  of  the  problem  and  method"  constitutes  the  first 
of  the  nine  chapters.  The  author  declares  his  purpose  "to  give  in  out- 
line the  social  morphology  of  the  Australian  family";  to  describe  in 
terms  taken  from  the  evidence  the  actual,  aboriginal  individual  family 
"with  all  its  peculiarities  and  characteristic  features";  and  to  seek  "for 
the  connection  between  the  facts  of  family  life  and  the  general  structure 
of  society  and  forms  of  native  life."  In  the  outset  the  reader's  confi- 
dence is  won  by  the  clear  exposition  of  the  method  employed  in  sifting 
the  evidence  and  in  handling  the  available  source  materials. 

The  author  finds  evidence  of  the  larger  social  control.  The  tribal 
society  appears  as  a  rudimentary  state  exercising  a  central  governmental 
authority.  Among  these  peoples,  as  among  all  so-called  primitive  peo- 
ples, "norms"  which  have  the  sanction  of  laws  are  distinguishable, 
though  not  always  clearly,  from  religious  or  mere  customary  rules.  A 
trespass  or  "crime"  punishable  by  the  "decision  of  the  community 
acting  as  a  whole,  or  by  its  central  organs,  or  certain  groups  of  it,"  as 
contrasted  with  a  "sin"  or  with  "improper  conduct,"  is  "quite  well 
marked  in  different  features  of  aboriginal  life." 


REVIEWS 


671 


rh.  T  ""z  f  *'""""«  ™™'"  '"  Australia,  treated  in  the  second 
chapter,  are  (i  normal  or  pacific;  and  (2)  violent.  The  typical  pacific 
form  more  or  less  prevalent  in  every  tribe,  is  the  custom  of  betrothinR 
females  m  mfancy.     Usually  this  is  combined  with  the  exchange  of 

which'  h'r  T'  "''  """^  "  "'"''  "'  °"«^*"^  ^-"^  ■""'""'  duties 
which  both  contractmg  parties  undertake."    This  exchange  of  females 

and  he  various  duties  of  the  husband  toward  his  actual  or  future  wife's 

famUy  are  m  fact  but  a  form  of  wife  purchase.    The  violent  modes  of 

obtaining  wives  are  "elopement,  when  both  sides  are  consenting," 

force  "'^  Ac?  r      '  """'"  "  ""^^'^  ^y  "^  "•-'^  -''  °f  brutl 

nrrcH.  ,  r  '"^■'^P'"^''  ''^■^t^'  but  it  is  not  frequent;  while  the 
practice  of  elopement  is  found  "in  nearly  all  tribes."  In  all  "cases  it 
IS  considered  as  an  encroachment  on  the  rights  of  the  family  or  of  the 
husband  over  the  g,rl,  and  it  is  punished."  Under  certain  conditions 
such  as  belonging  to  the  right  class,  the  union  is  legahzed  and  acknowl-' 
edged.    In  general,  the  source  of  authority  in  marriage  is  the  famUv 

iT:eC:t)"i:f " '"'  *'  ^'^'^"^^ "'  ''-■  ° '-->  -■>«^'.' 

as  well  as  of  betrothal  or  marriage  ceremonies,  may  surprise  one  who  ha 
not  learned  to  what  extent  codes  of  unwritten  law  exist  among  the  mos 
backward  peoples  on  the  globe.  Without  doubt,  individual  fega  wed 
lock  exists  among  the  Australian  tribes. 

The  authority  of  the  husband  over  the  wife  is  discussed  in  the  third 
chapter.    Marriage  in  either  of  its  forms  makes  the  woman  the  properTv 
of  the  man.    Legally  therefore  the  husband  has  ahnost  unMtedZer 
but  he  may  not  kill  his  wife.    In  that  case,  he  has  to  reckon  wi'hTe 
blood-vengeance  of  the  wife's  kindred  who  appear  to  have  legal  rights 
as  her  protector.    But  how  does  the  husband  make  use  of  hfpower 
How  does  he  usually  treat  his  wife?"    Summarizing  the  Evidence 
Dr.  Malmowski  finds  that  "ill-treatment  is-m  the  prLitive  Itee  of 
he  abongmal  society-in  most  cases  probably  a  form  of  regulated  i^ra 
family  justice;  and  that  although  the  methods  of  treatment  in  gen    al 
are  very  harsh,  still  they  are  applied  to  much  more  resistanT nl"u  e' 
and  sh„„M  not  be  measured  by  the  standard  of  our  ideas  and  our  nerves  ' 

a^taZent '?'""'  "'  "-"r  """^  '^°''"  '"""^^  "^  '°™'  affectionjlnd 
attachment    are  not  entirely  absent  from  the  Austrahan  household 

The  chapters  on  the  "sexual  aspects  of  marriage,"  "mode  of  living  " 

al  IT:;T  °l"f '"'"  "'"'"''  '""  children," td  "economi  s'  a. 

method     T^fr  ""u  '"f '  "^^  '""'''"^  °f  "^^  -">-'^  "i«ca 

method.    There  is  space  here  for  the  notice  of  but  two  pomts     The 

parents  are  fond  and  proud  of  their  children.    Dr.  T^dd'sTent  c«! 


672  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

elusion  as  to  the  respective  shares  of  the  family  and  of  the  larger  social 
unit  of  the  tribe  or  some  division  of  it  in  the  education  of  the  child  gain 
support  from  this  investigation.  The  father  trains  the  boy  before 
puberty.  Thereafter  in  the  "bachelors'  camp"  and  elsewhere  his  edu- 
cation is  continued. 

There  is  a  marked  sexual  division  of  labor.  The  economic  activities 
of  the  man  and  the  woman  are  deeply  differentiated.  In  general,  the 
man  hunts  and  fights;  while  the  woman  develops  and  practices  the  arts 
of  peace.  The  hardest  work  is  her  portion.  She  organizes  and  social- 
izes primitive  industry.  "The  more  regular  and  systematic  kind  of 
labor"  falls  to  her  share;  and  this  share  is  of  "much  more  vital  impor- 
tance to  the  maintenance  of  the  household  than  man's  work."  Even  the 
"food  supply,  contributed  by  the  woman,  was  far  more  important  than 
the  man's  share."  Not  "only  does  the  kind  of  food  supplied  by  the 
man  appear  on  the  whole  to  be  less  important  than  that  contributed  by 
the  woman,  but  it  seems  as  if  the  man's  contribution,  which  in  the  main 
was  reduced  to  his  hunting  products,  was  devoted  much  less  exclusively 
to  his  family's  benefits."  In  short,  the  Australian  woman,  like  the 
woman  of  other  peoples  in  the  earlier  stages  of  social  progress,  is  not  only 
the  chief  worker,  the  chief  inventor,  the  chief  maker  of  social  laws;  but 
she  is  likewise  the  chief  provider  for  the  family. 

This  original  and  fruitful  study  advances  our  knowledge  regarding 
the  role  of  woman  and  the  household  in  social  progress. 

George  Elliott  Howard 

University  of  Nebraska 

Religion  in  Social  A ction.  By  Graham  Taylor,  D .D .  New  York : 
Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  1913.  $1.85  net. 
In  recent  years  there  has  been  much  written,  some  wisely  some 
otherwisely,  about  practical  religion;  that  is,  religion  that  gets  outside 
the  walls  of  churches  and  the  Sunday  life  of  individuals  and  into  the 
week-day  life  of  men  and  helps  them  in  their  business  of  making  a 
living;  a  type  of  religion  that  will  help  men  to  be  civic  churchmen  and 
religious  business  men  and  workmen.  Doctor  Taylor's  book.  Religion 
in  Social  Action,  is  a  masterpiece  in  the  development  of  such  a  religion. 
It  is  a  book  which  ministers,  social  workers,  and  all  others  interested 
in  the  welfare  and  well-being  of  themselves  and  society — and  this  should 
not  leave  a  rest — should  read  and  study.  The  book  recommends  itself 
all  the  more  when  we  remember  that  Dr.  Taylor  possesses  the  rare 
talent  of  being  able  to  put  academic  wisdom  in  a  popular  and  simple 


REVIEWS  673 

style.  Written  in  such  a  style  the  book  is  well  adapted  to  the  general 
reader,  but  at  the  same  time  the  scholar  will  not  fail  to  be  profited  by  its 
message.  It  has  a  message  for  the  largest  employer  of  labor  as  well  as 
for  the  most  unskilled  laborer. 

^  Dr.  Taylor's  thesis  is  that  life  and  religion  are  one  and  the  same,  as 

is  mdicated  by  the  opening  sentences  of  chap,  i:   ''Life  and  religion  are 

ahke.    They  are  meant  and  made  to  be  one  and  the  same."     In  reading 

over  the  pages  the  practical  man,  the  man  of  affairs  in  this  world,  cannot 

help  but  feel  that  here  is  a  religion  that  is  intended  for  men  in  this  life. 

And  It  is  of  course  just  this  kind  of  religion  that  men  feel  any  real  need 

of— a  religion  that  will  not  only  make  their  work  more  pleasant  but  will 

help  them  to  be  better,  more  eflicient  workmen,  in  their  trade.     Men 

have  long  since  learned  to  believe  that  if  they  can  but  live  the  right  kind 

of  life  here  and  among  their  fellows,  they  are  taking  no  chances  on  their 

welfare  m  the  world  to  come.     Thus  the  religion  wanted  today  is  the 

religion  that  will  help  men  to  live  right  in  this  life.    Just  such  a  religion 

Dr.  Taylor  brmgs  to  all  men  from  his  rich  experience  of  having  lived  for 

over  a  decade  with  his  family  among  the  families  in  our  second  largest 

city  with  whom  life  often  seems  to  go  hard. 

That  the  author  appreciates  the  true  extent  to  which  men  live 
between  Sundays  differently  from  the  way  they  live  on  Sundays  is  brought 
out  by  repeatedly  striking  sentences,  such  as:  "This  awful  dualism  is 
the  ethical  tragedy  of  the  age.  In  the  vain  attempt  to  live  our  lives  on 
two  levels  we  lose  both.  Our  relationships  to  God,  our  Father,  are  not 
saved'  if  the  relations  in  which  we  are  living  with  his  children,  our 
fellow-men,  are  'lost.'  No  more  is  our  social  hfe  sound  if  it  is  lived 
only  manward  and  not  Godward.     Each  of  us  lives  one  life,  not  two  " 

The  chapters  on  "The  Religion  of  Human  Relationships";  "Indus- 
try  and  Religion,  Their  Common  Ground  and  Interdependence"-  "City 
and  Church  Reapproaching  Each  Other";  and  "Church  and  Com- 
munity-Their  Interrelation  and  Common  Aim"  are  especially  rich  in 
the  message  they  bring  the  reader. 

Probably  one  of  the  most  striking  emphases  that  has  ever  been  put 
on  the  part  religion  should  play  in  the  everyday  affairs  of  life  is  the 
followmg,  taken  from  the  last  chapter:  "All  human  interests  need 
nothmg  so  much  as  to  have  the  ordinary  things  of  Hfe  invested  with 
extraordmary  importance,  common  experiences  with  special  interest 
the  natural  relationships  with  exceptional  significance,  routine  with 
zest,  the  most  human  with  the  divinest  meaning.  It  is  the  genius  of 
religion  to  do  just  this  thing." 


674  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

In  her  long  Introduction  to  the  book  Miss  Jane  Addams  speaks 
very  highly,  and  properly  so,  of  the  work  of  Dr.  Taylor  as  well  as  of  his 
book.  The  closing  paragraph  of  her  Introduction  may  not  be  out  of 
place  here:  "This  book  will  doubtless  be  of  value  to  men  and  women  of 
all  faiths  who  are  eager  that  the  current  of  their  religion  should  pour 
itself  into  broader  channels  of  social  purpose." 

George  H.  Von  Tungeln 
Iowa  State  College 

Social  Programmes  in  the  West.  The  Barrows  Lectures.  By 
Charles  Richmond  Henderson.  Chicago:  The  University 
of  Chicago  Press,  1 91 3.     Pp.  xxviii+184.     $1 .  38  postpaid. 

This  work  consists  of  the  text  of  six  lectures  delivered  in  India  on 
the  Barrows  Foundation  for  191 2-13,  prefaced  with  a  copy  of  the  letter 
commissioning  the  author  to  represent  the  International  Associations  on 
Social  Legislation  and  a  statement  of  the  aims  of  these  associations  by 
Professor  E.  Fuster.  An  extensive  syllabus  precedes  the  body  of  the 
work. 

The  author  seeks  to  present  "that  system  of  measures  which  is 
designed  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  common  people"  (p.  i),  with  due 
regard  for  the  cardinal  principle  of  social  improvement  that  "only  that 
which  expresses  the  character  of  a  community  will  endure"  (p.  17). 
The  survey  consists  of  description  of  philanthropic  and  co-operative 
undertakings,  and  an  interpretation  of  occidental  developments  in  rela- 
tion to  common  ideals.  In  Lecture  I  the  relation  between  economic 
facts  and  social  ideals  is  established.  The  main  descriptive  portion  is 
contained  in  Lectures  II  to  V,  inclusive,  being  devoted  to  the  treatment 
of  "Public  and  Private  Relief  of  Dependents  and  Abnormals,"  "Policy 
of  the  Western  World  in  Relation  to  the  Anti-Social,"  "PubUc  Health 
and  Morality,"  and  "Movements  to  Improve  the  Economic  and  Cul- 
tural Situation  of  Wage-Earners."  Lecture  VI  traces  the  relationships 
between  these  western  measures  and  policies  and  social  progress. 

The  size  of  the  work — a  small  volume  in  large  type — precludes  the 
possibility  of  extensive,  well-rounded  description  of  familiar  social  con- 
ditions and  movements  on  the  scale  to  which  we  are  accustomed  in 
treatises  in  applied  sociology,  including  some  of  Professor  Henderson's 
own  works.  On  the  other  hand,  this  very  limitation  has  made  possible 
a  well-used  freedom  in  selecting  the  features  of  social  work  in  America 
and  Western  Europe  which  are  most  significant  for  students  of  India. 
Even  the  fact  of  their  having  been  prepared  for  oriental  audiences  adds 


REVIEWS  675 

a  unique  quality  to  the  production.  This  may  well  prove  to  be  another 
instance  in  which  the  necessity  of  interpreting  the  manner  of  social 
organization  of  one's  own  nation  to  a  foreign  people  serves  to  clarify 
common  understanding  of  the  subject  in  the  home  land.  Of  no  minor 
importance  in  explaining  the  satisfactoriness  of  the  present  work  is 
Professor  Henderson's  trustworthiness  as  a  representative  of  practical 
social  movements  in  the  West. 

The  book  contains  several  minor  typographical  errors  such  as 
undoubtedly  would  have  been  eliminated  through  proofreading  by  the 
author,  which  was  prevented  by  his  absence  in  the  East  at  the  time 
of  publication.  Moreover,  for  most  practical  uses,  the  value  of  the 
fourteen-page  syllabus  is  questioned. 

Only  occasionally  has  new  material  been  introduced,  as  in  the 
description  of  the  sanitary  policy  of  the  United  States  government 
(p.  117),  but,  notwithstanding,  the  modern  aspect  of  social  questions  is 
presented  throughout.  The  absence  of  statistics  and  of  detailed  descrip- 
tion, the  failure  to  treat  extensively  international  problems  or  attempt 
to  any  degree  an  application  of  Western  principles  directly  to  Indian 
life,  serves  but  to  throw  into  relief  the  unique  function  of  the  work,  of 
delicate  emphasis  and  interpretation.  The  book  abounds  in  poetic 
quotations.  To  be  sure,  any  summary  statement  of  social  reforms  in 
progress,  even  in  very  limited  areas,  is  necessarily  imperfect,  and  every 
authority  would  make  a  different  selection.  But  Professor  Henderson's 
well-rounded,  practical  outline  will  doubtless  prove  among  American 
students  as  pleasing  as  the  effect  of  the  lectures  is  reported  to  have  been 
profound  upon  his  Indian  audiences. 

One  of  the  most  interesting  features  of  the  work  is  its  underlying 
purpose.  It  is  remarkable  from  the  sociological  standpoint  because 
the  lectures  were  delivered  on  a  foundation  whose  purpose  is  the  pres- 
entation of  "the  truths  of  Christianity."  Social  Programmes  in  the 
West  follows  in  the  series  subjects  such  as  Christianity,  the  World  Reli- 
gion (Barrows),  and  Christ  and  the  Eastern  Soul  (Hall).  Just  as  unique 
is  it  from  the  religious  standpoint.  "My  interest,"  said  Dr.  Hall  in 
referring  to  his  first  lectures  on  the  same  foundation,  "lay  in  separating 
the  essence  of  the  Christian  religion  from  those  accretions  and  accessories 
occurring  in  the  West."^  The  author  frequently  emphasizes  the  religious 
relations  of  social  reform.  Students  of  practical  sociology  are  fortunate 
in  the  circumstances  which  have  brought  forth  this  avowed  presentation 

'  Charles  Cuthbert  Hall,  Christ  and  the  Eastern  Soul,  p.  2.  (Chicago:  The  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago  Press.) 


676  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  current  movements  for  social  welfare  from  the  frequently  echoed 
standpoint:  "A  common  life  must  realize  its  religion  or  confess  itself  a 
sham"  (p.  26). 

William  T.  Cross 
Chicago 

Social  and  Economic  Survey  of  a  Rural  Township  in  Southern 
Minnesota.  By  Carl  W.  Thompson  and  G.  P.  Warber. 
University  of  Minnesota  Studies  in  Economics,  No.  i. 
Minneapolis:   The  University  of  Minnesota,  1913.     Pp.  vii+ 

75- 

A  good  example  of  what  ought  to  be  done  in  all  sections  of  the 
country  and  over  much  wider  areas  is  this  survey  of  36  square  miles  of 
rural  Minnesota.  The  method  is  one  of  intensive  observation  by  a 
person  who  has  become  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  individuals  and 
conditions  studied  and  who  has  won  the  confidence  of  the  people. 
Budgets  and  farm  accounting  were  not  resorted  to,  though  there  are 
considerable  specific  data  regarding  various  economic  matters  available 
in  the  pages  of  the  study.  The  authors  do  not  give  us  much  insight 
into  the  actual  methods  of  gathering  their  facts,  which  may  be  due  to 
the  apparent  fact  that  the  investigation  was  made  by  one  of  the  signed 
authors  and  written  by  the  other.  If  there  was  such  division  of  labor,  as 
the  internal  evidence  seems  to  indicate,  it  is  rather  unfortunate,  for  the 
reader  would  welcome  a  little  more  description  of  method. 

The  subjects  investigated  were  nationality,  work,  business  relations, 
farmers'  organizations,  civic  relations,  roads,  education,  religious 
activities,  and  social  (including  recreational)  activities.  Only  11  per 
cent  of  the  population  was  native  American.  The  other  elements  were 
German  30.8,  Norwegian  24.2,  mixed  21.3,  English  5.8,  Irish,  3.7, 
Swedish  2.9;  35  per  cent  of  the  territory  is  in  the  hands  of  renters,  12  of 
the  renters'  families  being  German,  12  mixed,  9  Norwegian,  7  American, 
2  Swedish.  The  ownership  of  the  rented  farms  is  divided  among  22 
Americans,  16  Germans,  and  4  Norwegians;  25  per  cent  of  the  owners  of 
rented  farms  have  never  lived  on  them.  The  hours  of  work  are  excessive 
at  all  seasons  of  the  year — 13.3  hours  in  summer  and  11. 5  in  winter. 
The  women  have  even  longer  hours  than  the  men,  a  fact  which  makes  it 
very  difficult  to  secure  domestic  service  when  needed,  though  10  per  cent 
of  the  families  kept  hired  girls  when  the  study  was  made.  In  32  per  cent 
of  the  families  the  women  helped  with  the  outside  chores  and  in  16  per 
cent  they  helped  in  field  work  in  rush  times.     There  is  perhaps  no  better 


REVIEWS 


677 


index  to  the  thrift  of  rural  people  than  the  kinds  of  gardens  they  keep- 
79  per  cent  had  good  gardens,  13  per  cent  poor,  and  8  per  cent  had  no 
gardens  at  all. 

Co-operation  was  a  doubtful  success,  thriving  best  in  the  marketing 
of  dairy  products,  but  meeting  some  difficulties  even  here.  In  this  com- 
munity as  elsewhere  the  farmer  is  suspicious,  somewhat  tricky,  and  has 
suffered  from  poorly  managed  organizations.  The  farmer  is  a  model  in 
most  concrete,  near-at-hand  business  dealings,  but  his  scrupulousness 
dimimshes  as  the  distance  or  unfamiliarity  of  the  transaction  increases 
He  does  not  understand  complex  business  relations  very  well  and  is 
under  the  impression  that  he  is  being  "done"  by  the  city  dealers-  37 
per  cent  buy  from  peddlers  and  38  per  cent  from  catalogue  houses,  though 
the  purchases  from  both  are  not  extensive. 

In  this  community  lack  of  church  organization  and  consolidation  is 
pamfully  evident.     Church  going  appears  to  be  a  sort  of  rural  recreation 
for  some  and  for  others  a  painful  duty;   65  per  cent  of  the  men  and  75 
per  cent  of  the  women  are  members  of  some  church,  but  only  34  per  cent 
of  the  men  and  36  per  cent  of  the  women  attend  services  regularly     The 
women  find  it  difficult  to  go  without  the  men  and  their  home  duties  are 
exactmg.     Country  women  are  also  very  sensitive  about  their  clothes 
The  Catholics  and  Norwegian  Lutherans  hang  together  best  as  organiza- 
tions.   Dancmg  and  card  playing  were  the  chief  recreations,  the  devotees 
of  these  two  forms  of  pleasure  constituting  62  per  cent  and  66  per  cent 
respectively  of  the  population;  55  per  cent  of  the  population  both  dance 
and  play  cards,  while  "in  only  14  per  cent  of  the  places  where  men  and 
boys  played  cards  did  they  read  magazines  or  farm  papers."     "Although 
reading  is  a  form  of  recreation  in  66  per  cent  of  the  homes,  only  45  per 
cent  of  the  young  people  '  do  any  reading  worth  mentioning,'    The  boys 
who  read  generally  interest  themselves  in  farm  papers,  or  some  scientific 
article  m  a  magazine.     The  girls  '  read  little  else  than  the  current  fiction 
and  the  fashion  publications'"  (p.  61).    There  is  less  social  intercourse 
now  than  formerly  because  of  the  growth  of  social  classes  based  on 
wealth,  custom,  and  formalities.     Baseball  is  losing  ground  as  an  ath- 
letic recreation  because  the  young  men  have  become  more  interested  in 
Sunday  driving  with  the  girls.     The  girls  prefer  the  young  men  of  the 
nearby  towns  who  are  "  such  dandy  fellows,"  and  consider  it  quite  a  social 
distinction  to  be  invited  to  the  low-class  dances  in  the  city  engineered  by 
the  "  low  brows  "  and  semi-disreputables.     There  are  apparently  signs  of 
a  lowered  moral  tone  in  the  community.    The  girls  prefer  to  marry  city 
young  men,  even  of  a  lower  social  grade,  because  the  housework  is 


678  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

lighter  and  the  opportunities  for  pleasure  are  greater;  29  per  cent  of  the 
girls  go  to  the  cities  while  22  per  cent  of  the  young  men  seek  their  fortunes 
in  the  same  place.    On  the  average  the  girls  go  earlier. 

This  study  adds  its  share  of  evidence  to  the  now  well-established  fact 
that  our  educational  system  is  anachronistic,  inelSicient,  and  more  or  less 
insincere.  In  this  community  the  schools  trained  neither  for  the  ordinary 
business  relations  of  the  farmer  nor  for  his  wider  duties  of  citizenship. 
The  farmers  did  not  feel  any  identity  with  the  government  except  when 
they  paid  their  taxes  or  served  on  juries.  One  of  them  said,  "Yes,  I 
know  that  we  are  the  government  when  it  comes  to  paying  for  it  all,  but 
you  don't  want  to  stand  there  and  tell  me  that  anyone  is  going  to  pay  any 
attention  to  what  we  farmers  want"  (p.  38).  Another  declared  that 
"schools  run  by  the  government  certainly  should  do  more  to  acquaint 
the  growing  generations  with  practical  knowledge  about  government. 
The  younger  generations  of  farmers  ought  to  know  more  about  affairs 
of  government  than  the  old,  but  they  don't  learn  anything  about  such 
things  in  our  country  schools  now  "  (p.  39) .  One  farmer's  insight  into  the 
situation  would  put  to  shame  that  of  many  university  presidents.  He 
protested,  "  What  good  is  a  lot  of  the  grammar  they  get  going  to  do  them; 
or  what  use  is  a  farmer  going  to  make  of  such  stuff  as  learning  to  bound 
British  South  Africa,  or  to  give  the  height  of  Mt.  Kiliamanjaro  ?  Why 
not  teach  something  that  a  farmer  can  make  use  of?"  Another  sees 
that  "the  things  they  take  up  in  school  all  tend  to  direct  the  thought 
toward  what  man  has  done  and  is  doing  in  the  cities"  (p.  51).  But  this 
insight  into  the  difficulty  was  probably  somewhat  exceptional,  since  only 
26  per  cent  of  the  farmers  desire  consolidation  of  schools — a  fact  which 
is  in  part  to  be  explained  by  their  perception  that  high-school  education 
is  no  more  effective  than  that  of  the  graded  schools. 

This  study  is  filled  with  concrete  facts  and  discerning  observations. 
It  ought  to  act  as  a  stimulus  to  more  study  of  our  rural  situation  and 
to  its  betterment.  Questions  which  have  constantly  recurred  to  the 
reviewer's  mind  are:  If  the  farmers  understand  the  inefficiency  of  their 
schools,  why  are  they  so  inefficient  and  why  can't  the  farmers  get  them 
changed?  Perhaps  it  is  not  the  function  of  a  "survey"  to  raise  and 
answer  such  questions  in  connection  with  its  particular  community. 

The  study  contains  no  recommendations. 

L.  L.  Bernard 
University  of  Florida 


REVIEWS  679 

Co-operation  in  Agriculture.  By  G.  Harold  Powell.  New  York: 
Macmillan,  1913.     Pp.  xvi+327.     $1.50  net. 

This  book  is  one  of  the  more  practical  indications  of  the  awakening 
of  public  and  educational  interest  in  rural  affairs.  It  deals  primarily 
with  economic  problems,  but  the  opening  chapter  on  changes  in  indus- 
trial methods  in  agriculture  is  quite  as  sociological  as  economic  in  its 
bearing,  as  indeed  is  the  discussion  of  the  problems  of  the  organization 
and  successful  administration  of  co-operative  societies.  The  remainder 
of  the  volume  is  taken  up  with  the  technical  features  of  law  and  eco- 
nomics in  organizing  and  financing  local  and  general  societies.  Methods 
are  illustrated  graphically  by  quotations  of  complete  constitutions  and 
by-laws  and  shippers'  agreements  from  various  sections  and  industries. 
The  co-operative  methods  here  discussed  in  considerable  detail  embrace 
such  varied  types  as  breeders'  and  growers'  associations;  the  marketing 
of  grain,  dairy  products,  eggs  and  fruits;  the  purchase  of  supplies; 
co-operative  irrigation;  rural  credits  and  banking;  rural  community 
ownership  (telephone),  and  mutual  insurance.  This  book  is  fuller  and 
more  practical  than  Coulter's  earlier  work  and  is  more  suited  to  American 
conditions  than  the  works  of  Fay,  Aves,  or  Wolff.  Only  once  does  the 
author  stray  from  his  constructive  work  with  a  controversial  remark, 
attacking  socialism  as  an  evil  which  he  believes  only  co-operation  can 
forestall. 

L.  L.  Bernard 

University  of  Florida 

Immigration.  A  World  Movement  and  Its  American  Significance. 
By  Henry  Pratt  Fairchild.  New  York:  Macmillan,  1913. 
Pp.  ix+455.     $1.75. 

This  book  is  equally  satisfactory  as  a  textbook  and  as  a  book  for 
the  general  or  popular  reader.  As  a  basis  for  classroom  discussion  and 
investigation  it  probably  has  no  equal  at  the  present  time.  Despite, 
however,  the  author's  defense  of  the  omission  of  extensive  statistics,  the 
reviewer  believes  the  book  would  gain  in  value  for  most  users  by  at  least 
a  few  more  tables  and  especially  by  some  such  charts  as  Frank  Julian 
Warne  has  employed  in  his  Immigrant  Invasion. 

The  declaration  in  the  preface  that  the  problem  of  immigration  would 
be  treated  as  one  of  world-wide  significance  wins  the  instant  attention 
and  approval  of  the  reader.  Bigness  of  view  is  much  less  common  and 
much  more  appreciated  than  perhaps  we  always  recognize.  A  "con- 
servation program  for  all  humanity"  must  ultimately  furnish  the  touch- 


68o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

stone  of  policy  for  any  world-nation.     We  must  turn  ever  more  and 
more  to  the  scientific  study  of  general  principles. 

It  is  the  point  of  view  which  gives  significance  to  the  whole  volume. 
Perhaps  it  is  the  art  of  the  author,  but  we  lose  sight  of  the  point  of  view 
during  a  considerable  part  of  the  discussion.  A  quarter  of  the  book  is 
devoted  to  a  history  of  immigration  and  to  a  digest  of  federal  legislation 
down  to  1907.  In  the  chapter  on  "Volume  and  Racial  Composition," 
as  in  some  others,  we  feel  a  sense  of  meagerness  of  fact  and  inadequacy 
of  treatment.  Its  explanations  for  the  decline  of  immigration  from 
northwestern  Europe  seem  to  ignore  entirely  the  improved  industrial 
opportunities  at  home  to  keep  the  people  there.  It  would  not  have  been 
illogical  to  transfer  a  part  of  this  chapter  to  the  following  one  on  the 
causes  of  immigration,  and  so  to  have  left  space  for  consideration  of  the 
significance  of  both  problems,  the  problem  of  numbers  and  the  problem 
of  racial  composition. 

The  more  important  part  of  the  book  begins  with  chapter  xi,  on  the 
"Conditions  of  the  Immigrants  in  the  United  States,"  wherein  the 
author  turns  at  once  to  a  consideration  of  the  question  whether  or  not 
immigration  has  reduced  the  native  growth  of  population,  and  then  to 
statements  of  the  distribution  of  the  immigrants  and  of  the  problems  of 
congestion  involved.  The  continuation  chapters  on  the  "Standard  of 
Living"  utilize  the  reports  of  the  Immigration  Commission  and  give 
depressing  figures  and  facts  on  housing,  the  keeping  of  boarders,  food, 
clothing,  wages,  literacy,  and  school  attendance. 

A  chapter  on  the  common  methods  of  exploiting  the  immigrant, 
on  religion  and  the  partial  failure  of  the  churches,  and  on  the  statistics 
of  marriages,  births,  and  deaths  is  followed  by  a  more  significant  chapter 
on  the  effects  of  immigration  on  wages,  pauperism,  crime,  and  insanity 
in  this  country.  Professor  Fairchild  attempts  to  show  how  immigration 
retards  the  rise  of  wages  through  its  neutralization  of  the  potential 
advantage  of  the  native  laborer  in  times  of  special  demand  in  the  labor 
market.  A  later  chapter  brings  out  the  author's  belief  that  the  inex- 
haustible supply  of  European  labor  constitutes  a  source  of  profits  to 
employers  in  times  of  rising  prices,  thus  intensifying  the  speculative 
tendencies  which  result  in  financial  and  industrial  crises. 

The  twofold  problem  of  welfare  and  assimilation  is  the  one  upon 
which  the  author  has  fixed  his  attention.  His  conception  of  assimilation 
is  that  of  "Americanization,"  dependent  upon  intimate  relations  between 
immigrant  and  native  in  the  daily  routine  of  existence,  producing  simi- 
larities which  make  intermarriage  natural  and  normal.     Can  this  rela- 


REVIEWS  68 1 

tion  obtain  and  can  the  present  American  type  continue?  The  ratio 
of  the  foreign-born  to  the  native-born  in  1910  was  larger  than  at  any 
previous  year  except  1890.  The  immigration  between  1900  and  1910 
was  more  than  twice  as  large  as  in  any  decennial  period  except  1880-90 
and  3,500,000  larger  than  in  that  second  largest  period.  There  is  grave 
danger  that  we  shall  become  an  aggregation  of  heterogeneous  units 
rather  than  a  homogeneous  nation. 

When  we  strike  a  balance,  we  find  that  the  average  advantage  to 
the  unmigrant,  to  the  United  States,  or  to  the  foreign  country,  as  con- 
ditions now  are,  is  offset  by  large  and  serious  evils.  So  far  as  we  have 
grappled  with  these  evils,  we  have  applied  specific  remedies  to  each. 
We  ought  to  formulate  ''some  far-reaching,  inclusive  plan  of  regulation 
based  on  the  broadest  and  soundest  principles."  Immigration  under  a 
latssez-fatre  policy  will  not  lessen  in  volume  so  long  as  we  are  more 
prosperous  than  other  nations.  We  cannot  long  set  high  standards  for 
the  world  unless  new  controls  are  established. 

_  The  reader  closes  the  volume  with  a  sense  of  great  responsibility 
in  the  face  of  a  problem  which  scarcely  as  yet  has  been  stated.  One 
thing  seems  certain,  namely,  that  neither  conscience  nor  intelligence 
can  longer  let  this  great  movement  go  undirected.  A  policy  of  laissez- 
faire  is  a  policy  of  sin.  Some  authority,  public  or  private,  should  choose 
a  body  of  men  of  the  type  of  Professor  Fairchild,  men  who  have  the 
sociologic  foundation,  and  enable  them  to  spend  sufficient  time  to  analyze 
the  data  at  hand,  to  frame  a  national  and  international  policy,  and  to 
carry  on  an  educational  campaign  which  will  make  that  policy  a  concrete 
reality.  The  fate  of  tens  of  millions  of  people  and  the  welfare  of  the 
world  can  no  longer  be  ignored. 

Ohio  State  UmvEESiTv  ^^""^^^"^  ^^^^^  McKenzie 

Organized  Democracy.     An  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  American 
Politics.     By  Frederick  A.  Cleveland.     New  York:   Long- 
mans, Green  &  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  xxxvi+479.     $2 .  50. 
The  purpose  of  this  volume  is  to  trace  and  analyze  the  various 
means  by  which  the  citizenship  of  organized  society  has  sought  to  make 
Itself  effective.     In  approaching  this  vital  problem  of  democracy  the 
author  IS  singularly  free  from  the  preconceptions  of  the  subject      He 
takes  the  mvestigator's  point  of  view  and  reaches  the  conclusion  that 
the  problems  of  democracy  are  to  be  solved  in  terms  of  citizen  efficiency 
Ail  the  old  and  modem  suggestions  and  devices  for  popular  control  are 


682  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

briefly  treated  in  their  historical  perspective.  Dr.  Cleveland  does  not 
evaluate  them  by  the  maxims  of  speculative  philosophy  but  rather  in 
terms  of  political  and  social  eflEiciency.  He  finds  that  government  is 
the  product  of  the  unceasing  struggle  for  existence,  conditioned  and 
shaped  "by  processes  of  human  selection  and  invention,  operating 
under  '  the  law  of  advantage '  or  greatest  economy  "  (p.  4).  Recognizing 
the  predatory  ideal  of  early  government,  he  traces  its  evolution  to  the 
modern  conception  of  public  service,  which  he  accepts  as  the  one  purpose 
of  organized  society. 

In  a  democracy,  where  the  citizenship  is  sovereign,  the  political 
organization  becomes  a  trusteeship,  in  which  the  citizen  is  a  beneficiary, 
the  government  is  the  trustee,  and  the  public  welfare  and  public  funds 
are  the  intrusted  interest  and  estate  (p.  73).  Reasoning  from  this  the 
American  people  have  before  them  three  fundamental  questions:  (i)  How 
may  the  citizen  become  more  effective  in  his  double  capacity  as  sovereign 
and  beneficiary  ?  (2)  How  may  the  electorate  more  effectively  express 
the  sovereign  will  ?  (3)  How  may  the  officers  be  made  more  efficient  ? 
(p.  79).  The  first  question  is  considered  in  Part  II,  which  deals  with 
the  citizen's  rights  against  the  government,  his  duties  and  responsi- 
bilities as  a  citizen,  and  his  direct  participation  in  the  acts  of  government. 
Parts  III  and  IV  are  devoted  to  the  second  question,  and  include  the 
discussion  of  suffrage,  elections,  political  parties  and  their  legal  control, 
direct  legislation,  and  popular  participation  in  constitutional  amend- 
ments. The  third  question  is  mainly  discussed  in  Part  V.  Here  are 
described  the  various  methods  for  the  popular  election  and  recall  of 
officers,  and  the  legal  restraints  and  constitutional  limitations  of  official 
action. 

The  most  original  work  of  the  volume  is  left  to  the  last  two  chapters, 
to  which  the  rest  of  the  volume  is  a  most  excellent  approach.  There 
is  no  time-serving  flattery  of  the  people,  with  wholesale  denunciations 
of  the  political  boss.  The  author  convincingly  traces  our  political  ills 
to  the  social  and  intellectual  inefficiency  of  our  citizenship.  While 
favoring  many  institutional  changes,  he  does  not  attribute  all  our  failures 
to  an  effete  legal  and  constitutional  system,  nor  does  he  cling  to  the  hope 
of  constitutional  changes  as  a  panacea  for  social  ills.  He  finds  the 
poUtical  boss  to  be  an  inevitable  product  of  citizen  inefficiency. 

An  American  political  "boss"  is  commonly  one  of  the  most  intelligent  and 
efficient  citizens  that  we  have.  His  guiding  motive  may  not  be  the  pubUc 
welfare,  but  he  has  had  a  clearer  conception  of  the  essential  factors  of  democracy 
than  has  the  reformer  who  dreams  of  higher  statesmanship  in  terms  of  abstract 


REVIEWS  683 

morality,  but  who  lacks  the  touch  and  balance  of  facts  about  the  everyday 
life  of  the  people.  The  "boss"  is  the  only  one  who  makes  it  his  business  to 
know  what  is  necessary  to  supply  the  community  needs  which  are  brought 
home  to  him.  He  has  been  the  only  one  who  has  had  a  comprehensive  citizen 
program.  To  the  Tweed  and  other  "graft"  organizations  New  York  owes 
much  that  is  best  in  the  development  of  municipal  life.  It  has  been  under  the 
rule  of  "the  organization"  that  Philadelphia  has  developed  practically  all  that 
may  be  considered  the  product  of  a  well-considered  constructive  program.  .  .  . 
"The  boss"  has  made  citizenship  his  business.  With  the  reformer,  citizenship 
has  been  only  an  emotion  [pp.  443-44]. 

But  the  author  is  optimistic.  He  sees  an  awakening  of  the  civic 
body,  and  his  plea  for  political  innovations  is  confined  largely  to  the 
budget,  balance  sheet,  operation  accounting,  efl&ciency  reports,  and 
similar  reforms,  with  which  the  actual  value  of  public  service  may  be 
accurately  determined.  He  wants  to  place  these  into  the  hands  of  an 
aroused  citizenship  to  the  end  that  their  efiforts  be  both  intelligent  and 
effective. 

The  volume  is  remarkable  for  its  historical  perspective,  its  keen 
analysis,  its  utter  freedom  from  cant  and  dogma,  and  the  sanity  and 
common-sense  which  characterize  it  throughout.  It  is  the  work  neither 
of  a  "standpatter"  nor  of  an  emotional  reformer,  but  of  a  thinker. 
While  the  statements  of  fact  contain  occasional  errors,  there  are  few 
conclusions  which  one  can  oppose  with  scientific  evidence.  It  is  unfor- 
tunate, however,  that  the  bibliography,  which  is  given  considerable 
prominence  in  the  volume,  is  several  years  out  of  date.  For  instance, 
in  the  list  of  select  constitutional  treatises  (p.  xxviii)  is  to  be  found  the 
second  edition  of  Black's  Constitutional  Law  instead  of  the  third  edition, 
and  the  three  most  recent  treatises  on  this  subject,  those  by  Willoughby, 
Watson,  and  Hall,  are  not  even  mentioned.  Similar  omissions  are  to 
be  found  in  other  sections  of  the  bibliography. 

Arnold  Bennett  Hall 
University  of  Wisconsin 


Privileges  and  Immunities  of  Citizens  of  the  United  States.     By 

Arnold  Johnson  Lien.     New  York:    Longmans,   Green  & 

Co.,  1913.     Pp.94.     $0.75. 

This  is  a  short  monograph  tracing  the  development  and  meaning 

of  privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  from  the 

beginning  of  our  government  to  its  more  definite  meaning  as  determined 

by  the  recent  decisions  of  the  federal  courts.     The  first  part  deals  with 


684  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  salient  features  of  our  constitutional  system,  with  special  emphasis 
upon  the  dual  aspects  of  our  government  which  make  possible  both  a  state 
and  national  citizenship.  The  second  part  deals  with  judicial  decisions 
before  the  Fourteenth  Amendment,  the  debates  in  Congress  over  the 
meaning  of  that  amendment,  and  the  judicial  decisions  following  it, 
with  a  chapter  devoted  to  the  minority  view  of  the  federal  courts. 
Apparently  all  the  decisions  of  the  federal  Supreme  Court  touching  on 
the  subject  have  been  examined  by  the  author,  and  the  discussion  is 
developed  in  an  effective  manner.  The  writer  finds  that  the  develop- 
ment of  this  subject  by  the  Supreme  Court  has  been  consistent  and 
logical  and  that  the  principle  of  the  original  decisions  of  the  court, 
which  was  refined  and  enunciated  in  the  dictum  of  the  Slaughter-House 
Cases,  has  received  definite  form  in  the  case  of  Twining  v.  New  Jersey. 
He  states  the  principle  as  follows: 

The  court  has  concluded  that  the  privileges  and  immunities  which  are 
pecuUar  to  citizens  of  the  United  States  are  those  which  arise  from  the  powers 
conferred  upon  the  national  government,  which  are  completely  protected  by 
that  government,  and  which  are  enjoyed  by  the  individual  because  he  is  a 
citizen.  No  final  enumeration  of  these  privileges  and  immunities  has  ever 
been  made,  nor  can  one  ever  be  made  imder  a  living  constitution  like  that  of 
the  United  States  [p.  80]. 

It  is  difficult,  however,  to  reconcile  the  writer's  position  with  the 
distinct  approval  which  he  gives  to  the  dissenting  opinion  of  Mr.  Justice 
Harlan  in  the  Civil  Rights  Case  (p.  7i).  The  appendix  contains  several 
tables  of  cases  on  subjects  pertinent  to  the  monograph  and  a  few  select 

references. 

Arnold  Bennett  Hall 

University  of  Wisconsin 


Indian  Slavery  in  Colonial  Times  Within  the  Present  Limits  of  the 

United  States.     By  Almon  Wheeler  Lauber.     New  York: 

Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  1913.     Pp.  352-     $3-oo  net. 

This  volume  contains  the  results  of  what  appears  to  be  a  thorough 

investigation  of  Indian  slaver\^  as  practiced  by  the  English,  although 

the  first  three  chapters  describe  Indian  slavery  among  the  Indians 

themselves,  the  Spaniards,  and  the  French.     The  work  treats  of  the 

processes  of  enslavement,  the  methods  of  employment,  the  treatment 

of  the  slaves,  and  the  final  decline  of  the  instituJon.     The  volume  is 

interesting,  not  only  as  dealing  with  a  neglected  \phase  of  our  early 


REVIEWS  685 

history,  but   as  affording  some  additional  information  regarding  the 

interplay  of  social  and  economic  forces  in  the  beginnings  of  American 

society, 

Arnold  Bennett  Hall 
University  of  Wisconsin 


Comparative  Legal  Philosophy.  By  Luigi  Miraglia.  Translated 
from  the  Italian  by  John  Lisle;  with  an  introduction  by 
Albert  Kocourek.    Boston,  1912. 

Kocourek,  in  his  introduction  to  this  volume  by  Miraglia,  tells  us 
that  it  also,  hke  Berolzheimer,  is  a  historical  presentation  of  legal  phil- 
osophy. But  one  has  to  read  Miraglia  before  he  can  realize  that  his 
treatment  of  comparative  legal  philosophy  is  historical.  The  historical 
character  of  Miraglia's  treatise  would  not  be  inferred  from  its  table  of 
contents.  That  Berolzheimer  is  historical  we  see  by  merely  glancing 
at  its  table  of  contents;  the  epochs  of  history  stand  out  in  his  chapter 
headings.  But  when  we  first  look  at  Miraglia,  we  think  of  his  introduc- 
tion only  as  historical,  which  is  a  brief,  rapid  sketch  of  the  great  writers 
on  law,  from  Greek  speculation  to  the  modern  sociological  conception 
of  law. 

The  body  of  Miraglia's  treatise  is  analytical,  more  accurately, 
historico-analytical.  That  is,  it  combines,  as  the  reviewer  would  say, 
logic  and  history,  but  Miraglia,  as  a  follower  of  Vico,  says  comparative 
legal  philosophy  must  be  a  combination  of  the  true  (metaphysics),  and 
the  certain  (history)  (cf.  p.  94).  Miraglia  clearly  does  not  belong  to 
the  same  school  as  Vanni,  who  presents  the  problem  of  the  philosophy 
of  law  as  a  science  of  the  first  principles  of  the  genetico-evolutionary 
theory.  Comparative  legal  philosophy,  according  to  MiragHa,  becomes 
a  causal  explanation  of  legal  institutions;  he  rests  his  explanation  in 
the  domain  of  empirical  knowledge,  in  the  domain  of  biology,  psy- 
chology, and  economics.  But  from  this  modern  sociological  standpoint, 
Miraglia  brings  comparative  legal  philosophy  beyond  the  mere  political 
and  historical  interpretation  of  law. 

Law  is  represented  as  an  evolutionary  growth  adapting  itself  from 
age  to  age  with  variations  in  social  conditions  and  responding  to  the 
ideals  of  the  time.  This,  as  Kocourek  observes  in  his  introduction, 
does  not  rest  on  a  conception  of  causality  which  involves  "blind,  uncon- 
scious, or  mechanical  enfoldment  of  social  institutions  implied  in  a 
Darwinistic  institution.  An  element  of  hazard  is  present,  but  the 
voluntary  element  persistently  overrides  the  spontaneous  factor  or 


686  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

growth.  This  view  of  legal  institutions  is  one  which  may  confidently 
be  expected  to  find  among  us  an  approving  reception  when  it  is  better 
understood"  (p.  xvii).  The  result  of  Miraglia's  method  is  a  scientific 
metaphysics.  But  of  such  a  metaphysics,  we  can  say  that  it  "does  not 
lead  too  far  into  the  dark,  and  yet  holds  something  up  to  our  aspirations 
toward  knowledge."  Such  a  metaphysics  need  not  frighten  anyone 
away  from  the  philosophy  of  law. 

Miraglia's  treatise  is  divided  into  two  parts.  Book  I  is  a  general 
part,  occupied  with  an  analysis  of  the  idea  of  the  philosophy  of  law; 
the  theoretical  presuppositions  of  the  deductive  idea  of  law;  and  corol- 
laries of  these  theoretical  presuppositions. 

Succeeding  chapters  investigate  the  practical  foundations  of  the 
deductive  idea  of  law,  and  exhibit  a  critical  analysis  of  the  principle 
definitions  of  law  by  writers  like  Hobbes,  Spinoza,  Spencer,  Kant,  and 
others.  The  concluding  chapters  of  Book  I  are  occupied  with  pointing 
out  the  relations  of  law,  morals,  and  social  science;  and  law,  social 
economy,  and  politics;  the  distinction  between  rational  and  positive 
law;   and  the  sources  and  application  of  positive  law. 

Book  II  is  entitled,  "Private  Law."  It  is  an  elementary  treatise 
on  law  from  the  historico-sociological  standpoint,  grounded  in  a  well- 
defined  and  clearly  reasoned  system  of  thought,  which  consciously 
correlates  philosophy  with  the  legal,  social,  and  political  sciences. 
"The  second  part  of  this  book,"  Miraglia  tells  us  in  his  preface,  "has 
no  other  object  than  to  extend  philosophical  thought  over  various 
subjects  that  for  a  long  time  have  been  considered  apart  from  any  such 
relation." 

The  general  purpose  of  the  series,  of  which  Miraglia  forms  the  third 
volume,  was  sufiiciently  stated  in  the  review  of  Berolzheimer  in  this 
Journal,  January,  1914,  p.  562.  Sociologists,  economists,  and  political 
theorists,  as  well  as  advanced  students  of  law  and  jurisprudence,  should 
hail  the  appearance  of  this  series  with  an  appreciation  that  will  express 
itself  in  the  actual  reading  of  some  of  these  volumes. 

For  the  economist,  as  for  the  case  lawyer,  Berolzheimer  and  Miraglia, 

the  two  historical  volumes  of  the  series,  will  furnish  a  wider  outlook 

than  the  "ocean  of  cases"  in  which  the  latter  is  likely  to  be  drowned, 

or  the  merely  mechanical  details  of  industry  and  commerce  by  which 

the  former  is  likely  to  be  submerged. 

Isaac  A.  Loos 
State  University  of  Iowa 


REVIEWS  687 

European  Cities  at  Work.     By  Frederic  C.  Howe,     New  York: 
Scribner,  1913.     Pp.  xvi+370.     $1.75. 

This  is  a  book  of  much  value  to  the  specialist  as  well  as  the  citizen. 
It  comes  from  Doctor  Howe's  fund  of  information  on  cities  and  his 
broad  experience  in  municipal  affairs.  The  first  fifteen  chapters  describe 
the  many  social  activities  of  German  cities  in  planning,  housing,  transit, 
encouragement  of  art,  protecting  health,  levying  taxes,  controlling 
buildings,  location  of  factories,  etc.  Having  described  very  ably,  he 
proceeds  to  interpret  the  psychology  of  the  citizens  and  of  the  officers. 
Some  of  the  points  emphasized  in  these  fifteen  chapters  are:  the  freedom 
of  the  cities  from  outside  interference;  the  success  of  the  unearned 
increment  tax;  the  farsighted  vision  of  city  officials;  the  profession  of 
experts  who  devote  themselves  to  city  problems;  the  socialization  of 
the  city  services;  and  the  ideals  of  the  German  business  men  who  con- 
trol the  city.  The  psychological  interpretation  is  found  in  chap,  ii, 
"Impressions  of  European  Cities,"  and  chap,  xv,  "The  Explanation  of 
the  German  City." 

The  next  five  chapters  are  on  the  British  cities ;  they  do  not,  however, 
describe  the  British  cities  as  fully  as  the  chapters  on  Germany  described 
the  German  cities.  The  psychological  interpretation  of  the  British 
city-dweller  is  welcomed.  The  ugliness  of  the  British  cities  is  not 
described,  its  ugliness  is  interpreted  in  psychological  terms.  The  merits 
of  the  English  system  are  acknowledged,  viz.,  (i)  simplicity  of  the 
machinery,  (2)  high  character  of  the  citizens  in  public  life;  but  the  lack 
of  home  rule  and  national  exploitation  for  the  landed  classes  are  empha- 
sized as  the  demerits.  No  argmnent  is  presented  on  municipal  ownership, 
the  cause  is  asserted  to  be  won ;  some  material  proving  its  success  is  given. 

The  last  chapter  best  shows  the  spirit  of  the  book.  It  is  a  compari- 
son of  the  European  and  American  cities  in  their  different  activities. 
The  book  has  two  main  merits,  viz.:  (i)  the  psychological  explanation 
for  the  model  German  cities  and  for  the  ugly  British  cities;  (2)  the  fre- 
quent comparisons  of  the  European  and  American  cities;  these  Doctor 
Howe  is  excellently  prepared  to  make.  To  clarify  the  thought  the  chap- 
ters should  have  been  divided  into  two  parts;  one  dealing  with  the  Ger- 
man city,  the  other  with  the  English  city.  Most  of  chap,  vii  deals  with 
the  German  state,  not  the  city  "at  work,"  and  should  have  been  omitted. 

Scott  E.  W.  Bedford 
University  op  Chicago 


688  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  Family  in  Its  Sociological  Aspects.  By  James  Quayle  Dealey. 
New  York:  Houghton  Mifflin  Co.,  1 91 2.  Pp.137.  $o-75- 
This  is  an  excellent  little  volume  for  the  general  reader  and  will  also 
prove  valuable  for  special  work  by  classes  in  sociology.  It  is  to  be 
hoped  that  other  special  studies  as  good  as  this  may  be  given  us,  as  a 
single  chapter  is  hardly  enough  for  many  of  the  topics  we  wish  to  study, 
and  yet  the  younger  student  and  the  general  reader  do  not  always  need 
to  refer  to  compendious  works.  The  process  of  development  is  most 
clearly  brought  out.  The  first  chapter,  "The  Family  as  a  Social  Insti- 
tution," is  a  good  introduction,  indicating,  among  other  things,  the 
possibihty  of  human  control  of  social  change  and  the  synthesizing 
function  of  sociology,  as  well  as  the  composite  character  of  the  family 
and  its  great  importance  for  study,  since  it  is  the  fundamental  social 
institution.  Chapters  on  "The  Family  of  Early  Civilization,"  "The 
Patriarchal  or  Patronymic  Family,"  and  "The  Rise  of  the  Modern 
Family"  attempt  to  compress  into  thirty-five  pages  an  idea  of  the  pre- 
historic and  historic  development  of  marriage.  There  are  many  good 
points  in  this  section,  and  many  suggestions  that  should  aid  the  reader 
in  attaining  a  scientific  point  of  view.  It  is  in  the  following  chapters, 
however,  "The  Family  and  Religion"  and  "The  Family  Influenced  by 
the  Reformation  and  the  State,"  that  the  present  reviewer  finds  the 
greatest  satisfaction.  The  sexual  impulse,  its  developments  and  per- 
versions; and  more  particularly  ideas  concerning  these,  and  attitudes 
of  mind  and  social  ideals  based  hereon  that  have  been  taking  shape 
through  the  centuries — these  are  most  excellently  presented.  The 
reader  will  surely  find  many  difficult  points  cleared  up  because  he  will 
find  facts  correlated  and  presented  as  phases  of  the  general  process  of 
development.  The  present  period  which  appears  as  transitional  is 
influenced  by  democratic  ideals  and  by  urban  conditions,  as  the  next 
two  chapters  indicate.  "The  Marriage  Tie  and  Divorce"  is  much 
like  other  chapters  on  this  subject  except  that  it  is  shorter  and  so  con- 
tains fewer  bare  statistics.  This  topic  is  seldom  well  treated,  being 
either  sterile  or  over  fervid.  The  concluding  chapters  on  "Democracy 
in  The  Marriage  Tie"  and  "The  Family  under  Reorganization"  round 
out  this  study  with  some  positive  suggestions  and  with  an  attitude  of 
sane  optimism  which  the  reader  ought  to  be  able  to  share.     All  in  all 

this  book  is  to  be  strongly  commended. 

Howard  Woodhead 
Chicago 


REVIEWS  689 

The  Church  and  the  Labor  Conflict.  By  Parley  Paul  Womer. 
New  York:  Macmillan,  1913.  Pp.302.  $1.50. 
This  book  is  a  sincere  and  intelligent  attempt  to  accomplish  the 
impossible  task  of  continuing  a  system  of  ethical  theology  and  a  tech- 
nical program  of  social  politics  in  one  small  volume.  It  has  been  fre- 
quently undertaken  with  the  same  disappointing  result.  This  author 
has  made  good  use  of  well-known  treatises,  but  one  must  go  to  the  more 
thorough  discussions  for  a  full  mastery  of  any  one  of  the  many  subjects. 
One  point  requires  critical  examination:  the  exact  task  of  the  church. 
The  author  says  that  the  church  has  no  equipment  for  deciding  contro- 
versies on  economic,  political,  or  legal  matters,  and  this  is  evidently 
true.  And  yet  this  principle  is  not  consistently  carried  out,  and  appeal 
is  made  more  than  once  to  a  summary  dogmatic  mental  process,  as: 
"The  church  should  be  slow  to  pass  criticism  on  the  courts,"  but  it  should, 
apparently,  attack  the  judicial  use  of  the  injunction  in  certain  situations 
(p.  224).  So  the  church  should  have  something  to  declare  about  the 
open  shop  (pp.  196-97).  This  statement  is  open  to  criticism:  "It  is 
certain  that  the  church  cannot  afford  to  Vv'ithhold  its  sanction  of  needed 
social  changes  and  reforms  until  the  economic  and  political  problems  have 
been  worked  out."  Would  it  not  be  better  once  for  all  to  say  that  the 
church  may  well  continue  to  inspire  conscience  and  afford  all  possible 
opportunity  for  studying  the  scientific  presentations  of  facts,  without 
accepting  responsibility  for  formulation  of  legislation  which  must  be 
left  to  specialists?  Policies  and  their  results  may  be  judged  by  an 
enlightened  people;  the  church  can  help  men  to  learn,  but  it  has  no 
competent  organs  for  direct  interference  with  government  or  business, 
and  any  claim  to  authority  will  be  quickly  and  vigorously  resented  by 
the  parties  against  whom  the  church  decides,  whether  trade  unions  or 
corporations. 

C.  R.  Henderson 

University  of  Chicago 

Workmen^s  Compensation  and  Industrial  Insurance.     By  James 

Harrington   Boyd,   A.M.,   Sc.D.,    Chairman   of   the   Ohio 

Employers'  Liability  Commission  and  Member  of  the  Toledo 

Bar.     2  vols.     Indianapolis:  Bobbs-Merrill  Co.,  1913. 

This   work   of  patient   compilation,   legal   analysis   and   economic 

criticism  will  be  found  indispensable  for  the  student  of  social  insurance 

in  this  country.     The  progress  of  public  opinion  is  so  rapid,  and  the 


690  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

legislatures  are  so  busy  with  the  subject  that  the  present  laws  will  soon 
be  out  of  date;  but  the  discussion  of  history  and  principles  will  remain 
useful,  and  the  book  will  be  a  milestone  for  future  students. 

One  deplorable  fact  in  the  situation  is  brought  out  by  the  analysis 
of  the  laws  thus  far  passed:  they  lack  a  unifying  principle.  There  is 
no  national  and  scientific  investigation  at  the  foundation  of  our  laws; 
there  is  no  agreement  among  legislators;  there  is  only  a  hasty  reflex 
response  to  the  stimulus  of  a  discovery  of  intolerable  injustice  in  all 
past  statutes  and  judicial  decisions.  We  cannot  hope  for  a  really 
scientific  system  until  the  nation  finds  a  way  to  control  a  movement 
in  which  state  lines  have  not  the  slightest  significance  except  as  artificial 
barriers.  Up  to  this  time  we  must  regard  all  laws  yet  passed  as  experi- 
ments in  vivisection,  inspired  by  the  pious  hope  that  out  of  this  welter 
some  order  may  at  last  be  evolved,  no  one  knows  how.  As  evidence  of 
a  fine  humanitarianism  these  acts  are  valuable;  but  the  time  is  not 
distant  when  this  entire  contradictory  mass  of  makeshifts  must  be  cast 
aside  for  an  adequate,  consistent,  scientific,  national  system.  Such  a 
system  will  include  not  only  accident  insurance  but  also  sickness  insur- 
ance which  is  vastly  more  important;  and  insurance  of  widows  and 
orphans;  unemployment,  invalidism,  and  old-age  insurance.  No  one 
has  ever  yet  attempted  to  measure  the  annual  loss  from  needless  and 

preventable  worry. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 

Crime  and  Its  Repression.  By  Gustav  Aschaffenburg;  trans- 
lated by  A.  "Albrecht.     Boston:   Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  1913. 

The  translation  of  this  very  significant  German  book  will  make  it 
accessible  to  a  wider  public  in  the  English-speaking  world  and  enlarge 
its  wholesome  influence.  In  the  realm  of  the  abnormal  the  psychiatrist 
has  a  right  to  be  heard,  and  the  jurist  ought  to  listen.  The  fundamental 
conception  of  this  work  is  that  criminality,  anti-social  conduct,  is  the 
effect  of  discoverable  and  already  known  causes;  that  the  obvious 
duty  and  interest  of  society  is  to  remove  those  causes  or  diminish  their 
activity  as  rapidly  as  possible;  that  it  is  futile  to  attempt  measured 
retribution  according  to  the  degree  of  ill-desert;  that  all  our  energy 
should  be  devoted  to  effective  means  for  protecting  society. 

Crime  is  not  a  disease  transmitted  by  inheritance  or  inoculated  by 
contact;  it  is  an  acquired  habit  into  which  people  with  weak  character 


REVIEWS  6^j 

most  easily  fall  under  trying  conditions.  Alcohol  and  poverty  are  the 
chief  incentives  to  harmful  conduct;  so  that  control  of  the  liquor  traffic 
and  improved  economic  conditions  are  among  the  most  hopeful  methods 
of  social  defense.  Imprisonment  has  little  deterrent  effect  on  those  who 
are  once  or  twice  incarcerated,  and  it  does  not  often  reform  The 
reformatory  effect  would  be  increased  by  the  indeterminate  sentence 
which  makes  freedom  depend  on  improved  conduct.     At  this  point 

defended  ''"""^  ^™"'''  ^"""^  ''"'"^^^'^  '"^  ^^^  ^""^^^  ^^^^^'  ^'^  '^^^^g^^ 
The  statistics  used  in  the  study  of  crime  causes  are  generally  taken 
from  the  excellent  German  tables,  with  which,  unfortunately,  we  have 
m  this  country  nothing  comparable.  The  author's  treatment  makes 
us  eager  to  have  similar  figures  for  our  own  scientific  studies  of  crimi- 
nahty.  Taken  altogether,  this  work  is  a  notable  contribution  and  the 
translation  is  a  distinct  pubHc  service. 

University  of  Chicago  ^-  ■^-  Henderson 

Le  divorce  des  alienes.  By  Doctor  Lucien-Graux.  Paris- 
Grand  Librairie  Medicale  A.  Maloine,  1912. 
In  connection  with  drafts  of  law  submitted  to  the  French  legislature 
Doctor  Lucien-Graux  has  brought  together  a  large  amount  of  important' 
materials  for  a  consideration  of  the  complex  question  of  divorce  in  case 
of  msamty.  The  letters  published  represent  all  views  of  the  subject  of 
divorce  m  general  and  of  this  problem  in  particular.  There  is  an  evident 
desire  to  be  impartial  and  to  make  a  substantial  contribution  to  the 
discussion. 

University  of  Chicago  ^'  ^-  Henderson 


Sixth  Annual  Report  of  the  State  Probation  Commission  of  New 
York.     New  York,  191 2. 

This  is  an  important  document,  including  the  report  and  statistics 
of  the  Commission  of  New  York,  the  proceedings  of  the  State  Conference 
of  Magistrates  and  of  the  Probation  Officers,  and  with  a  directory  of 
officials  and  tables  of  statistics.  It  is  one  of  the  important  contributLs 
to  the  subject  of  probation. 

University  of  Chicago  ^'  •^-  Henderson 


692  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Die  Berufsvereine.     Von  W.  Kuleman.     Berlin:   Leonard  Simion, 

This  work  is  described  as  the  second  and  completely  revised  edition 
of  the  author's  Gewerkschaftsbewegung.  It  contains  descriptions  and 
historical  accounts  of  the  organizations  of  employers  and  employees  in 
all  countries.  In  Vols.  IV-VI,  there  are  articles  on  these  organizations 
in  England,  France,  Belgium,  Holland,  Luxemburg,  Denmark,  Sweden, 
Norway,  Austria,  Hungary,  Switzerland,  Italy,  Spain,  Russia,  Finland, 
Servia,  Bulgaria,  Roumania,  the  United  States  of  America,  Canada, 
Argentina,  Australia,  New  Zealand,  Japan,  and  international  organiza- 
tions. The  article  on  the  United  States  is  given  ninety-eight  pages. 
The  difficulty  of  keeping  up  to  date  in  such  publications  is  seen  in  the 
treatment  of  social  insurance  which  has  advanced  so  rapidly  with  us 
since  the  author's  materials  were  gathered.  The  work  must  prove  to 
be  exceedingly  useful  and  convenient;   it  has  been  prepared  with  great 

care  and  enormous  industry. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 

Bulletin  of  the  Department  of  Factory  Inspection,  State  of  Illinois. 
Vol.  I,  No.  I.     October,  1913. 

The  chief  Factory  Inspector  of  Illinois,  Mr.  O.  F.  Nelson,  has  begun 
to  publish  a  very  interesting  and  helpful  bulletin  dealing  largely  with 
occupational  diseases  and  other  risks  of  working-men.  It  is  a  great 
improvement  on  the  ordinary  reports  which  few  people  read  with  profit. 
The  illustrations  are  telling  and  the  information  is  good  material  for 

popular  education. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 


I"  Congres  International  des  Tribunaux  pour  Enfants,  Paris,  July, 
igii.  Edited  by  Marcel  Kleine.  Paris:  A.  Dary,  1912. 
The  literature  of  juvenile  courts  is  enriched  by  the  publication  of 
papers,  discussions,  and  resolutions  of  the  first  international  conference 
on  the  subject.  This  document  is  the  most  convenient  comparative 
exhibit  of  the  legal  doctrines  and  primitive  experiments  of  an  American 
invention  which  has  been  imitated,  with  adaptations,  in  many  coim tries. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 


REVIEWS  ^g^ 

Industrial  Poisoning  from  Fumes,  Gases,  and  Poisons  of  Manu- 
facturing Processes.  By  Dr.  J.  Rambousek;  translated  and 
edited  by  Thomas  M.  Legge,  M.D.,  D.P.H.  New  York- 
Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  1913. 

.t,/^r'?r.^  industrial  establishments,  factory  inspectors,  and 
students  of  the  hygiene  of  industry  will  find  in  the  volume  of  Rambousek 
a  convenient  summary  of  the  subject  treated.  The  work  is  divided 
mto  three  parts:  descriptions  of  the  industries  and  processes  attended 
with  the  nsk  of  poisonmg,  pathology  and  treatment,  and  preventive 
measures  agamst  industrial  poisoning. 

University  of  Chicago  ^'  ■^'  Henderson 

Religious    Chastity.    An   Ethnological  Study.    By  Elsie   Clews 
Parsons.    New  York:   privately  published  under  the  nom- 

hv  r%'f ''  '"  ^h\^h  tl^is  work  is  evidently  undertaken  is  explained 
by  the  statement,  ''similarities  in  culture  point,  not  to  the  exislce  of 
set  cultural  stages  through  which  all  societies  must  pass,  but  to  the 
homogeneity  of  human  mind  and  its  tendency  to  express  itself,  given 
like  circumstances,  m  like  ways."  The  author  has  taken  considerable 
pams  to  get  together  a  great  mass  of  material  from  diverse  primary 
sources  which  deals  with  human  belief  and  practice  centering  arW 
supposed  relations  of  the  living  with  the  recently  dead.  From  the 
comparison  of  different  customs  and  ceremonies  she  educes  additional 
cTated"  ''  ^"'^^^"^^^^^  ^^^  -°^--  ethnological  principle  above  eZ- 

Fear  of  the  recently  dead  leads  primitive  man  to  the  invention  of 
various  schemes  to  trick  or  frighten  away  the  importunate  ghost  The 
widow,  being  especially  liable  to  death  infection,  must  be  scrupulously 
disinfected  by  show  of  bereavement.  The  "haunted"  widow  has  to 
undergo  cleanings,  else  remarriage  will  be  dangerous  for  her  and  her 
man.  The  exaggerated  observance  of  mourning  customs  is  usuallv 
incumbent  upon  the  widow.  Where  ghost  fear  yields  to  ghost  love 
care  for  the  comfort  of  the  dead  is  paramount  in  funeral  and  mouibg 
customs.  The  widow  is  the  one  who  has  special  responsibility  to  Te^ 
to  his  daily  need  of  food  and  drink,  to  be  the  custodian  of  his  corpse  or 


694  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

bones.  When  women  have  begun  to  figure  primarily  as  chattels,  they 
must  be  buried  with  the  dead  as  are  his  other  belongings.  Under  these 
circumstances  wives  may  be  clubbed  to  death  with  great  ceremony, 
buried  alive,  or  set  adrift  bound  to  a  boat.  When  there  is  a  change  in 
ideas  about  destroying  property  in  general  at  death,  the  widow's  fate 
is  milder.  Now  she  becomes  the  widow  of  service  rather  than  of  immola- 
tion. Widow  chastity  and  service  were  more  widespread  customs  than 
widow  immolation,  for  the  latter  is  a  luxury  of  the  great.  Chastity  has 
a  sort  of  magical  potency  and  medicine- women  often  observe  chastity. 
Anthropomorphic  gods  need  female  service,  and  special  classes  of  women 
are  god-devoted:  old  widows,  and  again  "vowed  virgins."  It  appears 
that  the  amorously  adventuresome  deities  of  mythology  are  sun-gods, 
and  since  sun-gods  are  gods  of  fertility,  the  god's  powers  of  reproduction 
are  multiplied  on  earth  by  the  representation  of  them  by  mortals. 
Hence  the  fertility  cults  believe  that  the  human  bride  of  the  god  husband 
imparts  his  potencies  to  her  community.  Thus  concepts  of  sympathetic 
magic  appear  to  explain  the  wife-priestess  and  the  priestess-wife.  But 
this  divine  type  of  sexual  hospitality  was  uncertain  because  it  interfered 
with  domesticity.  When  the  phallic  character  of  the  god  is  insignificant 
and  the  woman's  promiscuity  is  no  longer  thought  of  as  a  means  of 
magical  communication  between  him  and  his  worshiper,  chastity  is 
required  of  god-given  women;  this  is  strongly  emphasized  when  the 
proprietary  rights  in  women  are  strict.  Unchastity  becomes  a  grievous 
offense.  To  preserve  the  purity  of  god-dedicated  women  there  is  an 
ever-increasing  tendency  to  seclude  her.  She  may  become  a  nun. 
Although  the  drift  toward  chastity  for  magic  or  worship  is  in  early 
culture  periods  held  in  check  by  the  powerful  tendency  to  give  excep- 
tional privileges  to  the  medicine-man  and  the  king-god,  experience 
showed  that  chastity  became  an  entertainable  and  tolerable  idea  for 
other  than  religious  ends. 

The  work  abounds  in  a  great  variety  of  ethnological  illustration 
which  serves  to  show  the  primitive  mind's  undeveloped  powers  of 
difi'erentiating  separate  modes  of  human  activity  as  well  as  to  exemplify 
its  subordination  to  the  principle  of  association  of  ideas.  The  reader 
is  often  conscious  of  repetition  and  is  impelled  to  wish  that  more  care 
had  been  taken  in  classifying  the  material  after  some  definite  generaliza- 
tion in  order  that  light  might  be  thrown  upon  its  truth  or  falsity.  There 
is  a  common  fault  in  much  modern  ethnological  writing  of  avoiding 
generalizations  of  any  sort.    The  inevitable  consequence  of  this  is  seen 


REVIEWS  695 

in  absence  of  purpose  and  loss  of  coherence.    The  work  would  have  been 

given  greater  clarity  and  definiteness  if  the  relation  of  the  material 

presented  to  the  principle  of  association  of  ideas  or  to  the  principle 

enunciated  in   the  preface  had  been  more  consistently  pointed  out. 

The  tone  of  the  work  is  judicial.     A  most  complete  bibliography  is 

appended. 

F.  Stuart  Chapin 
bMiTH  College 

Northampton,  Massachusetts 


The  Color  Line  in  Ohio.     A  History  of  Race  Prejudice  in  a  Typical 

Northern  State.     By  Frank  U.  Quillin,  Ph.D.     "University 

of  Michigan  Historical  Studies,"  III.     Ann  Arbor:   The  Ann 

Arbor  Press,  1913.     Pp.  xvi+178. 

This  monograph  is  of  a  type  that  is  needed  to  gain  more  local  and 

more  exact  knowledge  of  the  Negro  problem.     It  is  a  study,  from  source 

material  and  personal  interview,  of  the  historical  development  and 

present-day  conditions  of  race  antagonism  in  Ohio,  "a  typical  northern 

state."     The  chief  conclusion  of  the  research  is  that  prejudice  against 

the  Negro  has  never  been  absent  from  Ohio  and  that  it  has  waxed  rather 

than  waned  in  the  past  hundred  years  in  accordance  with  the  principle 

of  increasing  numerical  proportion.     In   the  introduction   the  writer 

states  that  working  independently  he  has  arrived  at  the  same  general 

conclusion  of  Alfred  H.  Stone  in  his  book  Studies  of  the  American  Race 

Problem. 

The  first  part  of  the  book,  treating  of  the  historical  development  of 
the  Negro  problem,  discusses  the  rise  and  persistence  of  the  feeling 
against  the  Negro.  In  the  first  constitutional  convention  in  1802  a 
motion  embodying  the  1787  ordinance  prohibition  of  slavery  in  the 
Northwest  Territory  carried  by  but  one  vote.  The  Black  Laws  which 
indicated  the  real  attitude  of  the  majority  of  the  people  to  slavery  were 
repealed,  not  by  a  revulsion  of  public  opinion,  but  by  a  political  trade 
of  the  Free  Soil  party,  which  held  the  balance  of  power  in  the  state 
legislature.  Since  the  Civil  War  the  writer  shows  that  "equal  rights 
in  Ohio  for  blacks  and  whites  is  a  myth,"  and  he  believes  that  the  feel- 
ing against  the  Negro  is  "increasing  rapidly,  especially  during  the  last 
twenty  years." 

The  second  part  of  the  book,  which  deals  with  present-day  conditions 
in  the  largest  cities  and  certain  selected  towns,  is  less  valuable  as  a  study, 


696  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

though  of  greater  general  interest.  It  is  a  somewhat  impressionistic 
account  derived  from  personal  interviews  with  persons  of  both  races 
of  the  existing  state  of  race  antagonism.  Even  if  the  author  has  here 
presented  a  qualitative  rather  than  a  quantitative  statement  of  northern 
feeling  against  the  Negro,  he  has  abundantly  indicated  that  discrimina- 
tion against  the  Negro  is  not  southern  alone  but  national. 

Ernest  W.  Burgess 
University  of  Kansas 


The  Government  of  American  Cities.  By  William  B.  Munro. 
New  York:  Macmillan.     Pp.  viii+401.     $2.25. 

The  author  of  The  Government  of  European  Cities  here  presents  a 
companion  volume  dealing  with  the  government  of  American  cities. 
The  first  book  discussed  both  the  structure  and  the  function  of  European 
municipal  organization  and  administration ;  the  present  work  is  confined 
to  a  description  of  the  forms,  past,  present,  and  proposed,  of  city  govern- 
ment in  America.  A  second  complementary  volume  is  promised  which 
will  treat  of  the  administration  and  actual  functioning  of  municipal 
government. 

Throughout  the  book  the  author  emphasizes  the  importance  of  a 
knowledge  of  historical  development  as  prerequisite  for  the  understand- 
ing of  the  present  forms  of  city  government.  A  central  idea  running 
through  many  chapters  is  that  federal  and  state  forms  of  government 
and  the  national  system  of  political  parties  have  exerted  an  influence 
out  of  all  proportion  to  reason  upon  the  structure  and  activities  of  city 
government.  The  present  protests  against  the  "federal  analogy"  with 
its  principle  of  divided  powers,  against  political  parties  in  municipal 
elections,  and  against  state  interference  in  city  affairs  are  signs  of  a 
reaction  toward  a  functional  form  of  organization.  The  author  gives 
a  cautious  approval  to  city  government  by  commission  and  to  direct 
legislation  and  the  recall  after  a  decidedly  fair  consideration  of  the 
arguments  for  and  against. 

To  the  sociologist  the  chapters  entitled  "American  Municipal 
Development,"  "The  Social  Structure  of  the  City,"  and  "Municipal 
Reform  and  Reformers ' '  should  prove  especially  helpful.  The  particular 
value  of  the  book  to  social  workers  and  reformers  is  thus  succinctly 
stated  by  the  author:  "In  an  age  when  men  appear  far  too  ready  to 
proceed  with  a  diagnosis  and  to  prescribe  remedies  without  much  pre- 


REVIEWS  697 

liminary  study  of  the  anatomy  and  physiology  of  city  government, 
too  much  stress  upon  the  importance  of  the  latter  branches  of  the  subject 
can  scarcely  be  laid." 

TT  ,.  Ernest  W.  Burgess 

University  of  Kansas 

Housing  Problems  in  A  merica.  Proceedings  of  the  Second  National 
Conference  on  Housing.  Cambridge:  The  University  Press, 
1913- 
The  second  volume  on  the  subject  of  housing  problems  in  this 
country,  while  presenting  the  most  recent  consensus  of  expert  opinion 
upon  the  general  housing  situation,  is  designed  to  be  of  especial  help 
to  the  medium-sized  cities.  Particularly  valuable  for  practical  use  is 
the  fact  that  the  papers  with  their  statement  of  general  principles  given 
by  our  leading  experts  in  housing  and  municipal  problems  were  supple- 
mented by  discussions  and  round-table  talks  which  threw  light  upon  the 
concrete  conditions  and  actual  methods  in  use.  The  live  interest  shown 
in  the  questions  of  the  desirable  type  of  working-men's  houses,  the 
adoption  of  the  zone  system  in  city-planning,  and  the  promotion  of 
associations  for  co-operating  with  the  wage-earner  in  financing  the  small 
home  manifest  the  strong  tendency  to  emphasize  the  preventive  as 
well  as  the  remedial  methods  in  meeting  housing  problems. 

TT  -^  Ernest  W.  Burgess 

University  of  Kansas  ^^i^^^^^a 


Ehe  und  Ehereform.    By  von  Romundt  Chast^.     Berlin,  1913. 

The  first  forty-two  of  his  eighty-two  pages  the  writer  devotes  to 
teUmg  you  how  down  he  is  on  certain  types  prominent  in  modern  life, 
pnncipally  on  the  greedy  and  brutal  capitalist,  exploiter  of  art  and 
science,  patron  of  prostitution,  corrupter  of  all  he  meets,  and  on  the 
women  of  his  harimlik,  wives  pampered,  "spoiled,"  unwilling  to  bear 
children,  daughters  educated  merely  to  catch  suitors,  sensationalists, 
immoderate  "sports."  For  such  unpleasant  characters  the  traditional 
attitude  toward  marriage,  the  writer  claims,  is  responsible.  Marriage 
IS  celebrated  today  with  meaningless  forms.  It  is  a  mere  purchase, 
negotiated  by  those  of  unlike  tastes  and  interests,  bent  on  fooling  each 
other  beforehand,  and  afterward,  at  best  content  in  getting  used  to 
each  other  and  growing  fat  and  soulless  together.     Now  as  aU  social 


698  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

and  physiological  problems  culminate  in  marriage,  according  to  the 
writer,  as  marriage  is  the  fundamental  calling  of  man,  to  reform  society, 
marriage  must  obviously  be  reformed.  Therefore  let  us  organize  a 
marriage  Society.  This  society  will  be  open  to  all  independent  and 
high-minded  souls,  anxious  to  marry  for  only  the  noblest  reasons,  for 
no  ulterior  considerations,  male  candidates  not  to  be  under  twenty- 
eight,  female,  under  twenty-two,  each  to  declare  himself  or  herself  fit 
physically  and  psychically  for  reproduction.  If  after  due  probation  the 
marriage  is  a  failure,  let  it  be  dissolved,  the  children,  of  course,  if  there 
are  children,  to  be  properly  provided  for.  "I  know  that  generalization 
is  often  a  mistake"  writes  the  author  of  this  program.  Of  its  being 
still  more  often  a  bore,  he  is,  however,  apparently  unaware,  just  as  he  is 
unaware  that  panaceas  are  convincing  only  to  their  makers. 

Elsie  Clews  Parsons 
New  York,  N.Y. 


RECENT    LITERATURE 


NOTES   AND  ABSTRACTS 

The  Analysis  of  Anthropometric  Series,  with  Remarks  on  the  Significance  of  the 
Instability  of  Human  Types. — The  criticisms  of  my  paper  on  the  body-forms  of 
descendants  of  immigrants  in  America  in  comparison  with  those  of  the  parents  born  in 
Europe  rest,  in  general,  upon  the  common  method  of  dividing  anthropometric  series 
into  a  small  number  of  arbitrarily  chosen  groups  and  indicating  the  percentage  of  all 
the  individuals  in  each  of  these  groups.  This  method  can  furnish  merely  descriptive 
numerical  information  of  facts  and  gives  no  clue  as  to  the  causes  of  the  facts.  It  sets 
up  a  "constant  something"  as  a  measure  for  an  exhaustively  defined  group.  The 
measures  should  be  the  "variables"  of  all  individuals  of  an  inexhaustively  defined  class. 
Only  if  we  knew  all  the  influences  of  the  conditions  of  life  upon  the  "body-forms,"  and 
only  if  we  made  those  conditions  the  same  for  every  individual,  could  we  expect  to 
have  a  constant  measure.  Variability  is  therefore  no  biological  problem,  but  only  an 
expression  of  this — that  the  forms  of  all  the  individuals  constituting  a  class  are  deter- 
mined by  unknown  influences.  The  class  cannot  be  cut  up  into  arbitrary  groups  and 
studied,  but  it  must  be  treated  as  a  whole,  and  any  attempt  at  analysis  must  consider 
the  influence  of  any  factors  upon  the  whole  series.  Recent  studies  seem  to  indicate 
that  nourishment  and  state  of  health  in  youth  have  marked  influences  on  the  insta- 
bility of  human  types. — Franz  Boaz,  "Die  Analyse  anthropometrischer  Serien,  nebst 
Bemerkungen  uber  die  Deutung  der  Instabilitat  menschlicher  Typen,"  Archiv  fur 
Rassen-u.  Gesellschafls- Biologic,  December,  1913.  V.  W.  B. 

Our  Poles. — Unbiased  study  convinces  one  that  the  propaganda  against  the  Poles 
within  our  borders  is  not  political  wisdom.  Guaranteed  their  rights  of  speech  and 
nationality,  they  have  proved  their  loyalty  by  refraining  from  European  revolutions 
and  fighting  against  even  fellow-Poles  for  the  sake  of  Prussia.  But  this  propaganda 
calls  for  their  immediate  Germanization.  This  would  necessitate  a  remodeling  of  the 
psychical  and  physical  natures  and  even  the  government  has  no  agency  for  that. 
Infringement  upon  speech  rights  has  been  followed  by  infringement  upon  land  rights 
and  the  whole  policy  has  effectually  halted  the  steady  assimilation  that  was  going  on. 
The  government's  excuse  is  that  the  Polish  provinces  must  be  Germanized  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  eastern  border;  but  the  safety  of  a  nation's  borders  depends  not  on  the 
border  provinces  but  on  the  tone  of  the  whole  populace. — K.  Jentsch,  "Unsere  Polen," 
Zukunft,  October,  1913.  F.  P.  G. 

The  Second  Austrian  Convention  for  Child-Protection. — The  convention  of  1907 
gave  a  stimulus  to  reform  in  the  treatment  of  children,  but  the  second  convention,  in 
191 3,  was  notable  for  the  advanced  thought  presented.  The  twofold  deliberation  was 
along  practical  lines:  first,  for  the  suppression  of  child  labor,  and  second,  for  the 
establishment  of  trustee-education,  especially  for  the  children  of  the  needy.  The 
country  child  was  represented  in  the  discussions  as  forming  a  problem  different  from 
the  urban.  It  was  agreed  to  urge  that  child  labor  be  sufficiently  restricted  to  give  the 
child  opportunity  for  education  and  that  the  trustee-system  should  guarantee  the  pos- 
sibility of  his  making  use  of  this  allowance  of  time. — H.  Goldbaum,  "Der  II.  oster- 
reichische  Kinderschutzkongress,"  Zeitschrift  fUr  Kinderforschimg,  November,  1913. 

F.  P.  G. 

Proceedings  of  the  Third  Convention  for  Child-Study  and  Child-Development. — 
This  convention,  held  in  Breslau,  October  4-6,  considered  psychological  investigation 
in  sexual  differentiation  and  its  pedagogic  significance.  Reports  and  discussions 
brought  forth  fruits  of  much  research.     Lipman  found  from  e.xperiments  that  boys 

699 


700  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

show  a  greater  intra-variation  and  that  more  boys  are  supernormal,  while  more  girls 
are  subnormal.  Frau  Hirsch  advanced  data  indicating  that  among  both  boys  and 
girls  of  the  school  ages  the  ideal  of  the  mother  predominates  overwhelmingly.  Stern 
showed  the  very  dissimilarity  in  speech  and  play  habits  to  be  suggestive  of  essential 
differences;  boys  are  usually  more  positive,  girls  more  imitative.  Cohn's  data, 
gathered  concerning  children  actually  in  school,  prove  that  the  feminine  spirit,  nor- 
mally, is  more  interested  in  the  intuitive  and  emotional  than  in  logical  processes  or 
abstract  reasoning.  FeeUng  was  not  unanimous  as  to  the  pedagogic  application. 
Wychgram  favored  separate  schools  of  domestic  vocations  for  girls,  corresponding  to 
professional  schools  for  boys;  others  were  for  coeducational  throughout.  Three  mis- 
takes were  made  in  the  nature  of  the  discussions:  (i)  the  physical  differences  were 
insuflSciently  accented;  (2)  disproportionate  emphasis  was  laid  on  the  psychic  com- 
position of  the  female;  (3)  the  folk-school  was  kept  too  much  in  the  background  while 
attention  was  riveted  on  the  higher  branches. — O.  Scheibner,  "Die  Verhandlungen  des 
III.  Kongresses  fur  Jugendbildung  und  Jugendkunde,"  Zeitschrifl  fiir  pad.  psychology, 
November,  1913.  F-  P-  G. 

The  Minimum-Wage  Law  in  England. — The  trade  boards,  which  set  the  minimum 
wage  law  in  action,  were  created  by  an  act  of  Parliament  in  1909.  They  are  composed 
of:  (i)  representatives  of  the  employers,  (2)  an  equal  number  of  representatives  from 
the  working  class,  (3)  and  appointed  members,  the  number  of  whom  must  be  less  than 
half  of  all  representative  members.  The  representative  members  may  be  chosen  by 
the  parties  or  named  by  the  board  of  trade  upon  the  suggestion  of  the  parties.  The 
authority  of  a  particular  board  of  trade  is  limited  to  a  certain  industry,  which  its 
members  represent.  Its  duties  are  to  establish  the  minimum  wage  and  to  insure  its 
enforcement.  Further,  it  is  the  duty  of  boards  of  trade  to  specify  a  minimum  wage 
for  part-time  workers  and  piecework,  for  a  given  district  or  for  the  whole  industry. 
Seven  inspectors  are  employed  to  detect  violations  of  the  law.  An  employer  paying 
less  than  the  minimum  wage  is  liable  to  a  fine  of  not  more  than  twenty  pounds  sterling 
and  is  obliged  to  pay  the  employee  the  full  wage  deficiency.  The  Anti-Sweating 
League  works  to  educate  all  employees  to  know  their  rights  and  powers. — Dr.  Werner 
Picht,  "Das  gesetzliche  Lohnminimum  in  England,"  Zeitschrifl  fiir  Volksw.  Sozial- 
pol.  u  Verw.  H.  A.  J. 

Punishment  in  the  Curriculum  of  Charitable  Institutions. — Spencer's  theory  was 
that  a  child  in  being  punished  should  be  brought  to  realize  as  vividly  as  possible  that 
the  punishment  was  a  natural  result  of  bad  conduct.  With  the  majority  of  children 
and  especially  the  psychopathic  children,  this  theory  would  prove  confusing  and 
impracticable.  It  is  quite  difficult  to  draw  a  line  between  the  normal  and  psychopathic 
children  that  are  received  in  charitable  institutions.  Bad  conduct,  opposition,  cruelty, 
deceit,  and  sexual  offenses  are  symptoms  of  mental  ailment.  This  class  of  children 
are  incapable  of  judging  and  following  right  modes  of  conduct.  They  are  continually 
violating  the  rules  of  good  discipline.  The  first  and  most  important  step  is  to  study 
the  mental  attitude  and  ability  of  the  child,  before  any  punishment  is  administered. 
— Dr.  Monkermoller,  "Die  Strafe  in  der  Fursorgeerziehung,"  Zeitschrifl  fiir  Kinder- 
forschung,  November-December,  191 3.  H.  A.  J. 

Child  Labor  in  Austria. — Investigations  made  in  191 1  for  the  Juvenile  Protective 
League  found  the  following  facts  to  be  true.  Out  of  418,391  children  in  Austria, 
148,368  have  to  work.  Twenty  per  cent  of  these  are  from  six  to  eight  years  old. 
Forty-five  per  cent  have  not  reached  their  eleventh  year.  Seventy-four  per  cent  began 
work  before  the  age  of  nine.  Forty  per  cent  began  work  between  the  ages  of  six  and 
and  seven.  Seventy-seven  per  cent  work  more  than  six  hours  per  day,  54  per  cent  more 
than  eight  hours  per  day,  and  24  per  cent  more  than  ten  hours  per  day.  In  22  per 
cent  of  the  boys  and  23 . 5  per  cent  of  the  girls,  health  was  already  found  to  be  under- 
mined; and  that  children  in  factories  as  a  whole  have  poor  blood,  hollow  chests,  curva- 
ture of  the  spine,  tendency  to  tuberculosis,  and  in  life  come  to  early  invalidity. — Popp 
Adelheid,  "Die  Kinderarbeit  in  Oesterreich,"  Die  Neue  Zeit,  XXXI,  No.  52. 

H.  A.  J. 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


701 


A  New  Presentation  of  the  History  of  Economic  Doctrine. — A  fruitful  history  of 
national  economic  theory  can  be  written  only  when  viewed  from  a  definite  theoretical 
aspect;  and  this  history  must  be  interpreted  and  reviewed  in  terms  of  this  aspect 
found  in  its  earlier  presentations.  In  order  to  secure  such  a  history  of  economic  doc- 
trine we  must,  as  in  the  case  of  economic  theory  and  economic  sociology,  make  a  dis- 
tinction between  economic  politics  and  economic  science.  Although  the  history  of  a 
science  contains  the  records  of  false  theories  as  well  as  the  true,  only  the  facts  which 
tally  with  experience  become  a  living  part  of  its  own  age.  Therefore,  to  understand 
economic  doctrine  it  must  be  interpreted  in  terms  of  the  history  of  its  contemporary 
hfe.— L.  Pohle,  "Neue  Darstellungen  der  Geschichte  der  Volkswirtschaftslehre," 
Zeitschriftfur  Sozialwissenschaft,  Jan\ia.ry,  igi4.  j.  £.  £, 

Sociology  and  Psychology. — The  fundamental  notion  in  religion,  according  to 
Durkheim,  is  not  divinity  but  sacredness.  Sacred  objects  are  those  resulting  from 
tradition  and  are  social,  in  contrast  to  profane  things  which  are  individual.  Religious 
phenomena  are  those  consisting  of  obligatory  beliefs  connected  with  definite  practices 
about  certain  sacred  objects.  Magic  consists  of  rites  that  exercise  a  direct  or  auto- 
matic action;  religion  has  rites  that  possess  ideas,  sentiments,  and  volitions.  Magic 
is  mdividual,  while  religion,  the  use  of  gods,  is  social,  of  the  tribe.  Conscience  and  the 
actions  of  the  individual  are  modified  by  those  of  the  group.  All  ideas,  desires,  and 
habits  appear  first  in  the  individual  conscience.  In  studying  society  it  is  necessary  to 
study  the  physical  environment;  then  the  mental  activities  of  the  group,  the  psycho- 
logical environment;  then  the  reaction  of  the  individual  toward  that  environment. 
In  the  last  analysis,  social  phenomena  must  be  studied  psychologically  as  well  as 
objectively.— J.  Leuba,  "Sociologie  et  psychologic,"  Revue  philosophique,  October 
^913-  P.  E.  C. 

Sexuality  and  Prostitution. — In  the  writings  of  Dr.  Iwan  Bloch  on  the  subject  of 
sexuality  we  have  a  valuable  contribution  to  the  literature  of  the  subject.  The  author 
traces  the  evolution  of  sexual  attraction  through  the  periods  of  civilization,  showing 
its  development  until  it  has  become  the  noblest  emotion  of  the  human  spirit.  He 
defines  a  prostitute  as  "the  individual  who  abases  self,  apart  from  the  bonds  of  marriage, 
to  any  sexual  act  whatever,  without  discrimination,  in  a  manner,  continuous  and 
notorious,  with  an  indefinite  number  of  persons,  generally  in  exchange  for  a  price, 
usually  in  a  commercial  manner."  Some  defects  may  be  found  in  this  definition,  in 
fact  he  does  not  refer  at  all  to  the  matter  of  enticement,  which  is  an  essential  charac- 
teristic of  prostitution;  but  in  many  respects  it  is  excellent.  On  the  whole.  Dr.  Bloch 
has  carried  into  a  vast  and  little-explored  field  a  true  critical  spirit,  and  has  endeavored 
to  direct  a  systematic  investigation.— P.  E.  Morhardt,  "Sexualite  et  prostitution," 
i?CTMe  a«/A.,  October,  1913.  E.  E.  E. 

The  English  Social  Insurance  Law  of  1911;  Payment  of  Premiums. — For  insur" 
ance  against  loss  of  health  the  English  law  requires  the  employer  to  pay  both  his  own 
and  his  employee's  assessment.  The  former  is  then  authorized  to  deduct  from  the 
worker's  wages  an  amount  equal  to  the  latter's  assessment.  Although  the  employer 
is  forbidden  to  make  the  laborer  pay  the  employer's  assessment,  there  is  nothing  to 
keep  the  latter  from  discharging  the  worker  and  hiring  in  his  stead  another  worker 
at  a  wage  reduced  by  the  amount  of  that  assessment.  The  assured  is  not  required 
to  pay  his  own  assessment  when  out  of  work  or  when  his  employer  fails  to  pay  his. 
The  sole  obligation  of  the  worker  is  to  reimburse  the  employer  for  having  paid  the 
worker's  assessment.— Maurice  Bellom,  "La  loi  anglaise  d'assurance  sociaie  de  191 1; 
payement  des  cotisations,"  Journal  des  iconomisles,  March,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

The  First  Results  of  the  New  Social  Insurance  Law  of  England. — Tables  for 
mortality,  morbidity,  invalidism,  and  maternity  had  to  be  worked  out  anew,  because 
the  tables  in  use  by  private  insurance  societies  had  been  rendered  obsolete  by  the 
advance  in  sanitary  engineering  recently,  or  because  these  tables  were  not  in  the  pre- 
cise form  necessary  for  administering  the  law.  The  new  mortality  tables  are  based  on 
the  total  population  by  age  groups  on  June  30,  1909,  and  on  the  number  of  deaths  at 
each  age  during  1908-10.     The  new  tables  of  morbidity  and  invalidism  are  based  on 


702  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  experience  of  the  best  private  companies  as  furnishing  data  for  the  necessary 
mathematical  calculations.  These  were  checked  also  by  the  experience  of  such  com- 
panies.— -Maurice  Bellom,  "Les  premiers  resultats  de  la  nouvelle  loi  anglaise  d'assur- 
ance  sociale,"  Journal  des  6conomisles,  August,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

The  English  Social  Insurance  Law  of  191 1;  Payment  of  Premiums. — For  insur- 
ance against  unemployment,  the  English  law  provides  that  each  laborer  in  the  occupa- 
tions covered  by  it  is  made  equally  responsible  with  the  employer  for  the  payment 
of  assessments.  Default  in  payment  by  either  is  punishable  by  the  same  amount  of 
line,  viz.,  not  over  fifty  pounds  and  not  more  than  three  times  the  unpaid  assessment. 
In  fact,  however,  the  employer  is  held  for  the  payment  of  the  worker's  assessment  at 
the  same  time  with  his  own.  In  this  the  law  resembles  the  corresponding  provision 
under  sickness  insurance. — Maurice  Bellom,  "La  loi  anglaise  d'assurance  sociale  de 
191 1 ;   payement  des  cotisations,"  Journal  des  iconomistes,  June,  1Q13.        R.  H.  L. 

The  First  Results  of  the  New  Social  Insurance  Law  of  England;  Unemployment 
Insurance. — Insurance  against  unemployment  is  administered  by  the  minister  of  com- 
merce through  a  special  division  that  serves  also  as  an  employment  bureau.  As  a 
result  of  agreements  with  working-men's  associations  the  number  of  those  insured 
against  unemployment  has  greatly  increased  since  the  passage  of  the  act.  Voluntary 
insurance  is  not  paid  out  of  the  unemployment  insurance  funds,  but  by  the  state. 
Those  obtaining  this  form  of  insurance  are  not  limited  to  workers  in  the  insured  occu- 
pations. Associations  may  get  the  benefit  of  this  arrangement  by  complying  with 
certain  conditions.  And  by  July,  1913,  over  six  hundred  had  either  been  admitted 
or  had  applied  for  the  privilege. — Maurice  Bellom,  "Les  premiers  r6sultats  de  la 
nouvelle  loi  anglaise  d'assurance  sociale:  assurance  centre  le  chomage,  Journal  des 
6conomistes ,  September,  1913.  R-  H.  L. 

The  Evolution  of  Work-Accident  Laws  in  Europe  and  America. — Today  the 
greater  number  of  nations  have  adopted  the  principle  of  risk  as  inherent  in  the  indus- 
try and  consequently  the  principle  that  indemnity  for  accident  should  be  an  item  of 
general  expense  borne  by  the  industry.  Compulsory  insurance  goes  hand  in  hand  with 
the  adoption  of  these  principles.  Even  yet,  however,  certain  countries  and  states 
require  proof  of  neglect  by  the  employer  in  order  to  establish  his  liability.  These 
are  Bulgaria,  Greece,  Portugal,  Japan,  the  republics  of  Central  and  South  America, 
and  some  thirty  states  in  the  American  Union.  Within  the  recent  past,  eighteen 
other  states  have  passed  work-accident  laws.  These  have  gone  through  an  evolution 
from  the  first,  limited  chiefly  to  definition  of  employers'  liability  and  the  correction 
of  obvious  defects  in  judicial  procedure,  to  the  New  York  law  of  1910  concerning 
accidents  in  dangerous  occupations.  This  law  recognizes  the  principle  of  risk  inherent 
in  the  industry;  and  the  employer  cannot  escape  liability,  unless  inexcusable  negli- 
gence of  the  victim  can  be  shown.  American  public  opinion  strongty  favors  the  rapid 
spread  of  similar  legislation  in  other  states. — P.  L.  Pic,  "L'evolution  des  lois  europeo- 
americanes  en  matiere  d'accidents  du  travail,"  Revue  economiste  internationale,  August, 
1913.  R-  H.  L. 

Scientific  Choice  of  Vocations. — -A  rational  study  in  the  choice  of  occupations 
is  absolutely  imperative.  No  longer  can  the  young  man  or  woman  just  out  of  school 
rely  on  a  personal  inclination  or  an  artificial  environment  to  determine  one's  vocation. 
A  scientific  understanding  of  the  market  for  various  kinds  of  labor  together  with  con- 
stant co-operation  between  public,  industrial,  and  professional  schools  on  the  one 
hand  and  the  industries  and  the  professions  on  the  other,  can  make  it  possible  for 
every  person  to  find  his  highest  efficiency.— A.  H0yer,  "Organiseret  Valg  af  Livsstil- 
ling,"  N ational^konomisk  Tidsskrift,  September-October,  1913.  J-  E.  E. 

Rural  Land  Reforms. — An  urgent  need  in  Denmark  is  a  scientific  redistribu- 
tion of  agricultural  lands.  The  economic  independence  of  the  proletariat  is  less  than 
it  was  twenty  years  ago.  Though  manufactures  have  increased,  the  production  of 
agriculture  for  home  consumption  is  not  sufficient  to  keep  the  growing  population. 
The  landowners  are  reaping  large  unearned  increments  while  a  poor  peasantry  and 


RECENT  LITERATURE  703 

f™  ^■''  ''''"*  ?[  ^'^''?  ^'^  '^^'■^'^^  ""^^"Its.  The  ever-expanding  political  power  of  an 
increasing  proleteriat  is  inconsistent  with  a  delimitation  of  its  econom  c  indeDendence 
Asa  consequence  the  modem  laws  of  social  amelioration  which  are  srefficiaf  and  mS 

g^Tion -Tter  '  "Lat;b''^^^"-'n"^-'  ^'^^  -"  fosrerTcSitousTm'i! 
gration.     H.   VVaage,      Landboreformer,"  N attonal^konomisk  Tidsskrift,  May-June 

^  ^'  J.  E.  E.    ' 

numS^t"birthsi^l7l''"^T'-7^^''''  '•'  ""dispute  as  to  a  conscious  limiting  of  the 
moTives  differ  SdeTvoTrH  '"'"".''f'"'  ^"^^  l^^  interpretations  of  the  underlying 
Snnnm;.  1  ^  l'  T  ^""^amental  motive  has  its  simultaneous  growth  with  the 
economic  considerations  for  an  improved  standard  of  life  for  the  coming  chHdren 
Sa  sesirwfll  VVe^n'^H  "^f-P^T^^-  '^  ^he  upper  classes,  but  aCTTh'e  laboSig 
cMd  labor  hi;  ■J'J  ^^^^^^T^^  regu  ation  restricting  the  remunerative  power  of 
cliild  labor  has  Its  specific  influence.  Apart  from  economic  motives  the  genera 
emancipation  of  woman,  politically  and  socially,  has  undoubteTv  comnlicated  the 
A^oSr  Wn°'"De?«f  s'"'  ^^'^1'.  ^l^^'^'  resting  ont^pol^eSloinds'- 
SepSbIlTtobe?,'^9xr'''"'' "^^'"^^^^P^^^^^' '  ^ 

men.     liooker  T.  Washington,  Atlantic  Monthly,  June,  1913.  y.  W.  B 

tanefi^ni^rin^!^'^?;:^^^  B^x^r^-^Sf S^S^^  ^S' 

?X?  tL'^f  ^-^^'"•'^;,?g  them  in  the  light  of  economic  and  poSiS  developments' 

l"th  the  tnde'rsTaXnf  ?hr-r"  ""'  "P?^^^^.'?  ^"^^"^^^  "^^^^^rial  union^s^tT only 
inr^u^X  understanding  that  it  is  generic  and  includes  variant  species.  It  is  there- 
volution  IfTe  I  WW '1"  its  development  in  connection  iuh  the 
ar^^  I  -T.u  c  ^■V'V-  In  1905,  the  industrial  unionists  of  America  met  in  Chicago 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  now  famous  Industrial  Workerrof  the  World      In 

Union"  rsucctded'irm'ai^t'.-  '^'  ^'"^'j  'l?  ^^°"^^^^  "^^  the  AmerYcan  Labor 
rn;„^  ;        fH^ceeded  in  maintaining  a  considerable  influence  over  the  more  or  less 

t'LTSe  L  t^EaTf he  1  w"w  \'  T^T'T  ^"^  ^"  '""^  ^^^^er  and  frSt  indus- 
ines,  wmiein  the  i^ast  the  I.W.W.  had  to  break  ground  for  itself  The  T  qwrenr^ 
f,S^?.^9X2  revealed  two  things:  (i)  That  what  has  come  to  £  knoi^%^""dTrect 
?S?h.f  f  P'T"^.1?''''^'  '^  '^'  ^^'^  °f  unorganized  and  unskilled Torkers  Tnd 
(2)  that  theneeds  of  these  workers  are  best  subserved  by  a  new  type  of  labor  leader 
Septemrerifxa'^  revolutionary  ideals.-Louis  Levine^  PoliticFl:::^Q^^, 


J.  E.  E. 


ex.rtl  17  I  •  Sociology -Psychology  stands  in  a  relation  to  sociology  almost 
exactly  as  physics  and  chemistry  stand  in  relation  to  geology;  and  just  S^nothS 
but  confusion  could  have  resulted  if  the  early  geologists  had  endeavored  to  finf 
phj^sical  and  chemical  explanations  of  conditions  which'they  had  not  yetTrlnged  in 
their  proper  sequence,  so  does  confusion  reign  in  the  sociology  of  socia  phenomena 
be  ore  we  have  determined  the  course  of  the  historical  developrJent  of  the  phenomena 
with  which  we  have  to  do.  If  this  be  so,  it  will  be  evident  on  how  misleading  an  ith 
norsee  °'L'ff ''^^  ^^°  ''!''  '^^^"^^^  P'^^'"'  ^^  ^^^^i^al  on  the  grouiS^S  it  does 
ena  There '^Tt  of^'"'^'^'  "k  "^'^^if*^,'  psychological  explanation  of  social  phenor^! 
roniinin-n/^f^  '  ?-''-'^'  u^  psychological  processes  of  some  kind  underlying  the 
contmuity  of  human  activity  shown  in  survivals;  and  chief  among  these  is  tharnicntal 
disposition  which  we  call  conservatism.  How;ver,  in  the  present  conditbn  of  the 
science  of  sociology  we  only  confuse  the  issue  by  rying  to  eSSnso"S  facts  -.nH 
processes  in  psychological  terms.-W.  H.  R.  RLr^,  iLS^lSSl'^SoS:^ 
-^'  J.  E.  E. 


704  THE  AMEBICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Malthus  and  Some  Recent  Census  Returns. — The  rate  of  population  increase 
during  the  last  intercensal  period  in  Scotland  dropped  from  1 1 .  i  per  cent  to  6 . 4  per 
cent.  This  is  considered  by  many  as  deplorable.  Since  Malthus,  many  have  deemed 
a  regular  increase  of  population  a  sign  of  prosperity.  Malthus  held  that,  in  general, 
the  population  increased  geometrically,  while  the  food  supply  increased  arithmeti- 
cally. Further,  he  says  the  yearly  increase  of  food  depends  on  the  melioration  of  land 
already  possessed,  which  is  gradually  diminishing.  Barriers  to  population  increase 
are  vice,  misery,  and  moral  restraint.  Increase  of  population  in  Germany  and  Scot- 
land during  the  nineteenth  century  fluctuated  from  period  to  period,  chiefly  owing 
to  moral  restraint.  Since  Malthus,  the  innovation  of  railroads  and  steamships  have 
indirectly  increased  food  supply  and  also  population.  Population  increase  in  the 
long  run  depends  on  the  extent  of  food  supply  somewhere,  and  in  civilized  countries 
upon  the  standard  of  living.  If  this  is  maintained  by  the  decrease  in  the  rate  of 
increase  of  population,  it  is  not  regrettable  that  moral  restraint  has  been  used.  One 
problem  is  how  to  provide  for  those  in  want  and  prevent  increase  of  their  number. — 
G.  G.  Chisholm,  Scottish  Geographical  Magazine,  September,  1913.  P.  E.  C. 

The  Economic  Factors  in  Eugenics. — The  basic  principles  underlying  the  social 
conditions  which  prevent  us  from  furthering  the  cause  of  eugenics  are  chiefly  economic. 
These  economic  factors  are:  (i)  the  increased  uncertainty  of  a  livehhood  among  the 
working  people;  (2)  the  great  rise  in  the  cost  of  living  without  a  corresponding  rise 
in  wages  and  salaries;  (3)  the  general  ambition  of  the  people  to  give  their  children 
better  food,  better  clothing,  and  especially  better  education  than  they  had  themselves; 
(4)  the  general  entrance  of  women  into  all  occupations  and  professions;  (5)  the  demand 
for  luxuries  for  children.  This  granted,  we  must  admit  that  the  remedial  measures 
must  also  be  economic. — William  L.  Holt,  Popular  Science  Monthly,  November,  1913. 

B.  D.  Bh. 

The  Antagonism  of  City  and  Country. — The  antagonism  between  country  and 
city  began  when  the  human  race  was  yet  young  and  has  persisted  ever  since.  Careful 
philological  analysis  of  terms  and  words  like  Roma  est  orbis  caput,  "pagan,"  "gentile," 
"gentle,"  "heathen,"  "fence,"  "hedge,"  "foreigner,"  "hamlet,"  "village,"  and 
"state"  illustrates  the  development  of  human  thought  along  the  lines  of  city  and 
country.  Even  the  very  recent  writers  contribute  to  this  antagonism.  But  the  city 
is  slowly  coming  into  its  evolutional  rights  and  before  long  the  "mark  of  Cain"  upon 
it  will  be  completely  obliterated. — Alexander  F.  Chamberlain,  Journal  of  Religious 
Psychology,  July,  191 3.  B.  D.  Bh. 

The  Genesis  of  Personal  Traits. — In  the  light  of  the  new  psychology,  mental 
traits  could  be  reduced  to  (i)  mechanisms  for  "expression"  which  are  organic ;_  and 
(2)  mechanisms  for  "repression"  which  are  social  and  due  to  the  association  of  ideas. 
This  being  understood,  it  becomes  quite  obvious  that  mental  defects  are  due  to  the 
violation  of  this  fundamental  psychological  law,  conditioned,  mostly,  no  doubt,  by 
social  environments. — S.  N.  Patten,  Popular  Science  Monthly,  August,  1913. 

B.  D.  Bh. 

Report  of  Committee  of  the  Massachusetts  Association  of  Boards  of  Health  on 
Uniform  Health  Reports. — ^Any  attempt  to  study  any  phase  of  public  health  work  in 
the  reports  of  local  health  officers  meets  with  these  difficulties:  (i)  reports  are  pre- 
pared without  any  apparent  plan;  (2)  they  not  only  vary  in  different  cities  but  are  very 
unlike  in  the  same  city  for  different  years — hence  no  basis  of  comparison  of  different 
years  or  different  cities;  (3)  unsatisfactory  statistical  tables;  (4)  lack  of  intelligible 
and  significant  financial  statements.  Scientific  uniform  health  reports  should  be 
adopted  so  that  (i)  students  and  officials  may  make  comparative  studies;  (2)  the 
public  may  know  what  its  health  officials  are  doing — cost  of  each  phase  of  work, 
prevalency  of  different  diseases — and  comparison  with  the  work  of  other  years.  It 
would  greatly  aid  investigation  if,  in  these  reports,  the  work  of  other  agencies  along 
these  lines  were  referred  to  briefly.  Of  course  uniformity  must  not  be  applied  so 
rigidly  as  to  stifle  initiative  and  experiment. — Charles  V.  Chapin  and  others,  American 
Journal  of  Public  Health,  June,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 


RECENT  LITERATURE  705 

Negro  Race  Philosophy. — With  all  his  racial  peculiarities  the  Negro  is  subject 
to  the  same  laws  of  development  as  other  races.  The  forces  which  have  lifted  the 
Anglo-Saxon  race  are  needed  to  uplift  and  civilize  the  Negro.  The  old  irresponsible, 
superstitious  type  is  passing  and  the  Negro  with  whom  we  will  have  to  deal  is  the 
aspiring  black  man  who  protests  against  the  spirit  of  caste.  The  Negro  has  had  a 
different  race  history  from  the  Anglo-Saxon.  He  lived  where  Nature  made  the  strug- 
gle for  survival  less  keen,  allowing  a  greater  proportion  of  the  less  fit  to  survive  and 
developing  a  happy  and  irresponsible  character.  Slavery  still  kept  him  from  shoulder- 
ing individual  responsibihty,  and  did  not  furnish  a  very  good  training  in  morals.  The 
Negro  race  must  lift  itself  by  its  achievements;  recognition  will  follow.  The  question 
before  the  country  is:  How  can  the  black  man  develop  his  powers  and  unfold  his 
possibiUties  without  bringing  on  friction  between  the  races  or  precipitating  an  inter- 
racial warfare? — William  H.  Ferris,  School  Journal,  October,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

Man  Power,  Organization,  and  Rewards. — Physiological  and  engineering  experi- 
ments are  discovering  laws  regulating  maximum  human  efficiency.  One  of  these  is 
that  in  heavy  labor  a  man  should  be  under  load  for  only  a  certain  percentage  of  the 
day  and  must  be  left  entirely  free  from  load  at  frequent  intervals;  rest  must  balance 
exertion.  Men,  like  machines,  will  refuse  to  work  efficiently  unless  every  law  is 
lived  up  to.  Scientific  management  in  organization  aims  to  secure  (i)  greatest  degree 
of  prosperity  for  both  employers  and  employees;  (2)  high  wages  for  workman,  low 
labor  cost  for  employer;  (3)  development  of  the  science  of  work,  standardizing  both 
equipment  and  working  conditions;  (4)  scientific  selection  of  workers;  (5)  ehmination 
of  waste,  material,  time,  and  human  energy;  (6)  spirit  of  co-operation;  (7)  definite 
task  and  definite  bonus  for  all  who  by  special  skill,  perseverance,  and  intelligent 
following  of  instructions  accomplish  more  than  the  average  result.  To  reward  the 
more  efficient,  (i)  profit  sharing  has  proved  unsuccessful,  capital  and  labor  disagree 
on  estimate  of  profits;  (2)  piece  wages  are  a  premium  on  quantity,  lead  to  greater 
exertion  instead  of  rehef,  and  require  careful  inspection;  (3)  the  bonus  or  individual 
effort  system  is  based  on  the  idea  of  buying  labor  on  specification,  there  being  a  basic 
price  with  a  premium  for  results  superior  to  the  specifications.  It  shares  the  result 
of  increased  efficiency  among  employer,  employee,  and  consumer.  The  day-wage 
system  is  doomed. — Annie  Dewey,  Journal  of  Home  Economics,  December,  1913. 

F.  S.  C. 

The   Metamorphism  of  a   Nationality  through   a   Change   in  Language. — Not 

to  ignore  its  peculiar  political  constitution,  habitat,  religious  and  economic  interests, 
a  nation's  most  potent  distinguishing  characteristic  is  its  language.  Hence  real 
assimilation  of  a  foreign  nationality  cannot  be  secured  merely  by  leading  the  nation 
into  the  new  political  order  and  the  new  religious  and  economic  processes  but  some 
way  must  be  found  to  lead  it  to  give  up  its  language  with  all  its  peculiar  idioms. 
Conquest  or  invasion  may  result  in  (i)  a  double  language,  (2)  a  hybrid  language,  or 
(3)  a  substitution  of  one  for  the  other.  Only  the  last  is  real  metamorphism.  The 
Roman  conquest,  the  history  of  Russia  and  Poland,  Austria  and  its  dependencies 
illustrate  the  importance  of  language  substitution  in  the  assimilation  of  a  nationality. 
Bohemia's  struggle  with  Austria  illustrates  the  power  of  language  when  maintained 
in  preserving  the  autonomy  of  a  people.  Language  taught  in  schools,  preserved  in 
literature,  and  recognized  by  government  insures  national  individuality. — Raoul  de 
la  Grasserie,  "Du  metamorphisme  d'une  nationalite  par  le  langage,"  Revtie  philo- 
sophiqtie,  September,   1913.  F.  S.  C. 

Opinions  from  Different  Countries  on  the  Railroad  Problem. — The  Royal  Eco- 
nomic Society  has  issued  seven  treatises  on  the  governmental  relation  to  railways. 
The  English  situation  is  presented  by  three  authorities,  Ackworth,  Stevens,  and 
Stephenson,  who  seem  agreed  that  while  free  competition  is  a  desirable  economic 
principle,  its  modern  application  is  questionable.  The  Frenchman,  Leroy-Beaulier, 
defends  the  rather  arbitrary  control  of  his  government  over  private  companies;  Pro- 
fessor Dewsnup  explains  the  attempts  of  the  United  States  to  meet  the  problem  with 
the  creation  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  and  strenuous  legislation  by 
Congress.     In  striking  contrast  to  these  papers,  stand  out  the  discussions  by  Professors 


7o6 


THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


Schumacher  and  Mahain,  of  the  state  railroads  of  Germany.  Public  welfare  is  of 
prime  importance,  while  profit  is  secondary.  The  unprejudiced  mind  will  perceive 
the  advantage  of  this  plan.  The  chief  arguments  against  it  in  the  other  countries 
deal  with  political  considerations.  But  if  it  has  worked  such  material  aid  to  financial 
and  industrial  evolution  in  two  countries,  why  should  it  not  prove  helpful  in  the  other 
three? — Wehrmann,  "Stimmen  aus  verschieden  Landern  iiber  die  Verstatlichung  der 
Eisenbahnen,"  Archiv  fiir  Eisenbaknwesen,  July  and  August,  1913.  F.  P.  G. 

The  Social  Significance  of  the  Teachings  of  Karl  Marx. — He  accepted  with  Kant 
the  idea  of  universal  legislation  for  the  soul.  The  only  attitude  that  will  permit  one 
to  find  the  truth  is  that  there  is  a  common  unity  of  man  with  man.  All  the  mystery 
of  society  finds  its  rational  explanation  in  human  experience.  Human  society  has 
no  other  form  of  e.xistence  than  the  struggle  of  various  group  interests.  This  struggle 
is  a  historical  process  which  is  bound  to  continue.  The  class  struggle  which  seems  to 
threaten  to  divide  society  really  strengthens  the  bonds.  The  natural  sciences  furnish 
the  basis  for  determining  the  technique  of  social  life.  Histor>^  has  come  to  be  a  record 
of  all  human  endeavor.  By  properly  controlling  human  endeavor  society  will  secure 
for  itself  the  advantages  for  which  it  has  been  striving. — Max  Adier,  "Der  soziale 
Sinn  der  Lehre  von  Karl  Marx,"  Archiv  fiir  dei  Geschicte  des  Sozialismus  und  der 
Arbeiterbewegung,  IV,  No.  i,  1913.  J.  B.  A. 

The  New  Workmen's  Insurance  Laws  in  Russia. — Diversity  of  races  and  cus- 
toms, varying  density  of  population,  and  the  great  number  of  petty  trades  necessitated 
undesirable  restrictions  at  the  start.  The  law  applies  only  to  European  Russia  and 
Caucasia,  not  to  Siberia  and  Turkestan.  Only  the  following  come  under  the  law: 
factories,  foundries,  mines,  railways,  tramways,  and  navigation  companies  on  inland 
waters.  The  cost  of  sickness  insurance  is  derived  from  both  employers  and  employees. 
The  cost  of  free  medical  treatment  is  borne  by  the  employer.  A  board  of  directors 
chosen  by  the  general  assembly  of  the  members  of  the  trades  administers  the  sick 
relief  funds.  The  general  assembly  determines  what  the  maximum  amount  paid 
to  members  shall  be  and  the  amount  of  the  contributions.  Support  is  given  in  case  of 
(i)  sickness  or  accident  depriving  the  worker  of  earning  capacity,  (2)  pregnancy  and 
child-birth,  (3)  death,  funeral  expenses,  and  an  income  to  the  family.  The  general 
administration  of  the  workmen's  insurance  is  concentrated  in  the  Ministry  of  Com- 
merce and  Industry  in  which  an  imperial  office  has  been  established.  The  local  over- 
sight is  in  the  hands  of  government  officials  for  workmen's  insurance,  who  have  the 
following  functions:  (i)  to  establish  the  statutes  for  the  sick  funds,  (2)  to  interest  the 
individual  entrepreneur  in  the  sick  fund,  (3)  to  make  rules  for  employers  for  collec- 
tion of  statistical  data  important  for  the  insurance  administration,  (4)  to  settle  difi'er- 
ences  in  the  general  assembly  on  particular  cases,  and  (5)  to  establish  standards. — 
Dr.  Staatsrat  Alexandrow,  "Die  neueu  Arbeiterversicherungsgesetze  in  Russland," 
Zeilschrijl  fiir  die  gesamte  Versicherungswissenschaft,  July,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

Infant  Mortality  in  the  First  Four  Weeks  of  Life. — The  greatest  infant  mortal- 
ity occurs  in  the  first  year,  and  by  far  the  greatest  proportion  of  that  in  the  first  four 
weeks,  the  first  week  averaging  much  the  highest,  when  one-third  to  one-half  of  the 
monthly  total  die.  The  obstetrical  causes  are  premature  birth  and  traumatism;  the 
medical  causes,  gastro-intestinal  inflammation;  the  social  causes,  early  separation 
of  the  mother  and  the  child.  Existing  remedies  are  obstetrical  therapeutics,  e.g., 
caesarotomy  and  symphysiotomy;  care  of  the  mother  at  birth  and  confinement  stations, 
and  asylums  for  children.  Future  remedies  should  be  general  social  and  educational 
campaigns  for  greater  care  during  the  last  month  of  pregnancy  and  the  first  month 
of  the  child's  life. — Dr.  Wallech,  "La  mortalite  infantile  dans  les  quatre  premieres 
semaines  de  vie,"  Revue  d'hygiene,  September,  1913.  P.  E.  C. 

From  Classic  Liberalism  to  Social  Individualism.^ — ^The  place  of  John  Stuart 
Mill  in  the  history  of  economic  doctrine.  John  Stuart  Mill  reacted  against  the  eco- 
nomic materialism  reigning  at  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century.  To  him  com- 
plete economic  equality  was  not  the  final  end  of  the  social  movement.  He  desired 
a  social  condition  which  would  permit  everyone  to  develop  his  own  individuality — 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


707 


not  for  the  sake  of  an  egoistic  interest,  but  because  he  believed  that  in  that  way  the 
greatest  good  would  accrue  to  the  entire  human  species.  He  was  not,  in  the  strict 
sense,  a  materialist.  He  believed  in  the  power  of  ideas  as  a  factor  of  progress,  but  he 
regarded  those  ideas  as  issuing  from  concrete  realities.  He  did  not  consider  the  indi- 
vidual as  such,  but  looking  beyond  him  saw  all  humanity,  the  entire  human  race. 
In  his  own  words:  "The  supreme  goal  toward  which  we  should  direct  all  our  efforts 
IS  not  the  multiplication  of  the  human  race,  but  the  guaranty  of  continuously  elevat- 
ing It."— E.  Krurame,  "Du  liberalisme  classique  a  I'individualisme  social,"  Revue 
tnternationdle  de  sociologie,  October,  1913.  E.  E_  E 

Zionism,— The  Jewish  colonization  of  Palestine  as  a  patriotic  instead  of  a  reli- 
gious movement  began  in  the  nineteenth  century.  Theodore  Herzl,  the  first  great 
apostle,  convened  the  first  Jewish  congress  in  1897  which  formulated  a  definite  plan 
for  restoration  through  the  guaranty  of  public  law.  Since  then  many  local  societies 
and  federations  have  been  formed  in  European  cities.  Those  Jews  will  emigrate 
who  are  not  able  or  willing  to  remain  in  their  present  home.  The  arguments  in  favor 
of  Palestine  as  a  colony  preference  are:  (i)  the  neutral  occupation  by  the  Jews  would 
remove  the  cause  of  much  national  strife  over  the  Holy  Land;  (2)  Palestine  is  the 
only  place  on  earth  where  pretension  for  possession  is  legitimate;  (3)  because  of 
inherited  traditions,  Palestine  will  offer  a  great  moral  reconstructive  basis  The 
sympathetic  support  of  many  of  the  crowns  of  Europe  has  been  secured  though 
overtures  with  the  Porte  have  failed.  Besides  a  political  policy,  a  practical  one  is 
being  promoted.  At  present  one  hundred  thousand  Jews  are  in  Palestine,  ten  thousand 
of  whom  are  in  the  colonies.  The  total  population  is  seven  hundred  thousand  while 
the  country  could  support  seven  millions.  The  various  agricultural  pursuits  are 
being  developed,  a  Jewish  colonial  bank  has  been  established,  and  schools  after 
European  methods  are  making  rapid  progress.— Alfred  Valensi,  "Le  Sionisme  "  La 
vte  Internationale,  Ma.y,  igi^.  P  e'c 

The  Sociological  Conception  of  Punishment.— A  reprehensible  action  causes  the 
whole  social  organization  to  tremble.  Repetitions  or  imitations  of  the  act  will  cause 
the  structure  to  fall,  unless  the  equilibrium  is  in  some  way  established.  The  function 
of  suffering  is  to  re-establish  this  equilibrium  by  affixing  a  penalty  to  every  act  that 
threatens  the  structure,  in  order  that  the  future  may  be  safeguarded  From  this 
it  appears  that  punishment  is  a  correlative  of  social  organization.  Since  the  mechan- 
ism of  society  is  designed  to  give  protection  to  life  and  property,  the  justification  of 
punishment  lies  in  its  being  employed  as  a  means  of  conserving  these  ends,  the  gravity 
of  the  offense  determining  the  degree  of  punishment.  No  idea  of  vengeance  or  expia- 
tion can  have  a  place  in  its  administration.  Mieczyslaw  Szerer,  "La  conception 
sociologique  de  la  peine,"  Revue  internationdle  de  sociologie,  October,  1913,     E.  E.  E. 

Infant  Mortality  and  Child  Welfare.  Address  before  the  National  Association  for 
the  Prevention  of  Child  Mortality.— Statistics  show  that  city  life  is,  in  general,  inimical 
to  child  welfare.  But  the  most  significant  fact  is  that  child  mortality  is  high  wherever 
industrial  life  is  made  necessary  for  the  mother  near  child-birth  or  during  the  infancy 
of  her  children,  in  city  or  country.  Care,  both  prenatal  and  after  birth,  proper  food 
and  cleanliness  are  the  most  important  items  in  reducing  infant  mortality.  Within  the 
existence  of  this  association  the  general  death-rate  has  decreased  13  per  cent  death  by 
tuberculosis  18  per  cent,  infant  mortality  over  30  per  cent.  Means  instrumental  in 
this  decrease  are  the  notification  of  birth"  act,  notification  of  ophthalmia  of  the  newly 
born,  and  all  forms  of  tuberculosis,  thus  bringing  the  doctor  and  other  agencies  into  the 
home.  Other  agencies  m  the  improvement  are  medical  inspection  in  schools  children's 
act,  maternity  grant  under  insurance  act,  act  of  1909  improving  housing  conditions, 
appointment  of  public  health  visitors,"  two  hundred  voluntary  health  societies 
recently  organized,  and  the  distribution  of  literature.  A  pure-food  bill  and  a  milk  bill 
are  hoped  for.  In  all  efforts  of  the  association  beware  of  taking  the  initiative  from  the 
mother.  Teach  her  to  do  more  wisely  by  the  child  but  to  do  it  herself.  Venereal 
diseases  should  be  more  closely  studied  and  their  effects  on  infant  welfare  considered 
— Kt.  Hon.  John  Burns,  The  Child  (London),  October,  1913  F    S    C 


7o8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  Evolution  of  the  Social  Consciousness  toward  Crime  and  Industrialism. — 
Until  recently  society  has  been  of  the  opinion  that  the  struggle  between  capital  and 
labor  must  be  settled  right  if  conflict  were  allowed.  But  both  sides  are  so  efficiently 
organized  that  future  clashes  mean  social  danger,  and  demands  for  positive  legislation 
come  from  all  sides.  It  is  not  the  incompetents  or  the  undesirables  of  either  side  who 
are  mainly  involved.  It  is  a  struggle  between  honest,  hard-working  laborers  and 
equally  honest,  hard-working  capitalists.  It  is  no  longer  a  struggle  for  a  living  mainly 
— not  even  for  personal  greed — but  for  justice,  for  class  rights.  Social  programs  for 
the  elimination  of  the  unfit,  unemployment  insurances,  garden  cities,  labor  bureaus, 
etc.,  will  not  settle  the  question.  They  aim  mainly  at  increase  of  production.  But  in 
the  productive  process  the  interests  of  capital  and  labor  are  identical.  It  is  in  distri- 
bution where  the  clash  of  interests  arises,  and  until  the  ratio  between  the  wages  of 
capital  and  labor  is  altered  or  the  present  ratio  is  conclusively  proven  to  be  just,  the 
discontent  will  remain.  Just  as  society  gradually  came  to  realize  that  personal 
vengeance  was  a  social  wrong  and  the  state  gradually  assumed  the  power  of  dealing 
out  justice  in  criminal  matters,  so  we  now  find  the  public  demanding  industrial  laws 
and  courts  to  settle  the  differences  between  labor  and  capital.  Recent  employment 
and  labor  laws  are  not  disconnected  legal  enactments  but  evidences  of  a  new  code  of 
industrial  morality.  It  may  be  crude,  but  it  is  young  and  exhibits  the  fact  that 
working-men,  capitalists,  and  the  public  at  large  share  in  a  keen  desire  to  find  the  most 
rational  way  out  of  present  industrial  troubles. — E.  H.  Jones,  Hibbert  Journal,  October, 


I9I3- 


F.  S.  C. 


The  Relation  between  and  Control  of  Manual  Arts  and  Vocational  Education. — 
The  school  has  only  partially  adjusted  itself  to  the  demand  for  vocational  preparation 
by  introducing  manual  arts,  agriculture,  and  domestic  science.  Both  manufacturers 
and  trade  unions  have  established  schools  for  preparation  in  special  lines.  Each  has 
met  the  accusation  of  exploiting  youth  for  special  interests.  It  then  becomes  a  problem 
of  the  public  school.  The  older  manual  arts  is  a  form  of  general  education,  while 
vocational  education  is  a  form  of  special  education.  Believing  some  good  remains  in 
the  old  and  that  there  is  subject-matter,  and  method  too  perhaps,  in  the  new,  we 
should  use  them  both  to  meet  the  new  demands  in  an  ever-changing  system.  Let 
present  studies  be  vocationalized  without  losing  general  educational  value  to  train 
boys  not  only  for  a  vocation  but  for  manhood.  To  this  end  let  the  control  of  vocational 
education  be  in  the  hands  of  the  board  of  education,  representative  of  community 
interests.  This  method  of  administration  already  seems  to  be  more  successful  than 
one  in  which  general  and  vocational  education  are  under  separate  control.  The  man 
in  charge  should  be  not  only  a  skilled  workman  but  a  teacher.  The  opportunity  is 
again  presented  to  the  school  to  vitalize,  motivate  vocational  work  and  make  it 
real. — F.  D.  Crawshaw,  Elementary  School  Teacher,  November,  1913.  F.  S.  C. 

The  Economic  Necessity  of  Trade  Unionism. — In  its  fundamental  principle,  trade 
unionism  is  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  under  modern  industrial  conditions  the 
individual  unorganized  workman  cannot  bargain  advantageously  with  the  employer 
for  the  sale  of  his  labor.  It  must  be  clear  that  associations  formed  for  the  sole  purpose 
of  protecting  and  promoting  the  welfare  of  the  men,  women,  and  children  who  labor 
should  not  be  placed  by  the  law  in  the  same  category  with  monopolies  or  combinations 
organized  for  profit,  and  be  condemned  as  unlawful  conspiracies  in  restraint  of  trade. 
— John  Mitchell,  Atlantic  Monthly,  February,  1914.  J.  E.  E. 

Control  of  Venereal  Disease  in  England. — No  truly  effective  steps  have  ever  been 
taken  by  Local  Government  Board  of  England  to  stamp  out  syphilis  and  other  danger- 
ous types  of  venereal  diseases.  However,  in  March,  1912,  the  Eugenics  Education 
Society  approached  the  Royal  Society  of  Medicine  which  urged  all  large  hospitals  to 
keep  good  record  of  the  incoming  cases.  This  was  done,  and  it  was  found  out  that  the 
prevalence  and  intensity  of  syphilis  are  decreasing.  Suggestions  have  been  made  to 
emphasize  (a)  special  instruction  of  the  surgeons,  (b)  systematic  instruction  of  the 
children  by  their  parents,  (c)  opening  of  a  special  department  in  every  hospital  for  the 
treatment  of  and  research  work  in  these  diseases,  and  (d)  gratuitous  application  of  the 
Wassermann  blood  test. — J.  Ernest  Lane,  Bedrock,  October,  1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 


RECENT  LITERATURE  709 

Socialism  and  Eunomics. — Socialism,  as  distinct  from  the  Socialist  movement, 
and  as  defined  by  people  like  August  Bebel,  Belfort  Bax,  and  Karl  Marx,  has  somewhat 
asserted  that  "Socialism  has  been  well  described  as  a  new  conception  of  the  world, 
presenting  itself  in  industry  as  co-operative  Communism,  in  politics  as  international 
Republicanism,  in  religion  as  atheistic  Humanism;  and  that  as  soon  as  we  are  rid  of 
the  desire  of  one  section  of  the  society  to  enslave  another  the  dogmas  of  effete  creeds 
will  lose  their  interest."  There  is  another  point  of  view—that  of  social  science — which, 
for  want  of  a  better  word,  may  be  called  "eunomics."  It  begs  to  point  out  that  the 
most  of  the  so-called  evils  that  Socialism  wants  to  stamp  out  are  merely  expressions  of 
human  nature.  They  always  existed,  and  will  exist  in  all  times  to  come. — Richard 
Dana  Skinner,  Forum,  February,  1914.  B.  D.  Bh. 

The  Labor  Movement. — The  labor  movement  at  its  best  is  the  revolt  of  the 
human  order  against  the  economic  order.  It  depends  for  its  success  on  the  moral 
inteUigence  of  the  people;  it  draws  its  support  from  the  steady,  careful,  sober,  and 
thinking  sections  of  the  working  class.  If  the  nurture  of  that  class  be  neglected,  social 
stagnation  follows  and  the  working-class  ideals  are  lowered.  As  a  matter  of  historical 
fact,  this  Labor  party  in  England  has  been  the  most  potent  influence  in  revising 
spiritual  aspirations  among  their  people.  Therefore,  if  the  church  cannot  retain  the 
confidence  of  the  active  spirits  in  the  Labor  and  Socialist  movement,  it  will  cut  itself 
off  more  and  more  from  the  spiritual  life  of  the  people. — J.  Ramsay  MacDonald, 
Constructive  Quarterly,  December,  1913.  J.  E.  E. 

The  Modern  Man's  Religion. — As  a  matter  of  fact,  a  consideration  of  the  "state 
of  religion"  in  our  present  day  is  no  longer  a  mere  courtesy  to  constituted  religion,  but 
is  a  necessary  logical  preliminary  to  sociological  reconstruction  as  such.  The  nega- 
tive aspects  of  the  religion  of  today  are:  (i)  indifference  to  the  idea  of  immortality; 
(2)  impatience  of  authority  of  every  kind;  and  (3)  neglect  of  religion  in  its  ecclesias- 
tical forms.  The  positive  and  virile  attitudes  in  modern  religion  are:  (i)  the  doing  of 
that  which  is  practically  possible  for  the  increase  of  order  and  happiness  in  the  world; 

(2)  the  pity  for  the  needy  and  fellow-feeling  for  the  one  who  has  fallen  by  the  wayside; 

(3)  the  supreme  optimism  which  can  scarcely  be  called  anything  but  typical  of  these 
times;  and  finally  (4)  the  modern  man's  religion  is  social  in  its  ways  of  expressing 
itself. — John  E.  LeBosquet,  Harvard  Theological  Review,  January,  1914.     J.  E.  E. 

Conservatism  and  Morality. — Conflict  between  progressive  and  conservative 
thought  arises  largely  through  a  difference  in  viewpoint,  although  it  is  to  be  regretted 
that  in  numerous  instances  the  conflicting  opinions  are  due  to  sentiment,  prejudice, 
bad  logic,  or  a  false,  unwarranted  conservatism,  as  also  immoderate  radicalism.  These 
facts  lead  many  thinkers  to  adopt  a  dualistic  world-conception.  True  conservatism 
at  all  times  is  commendable,  but  when  it  approaches  the  extremity  of  denying  the 
future  competence  to  achieve  what  the  past  has  achieved,  then  it  approaches  preju- 
diced intolerance.  But  the  important  point  here  sought  is  the  unimpeachable  fact 
that  moral  conduct  is  a  question  of  adaptability  to  dominating  conditions.  In  no 
other  realm,  than  in  the  domain  of  morals  and  precepts,  can  science  do  greater  service 
for  man;  and  if  permitted  it  becomes  the  defender  of  true  ethics  and  religion. — T.  T. 
Blaise,  Open  Court,  February,  1914.  J.  E.  E. 

Present-Day  Aims  and  Methods  in  Studying  the  Offender. — The  offender  is 
out  of  Une  with  social  requirements.  Adjustment  must  come  through  self-directed 
or  external  control.  Present  legal  processes,  supposed  to  aid  in  this  adjustment,  are 
unscientific;  they  do  not  use  contributions  of  other  sciences  explaining  criminal 
phenomena.  Their  attempt  toward  adjustment  ceases  when  the  offender  leaves 
the  prison  and  he  is  left  worse  off  than  before.  The  new  methods  of  studying  the 
offender  aim  to  work  out  a  science  of  causes  and  results  that  will  deal  with  predicta- 
biHties  as  any  other  science  of  dynamics,  and  thus  solve  the  problem  of  individual 
adjustment  and  throw  light  on  situations  provocative  of  crime.  These  methods  are 
intensive,  inductive,  seeking  facts  about  the  whole  individual  and  avoiding  metaphysi- 
cal theorizing  about  free  will  and  determinism.  The  field  of  study  includes  sociologi- 
cal,  medical,  and  psychological  facts.     The  predictabilities  achievable  by  careful 


7IO  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

study  are:  (i)  necessity  for  segregation  of  mental  defectives;  (2)  discovery  of  physical 
defects  as  causes;  (3)  discovery  of  specialized  mental  defects  and  peculiarities;  (4)  dis- 
covery of  mental  habits  leading  to  delinquency;  (5)  discovery  of  unsuspected  voca- 
tional aptitudes,  i.e.,  that  certain  individuals  must  have  certain  types  of  work  in 
order  to  have  healthy  mental  life;  (6)  discovery  of  mental  conflicts  and  repressions,  so 
little  understood;  (7)  knowledge  of  environmental  conditions.  These  can  furnish 
the  only  sound  basis  for  social  predictability  and  treatment. — William  Healy,  M.D., 
Journal  of  American  Institute  of  Criminal  Law  and  Criminology,  July,  1913. 

F.  S.  C. 

The  Evolution  of  the  Social  Conscience  toward  Crime  and  Industrialism. — 
Danger  to  society  does  not  lie  in  the  weaklings  of  the  extreme  poor  or  of  the  extreme 
rich  but  in  the  conflict  of  capable  men  against  capable  men.  A  complete  victory  for 
either  side  would  spell  its  own  defeat  as  well  as  the  paralysis  of  the' whole  state.  Both 
sides  are  fighting  for  the  same  principle:  a  just  division  of  the  spoils  of  industry. 
Some  have  considered  the  present  condition  a>^  static;  but  evolution  still  operates. 
Under  a  poUcy  of  laissez  fairc  no  pubUc  check  was  put  upon  acts  of  wolence.  But 
in  a  highly  organized  society  tyranny  and  oppression  necessitate  interference.  So 
we  are  building  up  our  industrial  law  today,  as  is  shown  by  the  history  of  acts  for  the 
regulation  of  the  economic  conflict.  But  the  greatest  danger  of  the  solution  of  the 
problem  along  this  line  lies  in  holding  too  low  a  conception  of  the  ideals  of  industry. 
The  new  industrialism  may  now  lack  the  finer  qualities  of  the  older  institution  whose 
place  it  has  taken,  but  our  industriahsm  is  new  and  the  moral  consciousness  will  soon 
develop. — E.  H.  Jones,  Hibbcrt  Journal,  October,  1913.  J.  B.  A. 

The  Doctrine  of  Evolution  and  Anthropology. — The  historical  as  opposed  to  the 
evolutionary  view  of  anthropology  is  quite  justified  in  its  assertion  that  the  science  of 
anthropology  is  primarily  a  science  of  culture,  by  which  is  meant  something  objective, 
that  is,  distinct  from  the  individual.  Anthropology,  thus  defined,  attempts  to  estab- 
lish the  hv-pothesis  that  all  races  of  men  belong  to  one  species;  the  race-differences 
being  variations  within  the  species.  AH  men  are  organically  equal.  Besides,  there 
are  no  grades  of  human  progress. — Clark  Wissler,  Journal  of  Religious  Psychology, 
July,  1913-  V.  W.  B. 

Heredity,  Environment,  and  Social  Reform. — ^To  what  extent  either  heredity 
or  environment  is  responsible  for  the  efficiency  or  non-efficiency  of  society  is  yet  an 
unsettled  problem.  Yet  nobody  will  deny  that  the  individual's  size,  stature,  and 
many  other  physical  characteristics  are  due  to  heredity.  The  study  of  the  family 
histories  shows  that  children  of  defective  parents  are  susceptible  to  certain  diseases 
and  insanity.  Social  reform  must  consider  the  problem  of  heredity  seriously  and 
proceed  to  make  the  environment  such  as  will  not  permit  defective  heredity  to  influ- 
ence the  life  of  the  future  generations.— A.  F.  Tredgold,  Quarterly  Review,  October, 
1913.  B.  D.  Bh. 

Is  Religion  an  Element  in  the  Social  Settlement?— The  settlement  disavows 
being  in  any  sense  a  substitute  or  rival  of  the  church  or  mission.  The  settlement 
stops  short  of  where  the  church  begins  its  distinctive  work.  While  the  functions  of 
the  settlement  and  of  the  church  are  so  distinct  that  neither  can  fulfil  the  purpose  of 
the  other,  yet  each  supplements  the  other.  The  religion  of  relationship  to  God  as 
Father  and  to  fellow-men  as  brothers  is  seen  in  (i)  the  respect  for  each  one's  religious 
convictions  and  preferences;  (2)  a  common  though  always  voluntary  expression  of 
religious  fellowship  is  offered  by  silent  or  oral  "grace"  at  the  table  and  at  "vespers"; 
(3)  the  active  co-operation  with  aU  the  churches  and  clergy  of  the  community. — 
Graham  Taylor,  Religious  Education,  October,  1913.  J.  B.  A. 

The  Churches  and  Social  Sentiment. — Prompted  by  the  newly  developed  social 
sentiment,  the  evangelical  churches  in  the  United  States  have  lately  manifested  some 
desire  to  unite  in  good  work.  This  disposition  finds  expression  in  the  principles 
adopted  by  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of  Christ  in  America.  Sixteen 
separate  propositions  are  set  forth  concerning  current  social  problems.     Some  of  the 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


711 


principles  are  axiomatic  but  vague;  some  are  lacking  in  precision  and  suggest  no 
specific  action;  some  are  grossly  exaggerated  though  of  good  tendency;  and  some, 
mischievous  because  they  suggest  forms  of  collective  action  which  are  distinctly 
demoralizing  to  individual  workers.  "Proper"  social  conditions  must  be  defined 
before  recommendations  for  improvement  can  be  of  use.  In  addition  to  the  traditional 
training  of  the  minister,  has  come  a  professional  study  of  subjects  adapted  to  prepare 
him  for  social  service  so  that  he  may  lead  his  church  in  acquiring  new  truth  about 
human  society  through  a  thorough  study  of  existing  conditions  and  of  the  most  promis- 
ing remedies.— Charles  WilUam  EUot,  Harvard  Theological  Review,  October    1913 

J.  B.  A. 

A  Study  of  Still-Births  in  the  Cities  of  France,  1896  to  1905.— In  making  a  study  of 
the  causes  of  national  depopulation  in  France  a  factor  which  must  be  considered  is  that 
of  the  still-born.  The  figures  given  here  have  been  taken  from  the  official  registers  of 
the  cities  investigated,  being  reported  in  two  ways:  (i)  in  actual  numbers  of  still-births 
during  the  decade  under  consideration;  and  (2)  in  the  proportion  of  these,  year  by  year, 
to  the  number  of  recorded  births.  Under  the  first  classification,  we  find  the  number  of 
still-births  per  10,000  of  population  to  vary  from  1896  to  1905,  in  Paris,  from  218  to 
173;  in  cities  above  100,000,  from  170  to  143  during  the  same  interval;  in  cities  of 
30,000  to  100,000,  from  147  to  123;  in  cities  of  5,000  t03o,ooo,  from  129  to  109.  Under 
the  second,  we  find  the  number  of  births  reported  for  each  still-birth,  in  the  same 
decade,  to  vary  in  Paris  from  97  to  89;  in  the  second  group  of  cities,  from  71  to  61; 
in  the  third  class,  93  to  58;  in  the  fourth  class,  from  56  to  52.  The  interpretation  of 
the  significance  of  these  figures  shall  be  left  to  another  occasion.— Dr.  Chambrelent, 
"Etude  sur  la  morti-natalite  dans  les  villes  de  France,  pendant  la  p6riode  decennale,  de 
1896  a  1905,"  La  revue  phil.,  December  15,  1913.  E.  E.  E. 

The  Weaknesses  of  International  and  Social  Arbitration. — Hyper-legality  is  a 
great  obstacle  to  the  accomplishment  of  arbitration  between  individuals.  Civil  pro- 
cedure, with  its  interminable  delays  and  minutiae  of  complexities,  dominates  the 
process  entirely  too  much.  The  same  is  true  of  international  arbitration.  The 
problem  is  complicated  by  the  confusion  of  juridical  affairs  with  those  of  other  sorts. 
Public  attention  is  diverted  from  the  actual  issue  at  hand  by  the  intricacies  of  legal 
exactions.  And  as  regards  arbitration  applied  to  social  conflicts,  it  is  yet  in  a  chaotic 
state.— M.  T.  Baty,  "Les  insuffisances  de  I'arbitrage  international  et  social,"  La  paix 
par  le  droit,  October  10,  1913.  E,  E,  j? 

The  Responsibility  of  the  Parents  of  Delinquent  or  Criminal  Children. — One 

cause  of  much  juvenile  delinquency  is  bad  parents;  another  is  "incomplete  families." 
Thus  out  of  one  hundred  children  committed  for  correction  only  thirty-six  had  both 
parents  living  together.  Again,  many  children  of  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  live  away 
from  home.  Many  others  are  allowed  to  loaf  in  the  streets  instead  of  being  required 
to  go  to  school.  In  still  other  families  the  parents  rid  themselves  of  the  economic 
burden  of  their  children  as  soon  as  possible.  This  is  a  cause  of  the  rural  exodus  of  the 
young  to  the  cities,  where  the  girls  are  led  into  prostitution.  Parents  are  less  careful 
than  formerly  of  their  children  in  the  conversations  they  hold  before  them.  Among 
the  working  classes  labor  absorbs  the  whole  day  of  the  parents;  among  the  leisure 
classes  luxury  and  the  acquisition  of  means  for  luxurious  living  keep  the  parents  from 
caring  properly  for  their  children.  Love  between  parent  and  child  is  declining.  Some 
parents  even  make  use  of  judicial  correction  of  children  to  get  rid  of  them. — P.  Kahn, 
"La  responsabilite  des  parents  des  enfants  delinquents  ou  criminels?"  Bulletin  de 
Vinstitut  general  psychologique,  July-October,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

On  Allaying  Labor  Conflicts.— As  a  result  of  evolution  the  labor  contract  itself  has 
become  an  object  of  legislation,  indeed  one  of  the  most  important.  Groups  of 
employers  and  of  laborers  constitute  elements  that  the  legislator  must  take  into 
account.  The  law  about  labor  contracts  becomes  inadequate  and  must  give  place  to 
a  law  of  collective  contract  of  labor.  It  is  difficult,  however,  to  enact  legislation  pro- 
viding guaranties  for  the  execution  of  this  contract  by  both  the  parties  to  it.  Collec- 
tive contracts  are  not  an  absolute  remedy  for  labor  conflicts,  but  tend  to  diminish  them  . 


712  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

As  a  step  toward  a  general  law  of  conciliation  and  arbitration,  conciliation  and  arbitra- 
tion in  case  of  conflict  should  be  imposed  upon  all  who  shall  make  collective  contracts. 
In  the  Hubert  bill  provision  is  made  for  the  establishment  of  commissions  on  labor 
troubles  and  for  regulation  by  the  intervention  of  a  third  party.  Under  present  con- 
ditions, compulsory  arbitration  cannot  be  realized;  the  law  limits  itself,  therefore,  to 
facilitating  conciliation.  Other  countries  have  laws  of  collective  contract,  conciliation, 
and  arbitration  which  are  effective.  The  United  States  and  the  English  colonies 
furnish  striking  instances  of  laws  on  arbitration  and  conciliation,  and  European 
countries  furnish  instances  of  collective  contracts.  In  Denmark,  however,  arbitration 
has  proved  successful.  European  public  opinion,  generally,  is  not  favorable  to  ofl&cial 
intervention  in  labor  conflicts. — ^Arth.  Oliviers,  "Vers  I'apaisement  des  conflits  du 
travail,"  Revue  sociale  catholique,  October,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

On  Allaying  Labor  Conflicts. — In  Denmark  there  has  been  a  spontaneous  develop- 
ment of  arbitration  and  conciliation  in  response  to  social  needs.  No  serious  criticism 
has  been  brought  against  their  operation.  It  is  significant  that  here  arbitration  is  not 
compulsory.  Since  social  justice  is  an  adaptation  to  social  needs,  and  since  arbitration 
in  practice  proves  to  be  an  effective  device  for  this  purpose,  the  writer  believes  that  it 
constitutes  a  real  step  in  social  progress. — Arth.  Oliviers,  "Vers  I'apaisement  des  con- 
flits  du  travail,"  Revue  sociale  catholique,  November,  1913.  R.  H.  L. 

Some  Unforeseen  Obstacles  to  the  Peace  Movement:  Its  Actual  Limits  in 
Europe. — Two  great  obstacles  to  the  thoroughgoing  adoption  of  arbitration  for  all 
national  differences  are:  first,  the  fact  that  national  boundaries  do  not  coincide  with 
ethnic  lines  leads  to  diflSculties  which  are  called  international  by  some  countries  but 
are  as  insistently  declared  national  problems  by  others.  Those  countries  declaring 
them  to  be  national  problems  naturallj'  oppose  international  interference  through 
arbitration.  The  second  obstacle  is  the  great  reluctance  of  countries  having  colonies 
to  submit  differences  between  themselves  and  their  colonies  or  differences  between  the 
colonies  of  different  nations  to  arbitration  courts  in  which  other  nations  than  those 
involved  are  represented.  Closely  allied  with  this  is  the  great  difference  in  the  political 
power  of  the  greater  and  smaller  nations  which  brings  about  a  great  inequality  in 
treatment  even  though  it  is  given  the  semblance  of  justice. — Raoul  de  la  Grassiere, 
"Des  obstacles  imprevus  au  pacifisme:  ses  limites  actuelles  devant  la  carte  de  I'Europe," 
Revue  internationale  de  sociologie,  January,  1914.  F.  S.  C. 

The  Segregation  of  the  White  and  Negro  Races  in  Cities. — The  latest  development 
of  legalized  race  distinctions  is  the  segregation  of  the  white  and  black  races  as  to 
residence  in  cities.  There  are  four  t>'pes  of  segregation  ordinances  now  in  use:  (i)  the 
Baltimore  type  applies  only  to  all-white  and  all-negro  blocks  and  does  not  legislate  for 
blocks  where  both  whites  and  blacks  live.  (2)  The  Virginia  type  permits  the  town  to 
divide  its  territory  into  "segregation  districts"  and  to  designate  which  is  for  white  and 
which  is  for  black.  It  is  then  unlawful  to  mix  the  races  in  a  district.  (3)  The  Rich- 
mond type  legislates  for  the  whole  city.  The  block  is  white  where  the  majority  are 
white  and  black  where  the  majority  are  black.  (4)  The  Norfolk  type  also  applies  to 
mixed  as  well  as  to  all-white  and  all-black  blocks,  but  the  color  of  the  block  is  deter- 
mined by  the  ownership  as  well  as  by  the  occupancy  of  the  property  thereon. — Gilbert 
T.  Stephenson,  South  Atlantic  Quarterly,  January,  IQ14.  V.  W.  B. 

Woman  and  Morality. — Woman's  maternal  functions,  which  have  demanded  so 
much  self-denial  of  her  from  the  very  primary  stage  of  her  organism,  have  deprived 
her  of  many  of  the  qualities  which  have  gained  for  her  the  subordinate  place  in  the 
state  organizations.  In  the  modern  conflicts  of  woman  the  protagonists  of  "equality" 
find  enough  reasons  to  believe  that  she  would,  in  the  near  future,  occupy  a  better  posi- 
tion than  she  ever  did  in  the  past.  However,  they  should  not  fail  to  notice  that  this 
change  in  the  social  order  is  bringing  a  certain  amount  of  moral  retrogression.  The 
"woman's  movement"  is  a  one-sided  attempt  to  elevate  woman. — Mrs.  Archibald 
Colquhoun,  Nineteenth  Century  and  After,  January,  1914.  B.  D.  Bh. 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


713 


^'  ii.  D.  Bh. 


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McCullock,  James  E.  The  Human 
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Mahre,  E.  C,  and  White,  L.  D.,  eds. 
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Library    of     Congress.    Washington: 
Government  Printing  Office.     Pp.  29. 
Morgan,  T.  Hunt.     Heredity  and  Sex. 
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Mozons,    H.    J.    Woman    in    Science. 
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Nearing,    Scott.     Financing   the   Wage- 
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Yard  &  Co.     Pp.  260.     $1 .  25  net. 
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ery Office.     With  postage  i.y.  3</. 
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mand 7108.)     H.  M.  Stationery  Office. 
With  postage  iid. 
Perry,    Clarence    A.     How    the    Social 
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Perry,  Clarence  A.     How  to  Start  Social 
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Foundation.     Pp.  40.     $0.10. 
Pray,  J.  Sturgis,  and  Kimball,  Theodora. 
City    Planning.      Cambridge,    Mass.: 
Harvard  University.    Pp.103.    $100. 
Prohibition   of   Night   Work   of   Young 
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Rosenan,  M.  J.  The  Milk  Question. 
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Rubinow,  I.  M.  Social  Insurance,  with 
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Saidler,  H.  W.  Boycotts  and  the  Labor 
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U.S.  Congress.  House  Committee  on 
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U.S.  Department  of  Interior.  Bureau 
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U.S.  Department  of  Interior.  Bureau 
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U.S.  Department  of  Labor.  Bureau  of 
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TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


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Worms,  Ren6.  Les  associations  agricoles. 
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THE  AMERICAN 

JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


Volume  XIX  MAY     I914  Number  6 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL 


ALBION  W.  SMALL 
University  of  Chicago 


The  social  transition  is  advancing  by  leaps  and  bounds,  if  not 
by  literal  "mutations."  People  whose  lot  in  Hfe  is  on  the  shady 
side  of  easy  street  have  hard  work  to  see  that  anything  is  doing 
toward  letting  the  sun  into  the  rear,  if  it  cannot  reach  the  front  of 
their  dwellings.  On  the  other  hand,  people  who  are  watching  the 
human  process  from  the  conning  towers  almost  hterally  catch 
their  breath  sometimes,  when  they  glimpse,  at  a  new  angle,  some 
of  the  signs  that  the  old  order  is  changing. 

This  does  not  mean  that  wise  observers  think  visionary  promises 
will  ever  be  fulfilled.  It  does  not  mean  that  they  think  the  world 
will  ever  be  made  over  in  a  day.  It  does  mean  that  life  is  still 
vital.  Life  is  creative.  Life  reconstructs  its  agencies.  Life 
energizes  its  processes.  Life  eliminates  its  burned-out  tissues,  and 
substitutes  structures  capable  of  further  service.  Life  outgrows 
its  immaturities,  and  advances  in  the  scope  of  its  powers. 

All  these  things  are  as  true  of  the  Hfe  of  society  as  of  the  indi- 
vidual. There  is  no  mysticism  about  this.  It  is  plain,  everyday 
fact.  We  know  it  in  detail,  but  when  we  try  to  take  a  broad  survey 
of  it  we  often  obscure  our  own  vision,  by  selecting  some  aid  that 
turns  out  to  be  more  like  a  smoked  glass  than  a  moving-picture 
apparatus.  The  real  thing  which  it  is  up  to  modern  men  to  real- 
ize, by  some  means  or  other,  is  that  in  the  last  hundred  and  fifty 

721 


722  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

years,  and  especially  in  the  last  fifty  years,  civilized  people  have 
changed  their  ways  of  doing  their  work.  The  kinds  of  work  that 
they  do  have  changed.  Meanwhile  our  thoughts  about  the  work 
to  be  done  and  about  ways  of  doing  it  have  also  changed.  Many 
of  us  see  that  the  ways  of  thinking  about  the  work  of  the  world, 
which  were  fairly  satisfactory  a  century  and  a  half  or  even  a  half- 
century  ago,  have  to  a  considerable  extent  lost  their  plausibility. 
They  do  not  seem  to  us  now  to  cover  the  facts  with  which  we  are 
familiar,  as  they  seemed  to  our  predecessors  to  cover  the  facts  with 
which  they  were  familiar.  Every  day  new  people  are  passing 
through  a  mental  conversion  which  they  report  in  some  equivalent 
of  the  confession:  "For  a  long  time  I've  had  a  sort  of  feeling  that 
something  is  out  of  whack  in  our  economic  institutions;  but  I  kept 
still,  because  I  couldn't  make  out  just  what  is  the  matter.  I've 
come  to  the  idea  now  that  this  very  keeping  still  is  a  good  deal  of 
the  matter.  We  know  our  present  economic  system  doesn't  con- 
vince us  any  longer,  but  we  keep  still,  instead  of  speaking  out  that 
much,  and  then  comparing  notes  about  why  it  isn't  convincing. 
The  longer  we  keep  still,  the  more  different  kinds  of  twinges  it  will 
cost  us  to  make  the  changes  which  we  shall  find  to  be  necessary. 
The  moral  is  that  it  is  time  to  take  stock  of  our  fundamental  social 
ideas,  and  to  find  out  how  much  must  be  written  off  for  depreciation." 
Another  fact  about  the  present  phase  of  social  transition  is  that 
social  unrest  can  no  longer  be  sneered  out  of  court  by  the  plea  that 
it  is  merely  the  envy  of  the  unsuccessful  toward  the  successful. 
Since  the  present  economic  traditions  began  to  take  shape,  there 
have  always  been  leaders  of  protest  against  the  system  of  whom 
this  charge  surely  would  not  hold.  The  number  of  such  who  have 
no  private  complaint  against  the  present  economic  order,  who 
admit  that  it  has  treated  them  better  than  they  deserve,  if  meas- 
ured by  the  average  of  men  of  similar  merit,  is  daily  gaining  recruits. 
They  do  not  join  the  ranks  of  destroyers.  They  have  no  bombs 
hidden  in  their  clothes.  They  are  not  subsidizing  dynamiters. 
They  have  waked  up,  however,  to  the  fact  that  as  a  sheer  matter 
of  clear  thinking,  it  is  necessary  for  them  to  find  out  whether  the 
economic  ideas  which  are  supposed  to  be  here  to  stay  are  truths  or 
myths. 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  723 

The  inhabitants  of  the  tropics  might  conduct  their  affairs  with- 
out serious  error  if  they  took  it  for  granted  that  water  is  always 
either  vapor  or  liquid.  If  they  moved  to  the  north  temperate  zone, 
however,  before  the  first  winter  was  over  they  would  find  that  they 
could  not  do  business  any  longer  on  that  assumption. 

In  a  parallel  sense,  it  is  fairly  accurate  to  assert  that  success 
or  failure  in  life  is  merely  the  natural  consequence  of  using  or  not 
using  the  opportunities  freely  and  equally  open  to  all — provided, 
that  the  assertion  is  made  with  reference  to  conditions  in  which  all 
are  within  walking  distance  of  unclaimed  land,  and  all  the  success 
there  is  for  anybody  is  limited  by  the  uses  that  ordinary  manual 
labor  can  make  of  virgin  soil.  It  is  extravagant  fiction  to  repeat 
that  assertion  where  all  the  land  there  is  has  been  appropriated 
by  someone,  in  parcels  varying  from  a  city  lot  which  could  not  be 
bought  for  as  many  gold  coins  as  it  would  take  to  pave  its  surface, 
to  patches  of  soil  barely  capable  of  feeding  pigs  and  chickens 
enough  to  support  a  family. 

A  society  may  be  near  enough  for  all  practical  purposes  to  the 
truth,  if  that  society  depends  upon  "free  competition"  to  insure 
economic  justice — provided,  that  the  members  of  that  society  are 
all  alike  in  depending  solely  upon  their  individual  labor  of  hand, 
or  brain,  or  both,  to  obtain  the  results  which  they  will  have  to 
exchange  with  their  neighbors.  Our  present  society  is  assuming 
the  impossible,  however,  when  it  dallies  with  the  illusion  that  there 
can  be  ''free  competition"  in  a  society  containing,  on  the  one  hand, 
millions  of  persons  with  no  assets  but  their  individual  powers,  and 
on  the  other  hand  thousands  of  corporations  with  wealth  and 
credit  and  legal  resources.  When  the  interests  of  these  two  types 
of  competitors  clash,  "free  competition"  between  them  is  like  a 
boy  with  a  pea-blower  besieging  the  Rock  of  Gibraltar. 

A  society  may  boast  that  it  offers  to  all  aHke  a  fair  field  for  an 
equal  start  in  life — provided,  it  gives  no  privileges,  nor  perquisites, 
nor  preferments,  except  as  a  fair  equivalent  for  services  rendered, 
or  as  a  challenging  responsibility  in  view  of  demonstrated  com- 
petence. It  is  stupid  or  hypocritical  to  allege  equity  in  a  society 
which  suffers  the  many  to  start  with  nothing,  but  which  fore- 
ordains that  some  shall  start  with  endowments  of  millions. 


724  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Men  whose  interests  in  the  matter  are  as  impersonal  as  any- 
human  interests  can  be  are  becoming  aware  that  our  social  order 
rests  in  part  upon  presumptions  like  the  foregoing,  viz.,  that 
things  are  as  they  should  be  because  other  things  are  so,  which  are 
not  so.  It  is  a  mere  matter  of  time  when  every  man  with  a  con- 
science, who  can  also  think,  will  discover  that,  if  he  does  not  join 
in  the  demand  for  reconsideration  of  the  premature  hypotheses 
beneath  our  social  system,  he  belongs  in  the  same  mental  Hmbo 
with  those  religious  freaks  that  taboo  the  telephone  because  it  is 
not  authorized  by  the  Bible. 

In  other  words,  we  may  well  go  back  nearly  a  century  to  that 
still  timely  saying  of  Comte,  "The  trouble  with  our  society  is  its 
anarchy  of  fundamental  ideas."  After  all,  what  we  think,  or  what 
we  think  that  we  think,  about  antecedent  matters,  that  may 
seem  far  away  from  practical  applications,  does  much,  well  or  ill, 
to  shape  our  everyday  courses.  The  miners  in  Colorado,  and 
Michigan,  and  Pennsylvania,  and  West  Virginia;  the  textile  work- 
ers in  Massachusetts,  and  the  South  Atlantic  states;  the  railroad 
employees  and  owners  all  over  the  country;  the  socialists  in  every 
country  are  raising  questions  of  detail  that  may  be  patched  up 
temporarily  as  questions  of  detail  only.  The  problems  will  sooner 
or  later  come  back  to  trouble  everyone,  unless  they  are  treated 
with  reference  to  underlying  questions  of  principle  affecting  all 
the  interests  touched  by  the  health  or  unhealth  of  social  relations. 
That  is,  as  the  German  economists  have  been  declaring  since  1870, 
there  are  no  economic  questions  which  are  not  at  last  moral  questions. 
If  this  fundamental  morality  in  a  primarily  economic  situation  is 
not  set  right,  to  that  extent  the  whole  social  order  is  unstable. 

Expressed  in  another  way,  capitalistic  civilization  has  created 
a  capitalistic  theory  which  virtually  presupposes  that  there  can 
be  a  capitahstic  world,  insulated  from  the  moral  world.  In  truth, 
capitalistic  phenomena  are  phases  of  the  conduct  of  man  toward 
man,  just  as  literally  as  the  same  is  the  case  with  the  phenomena 
of  politics,  or  religion,  or  vice,  or  crime.  This  truth  seems  to  have 
the  relation  of  the  camel  to  the  needle's  eye  in  the  minds  of  tradi- 
tional thinkers.  Its  penetration  into  common-sense  philosophy 
is  illustrated  in  a  back-handed  way  by  the  dialogue: 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  725 

"D'ye  think  a  man  can  make  money  an'  be  kind?"  asked  Mr.  Hennessy. 
"Sure,  he  can,"  said  Mr.  Dooley.     "But  he'll  have  to  have  two  sets  iv 
office  hours." 

In  so  far  as  human  beings  enter  into  economic  processes,  the 
final  word  about  those  processes,  wheth'er  they  are  production, 
or  distribution,  or  consumption,  must  be  said  from  the  standpoint 
of  the  relation  of  those  processes  to  all  the  human  beings  concerned. 
In  short,  the  processes  must  be  considered  as  only  pro\dsionalIy 
impersonal,  and  as  always  ultimately  personal. 

The  most  evident  consequence  is  that  many  famihar  economic 
presumptions  must  be  further  generalized.  Their  approximate 
truth  for  strictly  capitalistic  purposes  at  once  appears  to  be  gross 
untruth  when  subjected  to  the  social,  that  is  to  say,  to  the  human 
or  moral  test. 

This  paper  has  to  do  with  a  single  illustration  of  these  proposi- 
tions. The  particular  thesis  to  be  developed  is  that  a  large  part 
of  the  confusion  in  the  present  stage  of  transition  is  due  to  our 
acquiescence  in  conceptions  of  capital  as  an  exclusively  economic 
phenomenon,  and  in  corollaries  from  those  conceptions  which  act  as 
automatic  adjusters  of  conduct  to  those  unmoral  conceptions.  Con- 
flicts centering  around  capital  press  for  convincing  analysis  of  capital 
as  a  social  phenomenon. 

From  Adam  Smith  down,  economic  theorists  and  practical 
business  men  alike  have  betrayed  Httle  doubt  that  they  have 
covered  the  whole  ground  when  they  have  contented  themselves 
with  the  commonplace  division  of  capital  into  "fixed"  and  ''circu- 
lating."' We  have  no  quarrel  with  this  classification,  except  as 
it  crowds  out  another  and  more  significant  one.  For  all  purposes 
which  do  not  go  beyond  analysis  of  the  technique  of  industry,  the 
old  distinction  is  ample.  Unless  we  observe,  however,  that  this 
classification  is  strictly  technical,  and  that  it  leaves  the  moral  prob- 
lems connected  with  capital  entirely  unrecognized,  this  division 
palsies  the  social  analysis  necessary  to  illuminate  the  human  rela- 
tions involved.  One  might  sift  orthodox  Enghsh  and  American 
economic  Hterature  since  1776  without  finding  unequivocal  evi- 
dence that  a  woe-is-me  had  been  felt  over  the  lack  of  a  moral 
'  Wealth  of  Nations,  Book  II,  chap.  i. 


726  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

differentiation  of  capital.  Even  the  socialists  have  not  followed  up 
their  own  demand  for  a  reconsideration  of  capitalism  with  an  ade- 
quate analysis  of  capital  in  its  moral  aspects.  The  famihar  dis- 
tinction between  "individual  capital"  and  "social  capital"  is  a 
coy  debutante  that  has  never  figured  very  effectively  in  the  serious 
work  of  scrutinizing  capital. 

The  clue  to  a  primary  analysis  of  capital  from  the  social  stand- 
point may  be  found  in  the  question:  To  what  extent  is  the  effective- 
ness of  capital  in  the  economic  process  due  to  unaided  acts  of  the 
owner;  and  to  what  extent  is  its  effectiveness  conferred  by  acts  of  others 
than  the  owner? 

When  the  answer  to  this  question  is  partially  made  out,  it 
shows  that  there  are  three  distinct  types  of  capital,  considered  as 
a  social  phenomenon,  viz.,  first,  capital  which  is  used  solely  by  the 
owner;  second,  capital  which  is  used  by  the  owner  in  some  sort  of 
dependence  upon  the  acts  of  others;  third,  capital  which  is  employed, 
as  such,  wholly  by  others  than  the  owner,  and  under  conditions 
which  he  does  not  and  could  not  maintain  by  his  individual  power. 

For  convenience,  we  will  call  these  types  of  capital  respectively, 
tool-capital,  management-capital,  and  finance-capital.  We  proceed 
to  examine  some  of  the  comparative  moral  antecedents,  and  con- 
sequents, and  implications  of  these  three  types. 

For  our  first  illustration,  let  us  take  the  case  of  a  frontiersman 
who  has  cleared  a  piece  of  land,  and  with  the  rude  tools  which  he 
has  brought  from  the  settlement  has  added  to  his  equipment  a  hoe. 
Of  course,  this  pioneer  and  his  tools  are  social  products.  If  the 
demand  were  made,  we  might  assume  for  the  sake  of  argument  that 
Friday  was  potentially  in  all  respects  Crusoe's  equal.  The  hard 
fact  remains  that  Friday  could  not  actually  bring  to  pass  what 
Crusoe  could,  because  Crusoe  had  been  trained  in  a  more  advanced 
school,  and  had  brought  from  this  school  tools  that  Friday  did  not 
possess  and  could  not  use.  Our  settler  could  not  have  made  the 
hoe  if  he  had  not  been  an  heir  of  civilization.  Granting  that,  and 
allowing  it  to  stand  on  the  debit  side  of  his  account,  he  used  his 
inheritance  without  further  aid  in  making  his  hoe.  With  the  strength 
of  his  own  arms  he  uses  the  hoe  in  breaking  up  the  soil  he  has 
cleared,  and  he  gets  a  somewhat  larger  crop  than  the  land  would 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  727 

have  yielded  if  it  had  not  been  prepared  at  all  for  the  seed,  or  if 
it  had  merely  been  scratched  with  a  stick.  The  hoe  is  virtually  a 
part  of  the  man  himself.  He  has  given  more  strength  and  skill  to 
his  hands,  more  executive  power  to  his  brain,  more  control  over 
nature  to  his  will,  by  making  and  wielding  the  hoe.  By  his  own 
exertion,  not  by  any  gift  or  privilege  from  other  men,  not  by  taking 
advantage  of  other  men,  nor  by  sharing  the  benefits  of  other  men's 
efiforts  (with  the  qualifications  already  indicated),  he  has  increased 
his  own  capacity  to  produce  wealth.  As  nearly  as  anything  within 
sight,  the  hoe  itself,  in  the  first  place,  then  the  crop  raised  from  cul- 
tivation by  means  of  it,  belong  to  the  worker  by  the  best  right  that 
can  be  imagined.  When  a  settlement  gathers  within  co-operating 
distance  of  this  pioneer,  and  when  the  neighbors  tacitly  agree  that 
any  stranger  who  might  try  to  separate  the  hoe  from  its  maker 
and  user,  without  his  consent,  would  have  to  reckon  with  the  whole 
group,  they  are  merely  recognizing  elementary  moral  facts.  They 
are  doing  nothing  that  contains  an  appreciable  artificial  element. 
They  are  resolving  to  ratify  that  to  which  common  sense  responds. 
They  are  saying  that  the  thing  which  evidently  ought  to  be  shall 
be,  so  far  as  their  united  power  can  decide. 

The  relations  between  capital  and  labor,  as  represented  by  the 
farmer  and  his  hoe,  are  thus  settled  on  a  basis  that  is  as  little  open 
to  question  as  the  propriety  of  leaving  his  hand  free  to  convey  food 
to  his  mouth.  If  all  capital  were  literally  a  tool  in  the  hands  of 
its  owner,  and  if  there  were  no  questions  about  accidental  shif  tings 
of  the  products  of  one  tool-capitalist's  work  into  the  hands  of 
another,  it  is  hard  to  see  how  there  could  be  any  dubious  questions 
of  moral  principle  in  the  field  of  industry. 

Let  us  now  suppose  a  neighboring  claim,  through  which  a  stream 
flows.  Let  us  suppose  that  it  has  a  fall  sufficient  to  develop  a 
considerable  amount  of  power.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  settler 
has  saved  enough  to  build  and  equip  a  small  grist  mill,  and  that  he 
presently  becomes  a  miller  as  well  as  a  farmer.  As  owner  and 
operator  of  the  mill,  are  his  relations  to  .the  community  in  any  way 
different  in  kind  from  his  neighbor's  social  relations  as  owner  and 
operator  of  the  hoe  ?  The  customary  economic  presumption  is  that 
they  are  not,  and  this  presumption  may  be  taken  as  marking  the 


728  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

beginnings  of  all  the  differences  of  opinion  about  the  ethics  of  capi- 
talistic society. 

If  we  confine  attention  simply  to  the  fact  that  the  miller  is  still 
working,  let  us  say  just  as  industriously  as  the  farmer,  if  we  think 
of  the  mill  as  his  tool,  just  as  literally  as  the  hoe  is  the  farmer's 
tool,  the  capitahstic  presumption  is  apparently  in  strict  accord- 
ance with  the  facts.  But  if  we  press  our  analysis  a  little  farther, 
we  find  that  another  factor  must  now  be  taken  into  the  account. 
As  we  have  seen,  this  new  factor  is  not  absolutely  new.  It  was 
present,  as  an  accessory  before  the  fact,  and  as  indorser  and  poten- 
tial co-operator  parallel  with  the  fact,  in  the  case  of  the  man  with 
the  hoe.  It  played  such  a  relatively  minute  part,  however,  in  the 
work  of  the  man  with  the  hoe,  that  we  found  it  to  be  negUgible. 
That  factor  is  the  co-operation  of  others  beside  the  owner  in  making 
the  capital  efficient.  On  the  technical  side,  this  has  of  course  been 
one  of  the  commonplaces  of  economics,  since  Adam  Smith's  mas- 
terly exposition  of  division  of  labor .  In  the  aspect  here  emphasized, 
it  has  been  almost  totally  ignored.  Under  normal  circumstances, 
the  maker  of  the  hoe  might  use  it  until  it  is  worn  out,  and  not  be 
affected,  well  or  ill,  so  far  as  his  productivity  with  the  hoe  is  con- 
cerned, by  the  existence  or  the  non-existence  of  other  human 
beings.  If  he  is  able  to  produce  more  of  a  particular  kind  of  crop 
than  he  needs  to  consume,  and  if  he  would  Hke  to  consume  some- 
thing else  instead  of  that  surplus,  other  people  then  become  sig- 
nificant as  a  possible  market;  but  they  have  nothing  directly  to  do 
with  the  farmer's  productive  efficiency.  The  miller,  on  the  con- 
trary, is  not  thinkable  as  a  miller  without  much  dependence  upon 
his  fellow-men,  without  much  assistance  from  them,  and  without 
much  potential  or  actual  control  of  social  conditions  by  them,  so 
that  his  labor  may  proceed  without  interruption  and  loss. 

An  argument  is  possible  to  the  effect  that  the  difference  between 
the  man  with  the  hoe  and  the  man  with  the  mill,  in  the  matter  of 
social  co-operation,  is  merely  a  difference  of  degree  rather  than  of 
kind.  If  anyone  derives  satisfaction  from  that  way  of  putting  it, 
we  will  concede  the  point;  but  the  force  of  the  admission  at  once 
disappears  when  we  take  notice  that,  in  its  social  significance,  this 
difference  of  degree  acquires  the  importance  of  a  difference  in  kind, 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  729 

as  the  quantity  and  complexity  of  the  management-capital,  typi- 
fied in  the  first  instance  by  the  small  mill,  increase. 

The  crucial  matter  about  this  class  of  capital  is  that  it  cannot 
be  a  part  of  the  personality  of  the  owner,  in  the  same  intimate  and 
literal  and  complete  sense  as  in  the  case  of  the  hoe.     If  we  try  to 
express  the  facts  about  the  mill  in  terms  of  a  tool,  we  are  confronted 
by  the  fact  that  no  very  large  part  of  that  tool  has  ever  been 
actually  in  the  owner's  hands  at  once.     If  he  took  a  personal  part 
in  building  the  dam,  he  was  not  at  the  same  time  building  the 
water  wheel.     Supposing  that  his  own  hands  alone  constructed 
both,  it  is  difl&cult  to  imagine  that  he  also  alone  quarried  and 
installed  the  millstones,  or  that  he  fashioned  the  rest  of  the  machin- 
ery.    Given  the  mill  in  running  order,  the  owner  cannot  be  in  all 
parts  of  it  at  once.     He  must  have  one  or  more  helpers.     One  of 
them  may  be  needed  to  keep  the  gearings  in  repair,  while  another 
tends  the  hoppers,  and  the  owner  deals  with  the  customers.     At 
times  the  owner  must  leave  the  premises  for  food,  or  sleep,  or  bar- 
gaining with  his  neighbors.     At  those  times  the  mill  has  to  be  left 
in  charge  of  others.     That  is,  the  owner  is  forced  to  rely  upon 
actual  co-operation  with  others,  in  order  to  make  his  management- 
capital  effective;    and  the  ratio  between  his  own  literal  operation 
of  the  capital  and  that  of  the  other  co-operators  varies  with  the 
volume  and  form  of  this  sort  of  capital.     Moreover,  another  kind  of 
co-operation  is  involved,  both  as  condition  and  consequence  of 
the  existence  and  efficiency  of  this  sort  of  capital.     This  is  the 
co-operation  of  the  surrounding  community  in  maintaining  the 
conditions  without  which   this   type    of    capital  would   be  im- 
possible. 

The  moment  a  worker  is  in  any  degree  dependent  upon  another 
person  for  the  success  of  his  work,  the  stage  is  set  for  a  moral 
confhct.  Actual  conflict  may  not  occur  in  a  given  case.  The 
co-operation  may  proceed  without  friction.  Each  may  perform  his 
part  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  other.  On  the  contrary,  there 
may  be  friction  from  the  begmning.  Each  party  may  suspect  the 
other  party  of  getting  or  trying  to  get  too  much  advantage  out  of 
their  common  labors.  Each  party  may  take  measures  accordingly 
to  embarrass  the  supposed  unjust  purposes  of  the  other.     Neither 


730  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

party  could  prosper  if  left  exclusively  to  its  own  resources  in  adjust- 
ing these  dififerences.  Appeal  must  lie  at  last  to  customs  and  laws 
enforceable  and  enforced  by  the  community.  In  the  degree  of  the 
bulk  of  management-capital,  and  of  the  complexity  of  its  opera- 
tions, this  social  co-operation  must  develop.  It  comes  about  at 
last  that  the  literal  tool  element  in  many  cases  of  management- 
capital  shrinks  till  it  includes  nothing  but  an  ofl&ce  chair  and  desk, 
with  pieces  of  paper  which  the  management-capitahst  may  hold 
in  his  hand  while  dictating  to  his  stenographers  or  using  the  tele- 
phone. At  the  same  time,  the  actual  wealth  controlled  by  this 
tool-capitahst  may  be  distributed  among  buildings  in  which  thou- 
sands of  helpers  work,  over  the  transportation  lines  of  the  world, 
upon  which  raw  material  or  finished  products  are  in  transit,  and 
in  warehouses  where  marketable  stock  is  stored. 

We  cannot  state  too  strongly  that  we  are  neither  asserting  nor 
implying  that  this  phenomenon  of  management-capital  is  wrong. 
We  are  pointing  out  in  the  first  place  that  it  is  artificial,  as  com- 
pared with  tool-capital.  The  control  of  the  management-capitalist 
over  this  large  and  dispersed  wealth  is  not  principally  by  virtue  of 
his  own  power.  It  is  principally  by  virtue  of  the  organized  action 
of  society,  which  gives  power  not  his  own  to  his  volitions.  This 
being  the  case,  the  terms  of  this  relationship  between  society  and 
the  men  whom  it  empowers  to  be  management-capitalists  will 
always  demand  closer  scrutiny,  as  to  their  justice  and  wisdom, 
than  the  simple  and  obvious  resolution  of  the  neighbors  to  protect 
the  farmer  in  possession  of  his  hoe.  Compared  with  the  group 
opinion  about  the  hoe,  group  opinion  which  results  in  the  develop- 
ment of  management-capital  must  necessarily  always  be  in  a  high 
degree  contingent.  The  community,  in  which  the  owner  of  the 
management-capital  may  be  only  a  millionth  or  a  hundred- 
millionth  part,  must  have  guaranteed  certain  elements  of  social 
uniformity  and  stability;  it  must  have  put  at  his  disposal  certain 
physical  and  moral  resources  reinforcing  his  own  energies;  it  must 
have  created  and  supported  legislatures,  and  courts,  and  civil  and 
military  forces  available  to  sustain  the  legal  institutions.  Thus  the 
management-capitalist  is  not,  Hke  the  man  with  the  hoe,  chiefly 
a  self-sufficient  individual.     On  the  contrary,  the  management- 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  731 

capitalist  is  chiefly  a  social  product.  Measured  by  the  ratio  of 
his  powers  as  a  literal  tool-wielder,  and  the  influence  which  he 
actually  exerts  as  a  wielder  of  other  men  who  actually  use  the  bulk 
of  the  tools,  he  is  in  a  very  small  fractional  degree  himself,  and  he 
is  in  a  very  large  degree  what  his  community  has  enabled  him  to  be. 
The  community  has  gone  before  him,  and  stood  behind  him  and 
around  him,  and  has  potentially  or  actually  exercised  a  collective 
power  for  his  benefit,  in  comparison  with  which  the  most  capable 
man  is  puny. 

We  must  go  out  of  our  way  to  guard  against  possible  suspicion 
that  we  are  actually  or  by  implication  denying  or  behttling  the 
importance  of  managerial  functions.  In  fact,  no  capitaHstic  fallacy 
is  planted  more  directly  in  the  path  of  concrete  economic  progress, 
and  of  clear  moral  thinking,  than  the  fallacy  of  some  sociahsts 
and  some  labor  leaders  not  socialists,  that  managerial  functions 
are  fictions.  Not  long  ago,  within  ten  days  of  each  other,  three 
organizers  of  three  difi'erent  types  of  labor  movement  told  me,  in 
the  most  deliberate  way,  that  in  their  opinion  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  a  special  kind  of  work  for  managers  that  could  not  be  done 
just  as  well  by  anyone  drawn  by  lot  from  employees;  that  the 
notion  of  a  managerial  function  is  merely  a  blind  to  cover  up  exploi- 
tation. We  do  not  question  the  fact  of  exploitation  in  many  cases. 
We  do  not  doubt  that  the  idea  of  a  managerial  function  is  made  to 
go  as  far  as  it  can  in  many  cases  to  conceal  the  fact  of  exploitation. 
The  laborer  will  be  his  own  worst  enemy,  however,  until  he  edu- 
cates himself  out  of  the  notion  that  there  is  "no  such  thing  as  a 
managerial  function."  The  laborer  has  really  a  larger  stake  than 
anybody  else  in  competent  discharge  of  the  managerial  function. 
If  it  is  not  well  performed,  it  may  mean  the  loss  of  his  job  and  in- 
directly of  his  life  and  the  life  of  his  family.  At  the  same  time, 
it  might  mean  to  the  capitalist  only  the  loss  of  a  fraction  of  his 
property. 

There  ought  to  be  enough  "baseball  sense"  scattered  among 
American  laborers  to  retire  the  dangerous  fallacy  that  the  mana- 
gerial function  is  merely  an  alias  for  fraud.  Every  baseball  fan 
knows  better.  The  "Giants"  won  a  pennant  last  year  and  the 
"Athletics"  two,  not  merely  because  each  was  a  bunch  of  capable 


732  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

players,  but  also  because  John  J.  McGraw  and  "Connie  Mack" 
handled  the  players.  If  either  of  those  managers  should  announce 
his  retirement,  the  betting  fraternity  would  change  the  odds  on  the 
prospects  of  the  team  before  the  news  was  fairly  off  the  wire. 
What  is  true  of  baseball  is  equally  or  more  true  of  every  compli- 
cated business.  The  difference  between  competent  and  incom- 
petent management  may  quickly  mean  the  difference  between  Hfe 
and  death  for  the  business.  Competent  managers  can  no  more 
be  chosen  by  lot  than  competent  bricklayers,  or  plumbers,  or 
electricians,  or  train  dispatchers  could  be  selected  by  lot  from  the 
names  in  the  Chicago  telephone  book.  In  any  system  of  industry 
that  could  ever  succeed,  the  managerial  function  would  have  to 
be  insured  by  some  method  of  selecting  competence,  not  by  reliance 
on  chance. 

It  should  be  said  at  the  same  time,  that  our  present  capitalistic 
system  does  not  insure  competent  management,  although  in  that 
respect  present  methods  are  far  more  effective  than  chance  would 
be.  Hereditary  management  is  no  more  certainly  efficient  in 
economics  than  it  used  to  be  in  politics.  The  fact  that  man  is  a 
lazy  animal,  and  that  management-capitalists  by  grace  of  accident 
are  inclined  to  hire  men  more  competent  than  themselves  for  the 
strict  managerial  work  guards  the  technical  side  of  management- 
capital,  but  does  not  remove  its  social  anomalies. 

Our  analysis  of  the  social  relations  of  management-capital, 
therefore,  in  no  way  implies  doubt  about  the  necessity  of  manage- 
ment as  a  distinct  economic  factor,  our  discussion  takes  that  for 
granted,  but  it  aims  straight  at  these  two  facts:  first,  the  function 
oj  economic  management  would  he  relatively  impotent  without  the 
support  of  social  co-operation;  second,  this  social  co-operation  morally 
entitles  the  co-operating  laborers  and  the  co-operating  society  to  a 
share  in  controlling  the  terms  under  which  the  management-capitalist 
shall  work,  and  a  larger  and  more  influential  share  than  our  present 
economic  system  has  either  realized  in  practice  or  admitted  in  theory. 

We  return  then  from  this  side  issue  to  the  main  argument. 

It  is  a  curious  fact  that  Enghsh-speaking  economists  have 
almost  wholly  ignored  the  necessity  of  analyzing  the  relationships 
which  differentiate  the  management-capitalist  morally  from  the 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  733 

tool-capitalist.     The  whole  range  of   the   "labor  question"   has 
been  befogged  by  employers  and  employees  and  theorists  alike, 
through  failure  to  throw  on  it  the  Hght  of  this  simple  perception, 
viz. :  It  begs  the  question  at  the  outset  to  assume  that  the  management- 
capitalist  is  simply  an  individual,  like  the  man  with  the  hoe;  to  regard 
him  as  exercising  solely  his  own  personal  faculties;  as  acting  merely 
in  the  enjoyment  of  indubitable  natural  rights;    as  possessing  and 
using  only  those  things  and  those  powers  which  belong  to  him  strictly 
as  a  person,  which  are  to  all  intents  and  purposes  his  own  proper  self, 
just  as  the  hoe  is  the  extended  arms  of  the  man  who  uses  it.     On  the 
contrary,    the    management-capitalist    is    a    highly    artificialized 
social  contrivance.     A  large  part  of  the  efficiency  which  is  credited 
to  him  is  in  fact  merely  symbolized  by  him.     It  is  really  the  work- 
ing of  other  men,  first  in  the  immediate  economic  organization  of 
which  he  is  the  head,  second,  in  the  entire  legal  and  social  com- 
munity whose  institutions  make  the  industrial  operations  possible. 
Just  at  this  moment  it  is  timely  to  illustrate  by  asking  the  question, 
Why  are  capitalistic  operations  at  a  standstill  in  Mexico  (March  i, 
1914)  ?     Several  of  the  most  efficiently  managed  concerns  in  the 
world  are  anxious  to  operate  there,  but  they  are  powerless  until 
the  social  conditions  prerequisite  to  their  efficiency  are  restored. 
An  important  factor  will  be  introduced  among  the  forces  that 
are  making  the  present  social  transition,  by  working  out  the  omitted 
passage  in  social  theory  to  which  this  perception  points.     The 
problem  is:   What  neglected  elements  are  brought  into  the  social  ques- 
tion by  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  management-capitalist  is  not 
merely  an  individual  exercising  his  unaided  powers,  but  that  he  is  an 
individual  with  powers  increased  tens,  hundreds,  or  thousands  of 
times  by  virtue  of  artificial  arrangements,  which  make  him  the  repository 
of  social  powers  incomparably  greater  than  his  owfi? 

It  is  a  part  of  the  instinct  or  the  strategy  of  obscuration  to 
represent  all  formulations  of  questions  like  this  as  attacks  upon 
persons  or  upon  the  foundations  of  morals.  No  one  can  deal  judi- 
cially with  a  social  problem  unless  he  is  able  to  keep  the  involved 
questions  of  principles  distinct  in  thought  from  the  individuals  or 
interests  that  may  be  immediately  affected  by  the  principles.  The 
problem  here  in  question  is  no  more  an  attack  upon  individuals, 


734  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

or  upon  wealth  acquired  by  operating  in  good  faith  under  our 
capitalistic  system,  than  the  problem  of  coal  v.  oil  as  fuel  for  our 
battleships  and  locomotives  is  an  attack  upon  the  personal 
character  or  property  rights  of  our  naval  ofl&cers  or  railway 
presidents. 

Still  further,  it  is  a  part  of  the  inbred  sophistry  of  traditionalism 
to  practice  sabotage  on  inquiries  of  this  sort  by  challenging  the 
inquirers  to  propose  "remedies"  for  institutions  under  investi- 
gation. Of  course  anyone  capable  of  scientific  reasoning,  and 
willing  to  pursue  it,  knows  that  such  opposition  is  on  a  par  with 
demands  that  the  meteorologists  and  the  oceanographers  shall 
either  stop  their  studies  or  present  "remedies"  for  the  arctic  cur- 
rents and  the  Gulf  Stream.  The  immediate  capitaUstic  problem  is 
not  a  question  of  approval  or  disapproval.  It  is  not  a  question  of 
retention  or  substitution.  It  would  be  an  urgent  scientific  problem, 
even  if  there  could  be  no  more  thought  of  turning  its  results  into  a 
program  than  the  astronomers  have  of  rearranging  the  solar  sys- 
tem. In  the  first  instance,  the  capitaHstic  question,  on  its  moral 
side,  is  a  pure  problem  of  analysis,  viz. :  What  are  the  facts  about  the 
social  relations  involved  in  the  phenomena  of  management-capital, 
as  compared  with  tool-capital?  After  we  have  become  generally 
acquainted  with  these  facts  it  will  be  in  order  to  consider  what 
may,  can,  or  must  be  done  about  them. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  an  attempt  to  trace  in  detail  the  evo- 
lution of  the  customs  and  the  laws  which  give  to  management- 
capital  its  present  status.  We  can  here  merely  point  out  certain 
significant  features  in  its  development  and  in  its  results  up  to  the 
present  time. 

Most  obviously  then,  the  arrangements,  by  virtue  of  which  the 
management-capitalist  of  today  has  his  radius  of  action,  are  in  part 
the  accimiulation  of  habits,  or  the  " crystalhzation  of  custom." 
Under  pressure  of  circumstances  which  no  individual  could 
control,  which,  however,  in  the  course  of  time  some  indi- 
viduals became  better  able  to  accommodate  themselves  to  than 
others,  certain  standards  grew  up  in  accordance  with  which  the 
management-capitalist  was  able  to  secure  the  assistance  of  other 
people  not  capitahsts.    At  the  same  time,  and  through  a  series  of 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  735 

generations,  legislation  accvimulated,  defining  the  scope  of  action 
which  the  management-capitalist  might  perform  with  the  approval, 
and  to  a  certain  extent  with  the  assistance,  of  the  government. 
This  accretion  of  custom,  and  particularly  this  body  of  laws,  is 
by  no  means  in  the  interest  of  the  management-capitalist  alone. 
It  has  developed,  and  it  operates,  to  some  degree,  in  the  interest 
of  the  helpers  who  come  most  directly  to  the  assistance  of  the 
management-capitalist,  and  of  all  the  other  persons  in  the  com- 
munity, both  as  individuals  and  as  an  organized  society. 

It  is  not  necessary,  for  our  present  purpose,  to  inquire  whether 
anyone  took  undue  advantage  of  anyone  else,  in  building  up  this 
body  of  customs  and  laws;  or  whether  the  circumstances  were  such 
that  the  customs  and  laws  would  inevitably  be  shaped  more  by 
certain  interests  than  by  others;  or  whether  the  opinions  that  pre- 
vailed in  promoting  this,  that,  or  the  other  piece  of  legislation  were 
thoroughly  impartial.  The  essential  thing  about  these  enabling 
acts,  whether  of  custom  or  of  law,  is  that  they  are,  each  and  all, 
both  specifically  and  as  an  institutional  system,  reflections  of 
opinions  about  what  was  just  and  fair,  or  at  least  expedient,  under 
the  circumstances  in  which  the  judgments  went  into  effect.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  these  opinions  may  have  been  held  by  a  consider- 
able majority  of  the  community  that  gave  sanction  to  a  given  pro- 
vision, or  by  a  smaller  number,  dwindling  down  to  a  bare  majority 
of  some  legislative  committee  with  pull  enough  to  "put  through" 
a  piece  of  special  legislation  which  attracted  little  attention. 
They  may  have  been  opinions  which  reflected  the  moral  sense  of 
all  concerned,  or  they  may  simply  have  registered  the  terms  which 
a  few  had  the  physical  power  to  force  on  the  many.  In  so  far  as 
previous  acquiescences  continue  to  be  the  custom  and  law  for  people 
succeeding  those  by  whom  the  arrangements  were  made,  the  only 
moral  justification  for  that  continuance  must  be  foimd  in  good  and 
suflScient  reasons  for  the  persistent  opinion  that  the  arrangements 
still  represent  that  which  is  just  and  fair,  or  at  least  expedient; 
the  welfare,  not  of  special  interests,  but  of  all  interests  concerned 
being  taken  as  the  criterion. 

Now  the  first  consideration  to  be  emphasized,  in  view  of  all 
these  things,  is  that,  in  consequence  of  the  very  fact  that  the 


736  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

institutions  which  do  so  much  to  make  the  management-capitalist 
are  not,  as  in  the  case  of  the  man  with  the  hoe,  plain  recognitions 
and  ratifications  of  indubitable  facts,  inasmuch  as  they  are  so 
largely  registrations  of  opinions,  and  often  of  minority  and  inter- 
ested opinions,  about  the  meanings  of  facts,  the  room  for  error  in 
those  opinions  increases  with  the  complexity  and  variability  of  the 
facts  concerned. 

That  is,  as  we  have  seen,  there  is  practically  no  room  whatever 
for  any  doubt  more  serious  than  a  quibble,  as  to  whether  the  man 
who  has  made  the  hoe  should  be  supported  by  his  neighbors  in 
having  and  using  the  hoe.  There  is  a  great  deal  of  room  for  doubt 
as  to  whether  the  ownership  of  a  steel  plant,  with  thousands  of 
operatives,  should  permanently  involve  the  precise  balance  of  power, 
which  our  present  institutions  sanction,  between  management- 
capitalist,  operatives,  and  public.  The  reason  for  this  is  not  that, 
whereas  justice  was  once  obligatory,  it  is  obligate-^  o  long^  Th^- 
reason  is  rather  that  the  human  arrangements,  wnich  may  hav. 
been  as  nearly  just  as  possible  in  an  embryonic  social  condition, 
may  turn  out  to  be  variously  unjust  in  a  more  complex  social  con- 
dition. The  judgments  which  the  people  immediately  concerned 
passed  upon  the  relations  involved  in  the  earlier -condition  may 
prove  to  have  only  the  value  of  naive  guesses,  when  carried  over 
to  later  relations.  As  such  premature  suppositions,  the  judgments 
have  no  sacredness  as  standards  of  justice,  after  the  workings  of  the 
institutions,  which  the  judgments  support,  have  proved  to  be 
different  from  those  anticipated. 

Suppose  the  particular  type  of  management-capital  in  question 
is  the  fixed  and  circulating  capital  of  a  manufacturing  corporation. 
The  president  of  the  corporation  holds  a  majority  of  the  stock,  and 
is  the  actual  manager.  It  may  be  that,  in  many  respects,  he  exer- 
cises his  powers  to  the  advantage  of  all  concerned.  That  was  true 
of  some  of  the  ''benevolent  despots"  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
In  spite  of  the  amiable  and  efficient  qualities  of  some  of  these 
princes,  however,  civilization  presently  decided  that  "benevolent 
despotism"  was  an  obsolete  political  principle.  The  significant 
matter  is  that  an  uncomputed  portion  of  the  power  which  this 
corporation-president-management-capitalist  wields  is  not  his  own 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  737 

inherent  power.    It  is  the  power  of  society  transferred  to  him  by  the  arti- 
ficial process  of  law-making,  together  with  the  gravitation  of  indus- 
trial custom.     In  connection  with  such  a  recent  contrivance  as  a 
corporation,  it  is  needless  to  enlarge  on  the  proposition  that  the 
lawmaking  process  which  created  corporations,  and  defined  their 
powers,  was  at  least  as  much  a  matter  of  guesswork  as  the  process 
of  making  a  schedule  of  railway  freight  rates.     It  is  notorious  that 
the  more  our  American  traffic  men  have  known  about  the  rate 
situation,  the  more  frankly  they  have  admitted  in  private  that 
nobody  has  found  out  how  a  rate  scale  should  be  made.     Under  the 
circumstances,  it  is  not  wonderful  that  there  is  no  very  widespread 
bdief  in  the  unimneachable  sacredness  of  a  freight  tariff.     For  pre- 
cisely parallel  reasons,  it  is  impossible  for  judicially  minded  men 
to  believe  that  there  can  be  anything  approaching  permanency  in 
the  assumptions  which  experimenting  legislators  have  woven  into 
'     -Inws  r -corpoi    ---^s.     When  the  community  agreed  that  what- 
^  .tU  man  produced  with  his  hoe  should  be  regarded  as  rightfully 
his  own,  it  had  in  view  a  fairly  close  conception  of  the  utmost 
which  that  particular  assurance  might  involve;  and  the  agreement 
was  accordingly  unimpeachable.     When,   after   1800,   legislation 
began  to  create  joint  stock  companies,  it  was  impossible  that  any- 
one could  have  had  a  very  adequate  conception  of  what  that 
creation  would  involve.     It  proves  to  involve,  under  certain  cir- 
cumstances, such  outcomes  as  this,  among  others.     The  corporation 
supposed  at  the  beginning  of  this  paragraph  may  cover  all  the  cost 
of  production  for  a  year  at  market  rates— that  is,  rent,  wages, 
interest,  salaries,  cost  of  material,  taxes,  insurance,  depreciation,' 
etc.     There  may  remain  to  the  credit  of  the  company  on  the  year's 
operations  values  aggregating  a  million,  two  million,  five  million, 
ten  milhon,  twenty  million  dollars.     It  appears  that  the  legislation 
which  has  made  this  species  of  management-capital  possible  author- 
izes the  management-capitalist,  with  very  slight  limitations,   to 
act  as  though  this  residuary  product  were  his  own  creation',  as 
literaUy  as  the  increased  yield  of  the  soil  was  the  product  of  the  man 
with  the  hoe.     Reserving  for  consideration  under  the  next  title  the 
qualifications  necessary  in  the  case  of  minority  stockholders,  this 
management-capitalist  is  under  no  legal  obligations  whatsoever, 


738  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

so  far  as  the  surplus  is  concerned,  to  recognize  the  partnership 
of  any  of  the  other  persons  who  co-operated  in  producing  that 
surplus.  The  law  assumes,  and  until  recently  business  theory 
has  taken  it  as  self-evident,  that  whatever  remains,  after  settling 
with  market  supply  and  demand  on  the  year's  transactions,  repre- 
sents the  personal  contribution  of  the  management-capitalist  to  the 
operations.  Absurdly  enough,  minority  stockholders  have  the 
legal  status,  at  this  point,  of  management-capitalists.  On  the  con- 
trary that  surplus  really  represents  the  amateurish  provisionality  of 
our  distributive  system. 

Nothing  could  be  more  self-evident  to  a  discriminating  mind  than 
that  this  surplus  does  not  represent  the  merit  of  the  management- 
capitalist  alone,  but  that  it  is  due  to  a  number  of  concurrent 
factors.  Our  present  economic  system  helplessly  confesses 
judgment  when  it  dodges  the  problem  of  ascertaining  the  equities 
between  these  different  factors,  and  stupidly  leaves  the  whole 
questionable  surplus  to  a  single  one  of  them.  Not  even  the 
state  has  begun  to  use  its  taxing  power  so  as  to  assert  a 
respectable  fraction  of  its  probably  just  claim  as  an  indispensable 
copartner  at  every  stage  of  the  capitalistic  enterprise.  By  virtue 
of  the  stupendous  gift  of  power  which  civil  society  has  bestowed, 
the  individual  management-capitalist  may  vote  to  himself,  and  to 
fellow-stockholders  less  entitled  than  himself  (as  we  shall  see  under 
the  next  head),  pro  rata  shares  of  this  whole  surplus,  and  the  other 
chief  partners  in  producing  it — civic  society  and  the  operators  of 
the  plant — have  thus  far  no  recourse.  Indeed,  if  the  management- 
capitaHst  wanted  to,  and  time  contracts  were  not  in  force,  no  legal 
provision  could  prevent  his  discharging  every  one  of  the  operating 
partners  at  the  close  of  the  last  working  day  of  the  year,  and  start- 
ing up  with  a  totally  new  force  the  next  day. 

And  we  see  no  difference  between  capital  with  such  preroga- 
tives and  tool-capital! 

We  now  turn  to  the  third  grade  of  capital  in  the  social  scale. 
We  have  seen  that  there  is  a  sort  of  capital  which  is  literally  a 
tool  in  the  owner's  hands,  or  by  a  slight  stretch  of  the  imagination 
it  is  the  owner's  extended  self  at  work.  It  gets  all  its  productive 
efl&ciency  from  the  owner's  direct  effort.     With  a  certain  important 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  739 

reservation  covering  the  work  of  previous  generations  up  to  the 
time  when  the  record  of  the  given  individual  begins  to  stand  for 
itself,  nothing  which  this  kind  of  owner  brings  to  pass  with  his 
capital  depends  upon  any  other  human  being  but  the  owner  himself. 

We  have  seen  that  there  is  another  grade  of  capital  which  is 
possible,  and  which  is  productive,  because  other, people  consent 
to  become  partners  with  the  owner  in  holding  and  using  the  capital, 
and  because  they  consent  to  allow  the  owner  to  become  a  partner 
with  them.  We  have  called  this  type  management-capital.  Its 
peculiarity  is  that  its  economic  efl&ciency  is  conferred  only  in  part  by 
the  labor  which  its  owner  performs.  Both  in  bulk  and  in  impor- 
tance the  owner's  work  may  be  only  a  small  fraction  of  the  energy 
and  skill  by  virtue  of  which  the  capital  becomes  an  instrument  of 
production.  The  other  persons  whose  activities  combine  with 
those  of  the  owner — the  civic  society  and  the  operatives  in  the 
immediate  enterprise — may  represent  by  far  the  major  portion  of 
the  actual  motor  power  and  direction  which  give  to  the  capital  its 
productive  virtue. 

But  there  is  now  a  third  grade  of  capital.  It  is  still  further  removed 
from  the  literal  productive  activity  of  the  owner.  It  is  capital  which 
might  be  just  as  productive  as  it  is,  if  the  owner  had  never  lived.  It  is 
capital  to  which  the  owner  has  no  functional  relation  at  all,  so  far  as 
the  process  of  economic  production  is  concerned.  It  is  capital  the 
owner's  possession  of  which  is  a  purely  conventional  arrangement.  He 
does  not  hold  it  literally.  He  could  not  retain  it  by  the  utmost  exertion 
of  his  individual  power.  It  might  be  sterile  in  his  hands  if  he  could. 
All  his  competence  in  connection  with  it  is  conferred  by  the  agreement 
of  civic  society  to  sustain  him  as  owner,  and  to  sanction  his  exercise 
of  those  property  rights  which  the  morals  of  that  society  associate  with 
ownership.     We  have  called  this  grade  finance-capital. 

Our  analysis  of  the  intermediate  grade  of  capital  has  gone  far 
toward  showing  that  private  property  is  progressively  social  endow- 
ment. With  these  preliminaries  before  us,  and  with  the  added 
observation  that  what  is  true  of  the  increment  of  social  endowment, 
as  we  pass  from  the  simplest  tool-capital  to  the  most  complex 
management-capital,  is  still  more  true  of  finance-capital,  we  may 
abbreviate  the  present  section  of  the  discussion. 


740  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Every  person  who  has  opened  a  savings-bank  account  by  depos- 
iting a  dollar  is  a  finance-capitalist.  The  three,  four,  or  five  cents 
payable  on  that  deposit  at  the  end  of  the  year  have  not  been  pro- 
duced by  any  effort  of  the  depositor.  They  would  have  accrued 
just  the  same  if  he  had  dropped  dead  before  he  passed  out  of  the 
bank  door.  Year  after  year  the  interest  would  be  credited  to  that 
account,  whether  or  not  an  heir  put  in  an  appearance  to  collect  it. 
The  dollar  goes  on  "earning,"  utterly  irrespective  of  the  further 
actions  of  the  finance-capitalist,  but  by  virtue  of  two  co-operating 
organizations;  the  business  organization  on  the  one  hand,  which 
forwards  the  dollar  to  some  point  where  workers  convert  it  into 
more  than  a  dollar,  and  the  legal  organization  on  the  other  hand, 
which  puts  every  man  in  the  business  organization  under  liability 
to  punishment — from  the  bank  window,  out  through  the  business 
system,  and  back  again  to  another  bank  window — if  he  fails  to  do 
what  the  law  requires  of  him  in  the  process  which  makes  that 
deposit  safe  and  profitable. 

Possibly  the  means  of  social  endowment  which  have  stimulated 
the  development  of  management-capital  include  in  principle  all 
those  that  permit  creation  and  expansion  of  the  subsequent  grade 
of  capital.  So  far  as  the  outcome  itself  is  concerned,  in  the  shape 
of  capitalistic  phenomena  which  have  a  distinct  social  character, 
it  is  immaterial  whether  the  particular  variants  that  result  in  the 
phenomena  are  new  in  principle  or  only  in  detail. 

A  more  advanced  type  of  the  finance-capitalist  is  the  money- 
lender by  vocation.  He  employs  his  time  finding  borrowers  who 
will  pay  for  the  use  of  his  money  while  furnishing  good  security. 
He  may  by  courtesy  be  said  to  work.  As  we  shall  say  in  a  moment 
of  the  more  dignified  work  done  by  the  banker,  the  time  so  spent 
satisfies  real  hmnan  needs,  and  in  a  particular  case  it  may  very 
well  be  that  the  lender  actually  deserves  all  that  he  collects  for  his 
loans.  (Whether  he  does  or  not  is  a  question  by  itself.  Its  answer 
either  way  will  not  affect  the  matter  in  hand.)  The  immediate 
point  is  that  the  kind  of  work  which  the  loaner  performs  does  not 
itself  make  his  capital  productive.  If  A.  in  good  faith  loans  a 
thousand  dollars  to  Z.,  it  depends  not  only  upon  Z.,  but  also  upon 
the  industrial  and  civic  society  in  which  both  live,  whether  any 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  741 

interest  at  all,  or  even  the  whole  or  a  part  of  the  principal,  is 
returned  to  A.  If  Z.  proves  to  be,  as  A.  supposed,  a  successful 
farmer,  then  Z.'s  work  on  the  soil  will  be  the  actual  means  of  pro- 
ducing the  new  wealth  to  pay  the  loan  with  interest.  If  Z.  turns 
out  to  be  a  gambler,  and  such  an  amateur  one  that  he  actually 
takes  chances,  A.'s  good  intentions  may  not  prevent  his  capital 
from  taking  wings  "without  recourse."  A.  does  not  produce  in  the 
one  case  more  than  in  the  other.  I  repeat  that  what  he  does  may 
be  quite  as  worthy  of  reward  as  though  it  were  actual  production. 
It  is  not,  however,  a  part  of  the  productive  process  in  the  strict 
sense.  He  has  a  legal  claim  to  something  which  others  may  use  as 
a  means  of  production,  and  by  virtue  of  further  legal  support  he  is 
able  to  collect  from  the  producer  a  plus  in  excess  of  his  loan. 
Whether  or  not  he  is  morally  entitled  to  that  plus,  or  any  part  of 
it,  is  in  either  event  entirely  aside  from  the  fact  that  the  particular 
work  which  makes  payment  possible  is  done  not  by  himself,  but 
by  somebody  else;  and  the  ability  to  hold  Z.  responsible  for  that 
payment  is  not  A.'s  own  ability,  but  the  ability  of  organized  society 
put  at  his  disposal. 

It  is  a  long  step  in  social  development  to  the  type  of  finance- 
capitahst  represented  by  the  bank  of  deposit  and  issue.  It  is 
needless  for  our  present  purpose  to  become  involved  in  details  of 
financial  technique.  Speaking  in  general,  the  bank  as  medium 
between  depositor  and  borrower  is  of  course  performing  functions 
quite  distinct  from  those  that  primarily  touch  the  circulating 
medium.  Our  point  is  simply,  as  before,  that  neither  of  these 
activities  can  reach  relatively  high  development  unless  the  practices 
of  business  and  the  agreements  of  civic  society  go  hand  in  hand  in 
creating  a  social  medium  favorable  to  these  operations.  As  the 
dubious  history  of  so-called  "private  banks"  in  Illinois  shows,  there 
is  a  certain  scope  for  credulity  on  the  one  hand  and  for  irresponsi- 
bility on  the  other  in  carrying  on  banking  operations.  The  rule  is, 
however,  that  fiduciary  transactions  cannot  reach  relatively  high 
development  unless  civic  society  furnishes  the  legal  apparatus 
which  makes  all  types  of  trustees  responsible.  On  the  side  of  the 
banks  themselves,  the  truth  is  essentially  as  stated  in  the  case  of 
the  private  lender  of  his  own  funds.     There  could  be  no  banks,  the 


742  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

men  engaged  in  banking  would  have  to  consume  their  own  capital 
in  order  to  live,  if  production  proper  were  not  carried  on  by  other 
people,  so  as  to  create  the  means  for  remimerating  both  bankers 
and  their  depositors. 

Our  leading  proposition  is  still  that  the  system  which  regulates 
the  relations  between  these  parties  is  a  system  of  agreements,  a  con- 
ventional system,  a  constniction  of  opinions  as  to  what  is  right  and 
wrong  in  the  balance  of  power  between  the  types  of  persons  con- 
cerned at  every  step  of  the  operations.  In  the  concrete,  the  bank 
president  is  worthy  of  his  hire  just  as  distinctly  as  the  man  with 
the  hoe.  In  the  case  of  the  bank  president,  however,  there  are  a 
hundred  points  in  the  series  of  conclusions  implicitly  leading  up 
to  the  fixing  of  his  salary,  where  there  is  room  for  debate  about  the 
validity  of  the  findings,  so  far  as  the  scope  of  his  powers  and  the 
rate  of  his  remuneration  are  concerned;  while  there  is  only  the  one 
plain  issue  in  the  case  of  the  man  with  the  hoe. 

We  must  keep  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that  we  are  not 
arguing  that  finance-capital  is  wrong.  We  are  pointing  out  that 
it  is  artificial.  The  simple  fact  that  it  is  artificial  keeps  the  ques- 
tion eternally  open  whether  the  artificial  elements  in  the  arrange- 
ment correspond  with  a  relatively  belated  or  a  relatively  advanced 
stage  of  social  intelligence.  The  legal  system  which  supports  the 
artificial  adjustments  is  the  expression  of  a  complicated  body  of 
opinions,  one  resting  upon  another  in  the  most  involved  fashion, 
about  what  ought  to  be,  in  the  relationships  of  all  concerned  with 
this  type  of  property.  It  should  go  without  saying  that  the  bank- 
ing functions  must  be  performed  by  someone,  somehow,  in  any 
society  that  continues  the  process  of  civilization.  No  one  capable 
of  conducting  an  analysis  like  this  could  have  any  doubts  about 
that  point.  On  the  other  hand,  finance-capital  when  aggregated, 
and  held  in  large  masses  by  a  few  owners  or  their  agents,  is  such  a 
different  social  factor  from  anything  that  could  be  imagined  from 
the  standpoint  of  the  depositor  of  a  dollar,  that  the  theory  and 
practice  of  finance-capital  present  perhaps  the  central  sociological 
problem  of  our  time.  The  whole  hierarchy  of  opinions,  upon  which 
our  present  system  of  finance-capital  rests,  must  be  re-examined 
from  premise  to  premise,  and  from  conclusion  to  conclusion,  in  the 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  743 

light  of  the  enormous  visible  anomalies  that  have  developed  in  the 
operation  of  the  system. 

One  more  type  of  finance-capitalist  may  be  referred  to  for  pur- 
poses of  further  illustration.  It  is  the  man,  woman,  or  child  who 
has  come  into  possession  of  wealth  by  the  operation  of  social  factors 
of  which  the  owner  is  the  passive  beneficiary.  The  owner  enjoys 
revenues  from  that  wealth  without  the  slightest  contribution  of 
his  own  to  the  processes  which  make  any  revenue  whatever  possible. 
A.  B.  has  inherited,  for  example,  one  thousand  shares  of  the 
X.  Y.  Z.  Manufacturing  Company's  stock.  A.  B.  has  never  seen 
the  plant  of  the  X.  Y.  Z.  Manufacturmg  Company.  He  knows 
nothing  whatever  about  the  processes  which  men  in  that  organi- 
zation are  carrying  on.  They  are  creating  wealth  without  the 
least  assistance  from  the  fact  that  he  is  in  the  world.  Yet  social 
co-operations  guarantee  to  him  a  regular  share  in  all  the  wealth 
that  these  actually  functioning  persons  create.  It  may  be  that, 
instead  of  a  thousand  shares,  he  has  been  presented  by  society  with 
a  majority  of  the  stock  of  the  concern.  Besides  collecting  the 
larger  part  of  all  the  surplus  wealth  produced  by  the  plant,  he 
may  now  influence  the  welfare  of  all  the  operators  in  the  concern 
to  an  extent  that  for  a  long  tune  has  not  been  within  the  power  of 
poHtical  rulers  in  civilized  states.  That  is,  by  following  a  path 
whose  leadings  no  one  could  see  in  advance,  capitaKsm  has  brought 
large  sections  of  industrial  human  beings  back  into  social  relations 
as  dependent  upon  the  will  of  other  human  bemgs  as  the  subjects 
of  princes  "by  divine  right"  were  to  the  decrees  of  those  rulers. 
This  is  not  rhetoric.  It  is  not  fiction.  It  is  the  bald  and  literal 
fact  in  the  case  of  many  inheritors  on  the  one  hand  and  operatives 
on  the  other.  This  relation  of  superiority  and  subordination  is 
given  only  in  part  by  the  nature  of  the  case.  In  its  other  parts  it 
is  decreed  by  the  opinions  of  society.  It  is  not  confined  to  inheritors 
alone  among  capitalists  by  any  means;  but  we  refer  to  it  in  con- 
nection with  them  in  particular,  in  order  to  call  attention  as  sharply 
as  possible  to  the  anomaly. 

Now  the  present  social  transition  is  a  partly  instinctive,  partly 
reasoned  reaction  to  the  partially  recognized  artificiahty  in  our 
social  relations.     Nothing  can  stop  this  reaction,  because  it  is 


744  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

reality  asserting  itself  against  partial  unreality.  Constructive 
social  action  must  necessarily  proceed  by  means  of  more  precise 
detection  of  the  artificial  elements  of  our  institutions,  and  by 
means  of  revision  of  judgments  about  their  value. 

To  start  at  the  beginning,  in  the  case  of  finance-capital,  it  is 
a  debatable  question  whether  we  are  not  turning  morals  upside 
down  by  supposing  that  the  depositor  of  *a  dollar  in  the  savings 
bank  deserves  any  payment  at  all  for  his  deposit;  and  whether  we 
are  not  turning  economics  into  a  chimera  by  supposing  that  we  can 
permanently  act  on  the  assumption  that  he  deserves  a  payment 
and  that  other  people  can  permanently  afford  to  pay  it.  Capital- 
istic society  has  taken  for  granted,  without  proof,  that  the  depositor 
is  entitled  to  3,  4,  or  5  per  cent  annually,  simply  because  he  can 
get  it;  but  it  is  an  open  question  whether  he  ought  not  rather  to 
pay  3,  4,  or  5  per  cent  annually  for  the  security  which  the  business 
and  the  legal  system  together  afford.  At  all  events,  the  depositor 
of  a  dollar  has  no  right  to  rail  at  "Wall  Street,"  as  the  heavy  villain 
in  the  plot,  unless  he  is  willing  to  treat  these  matters  as  debatable. 
If  "Wall  Street"  is  in  any  way  wrong,  it  will  turn  out  to  be,  in 
part  at  least,  because  of  confusion  of  ideas  which  begins  with  the 
dollar  deposited  in  the  savings  bank. 

One  of  the  most  familiar,  and  at  the  same  time  most  fatuous 
ways  of  arresting  perception  that  this  whole  question  of  principle, 
in  the  matter  of  justifying  income  to  finance-capital,  is  debatable, 
is  school-masterish  assertion  that  people  would  never  have  saved 
and  loaned  wealth  if  they  had  not  received  a  bonus  for  it.  As  a 
pure  historical  generaUzation  the  proposition  is  probably  nine- 
tenths  true.  It  nevertheless  does  not  contain  the  insinuated  con- 
clusion. It  by  no  means  follows  that  saving  will  always  have  to 
depend  upon  that  motive,  nor  that  a  society  convinced  that  the 
privilege  and  premium  factors  in  the  incomes  of  finance-capitahsts 
are  fallacious  will  have  no  other  recourse  for  insuring  a  continuance 
of  the  necessary  supply  of  capital. 

Ethnologists  are  pretty  well  agreed  that  we  should  not  yet  have 
had  the  capability  of  sustained  industry  which  civilized  peoples 
exhibit,  if  slavery  had  not  supphed  the  intermediate  training  which 
disciphned  men  for  persistent  effort.     Americans  know  that  we 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  745 

should  not  have  had  our  western  railroads  as  soon  as  we  did,  if 
enormous  land  grants  and  other  gifts  had  not  stimulated  indi- 
vidual enterprise  to  go  far  ahead  of  public  demand.  We  know  too 
that  our  mineral  resources  would  not  have  been  developed  to  the 
present  extent,  if  public  endowments  had  not  been  turned  over  to 
individuals  with  a  prodigality  which  we  should  now  be  too  wise 
to  repeat.  Our  present  poHcy  in  Alaska  proves  so  much.  That 
is,  the  historical  process  through  which  we  have  arrived  at  our 
present  wealth,  and  knowledge,  and  character  is  not  necessarily  in 
detail  the  process  which  we  shall  perpetuate  in  our  further  use  of 
what  we  have  acquired.  If  we  find  that  we  have  offered  unneces- 
sarily large  premiums  for  certain  kinds  of  activities,  we  can  lower 
or  aboHsh  the  gratuities,  as  we  have  lately  done  in  the  case  of  some 
of  our  tariff  schedules. 

Returning  then  to  the  proposition  that  finance-capital  is  an 
artificial  phenomenon,  the  fabrication  of  an  involved  system  of 
opinions,  it  is  obvious  that  the  degree  of  validity  of  finance-capital, 
as  a  permanent  device,  depends  entirely  upon  the  degree  of  arti- 
ficiality and  generality  of  the  judgments  which  have  produced  the 
device. 

First,  as  to  the  artificiality.  What  happens  when  X.  deposits 
his  dollar  in  the  savings  bank?  An  officer  of  the  bank  holds 
repeated  conversations  with  Y.  who,  let  us  say,  owns  an  undevel- 
oped water  power.  These  conversations  are  followed  up  by  further 
investigations  into  Y.'s  credit  and  business  abihty.  Another 
representative  of  the  bank  examines  Y.'s  title  to  the  site.  Still 
another  agent  makes  estimates  of  the  cost  of  developing  the  power, 
and  perhaps  a  fourth  reports  on  the  probabiUty  that  the  power  can 
be  profitably  leased  or  that  the  owner  can  himself  make  it  pay. 
Finally  the  directors  of  the  bank  decide  to  put  X.'s  dollar  with  the 
dollars  of  many  more  depositors,  and  turn  them  over  to  Y.  for  use 
in  developing  the  power.  Y.  agrees  to  pay  6  per  cent  for  the  loan. 
At  the  end  of  the  year  3,  or  4,  or  5  of  the  6  cents  which  Y.  has  paid 
for  X.'s  dollar  are  credited  to  his  account.  Meanwhile  X.  has 
known  nothing  whatever  of  all  these  transactions,  beyond  the  mere 
fact  that  the  bank  has  given  him  a  little  book,  with  credit  for  a 
dollar  written  into  it,  and  the  fact  that,  if  he  calls  at  the  end  of  the 


746  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

year,  he  is  offered  his  choice  between  receiving  the  3,  4,  or  5  cents 
in  cash  and  having  another  credit  for  the  amount  written  into  the 
book.  What  is  the  actual  efficiency  which  makes  that  choice 
possible?  Not  X.'s,  certainly,  for  after  he  left  his  dollar  in  the 
bank  it  would  have  been  the  last  he  would  ever  have  seen  of  it  or 
its  equivalent,  if  he  had  been  left  by  his  fellow-citizens  to  do  his 
best  to  recover  it.  He  does  recover  it,  with  an  addition,  simply 
because  one  combination  of  men  worked  in  the  business  system  to 
make  the  dollar  productive,  and  another  combination  of  men  worked 
in  the  legal  system  to  make  the  dollar  plus  secure;  in  brief,  through 
assurance  of  the  inviolability  of  contracts.  Now  as  a  mere  matter 
of  hypothetical  illustration,  it  is  easily  conceivable  that,  as  we  study 
the  workings  of  financial  contracts,  our  opinions  may  undergo  very 
radical  modifications.  It  is  highly  probable  that  we  shall  greatly  ma- 
ture our  opinions  as  to  the  conditions  to  be  observed  in  order  that 
contracts  should  receive  public  sanction;  that  is,  in  order  that  the 
community  as  a  whole  should  accept  the  role  of  indorser  and  sus- 
tainer  to  which  it  is  committed  in  connection  with  contracts.  For 
instance,  it  is  conceivable  that  we  may  sometime  refuse  to  give 
legal  effect  to  any  contract  involving  finance-capital,  unless  a 
judicial  representative  of  the  community  has  passed  favorably  in 
advance  upon  the  equity  of  the  terms,  especially  as  between  either 
or  both  of  the  contracting  parties  and  the  now  inadequately  repre- 
sented contractor,  the  civic  community. 

For  another  illustration,  suppose  we  go  back  to  A.  B.  and  his 
inheritance  of  a  controlling  interest  in  the  big  factory.  A.  B.  may 
still  be  in  the  cradle.  So  far  as  the  operation  of  the  plant  is  con- 
cerned, his  presence  in  the  world,  or  absence  from  it,  makes  no 
more  difference  than  the  presence  or  absence  of  one  drop  more  or 
less  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  If  natural  processes  only  were  in  opera- 
tion, the  chances  are  millions  to  one  against  A.  B.  and  the  X.  Y.  Z. 
Manufacturing  Company  ever  being  introduced  to  each  other  as 
owner  and  owned.  Whence  then  this  fateful  linking-up  of  their 
destinies?  The  explanation  is,  of  course,  that  the  community 
has  followed  certain  traditional  rules,  and  it  has  installed  certain 
machineries  for  securing  their  application.  A.  B.  falls  under  the 
workings  of  those  rules.     By  the  will  of  society,  not  by  his  now 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  'j^'j 

might  nor  power,  he  is  put  into  a  position  in  the  social  order  which 
it  is  inconceivable  that  he  could  ever  have  reached  strictly  by  his 
individual  efforts.  He  is,  let  us  suppose,  next  of  kin  to  the  man 
who  owned  a  controlling  interest  in  the  company.  His  consan- 
guinity may  have  been  very  remote.  The  owner  may  have  left  neither 
near  relatives  nor  a  \\all.  The  civic  community  long  before  decided 
what  course  property  should  take  under  those  circumstances,  or 
rather,  probably  those  precise  circumstances  were  anticipated  by 
nobody  when  the  civic  agreement  was  adopted,  but  these  circum- 
stances are  covered  by  the  letter  of  the  agreement  or  of  precedents 
accepted  as  interpretations  of  the  agreement.^  The  community 
has  in  waiting  probate  courts,  and  guardians,  and  trustees,  and 
executors,  with  rules  for  their  procedure.  These  agencies  are 
directed  by  the  community  to  do  their  several  parts  in  conserving 
the  estate  and  in  coaching  the  heir,  until  twenty-one  years  later  he 
is  informed  by  society  that  he  is  now  entitled  to  ''rights,"  which 
make  him  arbiter  over  the  destinies  of  many  of  his  fellow-men ! 

Centuries  ago,  if  Piers  the  Plowman  died  possessed  of  a  hoe,  it 
was  the  common  sense  of  his  fellow-citizens  that  justice  would  be 
done  if  that  hoe  passed  to  his  son,  who  would  be  the  most  natural 
successor  of  his  father  in  tilling  the  momentarily  tenantless  patch 
of  ground.  Generation  after  generation  since,  we  have  been 
enlarging  on  that  habit  of  standing  by  the  transfer  of  the  o^vnerless 
hoe  to  the  person  most  likely  to  put  the  hoe  to  its  proper  use. 
Meanwhile  the  things  left  ownerless  have  grown  from  hoes  to  fac- 
tories that  are  virtually  cities,  or  to  transportation  systems  that 
might  make  or  mar  the  prosperity  of  a  nation.  And  our  habit  of 
standing  by  old  rules  of  inheritance,  and  old  permissions  of  bequest, 
leaves  us  unaware  that  in  applying  our  habit  to  the  giant  factory 
or  the  railroad  system  we  are  doing  anything  morally  different 
from  standing  by  Piers  the  Plowman's  son  in  succession  to  the  hoe ! 

By  generations  of  stultifying  habit  we  have  deadened  our  minds 
to  the  anomaly  of  a  system,  professedly  democratic,  which  permits 
individuals,  through  the  sheer  irrelevancy  of  blood  relationship 
to  other  individuals,  to  take  over  and  exercise  the  ownership  of 

'This  form  of  expression  does  not  imply  a  harking  back  to  the  "social  contract 
theory."     It  merely  exhibits  the  literal  force  of  legislation. 


748  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

millions  of  capital,  without  even  counterbalancing  conditions 
requiring  a  corresponding  return  to  the  community.  We  gratui- 
tously present  to  some  men  the  privilege  for  life  of  levying  on  the 
earnings  of  other  men,  and  of  passing  along  the  same  gratuitous 
privilege  to  someone  in  the  next  generation,  without  the  slightest 
assurance,  beyond  a  paltry  inheritance  tax,  that  an  effort  will  be 
made  by  the  grantee  to  compensate  either  the  persons  directly 
under  tribute  or  the  general  pubUc.  Not  only  this,  but  by  placing 
the  powers  of  finance-capital  at  the  disposal  of  these  privileged 
persons  we  give  them  large  scope  to  influence  the  social  conditions 
which  affect  the  lives  and  fortunes  of  their  fellow-citizens. 

But  suppose  our  ideas  about  the  rationaHty  and  morality  of 
ownership  had  progressed  as  much  as  methods  of  agriculture  have 
since  Piers  the  Plowman's  time.  Suppose  we  had  meanwhile 
become  as  wise  to  cause  and  effect  in  human  relations  as  we  have 
about  the  technique  of  acquiring  wealth.  Suppose,  in  particular, 
civilized  communities  had  decided  that  they  would  not  be  parties 
to  the  creation  or  perpetuation  of  preferential  wealth  or  oppor- 
tunity. Suppose  it  had  become  a  part  of  common  sense  that  dead 
men's  capital  must  pass  to  those  Hving  men  who  are  most  Hkely  to 
make  the  capital  productive.  Suppose  the  civic  community  in 
which  the  X.  Y.  Z.  plant  is  located  had  provided  that,  under  the 
circumstances  assumed,  the  plant  should  become  the  property 
of  the  whole  body  of  its  operatives,  with  charter  control  of  their 
relations  among  themselves,  and  of  their  liabilities  to  the  com- 
munity. We  should  then  have  a  relatively  natural  order,  develop- 
ing with  the  actual  development  of  industrial  society,  instead  of  an 
antiquated  artificiality. 

Second,  as  to  the  generality.  As  I  have  shown  in  another  con- 
nection,^ as  the  example  of  Piers  the  Plowman  and  the  contrasted 
artificial  cases  have  already  illustrated,  and  as  I  pointed  out  more 
generally  in  early  paragraphs  of  this  paper,^  the  present  vagueness 
in  our  conceptions  of  the  morals  of  capitaHsm  is  due  in  part  to 
crude  creduhty  that  a  relation  which  is  morally  wholesome  in  a 
relatively  simple  social  situation  is  necessarily  wholesome  in  a 
highly  complex  social  situation.     On  the  contrary,  suppose  we 

'  American  Journal  of  Sociology,  XIX,  441. 
"P.  723- 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  749 

have,  instead  of  two  individuals  bargaining  over  small  quantities 
of  visible  goods,  one  party  that  is  a  highly  specialized,  and  informed, 
and  equipped  promoter,  and  the  other  party  that  is  an  unconscious, 
uninformed,  and  inadequately  represented  public.  The  contrast 
between  the  circumstances  in  the  two  types  of  cases  can  hardly 
be  brought  to  the  attention  of  any  judicial  person  without  arousing 
wonder  that  intelligent  people  could  ever  have  acquiesced  in  per- 
mitting the  rules  that  seem  to  fit  the  former  type  of  case  to  apply, 
without  radical  restrictions,  to  the  latter. 

Again,  suppose  I  am  a  small  farmer,  and  the  general  store  supplies 
me  with  the  necessities  of  life,  at  fair  prices,  through  the  summer, 
on  my  promise  to  pay  as  soon  as  I  have  collected  on  my  cotton 
in  the  autumn.  It  is  rather  evidently  in  the  interest  of  public 
policy  that  my  contract  shall  be  held  inviolable.  If,  on  the  other 
hand,  I  succeed  in  getting  careless  or  corrupt  representatives  of  the 
pubhc  to  give  me  a  franchise  which  I  capitalize  so  that  it  yields 
me  two,  four,  five,  or  ten  times  a  fair  equivalent  for  interest  on  the 
actual  investment  plus  a  fair  wage  for  the  service,  it  is  obvious  to 
anyone  capable  of  analysis  that  somewhere  in  the  course  of  transi- 
tion from  direct  and  simple  relations  between  man  and  man  to 
indirect  and  complicated  transactions  between  artificial  legal  per- 
sons, the  balance  of  even-handed  justice  has  been  destroyed,  and 
that  it  is  subornation  of  the  wrong  to  insist  that  the  disarrange- 
ment must  be  accepted  as  eternal,  and  that  it  "strikes  at  the 
foundations  of  society"  to  study  means  of  returning  nearer  to 
equity. 

Again,  waiving  all  questions  which  have  been  suggested  above 
about  interest  as  a  source  of  income,  suppose  I  am  a  farmer  and 
need  a  thousand  dollars  to  build  a  barn.  Suppose  my  neighbor 
has  a  thousand  dollars  which  he  is  willing  to  lend  for  a  considera- 
tion. It  might  be  the  nearest  approach  to  wisdom  and  justice 
which  the  community  could  achieve,  if  my  neighbor  and  I  were  left 
to  settle  the  terms  between  ourselves,  with  no  more  interference 
by  the  community  than  would  be  implied  in  our  mutual  knowledge 
that,  whatever  the  terms  agreed  upon,  the  community  would  hold 
us  to  the  agreement.  Suppose,  on  the  contrary,  my  neighbor  has 
moved  to  the  city,  and  has  made  use  of  the  particular  species  of 
modern  improvements  which  enable  him  to  transform  himself  into 


750  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

a  trust  company.  Suppose  he  has  acquired  all  the  facilities  for 
obtaining  market  information,  and  for  co-operating  with  other 
finance-capitalists,  which  give  him  a  decided  advantage  in  bar- 
gaining with  amateur  borrowers.  Suppose  the  region  in  which  I  live 
has  grown  into  a  town,  and  needs  a  water  system.  Suppose  the 
representatives  of  the  town  bond  the  water  plant  to  the  trust  com- 
pany on  terms  which  yield  a  profit  to  the  latter  institution  far  in 
excess  of  the  rate  which  a  competent  third  party  would  estimate  as 
fair.  The  point  which  we  are  now  illustrating  is  that  it  is  pre- 
posterous for  the  civic  community  to  proceed  on  the  same  assump- 
tions toward  the  town  and  the  trust  company  which  were  wise  in 
the  case  of  myself  and  my  neighbor.  The  differences  between  us, 
in  all  the  elements  of  our  situation,  when  we  were  ordinary  farmers, 
were  not  great  enough  to  justify  interference  with  any  bargains 
we  might  make,  or  to  make  it  public  policy  to  offer  either  of  us  any 
recourse  in  case  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  agreement  once  made. 
Because  it  is  wise  for  the  community  to  give  to  private  bargains 
the  sanctions  of  law,  when  the  bargainers  are  on  equal  terms,  it  by 
no  means  follows  that  pubUc  policy  will  permanently  permit  treat- 
ment of  amateur  and  specialized  bargainers  as  presumably  equal, 
and  it  by  no  means  follows  that  in  advanced  society  the  machinery 
for  realizing  the  community  interest  in  finance-capitalistic  opera- 
tions should  not  be  greatly  modified,  with  a  view  to  securing  a 
more  balanced  type  of  bargaining  as  a  condition  of  community 
sanction. 

Once  more,  if  I  buy  a  stagecoach  and  pass  the  word  along 
between  the  points  A  and  D  that  I  intend  to  make  regular  trips, 
and  to  carry  passengers  and  parcels  at  fair  rates  between  those 
localities,  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine  that  any  serious  variations 
from  social  balance  could  result  from  a  community  policy  to  allow 
traffic  and  the  rates  to  develop  on  the  obvious  supply-and-demand 
basis.  If  I  charge  what  I  think  I  ought  to  have,  and  the  dwellers 
along  my  route  use  my  service  or  not,  according  to  their  convenience, 
it  will  not  be  long  before  facts  will  attend  to  the  permanence  or 
the  transience  of  my  enterprise.  But  suppose  I  am  a  finance- 
capitalist  with  a  fancy  for  manipulating  the  railroad  business. 
Suppose  I  have  no  interest  whatever  in  developing  the  technique 
of  transportation.     Suppose  the  convenience  and  prosperity  of  the 


THE  SOCIAL  GRADATIONS  OF  CAPITAL  751 

public  do  not  concern  me  in  the  least,  except  as  they  affect  the 
volume  of  business  on  the  lines  that  I  control.     Suppose  it  is  within 
my  power  under  the  law  so  to  reorganize  roads  which  other  men 
have  built,  and  which   use   of   the   sovereign   right   of   eminent 
domain,  among  other  things,  has  made  into  virtual  monopolies, 
that  the  ''earnings"  of  the  roads  are  scandalously  disproportioned 
to  the  actual  cost  of  the  service  rendered,  measured  by  any  system 
comparable  with  adjustment  of  prices  between  parties  fairly  free 
to  take  or  leave  each  other's  offerings  on  their  merits.     Suppose 
those  "earnings"  pass,  by  legal  sanction,  so  largely  to  my  private 
credit  that  my  wealth  increases  as  if  by  magic,  while  no  dispassion- 
ate person  can  discover  that  I  have  added  anything  to  public  wel- 
fare which  is  remotely  comparable  with  the  size  of  my  income. 
It  is  an  irresistible  certainty  that  my  status  in  the  community  will 
not  be  allowed  to  go  long  unchallenged.     The  myth  that  as  a 
manipulator  of  railroad  properties  I  am  merely  an  evolved  stage- 
driver  is  certain  to  be  stared  out  of  countenance.     I  am  possible  as 
a  manipulator  of  railroad  securities,  and  as  a  sequestrator  of  rail- 
road revenues,  simply  because  the  community,  which  gives  me  the 
possibihty  of  existence  at  all  in  my  financial  relations,  has  not  yet 
intelligently  taken  in  hand  the  problem  of  auditing  my  account 
as  a  purveyor  of  public  service.     It  has  not  yet  begun  to  take 
seriously  its  function  of  revising  its  requirements  for  a  reasonable 
balance  between  obligations  assumed,  and  powers  conferred,  and 
services  performed  on  the  one  hand,  and  influence  upon  the  pub- 
lic, aside  from  direct  performance  of  the  service,  and  the  rate  of 
reward  on  the  other.     That  is,  to  adopt  a  related  figure,  the  com- 
munity has  not  yet  discovered  that  I  am  not  a  mere  farm-bred 
horse,  drawing  a  stagecoach,  but  a  Trojan  horse  capturing  the  city. 
This  paper  began  with  a  reference  to  the  current  social  transi- 
tion.    The  change  may  be  described  on  its  subjective  side  as  an 
unorganized  and  largely  instinctive  effort  of  adjustment  to  a  new 
attitude  toward  life.     From  the  men  whose  adjustments  are  of  the 
most  particular  and  concrete  sorts  to  those  who  attempt  to  phi- 
losophize the  universe,  the  modern  temper  is  no  longer  conformity 
to  models,  but  inclination  to  understand  and  obey  or  control  laws 
of  cause  and  effect.     The  farmer  no  longer  figures  on  a  harvest 
because  he  has  performed  the  prescribed  ritual  to  the  gods  of  the 


752  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

fields.  He  counts  on  a  harvest  because  he  has  used  information 
that  came  from  his  own  experience,  supplemented  perhaps  by 
the  agricultural  experiment  station.  The  citizen  will  not  always 
beKeve  that  the  best  civic  conditions  possible  are  those  given 
up  to  date  by  the  spontaneous  historical  processes,  and  sancti- 
fied by  conventional  social  doctrine.  He  is  already  beginning 
to  believe  that  the  best  possible  civic  conditions  will  be  the 
result  of  men's  desire  and  will  to  find  out  whether  they  are  co- 
operating toward  the  most  intelligent  ends,  and  with  the  highest 
attainable  degree  of  efficiency.  That  is,  our  thinking  and  our  feel- 
ing are  no  longer  merely  historical,  or  merely  syllogistic;  they  are 
finally  and  chiefly  functional.  We  believe  in  a  thing,  or  disbelieve 
in  it,  because  it  works  or  does  not  work  up  to  a  standard  set  by  our 
growing  sense  of  what  ought  to  be.  Theories  pro  or  con  may  hold 
what  they  will  about  criticism  and  reconstruction  of  capitalistic 
institutions.  Those  institutions  are  merely  provisionally  adopted 
means  toward  certain  incidental  ends.  So  sure  as  humanity 
remains  virile,  transition  after  transition  will  follow,  in  experiment 
with  modified  institutions,  until  our  economic  machinery  gets  into 
stable  equilibrium  with  the  implications  of  human  needs. 

The  capitalistic  ultimatum  is  that  property  is  property,  whether 
it  is  a  hoe  or  a  house  or  a  railroad,  a  dollar  or  a  thousand  dollars  or 
a  thousand  million  dollars.  The  dictum  belongs  in  the  "important- 
if-true  "  class.  With  only  the  rudiments  of  objective  social  analysis, 
one  may  discover  that  it  is  not  true.  On  the  contrary,  it  would 
seem  to  be  axiomatic  that  in  the  degree  in  which  the  partnership 
of  other  men  besides  the  proprietor  is  necessary  to  make  a  type  of 
capital  possible  and  efficient,  corresponding  partnership  of  those 
other  men  in  control  of  that  capital  is  indicated.  This  logic  is 
making  the  social  transition.  Men  are  applying  this  analysis  and 
making  this  discovery.  The  result  appears  in  gathering  momentum 
of  the  movement  to  retire  those  accidents  of  our  social  order  which 
make  large  sections  of  capital  chiefly  pretexts  for  privilege,  and  to 
substitute  control  which  shall  tend  to  make  capital,  from  least  to 
greatest,  a  consistent  means  of  human  service.^ 

■  Discussion  of  the  ways  in  which  the  three  types  of  capital — tool,  management, 
and  finance — overlap  and  interlock  in  particular  properties,  was  e.xcluded  from  this 
paper  by  lack  of  space. 


FUNCTIONAL  INDUSTRIAL  RELATIONSHIPS  AND  THE 

WAGE  RATE 


PAUL  L.  VOGT 

Miami  University 


Social  theory  is  the  outgrowth  of  the  attempt  on  the  part  of 
man  to  discover  rules  of  action  in  his  social  environment  which 
will  aid  him  in  his  efforts  to  direct  the  course  of  social  progress. 
In  his  search  for  these  rules  he  has  available  two  sources,  the  record 
of  past  experience  and  the  analysis  of  the  present  social  organi- 
zation. During  the  past  two  centuries  social  conditions  have 
changed  so  rapidly  that  the  experience  of  the  past  loses  much  of 
its  significance  and  the  interpretation  of  the  present  is  scarcely 
completed  before  new  conditions  invalidate  the  conclusions  reached. 
But  social  theory  once  accepted  by  the  popular  mind  persists  as 
a  basis  of  social  control  and  thus  becomes  a  source  of  maladjust- 
ment in  social  relations.  For  this  reason  in  many  cases  the 
attempts  of  men  consciously  to  direct  the  course  of  human  prog- 
ress have  defeated  their  own  ends. 

One  theory,  widely  accepted  among  modem  economists,  which 
must  be  classed  among  the  results  of  an  earHer  environment,  is  the 
productivity  theory  of  wages.  This  theory  in  brief  is  that  in  the 
industrial  system  the  tendency  is  for  each  producing  agent  to 
receive  from  society  the  equivalent  of  what  it  has  produced.  In 
some  standard  texts  the  tendency  is  manifest  to  relate  productivity 
to  the  efficiency  of  the  wage  earner,  and  thus  to  fix  upon  the  indi- 
vidual producer  the  ultimate  responsibility  for  wages  received. 
An  excellent  statement  of  this  point  of  view  is  to  be  found  in 
Professor  Seligman's  text  on  economics: 

Since  the  ultimate  factor  of  the  relation  between  labor  and  cost  is  pro- 
ductive efficiency,  the  problem  of  increasing  the  efficiency  of  labor  is  of  para- 
mount importance"  {Principles  of  Economics,  p.  289). 

Again,  in  comparing  the  efficiency  of  different  men  and  the 
value  of  their  labor,  the  statement  is  made: 

753 


754  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

A  modern  railway  president  of  an  industrial  trust  often  receives  a  salary- 
equal  to  that  of  several  hundred  of  his  workmen,  and  larger  than  that  of  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  The  work  may  not  be  as  irksome  as  that  of 
the  day-laborer,  but  it  may  be  worth  far  more  to  society,  because  its  contri- 
bution to  the  product  is  so  much  greater.  The  real  value  of  labor  depends 
not  upon  condition  of  employment,  but  upon  the  results  of  activity"  {ibid., 
p.  286). 

In  another  place  the  author  states : 

Labor,  therefore,  has  a  value  because  its  services  or  products  have  value. 
Labor  secures  a  remuneration  because  it  produces  something  for  which  people 
are  willing  to  pay;  in  other  words,  wages  depend  on  productivity"  (jhid., 
p.  417). 

In  the  first  quotation  we  are  told  that  "eflaciency  of  labor  is  of 
paramount  importance."  In  the  last  two,  that  value  of  labor  or 
wages  depend  on  productivity  or  results  of  activity.  The  thought 
underlying  current  economic  theory,  then,  is  that  the  workman 
tends  to  receive  the  amount  he  produces  and  that  he  is  accord- 
ingly under  normal  conditions  personally  responsible  for  the 
amount  he  receives. 

This  principle  became  the  controlling  one  at  a  time  when 
mediaeval  institutions  were  being  broken  by  the  growth  of  industry; 
when  economic  opportunities  offered  much  greater  hope  to  the 
ambitious  workman  of  becoming  an  independent  producer;  when 
Adam  Smith  and  the  Physiocrats,  seeing  the  advantages  of  indi- 
vidual initiative,  taught  freedom  of  industry  and  external  trade; 
and  when  later,  Ricardo,  in  full  harmony  with  the  industrial  con- 
ditions of  his  time,  conceived  the  "economic  man"  with  the  one 
motive  of  wealth  acquisition  in  an  environment  of  free  competition 
and  acting  under  the  impulse  of  enlightened  self-interest.  A 
theory  of  personal  responsibility  for  economic  success  was  the 
logical  outgrowth  of  that  transitional  period  when  old  bonds  were 
breaking  and  when  new  standards  of  social  and  economic  control 
had  not  yet  been  formed.  It  has  been  developed  and  perfected 
by  later  writers  in  the  very  midst  of  movements  destined  to  under- 
mine its  utility  as  a  safe  principle  for  the  guidance  of  statesmen. 

The  theoretical  statement  of  this  idea  has  its  concomitant  in 
popular  thought  well  expressed  in  the  following  quotation  from  a 
journal  devoted  to  the  advancement  of  commercial  education: 


INDUSTRIAL  RELATIONSHIPS  AND  THE  WAGE  RATE     755 

Do  not  be  discouraged,  young  man,  because  you  are  poor  and  unknown 
today.  That  is  no  reason  why  you  must  always  remain  so.  Many  men  who 
have  obtained  positions  of  the  greatest  prominence,  and  who  have  acquired 
the  greatest  fortunes,  and  achieved  the  greatest  victories,  began  poorer  and 
more  obscure  than  you  are.  Columbus  was  the  son  of  a  weaver  and  a  weaver 
himself;  Homer  was  a  farmer's  son;  Demosthenes  was  the  son  of  a  cutler; 
Oliver  Cromwell  was  the  son  of  a  London  brewer;  Daniel  Defoe  was  a  hostler 
and  the  son  of  a  butcher;  Whitfield  was  the  son  of  an  inn-keeper;  Virgil  was 
the  son  of  a  porter;  Horace  was  the  son  of  a  shopkeeper;  Robert  Bums  was 
a  plowman  in  Ayrshire;  Napoleon  was  the  son  of  a  poor  Corsican;  John 
Jacob  Astor  once  sold  apples  on  the  streets  of  New  York;  Cincinnatus  was 
plowing  m  his  vineyards  when  the  dictatorship  of  Rome  was  offered  him; 
Elihu  Burritt  was  a  blacksmith;  Abraham  Lincoln  was  a  rail  sphtter;  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  was  a  tanner. 

Such  are  the  sentiments  that  once  prevailed  and  that  are  still 
passing  without  question  among  many.  Both  the  popular  thought 
and  the  scientific  statement  result  from  looking  at  hfe  from  the 
point  of  view  of  individual  advancement  and  individual  responsi- 
bility. That  "man  is  the  architect  of  his  own  fortunes"  is  the 
popular  belief;  and  the  tendency  is  to  hold  the  individual  personally 
responsible  for  economic  failure,  and  to  give  credit  exclusively  to 
the  one  who  achieves  success  in  the  accumulation  of  a  fortune. 
Popular  thought,  as  well  as  economic  theory,  has  lagged  behind  the 
transition  from  prunitive  individual  or  family  economy  to  modern 
social  economy,  and  the  result  is  that  necessary  readjustments  are 
delayed. 

The  above  quotations  fail  to  take  into  account  the  functional 
nature  of  the  modern  social  process.  The  co-ordination  represented 
by  the  industrial  system  is  a  co-ordination  of  services  to  be  rend- 
ered rather  than  a  co-ordination  of  persons.  The  individual,  of 
course,  must  render  the  service,  but  it  is  the  perfect  correlation  of 
given .  services  in  the  system  that  is  sought  rather  than  a  corre- 
lation of  persons.  In  this  functional  relationship  there  are  positions 
of  large  responsibility  offering  large  opportunities  for  the  production 
of  social  values.  These  positions  are  dependent  upon  positions 
requiring  less  effort  and  offering  less  opportunity  for  production. 
Persons  are  to  some  extent  interchangeable;  functions  are  not. 
The  president  of  an  organization  may  for  several  days  do  the  work 
of  a  day-laborer.     But  if  he  continues  in  the  latter  position  he  will 


756  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

not  long  draw  the  salary  of  a  president.  In  the  lower  and  in  many 
of  the  higher  positions  in  industrial  life  functions  do  not  remain 
long  unfilled.  The  person  is  soon  forgotten  as  the  industrial  organi- 
zation runs  smoothly  along,  but  the  function  remains  and  someone 
steps  quickly  into  the  vacancy. 

A  few  illustrations  will  make  clearer  the  point  in  mind.  The 
United  States  Census  for  1900^  shows  that  in  the  combined  textile 
industries  of  the  United  States,  there  were  44,502  salaried  officials, 
clerks,  etc.,  and  1,029,910  wage  earners.  This  represents  a  total 
of  over  23  times  as  many  in  the  second  group  as  in  the  first. 
The  average  annual  income  of  the  smaller  group  per  person  was 
$1,123.00,  while  the  average  income  of  the  larger  group  was 
only  $332.00,  or  less  than  one-ninth  of  the  larger.  These  aver- 
ages show  further  that  many  low-paid  clerks  were  employed  whose 
wages  balanced  the  high  pay  of  the  few  managers  in  the  first 
group,  and  that  the  wage-earning  group  must  have  had  a  similar 
differentiation  of  productive  employment.  The  figures  for  1890 
show  a  similar  disparity  in  productive  possibiHties  in  the  same 
industrial  group.  Other  industries  reported  show  like  results.  In 
1900  the  flour-milling  industry  had  5,790  of  the  first  class  and 
37,073  of  the  second;  slaughtering  and  meat  packing  wholesale, 
9,658  of  the  first  class  and  64,783  of  the  second;  boot  and  shoe 
manufactures,  7,843  of  the  first  and  142,922  of  the  second.  These 
figures  indicate  that  the  proportion  of  positions  of  low  possible 
relative  productivity  in  the  industrial  system  is  very  much  larger 
than  the  positions  of  high  productive  possibility. 

This  principle  of  necessary  proportion  or  functional  relation 
between  positions  of  low-grade  and  high-grade  productive  possi- 
bility may  be  still  further  illustrated.  During  the  last  few  years 
the  country  has  witnessed  a  period  of  growing  business  activity. 
New  factories  have  been  built,  new  railways  have  been  projected, 
new  mines  opened,  new  farming  projects  considered.  Each  of 
these  projects  has  resulted  in  the  creation  of  a  few  positions  of  large 
responsibility  and  of  large  possibilities  of  production.  But  the 
creation  of  these  few  positions  was  possible  only  because  they  were 
accompanied  by  many  positions  involving  less  demand  upon  those 

'Vol.  VII,  470. 


INDUSTRIAL  RELATIONSHIPS  AND  THE  WAGE  RATE     757 

filling  them,  and  consequently  requiring  a  lower  grade  of  efficiency. 
In  a  period  of  industrial  expansion  many  productive  enterprises 
are  delayed  because  it  is  impossible  to  secure  men  to  fill  the  large 
number  of  positions  of  low  productivity  created.  According  to 
investigations  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Labor  {Bulletin  72, 
p.  424),  during  the  seven  months  ending  October,  1906,  employers 
of  labor  made  application  to  one  New  York  agency  for  37,058  men, 
32,749  of  whom  were  needed  for  railroad  construction .  In  response 
to  this  demand  only  3,705  could  be  sent  out.  Other  agencies 
reported  similar  difficulty  in  supplying  the  demand.  For  the  same 
year  one  railway  reported  41  per  cent  increase  in  construction  and 
truck  gangs,  and  could  have  employed  53  per  cent  more,  had  the 
laborers  been  available.  Another  railway  reported  44  per  cent 
increase  and  desired  56  per  cent  more.  This  demand  did  not, 
however,  result  in  a  corresponding  increase  in  the  wage  rate.  The 
nature  of  the  work  required,  when  considered  in  relation  to  the 
social  utility  of  the  product,  was  such  that  any  large  increase  in 
the  rate  would  have  been  impossible.  These  illustrations  may  be 
considered  too  well  known  to  be  worth  taking  account  of,  but  the 
fact  remains  that  the  functional  relationship  which  makes  these 
differences  in  wage  rates  possible  has  not  been  adequately  con- 
sidered by  economists. 

The  functional  point  of  view  requires  a  different  attitude  toward 
many  matters  of  public  interest.  The  significance  of  vocational 
training  and  the  basis  for  it  are  indicated  by  the  understanding  of 
functional  relationships.  Miss  Sumner,  in  her  discussion  of  indus- 
trial education  (Adams  and  Sumner,  Labor  Problems,  p.  458),  closes 
with  these  words: 

In  conclusion,  it  should  be  pointed  out  that  the  need  of  the  day  is  for 
greater  skill  instead  of  less,  and  this  need  will  inevitably  increase  in  the  future. 
As  industry  becomes  more  and  more  highly  specialized  and  systematically 
organized,  the  laboring  classes  must  more  and  more  follow  the  example  of  the 
professional  classes  and  learn  to  work  before  they  apply  for  employment. 
The  day  of  mere  muscle  in  industry  has  passed  and  the  day  of  mind,  with  skill 
of  eye  and  hand,  has  dawned. 

In  this  quotation  there  is  a  failure  to  recognize  that  speciali- 
zation has  in  many  parts  of  the  industrial  system  brought  simpli- 
fication of  the  process  and  a  consequent  lessening  of  need  for  long 


758  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

term  apprenticeship.  The  skilled  man,  trained  to  do  well  all  the 
parts  of  the  constructive  process,  gives  way  to  the  semi-skilled  and 
the  unskilled,  the  machine  feeders  and  the  performers  of  operations 
that  require  a  minimum  of  skill  of  eye  and  hand.  It  is  true  that 
in  some  places  greater  skill  is  required,  but  this  requirement  affects 
the  initiator  and  the  positions  of  directive  responsibility.  Scien- 
tific management  is  accused  of  taking  from  the  wage  earner  the 
little  need  of  personal  initiative  that  he  once  had  and  used,  though 
imperfectly,  to  some  extent. 

Moreover,  the  functional  nature  of  the  productive  process 
precludes  the  hope  of  ever  equalizing  returns  of  men  through  the 
education  of  the  masses,  unless  the  productivity  theory  of  wages 
is  radically  modified.  Neither  does  it  offer  hope  of  increasing  the 
returns  of  any  particular  class  without  increasing  in  proportional 
manner  the  returns  of  every  other  group.  Four  years  of  college 
research  in  the  history  and  technique  of  handhng  a  spade  would 
not  materially  increase  the  efl&ciency  of  the  section  hand.  Pro- 
ductive efficiency  can  be  increased  only  up  to  the  functional  possi- 
bilities of  the  occupation  at  which  the  person  is  engaged,  and  from 
the  point  of  view  of  that  particular  occupation,  any  education  for 
efficiency  greater  than  this  is  wasted.  The  hope  of  increasing  the 
returns  of  any  occupation,  beyond  the  limited  amount  which 
might  result  from  bringing  personal  efficiency  into  harmony  with 
functional  standards,  Hes  in  such  an  increase  in  social  production 
as  will  result  in  a  larger  return  to  every  agent  in  the  industrial 
system.  This  would  prevent  any  equalization  of  return  by  means 
of  universal  vocational  training. 

This  view  of  the  situation  also  indicates  that  the  social  justffi- 
cation  for  popular  industrial  education  lies  not  in  the  possibility 
of  raising  every  workman  to  the  more  remunerative  positions,  such 
as  foreman,  superintendent,  or  the  skilled  positions,  but  in  the 
right  of  every  citizen  to  be  given  the  opportunity  to  prepare  to 
compete  for  these  positions,  and  in  the  value  to  the  state  of  giving 
potential  ability  the  opportunity  of  finding  its  proper  place  in  the 
positions  of  larger  productive  possibilities. 

The  tendency  in  many  parts  of  the  industrial  system  toward 
the  displacement  of  the  fimction  demanding  skilled  labor  by  semi- 


INDUSTRIAL  RELATIONSHIPS  AND  THE  WAGE  RATE     759 

skilled  indicates  that  common-school  education  must  continue  to 
emphasize  to  a  large  degree  "cultural"  training.  Curricula  should 
be  modified  to  include  more  of  those  disciplines  which  give  the 
prospective  citizen  an  appreciation  of  the  civic  and  social  life  of 
which  he  is  to  be  a  part,  and  for  whose  control  he  is  to  be  respon- 
sible. While  industrial  training  has  large  possibilities  of  develop- 
ment at  the  present  time,  the  most  fundamental  and  permanent 
educational  progress  will  be  in  other  directions. 

The  individual  point  of  view  of  the  productivity  theory,  and  the 
social  point  of  view  of  functional  relationships  in  industry,  lead 
to  different  conclusions  as  to  responsibility  for  success  in  the 
acquisition  of  wealth.  The  productivity  theory  holds  the  indi- 
vidual responsible  for  his  income.  The  only  solution  of  the  problem 
of  low  wages  is  to  increase  efficiency  through  education.  It  fails 
to  recognize  that  this  method  can  never  eliminate  those  differences 
in  productive  possibilities  resulting  from  functional  relationships, 
and  hence  that  this  method  can  never  do  away  with  those  differ- 
ences in  income  for  which  the  individual  is  not  responsible.  Further 
it  brings  the  economists  who  have  been  trained  in  the  individual- 
istic theory  of  an  earlier  period  into  opposition  to  any  attempt  to 
control  the  wage  system  in  the  interest  of  those  who  may  be  in 
positions  of  low  productivity,  or  who  may  be  unable  to  protect 
themselves.  To  them  economic  law,  as  they  interpret  it,  is  supreme 
and  any  policy  of  statesmen  that  runs  counter  to  these  laws  is 
worse  than  useless.  We  have  the  repetition  of  the  experience  of 
finding  men  who  should  be  in  the  advance  of  social  progress, 
bravely  defending  the  existing  or  a  passing  order. 

The  functional  point  of  view  places  the  responsibility  for  differ- 
ences in  income  where  it  belongs,  upon  the  division  of  labor 
resulting  from  the  development  of  the  modern  industrial  system. 
Social  production  in  which  there  is  a  definite  relation  of  parts  is 
a  fact.  If  a  few  places  of  high  productive  possibilities  depend 
upon  the  existence  of  many  places  of  low  productive  possibility, 
it  is  a  matter  for  group  and  not  individual  responsibility.  Human 
bemgs  that  must  occupy  the  places  of  low  productivity  deserve 
consideration  as  human  beings,  and  an  adjustment  of  wages  to 
meet  their  reasonable  needs  is  one  of  the  duties  devolving  upon  the 


76o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

group.  It  is  not  right  to  hold  the  individual  responsible  for  pro- 
ductivity made  necessary  by  conditions  inherent  in  the  life  of  the 
group.  Here  is  to  be  found  a  theoretical  justification  for  the 
minimum  wage,  and  for  any  group  control  which  fixes  responsi- 
bility upon  the  group  for  any  disabilities  or  inequalities  resulting 
from  social  production. 

Many  of  the  economists  have  not  learned  to  approach  their 
problems  from  the  social  point  of  view,  the  point  of  view  which  is 
in  harmony  with  present  conditions.  They  still  spend  a  large 
part  of  their  time  explaining  the  phenomena  of  competition,  when 
competition  in  many  parts  of  the  industrial  system  has  given  way 
to  monopoly  and  co-operation.  They  still  continue  to  interpret 
their  material  in  terms  of  individual  psychology  when  group  life 
is  the  logical  starting  point.  When  a  point  of  view  in  harmony 
with  present  conditions  is  attained,  popular  ideas  of  success  will 
be  materially  modified;  the  inadequacy  of  the  productivity  theory 
as  a  basis  for  state  action  will  be  recognized;  group  responsibility 
for  conditions  resulting  from  functional  relationships  will  be  sub- 
stituted for  ideals  of  individual  responsibihty  inherited  from  an 
earlier  period;  and  the  needs  of  human  beings  as  members  of  a 
group  will  be  provided  for,  instead  of  making  them  suffer  as  indi- 
viduals because  they  happen  to  draw  the  smaller  occupation  prizes 
in  a  system  of  social  production. 


THE  ASSIMILATION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIAN 


FAYETTE  AVERY  McKENZIE 
Ohio  State  University 


To  the  descriptive  scientist  who  paints  his  way  through  the 
series  of  race  conflicts — 'through  the  history-long  tragedy  of  the 
contacts  of  conqueror  and  conquered — 'there  comes  a  certain  artistic 
glow  as  he  contemplates  the  relations  of  the  white  man  and  the 
red  man  in  the  United  States.  If  such  a  scientist  were  here  he 
might  delude  his  academic  soul  into  the  behef  or  hope  that  learned 
phrase  and  happy  illustration  would  lull  him  today  into  the  elysium 
of  gentle  but  pleasing  uselessness.  But  such  is  not  the  desire  or 
intent  of  the  writer  of  this  paper.  The  topic  in  his  mind  is  con- 
crete and  involves  action.  It  is  summed  up  in  two  phrases:  (i)  the 
obHgation  of  the  nation  to  the  Indian,  and  (2)  the  obhgation  of  the 
universities  in  general,  and  of  the  sociologists  in  particular,  to 
furnish  the  scientific  basis  for  the  Indian  policies  of  the  nation. 

The  first  thesis  scarcely  needs  comment;  we  have  forced  upon 
the  Indians  the  status  of  wards,  and  therefore  cannot  divest  our- 
selves of  the  responsibilities  which  devolve  upon  trustees  and 
guardians.  The  second  thesis  must  remain  in  abeyance  until  we 
have  assurance  that  there  are  sociological  principles  which  are 
applicable  and  of  imperative  importance.  This  paper  therefore 
rests  upon  the  first  thesis  of  national  obligation  as  one  conceded, 
and  leads  to  the  second  thesis  of  university  obhgation  as  a  corollary 
of  the  general  contents  of  the  paper  itself.  But  it  cannot  be  under- 
stood except  in  relation  to  these  two  dominant  ideas. 

My  topic  really  is  the  topic  of  the  Indian  problem  of  today. 
As  a  nation  we  are  at  least  ostensibly  engaged  in  the  process  of 
assimilating  the  Indian.  This  is  fundamentally  a  sociological 
problem,  but  what  interest  have  the  sociologists  taken  in  it  ?  It 
may  be  that  hmited  knowledge  or  permanent  introspection  has 
given  me  a  false  notion,  but  you  will  allow  me  to  say  that  my  voice 
seems  to  me  Hke  the  voice  of  one  crying  in  the  wilderness,  with 

761 


762  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

almost  no  response  from  the  ranks  of  those  who  should  long  ago 
have  done  the  great  work  which  would  have  made  my  humble 
endeavors  unnecessary. 

I  want  if  I  can  to  sum  a  situation,  and  to  place  upon  my  hearers 
something  of  the  great  sense  of  responsibility  and  duty  which  has 
been  with  me  almost  constantly  for  the  last  ten  years.  Perhaps 
any  one  of  you  could  have  solved  the  problem  alone  in  that  space 
of  time,  but  I  warn  you  that  my  weakness  or  little  success  will  be 
no  excuse  for  your  inaction  in  the  future.  I  trust  that  the  imper- 
ative in  my  tone  may  not  seem  offensive.  No  one  more  than  I 
reahzes  the  killing  pace  that  is  set  for  the  sociologist.  But  he  that 
hath  eyes  let  him  see,  and  he  that  hath  ears  let  him  hear.  The 
possibiUty  of  salvation  for  the  Indian  races  lies  in  the  hands  of 
those  who  have  vision  and  hearing.  If  there  be  any  imperative 
resting  upon  the  sociologist  it  will  not  be  because  I  presume  to 
pronounce  it,  but  because  he  both  sees  and  hears  and  is  a  sociologist. 

In  passing  let  me  say  my  views  are  largely  wrought  out  of  my 
own  experience.  My  theory  has  been  hammered  out  on  the  slow 
anvil  of  some  actual  endeavor  and  of  some  direct  association  with 
the  people  I  would  serve.  Incidentally  it  might  not  be  amiss  to 
suggest  that  one  of  the  great  reasons  for  direct  service  on  our  part 
in  the  social  movements  of  the  world  is  that  we  may  rectify,  if  not 
actually  create,  the  splendid  body  of  theory  which  we  are  to  trans- 
mit to  our  students.  It  is  very  questionable  whether  theory  uncon- 
taminated  by  endeavor  remains  good  theory.  It  takes  years  of 
patience  before  you  can  begin  to  know  an  Indian  and  therefore 
before  you  can  begin  to  get  first-hand  knowledge  of  the  human  unit 
of  your  problem. 

A  well-worn  formula  tells  us  that  when  two  races  come  together 
the  fate  of  the  weaker  is  summed  up  as  extermination,  subordi- 
nation, or  amalgamation.  As  a  matter  of  fact  history  would  sug- 
gest a  judicious  mixture  of  all  three.  Nevertheless  a  fourth  object 
has  been  evident  on  the  part  of  the  conquering  Caucasian  from  the 
days  of  the  first  discovery  of  America.  Missionary  objects  have 
ever  been  to  the  front.  The  missionary  beheves  in  assimilation— 
either  in  time  or  in  eternity.  But  the  efforts  of  the  missionaries 
for  three  himdred  years — shall  I  say  four  hundred  years?— have 


THE  ASSIMILATION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIAN       763 

seemed  to  be  the  efforts  of  those  who  write  upon  the  sands  of  the 
shore  of  the  sea.  The  disappearance  of  the  tribes  from  the  days  of 
Eliott  in  Massachusetts  to  those  of  Zeisberger  in  Ohio  has  con- 
stituted a  tragedy  which  has  almost  no  acknowledged  explanation. 
The  optimism  of  EJiott  shines  today  against  a  background  of  almost 
complete  failure,  so  far  as  bringing  his  Indians  into  the  permanent 
life  of  the  United  States  is  concerned.  Zeisberger 's  personal  expe- 
rience sums  up  the  point  I  wish  to  make.  On  Christmas  Day,  1788, 
he  wrote  in  his  diary:  "The  chief  thing  which  gives  us  joy  and 
courage  is  this,  that  the  Gospel  ....  is  not  preached  in  vain. 
....  It  opens  the  hearts  and  ears  of  the  dead  and  bhnd  heathen 
and  brings  them  hfe  and  feehng."  His  biographer  tells  us,  how- 
ever, in  the  end  that  Zeisberger's  life  "seems  a  sad  one.  It  was  his 
fate  to  labor  among  a  hopeless  race.  In  his  last  years  he  could  see 
no  lasting  monument  of  his  long  labor.  Even  the  Indian  converts 
immediately  about  him  were  a  cause  of  sorrow  to  him."  Zeis- 
berger's permanent  Indian  villages  in  Ohio  have  long  been  for- 
gotten. From  the  point  of  view  of  incorporation  into  the  life  of 
the  nation  Zeisberger's  efforts  must  be  acknowledged  a  failure. 

We  have  no  time  at  this  point  to  state  or  to  discuss  the  reasons 
for  this  fact;  we  do  not  afi&rm  or  deny  that  the  fault  lay  with  the 
missionary.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that,  in  accordance  with  the 
general  rule,  despite  the  white  men's  rehgion,  the  red  men  died 
away  in  the  presence  of  the  white  man's  civiKzation.  And  yet  we 
may  say  that  gradually  or  rapidly  policies  of  extermination  and 
subjugation  overrode  the  efforts  of  rehgion.  Missionary  endeavor 
did  not  have  a  free  field  to  prove  itself.  The  soldier  and  the  mer- 
chant rode  with  the  missionary  and  made  themselves  not  less  evi- 
dent to  the  Indians  than  did  he. 

The  ever-growing  friction  between  the  races  reached  its  climax 
in  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century.  The  cost  in  money  and 
lives  was  enormous.  Down  to  1866  our  goverimient  had  spent 
half  a  biUion  of  dollars  on  Indian  wars.  We  killed  off  Indians  at 
a  cost  of  a  million  dollars  apiece.  The  relative  futility  of  war 
strengthened  the  hands  of  the  believers  in  assimilation  as  opposed 
to  extermination,  and  so  we  have  in  Grant's  administration  the 
beginning  of  the  "peace  poHcy." 


764  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  first  Board  of  Indian  Commissioners  intrusted  with  the 
inauguration  of  this  new  policy  struck  the  first  clear  note  of  govern- 
mental philosophy  which  we  find.  Their  altruistic  devotion  and 
their  business  capacity  have  long  been  recognized.  Their  scientific 
insight,  however,  will  constitute  their  greatest  claim  to  a  place  in 
history,  when  history  is  correctly  written.  They  beheved  that 
assimilation  was  possible,  but  that  it  would  come  about  only 
through  the  Kving  together  of  the  two  races.  The  initial  step  in 
the  upward  movement  lay  in  the  bestowal  of  a  common  language. 
Education  then  was  the  keynote,  and  today  it  remains  the  keynote 
of  any  scientific  policy.  The  salvation  of  the  race  and  the  efficiency 
of  any  Indian  policy  are  equally  dependent  upon  it.  Doubtless 
the  board  relied  a  little  too  strongly  upon  the  power  of  language, 
but  yet  it  remains  substantially  true  that  difference  in  language 
bars  intercourse  and  mutual  understanding,  and  so  preserves  both 
the  differences  in  customs  and  the  artificial  antipathies  which  hold 
the  races  apart. 

The  "peace  policy"  in  most  of  its  practical  details  was  built 
up  out  of  many  bits  of  endeavor  made  during  colonial  and  later 
days,  and  it  was  defended  and  utilized  for  very  utilitarian  objects. 
The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  on  this  latter  point  filed  his  belief 
that  it  would  be  "cheaper  to  feed  every  adult  Indian  now  living, 
even  to  sleepy  surfeiting — than  it  would  be  to  carry  on  a  general 
Indian  war  for  a  single  year."  Thus  as  a  matter  of  fact  a  policy 
of  stimulation  has  all  too  frequently  become  a  policy  of  pauper- 
ization. Assimilation  has  been  replaced  or  supplemented  by  slow 
extermination.  Peace  became  an  object  in  itself  rather  than  the 
instrument  of  progress. 

Francis  Walker  in  1874  declared  that  the  "peace  policy,"  at 
least  in  its  actual  working,  was  not  a  policy,  but  a  mere  expediency. 
No  great  constructive  advance  had  been  made.  He  maintained, 
on  the  contrary,  that  the  act  of  1834  which  provided  for  segre- 
gation of  Indians  and  for  Indian  self-government  was  the  outcome 
of  a  sound  and  far-reaching  statesmanship."  The  "peace  policy" 
as  supplemented  by  the  congressional  resolution  ending  the  recog- 
nition of  Indian  tribes  as  nations  "struck  the  severest  blow  that 
remained  to  be  given  to  the  policy  of  1834,  in  that  it  weakened  the 


THE  ASSIMILATION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIAN        765 

already  waning  power  of  the  chiefs,  while  yet  failing  to  furnish  any 
substitute  for  their  authority." 

Possibly  we  may  say  today  that  the  two  great  results  that 
accrued  from  the  "peace  poHcy"  were  the  ending  of  Indian  wars 
and  the  new  impetus  given  to  Indian  education.     The  next  period 
began  about  1887.     Not  until  1876  had  the  appropriation  for  edu- 
cation reached  $20,000,  but  in  1886  it  passed  one  million.     In  1887 
the  Dawes  Act  marked  the  new  era  in  its  provisions  for  bringing 
about  individual  allotments  of  Indian  land  and  for  the  admission 
of  Indian  allottees  into  citizenship.     Along  with  these  movements 
there  came  a  demand  for  the  "vanishing  poHcy,"  a  phrase  which 
was  intended  to  mean  that  discriminations  and  privileges  peculiar 
to  the  Indian  should  as  rapidly  as  possible  be  done  away,  and  he 
should  at  the  same  rate  be  admitted  to  full  citizenship  and  equal 
opportunity  to  share  in  the  economic,  legal,  and  political  life  of  the 
country.     Carried  to  its  logical  Hmits  the  "vanishing  poKcy"  goes 
a  long  ways  along  the  path  of  assimilation. 

Today  with  the  churches  increasingly  active,  with  the  govern- 
ment appropriation  for  education  running  close  to  $4,000,000, 
with  individualized  holdings  of  land,  and  with  citizenship  an 
accompaniment  of  such  holdings,  you  will  tell  me  that  assimilation 
is  surely  provided  for,  if  not  already  achieved.  I  recite  these 
things,  however,  that  you  may  discriminate  between  the  form  and 
substance  of  things. 

Consider  with  me,  if  you  will,  three  groups  of  facts,  those  of 
blood  mixture,  of  legal  status,  and  of  education.  We  shall  then 
have  a  suggestion,  if  not  a  measurement,  of  the  extent  to  which 
assimilation  has  gone. 

With  regard  to  blood  we  shall  foUow  the  facts  as  analyzed  by 
Roland  B.  Dixon,  of  the  Census  Bureau.  Since  1890  the  Indian 
population  has  increased  from  248,000  to  265,000,  or  about  7  per 
cent.  Of  the  present  population  Dr.  Dixon  reports  58.4  per  cent 
as  full-bloods  and  35 .  2  per  cent  as  mixed  bloods,  8 . 4  per  cent  being 
unknown  as  to  blood.  Doubtless  the  mixed  bloods  are  more  num- 
erous than  they  will  acknowledge,  but  in  any  event  we  may  say 
they  constitute  at  least  two-fifths  of  the  total  Indian  population. 
Moreover,  mixed  marriages  are  more  often  fertile,  result  in  a  larger 


766  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

number  of  children  per  family,  and  a  larger  proportion  of  these 
children  survive.  Dr.  Dixon  believes  that  "unless  the  tendencies 
now  at  work  undergo  a  decided  change  the  full-bloods  are  destined 
to  form  a  decreasing  proportion  of  the  total  Indian  population  and 
ultimately  to  disappear  altogether." 

It  is  probably  safe  to  say  that  so  far  as  the  blood  of  the  race  is 
to  survive  it  will  survive  through  amalgamation.  But  amalga- 
mation is  not  assimilation.  An  Indian  in  the  eyes  of  the  law  con- 
tinues to  be  an  Indian  until  the  proportion  of  Indian  blood  is  very 
slight  indeed,  and  his  own  insistence  upon  his  Indian  blood  contin- 
ues still  longer.  From  the  social  point  of  view  the  mixture  of 
bloods  has  little  significance.  The  blood  that  determines  the  legal 
status  and  social  environment  is  the  blood  that  tells.  Ofttimes  the 
mixed  blood  is  farther  from,  not  nearer  to,  social  assimilation  than 
is  the  full-blood.  Even  the  adopted  white  man  is  cut  off  from  white 
civilization  to  a  greater  or  less  extent.  Law  and  custom  are 
stronger  than  blood.  Complexion,  real  or  imputed,  is  for  the 
Indian  a  barrier  which  he  scarcely  may  surmount  so  long  as  law 
and  custom  remain  unchanged.  But  when  law  and  custom  are 
satisfactorily  changed,  the  fact  of  physical  amalgamation  will 
greatly  accelerate  the  process  of  real  assimilation. 

The  legal  and  political  status  of  the  Indian  is  particularly 
unfortunate.  Tens  of  thousands  of  Indians  have  ben  allotted. 
Most,  but  not  all,  of  these  are  nominally  citizens.  Custom  and 
congressional  action  have  given  citizenship  to  tens  of  thousands  of 
others.  For  purposes  of  congressional  representation  73  per  cent 
of  all  our  Indians  are  accredited  as  "taxed"  Indians.  In  all  the 
United  States  there  are  only  71,872  not  so  taxed.  This  certainly 
looks  like  rapid  if  not  complete  assimilation.  But  I  beg  you  to 
look  again  past  the  form  to  the  substance.  Let  me  quote  my  own 
analysis  of  the  situation  as  given  in  the  Journal  of  Race  Develop- 
ment a  year  ago : 

There  is  no  necessary  connection  between  taxation  and  citizenship.  The 
Indian  may  swell  the  population  for  the  congressional  district,  he  may  be 
counted  a  taxable,  and  yet  be  substantially  and,  apparently,  legally,  debarred 
from  citizenship.    No  one  knows  today  what  the  status  of  the  Indian  is. 


THE  ASSIMILATION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIAN        767 

Even  such  facts  as  we  do  know  present  such  a  diversity  of  situation  in  the 
different  states  that  no  general  statement  can  be  made  for  like  classes  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  country.  But  this  might  be  condoned  if  the  status  of  the 
Indian  in  each  state  was  understood  either  by  him  or  by  the  general  public. 
Doubtless  even  congressional  enumeration  as  "taxed"  carries  an  Indian  (if 
only  he  knows  he  is  one  of  the  number  so  classed)  far  along  the  road  to 

citizenship;    he  becomes  relatively  at  least  a  "potential"  citizen 

So  long,  however,  as  we  have  taxed  Indians  and  non- taxed  Indians,  citizen 
Indians  and  non-citizen  Indians,  independent  Indians  and  Indian  wards,  and 
so  long  as  we  have  every  sort  of  combination  of  these  classes,  and  further,  so 
long  as  we  have  neither  certainty  as  to  classification  nor  definiteness  as  to  the 
status  when  named,  just  so  long  we  shall  contmue  to  have  a  condition  of  con- 
fusion in  Indian  affairs  intolerable  aUke  to  government  and  Indian.  Indians 
of  Hke  capability  and  situation  are  citizens  in  Oklahoma  and  non-citizens  in 
New  York,  Allottees  are  citizens  in  Nebraska  and  non-citizens  in  Wyoming. 
In  many  cases  m  the  same  state  some  of  the  allottees  are  citizens  while  others 
are  not. 

I  know  an  Indian  admitted  to  practice  law  before  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  who  was  compelled  to  appear  before  an 
agent  for  examination  as  to  his  competence  to  manage  his  own 
property.  That  agent  later  went  to  the  penitentiary  for  graft. 
Do  you  wonder  that  the  Indians  resent  the  impossible  situation 
and  the  perpetual  humihation  in  which  they  are  involved  ?  Do 
you  call  this  assimilation  ? 

The  situation  with  regard  to  education  is  very  similar.  The 
expenditures  for  Indian  schools  as  compared  with  the  general 
Indian  budget  has  increased  from  one-half  of  i  per  cent  in  1877  to 
26.9  per  cent.  I  believe  that  this  proportion  should  continue  to 
increase.  Of  the  88,000  Indian  youth,  50,000  or  56.3  per  cent  are 
today  found  in  some  school.  Of  the  children  between  ten  and 
fourteen  years  of  age,  71.4  per  cent  are  in  school;  71.2  per  cent 
of  all  Indians  can  speak  some  English,  and  45.4  per  cent  can  read 
and  write  to  some  extent.  The  ability  of  the  youth  to  speak  Eng- 
hsh  rises  to  84.2  per  cent  and  abiHty  to  read  and  write  rises  to 
77.2  per  cent. 

I  consider  it  a  great  achievement  to  have  effected  so  complete 
an  introduction  to  the  educational  system  of  our  civilization.  But 
we  must  in  all  honesty  recognize  that  it  is  for  the  great  mass  of 


768  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Indians  merely  an  introduction.  An  Indian  attorney,  now  well 
known  and  prosperous,  last  year  in  a  public  address  in  Columbus 
gave  us  a  most  interesting  bit  of  personal  experience  when  he  told 
us  what  an  amazing  impression  he  had  of  the  English  language  and 
of  our  civilization  after  years  of  attendance  upon  our  government 
schools.  It  is  our  rule  to  require  the  youth  to  go  to  school  until 
they  are  eighteen,  and  not  infrequently  they  continue  in  school 
until  they  are  twenty-five  or  more,  and  yet  the  most  advanced 
government  school  is  a  grammar  school.  The  great  mass  of  the 
children  get  very  much  less.  No  attempt  is  here  made  to  appraise 
the  industrial  training  given  in  the  Indian  schools.  My  object  is 
simply  to  reveal  the  inadequacy  of  the  schooling  to  prepare  the 
Indian  for  successful  competition  in  the  world  of  business  affairs 
and  for  a  genuine  participation  in  the  thought  and  aspirations  of 
our  civilization.  Is  it  any  wonder  we  are  afraid  to  trust  an  Indian 
with  full  control  of  his  land  and  property  ? 

Let  us  stop  a  moment  and  summarize.  The  Indian  race  is 
fast  reducing  the  purity  of  its  blood,  but  the  Indian  blood  pre- 
dominates and  holds  the  succeeding  generations  out  of  the  national 
thought  and  out  of  Caucasian  social  control.  No  one  is  free  until 
he  shares  in  the  thought  which  controls  his  social  life.  The  mixed 
blood  in  custom  and  tradition  is  Indian,  or  raceless,  which  is  worse. 
The  Indian  has  no  defined  status.  Taxed,  he  may  or  may  not  be  a 
citizen.  If  taxed,  or  even  if  a  citizen,  he  may  have  few  or  none  of 
the  privileges  and  immunities  of  a  citizen ;  he  may  not — ordinarily 
he  does  not — have  the  control  of  his  own  property.  If  he  is  not 
a  citizen,  he  is  incompetent  to  sue  or  be  sued,  and  is  not  even  a 
competent  witness  in  court.  Even  whole  tribes  of  Indians,  every 
individual  of  which  may  be  nominally  a  citizen,  have  no  standing 
in  court,  and  have  no  right  to  sue  for  their  claims,  even  in  the 
United  States  Court  of  Clauns.  And  in  the  third  place,  though 
we  spend  on  an  average  about  $ioo  per  year  on  every  Indian  child 
in  the  government  schools,  and  demand  from  them  not  less  than 
twelve  years,  and  sometimes  hold  them  far  beyond  their  majority, 
yet  the  limited  few  who  get  an  advanced  education  do  not  by 
government  policy  go  beyond  the  eighth  grade  of  our  pubUc  schools. 


THE  ASSIMILATION  OF  TEE  AMERICAN  INDIAN        769 

Now  may  I  state  my  thesis  ?  The  Indians  are  not  assimilated. 
The  assimilation  of  one  race  into  another  and  surrounding  race 
means  bringing  them  into  a  full  share  in  the  life  and  thought  of  the 
latter.  They  must  become  constituent  parts  of  the  nation.  They 
must  be  units  of  the  new  society.  John  S.  Mackenzie,  in  his 
Introduction  to  Social  Philosophy,  has  stated  the  point  I  wish  to 
make  in  these  words : 

When  a  people  is  conquered  and  subject  to  another,  it  ceases  to  be  a  society, 
except  in  so  far  as  it  retains  a  spiritual  life  of  its  own  apart  from  that  of  its 
conquerors.  Yet  it  does  not  become  an  integral  part  of  the  victorious  people's 
life  until  it  is  able  to  appropriate  to  itself  the  spirit  of  that  life.  So  long  as  the 
citizens  of  the  conquered  state  are  merely  in  the  condition  of  atoms  externally 
fitted  into  a  system  to  which  they  do  not  naturally  belong,  they  carmot  be 
regarded  as  parts  of  the  society  at  all.  They  are  slaves:  they  are  instruments 
of  a  civilization  of  which  they  do  not  partake.  Certainly  no  more  melancholy 
fate  can  befall  a  nation  than  that  it  should  be  subjected  to  another  whose  life 
is  not  large  enough  to  absorb  its  own.  But  such  a  subjection  cannot  be 
regarded  as  a  form  of  social  growth.  It  is  only  one  of  those  catastrophies  by 
which  a  society  may  be  destroyed.  In  so  far  as  there  is  growth  in  such  a 
case,  it  is  still  a  growth  from  within.  The  conquering  society  must  be  able 
to  extend  its  own  life  outward,  so  as  gradually  to  absorb  the  conquered  one 
into  itself;  otherwise  the  latter  carmot  be  regarded  as  forming  a  real  part  of  it 
at  all,  but  at  most  as  an  instrument  of  its  life,  like  cattle  and  trees. 

I  maintain  that  the  Indian  has  not  been  incorporated  into  our 
national  life,  and  cannot  be  until  we  radically  change  a  number  of 
fundamental  things.  We  must  give  him  a  defined  status,  early 
citizenship  and  control  of  his  property,  adequate  education,  effi- 
cient government  and  schools,  broad  and  deep  religious  training, 
and  genuine  social  recognition.  We  must  give  him  full  rights  in 
our  society  and  demand  from  him  complete  responsibihty.  There 
is  not  time  today  to  put  these  principles  into  a  concrete  program. 
The  important  thing  is  to  recognize  and  publish  the  principles. 

The  Indians  today,  the  great  mass  of  them,  are  still  a  broken 
and  beaten  people,  scattered  and  isolated,  cowed  and  disheartened, 
confined  and  restricted,  pauperized  and  tending  to  degeneracy. 
They  are  a  people  without  a  country,  strangers  at  home,  and  with 
no  place  to  which  to  flee.  I  know  that  there  are  thousands  of 
exceptions  to  these  statements,  but  yet  they  remain  true  for  the 


770  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

great  majority.  The  greatest  injustice  we  do  them  is  to  consider 
them  inferior  and  incapable.  The  greatest  barrier  to  their  restora- 
tion to  normality  and  efficiency  lies  in  their  passivity  and  dis- 
couragement. We  have  broken  the  spring  of  hope  and  ambition. 
Can  it  ever  be  repaired  ? 

It  is  readily  to  be  seen  that  success  will  depend  upon  the  accu- 
rate utilization  or  release  both  of  external  forces  and  of  internal 
forces.  The  white  race  through  government,  industry,  and  religion 
must  do  its  full  part,  and  the  red  race  through  initiative  and  race 
leadership  must  also  do  its  full  part.  I  cannot  make  too  clear, 
definite,  or  positive  my  belief  that  this  problem  is  an  exceedingly 
delicate  one,  and  my  belief  that  failure  is  inevitable  unless  just  the 
right  policies  are  initiated  very  soon  and  carried  on  and  carried 
through  on  the  basis  of  maximum  efficiency. 

The  simple  test  of  efficiency  for  us  is,  are  we  giving  the  Indian 
identical  or  equal  opportunity  with  ourselves  to  share  in  and  to 
control  the  social  consciousness,  as  well  as  to  share  in  the  privileges, 
immunities,  duties,  and  obhgations  of  the  members  of  our  national 
social  body  ?  This  is  the  only  goal  worth  while  in  assimilation. 
I  grant  you  that  public  opinion  is  very  far  from  this  point  of  view 
and  belief.     The  question  for  us  is,  do  sociologists  agree  with  it? 

How  shall  Congress  and  the  nation  believe  except  they  be 
taught  ?  And  who  shall  teach  except  those  who  have  set  themselves 
apart  to  study  these  things  ?  If  the  body  of  sociologists  could  agree 
upon  the  theory  and  would  express  themselves  individually  and 
collectively,  they  could  exert  an  immense  influence  at  this  par- 
ticular critical  moment.  The  hour  is  ripe  and  conditions  are  pro- 
pitious for  a  considerable  forward  step — if  only  those  who  can 
speak  with  authority  will  speak.  They  must  secure  a  consistent 
governmental  practice,  and  guide  public  policy  through  the  formu- 
lation of  sound  theory  and  the  organization  of  a  wise  public  opinion. 

Long  ago  I  became  convinced  that  the  Indian  problem  could 
not  be  solved  without  the  initiative  and  co-operation  of  the  Indian 
himself.  When  the  government  has  done  all  that  it  can,  there  still 
remains  the  stimulation  and  development  of  internal  forces  to  be 
effected.  Race  leadership  must  be  found  or  the  race  will  fail  to 
see  the  new  and  better  opportunities  and  will  sink  to  rapid  ruin. 


THE  ASSIMILATION  OF  THE  AMERICAN  INDIAN        771 

It  used  to  be  said  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  Indians  to  organ- 
ize and  to  hold  together.  Personal  jealousies  would  wreck  every 
endeavor.  But  the  impossible  has  been  done.  For  three  years 
in  succession  the  Indians  have  met  in  national  conference,  twice 
at  the  Ohio  State  University,  and  this  year  in  the  city  of  Denver. 
The  conference  has  grown  to  a  membership  of  nearly  a  thousand 
people,  half  of  them  Indians,  half  of  them  whites.  Indians  only 
are  active  members  and  do  all  the  voting.  They  are  publishing  a 
remarkable  quarterly  journal,  and  if  properly  supported  bid  fair 
to  do  a  work  of  great  significance.  Their  Denver  platform  is  of  a 
quality  which  wiU  compel  national  attention.  Out  of  great  sac- 
rifice and  labor  this  new  force  emerges.  Shall  we  not  welcome  it 
and  give  it  every  possible  support  ? 

For  us,  duties  divide  into  those  imperative  for  the  moment  and 
those  which  relate  to  the  future.  We  have  our  obligations  toward 
pending  legislation  and  in  the  support  of  the  splendid  efforts  of  the 
society  of  American  Indians. 

For  the  future  we  must  set  ourselves  the  task  of  continuous 
education  of  the  pubUc  that  every  correct  endeavor  shall  be  pro- 
tected and  aided  to  the  point  where  it  achieves  its  proper  and  logical 
results.  All  of  us  can  share  in  this  task.  But  should  not  some  of 
our  great  universities  go  farther?  Ought  there  not  to  be  one  or 
more  endowments  created  to  establish  chairs  of  race  development 
with  particular  reference  to  the  native  race  of  the  American  con- 
tinent? We  have  eminent  professors  who  as  anthropologists, 
ethnologists,  and  historians  study  the  Indian  of  the  past.  Should 
we  not  have  men  who  can  devote  themselves  to  the  problem  of  the 
Indian  as  he  now  is,  and  to  the  problem  of  the  means  by  which  he 
may  realize  his  highest  possibiUties  as  a  citizen  and  fellow-worker  ? 
Such  studies  should  mean  vast  things,  not  only  for  the  United 
States,  but  for  the  uncounted  millions  of  native  Americans  in  the 
countries  to  the  south  of  us.  The  nation  and  the  continent  call 
for  this  great  new  chair  in  sociology.  Do  we  not  owe  this  to  the 
people  we  have  so  largely  dispossessed  ? 

I  close  with  an  appeal  for  your  help  in  the  cause  of  the  Indian. 
However  great  or  small  you  may  think  that  help  will  be,  it  may  be 
the  force  which  will  determine  whether  the  scales  shall  turn  in  the 


772  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

direction  of  wisdom  or  unwisdom,  of  salvation  or  ruin,  for  the  race 
that  once  ruled  the  domain  from  whence  comes  the  wealth  and  re- 
sources with  which  we  build,  through  our  universities,  the  civiUzation 
of  the  future.     With  you  rests  the  decision. 

BRIEF  LIST  OF  REFERENCES  AND  SOURCES 

BOOKS  AND  PAMPHLETS 

Barrows,  W.     The  Indian's  Side  of  the  Indian  Question.    Lothrop  &  Co.,  1887. 

Ellis,  G.  E.  Red  Man  and  White  Man  in  North  America.  Little  Brown  &  Co., 
1882. 

Grinnell,  George  Bird.     The  Indians  of  Today.    Duffield  &  Co.,  191 1. 

Harrison,  J.  B.  Latest  Studies  on  Indian  Reservations.  Indian  Rights  Associa- 
tion, 1887. 

Humphrey,  S.  K.     The  Indian  Dispossessed.    Little  Brown  &  Co.,  1905. 

James,  James  Alton.  English  Institutions  and  the  American  Indian.  Johns 
Hopkins  Press,  1894. 

Leupp,  Francis  E.     The  hutian  and  His  Problem.     Scribner,  1910. 

ManjT^enny,  G.  W.    Our  Indian  Wards.     1880. 

Pancoast,  Henry  S.    Iiuiian  before  the  Law.     Indian  Rights  Association,  1884. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore.  Report  of  Hon.  Theodore  Roosevelt  Made  to  the  U.S. 
Civil  Service  Commission  upon  a  Visit  to  Certain  Indian  Reservations  and 
Indian  Schools  in  South  Dakota,  Nebraska  and  Kansas.  Indian  Rights 
Association,  1893. 

Walker,  Francis  A.     The  Indian  Question.     Osgood  &  Co. 

Weil,  Robert.    Legal  Status  of  the  Indian.    New  York,  1888. 

REPORTS   AND    OTHER   PUBLICATIONS 

Annual  Reports  of  the  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs;    the  Board  of  Indian 

Commissioners;    the  Mohawk  Conference  of  Friends  of  the  Indian  and 

other  Dependent  Peoples. 
Kappler,  C.  J.,  Ed.    Ituiian  Afairs:    Laws  and  Treaties.     2  vols.     Senate 

Doc,  s8th  Cong.,  2d  sess..  No.  319,  1904. 
Quarterly  Journal  of  the  Society  of  American  Indians  (Washington). 
Reports  of  the  Indian  Rights  Association  (Philadelphia) ;  the  National  Indian 

Association  (New  York);  the  Indian  Citizenship  Committee  (Boston). 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES,  AS  INTERPRETED 
IN  TERMS  OF  ASSIMILATION  IN  AMERICA 


ALBERT  ERNEST  JENKS 
University  of  Minnesota 


Assimilation  is  psychic,  as  distinguished  from  amalgamation 
which  is  physical  and  founded  on  the  biological  fact  resulting  in 
miscegenation.  So  assimilation  is  intellectual  and  emotional; 
fundamentally  it  is  emotional.  Van  Dyke  suggests  that,  as 
assimilation  progresses,  it  produces  certain  resemblances  between 
individuals  or  ethnic  groups,  followed  by  developing  Kkenesses. 
The  likenesses  become  increasingly  persistent  until  at  last  identity 
results;  then  and  only  then  is  assimilation  complete.  Only  when 
the  individuals  or  ethnic  groups  are  emotionally  dead  to  all  their 
varied  past,  and  are  all  responsive  solely  to  the  conditions  of  the 
present  are  they  an  assimilated  people. 

On  the  occasion  of  the  recent  Balkan  War  many  thousand 
Greeks  from  America  poured  into  the  Grecian  army,  while  scarcely 
one  entered  our  volunteer  army  in  the  recent  Spanish-American 
War;  the  Greeks  in  America  are  not  yet  assimilated.  A  few  years 
ago  during  the  threatening  rupture  between  Norway  and  Sweden, 
foreign-born  Minnesota  Swedes  sent  word  to  the  king  of  Sweden 
that  they  would  gladly  bear  arms  in  defense  of  their  Motherland— 
but  they  hastened  to  add  that  they  would  as  quickly  bear  arms 
for  America,  their  mother  by  adoption.  The  foreign-born  Scandi- 
navians in  Minnesota  are  rapidly  assimilated. 

Probably  the  power  of  assimilation  is  the  most  outstandmg 
and  distinguishing  characteristic  of  American  social  life  of  today. 
So  accustomed  to  it  are  we  that  at  first  thought  we  might  take  it  for 
granted  as  occurring  everywhere  and  at  all  times.  To  do  so  is  to 
proclaim  our  nearsighted  vision.  Hon.  James  Bryce  wrote  from 
the  city  of  Tiflis,  Caucasus,  in  1875,  Tiflis  is 

a  human  melting-pot,  a  city  of  contrasts  and  mixtures,  into  which  elements 
have  been  poured  from  half  Europe  and  Asia,  and  in  which  they  as  yet  show  no 

773 


774  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

signs  of  combining.  The  most  interesting  thing  about  it  is  the  city  itself,  the 
strange  mixture  of  so  many  races,  tongues,  religions,  customs.  Its  character 
lies  in  the  fact  that  it  has  no  character,  but  ever  so  many  different  ones. 
Here  all  these  people  live  side  by  side,  buying  and  selling  and  workmg  for 
hire,  yet  never  coming  into  any  closer  union,  remaining  indifferent  to  one 
another,  with  neither  love  nor  hate  nor  ambition,  peaceably  obeying  a  govern- 
ment of  strangers  who  conquered  them  without  resistance  and  retain  them  with- 
out effort,  and  held  together  by  no  bond  but  its  existence.  Of  national  life  or 
numerical  life  there  is  not  the  first  faint  glimmer. 

Thirty-five  years  later  Mr.  WilKam  E.  Curtis  wrote  from  Tiflis 
that 

what  Mr.  Bryce  said  of  Tiflis  is  equally  true  today.  Perhaps  it  is  even  more 
true  today  than  it  was  then  because  of  the  increase  of  population. 

It  is  now  substantially  850  years  since  the  last  extensive  ethnic 
flood  deluged  Great  Britain.  Yet  it  is  only  within  the  confines 
of  England  that  assimilation  has  anywhere  nearly  completed  its 
process.  Assimilation  operates  more  rapidly  than  amalgamation 
in  England,  but  outside  England,  as  in  Ireland  and  Scotland, 
assimilation  with  the  English  lags  far  behind  its  goal. 

In  America  assimilation  did  not  always  characterize  our  people. 
In  the  Atlantic  coast-wise  colonies  it  was  practically  unknown. 
When  the  peoples  of  the  diverse  coast-wise  groups  filtered  through 
the  mountains  westward  the  earlier  individualistic  ideas  and  ideals 
which  had  repeatedly  caused  splits  in  those  groups  along  the  coast 
gave  way  before  the  dominant  interests  of  the  new  westward 
movement.  Americanisms  then  began  to  form  the  American 
character. 

America  possesses  an  unprecedented  ability  of  assimilation. 
To  what  condition  or  conditions  is  it  due  ?  In  speaking  of  assimila- 
tion Miinsterberg  says: 

America's  whole  success  in  that  direction  is  determined  by  its  geographical 
and  economic  situation,  but  not  by  its  form  of  government  {American  Traits, 
p.  187). 

In  1908  Hon.  Joaquim  Nabuco,  ambassador  of  Brazil  to  the 
United  States,  said: 

It  is  not  patriotism  that  conquers  immigration.  Through  our  intercourse 
with  you  we  see  what  it  is  that  conquers  it.  You  owe  your  unparalleled  suc- 
cess, as  an  immigration  country,  first  of  all  to  your  political  spirit 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  775 

The  American  political  spirit  is  a  combination  of  the  spirit  of  individual  liberty 
with  the  spirit  of  equality.    Liberty  alone  would  not  convert  the  immigrant 

into  a  new  citizen Equality  is  a  more  powerful  agent It  is 

the  progress  of  your  country,  the  place  it  has  made  for  itself  in  the  world,  that 
helps  with  national  pride  the  spirit  of  Uberty  and  equality  in  winning  over  to 
you  the  millions  of  immigrants  who  try  life  in  America  {The  Approach  of  the 
Two  Americas,  p.  7). 

The  two  authors  quoted  are  typical  of  the  many;  they  disagree 
completely  and  diametrically  as  to  the  cause  of  American  assimila- 
tion. Let  us  say  that  each  in  his  positive  statement,  but  not  in  his 
negative  one,  is  partially  correct.  Assmiilation  in  America  is  a 
complex  of  conditions,  among  which  are  the  following — numbered 
for  the  sake  of  convenience  and  not  to  indicate  relativity: 

1.  Volition  on  the  part  of  the  person  to  he  assimilated. — Practically 
all  immigrant  aliens  who  have  come  to  America,  except  the  Chinese 
and  Japanese,  and  some  of  the  southeastern  Europeans,  especially 
Slavs  and  Italians,  have  come  to  America  determined  to  become 
Americans.  They  deliberately  ''burned  their  bridges  [of  historic 
and  hereditary  emotions]  behind  them."  Assimilation  of  a  person 
against  his  will  is  probably  impossible;  assimilation  is  immeasur- 
ably rapid  when  one's  chiefest  desire  is  to  be  considered,  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment,  a  typical  citizen  of  the  country  of  his 
adoption. 

2.  The  English  language  as  the  common  means  of  intercommunica- 
tion.— Probably  the  rapidity  with  which  our  spoken  language  is 
learned  by  immigrants  is,  next  to  assimilation  itself,  the  most 
striking  fact  of  American  social  life. 

The  EngHsh  spoken  language  is  memorable.  Its  sledge-hammer 
blows  delivered  as  short  Anglo-Saxon  words  or  as  longer  words 
with  stressed  syllables  of  harsh  consonantal  sounds  seem  to  have 
an  advantage  all  over  the  world  today.  One  can  trade  in  the 
markets  on  navigable  waters  today  more  easily  in  the  Enghsh 
language  than  in  any  other.  The  harsh  brutaHty  of  the  English 
spoken  language  makes  it  easy  to  remember — actually  difficult 
to  forget.  Such  a  hold  does  its  vigor  get  on  the  young,  even 
foreign-born,  children  of  our  immigrants  that  their  mother-tongue 
becomes  a  thing  despised  and  to  be  forgotten.  Alexander  Francis, 
the  Britisher,  favorably  contrasts  the  vitality  and  freshness  of  the 


776  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

English   spoken   in   America   with    "the   anaemic   refinement   of 
speech  in  which  Englishmen  are  apt  to  take  pride." 

The  immigrants  who  learn  in  the  streets  or  the  school  the  use 
and  meaning  of  such  phrases  as  "play  the  game,"  "buck  up,"  "a 
square  deal,"  "be  a  good  fellow,"  "put  it  over,"  etc.,  are  bound  to 
have  their  motives  and  emotions  molded  toward  the  fundamental 
ideal  of  American  democracy — the  ideal  of  an  equal  opportunity 
for  each  person  to  develop  himself  as  far  as  he  has  capacity,  so  long 
as  he  does  not  interfere  with  every  other  person's  equal  right  so  to 
do.  The  constant  use  of  fresh,  virile  language  helps  to  make  vigor- 
ous, alert,  resourceful  citizens  of  repressed  subjects. 

3.  Common  education. — Our  compulsory  attendance  at  school 
until  the  age  of  fourteen  years,  and  the  habit  of  newspaper  reading 
have  contributed  largely  to  produce  what  Bryce  says  is  a  higher 
level  of  general  education  than  exists  elsewhere.  Couple  this  con- 
dition with  the  present-day  results  of  a  "free  press"  and  "free 
speech,"  and  an  educated  public  opinion  results  which  becomes 
exhilarating  ozone  to  the  low-toned  nerves  of  our  immigrants. 
The  necessary  years  in  our  primary  and  intermediate  schools  are 
very  important,  also,  in  furnishing  the  impressionable  child  with 
practical  experiences  of  fundamental  democracy  with  its  individual 
independence  and  the  leveling  fact  of  childhood  equaHty.  The 
bully  and  the  snob  do  not  last  long  in  the  average  primary  and  inter- 
mediate grades  of  our  public  schools;  they  become  democratic,  or 
enter  private  schools. 

4.  Common  religion. — Americans  have  had  so  many  things  "in 
common,"  or,  to  put  it  in  another  way,  so  very  few  things  not  in 
common,  that  the  disadvantages  of  diverse  religions  within  a  single 
nation  are  difficult  to  realize.  America  is  essentially  Christian, 
and  the  religionist  finds  scant  cause  for  beUef  in  serious  friction 
even  in  closest  scrutiny  of  the  distant  horizon.  The  protracted 
and  deadly  wars  and  persecutions  of  Europe  within  the  so-called 
Christian  faiths  and  between  Christianity  and  Mohammedanism 
help  us  to  see  more  clearly  the  assimilating  factor  of  our  common 
Christianity.  There  are  fines  of  religious  cleavage  in  America, 
to  be  sure,  but  the  fundamental  ideal  of  democracy  is  fast  becom- 
ing at  home  in  the  sphere  of  religious  befief,  practice,  and  fife,  as 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  777 

it  is  in  the  sphere  of  business,  government,  social  intercourse,  and 
education. 

5.  Common  attainahle  aspirations.— W\i\i  the  exception  of 
relatively  small  numbers  of  persons  who  come  to  America  to  escape 
pohtical  or  rehgious  pressure,  our  immigrants  at  all  times  belong 
to  the  class  which  with  high  hope  and  great  courage  come,  after 
years  of  hard  sacrifice,  to  seek  an  expectant  fortune.  America  is 
still  el  Dorado  for  most  unmigrants.  Very  few  among  them  do 
not  rise  in  the  social  scale  after  coming  to  America— very  few  fail 
to  find  a  "fortune,"  that  is,  it  is  common  for  our  immigrants  to 
have  aspirations  which  are  reasonably  attainable.  Success  in  one's 
undertaking  engenders  loyalty  to  the  cause.  Successful  immigrants 
are  loyal  American  boosters. 

6.  Citizenship.~l  used  to  think  the  ballot  should  not  be  given 
to  any  person  not  born  in  the  United  States.     I  now  beheve  one 
of  the  most  important  causes  of  America's  success  in  assimilating 
her  vast  numbers  of  immigrants  is  citizenship  with  its  duties  and 
privileges.     Every  man  knows  that  in  time  he  may  become  a  part 
of  that  young,  successful  nation  to  which  he  has  come      And 
though  voters  are  herded  in  places  at  times,  an  immigrant  citizen 
or  prospective  citizen  is  much  more  likely  to  be  alert  and  responsive 
to  American  conditions  than  an  alien  would  be  in  the  country  he 
had  adopted  but  which  would  not  reciprocate.     Undoubtedly  our 
immigrants  somewhat  modify  Americanisms;    undoubtedly,  also, 
our  potent  Americanisms  assimilate  ahnost  completely  our  'unmi- 
grants as  citizens.     Just  what  the  percentage  of  gain  in  assimila- 
tion IS  when  our  immigrants  become  citizens  over  what  it  would  be 
If  they  remained  aliens  is,  of  course,  only  conjectural.     But    in 
spite  of  the  evils  of  herded  voters,  I  do  not  favor  making  citizenship 
more  difficult  to  secure  than  now.     A  horse  bought  on  trial  is 
generally  cridcized  and  his  "good  points"  often  minimized-    a 
horse  bought  outright  is  defended,  and  his  weaknesses,  thou-h 
discovered,  are  often  minimized  or  cured.     It  makes  a  great  desX 
of  difference  in  the  loyalty  of  most  men  whether  a  horse  or  a 
country  "belongs." 

7-  Physical   and   human   environment. —There   is   no   question 
about  the  tonic  effect  of  American  climate.     The  sudden  drops  in 


778  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

temperature  over  most  of  the  area  of  the  United  States  produce  in  a 
wholesale  way  the  therapeutic  effect  frequently  sought  and  artifici- 
all}'  induced  at  the  instance  of  physicians  for  certain  individuals  who 
need  "toning  up."  Americans  are  usually  enthusiastic  about  the 
climate  of  their  vicinity,  whether  they  live  in  Washington,  D.C., 
with  its  hot  humid  blanket  of  summer;  or  in  Arizona  with  its 
summer  days  registering  120°  in  the  shade;  or  in  the  interior 
valleys  of  CaUfornia  with  their  dripping  and  penetrating  land- 
fogs  in  winter;  or  in  Dakota  with  its  blinding,  often  fatal,  blizzards. 
In  all  those  areas  there  are  compensating  conditions.  American 
climate  lacks  deadening  monotony.  It  has  the  quickening  spice 
of  variety. 

The  climate  of  America,  and  the  magical  resources  of  her  vast 
domain,  are  irresistible  in  producing  a  new  type  of  man.  He  is 
recognized  the  world  over.  He  is  restless,  tense,  vigorous,  resource- 
ful, confident,  courageous,  ready,  and  generous,  with  the  habit  of 
success. 

It  would  be  possible,  probably,  to  exaggerate  the  influence  of 
ethnic  groups  in  America  in  the  assimilation  of  our  immigrants  and 
yet  not  exaggerate  the  social  influence.  However,  I  wish  to  speak 
briefly  of  the  ethnic  group.  George  Burton  Adams  called  attention 
to  this  matter  as  early  as  1897.     He  said: 

It  is  probable  that  the  larger  part  of  those  [immigrants]  who  appear  in  our 
census  reports  as  of  foreign  parentage  are  foreign  in  no  proper  sense.  They 
are  an  important  part  of  our  Americanizing  force.  As  we  know  by  daily  obser- 
vation, the  Americanized  foreigner  is  a  powerful  aid  to  us  in  assimilating  the 
recent  foreigner  {Civilization  during  the  Middle  Ages,  p.  30). 

Immigrants  most  commonly  find  homes  in  the  vicinity  of  their 
friends  and  relatives  who  have  preceded  them  to  America.  There 
the  process  of  transformation — the  ruthless  slaying  of  the  past  and 
the  careful  implanting  and  nurture  of  the  present — 'is  the  absorbing 
interest.  This  making  of  Americans  often  reaches  prospective 
immigrants  in  their  old  homes.  A  foreign-born  Minnesota  woman 
wrote  her  friend  who  was  about  to  migrate  from  Europe  to  America, 
"Buy  yourself  a  hat  in  New  York.  Don't  you  dare  get  off  the 
train  in  Minneapolis  with  a  shawl  over  your  head."  So  the  effort 
is  often  made  by  our  immigrants  at  once  to  resemble  the  Americans 
among  whom  they  are  to  live. 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  779 

The  chief  factors  of  assimilation  in  America  have  been  named. 
They  are:  environment,  citizenship,  aspirations,  reUgion,  English 
language,  and  volition.  What  is  meant  by  assimilation  in  the 
PhiHppine  Islands  ?  Does  it  mean  assimilation  of  the  FiHpinos  by 
Americans  in  the  Islands,  or  does  it  mean  the  making  of  a  homo- 
geneous PhiHppine  people  out  of  the  diverse  ethnic  and  cultural 
groups  now  there  ? 

I  start  with  the  assumption  that  knowledge  of  the  two  factors, 
environment  and  volition,  is  sufficient  to  convince  one  that  the 
handful  of  Americans  in  the  PhiHppines  can  never,  against  the 
Filipino's  will,  make  typical  Americans  of  the  FiHpinos  Hving  in 
the  PhiHppine  Islands.  Today  it  is  known  that  the  environment 
in  time  perfects  its  own  type  of  man.  The  American  has  intro- 
duced into  the  PhiHppines  many  new  artificial  environmental  con- 
ditions, but  the  permanent  factor  of  natural  environment  will 
eventually  override  all  artificial  environment  which  is  not  perma- 
nent. Since  the  Philippine  Archipelago  Hes  entirely  within  the 
tropics,  and,  since  7,000,000  of  the  8,000,000  FiHpinos  live  in  the 
tropical  lowlands  (rather  than  in  the  more  temperate  highlands), 
it  will  not  be  possible  for  the  FiHpinos  to  come  under  the  influence 
of  such  stimulating  temperate-zone  environment  as  exists  in  the 
United  States.     The  Filipinos  must  remain  a  tropical  people. 

The  phrase,  "Assimilation  in  the  PhiHppines,"  must  mean  the 
making  of  a  homogeneous  people  out  of  the  diverse  groups  in  the 
Archipelago.  I  shaU  consider  the  making  of  that  people  under  the 
influence  of  the  artificial  environment  introduced  by  the  American. 

In  the  PhiHppines  today  under  the  influence  of  Americanisms  are 
found  beginning  to  operate  the  same  factors  that  so  dominantly 
operate  in  American  assimilation.  With  no  attempt  to  focus 
attention  solely  on  the  seven  factors  of  assimilation  named  above 
I  shaU  present  the  important  conditions  making  for  assimilation  in 
the  Philippines  and  present  them  under  the  same  headings. 

I.  Volition. — It  is  impossible  to  know  the  exact  desire  of  the 
people  in  the  PhiHppines  toward  the  adoption  of  Americanisms, 
though  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt  the  statement  that  an  over- 
whelming vote  against  the  American  would  be  cast  if  the  question 
was  one  of  continued  occupation  of  the  Islands  by  America. 


78o  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

That  the  readers  may  have  clearly  in  mind  the  peoples  of  the 
Archipelago,  they  will  be  presented  briefly  under  this  section,  and 
characterized  in  terms  of  volition.  There  are  about  8,000,000 
natives  in  the  Archipelago.  They  are  divided  into  four  distinct 
culture  groups.  First,  the  7,000,000  christianized  people,  composed 
of  eight  dialect  groups'  (commonly  called  tribes).  These  groups 
occupy  solely  the  coastal  lowlands,  except  the  Cagayan  group  whose 
home  is  from  the  coast  of  Northern  Luzon  far  up  the  Cayagan 
River.  All,  except  the  Visayan  group,  live  in  the  island  of  Luzon; 
all,  except  the  Tagalog  group  which  centers  about  Manila,  may 
roughly  be  located  by  provinces  which  share  their  names.  The 
Visayan  peoples  occupy  tke  central  islands  lying  between  the  two 
large  islands  of  Luzon  on  the  north  and  Mindanao  on  the  south. 

These  various  groups,  christianized  by  the  Spaniards,  are  in 
numbers,  culture,  and  importance  the  Filipinos  par  excellence. 
They  had  no  common  desire  toward  the  Spaniard  expressed  in 
common  concerted  action,  though  the  various  local  insurrections 
proclaim  that  most  of  the  groups  felt  and  resented  the  pressure  of 
Spanish  treatment.  The  Archipelago  was  discovered  by  Magellan 
in  1 52 1.  Spanish  domination  really  began  in  1571.  The  following 
insurrections  have  been  recorded  against  Spain:  1588,  1591-92, 
1649,  1660,  1750-1827  b}''  Visayans  in  Bohol,  1762-63  by  three 
separate  groups  independently,  1823,  1841,  1872,  1896-98.  This 
last  insurrection  was  the  one  in  operation  at  the  time  Dewey 
destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet.  May  i,  1898.  It  was  a  Tagalog 
insurrection,  and  the  Tagalog  people  believed  that  the  American 
navy  and  army  helped  them  throw  off  the  Spanish  oppression  so  they 
might  be  independent.  When  they  discovered  that  the  American 
was  going  to  remain  there  occurred  the  most  serious  insurrection 
in  Philippine  history — -the  one  begun  against  America  February  4, 
1899,  and  ending  April  20,  1902.  Within  the  next  year  began  the 
very  stubborn  insurrection  of  the  Visayan  people  of  Samar  and 
Leyte  which  continued  for  some  three  years. 

All  these  insurrections  were  of  the  nature  of  defense,  none  were 
aggressively  offensive.     Not   one   of   the   insurrections  was   sup- 

'  Christianized  groups:  Bikol,  Cagayan  or  Ibanag,  Ilokano,  Pampanga,  Pangasa- 
nan,  Tagalog,  Visayan  or  Bisayan,  and  Zambal.  Besides  these  eight  there  are  three 
small  iilterior  towns  of  Gaddan  people  in  Central  Luzon — perhaps  5,000  persons. 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  781 

ported  by  even  all  of  the  people  of  a  single  dialect  group — to  say 
nothing  of  all  the  people  of  two  or  more  of  the  eight  christianized 
groups  uniting  against  Spain  or  America  at  the  same  time.  In  1809 
the  Napoleonic  crisis  in  Spain  caused  her  to  grant  the  Filipinos 
the  right  of  two  deputies  to  the  cortes.  In  181 2  Spain  proclaimed 
a  new  constitution,  and  this  allowed  the  Fihpinos  to  send  about  40 
deputies;  only  three  or  four  were  usually  sent  however.  In  18 14 
the  constitution  was  revoked — even  this  did  not  awaken  united 
opposition  in  the  Philippines.  The  Ilokanos  of  Ilokos  Norte  at 
once  revolted,  but  they  were  all.  Each  insurrection,  however,  may 
truly  be  said  to  have  been  the  result  of  a  determined  effort  on  the 
part  of  some  local  group  to  resist  a  common  pressure,  but  at  no 
time  was  there  an  expression  of  the  consciousness  of  common 
interest  or  of  the  value  of  concerted  action. 

The  second  large  culture  group  is  the  "Moro."  These  people 
are  the  five  Mohammedan  tribes'  which  occupy  all  the  coastal  area 
of  Southern  and  Western  Mindanao,  and  all  the  other  islands  of 
the  Archipelago  to  the  southwest  including  the  southern  coast  of 
Palawan.  They  were  never  conquered  by  the  Spaniards,  and  are 
breaking  out  against  the  Americans  a  number  of  times  each  year 
now.  In  their  historic  scourges  over  the  Visayan  Islands  and  even 
to  the  northern  coast  of  Luzon  villages  from  two  or  more  of  the 
five  tribes  sometimes  united,  though  co-operation  among  all  the 
tribes  never  occurred,  nor  did  all  the  people  of  even  a  single  tribe 
appear  ever  to  have  joined  in  such  an  expedition.  The  Moros  were 
fast  conquering  the  Archipelago  when  the  Spaniards  established 
themselves  in  Manila  in  1571 — Manila  itself  being  in  their  hands. 
I  do  not  know  a  man  who  is  intimately  acquainted  with  the  Moros 
who  believes  the  living  adults  will  ever  be  assimilated  by  the 
American  or  christianized  Filipino  ideals. 

If  America  was  ever  justified  in  closing  her  doors  against  an 
aUen  people,  she  is  justified  in  closing  the  Philippine  Islands 
against  the  Arab,  because  it  was  he  who,  as  a  trader,  brought 
Mohammedanism  to  the  five  pagan  tribes  now  Mohammedanized, 
and  it  is  still  the  straggling  Arab  who  brings  it  and  keeps  it  alive  in 
the  Archipelago.     With   no  more   Mohammedanism   introduced, 

'  The  Moro  peoples  are:  Lanao,  Magindanao,  Samal,  Sulu,  and  Yakan.  They 
number  about  300,000  persons. 


782  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

with  the  present  generation  dead,  there  is  good  reason  to  believe 
that  the  cause  of  the  unabated  fierce  enmity  of  the  Moros  toward 
all  other  peoples  in  the  Philippines  would  soon  cease.  So  long  as 
Mohammedanism  continues  assimilation  will  be  impossible,  because 
the  Mohammedan  will  not  be  assimilated  with  the  Christian. 

The  third  group  is  the  pagan  Malayan.  These  people  are 
brothers  of  the  Moros  who  were  pagans  Mohammedanized,  and 
brothers  of  the  christianized  groups  who  were  pagans  brought  under 
the  influence  of  Spain.  They  number  about  700,000  persons  in  a 
score  of  tribes  occupying  all  of  Mindanao,  except  the  coastal  areas 
held  by  the  Moros,  and  occupying  the  greater  part  of  Northern 
Luzon.  They  are  also  found  in  most  of  Palawan  and  Mindoro, 
and  in  the  mountainous  interiors  of  many  other  islands  where  the 
Spaniards  did  not  reach  them. 

Among  many  of  these  peoples  I  believe  an  overwhelming  vote 
in  favor  of  American  control  as  against  christianized  FiUpino,  and, 
certainly,  against  Moro  control  would  be  cast  if  such  a  vote  were 
taken.  This  is  the  view  of  many  men  who  know  them  well.  It 
must  be  said  that  so  far  the  treatment  of  natives  of  the  PhiHppines 
by  other  natives  of  a  higher  grade  of  culture  has  not  been  benevo- 
lent. And  the  pagans  of  Northern  Luzon  remember  well  the 
treatment  they  received  at  the  hands  of  the  insurrectos  (mainly 
Tagalog  people,  under  Aguinaldo)  who  passed  through  their  coun- 
try in  1900-1901.  The  fairest  treatment,  their  greatest  peace,  and 
prosperity  they  have  had  under  American  control.  So  far  as  they 
know  what  Americanisms  mean,  it  is  believed  they  would  wish 
them  to  be  developed.  I  have  no  knowledge  that  they  desire  assimi- 
lation with  the  christianized  culture  of  their  kin.  They  have 
always  resisted  it,  and  the  christianized  groups  had  a  wholesome 
fear  and  deferential  respect  for  the  pagan  hillman.  The  develop- 
ment of  Americanisms  among  these  pagans,  which  is  going  on 
rapidly  now,  will  draw  them  and  the  christianized  FiHpinos  together 
by  virtue  of  cultural  similarities. 

The  fourth  group  is  the  Negrito.  These  people  are  a  remnant 
of  aborigines  numbering  some  25,000,  who  have  not  culture  enough 
to  possess  clear  or  persistent  desires  toward  assimilation  with  any 
other  culture.     They  must  be  ignored  in  this  discussion. 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  783 

Besides  these  four  groups  of  Filipinos  there  are  Chinese,  prob- 
ably less  than  100,000,  and  Japanese,  probably  some  less  than 
200,000,  all  of  whom  will  need  to  be  reckoned  with  in  the  making 
of  a  united  people  in  the  Philippines.  What  the  Japanese  desire  no 
man  can  say — ^at  least  no  man  can  believe  all  that  is  said.  As  to  the 
Chinese,  it  does  not  much  matter  what  they  themselves  desire; 
but  what  their  descendants  desire  will  go  far  toward  answering 
the  whole  question  of  the  Filipino's  volition  toward  assimilation, 
because  they  are  the  Filipinos.  To  be  specific:  During  the  latter 
days  of  my  residence  in  the  Islands  in  1905  Governor-General 
Wright  one  day  told  me  that  he  had  recently  personally  received 
from  one  of  the  most  distinguished  FiKpinos  of  the  time,  and  a 
member  of  the  Insular  Civil  Commission,  the  statement  "that 
there  was  not  a  single  prominent  and  dominant  family  among  the 
christianized  Filipinos  which  did  not  possess  Chinese  blood." 
The  voice  and  the  will  of  the  Filipinos  today  is  the  voice  and  the 
will  of  these  brainy,  industrious,  rapidly  developing  men  whose 
judgment  in  time  the  world  is  bound  to  respect.  Today  I  do  not 
beUeve  the  wisest  among  them  are  in  a  position  to  agree  on  a 
reasonably  permanent  desire  in  the  present  problem. 

2.  English  language. — First  it  should  be  noted  that  though  the 
groups  of  people  christianized  by  the  Spaniards  were  all  Malayan, 
yet  the  dialects  of  the  eight  groups  were  so  different  that  inter- 
communication was  next  to  impossible.  In  1590  a  council  of  Friars 
decided  to  teach  each  dialect  group  of  natives  to  read  and  write  its 
own  dialect  instead  of  Spanish — ^thus  intensifying  the  dialect  differ- 
ences. During  the  governorship  of  Anda  (1770-76),  a  royal  decree 
was  issued  that  Spanish  should  be  taught  the  Filipinos  instead  of 
their  own  dialects.  In  spite  of  that  fact  it  was  said  that  only  5 
per  cent  of  the  Filipinos  could  read  or  write  Spanish  at  the  time  of 
American  occupation.  A  Manila  experience  may  serve  to  illus- 
trate this  lack  of  a  common  means  of  intercommunication.  One 
evening  in  1903  I  was  riding  my  horse  in  company  with  Judge 
D.  R.  WiUiams  in  the  eastern  outskirts  of  Manila  when  we  came 
upon  a  large  crowd  of  people  in  the  street  watching  a  man  put  a 
struggling  woman  into  a  covered  caretilla.  He  bundled  her  over 
the  tail-board,  chmbed  in  after  her  while  the  driver  of  the  cart 


784  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

whipped  up  the  horse,  and  they  disappeared  in  the  dusk  down  the 
road.  We  tried  for  some  time  to  learn  the  cause  of  the,  to  us, 
unique  spectacle,  but  no  one  in  the  crowd  could  understand  either 
my  "pidgeon-Spanish"  or  the  Judge's  Castilian.  At  last  someone 
brought  up  a  crippled  old  man  who  could  talk  with  us;  he  had 
been  many  years  a  house  servant  in  a  Spanish  family.  Through 
him  we  learned  that  ''some  man  was  stealing  a  woman" — -that 
was  all!  This  was  in  the  outskirts  of  Manila,  the  capital  of  the 
Archipelago  where  Spanish  influence  was  at  its  highest  and  where 
it  had  existed  since  1571. 

Today  the  English  language  has  been  acquired  so  extensively 
by  means  of  the  primary  schools  which  exists  in  all  provinces,  and 
by  high  schools,  normal  schools,  and  trade  schools  that  in  June,  1910, 
the  University  of  the  PhiHppines  was  opened  to  take  care  of  the 
numbers  of  English-speaking  students  who  demanded  a  college 
training.  In  191 2  the  Chief  of  the  Bureau  of  Insular  Affairs  said 
that  at  least  3,000,000  Filipinos  have  had  instruction  in  Enghsh 
in  the  public  schools  of  the  Philippines.  There  are  now  in  the 
neighborhood  of  700,000  pupils  enrolled  annually  in  these  schools. 
This  number  is  about  one-third  of  the  population  of  school  age. 

The  English  language  has  gone  more  widely  over  the  Islands, 
however,  than  simply  within  the  schoolroom.  That  English  words 
are  quickly  ingrafted  into  the  Filipino's  vocabulary  was  forced 
home  upon  the  American  in  the  Islands  during  early  days  of  Ameri- 
can occupation.  Several  times  we  found  a  few  words  of  the 
American  brand  of  profanity  to  be  the  only  English  spoken  by 
Fihpinos.  The  use  of  such  memorable  Enghsh  was  at  times  naive 
and  starthng.  I  shall  not  forget  the  surprise  I  experienced  on  a 
beautiful  October  morning  in  1902  when,  getting  an  early  start  on  a 
hike  in  the  Upper  Cagayan  Valley,  I  met  a  smiling  Cagayan  belle 
whose  trail  crossed  mine  on  stones  over  a  shallow  stream.  She 
came  ghding  barefoot  down  the  stony  bank  balancing  a  load  of 
fruit  on  her  head;  and  in  her  "best"  English,  as  a  sincere  salutation, 
greeted  me  with  the  most  cheery  and  pleasant-voiced  American 
profanity  I  have  ever  heard. 

Today  one  may  go  everywhere  in  the  Archipelago  among  the 
7,000,000  christianized  Filipinos  and  find  fifty  or  more  natives  in 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  785 

each  province  familiar  with  high-school  EngHsh,  and  on  every 
hand  there  are  children  talking  EngHsh  on  the  streets.  The  Eng- 
lish language  is  a  common  means  of  communication  between  the 
diverse  dialect  groups  in  the  Islands  such  as  the  Spanish  language 
had  not  become  after  more  than  350  years  of  occupation,  and  such 
as  the  different  Fihpino  dialects  could  not  become.  The  govern- 
ment official  last  quoted  said  on  this  matter  in  191 2 :  "The  hope  of 
developing  any  real  idea  of  nationaHty  among  the  Fihpino  peoples 
of  the  future  Hes  more  probably  in  the  spread  of  a  common  language 
than  in  any  other  one  thing,  and  EngHsh  offers  the  only  hope  to 
be  raised  in  this  respect."  EngHsh,  then,  will  be  an  important 
assimilating  factor  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  provided  its  growth 
continues  as  at  present  for  a  couple  of  generations  more.  Since 
January  i,  1913,  English  has  been  the  official  language  even  of  the 
courts  of  the  Archipelago. 

3.  Common  education. —Buring  the  Spanish  regime  the  chris- 
tianized FiHpinos  were  well  taught  in  school,  social  Hfe,  and  by 
example  that  physical  work  was  undignified.  The  ideal  and 
ambition  of  the  youth  of  Manila  during  the  first  six  or  eight  years 
of  American  occupation  was  to  learn  enough  EngHsh  so  he  could 
use  a  pen  in  a  government  office,  wear  pointed  patent-leather 
American  shoes,  a  black  oven  of  a  derby  hat,  clothing  of  American 
cut,  and  be  considered  an  elegante,  a  Spanish  dude. 

Probably  the  most  important  fact  developed  by  American  edu- 
cation in  the  Islands  is  that  the  above  view  of  Hfe  is  false  for  a 
modern  developing  narion.  Even  the  acquisition  of  the  EngHsh 
language  is  probably  of  secondary  importance  to  the  development 
of  moral  fiber,  physical  strength,  and  general  toning  up  in  health  and 
manhood  through  a  man's  earnest  effort  to  earn  his  bread  in  the 
sweat  of  his  brow— and  to  be  proud  of  the  sweat  as  well  as  of  the 
abundant  bread. 

When  the  native  teacher  was  first  started  in  the  American  pubHc 
schools  it  was  the  common  thing  for  a  servant  to  follow  the  dapper 
young  teacher  from  his  home  to  the  school  in  order  to  carry  his 
master's  book.  It  was  almost  impossible  to  get  young  men  to 
enter  the  first  school  of  telegraphy  estabHshed  by  the  Ameri- 
cans.     The  Trades  School  languished  for  a  long  time  because 


786  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

no  one  wanted  to  learn  to  work.  Now  these  things  have  greatly- 
changed. 

Every  boy  and  girl  in  every  primary  school  throughout  the  Philippines 
spends  a  considerable  portion  of  each  school  day  in  work  with  his  hands.  In 
every  manual  exercise  he  is  engaged  in  making  some  article  of  real  value,  either 

for  use  or  ornament  in  his  own  home,  or  for  sale A  half-finished  article, 

or  a  poorly  finished  article,  is  not  acceptable;   the  work  must  be  well  done, 

completely  done,  and  done  to  a  definite  purpose In  every  case  the 

lessons  of  patience,  perseverence,  and  honest  work  are  drilled  into  the  fiber  of 
the  child's  mind  until  they  become  essential  features  of  character. 

Thus  wrote  Frank  R.  White,  the  late  director  of  education,  in  191 1. 
Of  another  aspect  of  the  education  Mr.  White  wrote  the  same  year 
as  follows: 

The  model  young  man  of  earher  days  was  spotlessly  clad;  his  occupations 
were  sedentary,  calling  for  no  physical  exertion  and  permitting  of  no  soihng  of 
linen  or  rumpling  of  personal  composure.  For  physical  exercise,  it  was  proper 
to  march  seriously  in  school  processions  and  take  the  evening  air;  and  how 
much  more  rigidly  were  the  standards  of  outward  propriety  enforced  with  re- 
spect to  the  young  woman  of  the  country!  But  now  this  new  spirit  of  ath- 
letic interest  has  swept  in  upon  the  boys  and  girls  with  a  force  that  is  actually 
revolutionary,  and  with  it  come  new  standards,  new  ideals  of  conduct,  and,  what 
is  far  more  important,  new  ideals  of  character.  These  sports  put  red  blood  into  the 
veins,  new  energy  into  body  and  mind,  and  establish  new  ideas  of  life's  purpose 
and  value.  For  what  boy  can  be  satisfied  with  a  dawdling,  idle,  careless,  pur- 
poseless existence,  if,  for  even  a  season  or  two,  he  has  experienced  the  stirring 
disciphne  of  public  censure  and  public  applause  in  hard  athletic  battles? 
AppUcation,  perseverance,  and  fair  play  may  be  words  unfamiliar  to  such  a 
boy,  but  he  has  learned  the  lessons  which  they  represent  and  they  will  stay 
with  him  longer  than  any  maxim  learned  from  a  book. 

Today  a  common  education  is  under  way  which  will  not  only 
tend  to  add  strong  muscle,  clear  brain,  and  sterling  character  to 
the  Filipino,  but  will  produce  abundantly  the  economic  resources 
of  life,  enabling  the  people  to  satisfy  an  ever-increasing  number  of 
wants.  Thus  is  being  laid  the  foundation  for  a  general  rise  in 
social  status,  a  knowledge  that  culture  is  based  on  material  pros- 
perity and  well-being,  and  an  ambition  in  all  men  for  an  individually 
larger  part  in  the  common  interests  of  the  Islands. 

Filipinos  used  to  say  that  the  Philippines  contained  a  class  of 
citizens  which  knew  how  to  govern,  and  a  class  which  knew  how  to 
obey.     I  believe  history  belies  both  statements.     The  new  common 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  ygj 

education  in  time  will  tend  to  produce  a  Filipino  people  which 
knows  how  to  govern  itself  and  how  to  obey  its  own  laws.  Then 
and  only  then  will  they  be  approaching  assimilation. 

4.  Common  religion. —There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  the  statement 
that  Christianity  introduced  by  the  Jesuits  and  the  several  orders 
of  Friars  was  the  most  important  assimilation  factor  in  the  Philip- 
pines in  pre-American  times.  It  operated  in  two  ways.  It  brought 
a  common  economic  culture  to  a  remarkably  uniform  level  among 
the  eight  dialect  groups  it  converted  from  paganism.  And,  in  its 
later  harshness,  as  expressed  by  various  religious  orders,  it  assisted 
greatly  in  uniting  the  people  against  the  church;  several  of  the 
insurrections  against  Spain  were  really  insurrections  against  the 
strangle-hold  of  the  church. 

Christianity  still  operates  as  an  assimilating  factor,  and  it  is 
more  important  than  before.  The  church  orders  which  had  so 
often  been  distrusted,  and  had  irritated  so  many  of  the  Filipinos, 
are  gone  forever,  and  an  American  archbishop  is  at  the  head  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  church.  American  Protestants  are  working  among 
the  christianized  and  pagan  groups,  and  they  have  wisely  divided 
the  field,  except  urban  residence  centers  of  Americans,  among  the 
several  different  denominations— thus  largely  avoiding  the  prob- 
able confusion  of  the  people.  Paganism  will  not  be  more  than  a 
temporary  check  to  the  otherwise  successful  operation  of  Christian- 
ity as  an  assimilation  factor.  Mohammedanism  apparently  will 
be  a  permanent  check;  it  is  believed  that  Mohammedanism  will 
be  an  unassimilable  religion.  A  solution  of  the  difficulty  has  been 
previously  suggested. 

5.  Common  attainable  aspirations. —The  most  common  aspira- 
tion in  the  Philippines  now  is  for  knowledge  of  the  English  language. 
Chinese,  Japanese,  pagan,  Mohammedan,  and  christianized 
FiHpinos  eagerly  strive  to  learn  the  language.  This  aspiration 
will^  be  attainable  for  the  youth  as  soon  as  sufficient  revenue  is 
available  so  that  the  remaining  two-thirds  of  the  children  may  be 
given  instruction.  It  seems  a  reasonable  and  attainable  aspiration. 
The  next  most  common  aspiration  is  that,  shared  probably  by  all 
christianized  FiUpinos,  of  an  ever-increasing  participation  in  the 
governmental  control  of  the  Archipelago.  This  aspiration  is  being 
attained  in  a  magically  short  time;  the  frequent  fear  that  it  is  too 


788  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

short  will  probably  be  retained  by  the  world  until  lapse  of  time 
proves,  if  it  does  so  prove,  that  stages  of  culture  may  now  and  then 
be  taken  as  a  hurdle.  The  next  most  common  aspiration  is  prob- 
ably that  for  a  Philippine  protectorate  under  the  United  States; 
and  the  next,  probably,  is  that  for  an  out-and-out  national  inde- 
pendence. These  two  are  not  shared  by  all  christianized  peoples, 
and  their  corollary,  that  of  a  nation  composed  of  all  the  diverse 
groups  in  the  Archipelago,  is  not  shared  by  Moros  or  pagans. 

All  these  aspirations  will  assist  the  assimilation  process  just 
so  far  as  they  are  shared  by  the  diverse  peoples. 

6.  Citizenship. — 'It  should  be  clear  by  this  time  that  the  peoples 
of  the  Philippines  are  not  of  homogeneous  culture.  In  this  section 
attention  will  be  placed  upon  the  two  classes  of  christianized  Fili- 
pinos as  they  existed  at  the  time  of  American  occupation.  Those 
classes  should  be  defined  not  as  "  the  class  which  knew  how  to  govern 
and  the  class  which  knew  how  to  obey,"  but  as  the  class  with  wealth 
and  superior  culture,  with  Chinese  and  often  European  blood,  which, 
because  of  its  innate  superiority,  aspired  to  make  itself  the  govern- 
ing body  of  the  Archipelago;  and  the  other  class,  composed  of  some 
95  per  cent  of  the  christianized  people,  which  naturally  took  leader- 
ship from  its  superiors,  and  was  so  uncultured  that  it  could  not 
compete  in  any  way  except  in  numbers  with  those  same  superiors. 

That  the  desired  freedom  from  Spanish  control  would  have 
brought  any  further  duties  and  privileges  of  citizenship  to  this 
second  class  of  Filipinos  no  one  who  has  lived  in  the  Philippines 
believes.  The  withdrawal  of  Spain  from  the  Islands  would  have 
meant  no  shifting  or  lightening  of  the  burden  from  the  second  class, 
but  only  a  change  of  the  masters  who  would  place  the  burden. 
That  the  leaders  of  the  last  insurrection  against  Spain  desired  simply 
to  make  such  a  change  of  masters,  that,  at  the  time,  the  con- 
ception they  had  of  citizenship  was  still  mediaeval — a  copy  of 
Spanish  Middle-Ages  method — 'is  seen  in  the  following  entry  in  the 
diary  of  Aguinaldo's  physician  made  only  one  week  before  the 
capture  of  that  leader: 

After  supper  the  honorable  President  [Aguinaldo]  in  conversation  with 
B.,  v.,  and  Lieutenant  Carasco,  told  them  that  as  soon  as  independence  of 
the  country  was  declared  he  would  give  each  one  of  them  an  amount  of  land 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  789 

equal  to  what  he  himself  will  take  for  the  future  of  his  own  family,  that  is,  he 
will  give  each  one  of  the  three  gentlemen  13,500  acres  of  land  as  a  recompense 
for  their  work. 

Thus  did  the  freebooters  divide  spoils  among  their  henchmen;  the 
acres  of  modern  nations  belong  to  the  citizens,  not  to  the  "Presi- 
dent." 

In  my  judgment  the  work  of  assimilation  in  the  Philippines  will 
be  slowest  right  here.  Because  of  the  relative  fewness  of  the  pagans, 
Moros,  Negritos,  Chinese,  and  Japanese,  let  us  ignore  them  in 
this  section — 'though  the  actual  political  problem  cannot  be  solved 
by  such  a  simple  way  of  elimination.  There  are  left  the  two  classes, 
the  superior  and  natural  leaders,  and  the  natural  followers.  Those 
leaders  have  an  inherited  superiority  which  has  been  enhanced 
by  culture.  Some  of  those  leaders  (what  percentage  I  make  no 
pretense  of  even  guessing)  know  that  national  prosperity  cannot 
endure  in  competition  with  modern  nations  unless  the  majority 
of  the  people  have,  as  individuals,  an  intelligent  conception  of  their 
privileges,  responsibiUties,  and  duties  as  members  of  that  nation. 
Some  of  those  leaders  have  no  such  conception ;  they  may  never  have 
it — natural  aristocrats  exist  in  all  cultures,  as  do  natural  democrats. 

There  is  the  other  class,  the  majority  class;  they  are  the  prob- 
lem. They  must  be  educated  away  from  more  than  350  years  of 
quasi-peonage,  must  be  taught  to  speak,  and  to  reason,  and  to 
demand  and  get  their  rights  as  citizens  among  those  who  have  been 
so  long  their  superiors.  More  than  that,  they  must  learn  the 
hard  lesson  that  rights  entail  duties  and  responsibilities.  While 
making  all  this  development  they  must  get  economic  independence 
due  to  individual  training  and  honest  efficient  toil.  To  accompHsh 
all  this  against  their  natural  inertia  of  race,  and  the  inertia  of  social 
and  physical  environment  is  not  a  task  that  can  be  completed  by  the 
year  192 1,  or,  it  seems  to  some  well-informed  and  not  altogether 
vicious  Americans,  not  within  less  than  the  lifetime  of  two  genera- 
tions of  men  developing  under  favorable  conditions. 

7.  Physical  and  human  environment. — -The  Philippine  Archi- 
pelago stretches  for  fifteen  degrees  through  the  tropics,  and  though 
there  are  about  3,000  islands,  they  are  all  geographically,  climati- 
cally, culturally,  and  ethnically  more  interrelated  than  any  of  them 


790  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

are  to  any  other  land  areas.  The  physical  environment  should 
make  for  assimilation. 

However,  history  has  not  recorded  a  case  of  a  tropical  people 
with  a  tropical  environment  such  as  the  christianized  Filipinos 
live  in  that  of  its  own  initiative  has  attained  a  relatively  high  level 
of  culture.  Such  culture  must  have  a  foundation  of  material 
well-being  which  is  maintained  by  perpetual  toil  by  a  majority  of 
the  people.  Probably  the  chief  reason  for  this  backwardness  is 
because  people  naturally  do  not  long  work  hard  in  such  an  environ- 
ment. Again,  no  stable  democratic  government  has  flourished  in 
such  a  tropical  environment,  to  say  nothing  of  such  a  government 
having  originated  there.  Perhaps  the  chief  reason  is  found  in  the 
fact  that  only  as  conditions  favor  the  majority  of  the  people  will  the 
naturally  superior  few  relinquish  their  grip  on  authority  over  the 
many.  Tropical  conditions  seem  never  to  favor  the  majority  of  a 
people,  but  only  the  most  gifted  few. 

It  seems  natural,  then,  to  expect  that  tendencies  toward  democ- 
racy, if  found  in  lowland  tropics,  are  due  to  alien  introduction,  and 
that  they  would  flourish  only  under  artificially  induced  conditions. 
In  other  words,  though  one  might  not  be  surprised  to  find  a  low- 
land tropical  people  assimilated  enough  to  attempt  to  throw  off 
a  foreign  yoke,  he  would  not,  in  the  present  world-stage  of  the 
development  of  popular  government,  expect  such  a  people  to  initiate 
and  perpetuate  a  stable  democracy. 

The  problem  of  assimilation  in  the  Philippines,  so  far  as  the 
human  environment  is  concerned,  is  practically  nil.  All  the  Fili- 
pinos, except  a  few  thousand  Negritos,  are  Malayan.  There  are 
the  Japanese  and  the  Chinese,  but  the  latter  with  few  exceptions 
marry  Filipino  wives  and  raise  FiUpino  children.  So  that  the 
only  true  aliens  there  are  the  Japanese,  who  may  or  may  not 
amalgamate,  and  the  few  thousand  Americans  and  Europeans  whose 
future  in  the  Archipelago  is  hemmed  closely  about  the  laws  deUber- 
ately  made  by  the  Americans  to  preserve  ''the  Philippines  for  the 
Filipinos."  Everything  ethnically  should  favor  assimilation.  The 
human  hindrances  are  cultural;  they  are  largely  religious  and 
governmental. 


ASSIMILATION  IN  THE  PHILIPPINES  791 

CONCLUSION 

Continued  assimilation  in  the  Philippines  is  problematic.  I 
see  no  reason  for  beheving  that  assimilation  in  the  Philippines 
would  carry  far  if  the  implanting  of  Americanisms  there  should 
now  cease.  That  they  would  cease  today  upon  the  withdrawal  of 
America,  even  under  guaranty  of  Phihppine  national  independence 
by  the  powers  or  the  establishment  of  an  ordinary  protectorate 
by  the  United  States,  is  evident  to  those  who  know  the  present 
status  of  cultural  conditions  in  the  Archipelago.  There  is  naturally 
little  unanimity  in  matters  of  volition,  language,  education, 
aspirations,  religion,  or  in  equipment  for  citizenship.  There  is 
very  uniform  natural  and  ethnic  environment,  but  these  alone 
cannot,  as  has  been  proved  by  the  past,  overcome  the  cultural 
conditions  that  are  now  quite  natural  to  the  several  groups  of 
people. 

I  do  see  reason  for  believing  that  continuation  of  the  American 
policy  in  the  PhiHppines  for  at  least  two  generations  more  will 
result  in  a  marked  degree  of  assimilation.  As  has  been  said,  the 
natural  and  ethnic  environment  is  favorable.  The  English  lan- 
guage by  that  time  would  have  furnished  a  well-nigh  universal 
means  of  oral  and  written  intercommunication.  A  relatively  high 
level  of  education  would  have  become  common,  carrying  with  it, 
not  simply  facts  of  modern  culture,  but  a  developing  economic 
sense  and  ideals  of  physical,  mental,  and  moral  health — all  of 
which  would  greatly  raise  the  social  level  of  the  majority  of  the 
people.  The  rehgious  differences  would  not  be  greater  than  now, 
and  they  could  be  minimized.  A  people  so  developing  would  have, 
on  the  one  hand,  ever  loftier  aspirations  for  one  another,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  an  ever  fuller  expression  of  citizenship  as  those 
aspirations  were  realized.  If  a  young  and  fecund  people,  such  as 
the  Filipinos  most  certainly  are,  is  given  sufficient  tutelage  in  the 
fundamental  principles  of  democracy,  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
it  can  profit  by  it.  Further,  I  see  no  reason  to  question  that  after 
such  tutelage  the  factors  of  assimilation  will  have  so  far  operated 
that  the  Filipinos  can  long  maintain  a  level  of  individual  attain- 
ment and  a  status  of  social  justice  that  will  greatly  enrich  humanity. 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY 


HENRY  S.  CURTIS 
Olivet,  Michigan 


Before  a  doctor  can  treat  his  patient  he  must  diagnose  the  case. 
Before  a  tailor  can  make  a  suit  of  clothes,  he  must  measure  his 
customer.  It  seems  reasonably  evident  likewise  that,  if  a  play 
system  is  to  be  made  to  fit  the  actual  needs  of  a  city,  it  must  be 
built  upon  a  study  of  the  city's  needs.  A  system  that  is  less  than 
this  cannot  be  better  than  a  custom-made  suit  at  best,  and  is  often 
no  more  appropriate  than  the  dress  of  a  five-year-old  girl  would  be 
for  a  boy  of  twelve. 

If  a  tailor  is  to  make  a  suit  of  clothes  there  are  certain  definite 
measurements  which  he  takes,  because  he  has  found  these  dimen- 
sions are  essential  in  order  that  he  may  produce  a  fit.  In  recreation 
surveys,  no  such  definite  and  fixed  measurements  have  yet  been 
reached.  Different  authorities  will  not  agree  entirely  as  to  what  it 
is  desirable  to  know  about  a  city  before  the  playground  system  is 
cut  out.  Different  people  also  differ  very  much  in  their  ideas  as  to 
how  much  time  it  is  worth  while  to  spend  on  making  such  a  survey, 
and  some  are  of  the  opinion  that  they  already  know  all  that  is  neces- 
sary about  the  city  in  order  to  plan  for  its  recreation.  But  it  would 
certainly  be  a  moderate  statement  to  say  that  the  tailor  could  cut 
out  a  suit  of  clothes  quite  as  well  by  looking  at  his  customer,  as  to 
say  that  any  man,  however  familiar,  could  plan  an  appropriate  play 
system  for  any  city,  without  first  making  a  study  of  the  conditions 
that  the  playgrounds  must  satisfy. 

THE   SURVEY  A  NEW   BUSINESS  AND   SOCIAL  METHOD 

Ever  since  the  Pittsburgh  Survey  was  made  by  the  Russell  Sage 
Foundation,  it  has  been  the  accepted  doctrine  that  every  large 
undertaking  should  be  preceded  by  a  careful  study  of  the  conditions. 
There  is  now  a  Bureau  of  Surveys  under  the  Russell  Sage  Founda- 
tion that  will  undertake  any  sort  of  a  social  investigation  in  any 

792 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  793 

city.     The  Men-in-Religion  Movement  instituted  a  survey,  very 
superficial  to  be  sure,  as  the  base  of  its  campaign  in  each  city.'   The 
various  vice  commissions  in  the  different  cities  nearly  always  base 
their  recommendations  on  a  rather  careful  study  of  their  problem. 
Since  the  study  of  Gulick  and  Ayers  in  New  York,  the  educational 
survey  has  been  the  proper  thing.     The  Y.M.C.A.  is  conducting  a 
rural  survey  in  most  cases  before  the  location  of  its  county  secre- 
taries.    The  agricultural  colleges  are  attemptmg  to  carry  on  agri- 
cultural surveys  in  all  the  states,  and,  in  general,  the  survey  may  be 
said  to  be  the  orthodox  beginning  of  any  well-considered  project. 
Stated  in  its  simplest  terms,  it  is  an  attempt  to  find  out  what  the 
problem  is  before  its  solution  is  undertaken.     As  such  it  is  a  require- 
ment of  the  commonest  of  common  sense.     The  first  recreation 
survey  made  in  this  country  was,  I  beHeve,  made  by  me  in  Wash- 
ington, for  the  Playground  and  Recreation  Association  of  America, 
but  since  that  time  such  surveys  have  been  undertaken  in  a  number 
of  cities.     The  play  movement  is  usually  begun  by  private  indi- 
viduals with  a  very  limited  amount  of  money  to  spend.     They  do 
not  expect  to  carry  through  the  enterprise,  but  to  start  it,  and  then 
turn  it  over  to  the  city.     Under  the  circumstances,  local  associations 
usually  do  not  feel  that  they  can  spend  much  time  or  money  on  a 
preliminary  survey. 

WHAT  THE   SURVEY  SHOULD  DISCOVER 

There  are  at  least  four  things  that  every  careful  playground 
survey  should  seek  to  discover.  They  are  the  number  and  ages  of 
the  children,  the  present  activities  of  the  children  in  their  leisure 
time,  and  the  effects  of  these  activities  as  shown  in  their  physical 
and  social  development,  the  present  play  facihties,  and  the  possible 
sites  that  might  be  secured  in  acquirmg  a  system  of  recreation 
grounds.  In  securing  the  numbers  and  ages  of  the  children  the 
school  registration,  or,  better,  the  school  census,  serves  as  a  fairly 
satisfactory  guide.  The  present  activities  of  the  children  and  youn«T 
people  will  have  to  be  a  matter  of  personal  study,  and  for  the 
effects  of  these  conditions,  physical  tests  and  the  records  of  the 
juvenile  court  may  be  taken.  The  present  recreation  facilities 
and  the  facilities  that  might  be  secured  will  have  to  be  a  matter 


794  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

for  personal  study.  Different  people  would  be  likely  to  disagree  as 
to  just  how  far  it  is  desirable  to  go  in  the  investigation  of  the  details 
of  each  of  these  items,  but  there  would  be  little  disagreement  that 
the  survey  should  include  them  at  least. 

THE  AGES  OF  THE  CHILDREN  AND  YOUNG  PEOPLE 

Before  a  play  system  can  be  wisely  planned,  it  is  necessary  to 
know  not  only  how  many  children  it  is  to  accommodate,  but  also 
what  the  approximate  ages  of  these  children  are ;  as  entirely  differ- 
ent facilities  will  need  to  be  provided  for  the  young  men  and  women 
from  those  furnished  to  the  small  children,  and  the  working  boys 
and  girls  will  have  to  be  provided  for  at  night.  As  has  been  said, 
the  school  census,  which  records  every  person  in  the  city  under 
twenty-one,  serves  as  a  fairly  good  guide,  both  to  the  number  of 
children  in  any  section  and  to  their  ages. 

It  may  be  supposed  that  the  proportion  of  children  to  adults  is 
pretty  much  the  same  in  the  different  parts  of  the  city,  and  that  the 
most  crowded  part  of  the  city  is  the  place  where  the  playgrounds 
are  most  needed,  but  this  is  frequently  found  not  to  be  the  case. 
The  younger  families  with  the  smaller  children  tend  to  gravitate 
toward  the  outer  edge  of  the  city  where  rents  are  cheaper  and  there 
is  more  room  for  the  little  people.  The  old  and  wealthy  parts  of 
cities  will  often  be  found  to  contain  surprisingly  few  children.  Per- 
manent colonies  of  foreigners  will  often  be  found  to  have  a  high 
percentage  of  children,  while  a  transient  colony  of  those  who  come 
and  go  will  be  found  to  contain  very  few.  Also  the  proportion  of 
those  over  thirteen  differs  greatly  in  different  communities. 

HOW   THE   YOUNG   PEOPLE   ARE   SPENDING   THEIR   LEISURE   TIME 

Having  found  out  the  numbers  and  ages  of  the  young  people,  the 
next  subject  of  inquiry  should  naturally  be  how  they  are  spending 
their  leisure  time.  The  problem  naturally  divides  itself  into  three 
parts.  What  are  the  little  children  doing  that  have  not  yet  entered 
school?  What  are  the  school  children  doing  after  school  and  on 
Saturdays  and  Sundays,  and  what  are  the  working  boys  and  girls 
doing  in  their  leisure  ?     Here  the  problem  is  largely  one  of  recreation 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  795 

in  the  evenings  or  Sundays.  There  are  no  records  that  will  help 
much  in  securing  this  information,  yet  the  method  is  very  simple 
and  interesting :  the  investigator  need  only  go  about  the  city  where 
the  children  are  found  and  put  down  on  a  pad  of  paper  what  each 
child  is  doing.  The  activities  of  children  are  easily  classified,  for 
the  most  part,  and  the  records  are  easily  made.  The  results  are 
almost  sure  to  be  interesting.  There  is  no  phase  of  the  work  which 
more  strikingly  illustrates  the  need  of  the  survey  than  the  opinion 
of  adults  in  this  regard.  The  people  who  object  to  supporting  the 
playgrounds  usually  call  themselves  practical  people,  but  it  is 
wonderful  how  unpractical  and  almost  feeble-minded  their  sugges- 
tions look  when  confronted  with  the  actual  facts.  In  a  town  of 
Northern  Illinois,  a  number  of  people  said  that  they  did  not  beHeve 
in  furnishing  playgrounds  for  the  children  because  the  children 
ought  to  work.  In  a  number  of  trips  over  the  city,  I  was  not  able 
to  find  a  single  child  that  was  working  outside  of  a  very  few  boys 
who  were  carrying  papers.  It  was  evidently  not  a  case  of  play  or 
work,  but  a  question  of  play  or  idleness.  Again  a  number  said, 
"Playgrounds  are  not  needed  in  this  city;  the  children  can  play  in 

Pasture."     Observation  showed  a  large  pasture  well  within 

the  city.  It  had  a  high  barbed-wire  fence  around  it,  and  never  at 
any  time  did  I  find  a  single  child  there.  People  are  very  blind  to 
things  in  which  they  are  not  especially  interested. 

In  the  city  of  Houston,  Texas,  there  were  a  number  of  people 
who  felt  that  playgrounds  were  not  needed,  because  "there  were 
plenty  of  places  where  the  children  could  play."  In  two  trips  about 
the  city  in  the  time  after  school,  in  the  observation  of  123  children, 
the  first  night  I  found  3  were  riding  bicycles,  5  were  running 
errands,  4  were  chasing  each  other,  70  were  loitering  up  and  down 
the  street,  and  40  were  loafing  or  playing  listlessly  in  front  of  their 
houses.  A  second  evening,  I  was  able  to  locate  229  children;  of 
these,  I  was  studying,  5  were  reading,  2  were  looking  at  pictures,  2 
were  caring  for  babies,  4  were  going  errands,  7  were  carrying  papers, 
I  was  watering  the  lawn,  2  were  swinging,  3  were  playing  with  pet 
rabbits,  5  were  playing  at  keeping  house,  2  were  roller-skating,  9 
were  bicycling,  4  were  playing  catch,  46  were  playing  ball  (as  a 


796  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

result  of  organized  contests  going  on  in  a  near-by  school-yard),  40 
were  strolling  on  the  street,  and  90  were  loafing.  Thus  131  out 
of  the  229  were  doing  nothing  of  advantage  to  anyone,  and  the 
baseball,  which  was  found  only  in  this  section,  was  apparently 
directly  due  to  a  series  of  school  contests  which  were  going  on 
in  a  neighboring  school-yard  every  evening. 

THE  NEED  OF  THE  EVENING  PLAYGROUND 

Should  playgrounds  be  Hghted  for  use  at  night?  There  are 
three  kinds  of  information  that  are  of  prime  importance  to  the 
solution  of  this  problem.  What  proportion  of  the  young  people 
are  working  during  the  day,  so  that  they  cannot  use  the  playground 
then  ?  Is  the  ground  shaded  enough  and  cool  enough  so  that  the 
children  will  enjoy  using  it  by  day,  and  what  are  the  children  at 
present  doing  in  the  evenings  ?  Here  the  question  comes  largely 
to  a  study  of  the  poolrooms,  dance  halls,  moving-picture  shows, 
pleasure  parks,  ice-cream  counters,  saloons,  etc.  What  is  likely  to 
be  the  result  ? 

THE  NEED  OF  THE  SUNDAY  PLAYGROUND 

One  of  the  acute  questions  of  the  play  world  is  whether  or  not 
the  playground  is  to  be  open  on  Sunday.  The  information  that  is 
needed  is,  first,  the  nature  of  the  community  in  which  it  is  placed. 
If  it  is  in  the  midst  of  a  colony  of  orthodox  Jews  or  Seventh  Day 
Adventists,  Sunday  will  be  the  day  when  the  community  itself  will 
most  desire  the  playground  to  be  open.  In  a  number  of  communi- 
ties, where  the  inhabitants  are  largely  recent  immigrants  from  the 
Continent  of  Europe,  the  same  will  be  true.  Nearly  all  the  great 
athletic  events  and  play  festivals  in  Germany  take  place  on  Sunday 
afternoon.  On  the  other  hand,  if  the  playground  is  in  the  midst  of 
an  orthodox  Protestant  community,  it  would  probably  be  very 
unwise  to  open  the  playgrounds  and  ball  field  on  Sunday  forenoon 
at  least.  But  after  all,  the  real  conclusive  answer  to  the  social 
desirability  of  having  the  playgrounds  and  ball  fields  open  on 
Sunday  is  what  the  young  people  are  doing  on  Sunday  under  present 
conditions.  What  do  the  police  records  for  Monday  morning 
show  ?     Where  are  the  young  people,  and  what  are  they  doing  ? 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  797 

WHAT  ARE  THE  YOUNG  PEOPLE  DOING  IN  THE  SUMMER  VACATIONS  ? 

It  would  be  very  interesting  to  know,  if  possible,  how  many- 
parents  take  their  children  out  of  the  city  for  a  longer  or  shorter 
period  during  the  summer  and  why  they  do  it.  Every  such  trip 
takes  out  of  the  city  much  money,  and  often  spends  the  savings  of 
a  year.  It  is  desirable  that  children  should  know  the  country  and 
spend  a  good  deal  of  time  there.  But  conditions  are  seldom 
wholesome  for  them  around  summer  resorts.  It  is  surely  bad  busi- 
ness poHcy  for  a  city  to  drive  its  people  to  the  resorts  for  their 
recreation,  because  it  has  failed  to  make  proper  provision  for  it.  I 
am  confident  that  more  money  goes  out  of  most  cities  for  this 
reason  every  summer  than  it  would  cost  to  maintain  a  whole  sys- 
tem of  recreation  grounds.  These  figures  are  not  easy  to  secure, 
but  in  any  typical  school  it  is  not  hard  to  find  how  many  weeks  were 
spent  out  of  the  city  in  the  aggregate  and  the  total  for  the  city  can 
be  estimated  from  this.  If  these  weeks  of  absence  from  the  city 
are  estimated  to  mean,  in  railroad  fares,  board,  and  amusements, 
$5  a  week,  which  is  surely  a  very  moderate  estimate,  the  amount  of 
money  thus  taken  out  of  the  city  will  be  found  to  reach  an  enormous 
total. 

RESULTS  OF  THE  LACK  OF  PROPER  PLAY  FACILITIES 

We  have,  at  the  present  time,  no  satisfactory  measure  or  state- 
ment of  the  results  of  inadequate  play  facilities  upon  children. 
There  have  been  no  studies  that  much  more  than  hint  at  what  the 
results  may  be.  It  is  probably  the  lack  of  these  statistics  that  has 
made  the  play  movement  go  more  slowly  than  many  other  social 
movements  have  done.  The  results  must  be  recorded  on  the 
physical,  intellectual,  and  social  side.  The  only  study  that  has 
thus  far  yielded  much  that  is  definite  was  the  study  in  Chicago, 
which  seemed  to  show  a  decrease  of  nearly  50  per  cent  in  juvenile 
delinquency.  It  is  not  at  all  impossible,  although  it  would  take 
time  and  money,  to  get  a  measure  of  the  physical  results  of  these 
conditions  upon  children. 

The  year  following  the  introduction  of  organized  play  into  the 
curriculum  of  the  schools  of  Prosheim,  Germany,  the  number  of 
days'  absence  on  account  of  sickness  was  reduced  nearly  one-half. 


798  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Our  school  hygiene  departments  ought  to  be  required  to  show  for 
every  city  the  percentage  of  absences  due  to  sickness.  This  is,  of 
course,  a  direct  measure  of  the  things  that  they  are  supposed  to 
promote,  and  is  the  only  way  of  estimating  the  need  of  and  the 
efl&ciency  of  the  department.  These  facts  would  be  also  the  facts 
which  would  be  most  useful  to  the  play  promoters. 

There  can  be  no  question  but  that  the  development  of  motor 
skill  and  grace  comes  largely  through  play.  It  is  doubtful  if  one 
ever  gets  the  buoyant,  elastic  step  and  sprightly  carriage  by  any 
other  means.  The  peasant  peoples  of  Europe,  whose  physical 
development  has  come  mostly  from  work  or  formal  gymnastics, 
have  often  seemed  like  awkwardness  personified.  But  neither 
awkwardness,  grace,  nor  motor  skill  are  easily  measured,  and  it  is 
well-nigh  impossible  to  secure  statistics  of  grace. 

On  the  side  of  physical  development,  it  should  not  be  so  difficult, 
as  we  have  three  methods  of  measurement.  The  one  is  by  direct 
anthropometric  and  dynamometer  test  of  physical  developments 
and  strength,  a  second  by  the  test  of  the  PubKc  School  Athletic 
League,  and  the  third  by  pedometer  records  of  activity.  We  are 
getting  a  series  of  anthropometric  records  from  a  number  of  cities 
now,  and  we  already  have  standards  fairly  well  worked  out  for 
height  and  weight  for  the  different  ages  and  races.  It  seems  to  be 
fairly  well  determined  that  exercise  and  food  are  the  two  external 
factors  which  condition  growth.  So  far  as  I  know,  we  have  no 
careful  and  full  dynamometer  records  of  the  strength  of  school 
children.  These  would  take  a  considerable  time  to  secure,  but 
would  be  very  valuable,  as  they  would  give  a  direct  measure  of  the 
effects  of  the  child's  daily  life  in  terms  of  strength.  The  test  of  the 
Public  School  Athletic  League  is  more  easily  tried  and  is  an  advan- 
tage in  itself.  The  standard  test,  as  originally  promoted  in  New 
York,  was  for  boys  under  thirteen  to  jump  5  feet,  9  inches  standing, 
chin  a  bar  four  times,  and  run  a  60-yard  dash  in  85  seconds.  At 
the  time  I  went  to  Washington  to  have  charge  of  the  playgrounds 
there,  we  tried  the  test  in  all  the  playgrounds,  and  did  not  find  a 
boy  who  could  do  the  three  things.  After  four  summers  of  organ- 
ized play,  we  tried  the  test  again.  There  were  five  hundred  boys 
who  could  do  the  three  things.     There  were  more  than  two  thousand 


TEE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  799 

boys  who  could  do  one  or  two  of  the  three  things.  Doubtless  the 
same  progressive  development  has  taken  place  in  a  number  of  other 
cities.  Of  those  passing  a  creditable  physical  examination  on 
entrance  to  the  German  army,  the  numbers  were  found  to  vary  in 
the  different  cities  from  28  per  cent  in  BerHn  to  65  per  cent  in  Mul- 
heim.  This  was  in  almost  direct  ratio  to  the  play  facilities  that 
were  available  in  the  different  cities. 

Probably  the  most  valuable  test  that  could  be  secured,  however, 
would  be  a  pedometer  record  of  activity.  I  am  myself  convinced 
that  in  closely  built  up  cities  that  make  no  provision  for  play,  the 
average  activity  of  the  children  is  two  or  three  miles  a  day  less  than 
it  is  in  the  cities  that  make  ample  provision.  This  opinion  is  based 
on  a  brief  pedometer  study  of  activity  of  school  children  which  I 
made  in  Worcester  several  years  ago,  and  on  my  observation  of  the 
activity  of  children  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  It  was  my  observa- 
tion of  the  listlessness  of  the  .play  in  Washington  that  led  us  to 
start  a  series  of  contests  and  try  to  make  them  exciting.  I  am 
convinced  that  the  daily  activity  of  the  children  during  the  warmer 
months  in  the  South  is  two  or  three  miles  a  day  less  than  it  is  in  the 
North.  The  chances  are,  I  suspect,  that  when  the  nervous  system 
has  become  habituated  in  childhood  to  the  daily  development  of  a 
certain  amount  of  energy,  mainly  through  the  nature  of  the  play 
engaged  in,  it  will  be  difficult  for  it  greatly  to  increase  this  rate  later 
in  life.  In  other  words,  this  would  mean,  in  general,  that  if  the 
child  did  not  have  an  opportunity  for  energetic  play,  his  later  Hfe 
would  not  be  as  energetic  as  it  might  otherwise  have  been.  This 
is,  of  course,  the  same  principle  of  development  through  training 
that  lies  at  the  basis  of  all  education.  Joseph  Lee  has  said  the  same 
thing  in  another  form  when  he  said,  "The  child  without  the  play- 
ground is  father  to  the  man  without  a  job."  If  pedometer  records 
should  show  that  the  average  activity  of  the  children  of  one  city  is 
nine  miles  a  day  and  that  the  average  activity  of  the  children  of  a 
second  city  is  only  six  miles  a  day,  I  think  we  may  safely  infer  that 
the  children  of  the  second  city  will  show  only  a  little  more  than 
two-thirds  of  the  physical  development  of  the  children  of  the  first 
city,  that  they  will  not  be  as  graceful  or  have  as  good  a  carriage, 
that  they  probably  will  not  be  quite  as  tall  or  heavy,  and  that  the 


8oo  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

number  of  absences  from  school,  on  account  of  sickness,  other 
things  being  equal,  will  be  considerably  greater.  I  believe  also 
that  when  the  boys  and  girls  of  the  second  city  grow  up  they  will 
not  be  as  energetic  as  the  children  of  the  first  city.  No  body  of 
citizens  would  be  willing  to  have  it  said  that  all  of  these  things  were 
happening  in  their  city  because  they  had  failed  to  make  provision 
for  the  proper  play  of  the  children.  Hence  I  am  incHned  to  think 
that  if  this  data  could  be  secured  from  enough  cities  to  fix  a  stand- 
ard, it  would  solve  the  question  of  play  propaganda. 

THE    STUDY   OF   THE   EXISTING   PLAY   FACILITIES 

The  problem  of  any  city  is  naturally  divided  into  three  parts, 
corresponding  to  the  ages  of  the  young  people.  These  three  parts 
are:  play  for  the  little  children  who  have  not  yet  entered  school, 
play  for  the  school  children,  and  play  for  adolescents.  The  three 
corresponding  types  of  playgrounds  are :  the  door-yard,  the  school 
ground,  and  the  park,  athletic  field,  and  municipal  playground  by 
day  and  the  social  center  and  municipal  gymnasium  at  night  for 
the  adolescents.  A  study  which  will  determine  the  actual  need 
must  study  the  yards  of  the  houses  and  their  size  and  condition,  the 
size  and  condition  and  use  of  the  school-yards,  and  the  presence  of 
athletic  fields,  swimming-pools,  etc.,  in  the  parks,  social  centers,  in 
the  schools,  etc. 

SIZE  AND   CONDITION  OF   THE  DOOR-YARDS 

Parents  will  often  say  in  the  beginning  that  they  do  not  believe 
in  the  playgrounds  as  the  children  ought  to  play  at  home.  How- 
ever, it  will  be  found,  in  most  cases,  that  there  has  been  no  provision 
made  for  the  children's  play  at  home,  and  that  the  front  yard  is 
inhabited  by  flower  beds  and  the  back  yard  by  ash  cans.  Probably 
not  more  than  i  per  cent  of  city  door-yards  contain  any  considerable 
equipment  for  the  play  of  the  children.  It  will  often  be  found  that 
a  lot  two  hundred  feet  deep  will  not  bring  any  more  than  a  lot  one 
hundred  feet  deep,  showing  how  little  value  parents  put  on  play 
opportunities.  Many  city  blocks  are  so  small  that  when  a  good- 
sized  house  is  put  back  a  reasonable  distance  from  the  street  there 
is  almost  no  space  in  the  rear  for  play.     Where  the  blocks  are  only 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  8oi 

an  acre  and  a  half  to  two  acres  in  size,  it  may  be  taken  for  granted 
that  there  can  be  almost  no  play  in  the  door-yards,  unless  the  lots 
are  very  wide  or  all  the  residents  will  turn  their  back  space  into  a 
comnion  for  the  children.  It  will  be  found,  in  general,  that  almost 
no  children  are  playing  in  the  yards  of  the  houses  where  the  blocks 
are  so  small.  On  the  other  hand,  where  the  blocks  are  three  or 
more  acres  in  size  and  are  kept  in  reasonably  good  condition,  these 
yards  often  offer  an  excellent  place  for  the  play  of  the  little  children 
who  have  not  yet  started  to  school.  The  children  who  are  under 
six  have  all  their  time  for  play.  Their  health  is  largely  dependent 
on  their  being  much  in  the  open  air.  They  cannot  go  to  a  distance 
by  themselves  for  their  play.  Every  yard  should  provide  them 
with  the  necessary  equipment.  This  should  consist,  first  of  all,  of 
a  sand  bin  five  or  six  feet  square,  a  small  sHde,  one  or  two  low 
swings,  not  more  than  eight  or  ten  feet  high,  and  a  garden  swing. 

The  yard  should  provide  quoits,  croquet,  and  tether-ball  for  the 
older  children,  if  it  is  of  good  size,  but  it  can  hardly  provide  any 
other  games  for  them. 

^  If  the  yards  of  the  houses  then  are  adequate,  it  will  mean  two 
things  of  importance  for  the  play  system  of  the  city.  It  will  mean 
that  the  city  in  that  section  is  scattered  and  that  consequently  there 
will  not  be  a  large  child  population  per  acre.  It  will  mean  also 
that  little  if  any  provision  needs  to  be  made  for  the  children  of  less 
than  six  years  of  age. 

The  survey  should  indicate  the  approximate  size  of  the  blocks, 
the  width  of  the  parking  line  in  front,  and  the  size  and  condition  of 
the  back  yard;  also  whether  or  not  there  is  any  equipment  for  the 
play  of  the  children  there,  although,  in  general,  it  can  be  taken  for 
granted  that  there  is  none.  The  back  yard  is  the  proper  place  for 
the  sand  bin,  the  slide,  the  see-saw,  and  the  swing,  but  if  the  parents 
will  not  provide  these  for  the  httle  children,  it  is  probably  best  for 
the  community  to  furnish  them  in  the  playground.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  door-yard  in  general  can  provide  for  the  play 
of  the  little  children  only,  and  effects  the  problem  of  play  for  the 
children  of  school  age  very  little.  There  can  never  be  vigorous 
games,  such  as  the  older  children  should  play,  in  the  door-yard. 
Doubtless  this  survey  of  the  door-yards  seems  formidable  as  it  is 


8o2  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

written  down,  but  in  actual  fact  a  mere  stroll  through  the  neighbor- 
hood with  eyes  open  and  pencil  in  hand  will  reveal  most  that  needs 
to  be  known. 

THE   SIZE   AND   CONDITION   OF  THE   SCHOOL   GROUNDS 

In  some  cities  the  schools  themselves  furnish  fairly  adequate 
space  for  the  play  of  all  the  school  children,  but,  in  not  a  few  cases, 
this  space  is  entirely  unutilized.     No  new  playground  should  ever 
be  purchased  until  it  has  been  determined  that  there  is  no  city- 
owned  property  that  is  already  available,  and  the  school-yards 
should  naturally  be  investigated  first.     Where  the  school-yards  are 
an  acre  or  more  in  extent,  it  would  be  folly  to  proceed  to  the  pur- 
chase of  other  small  grounds  about  the  city  for  the  play  of  the  school 
children.     It  is  a  good  thing,  wherever  possible,  to  get  a  mechanical 
drawing  of  every  school-yard  in  the  city.     This  can  often  be  done 
by  the  upper  classes  as  a  lesson  in  mechanical  drawing.     It  will  be 
as  valuable  a  lesson  as  they  could  possibly  have,  as  it  will  deal  with 
actual  conditions,  and  will  appeal  to  the  children  as  useful.     The 
drawings  should  indicate  directions,  distances,  the  size  of  areas, 
presence  of  trees  or  shade,  nature  of  surface,  presence  of  fences,  and 
the  like,  also  the  condition  of  the  yard  and  whether  or  not  there  is 
any  play  apparatus  in  it,  the  number  of  children  in  the  school,  and 
the  number  of  square  feet  of  playground  for  every  child.     I  secured 
such  a  set  of  drawings  of  the  Washington  school-yards  when  I  first 
went  there.     We  used  them  constantly,  and  the  Superintendent 
sometimes  sent  down  to  borrow  them.     These  figures  show  at  once 
whether  any  further  play  facilities  are  needed  in  that  section.     By 
adding  all  these  areas  and  registrations  together,  it  is  possible  to 
find  the  average  number  of  square  feet  per  pupil  furnished  by  the 
school-yards  of  the  city,  though  here  it  is  necessary  to  avoid  the 
vitiation  of  the  results  from  adding  in  large  outlying  tracts  in  con- 
nection with  new  schools  with  small  registration.     In  some  cities 
such  a  study  will  show  such  a  gross  deficiency  that  it  will  be  good 
campaign  material  for  immediate  enlargement  of  the  school-yards 
or  the  provision  of  other  playgrounds.     In  general  it  may  be  said 
that  every  school  should  have  at  least  one  block  of  ground,  if  the 
blocks  are  less  than  four  acres  in  size.     There  should  be  not  less 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  803 

than  one  hundred  square  feet  of  playground  for  each  child  connected 
with  the  school.  Anything  less  than  this  is  inadequate;  but  there 
are  many  places  where  it  is  impossible  to  obtain  this  much  ground 
on  account  of  the  location  of  the  building. 

Wherever  the  school  grounds  are  reasonably  adequate,  the  play 
of  the  school  children  belongs  there,  and  the  plan  need  make  very 
slender  provision  for  their  play  outside,  except  that  it  must  furnish 
a  place  for  swimming,  wading,  baseball,  and  tennis  for  the  older 
children. 

If,  for  any  reason,  it  is  impossible  to  get  the  mechanical  drawing 
of  the  school-yards,  the  estimate  of  the  superintendent  of  schools 
may  be  taken  as  to  the  size  and  suitability  of  the  yard  for  play,  and 
the  registration  of  the  school  may  be  put  in  by  the  school  clerk. 

The  condition  of  the  school  grounds  is  of  importance  as  a  large 
part  of  these  throughout  the  country  will  be  found  to  be  in  wretched 
condition.  Often  they  have  never  even  been  leveled  off  after  the 
cellar  was  dug,  but  the  soil  has  been  left  in  heaps.  Ashes  will  often 
be  found  to  be  strewn  about  the  yard  as  well  as  brick  bats,  stones, 
paper,  etc.  The  ground  is  frequently  gullied  out  by  the  rains  and 
obstructed  by  the  projecting  roots  of  trees.  If  all  the  schools  of  the 
country  should  be  dismissed  early  this  afternoon,  and  the  older  boys 
set  with  hoes,  rakes,  and  shovels  to  putting  the  ground  into  condi- 
tion, probably  25  per  cent  of  them  would  be  improved  100  per  cent 
thereby. 

VACANT   LOTS 

To  most  people  who  have  not  thought  much  about  it,  a  play- 
ground is  a  place  to  play,  and  there  is  no  problem  if  there  are  vacant 
lots  available.  These  people  have  almost  completely  misunder- 
stood the  play  movement  and  its  meaning,  for  it  has  not  grown  out 
of  the  congestion  of  our  cities  but  out  of  the  new  psychology.  It 
makes  no  difference  from  which  angle  you  turn  the  search-light 
upon  the  child,  you  will  find  that  play  is  the  most  fundamental 
thing  about  him.  The  vacant  lot  makes  almost  no  difference  in 
the  need  of  playgrounds,  but  it  makes  a  very  great  difference  in  the 
possibility  of  securing  them.  In  the  first  place,  the  vacant  lot  does 
not  belong  to  the  city,  and  the  child  is  generally  a  trespasser  and 
often  a  nuisance  there.     These  vacant  lots  will  soon  be  built  up  in 


8o4  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

any  growing  city,  if  they  are  not  speedily  purchased  by  the  city. 
In  my  study  of  available  sites  in  Washington  in  1908  I  found  113 
sites  large  enough  for  playgrounds.  Sixteen  of  these  were  built  up 
tlie  next  year,  showing  that  six  more  years  at  the  same  rate  would 
put  an  adequate  playground  system  almost  beyond  the  reach  of 
the  district.  The  vacant  lot  is  little  attended  by  the  small  children 
or  by  the  girls  who  need  the  play  faciUties  more  than  the  boys  do, 
because  they  have  less  already  and  receive  less  encouragement  from 
their  parents  and  the  community.  If  anyone  will  keep  track  of  the 
attendance  on  any  particular  vacant  lot  he  may  choose,  I  think  he 
will  find  that  it  will  average  less  than  i  per  cent  of  the  school  regis- 
tration from  the  neighborhood.  Such  a  ground  is  often  used  by 
the  big  boys  as  a  place  in  which  to  play  baseball  in  the  spring  and 
football  in  the  fall,  but  it  will  be  found  in  most  sections  that  a  large 
proportion  of  the  games  break  up  in  some  quarrel  or  dispute.  It 
will  be  found  also  that  a  great  deal  of  the  language  would  not  be 
allowed  to  go  through  the  mails.  The  presence  of  such  vacant  lots 
in  the  neighborhood  makes  scarcely  any  difference  in  the  attendance 
at  the  playgrounds. 

CONDITION   OF   THE    STREETS 

Most  people  imagine  that  if  the  playgrounds  are  provided  it  is 
going  to  keep  the  children  off  the  streets,  and  in  fact  it  does  to  a 
large  extent.  All  of  the  children  who  are  on  the  playground  are 
obviously  off  the  streets,  and  most  of  them  would  probably  have 
been  there  if  the  playground  had  not  been  provided.  But  the  street 
is  so  much  more  accessible  than  the  playground  that  the  children 
will  probably  always  play  in  front  of  their  homes  on  the  street,  if 
the  street  is  suitable,  more  than  they  do  in  the  playground.  There 
is  nothing  inherently  demoralizing  in  street  play  in  a  good  section 
of  the  city.  It  is  the  play  in  the  alleys  and  stables  and  lumber 
yards  that  is  apt  to  be  harmful.  If  a  street  is  little  traveled,  fairly 
wide,  asphalted,  and  reasonably  well  shaded  and  cleaned,  it  serves 
for  much  play,  and  the  playgrounds  for  such  a  section  do  not  need 
to  be  as  large  as  they  do  in  a  section  where  the  street  is  paved  with 
cobblestones,  unshaded,  and  left  in  a  filthy  condition,  or  as  they 
would  if  the  street  were  much  frequented  by  automobiles,  so  that 
it  would  be  unsafe  for  the  children  to  play  upon  it. 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  805 

PARKS   AND   THEIR  FACILITIES   FOR   BASEBALL   AND   TENNIS 

One  objection  that  was  usually  made  by  some  member  of  Con- 
gress to  the  playground  appropriation  for  the  District  was  that 
there  were  so  many  parks  in  the  District  that  the  playgrounds  were 
not  needed,  but  anyone  who  knows  anything  about  the  small  circles 
and  triangles  of  Washington  must  know  that  while  they  may  answer 
more  or  less  for  romping  or  horse  play,  they  are  not  adapted  to 
games  and  that  no  organized  play  can  be  carried  on  there.  The 
same  things  can  be  said  of  any  of  the  small  ornamental  parks  of  our 
cities.  In  the  larger  parks  there  generally  are  facihties  for  sports 
and  games,  and  if  there  are  adequate  baseball  diamonds,  tennis 
courts,  and  swimming  places,  these  with  ample  school-yards  may 
provide  for  all  the  play  needs  of  the  city.  It  should  be  the  policy 
to  locate  tennis  grounds,  ball  fields,  and  swimming  places  within 
about  a  mile  of  each  section  if  possible,  and  in  general  these  should 
be  along  car  lines,  as  the  older  young  people  use  these  facilities  and 
can  often  afford  to  pay  car  fare.  All  of  these  available  sites  should 
be  summed  up  and  listed  before  new  facilities  are  purchased  by 
the  city. 

SWIMMING  FACILITIES 

All  available  natural  facilities  for  swimming  should  also  be  listed, 
and,  if  possible,  the  statistics  of  drowning  from  swimming  in  these 
places  should  be  secured. 

When  all  of  this  data  have  been  obtained,  it  should  be  possible 
to  tell  the  need  of  the  playgrounds  and  approximately  where  they 
should  be  located  and  what  facilities  they  should  contain.  If  the 
yards  are  large,  there  will  need  to  be  Httle  provision  for  the  small 
children,  and  the  playgrounds  will  not  need  to  be  so  large  because 
there  will  be  fewer  children  within  a  given  radius.  If  the  school  play- 
grounds are  large,  there  will  not  need  to  be  much  provision  for  the 
ordinary  play  of  the  school  children,  and  the  problem  will  mainly 
be  to  reach  the  working  boys  and  girls  and  the  young  men  and 
women,  who  still  have  a  love  of  games,  but  there  will  have  to  be 
provision  also  for  tennis,  baseball,  and  swimming  for  the  older 
school  children,  unless  the  school  also  has  space  for  these  games. 
If  the  streets  are  asphalted  and  well  paved,  the  children  will  have 
much  of  their  play  there,  and  the  playgrounds  need  not  be  as  large 


8o6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

as  would  be  necessary  in  a  section  where  the  streets  are  paved  with 
cobblestones. 

DANCE  HALLS,  POOLROOMS,  AND  SALOONS 

These  have  no  direct  relationship  to  the  playground,  but  the 
playground  will  be  a  new  and  effective  rival  of  all  of  these  institu- 
tions, especially  if  it  is  open  at  night  and  really  suitable  to  the  social 
enjoyment  of  the  young  men  and  women. 

If  a  city  shows  a  surplus  of  such  institutions — and  a  very  few 
may  well  be  a  surplus — this  may  be  the  best  possible  reason  for 
opening  public  gymnasia,  reading-rooms,  swimming-pools,  and 
public  dances  in  order  to  draw  the  young  people  away  from  these 
other  institutions.  It  is  certainly  an  abundant  reason  for  asking 
that  all  the  play  facihties  of  the  city  should  be  open  at  night  as  well 
as  by  day. 

THE   LOCATION   OF   POSSIBLE   PLAYGROUND   SITES 

All  the  studies  that  have  been  made  of  playground  attendance 
indicate  that  the  maximum  range  of  playground  effectiveness  is  not 
more  than  one-half  mile,  but  that  the  younger  children  do  not  go 
regularly  much  over  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  This  would  indicate  that 
there  should  be  at  least  as  many  playgrounds  as  the  city  has  square 
miles  of  territory.  This  does  not  imply,  however,  that  so  many 
playgrounds  need  to  be  purchased  unless  the  schools  are  practically 
without  playgrounds.  Where  the  schools  have  grounds  that  are 
large  enough  to  use,  these  should  always  be  taken  into  consideration, 
and,  it  may  be  that  all  the  outside  playgrounds  that  will  be  needed 
will  be  ones  which  have  a  range  of  a  mile — which  is  fairly  true  of 
baseball  fields,  tennis  courts,  and  swimming-pools.  This  would  be 
one  of  these  for  each  four  square  miles  of  the  city's  surface,  but  the 
location  of  car  lines  should  always  be  considered  in  selecting  these 
sites.  It  is  generally  wiser  to  enlarge  the  existing  school  grounds 
whenever  this  can  be  done  at  a  reasonable  price,  than  it  is  to  pur- 
chase separate  grounds. 

In  the  actual  selection  of  sites,  the  first  thing  to  determine  is  the 
availability  of  present  property  belonging  to  the  city.  It  is  seldom 
possible  to  take  a  present  park  for  play  purposes,  because  the  people 
who  live  aroimd  it  object,  and  because  there  are  none  too  many 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  807 

parks  in  our  cities  as  they  are.  There  is,  however,  in  most  cities 
some  public  property  that  has  been  forgotten,  and  in  some  cities 
there  is  much  such  property.  This  property  is  difficult  to  find, 
because  it  is  seldom  listed  in  any  one  place.  It  may  be  land  that 
was  purchased  earlier  for  stables,  water  works,  schools,  hospitals, 
or  other  purposes,  or  it  may  be  land  that  has  reverted  to  the  city 
for  the  non-payment  of  taxes  or  for  other  reasons.  The  tax- 
exemption  sheets  were  the  only  ones  that  showed  us  the  public  and 
semi-public  property  that  might  possibly  be  used  in  Washington. 

CEMETERIES 

It  is  well  to  look  into  the  cemeteries.  In  the  older  cities  there 
are  often  a  number  of  cemeteries  that  have  been  abandoned  for 
burial  places  and  frequently  all  the  bodies  have  been  removed. 
We  found  in  Washington  that  thirteen  cemeteries  had  been  aban- 
doned within  the  district  during  the  last  thirty  years.  These  sites 
are  taken  sooner  or  later  for  business  purposes  in  most  cases. 
Nearly  all  the  cemeteries  that  are  well  within  the  city  are  doomed 
as  such.  London  has  secured  more  than  sixty  of  these  for  play- 
grounds during  the  last  forty  years,  and  it  is  said  that  there  are  five 
hundred  others  that  will  soon  be  taken  for  this  purpose.  The 
cemetery  sites,  in  general,  will  have  to  be  purchased,  but  they  can 
usually  be  had  much  cheaper  than  any  other  similar  piece  of 
property.  It  would  be  difficult  to  say  how  many  of  these  have  been 
secured  in  American  cities  during  the  last  decade,  but  it  is  certainly 
a  large  number.  One  is  reminded  of  the  request  of  Mayor  Johnson, 
of  Cleveland,  that  they  should  bury  him  where  the  children  might 
play  over  his  grave. 

There  are  many  who  would  doubtless  think  of  this  as  a  desecra- 
tion. But  we  feel  very  differently  about  this  now  from  what  we 
did  a  few  years  ago.  Ahnost  any  milHonaire  would  be  ashamed  to 
invest  any  considerable  proportion  of  his  fortime  in  a  mausoleum, 
and  more  and  more  our  wealthy  men  are  erecting  tombstones  in  the 
shape  of  pubHc  Hbraries,  fountains,  and  similar  pubHc  gifts.  From 
the  nature  of  the  case  it  is  not  less  fitting  that  children  should  play 
over  the  graves  of  the  dead  than  that  flowers  should  grow  there, 
and  it  must  be  remembered  that  in  any  case  the  graves  have 


8o8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

generally  been  vacated,  the  tombstones  destroyed,  and  all  traces  that 
might  serve  to  identify  the  graves  removed.  It  will  be  found  also 
that  these  neglected  graveyards  soon  become  a  tangle  of  luxuriant 
vegetation,  which  is  Ukely  to  become  the  worst  sort  of  resort  for 
drinking  and  vice,  so  that  they  are  often  the  chief  "hang-outs"  of 
gangs  of  tramps  and  loafers,  and  the  place  of  seclusion  sought  by 
immoral  boys  and  girls.  A  careful  study  will  also  generally  find  a 
constant  usurpation,  at  least  in  the  South,  by  the  surrounding 
property  owners  and  tenants,  so  that  the  size  of  these  neglected 
cemeteries  is  Ukely  to  grow  less  from  decade  to  decade. 

RESERVOIRS 

Nearly  or  quite  all  reservoirs  that  are  located  within  the  cities 
must  be  abandoned  or  covered  in  the  near  future.  They  are  sub- 
ject to  all  sorts  of  defilement  within  the  city,  and  the  land  is  really 
too  valuable  to  be  devoted  to  such  use.  These  old  reservoirs,  with 
their  sloping  sides,  make  a  natural  athletic  field  and  stadium  in 
many  cases.  Pittsburgh  and  Baltimore  have  each  secured  one  of 
these  abandoned  reservoirs  for  a  playground.  The  city  of  Reading, 
Pennsylvania,  has  covered  one  of  them  for  a  rink  for  the  roller- 
skaters. 

PONDS  AND   MARSHES 

The  low  places  aroimd  a  city  can  often  be  filled  in  so  as  to  remove 
a  nuisance  and  make  a  splendid  pleasure  ground  very  cheaply. 
There  is  an  enormous  amount  of  waste  material  that  is  being  pro- 
duced by  every  city  every  year.  In  a  hundred  years,  I  suppose,  the 
waste  of  New  York  City  would  make  soHd  land  of  New  York  harbor, 
if  it  were  all  deposited  there.  Several  years  ago  sixty-five  acres 
were  built  on  to  Rikers  Island  from  ashes  alone  in  a  single  year.  If 
a  city  would  develop  before  hand  some  plan  for  the  depositing  of 
the  ashes,  dirt  from  cellars,  and  streets  excavated,  cans,  bottles,  and 
other  solid  waste,  it  could  fill  in  valleys,  ponds,  and  lakes,  make 
embankments,  and  build  mountains  at  will,  though  these  might  be 
unsightly  in  the  process  of  formation.  A  few  years  ago  I  climbed  a 
high  hill,  with  a  good  observatory  on  top,  in  the  outskirts  of  Leip- 
zig, which  I  was  informed  was  built  in  this  way.  It  was  covered 
with  grass  and  flowers  and  even  some  good-sized  trees.     The 


THE  PLAYGROUND  SURVEY  809 

children  of  many  of  our  prairie  cities  would  appreciate  such  an 
artificial  sHde  and  playground.  Chicago  has  been  very  successful 
in  building  Grant  Park  from  waste  materials,  and  the  new  Chicago 
Plan  caUs  for  a  whole  series  of  outlying  islands  and  lagoons  that  are 
to  be  largely  constructed  in  this  way.  Outlymg  islands  protect  a 
harbor  from  storms  and  add  greatly  to  its  scenic  attractiveness. 
They  furnish  the  most  delightful  and  accessible  pleasure  grounds 
that  a  city  can  have.  Many  cities  might  develop  a  whole  series  of 
islands  in  this  way  without  its  costing  the  city  a  cent.  Belle  Isle 
Park,  Detroit,  is  an  example  of  how  attractive  an  island  might 
become.  A  large  part  of  the  parks  and  playgrounds  of  Boston  have 
been  made  in  this  way  by  filhng  in  the  ponds  and  marshes.  The 
hydraulic  dredge  works  so  cheaply  now  it  may  often  be  possible  to 
make  a  harbor  for  a  city,  suppress  a  mosquito  marsh,  and  make  a 
splendid  park  and  playground  at  the  same  time. 

VACANT  PROPERTY 

It  is  well  then  to  put  in  from  the  city  plat-books  or  insurance 
maps  all  of  the  sites  within  the  city  that  are  large  enough  for  play- 
grounds, together  with  such  notes  as  may  be  made  concerning  the 
condition  of  the  ground. 

DEMOLISHING   SLUM   TENEMENTS 

It  is  nat  strictly  necessary  that  the  site  selected  for  a  playground 
should  be  vacant.  Mulberry  Bend  and  Seward  Park  Playgrounds 
on  the  East  Side  of  New  York  were  made  by  demolishing  slums. 
There  is  often  a  section  of  a  city  in  a  most  unsanitary  and  unsavory 
condition,  where  existing  conditions  are  a  grave  menace  to  the 
health  and  morals  of  the  city.  Sometimes  this  property  is  so  cheap, 
that  it  will  cost  little  more  than  if  the  ground  were  vacant  and  it  is 
thus  possible  to  demohsh  a  slum  and  secure  a  playground  in  a  con- 
gested section  at  the  same  time.  This  will,  in  nearly  every  case, 
cause  a  great  increase  in  the  value  of  the  surrounding  property 
as  well. 

OUTLYING   SITES 

Everywhere  today  people  are  lamenting  that  the  cities  have  not 
been  planned,  and  that  they  have  thus  grown  without  leaving 
sufficient  space  for  public  purposes.     The  condition  of  the  centers 


8io  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  such  cities  as  New  York  and  Chicago  is  well-nigh  incurable,  but 
it  is  still  possible  to  plan  the  suburbs.  No  new  section  should  be 
allowed  to  come  into  the  city  without  setting  aside  at  least  one- 
tenth  of  its  area  for  parks  and  playgrounds,  and,  in  the  outer  edge 
of  growing  cities,  it  is  surely  the  part  of  wisdom  to  secure,  as  soon 
as  possible,  a  chain  of  small  parks  and  playgrounds,  encircling  the 
city  at  intervals  of  not  more  than  a  mile,  that  can  be  used  as  ball 
fields  for  the  present  and  developed  into  playgrounds  or  restful  little 
parks  as  the  city  develops  and  increasing  population  demands 
increasing  use. 

When  all  the  possibiHties  have  been  located,  these  should  be  put 
in  on  a  school  or  outline  map  of  the  city  and  preferably  in  different 
colors,  so  that  one  can  see  at  a  glance  the  nature  of  the  areas  indi- 
cated. After  we  had  prepared  such  a  map  in  Washington,  we  found 
that  there  were  several  sites  that  belonged  to  the  city  that  we  could 
secure  at  once  without  purchase,  but  our  ideas  changed  completely 
as  to  what  sites  were  desirable.  We  found  that  some  that  we  had 
hoped  to  secure  were  too  near  to  others  that  we  already  had, 
while  other  sections  were  fairly  well  covered  by  large  school-yards 
and  that  still  others  were  in  sections  where  there  were  few  children. 
The  city  that  goes  ahead  to  spend  $100,000  on  playground  sites 
without  first  making  a  careful  study  of  needs  and  resources  probably 
wastes,  on  an  average,  about  half  of  the  money  and  has  only  a 
hodge-podge  at  the  end,  because  it  failed  to  spend  the  preliminary 
$500  or  $1,000  that  was  needed  for  the  survey. 

WHAT   SORT   OF   SITES   SHOULD   BE   CHOSEN? 

Here  park  boards  often  make  a  serious  mistake.  A  piece  of 
hilly  and  uneven  ground  may  do  very  well  for  a  park,  but  play 
requires  ground  that  is  nearly  level,  and  it  is  likely  to  cost  more  to 
level  a  plot  of  uneven  ground  than  it  would  to  purchase  a  piece  of 
level  ground  in  the  first  place. 

A  ravine  may  be  a  delightful  place  for  walks  and  drives  and 
shady  benches.  It  may  be  a  delightful  place  for  children  to  stroll 
by  themselves  or  in  groups,  but  it  will  be  almost  valueless  for  an 
organized  playground  in  all  probabiUty.  Similarly,  if  there  are  no 
school  grounds  of  importance,  it  may  be  worth  while  to  purchase  a 
plot  of  land  not  more  than  an  acre  in  size,  but  such  an  area  will  not 


THE  PLA  YGRO UND  SURVEY  8 1 1 

be  worth  while  if  the  school  sites  in  the  neighborhood  are  of  similar 
size.  Where  a  playground  is  selected  for  such  a  city  and  mostly 
for  the  use  of  the  young  people,  it  should  be  not  less  than  five  acres, 
and  twenty  would  be  a  great  deal  better.  Twenty  acres  is  the  size 
that  has  been  taken  by  the  South  Park  Board  for  the  standard  in 
its  future  purchases.  In  a  ground  of  this  size  there  is  room  for 
a  field  house,  a  swimming-pool,  athletic  fields,  ball  fields,  tennis 
courts,  etc. 

WHERE   SHOULD  A   PLAYGROUND   BE   LOCATED? 

It  may  seem  that  this  topic  has  already  been  covered,  but  it  has 
not  in  actual  fact.  Perhaps  it  may  be  clearer  if  we  point  out  some 
places  where  playgrounds  should  not  be  located.  In  general  they 
should  not  be  located  on  the  edge  of  a  settled  section  or  on  a  point 
of  land.  If  a  playground  draws  from  a  territory  one-half  mile  in 
radius,  all  of  which  is  inhabited,  there  will  naturally  be  four  times  as 
great  an  attendance  at  the  playground,  as  there  will  be  if  it  draws 
from  the  quadrant  of  such  a  circle  only.  A  playground  that  has  a 
built  up  section  on  one  side  only  will  have  only  half  of  the  attend- 
ance of  a  playground  that  is  in  the  midst  of  a  well  built  up  section. 
The  playground  is  essentially  a  neighborhood  affair,  and  it  should 
be  located  in  the  midst  of  a  neighborhood  so  far  as  possible. 

A  playground  should  not  be  so  located  that  the  children  will 
have  to  cross  the  railroad  tracks  or  a  boulevard  that  is  much  fre- 
quented by  automobiles,  or  a  street  that  is  congested  by  traffic. 
This  should  be  fairly  evident,  but  is  often  disregarded  in  the  selec- 
tion of  a  site. 

A  playground  site  should  be  in  the  midst  of  a  homogeneous 
population.  Sections  of  the  city  often  have  to  be  regarded  as 
separate  entities,  because  the  people  from  these  different  sections 
live  to  themselves  and  do  not  mingle  with  the  people  of  adjacent 
sections.  Children  will  not  go  from  a  well-to-do  section  into  a 
slum  to  attend  a  playground,  or  vice  versa.  Children  often  will 
not  go  from  an  Irish  section  into  a  Jewish  section,  and  so  forth. 
All  of  these  considerations  must  be  held  in  mind.  In  the  South  the 
playgrounds  for  white  and  colored  children  have  to  be  absolutely 
distinct.  A  white  playground  on  the  edge  of  a  colored  section  will 
draw  only  from  the  white  side,  and  while  it  may  be  in  the  midst  of 


8i2  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

a  densely  settled  section,  so  far  as  attendance  is  concerned,  it  is  on 
the  edge  of  the  city.  There  is  always  a  likelihood  of  race  conflicts 
on  these  playgrounds  that  are  situated  on  the  edge  of  a  section  of 
the  city  in  this  way.  Such  a  playground  may  be  the  best  way  in 
the  world  to  overcome  race  antagonism  and  probably  will  be  in  the 
long  run,  if  the  two  races  are  races  that  might  possibly  mingle,  but 
it  will  be  sure  to  reduce  the  attendance  at  first. 

WHAT   SORT   OF  PLAYGROUNDS? 

If  the  door-yards  are  providing  for  the  play  of  the  little  children, 
then  the  playgrounds  need  not  make  much  provision  for  them.  If 
the  school  grounds  are  providing  for  the  school  children,  then  the 
municipal  grounds  need  only  reach  the  older  people.  If  there  are 
many  working  boys  and  girls,  then  the  playground  that  will  be  most 
needed  will  be  the  evening  playground,  which  suggests  the  social 
center,  the  pubhc  gymnasium,  the  swimming-pool,  the  municipal 
dance  hall,  and  the  like,  and  for  the  use  by  day,  baseball,  tennis, 
and  swimming  are  almost  sure  to  be  the  popular  things. 

THE  MAKING  OF  SURVEYS  A  PROPER  FUNCTION  OF  A  PLAYGROUND 

ASSOCIATION 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  making  of  such  a  survey  as  has  been 
indicated,  if  done  thoroughly,  will  involve  a  considerable  expendi- 
ture of  time  and  money.  There  has  been  an  attempt  to  indicate  a 
maximum  and  minimum  survey,  but  nothing  should  prevent  a  sys- 
tematic examination  of  the  size  of  the  school-yards  and  registration 
of  the  schools,  the  location  and  extent  of  existing  property  belong- 
ing to  the  city,  and  the  making  of  a  map  which  will  show  these 
things  as  well  as  all  the  pieces  of  property  which  might  be  purchased 
or  borrowed  for  recreation  purposes.  If  half-mile  circles  are  drawn 
around  these  proposed  sites  and  the  school  registrations  from 
within  the  circle  are  examined,  a  good  idea  of  the  probable  attend- 
ance at  the  playground  can  be  obtained.  The  making  of  such  a 
survey  is  a  piece  of  work  that  belongs  logically  to  a  playground 
association.  Associations  cannot  hope  to  maintain  a  playground 
system.  All  that  can  well  be  expected  of  them  is  to  demonstrate 
the  need  and  help  the  city  to  begin  right.  This  means,  for  the 
most  part,  a  survey  of  actual  conditions. 


EFFECTS  OF  GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  UPON 
SOCIAL  REALITIES 


EDWARD  C.  HAYES 
University  of  Illinois 


Prevalent  social  activities  are  molded  by  conditions  of  four 
kinds:  (i)  geographic  conditions,  or  the  natural  physical  environ- 
ment; (2)  technic  conditions,  or  the  artificial  physical  environment; 
(3)  psychophysical  conditions,  or  the  hereditary  and  acquired  traits 
of  the  population;  (4)  social  conditions,  or  the  causal  relations 
between  the  activities  of  associates. 

Geographic  conditions,  or  the  natural  physical  environment 
presented  by  the  country  inhabited,  must  be  recognized  as  includ- 
ing aspect,  soil,  water  supply,  other  mineral  resources,  flora,  fauna, 
and  topography. 

The  less  conspicuous  geographic  differences  socially  important. — 
We  are  all  familiar  in  a  superficial  way  with  the  obvious  fact 
that  the  activities  of  a  people  are  largely  determined  by  their 
geographic  environment.  Life  cannot  be  the  same  in  arctic 
regions  as  in  the  tropics;  nor  upon  deserts  of  drifting  sand  as 
upon  the  grassy  steppes  which  afford  the  natural  home  for  wander- 
ing shepherds  and  their  herds;  nor  upon  the  seacoast  with  its 
fisheries  and  commerce  as  among  the  mountains  with  their  forests 
and  mines.  But  it  is  not  alone  the  extreme  and  unusual  manifesta- 
tions of  nature  which  affect  the  life  of  man.  It  may  be  that  the 
very  absence  of  extremes  has  served  to  make  Europe  the  seat  of 
the  richest  civilization.  So  relatively  inconspicuous  a  fact  as  the 
absence  of  a  creature  adapted  to  be  domesticated  and  milked  might 
cause  one  incipient  social  type  to  be  crushed  out  in  the  struggle 
for  existence;  or  the  presence  of  a  creature  adapted  to  become  a 
beast  of  burden  might  enable  one  people  to  grow  into  a  triumphant 
race,  contributors  to  a  dominant  civilization,  and  the  absence  of 
such  a  creature  might  condemn  another  race  to  backwardness  and 

813 


8i4  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

final  extinction.     The  following  effects  of  geographic  conditions 
deserve  particular  mention: 

1.  Geographic  conditions  determine  the  size  of  populations. — 
Thronging  cities  are  found  at  points  of  geographic  advantage. 
And  in  the  original  development  of  civilization  populations  first 
assembled  in  considerable  density  where  nature  was  especially- 
lavish  of  food.  Thus  the  valleys  of  the  Nile,  Euphrates,  Ganges, 
and  Peiho  became  cradles  of  civilization.  The  familiar  differ- 
ences between  city  and  country  life  illustrate  the  importance  of 
different  degrees  of  density  of  population  in  determining  the  char- 
acter of  society.  Far  more,  in  the  earlier  stages  of  development, 
when  social  activities  were  mainly  indigenous,  any  great  advance- 
ment was  conditioned  upon  considerable  number  and  density  of 
population.  Where  the  numbers  were  large  the  chances  of  inven- 
tion were  proportionally  increased,  as  well  as  the  chances  that 
such  inventions  as  occurred  would  not  be  lost  but  would  spread, 
and  become  fertilely  combined  with  other  elements  of  progress. 
Moreover,  the  permanence  and  accumulation  of  a  strain  of  social 
development  has  been  largely  conditioned  upon  the  military 
strength  which  enabled  a  group  to  maintain  itself  and  to  absorb 
other  groups,  and  this  in  turn  depended  largely  upon  numbers. 

2.  The  economic  occupations  oj  a  people  are  determined  by  their 
geographic  environment. — Geographic  situation  determines  both 
demand  and  supply.  For  example,  the  economic  products  de- 
manded in  a  cold  country  are  not  the  same  as  those  demanded 
in  a  hot  country.  Supply  and  the  occupations  of  production 
are  determined  by  the  raw  materials  and  natural  advantages 
available.  In  one  region  the  men  will  be  farmers,  in  another 
herdsmen,  in  another  fishers  and  sailors,  in  another  hunters,  trap- 
pers, woodsmen,  in  another  miners.  The  business  of  one  locality 
is  determined  by  the  presence  of  deposits  of  coal  and  iron,  of  another 
by  the  presence  of  water  power,  of  another  by  the  presence  of  lum- 
ber or  quarries,  or  clay  for  the  making  of  pottery  and  bricks. 
Thus,  we  have  steel  mills  at  Pittsburgh,  and  textile  factories 
where  the  rivers  that  pass  the  Appalachians  to  empty  into  the 
Atlantic  afford  abundant  power.  The  correspondence  between  the 
economic  occupations  of  a  people  and  the  geographic  character 


GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  AND  SOCIAL  REALITIES     815 

of  the  region  in  which  they  hve  is  complete  during  all  the  earlier 
stages  of  development,  and  diminishes  only  very  gradually,  until 
the  railroad  makes  it  possible  to  redistribute  raw  materials,  fuel, 
and  finished  products,  and  never  disappears. 

Moreover,  whatever  determines  the  way  in  which  a  people 
get  their  living  largely  determines  the  way  in  which  they  live, 
so  that  the  geographic  conditions  which  prescribe  their  economic 
activities  thereby  indirectly  determine  to  a  very  large  extent  all 
the  other  departments  of  their  social  life.  It  affects  their  form  of 
government,  as  will  presently  be  explained.  It  influences  the  do- 
mestic organization — polyandry  in  Tibet  is  attributed  to  poverty 
of  soil;  woman  has  rights  and  influence  among  fisher  folk  of  the 
seashore,  where  men  are  much  away  from  home  and  leave  its 
management  to  their  spouses;  the  pastoral  life  of  the  steppes  has 
for  its  correlate  the  patriarchate  and  as  a  rule  polygamy.  The 
occupations  of  a  people  give  direction  to  their  intellectual  interests 
and  to  their  aesthetic  and  recreational  tastes,  and  even  to  their 
religious  creeds. 

3.  Stagnation  or  progressiveness  are  conditioned  largely  by 
geographic  surroundings. — Mountain  barriers,  swamps,  forests, 
and  deserts  hinder  the  intercommunication  which  is  the  first  con- 
dition of  social  progress,  while  rivers  which  are  "highways  that 
carry  you,"  good  harbors  inviting  a  people  to  put  to  sea,  mountain 
passes,  and  other  natural  routes  of  travel,  promote  rapid  social 
progress  in  favored  regions.  However,  under  some  circumstances 
a  certain  degree  of  remoteness  may  aid  progress.  Thus  Egypt 
early  acquired  a  large  enough  population  for  fertile  intercommuni- 
cation through  the  lavish  gifts  of  the  Nile,  and  the  wealth  and 
progress  there  accumulated  were,  during  the  earlier  stages  of  civili- 
zation, more  easily  defended  from  marauders  by  reason  of  the 
distance  of  other  centers  of  population,  which  was  caused  by  the 
surrounding  desert.  Egypt,  however,  was  successively  visited 
and  peopled  by  various  folk  wanderings.  Isolation  tends  every- 
where to  stagnation,  which  in  the  case  of  primitive  peoples  settles 
down  as  soon  as  the  most  urgent  natural  wants  have  found  a  cus- 
tomary mode  of  satisfaction.  On  the  other  hand,  the  crust  of 
custom  is  broken  up  where  contact  with  other  groups  brings  the 


8i6  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

indigenous  modes  of  thought  and  practice  into  frequent  competi- 
tion with  those  of  other  people,  allowing  not  only  a  survival  of  the 
fittest  but  also  a  fertile  combination  of  diverse  inventions. 

4.  Lawlessness  is  the  natural  consequence  of  geographic  inacces- 
sibility.— This  is  true  for  two  reasons:  both  because  the  people 
of  an  inaccessible  region  feel  little  need  of  protection  from  invaders, 
and  so  do  not  desire  and  will  not  tolerate  a  strong  guard  over  them; 
and  also  because  ofifenders  in  such  a  region  are  not  easily  caught 
and  punished.  Banditti  and  feuds  and  other  forms  of  violence 
survive  longest  in  mountain  fastnesses  where  the  arm  of  the  law 
can  with  difficulty  reach  the  offender,  while  in  the  open  plain  order 
is  estabhshed  with  comparative  ease,  not  only  because  all  men 
are  within  the  reach  of  the  law,  but  also  because  all  men  desire 
that  the  law  shall  be  strong,  since  their  accessibility  renders  them 
open  to  the  attacks  of  marauders.  If  a  fertile  plain  exists  in  the 
neighborhood  of  mountain  wilds  the  inhabitants  of  the  plain  tend 
to  develop  a  government  strong  enough  both  to  hold  at  bay  their 
poor  and  envious  neighbors  of  the  mountain  sides,  and  also  to 
repress  the  disorders  of  their  own  unruly  members.  Geographic 
conditions  indirectly  affect  the  rapidity  with  which  order  is  devel- 
oped in  that  a  region  which  is  favorable  to  the  accumulation  of 
wealth  calls  for  strong  government  to  protect  its  treasures.  Thus, 
in  the  case  just  supposed,  the  poverty  of  the  mountaineers  com- 
bines with  their  inaccessibility  to  postpone  order,  while  the  wealth 
of  the  plainsmen  combines  with  their  accessibiUty  to  hasten  it. 
When  a  rich  land  has  been  successfully  invaded  the  conquerors 
tend  to  form  a  governmental  organization  strong  enough  to  hold 
the  conquered  in  subjection,  arid  also  to  repel  other  invaders. 
Such  appear  to  have  been  the  typical  conditions  of  origin  of 
strong  states. 

5.  The  form  of  government  is  afected  by  geographic  conditions. — 
Exclusively  agricultural  regions  are  nearly  always  aristocratic 
because  land  is  a  natural  monopoly,  and  where  agriculture  is  the 
only,  or  chief,  source  of  wealth,  power  goes  with  the  possession 
of  land.  Immigrant  agriculturalists  taking  possession  of  a  new 
territory  may  remain  democratic  or  become  increasingly  so,  as 
long  as  free  land  is  obtainable.     But  as  soon  as  population  increases 


GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  AND  SOCIAL  REALITIES     817 

so  that  land  is  costly,  then  those  who  possess  land  may  readily 
obtain  more,  but  the  landless  laborer  can  rarely  obtain  land  enough 
to  support  him,  and  such  persons  tend  to  become  tenants  or  hired 
laborers  if  not  serfs.  In  an  old  agricultural  community  the  rich 
and  powerful,  by  gradually  increasing  their  holdings,  widen  the 
gulf  between  them  and  the  landless. 

There  are  two  forms  of  agrarian  aristocracy.  First,  and  least 
famih'ar  to  us,  is  that  which  gradually  replaces  common  ownership 
of  land  among  a  long-established  agricultural  people;  and  second, 
that  in  which  the  possession  of  land  is  seized  by  the  chiefs  of  an 
invading  people. 

Commerce,  on  the  other  hand,  tends  to  democracy.     If  people 
are  settled  about  a  favorable  harbor  or  route  of  trade,  and  if  they 
develop  any  industry  the  products  of  which  can  be  exchanged 
and  that  depends  upon  skill  and  industry  and  not  upon  the  utiliza- 
tion of  a  raw  material  that  is  liable  to  monopoly,  then  they  tend  to 
become  democratic,  as  did  the  maritime  cities  of  Greece  and  Italy, 
and  the  halting-places  of  the  caravans  that  connected  Europe 
with  the  Orient.     These  did  not  become  democratic  in  the  modern 
sense  of  the  word.     That  consummation  waited  for  the  develop- 
ment of  popular  ideals  concerning  the  universal  rights  of  man,  and 
could  not  be  brought  about  by  mere  geographic  influences.     But 
they  were  democracies  in  the  sense  that  many  were  well  to  do,  and 
the  well-to-do  were  free.     Commerce  breaks  down  aristocracy  not 
only  because  a  larger  number  become  well  to  do,  but  also  because 
social  classes  are  no  longer  separated  by  an  impassable  line  of  strati- 
fication.    Where  commerce  exists  the  poor  peddler  may  become 
the  rich  merchant,  and  the  son  of  the  once  wealthy  bankrupt  sinks 
into   poverty.     On    the   other   hand,   landed   estates    (especially 
before  the  advent  of  a  money  economy  favorable  to  borrowing 
and  mortgages)  are  not  so  easily  dissipated,  and  descend  from 
generation   to   generation,    so   that   the   stratification   of   society 
becomes  permanent,  and  the  illusions  of  caste  grow  up.     Not 
only  does  the  noble  claim  to  be  of  different  clay  from  the  peasant, 
but  also  the  peasant,  who  was  born  in  a  hut,  is  attired  in  hodden 
gray,  speaks  the  dialect  of  the  furrow  and  not  of  the  hall,  and  plods 
through  a  life  of  toil  in  the  habit  of  obedience,  >dmits  that  he  is 


8i8  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  inferior  stuff  and  does  not  aspire  to  equality  with  those  who  sit 
in  state  or  ride  in  armor  and  are  taught  from  childhood  to  feel 
themselves  born  to  command.  The  early  democracies  are  limited 
to  dense  populations  collected  within  a  small  area  among  whom 
communication  and  co-operation  are  easy,  for  without  facility  of 
communication  the  many  cannot  combine  to  form  and  express 
a  common  will. 

6.  Tastes  and  social  and  domestic  customs  are  influenced  by 
geographic  conditions. — Football  is  out  of  place  in  the  tropics,  and 
ice-skating  is  impossible.  Athletic  sports  are  indigenous  to  cool 
climates,  and  are  the  objects  of  amazement  to  inhabitants  of  torrid 
regions.  The  long  evenings  of  the  northern  winter  call  into  being 
suitable  pastimes.  The  working-hours  of  torrid  regions  are  inter- 
rupted at  midday,  and  the  siesta  is  an  established  custom.  Hours 
for  calling  and  for  social  reunions  and  for  work  differ  from  place 
to  place.  Still  more  marked  are  the  differences  in  dress,  in  houses, 
in  household  furnishings,  and  in  conveniences.  These  practical 
differences  occasion  differences  in  the  fancies  of  fashion,  in  dress, 
and  in  architecture,  and  in  the  art  crafts  which  furnish  the  aesthetic 
elements  in  household  goods  and  articles  of  personal  use.  So  great 
are  these  differences  that  the  arts  and  fashions  of  one  people,  to 
another  seem  strange  and  fantastic.  The  materials  available  in 
a  given  locality  for  making  articles  of  use  and  beauty  also  affect 
the  development  of  tastes.  Clay  makes  possible  ceramic  arts, 
and  marble  was  necessary  to  the  Grecian  taste  for  temples  and 
statues.  The  art  of  Greece  is  due  in  part  to  the  quarries  of  Mt. 
Pentelicus. 

7.  Ethical  differences  are  largely  influenced  by  geographic  environ- 
ment.— The  study  of  comparative  sociology  reveals  the  fact  that 
the  conscience  codes  of  various  peoples  differ  amazingly,  and  these 
ethical  differences  are  largely  influenced  by  geographic  environ- 
ment. 

We  are  all  famihar  with  the  fact  that  the  commercial  and  manu- 
facturing North,  with  relatively  Httle  use  for  the  clumsy  labor  of 
the  slave,  found  it  comparatively  easy  to  see  the  moral  objections 
to  slavery,  while  in  the  agricultural  South,  refined,  gentle,  and 
Christian  people  were  long  able  to  regard  slavery  as  a  divine  in- 


GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  AND  SOCIAL  REALITIES     819 

stitution.  Certain  environments  tend  to  pastoral  industry  and 
patriarchal  society.  There  filial  duty  is  the  supreme  obligation; 
child-bearing  is  the  wife's  ambition;  sexual  irregularities  are 
seriously  condemned,  but  the  increase  of  the  family  of  the  great 
by  polygamous  marriages  is  thoroughly  approved.  Such  was  the 
family  of  Abraham.  Under  the  feudahsm  naturally  resulting 
from  predominant  agriculture,  obedience  and  loyalty  form  the 
central  pillar  of  the  ethical  structure,  each  prays  that  he  may  do 
his  duty  in  his  lot  and  station,  in  becoming  obedience  to  his  betters. 
But  in  commercial  democracy,  independence  and  individual  pride 
are  the  motives  of  honor,  and  the  test  of  honor  is  not  a  loyalty 
to  one's  own  patriarchal  or  feudal  superiors  which  may  sanction 
treachery  and  pillage  to  all  outsiders  save  the  accepted  guest,  but 
an  honesty  that  extends  even  to  the  merchant  from  over  seas. 

In  northern  latitudes  the  sharp  alternation  of  the  seasons 
demanding  that  each  season's  work  must  be  done  at  its  proper 
time,  necessitates  foresight,  promptness,  and  energy  that  does  not 
wait  for  impulse;  and  nature,  which  enriches  man  by  accumulated 
margins  of  saving  but  is  never  lavish,  enforces  thrift  and  economy, 
and  these  become  customs  of  society,  habits  of  the  individual,  and 
prized  virtues.  But  the  thrift  of  the  northerner  often  looks  to  his 
southern  brother  like  niggardhness,  and  the  ease  and  lavishness 
of  the  southerner  to  the  northerner  may  seem  like  laziness,  dis- 
regard of  obligation,  and  prodigality. 

8.  Mythologies  and  religions  are  influenced  by  geographic  environ- 
ment.— What  the  nature-myths  of  a  people  shall  be  depends  in 
part  upon  what  aspects  of  nature  in  their  neighborhood  are  most 
impressive,  whether  they  live  by  the  sea,  upon  the  banks  of  a  great 
river,  among  the  mountains,  in  the  depths  of  the  forest,  or  on  a 
plain  where  the  overarching  sky  with  sun  and  stars  chiefly  command 
the  gaze.  Moreover,  geographic  environments  affect  religions 
indirectly  through  the  other  social  forms  to  which  they  give  rise. 
The  existing  form  of  earthly  power  and  authority  tends  to  shape 
man's  notion  of  divine  rule.  Cruel  despotisms  are  wont  to  have 
bloodthirsty  gods,  and  the  patriarchal  as  compared  with  other 
equally  early  forms  of  government  seems  the  most  favorable  to 
belief  in  a  God  interested  in  the  welfare  of  his  people.     Indeed  the 


820  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

patriarchate  through  the  development  of  reverence  and  worship 
for  the  spirits  of  departed  ancestors  opens  wide  the  way  to  belief 
in  a  father-god. 

9.  Geographic  conditions  affect  the  moods  and  psychic  tendencies 
of  a  people. — It  is  a  fact  familiar  to  us  all  that  in  humid  weather 
the  vital  flame  seems  to  burn  with  little  draft,  while  in  a  crisp 
atmosphere  it  leaps  up  brightly.  The  rapidity  or  slowness  of 
evaporation  seems  to  affect  directly  the  chemistry  of  the  vital 
processes.  Not  only  are  the  general  vital  processes,  upon  which 
the  action  of  the  brain  and  nervous  system  depends,  affected  by 
conditions  of  heat,  light,  and  moisture,  but  the  nerves  themselves 
are  directly  stimulated  or  depressed.  To  this  cause  has  been 
ascribed  the  fact  that  the  cradles  of  civilization  have  been  found 
in  dry  regions  like  the  Egyptian  oasis  in  the  desert,  and  the  plains 
of  Iran  and  of  Central  America. 

The  original  seats  of  civilization  have  been  in  climates  that  were 
warm  as  well  as  dry.  But  as  man  acquired  the  arts  of  clothing 
and  housebuilding  he  tended  to  move  toward  regions  that  were 
relatively  dry  but  with  less  extreme  heat.  In  the  earth's  warm 
belt  only  occasional  spots  have  sufficient  dryness  and  rapidity  of 
evaporation,  and  these  are  said  to  have  been  the  original  seed 
plots  or  nurseries  from  which  the  germs  of  civilization  have  spread. 
Though  food  was  abundant,  yet  it  was  probably  quite  impossible 
that  indigenous  civilization  like  that  of  Egypt  should  arise  in  the 
dank  heat  that  prevails  in  certain  other  portions  of  Africa.  The 
wine  of  America's  ''translucent,  transcendent,  transplendent" 
atmosphere  quickens  the  life  of  her  people. 

Not  only  does  climate  affect  the  permanent  tendencies  of  races, 
but  passing  changes  of  the  seasons  affect  the  moods  of  men.  Alter- 
nations of  the  seasons  give  variety  to  life  and  stimulation  to  the 
imagination.  Further,  the  experienced  teacher  or  prison  warden 
knows  that  there  are  muggy  days  when  his  wards  are  restless  and 
capable  of  more  erratic  mischief  than  concentrated  endeavor. 
The  curve  of  the  statistics  of  crime  shows  a  regular  alternation 
of  rise  and  fall  corresponding  to  the  change  of  the  seasons,  crimes 
against  the  person  increasing  in  summer  and  crimes  against  prop- 
erty in  winter.     Even  suicide,  the  causes  for  which  would  seem 


GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  AND  SOCIAL  REALITIES      821 

perhaps  more  peculiarly  personal  than  the  causes  of  any  other 
human  act  or  experience,  fluctuates  regularly  with  climatic  changes. 
And  the  darkness  of  night  everywhere  gives  to  crime  its  chief  oppor- 
tunity. 

10.  The  routes  followed  by  migration,  war,  and  commerce  have 
been  marked  out  by  geographic  highways,  and  these  have  been  the 
great  distributers  of  human  populations,  customs,  and  commodities. 
The  other  determinant  of  the  distribution  and  present  location 
of  societies  has  been  the  presence  of  natural  resources.  Furs 
lured  the  Russians,  though  not  a  migratory  people,  around  the 
world  through  trackless  frozen  wastes  of  Northern  Canada,  Alaska, 
and  Siberia.  Africa  was  little  visited  by  Europeans  until  the 
supply  of  ivory  drew  them,  and  that  mainly  to  furnish  the  means 
of  playing  the  games  of  chess  and  billiards.  The  demand  for 
biUiard  balls  had  much  to  do  with  the  addition  of  Africa  to  the 
practically  known  world.  The  discovery  of  gold  in  Australia 
and  California  suddenly  peopled  those,  till  then,  neglected  regions. 
These  are  exceptionally  striking  illustrations  of  the  general  rule 
that  natural  resources,  as  well  as  natural  pathways,  determine 
social  distribution. 

THE   SOCIOLOGICAL  IMPORTANCE   OF   GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS 

The  importance  of  studying  the  geographic  conditions  of  social 
activities  is  due  largely  to  two  considerations:  first,  they  afford 
a  part  of  the  demonstration  that  social  activities  are  not  to  be 
explained  by  reference  to  subjective  motives  or  to  the  arbitrary 
decrees  of  man's  will,  but  that  the  specific  desires  and  volitions  of 
men  are  themselves  to  be  explained  by  reference  to  conditioning 
environment,  so  that,  like  other  realities,  human  activities  belong 
to  that  network  of  cause  and  effect  which  is  the  order  of  nature; 
second,  the  geographic  conditions  afford  a  very  considerable  part 
of  the  general  explanation  of  the  course  of  social  evolution,  especially 
in  its  earlier  stages  and  in  the  rise  of  indigenous  cultures. 

What  great  historic  movement  or  epoch  can  be  adequately 
accounted  for  without  reference  to  geographic  conditions?  If, 
for  example,  we  seek  an  explanation  of  the  efflorescence  of  Greece 
in  the  age  of  Pericles,  must  we  not  take  account  of  the  third,  fifth, 


822  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

sixth,  eighth,  and  ninth  of  the  principles  of  geographic  causation 
above  enumerated  ?  We  must  observe  how  the  Ionian  Islands 
stretched  out  like  eager  fingers  for  contact  with  other  peoples; 
how  the  ships  of  Athens*  brought  back  strange  goods  and  strange 
ideas,  till  there  arose  one  of  those  rare  eras  in  which  the  crust  of 
custom  was  thinned  and  broken,  and  men  instead  of  hating  and 
dreading  change  or  innovation  were  eager  to  hear  "some  new 
thing";  how  the  commerce  resulting  from  the  peninsular  and 
insular  position  did  away  with  agrarian  monopoly  of  place  and 
power  and  aided  in  establishing  an  oligarchy  of  the  well-to-do 
which,  though  more  or  less  allied  with  ancient  rank,  and  more  or 
less  perpetuating  its  form  by  a  fiction  of  identity  between  the 
rich  and  the  well-born,  was  nevertheless  a  type  of  democracy; 
and  how  the  aesthetic  tastes,  and  the  inspiration  of  Greek  life  all 
had  a  necessary  geographic  background. 

A  knowledge  of  the  influence  of  geographic  environment  on 
social  activities  has  a  bearing,  not  only  upon  the  explanation  of 
present  situations  and  historic  movements,  but  also  upon  the 
judgment  of  proposed  plans  for  the  future.  Such  knowledge  is  sug- 
gestive of  lines  of  profitable  enterprise  in  opening  canals,  dredging 
harbors,  and  otherwise  providing  conditions  similar  to  those  which 
nature  has  in  places  bestowed.  And  this  knowledge  has  special 
application  to  projects  of  migration  and  colonization. 

LIMITATIONS   ON   THE   IMPORTANCE   OF   GEOGRAPHIC   CONDITIONS 

Three  considerations,  however,  set  limits  to  the  importance 
of  geographic  conditions  of  social  phenomena. 

First,  they  are  after  all  only  one  out  of  four  sets  of  determining 
conditions.  The  geographic  conditions  set  negative  limits  to  the 
possible  forms  of  social  activity,  and  play  an  important  part  in 
positively  occasioning  their  rise  and  character,  yet  they  no  more 
suffice  for  their  complete  explanation  than  one  substance  which  the 
chemist  mixes  with  others  in  a  retort  to  secure  a  complex  reaction 
explains  the  total  effect.  Various  writers  have  been  disposed  to 
seize  upon  some  one  factor  in  sociological  explanation  and  to  treat 

'  Earlier  the  ships  of  Phoenicia  were  the  missionaries  that  brought  awakening  to 
the  harbors  and  islands  of  Greece. 


GEOGRAPHIC  CONDITIONS  AND  SOCIAL  REALITIES      823 

it  as  if  by  itself  it  afforded  complete  solution.     Thus,  some,  of  whom 
Buckle  is  the  most  famous,  have  exaggerated  the  relative  impor- 
tance of  geographic  conditions.     Buckle  writes  as  if  he  came  near 
to  thinking  that  they  afford  the  complete  explanation  of  the  life 
of  societies.     Others,  of  whom  Karl  Marx  is  the  most  famous, 
teach  that  the  economic  activities  by  which  people  get  a  living 
determine    their   moral    standards,    their   forms   of   government, 
their  scientific  progress,  and  their  entire  life.     Tarde  would  find 
well-nigh  the  whole  explanation  in  social  relations,  especially  in 
suggestion  and  imitation.     An  activity  becomes  a  social  phenome- 
non, he  says,  when  it  has  spread,  by  means  of  imitation,  till  many 
participate  in  it.     Spreading  waves  of  imitation  meet  and  modify 
each  other,  and  combine  into  customs  and  institutions,  and  to 
understand  how  they  do  so  is,  according  to  him,  to  comprehend 
the  life  and  development  of  society.     De  Greef  finds  the  essential 
social  reality  and  the  chief  factor  in  sociological  explanation  in 
the  motives  which  associates  furnish  each  other,  by  which  their 
association  becomes  a  sort  of  exchange  or  implicit  contractualism. 
Giddings  bases  his  explanation  primarily  upon  the  fact  of  racial 
and  temperamental  similarities,  which  lead  certam  groups  to  simi- 
larity of  response  to  stimuH,  "consciousness  of  kind,"  and  sympa- 
thetic and  practical  likemindedness.     Simmel  finds  the  universal 
social  reality,  and  the  essential  clue  to  explanation,  in  the  fact  of 
leadership,    and   of    superiority   and    subordination.     Ross   gives 
chief  emphasis,  not  to  the  leadership  of  the  dominant  individual, 
but  to  the  molding  of  individuals  by  the  gradually  developed  ac- 
tivities of  the  mass.     Ward  finds  the  "social  forces"  in  the  inborn 
traits  of  human  nature.     According  to  Gumplowicz  any  isolated 
society,  especially  during  the  early  stages  of  development,  settles 
down  into  a  customary  way  of  satisfying  its  pressing  wants,  and 
stagnates  until  it  comes  into   contact  with  some  other  group. 
Then  the  stagnation  of  custom  is  broken  up  and  a  period  of  progress 
may  follow,  again  to  settle  down  into  the  stagnation  of  custom, 
until  once  more  brought  into  contact  with  some  group  having 
contrasting  ways.     Thus,  he  says,  the  clue  to  social  evolution  is 
in  the  conflicts  of  peoples.     Such  writers  are  correct  in  emphasiz- 
ing the  factors  in  explanation  to  which  they  have  given  particular 


824  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

study,  but  wrong  in  so  far  as  they  slight  other  truths,  and  these 
examples  show  the  complexity  of  complete  sociological  explana- 
tion, which  must  include  them  all.  Though  Greece  has  kept  her 
geography  she  has  lost  her  Periclean  grandeur;  for  geographic 
causes  are  far  from  being  the  only  ones  that  affect  society. 

Second,  it  is  in  the  earlier  stages  of  evolution  that  geographic 
conditions  are  most  dominant,  and  after  the  conquest  of  nature 
has  been  carried  far,  especially  when  transportation,  intercommuni- 
cation, and  migration  have  played  their  part,  activities  are  prac- 
ticed in  regions  where  for  geographic  reasons  they  would  never 
have  originated,  as  the  plants  that  fill  our  fields  and  gardens  are 
carried  and  fostered  far  from  their  natural  habitats.  Thus  the 
relative  importance  of  geographic  causes  diminishes  as  civilization 
advances,  while  the  technic  and  social  factors  steadily  increase  in 
importance. 

Third,  geographic  conditions^  are  laid  down  by  nature,  and 
there  is  no  practical  problem  for  man  in  determining  what  they 
shall  be,  except  as  he  determines  his  geographic  environment  by 
travel  and  migration.  On  the  other  hand,  the  remaining  condi- 
tions of  social  life  are  largely  products  of  man's  own  activities, 
indeed  the  social  and  technic  conditions  are  activities  of  man  and 
the  direct  result  of  man's  activities,  and,  being  shaped  by  man, 
present  to  man  the  practical  problem  of  so  shaping  them  that  they 
will  result  in  securing  the  prevalence  of  desirable  and  not  of  unde- 
sirable social  consequences.  The  geographic  conditions  are  one 
set  of  factors  indispensable  to  the  explanation  of  social  activities, 
and  it  is  practically  important  to  imderstand  them  since  man 
must  adapt  himself  to  them.  Nevertheless,  for  the  three  reasons 
just  suggested,  the  geographic  conditions  are  less  important  than 
either  of  the  three  remaining  sets  of  factors,  especially  as  we  must 
take  into  account  the  comparative  practical  importance  attaching 
to  the  study  of  those  conditions  of  social  realities  which  are  laid 
down  by  nature  and  of  those  which  are  subject  to  human  control. 

'  Canals,  bridges,  dredged  harbors,  and  the  like  are  not  geographic  but  technic. 


THE  SOCIOLOGY  OF  RECREATION 


J.  L.  GILLIN 

University  of  Wisconsin 


Play  was  once  looked  upon  as  an  evil  necessary  but  incident  to 
childhood  and  youth.  It  was  a  matter  which  parents,  guardians, 
and  teachers  had  to  put  up  with  as  best  they  might  and  with  the 
consolation  that,  like  children's  diseases,  it  would  tend  to  disappear 
with  the  advent  of  manhood  and  womanhood.  Therefore,  it  was  a 
tendency  which  must  be  treated  in  as  tolerant  a  fashion  as  was 
consistent  with  the  temper  of  the  adult  who  had  to  contend  with  it. 
The  great  goal  in  life  was  work.  Therefore,  the  proper  thing  was 
for  wise  parents  to  teach  children  to  work.  This  was  done  with  a 
rigor  corresponding  with  the  seriousness  and  inflexibihty  of  the  per- 
son in  charge  of  the  child.  In  adults,  play — childish,  useless  play 
— was  not  only  foolish;  it  was  sinful. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  something  to  be  said  for  that 
philosophy  which  has  given  to  the  world  so  many  useful  men  and 
women.  It  may  be  said  even  now  that  a  judicious  mingling  of 
work  with  play  is  not  at  all  undesirable. 

Mingled  with  the  conviction  that  play  was  only  to  be  tolerated, 
however,  there  was  a  quite  clear  conception,  in  spite  of  the  emphasis 
upon  work,  that  ''all  work  and  no  play  makes  Jack  a  dull  boy." 
That  empirical  judgment  has  been  justified  by  modern  psychology 
and  sociology.  Moreover,  for  adults,  the  practice  was  not  con- 
sistent with  the  theory.  They  did  not  call  it  play,  but  what  were 
those  pageants.  May  Day  festivities,  and  religious  activities,  such 
as  Passion  plays  and  feast-day  frolics,  which  accompanied,  if  they 
were  not  a  part  of,  the  religious  ceremonies  of  all  peoples  down  to  a 
very  short  time  ago  ?  They  may  not  have  called  them  plays, 
except  in  the  case  of  the  Passion  plays,  but  all  that  great  body  of 
pageantry,  hoKday  customs,  the  frohcs  attendant  upon  fairs  and 
markets,  upon  marriages  and  even  funerals,  upon  trials  of  strength, 
and  skill  of  arms,  and  in  most  countries  upon  even  skill  of  hand  and 

82s 


826  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

voice  and  brain,  giving  expression  to  the  unusual  in  legerdemain, 
oratory,  song,  and  the  music  of  handmade  instruments  of  greater  or 
less  perfection — all  these  were  forms  of  play.  The  dances  in  a 
thousand  mediaeval  courts,  the  religious  dances  around  a  million 
smoking  altars  of  primitive  people,  the  ceremonies  of  court  and 
temple,  both  pagan  and  Christian,  the  activities  connected  with  all 
the  great  events  of  life  are  rooted  in  the  same  impulse  as  gives  life 
to  the  play  of  men.  Joyous  occasions  they  were  all.  Pleasure- 
giving  was  an  outstanding  characteristic  of  everyone.  At  birth  of 
a  child,  at  the  time  which  marked  the  coming  of  that  child  to  man's 
or  woman's  estate,  the  occasion  which  marked  the  consecration  of 
the  pubescent  youth  to  the  god  of  the  tribe,  and  thus  his  consecra- 
tion to  the  purposes  of  the  tribe,  at  the  marriage  of  that  child,  and 
on  the  occasion  of  his  being  prepared  after  death  for  reception  into 
the  company  of  the  immortals  gone  before  by  funeral  rite  and 
ceremony,  in  short,  at  every  time  of  crisis  in  the  Kfe  of  man  from 
birth  to  death,  we  find  play. 

THE  PSYCHOLOGY   OF  PLAY 

The  history  of  the  theory  of  play  is  marked  by  three  distinct 
stages.  They  may  be  called  the  physical,  the  psychological,  and 
the  sociological  explanations  of  play.  Herbert  Spencer  gave  us  one 
of  the  first  of  these  theories  in  his  thought-provoking  Principles  of 
Psychology.  Like  so  many  of  the  theories  of  that  revolutionary 
thinker,  it  was  not  adequate,  but  it  stirred  men  to  think  out  the 
problem  which  he  had  forced  upon  their  attention.  Spencer  said 
that  the  young  of  man  and  animals  played  because  they  had  a  sur- 
plus of  energy,  which  in  some  way  moved  them  to  exert  themselves 
in  the  seemingly  useless  activities  of  play.  That  theory  survives 
today  in  the  expression  sometimes  used  as  an  apology  for  the  playful 
spirit  of  childhood  and  youth  that  "he  must  work  off  some  of  his 
surplus  energy."  It  is  the  "common-sense"  explanation  of  play. 
Really  it  can  hardly  be  called  a  psychology  of  play,  because  it  deals 
with  an  explanation  which  can  be  called  psychical  only  by  accommo- 
dation. It  might  better  be  called  a  physical  explanation  of  play. 
While  there  doubtless  is  some  such  physical  fact  as  Spencer's  theory 
assumes,  it  does  not  explain  psychically  why  the  expenditure  leads 
to  play.     Labor  certainly  works  off  surplus  energy. 


THE  SOCIOLOGY  OF  RECREATION  827 

A  much  more  important  theory  is  that  of  Karl  Gross,  who  in  his 
two  books,  The  Play  of  Animals  and  The  Play  of  Man,  now  trans- 
lated into  English,  argues  that  play  is  a  preparation  for  life  and 
therefore  it  has  been  established  in  the  life  of  animals  and  man,  and 
also  for  that  reason  survives.  This  theory  has  the  advantage  in 
that  it  explains  play  on  the  basis  of  natural  selection,  by  showing 
.  that,  since  it  is  advantageous  to  survival,  natural  forces  account  for 
it.  This  theory,  while  more  strictly  scientific  than  Spencer's,  is  not 
strictly  psychological.  It  marks  a  great  advance  over  Spencer's 
theory  but  needs  to  be  supplemented.  It  explains  why  the  desire 
for  play  is  almost  an  instinct,  and  why  no  one  for  so  long  could 
justify  rationally  this  impulse.  The  child,  the  youth,  and  even  the 
man  demanded  play,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  philosophy, 
religion,  and  the  economic  motives,  which  reluctantly  indulged  it 
in  the  child,  frowned  upon  it  in  the  youth,  and  permitted  it  in  the 
adult  only  when  it  was  called  something  else. 

Recently  two  other  writers  have  added  to  and  developed  the 
psychology  of  play.  Professor  G.  T.  W.  Patrick  of  Iowa  State  Uni- 
versity, in  a  magazine  article,  suggested  that  play  was  not  merely 
a  preparation  for  life.  He  cited  the  fact  that  some  games  were  not 
adapted  to  the  better  preparation  of  the  individual  for  the  work  of 
life,  indeed  were  actually  opposed  to  efficiency.  These  plays,  not 
to  be  accounted  for  entirely  on  the  theory  of  Gross,  were  explained 
as  survivals  from  old  race  habits,  surviving  from  a  time  when  they 
were  useful,  and  persisting  because  they  answered  to  the  psycho- 
logical demand  for  rest  on  the  part  of  the  nervous  organism.  This 
rest  is  due,  according  to  Professor  Patrick,  to  the  fact  that,  being 
established  by  race  habits,  they  are  more  or  less  automatic,  and 
thus  demand  a  minimum  of  attention  to  establish  the  co-ordinations 
necessary  to  perform  the  acts  they  demand.  The  nervous  energy 
required  for  their  performance  flows  along  brain-tracks  well  worn 
by  the  habits  of  ages.  That  fact  makes  such  actions  pleasurable  in 
their  effects  on  the  nervous  centers,  whether  they  are  advantageous 
to  that  person  or  not. 

This  theory  has  the  advantage  that  it  accounts  for  many  games 
which  are  survivals  from  an  earlier  period  of  culture  and  are  not 
"either  mimic  work  or  mimic  war."     But  it  does  not  explain  why 


828  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

the  games  which  are  new  and  are  not  survivals  from  old  race  habits 
are  as  desirable  as  those  which  are. 

Professor  Addington  Bruce  in  an  article  on  the  "Psychology  of 
Football,"  while  adhering  to  Spencer's  "surplus  energy"  theory, 
has  added  another  suggestion  of  value.  He  criticizes  Professor 
Patrick's  theory  by  observing  that  if  the  rest  theory  were  all  there 
is  to  the  explanation  of  play,  then  how  account  for  the  fact  that 
people  like  to  sit  still  and  see  games  ?  He  suggests  that  the  pleasur- 
able emotion  resulting  from  the  dissipation  of  energy  either  in  play 
or  in  seeing  play  is  an  explanation  necessary  to  account  at  least  for 
the  fact  that  people  enjoy  seeing  games  and  probably  also  for  the 
joy  of  playing. 

This  is  a  suggestion  which  is  very  significant,  but  Professor 
Bruce  has  failed  to  make  the  use  of  it  which  its  importance  demands. 
He  has  incidentally  referred  to  the  pleasurable  emotions  stirred 
in  the  player  and  the  beholder  by  the  dissipation  of  energy  in  the 
activities  of  play,  yet  he  does  not  make  any  use  of  that  fact  to  ex- 
plain the  activities  of  play.  Why  should  he  not  answer  the  ques- 
tion why  animals  and  men  play,  by  saying  that  playing  stirs  the 
emotions  ?  Then  all  he  would  have  to  do  is  to  describe  the  psy- 
chology of  the  emotion  of  pleasure. 

Play  is  rooted  in  the  emotions.  Children  and  adults  play 
because  play  stirs  the  emotions.  It  is  a  form  of  stimulation  which 
gives  pleasure  and  therefore  is  desired.  It  is  a  kind  of  pleasure 
which  contributes,  moreover,  to  activities  which  are  biologically 
and  socially  useful,  though  not  always  as  preparation  directly  for 
the  activities  of  after  life.  It  prepares  in  many  cases  indirectly, 
however,  for  later  Hfe  by  promoting  a  sound  physical  development 
and  that  mental  quickening  which  counts  so  much  in  the  struggle 
for  existence,  and  for  that  social  co-operation  which  has  played  so 
great  a  part  in  survival  of  all  the  social  animals  in  their  struggle 
against  inanimate  nature,  hostile  animals,  and  other  groups  of  men. 
As  Lester  F.  Ward  has  shown,  the  activities  of  men  are  rooted  in 
the  emotions.  That  is  the  motivating  part  of  man's  psychical 
make-up.  From  the  psychological  side  the  suggestions  of  these 
various  writers  make  up  the  development  of  the  theory  of  play  up 
to  date. 


THE  SOCIOLOGY  OF  RECREATION  829 

THE   SOCIOLOGY   OF   PLAY 

That  does  not,  however,  exhaust  the  matter.  In  fact  the  psy- 
chological explanation  of  play  does  not  go  far  enough.  Before  a 
complete  explanation  can  be  made  sociology  must  be  invoked. 
Only  when  the  psychology  of  the  crowd  is  taken  into  account  can 
we  understand  fully  the  reason  for  play  in  spite  of  its  apparent  fool- 
ishness. Starting  with  the  pleasure  arising  from  the  activities  of 
play  either  actually  participated  in  or  shared  in  imagination,  one  can 
understand  some  of  the  play  activities  of  children  and  of  men.  It 
is  possible  that  such  sohtary  games  as  those  played  sometimes  by 
children  and  the  few  in  which  adults  occasionally  indulge  could  be 
explained  by  psychology  alone.  Nevertheless,  is  it  not  a  fact  that 
even  these  are  played  with  reference  to  an  imaginary  partner  or 
spectator  ?  When  such  are  left  out  of  account  there  remain  a  great 
many  games  whose  attractiveness  is  unaccounted  for.  The  sug- 
gestibihty  of  people  in  crowds,  the  greater  depth  of  emotion  and 
therefore  the  greater  pleasure  experienced  by  plays  which  are 
engaged  in  by  a  number  of  people  must  be  taken  into  account. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  our  great  national  games  owe  their  attrac- 
tion to  these  facts  of  social  intercourse  and  interstimulation. 

It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  this  stimulation  is  felt  to  be  neces- 
sary by  the  players  and  coaches  in  order  to  get  the  best  work  out  of 
the  players  themselves.  A  team  which  is  poorly  supported  by 
"rooters"  has  not  the  same  chance  as  one  which  is  properly  sup- 
ported. The  emotions  of  a  large  crowd  in  the  bleachers  are  much 
deeper  than  those  of  a  small  one.  Moreover,  all  sorts  of  artificial 
stimulation  are  devised  by  those  who  have  the  game  in  charge  both 
to  stimulate  the  players  to  do  their  best  and  also  to  help  the  on- 
lookers to  get  the  worth  of  their  money.  Bands  play,  colors  are 
waved,  songs  are  sung,  yells  and  calls  are  voiced.  What  for? 
Simply  in  order  to  stir  the  emotions,  that  the  players  may  play  their 
best  and  that  the  crowd  may  enjoy  to  the  full  the  possibilities  of 
the  game.  By  such  means  the  emotional  stimulation  is  increased, 
which  is  the  same  as  saying  that  the  pleasure  experienced  is  Kke- 
wise  augmented.  Like  any  sort  of  stimulation,  emotional  stimu- 
lation demands  even  more  and  sharper  stimulants.  The  crowd 
gives  this  result.     It  gives  the  thrill  even  to  the  jaded  nerves  of  the 


830  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

hard- worked  "  fan."  This,  together  with  the  pleasurable  sensations 
which  arise  from  relapsing  into  the  activities  established  in  the 
habits  of  the  race,  makes  the  combat-games,  in  more  or  less  primi- 
tive forms,  the  source  of  the  great  emotional  outbursts  which 
characterize  the  great  games  and  sports.  As  this  emotional  excite- 
ment due  to  the  crowd  is  the  explanation  of  the  horrible  activities 
connected  with  emotional  outbursts  of  lynchings,  of  the  grotesque 
jumpings  and  "fallings"  formerly  so  often  connected  with  religious 
revivals,  so  the  emotional  "sprees"  of  the  games  of  great  popular 
interest  afford  the  explanation  of  their  hold  upon  the  people. 
Moreover,  these  outbursts  now  common  in  connection  with  our 
sports  are  the  emotional  equivalents  of  these  outbursts  which  in 
the  absence  of  such  sports  characterized  people  in  other  days. 
Consider  the  dulness  of  men's  Hves  once  the  necessity  of  defending 
their  lives  and  property  from  the  onslaughts  of  wild  beasts  and 
hostile  men  had  passed  away.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  under  those 
circumstances  the  dull  monotony  of  life  was  relieved  by  emotional 
outbursts  in  religious  revivals,  in  political  debates,  in  such  rude 
games  as  barbecues,  annual  orgies,  and  alcoholic  debauches  ?  Is  it 
any  wonder  nowadays  that  one  constantly  hears  the  complaint 
that  there  is  but  little  interest  in  the  old-fashioned  poHtical  debates, 
that  revivalists  have  great  difl&culty  in  securing  a  hearing,  that  the 
ecstatic  phenomena  of  religious  conversion  is  no  longer  to  be  found, 
when  people  find  their  emotional  satisfactions  in  art,  music,  society, 
business  and  political  intrigue,  and  in  games  which  give  occasion 
for  outbursts  of  emotional  frenzy  by  the  individual  corresponding 
in  intensity  and  satisfaction  with  those  other  frenzies?  Games 
produce  the  emotional  equivalents  of  ancient  gladiatorial  combats, 
mediaeval  pageants,  and  tournaments;  of  modern  political  barbe- 
cues, religious  revivals,  primitive  social  orgies,  alcoholic  "sprees," 
and  religious  persecutions. 

This  theory  of  play  throws  a  great  light  upon  the  social  purposes 
which  play  serves.  It  also  explains  why  play  has  been  a  continuous 
accompaniment  of  civilization,  constantly  more  refined  in  its  expres- 
sions. There  is  no  doubt  that  play  contributes  something  to  the 
social  efficiency  of  the  race,  else  it  would  tend  to  disappear,  except 
as  a  fossilized  vestige.     This  it  is  by  no  means  today.     It  does 


THE  SOCIOLOGY  OF  RECREATION  831 

meet  the  needs  of  men.  One  of  these  most  fundamental  needs  is 
the  need  for  emotional  expression  and  satisfaction.  It  breaks  the 
prosy  humdrum  of  human  existence,  now  incidental  to  the  making 
of  a  living  for  many  people.  It  adds  to  the  task  of  making  a  Hving 
the  joy  of  making  a  Hfe.  It  rests  the  wearied  attention  to  a  certain 
task  by  shaking  it  free  in  the  old  race  habits,  and  allowing  the  con- 
sciousness to  glide  along  grooves  worn  deep  by  the  activities  of 
unnumbered  progenitors.  It  supphes  the  joyous  abandon  once  to 
be  found  in  the  hunt,  the  primitive  way  of  making  a  living.  It 
provides  the  creative  gladness  now  so  often  denied  the  worker  in 
the  shop  where  division  of  labor  is  so  completely  realized  that  it  is 
only  by  a  stretch  of  the  imagmation  too  difficult  for  the  ordinary 
worker  to  make  that  he  can  see  the  thing  of  which  he  is  the  maker 
of  only  an  infinitesimal  part.  It  provides  the  means  of  an  emo- 
tional ''spree"  which  otherwise  he  can  secure  only  by  means  of 
drugs  or  alcohol,  or  by  activities  in  which  too  often  he  takes  no 
part,  like  those  of  art,  or  religion. 

More  important,  however,  is  the  fact  that  play  strengthens  the 
intellectual  processes.  Language  originated,  we  are  told,  in  the  cries 
accompanying  the  emotional  outbursts  incident  to  the  chase  or  the 
games  of  animals.  There  is  no  doubt  that  quick  thinking  is  neces- 
sary to  successful  play.  Adjustment  of  means  to  ends  is  demanded, 
quick  thinking  and  the  making  of  a  decision  on  the  spur  of  the 
moment  are  sine  qua  non  of  the  successful  player.  In  addition  to 
that  there  is  the  stimulus  to  quick  thinking,  right  decisions,  and 
proper  adjustment  of  means  to  ends  which  the  social  approval  or 
disapproval  brings. 

The  practical  bearing  of  this  fact  is  seen  when  it  is  remembered 
that  in  some  cities  50  per  cent  of  the  children  have  never  learned  to 
play.  An  investigation  in  Milwaukee  made  in  191 1  showed  that  of 
the  children  seen  on  the  streets,  playgrounds,  and  in  parks  only  half 
were  playing  at  anything.  Is  it  any  wonder  if  such  children  are  dull 
in  school,  if  they  lag  behind  in  the  work  required  of  them  there,  and 
if  they  fail  in  the  struggle  of  life  ?  While  we  must  not  forget  that 
some  laggards  in  our  schools  and  in  after  life  are  such  from  con- 
genital causes,  and  while  some  children  do  not  play  or  learn  readily 
because  of  undernourishment  or  from  physical  defects  such  as  bad 


832  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

eyesight,  defective  breathing,  adenoid  growths,  and  such  things,  it 
must  not  be  forgotten  that  some  perfectly  normal  children  are  sub- 
normal in  their  development  because  they  have  never  been  stirred 
out  of  the  lethargy  of  their  uneventful  lives  by  the  splendid  enthu- 
siasm of  play.  Their  minds,  like  their  bodies,  are  asleep,  so  to 
speak,  and  await  the  touch  of  emotional  pleasure  which  will  cut  the 
leashes  that  hold  them  bound. 

Furthermore,  play  produces  the  excitement  which  casts  ofif  the 
reserve  that  separates  men  from  each  other.  This  reserve  protects 
a  child  from  his  fellows  before  he  knows  them  well  enough  to  be 
perfectly  at  home  with  them.  It  is  one  of  the  devices  of  nature  to 
perfect  selection.  Nevertheless  it  often  stands  in  the  way  of 
sociahzation.  Watch  children  on  a  playground  when  there  are 
some  present  who  have  never  been  there  before.  There  is  a  reserve 
which  constantly  interferes  with  free  intercourse  and  happy  play. 
Watch  that  reserve  melt  away  in  the  rhythm  of  play.  Before  the 
heat  of  the  emotions  aroused  in  play  it  disappears  as  frost  before 
the  rising  sun.  The  painfulness  of  cautious  reserve  gives  place  to 
the  freedom  of  intercourse  and  pleasure  of  social  co-operation  pro- 
duced by  play.  The  same  is  true  with  respect  to  men  and  women. 
No  matter  whether  it  is  a  case  of  hostile  tribes  of  savages  who  have 
come  together  for  the  purpose  of  perfecting  a  treaty  of  peace,  or  of 
a  gathering  of  new  students  from  all  parts  of  a  state  or  nation  for 
purposes  of  getting  acquainted,  or  of  a  body  of  business  men  who 
have  come  together  to  form  either  a  combine  or  a  commercial  club, 
some  form  of  ceremony  which  has  in  it  many  of  the  same  elements 
of  play  is  always  present.  In  one  case  it  may  be  a  corborree,  in 
another  a  pipe  of  peace,  in  another  "a  smoker"  or  a  banquet,  in 
another  a  dance,  in  another  a  procession,  yet  in  every  case  there  is 
a  form  which  has  for  its  purpose  the  dissipation  of  that  reserve 
which  divides  men  from  each  other  as  by  a  Chinese  wall  and  pre- 
vents co-operation.  In  play  the  soul  reveals  itself.  This  makes 
for  social  co-operation  and  unity  of  thought,  feeling,  and  purpose. 

Now,  in  our  great  centers  of  population,  whither  have  come 
people  from  all  the  countries  of  the  earth,  there  is  vast  need  of 
socialization.  The  middle  wall  of  partition  between  Jew  and 
Gentile  still  needs  to  be  broken  down.     Religion  now,  as  in  the  first 


THE  SOCIOLOGY  OF  RECREATION  833 

century,  may  break  it  down,  but  there  are  other  things  which  will 
do  it  more  quickly  and  much  more  extensively.  One  of  these  is 
play.  Religion  now  often  separates  and  divides.  Play  has  no 
creed  centuries  old  and  intrenched  in  prejudice  to  keep  high  the 
wall  of  division.  Race  characteristics  may  keep  men  apart,  but 
play  arouses  feelings  which  rush  over  these  barriers  of  race,  for  it 
arouses  feelings  common  to  all  races.  How  important,  then,  that 
our  cities  at  least  should  provide  means  of  play  for  all  the  people. 
The  folk  dances  will  bring  to  the  attention  of  all  of  us  appreciation 
of  the  riches  of  culture  and  pleasure-producing  means  which  all 
these  nationalities  possess.  Under  the  excitement  of  common  play 
we  shall  forget  that  they  are  "foreigners,"  and  see  in  them  fellow- 
men.  Under  the  impulsion  of  the  same  common  activities  and 
pleasures  they  will  cease  to  feel  that  we  are  snobs.  Here  we  have 
one  of  the  most  powerful  agencies  of  socialization.  Let  us  use  it 
more  effectively  in  securing  that  unity  of  thought,  feeling,  and  pur- 
pose which  will  make  us  a  strongly  united  people. 

Moreover,  play  is  needed  very  much  in  the  church.  Histori- 
cally, the  play  element  in  religion  has  been  a  very  important  part. 
The  pomp  and  ceremony  of  the  historic  churches  are  to  many  people 
the  attractive  parts  thereof,  and  the  best  sermon  is  the  one  which, 
other  things  being  equal,  has  the  most  of  that  emotional  stimulus 
which  excites  the  individual  in  play. 

Altogether  aside  from  this  aspect  of  the  matter,  however,  there 
is  the  social  need  for  play  in  the  church.  Healthful  recreation  is 
absolutely  essential  to  the  proper  development  of  our  young  people. 
Commercialized  agencies  will  provide  it  with  none  too  much  respect 
to  the  quality  of  it,  if  other  agencies  do  not.  Other  agencies,  like 
the  parks  and  the  schools,  will  provide  it  in  many  parts  of  the 
country.  If  the  church  wishes  to  hold  its  young  people  and  to 
develop  their  social  life  under  the  best  influences,  it  cannot  ignore 
the  recreation  of  its  young  people.  The  church  of  the  future  must 
give  much  more  attention  to  the  recreation  of  its  children  and 
youth  than  it  has  in  the  past,  for  numerous  other  agencies  are  its 
competitors  for  their  social  development.  If  the  other  agencies 
provide  the  means  of  recreation  in  connection  with  such  non- 
rehgious  institutions  as  the  school,   the  parks,  and  commercial 


834  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

amusements,  ought  not  the  church  see  to  it  that  rehgion  as  well  as 
education  use  this  instinct  to  further  its  purpose  to  teach  religion 
and  morals?  Certainly  a  wise  Tom  Sawyer  could  make  reHgious 
services  as  interesting  as  white-washing  a  disagreeable  old  aunt's 
white  palings.  Has  not  the  church  too  often  in  our  day  ignored 
the  splendid  dramatic  possibilities  for  her  young  people  in  those 
graphic  stories  of  the  Old  Testament  ?  Is  she  insensible  to  the  pos- 
sibilities wrapped  up  even  in  the  Book  of  Job,  devoid  even  though 
it  be  of  movement  ?  Has  she  failed  to  profit  by  the  recorded  activi- 
ties of  those  great  teachers  of  men,  the  Old  Testament  prophets, 
who  constantly  were  resorting  to  symboUc  actions  ?  At  once  there 
occurs  to  the  mind  Jeremiah  going  about  the  streets  of  Jerusalem, 
like  Diogenes  with  his  lantern  in  the  daylit  streets  of  Athens,  look- 
ing for  a  man,  or  hiding  his  girdle  by  the  Euphrates,  or  wearing  a 
wooden  yoke  about  his  neck.  Others  who  made  use  of  "the  acted 
parable"  occur  to  the  mind  like  Ezekiel,  and  the  Master  himself. 
The  latter  congealed  some  of  the  things  he  wanted  remembered 
into  actions,  such  as  baptism,  the  Last  Supper,  and  the  foot- 
washing,  which  have  become  estabUshed  as  sacred  rites  in  the 
church.  Why  has  the  church  not  learned  from  some  of  its  most 
moving  activities  further  lessons  in  making  use  of  the  play  impulse  ? 
Youth  forever  dreams  its  dreams,  fashions  its  ideals  of  future  man- 
hood and  womanhood,  and  re-creates  the  world  in  the  rhythm  and 
excitement  of  play  of  some  sort.  As  the  youth  playeth  so  he 
fashioneth  his  future  and  that  golden  age  of  humanity  of  which 
youth  is  forever  dreaming. 


THE  EUGENIC-EUTHENIC  RELATION  IN  CHILD 
WELFARE 


WILLIAM  L.  DEALEY 

Clark  University 


Modern  social  theory  has  long  recognized  that  sociological  sys- 
tems should  afford  eugenics  a  position  co-ordinate  with  euthenics, 
but  social  emphasis  has  hitherto  so  centered  in  the  environment 
that  the  necessary  changes  in  theory  have  not  taken  place.  This 
expression  of  a  sociological  system  based  on  eugenics  and  euthenics 
may  be  admirably  instanced  in  the  child-welfare  movements,  since 
eugenics  affords  the  genetic  basis  for  this  highly  significant  euthenic 
complex  of  social  movements  in  behalf  of  the  child.  Eugenic  appli- 
cations of  Mendelism  permit  the  reinterpretation  of  childhood  from 
an  entirely  novel  point  of  view;  not  that  eugenics  limits  itself  to 
the  Mendelian  theories,  but  it  is  further  enlarged  and  rendered 
secure  through  the  application  of  biometrical  methods  to  its  many 
problems.  Not  only  do  nurtural  movements  in  child-welfare  be- 
come genetic  in  so  far  as  they  accept  eugenics,  but  the  latter,  by 
improving  the  innate  quality  of  children,  itself  assumes  a  child- 
welfare  phase. 

Child  welfare  may  be  defined  as  the  synthesis  of  those  modern 
movements  in  social  reform  which  relate  to  child  problems.  It  is 
impossible  to  analyze  this  complex  fully,  since  such  a  constant 
thread  runs  through  all  that  one  movement  merges  into  the  other. 
For  purposes  of  convenience,  however,  aside  from  eugenics,  at  least 
nine  movements  may  be  differentiated.  There  is  a  wide  campaign 
for  the  prevention  of  infant  mortality,  ramified  into  movements  for 
pure  milk,  and  the  protection  and  education  of  motherhood.  A 
further  field  in  child  welfare  is  differentiated  as  somatic  hygiene. 
This  is  grouped  into  movements  for  school  medical  inspection,  free 
medical  treatment,  school  nurses,  dental  clinics,  free  baths,  school 
lunches,  open-air  schools;  sex  hygiene;  the  anti- tuberculosis  move- 
ment;   the  hygiene  of  the  home;    care  and  prevention  for  blind, 

83s 


836  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

deaf,  and  crippled  children.  A  third  important  phase  of  child  wel- 
fare is  in  mental  hygiene,  dealing  with  neuropathic,  epileptic,  back- 
ward, and  mentally  defective  children.  Still  another  movement  pro- 
vides, through  placing-out,  supervision,  and  institutions  preferably 
on  the  cottage-system,  for  dependent  children.  This  movement  is 
interwoven  with  that  in  behalf  of  the  neglected  child.  The  evils  in 
child  labor  have  resulted  in  a  wide  national  preventive  movement. 
A  further  accepted  movement  is  for  the  delinquent  child,  through 
juvenile  courts,  probation,  and  prevention.  Those  in  child  recrea- 
tion are  for  playgrounds,  or  children's  organizations,  as  Clubs  or 
the  Boy  Scouts.  Finally,  pregnant  in  possibilities  are  movements 
for  school  extension,  voiced  by  the  socialization  of  the  schools,  or  in 
vocational  education  and  guidance. 

Regarded  from  the  purely  genetic  standpoint,  as  processes  of 
development,  these  movements  are  a  social  phase  in  the  growth  of 
the  child.  Essentially  they  seek  the  child's  adjustment  to  its 
environment.  The  relatively  long  childhood  period,  characterized 
by  plasticity,  serves  to  enable  them  to  fulfil  this  function  of  develop- 
ing to  the  full  all  genetic  potentialities.  Within  the  limits  of 
heredity,  potentialities  are  wholly  plastic.  Adolescence  in  particu- 
lar is  the  most  plastic  of  the  developmental  periods,  and  for  children 
handicapped  by  heredity  a  dangerous  stage.  In  the  absence  of 
hereditary  determiners  for  super-  or  subnormality,  the  child  is 
largely  molded  as  fit  or  unfit  in  accordance  as  its  environment 
releases,  unfolds,  or  represses  its  heredity.  Upon  the  basis  of  its 
innate  reflexes,  instincts,  tendencies,  and  capacities,  its  entire 
mental  life  is  built  up  through  environmental  experience;  while 
the  dependence  of  physical  development  upon  the  milieu  is  self- 
evident. 

Eugenics,  on  the  other  hand,  has  been  defined  as  the  science  of 
better  breeding.  In  the  classical  definition,  as  expressed  by  Sir 
Francis  Galton,  eugenics  is  viewed  as  "the  study  of  agencies  under 
social  control  that  may  improve  or  impair  the  racial  qualities  of 
future  generations,  either  physically  or  mentally."  It  is  evident 
that  in  this  generally  accepted  definition  no  contradiction  is 
involved  if  "the  racial  qualities  of  future  generations"  be  inter- 
preted in  simpler  form  as  "the  racial  qualities  of  children."     If 


EUGENIC-EUTHENIC  RELATION  IN  CHILD  WELFARE     837 

the  child  be  "the  key  to  the  evolution  of  man,"  studies  in  eugenics 
must  proceed  from  the  child.  For  the  purposes  of  the  child-welfare 
movements,  eugenics  might  therefore  be  defined  as  the  science  of 
the  improvement  of  children  by  breeding;  or,  in  greater  detail,  as 
the  science  treating  with  all  influences  which,  through  the  biologic 
processes  of  heredity,  develop  a  more  perfect  inheritance  in  children. 
Eugenics  rests  upon  the  fact  that  it  is  genetically  possible  to  secure 
for  new-born  babies  an  innate  mental  and  physical  nature  superior 
to  that  of  the  present  generation  of  children.  Through  this  primary 
aim  of  genetically  better  children,  resulting  in  increased  child 
wehare  and  happiness,  eugenics  is  essentially  a  child-welfare 
movement. 

In  these  definitions,  the  line  of  demarkation  between  eugenics 
and. the  remaining  movements  for  child  welfare  is  revealed.  Eu- 
genics is  dealing  with  the  child  before  conception;  the  remaining 
movements  treat  its  environmental  adjustment  after  conception. 
Child-welfare  movements,  other  than  eugenics.  He  strictly  within 
the  province  of  euthenics,  since  they  deal  with  the  environmental 
conditions,  characterized  by  Galton  as  nurture.  For  Galton, 
nature  is  all  that  a  child  brings  with  himself  into  the  world;  nurture 
is  all  the  influence  from  without.  According  to  Davenport,  nature 
is  thus  concerned  with  germinal  determinants,  to  be  repressed  or 
furthered  by  nurture.  An  equal,  identical  nurture  for  all  children 
is  impossible  in  our  complex  modem  environment,  nor  is  it  war- 
ranted by  genetic  facts.  But  a  suitable  opportunity  should  be 
afforded  every  child,  until  the  potential  responses  ensue.  In 
particular,  special  opportunities  are  essential  to  children  possessing 
exceptional  hereditary  endowment  or  children  of  defective  nature. 
Children  of  the  present  subnormal  classes,  who  are  normal  at  birth, 
must  be  allowed  a  nurture  far  superior  to  that  of  their  parents  in 
order  to  avoid  similar  reductions  to  subnormahty.  "  It  is  probable 
that  special  environments  will  be  as  necessary  for  types  of  children 
as  they  are  for  our  speciahzed  plants  and  animals."  Child  welfare 
is  inseparably  bound  with  the  home,  the  school,  and  all  euthenic 
reform. 

Infant  mortality  causes  so  crude  a  wastage  in  infant  life  as  to 
eliminate  or  effectively  weaken  the  offsprmg  of  even  strong  stocks. 


838  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

Thus  a  vast  amount  of  genetic  values  is  lost,  and  still  more  far  from 
realized.  So  detrimental  is  such  a  process  of  natural  selection  that 
safer  eugenic  methods  should  be  substituted.  Child  hygiene,  by 
adequately  safeguarding  environment,  secures  to  the  child  a 
realization  of  its  inherited  assets.  Even  those  movements  on 
behalf  of  the  grossly  defective,  in  so  far  as  they  remedy  these  grave 
inborn  defects,  bear  an  obvious  genetic  relation  to  eugenics,  since 
they  tend  to  reheve  these  handicaps  to  a  fulfilment  of  the  child's 
heredity,  whereas  unsocial  treatment  would  have  inhibited  what- 
ever natural  gifts  existed.  In  so  far  as  movements  for  dependent 
and  neglected  children  confirm  natural  gifts  guaranteed  by  eugenic 
principles  they  realize  their  genetic  function  for  this  large  group  of 
children.  With  respect  to  the  problems  of  child  labor,  no  nation 
should  dare  risk  the  resultant  deterioration  of  its  childhood  of 
eugenically  sound  stock,  with  all  the  latent  potentialities  implied 
therein.  The  potentiality  of  the  delinquent  child  often  is  perverted 
by  the  adverse  milieu  juvenile  courts  and  allied  movements  seek  to 
prevent,  the  greater  part  of  juvenile  delinquency  being  caused  by 
the  warping  of  normal  tendencies.  The  recreation  movement  by 
unfolding  and  developing  the  child  through  the  free  expression  of 
natural  instincts  fulfils  its  eugenic  function.  Eugenics  reHes  to  an 
impressive  extent  upon  the  school  for  the  development  or  repression 
of  heredity.  With  the  present  ineffective  development  of  child 
welfare,  eugenic  values  in  the  majority  of  children  are  arrested  or 
misapplied.  "Fit  opportunity  in  infinite  variety"  through  child 
welfare  and  allied  movements  is  a  necessity  for  a  full  reaHzation  of 
the  eugenic  program. 

Though  the  overshadowing  influence  of  environment  upon  the 
child  be  recognized,  it  is  also  true  that  man  is  able  to  reshape  this 
environment  by  forming  a  social  heredity  which  includes  all 
material  and  cultural  achievement.  As  Dugdale  points  out,  the 
tendency  of  biological  heredity  is  to  produce  an  environment  which 
perpetuates  that  heredity.  The  vast  social  heritage  into  which  the 
child  is  born  has  been  achieved  through  the  innate  capacities  of 
earlier  generations.  The  child-welfare  movements  themselves  are 
originated  by  men  of  inherently  high-grade  stock,  whose  insight 
should  be  followed  as  social  poHcy  in  preference  to  timid  adherences 


EUGENIC-EUTHENIC  RELATION  IN  CHILD  WELFARE     839 

to  past  custom;  while  as  Thorndike  has  shown,  in  large  measure 
the  child  creates  its  own  environment  by  cherishing  this  or  neglect- 
ing that  opportunity  offered.  The  influence  of  nurtural  forms  such 
as  child  welfare  is  thus  a  measure  of  heredity. 

But  even  the  intelHgent  modification  of  the  milieu  is  unavailing, 
if  the  child  be  "marred  in  the  original  making"  through  a  lack  of 
eugenic  foresight.     "If  the  foimdation  plan  of  his  being  is  distorted 
and  confused  in  heredity  before  his  unfoldment  begins,  then  the 
problem  of  healthy  normal  development  is  rendered  insoluble  before 
it  is  presented."     If  of  an  inferior  ancestry,  children  avoid  the 
stimuli  to  proper  adjustment  as  necessarily  as  the  children  of  sound 
parentage  seek  them  out.     Traits  should  be  classified,  however, 
rather  than  children,  since  the  child  is  not  a  imit  but  a  bundle  of 
unit  characters.     The  child  is  defined  as  a  mosaic  of  dissimilar 
combinations  of  definite  unit  traits,  each  with  their  particular 
determiner,   inherited  in   MendeHan  fashion.     Apart  even  from 
"incurably  degenerate  stocks,"  many  children  lack  various  advan- 
tageous traits  or  are  inferior  combmations,  and  so  readily  incline  to 
inferiority.     Eugenics  thus  demonstrates  that  a  "  single  microscopic 
cell  from  which  one  great  human  being  springs  is  of  greater  impor- 
tance to  the  race  than  the  painstaking  efforts  of  a  hundred  thousand 
child-rearers  and  educators  with  a  child-material  below  par."    A 
child-welfare  movement  is  "of  small  consequence  so  long  as  it  is 
lavished  on  a  human  material  constantly  shrinking  in  value  because 
produced  by  physically  and  psychically  inferior  parents." 

As  Davenport  points  out,  only  the  children  of  soimd  stock  carry 
the  determiners  for  socially  desirable  reactions;  and  children  who 
rise  to  meet  a  "superior  opportunity"  must  possess  determiners 
adapted  thereto.  "  If  a  child  is  well-bom,  if  he  springs  from  sound, 
sane  stock,  if  he  possesses  high  endowment  potential  in  the  germ, 
then  the  problem  of  his  unfoldment  is  well-nigh  solved  long  before 
it  is  presented.  Such  a  child  is  easily  protected  from  adverse 
influences;  and  he  is  deUcately  and  abundantly  responsive  to  the 
positive  influences  of  education." 

Children  vary  in  their  original  nature.  The  very  forces  which 
eugenics  seeks  to  control  create  them  "bound  by  their  protoplasmic 
make-up  and  unequal  in   their  powers."     Psychological   chnics, 


840  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

constituting  one  of  the  most  brilliant  phases  of  applied  psychology, 
utilize  the  psychology  of  these  individual  dififerences.  The  experi- 
ments of  Thorndike  upon  American  school  children  and  the  statis- 
tical studies  of  Heron  in  England,  though  tempered  by  the  fact  that 
they  compare  single  aspects  of  the  environment  with  the  total  force 
of  heredity,  nevertheless  demonstrate  the  importance  of  original 
nature,  secured  by  eugenics.  Child-welfare  movements  must  so 
relate  themselves  to  the  child  that  they  actually  become  a  genetic 
phase  in  the  evolution  of  its  nature.  In  proportion  as  they  intelli- 
gently conserve  traits  genetically  valuable,  they  reahze  their 
eugenic  function.  They  must  approach  the  child  as  it  is,  with  full 
knowledge  of  the  Hmits  of  its  particular  heredity,  and  increasingly 
depend  upon  the  genetic  values  secured  by  eugenics.  Dealing 
with  the  actual  origins  of  the  traits  of  children  later  developed  by 
these  movements,  eugenics  must  be  regarded  as  the  genetic  basis  for 
child  weKare. 

As  the  genetic  basis  for  other  child-welfare  movements,  and 
because  of  the  higher,  broader  standards  of  racial  and  child  hygiene 
which  it  entails,  eugenics  is  by  far  the  most  important  and  most 
far-seeing  movement  in  child  welfare.  So  fundamental  is  it,  as 
genetically  the  basis  in  this  field,  that  to  regard  it  as  a  mere  move- 
ment within  child  welfare  is  impossible.  Its  theoretical  importance 
transcends  the  entire  child-welfare  complex,  and  is  comparable  only 
to  the  total  environmental  influences  of  the  child.  Since  eugenics 
is  fundamental  to  every  movement  m  behalf  of  the  child,  these 
movements  conceivably  rest  upon  different  eugenic  foundations, 
whose  unity  in  a  great  eugenics  movement  is  appreciated  only  when 
the  child-welfare  movements  as  such,  are  connoted  as  a  unified 
movement.  The  child-welfare  movements  may  well  be  regarded 
as  by-products  in  the  evolutionary  process  of  inherent  physical, 
mental,  and  so-called  moral  quaUties  in  children. 

Although  both  eugenics  and  the  child-welfare  movements  are  a 
unit  in  dealing  with  the  problem  of  the  child,  yet  at  present  the 
child-weKare  factor  is  not  only  more  generally  recognized,  but 
unfortunately  to  a  far  greater  extent  than  the  hereditary  factor. 
As  Pearson  suggests,  "the  whole  trend  of  legislation  and  social 
activity  has  been  to  disregard  parentage  and  to  emphasize  environ- 


EUGENIC-EUTUENIC  RELATION  IN  CHILD  WELFARE     841 

ment,"  and  the  relatively  recent  eugenics  reform  is  still  experi- 
encing strenuous  opposition.  "There  seems  at  present  much  more 
danger  of  forgetting  that  the  biological  ideal  of  a  healthful,  self- 
sustaining,  evolving  human  breed  is  as  fundamental  as  the  socio- 
logical ideal  of  a  harmoniously  integrated  society  is  supreme." 
"When  both  policies  are  admitted  to  be  beneficial  and  when  no  one 
asks  that  one  shall  be  carried  out  at  the  expense  of  the  other,  it  is  a 
waste  of  energy  to  compare  their  relative  justification  and  urgency." 
Even  if  the  theory  of  inheritance  of  acquired  characters,  at  present 
considered  untenable  by  experimental  biology,  be  accepted;  the 
influence  of  child-welfare  movements  upon  the  following  generation 
would  still  be  too  unstable  and  too  lightly  impressed,  to  compare 
within  such  a  brief  period  of  time  with  the  permanent  genetic 
advances  of  selective  eugenics.  The  child-welfare  movements  may 
thus  rise  above  their  present  narrow  individuation,  and,  controlled 
by  the  eugenic  idea,  may  attain  their  full  social  reahzation.  Though 
maintaining  adequate  environments  for  the  unfit,  they  should 
"prefer"  the  children  of  sound,  normal  stocks;  and  insist  that  by 
maturity  the  iimately  inferior  children  should  be,  through  educa- 
tion, segregation,  or  sterilization,  placed  upon  a  celibate  basis. 

Because  eugenics  directs  attention  to  posterity  and  children, 
the  "eugenic  argument"  is  one  of  the  strongest  incentives  to  child 
welfare.  Because  eugenics  points  clearly  and  authoritatively  to 
the  necessity  of  developing  genetic  potentiaHties,  it  offers  a  most 
scientific  and  definite  basis  for  the  child-welfare  movements.  Its 
relation  to  the  child- welfare  field  is  essentially  an  optimistic  one, 
since  it  is  the  function  of  eugenics  to  secure  in  the  inborn  nature  of 
the  child  the  tendencies  and  capacities  for  a  normal  development 
under  child  welfare.  The  genetic  aspects  of  this  liighly  important 
field  in  social  reform  thus  afford  a  most  admirable  illustration  of  the 
sociological  relationship l)etween  eugenics  and  euthenics. 


REVIEWS 


The  Theory  of  Social  Revolution.     By  Brooks  Adams.     New  York: 
Macmillan,  1913.     Pp.  240,     $1.50. 

This  book  purports  to  present  a  theory  of  revolutions,  and  a  concep- 
tion of  revolutions,  apparently  well  formulated  in  the  author's  mind, 
underlies  the  several  essays  of  this  small  volume.  Its  main  thesis, 
however,  is  not  an  explanation  of  revolutions.  Throughout  the  first 
three  chapters  the  reader  is  supposed  to  divine,  or  in  some  way  to  under- 
stand or  surmise,  the  true  explanation  of  revolutions  without  the  assist- 
ance of  any  formal  analysis  of  the  nature  of  a  social  revolution.  The 
title  of  the  book  is  therefore  somewhat  misleading.  Taken  as  a  whole, 
it  might  be  called  "A  Plea  for  the  Reorganization  of  American  Law 
Courts."  More  specifically,  it  is  a  plea  for  withdrawing  the  function 
of  legislation  from  the  American  law  courts;  particularly,  for  withdraw- 
ing the  fimction  of  federal  legislation  from  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States. 

The  central  thought  of  the  book  appears  to  be  that,  in  any  given 
society,  some  economic  or  social  class  is  dominant  and  constitutes,  for 
the  time  being,  a  ruling  class.  When  this  existing  ruling  class  is  dis- 
placed and  must  give  place  to  a  new  class,  revolution  takes  place.  If 
the  transition  from  one  ruling  class  to  another  is  made  by  force,  revolu- 
tion is  catastrophic,  or  violent;  if  it  develops  by  concession  or  com- 
promise, revolution  is  evolutionary,  noiseless,  and  peaceful,  though  not 
without  its  conflicts.  This  theory  of  revolutions  is  expounded  in  chap, 
iv.  In  the  preceding  chapters  such  an  explanation  of  revolutions  seems 
to  be  regarded  as  so  easy  and  natural  that  it  is  taken  for  granted.  "In 
the  experience  of  the  English-speaking  race,  about  once  in  every  three 
generations  a  social  convulsion  has  occurred ;  and  probably  such  catas- 
trophes must  continue  to  occur  in  order  that  laws  and  institutions  may 
be  adapted  to  physical  growth.  Human  society  is  a  living  organism, 
working,  mechanically,  like  any  other  organism."  This  is  a  bold  mixing 
of  metaphors:  a  mingling  of  biology  and  mechanics.  Brooks  Adams 
out-Spencers  Spencer.  "  Society  has  members  and  circulation,  a  nervous 
system,  and  a  sort  of  skin,  or  envelope,  consisting  of  its  laws  and  insti- 
tutions." This  skin,  we  are  then  told,  does  not  expand  automatically, 
but  only  after  painful  and  conscious  effort. 

842 


REVIEWS  843 

In  his  selection  of  facts  to  support  his  contentions,  Mr.  Adams  seems 
to  be  wholly  unconscious  of  a  parallel  group  or  body  of  facts  that  could  be 
cited  to  maintain  an  exactly  opposite  thesis;  for  example,  Mr.  Adams 
represents  the  American  Revolution  as  the  outcome  of  social  development 
in  conflict  with  law,  instead  of  regarding  the  American  Revolution,  as  we 
may  regard  it,  as  itself  the  outcome  of  applications  of  old  English  law 
based  on  precedents  freshly  reasserted  on  colonial  soil.  Mr.  Adams 
(p.  12)  wholly  ignores  the  fact  that  both  English  and  Roman  systems  of 
law  possessed  within  themselves  the  machinery  by  which  the  law  could 
readjust  itself  to  new  and  changing  economic  and  social  conditions.  I 
suppose  the  statement  (p.  12)  that  society  has  "passed  into  fourth  dimen- 
sion of  space,  where  it  performs  its  most  important  functions  beyond 
the  cognizance  of  law,  which  remains  in  a  space  of  but  three  dimensions," 
is  intended  to  announce  some  principle  in  social  science.  But  would 
not  Mr,  Adams,  on  reflection,  agree  that  the  fourth  dimension  is  con- 
jecture which  belongs  to  the  region  of  the  higher  calculus,  hardly  appli- 
cable in  the  study  of  law  or  sociology  ? 

Mr.  Adams  is  inaccurate  in  his  sketch  of  the  development  of  the 
public  regulation  of  railways;  he  overlooks  the  fact  that  the  conflict 
of  decisions  is  itself  a  chapter  in  the  evolution  of  the  law  of  carriers, 
which  antedates  the  appearance  of  the  railway.  We  agree  with  Mr. 
Adams  when  he  writes  (p.  17),  "Obviously,  capital  cannot  assume  the 
position  of  an  irresponsible  sovereign,  living  in  a  sphere  beyond  the 
domain  of  law,  without  inviting  the  fate  which  has  awaited  all  sovereigns 
who  have  denied  or  abused  their  trust";  and  he  may  be  right  when  he 
anticipates  that  the  state  must  presently  own  railways.  But  is  he  read- 
ing history  correctly  when  he  identifies  the  monopoly  of  the  mediaeval 
gild  with  the  kind  of  monopoly  condemned  in  the  great  case  of  monop- 
oly of  1601,  Darcy  v.  Allen?  The  reviewer  believes  that  the  long 
chapter  of  economic  history  relating  to  gilds  from  the  eleventh  to 
the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century,  or  even  the  shorter  chapter 
from  the  middle  of  the  fourteenth  to  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  cannot  be  so  curtly  summarized  or  so  curtly  dismissed.  The 
case  of  Darcy  v.  Allen  itself  excepted  from  its  condemnation  one  species 
of  monopoly,  that  of  granting  patents  for  new  inventions,  and  it  did  not 
stand  in  flat  contradiction  to  all  preceding  history.  What  it  condemned 
was  analogous  to  the  preceding  condemnation  of  regrading  or  fore- 
stalling. What  it  permitted  was  analogous  to  much  that  was  before 
permitted  to  be  done  by  incorporated  gilds. 

The  declaration  that  capital  must  accept  responsibiUty  for  the  exer- 


844  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

cise  of  its  power  may  be  taken  as  a  truism:  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, in  its  prosecution  of  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade  under  the 
Sherman  anti-trust  law  during  the  administrations  of  Roosevelt,  Taft, 
and  Wilson,  has  been  engaged  in  determining  the  question  whether 
private  capital  is  stronger  than  the  American  government.  But  the 
fact  that  the  United  States  government  has  lately  shown  its  ability  to 
bring  a  high  class  of  advocates  to  present  its  case  to  the  courts,  and  the 
fact  that  the  Sherman  anti-trust  law  has  gained  new  significance,  and  that 
without  any  statutory  amendment  to  the  law,  seems  to  bring  no  en- 
couragement to  Mr.  Adams.  He  agrees  with  Roosevelt's  declaration 
of  principle  in  1Q12,  that  the  courts  must  be  reformed  or  reconstituted  as 
expounders  of  the  Constitution.  But  his  book  must  not  be  interpreted 
as  a  defense  of  the  proposal  to  recall  judges;  it  is  designed,  rather,  as  a 
warning  against  such  a  measure,  because  such  a  measure  would  result 

in  estabUshing  poHtical  courts  pure  and  simple. 

Isaac  Loos 
State  University  of  Iowa 


La  conception  sociologique  de  la  peine.  By  Mieczyslaw  Szerer. 
In  " Bibliotheque  sociologique  Internationale."  Paris:  Giard 
et  Briere,  1913.     Pp.  205.     Fr.  4. 

In  this  work  the  following  subjects  are  treated:  vengeance  in  primi- 
tive society;  the  appearance  of  punishment;  the  theory  of  punishment 
considered  under  five  heads — the  sociological  conception  of  punishment, 
the  altruism  of  punishment,  punishment  and  the  offended  party,  transi- 
tory phenomena,  punishment  and  vengeance;  and  pimishment  and  the 
family. 

The  two  typical  consequences  of  wrong  acts,  vengeance  and  punish- 
ment, have  their  respective  foundations  in  himian  nature  and  in  the  desire 
to  maintain  a  social  structure.  Vengeance  is  found  under  conditions 
which  admit  of  individual  freedom  and  violence.  Punishment  is  foimd 
precisely  in  the  negation  of  this  liberty  and  this  force. 

Vengeance  consists  in  the  manner  in  which  human  nature  reacts 
to  wrong.  Punishment  is  also  a  reaction  provoked  by  wrong,  but  it  is 
supported  by  the  need  of  maintaining  a  given  form  of  relations  among 
men  who  co-operate  in  certain  groups.  In  place  of  destroying  the  force 
of  injustice,  vengeance  only  doubles  it  and  adds  to  the  existing  injustice 
a  new  injustice.  There  is  no  instrument  less  effective  to  regulate  the 
common  life  of  men  than  vengeance.  Thus  there  is  a  fundamental 
opposition  between  punishment  and  vengeance. 


REVIEWS  845 

Man  is  a  social  being  and  the  co-operation  of  men  to  the  end  of  satis- 
fying vital  needs  and  facing  the  perils  of  existence  is  the  foundation  of 
social  life.  Organization  introduces  an  automatic  reproduction  of 
co-operation.  It  is  a  force  which  reduces  individuals  to  uniformity 
without  utilizing  visible  constraint.  It  acts  by  suggestion  upon  the 
minds  of  the  members  of  the  group  by  means  of  the  idol  of  "  social  order." 
Since  organization  is  established  to  conserve  the  social  structure,  it 
follows  immediately  that  there  ought  to  be  some  means  of  reacting  against 
a  violation  of  a  given  social  form.  Organization  cannot  content  itself 
with  positive  direction  in  the  sense  of  consolidating  the  social  order;  it 
ought  to  act  negatively,  to  repress  attempts  which  are  made  to  disturb 
it.  This  form  of  reaction  is  punishment.  Punishment  is  an  institution 
responding  to  the  needs  of  social  relations.  Thus  we  can  deduce  punish- 
ment from  the  evolution  of  social  relations  without  the  aid  of  the  idea 
of  vengeance. 

The  conception  of  punishment  will  be  sociological  when  we  have 
abstracted  from  all  the  changes  of  time  and  place  that  which  persists 
through  all  modifications  and  is  unquestionably  repeated  in  each  con- 
crete phenomenon  of  punishment. 

When  the  group  is  organized  by  the  dominant  class  it  divides  into 
those  who  submit  themselves  to  the  social  order  and  those  who  act 
contrary  to  the  social  order.  Acts  which  up  to  this  time  are  considered 
only  as  personal  wrongs  are  now  called  by  the  name  of  offenses. 

Punishment  becomes  the  means  employed  by  organization  to  make 
out  of  the  anti-social  individual  a  being  who  has  become  social,  in  the 
sense  that  he  is  resigned  to  living  according  to  the  rules  of  the  existing 
social  structure.  A  reprehensible  action  disturbs  ordinary  co-operation 
and  causes  the  social  structure  to  tremble.  By  punishment  this  equilib- 
rium is  re-established.  Thus  understood,  punishment  is  a  correlative 
of  organization.  It  is  possible  to  conserve  the  social  structure  only  by 
discouraging  deviation  from  type.  Thus,  where  there  is  organization, 
punishment  becomes  the  means  of  conserving  the  life  of  the  social  group. 
In  the  measure  that  society  develops,  punishment  becomes  milder. 
In  early  times  punishment  is  necessarily  severe  because  of  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  individual  with  regard  to  the  group.  In  a  high  stage 
of  civilization  the  individual  is  more  closely  adapted  to  his  proper  medium 
and  finds  in  this  special  medium  the  complement  of  his  imperfection. 
Social  dependence  is  based  upon  the  division  of  labor.  As  it  becomes 
more  and  more  difficult  for  the  individual,  specialized  according  to  the 
form  of  co-operation  in  a  certain  group,  to  live  satisfactorily  without 


846  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

it,  individualistic  acts  become  improbable  and  the  severity  of  punish- 
ment diminishes. 

Although  punishment  would  seem  to  react  exclusively  for  the  benefit 
of  the  dominant  class,  it  is  never  purely  egoistic.  It  often  serves  the 
interest  of  the  subordinate  class.  Only  when  there  is  an  irreconcilable 
conflict  between  the  interests  of  the  dominant  and  the  subordinate 
classes,  does  punishment  act  entirely  without  altruism.  This  consti- 
tutes the  natural  limits  of  the  altruism  of  punishment. 

While  vengeance  has  a  physical  source,  punishment  has  a  social 
source.  The  analogy  between  vengeance  and  punishment  as  forms  of 
reaction  against  wrongs  is  superficial.  Vengeance  is  the  elementary 
discharge  of  a  passion.  Punishment,  on  the  contrary,  is  an  institution. 
It  is  not  a  movement  of  a  reflex  nature,  but  is  a  means  of  conserving  a 
certain  social  formation. 

Only  in  a  complete  anarchy  is  there  no  place  for  punishment.  But 
the  positive  study  of  society  shows  us  that  social  evolution  is  not  toward 
anarchy,  but  on  the  contrary  that  the  relations  of  men  are  becoming 
increasingly  complex. 

Although  this  work  adds  nothing  new,  it  is  a  stimulating  and  inter- 
esting discussion  of  the  sociological  aspect  of  punishment.  The  subject 
is  approached  with  unusual  philosophical  insight.    The  treatment  is 

clear  and  penetrating. 

F.  Stuart  Chapin 
Smith  College 


Encyclopedie  sociaUste,  syndicate,  et  cooperative  de  Vinternationale 
ouvriere.  Edited  by  Compere-Morel.  Vol.  VI.  Le  mouve- 
ment  socialiste  international.  By  Jean  Longuet.  Paris: 
Quillet.     Pp.  648. 

There  is  probably  nobody,  either  in  France  or  in  the  whole  world, 
more  capable  of  making  an  able  resume  of  the  International  Socialist 
movement  than  Jean  Longuet.  As  one  of  the  two  surviving  grandsons 
of  Karl  Marx,  he  has  not  only  been  brought  up  in  the  Socialist  movement 
from  the  cradle  but  he  has  been  equally  familiar  with  the  leading  parties, 
those  of  Germany,  France,  and  Great  Britain.  As  one  of  the  three 
secretaries  of  the  French  party  and  occupying  a  position  in  the  center  of 
the  movement  free  from  entanglements  with  either  wing,  he  can  speak 
officially  for  the  French  party. 

Unfortunately  a  separate  volume  of  the  encyclopedia  deals  with 
France.  Indeed  this  is  the  chief  defect  of  the  present  volume  from  the 
international  standpoint — namely  that  France  is  omitted  entirely  from 


REVIEWS  847 

the  treatment.  Other  defects  are  of  secondary  unportance.  It  is  need- 
less to  point  out  that  little  can  be  said  even  about  the  backward  SociaHsm 
of  Asia,  for  example,  in  30  pages.  The  same  is  true  of  the  small  amount 
of  space  given  to  the  Socialism  of  South  America  and  the  Balkan  states. 
Certain  other  countries  are  also  treated  very  briefly,  in  which  the 
economic  and  poUtical  conditions  and,  therefore,  the  Socialist  movement 
are  less  undeveloped.  Illustrations  are  the  discussions  of  the  Italian 
and  Scandinavian  movements. 

On  the  other  hand,  100  pages  are  given  to  Germany,  58  to  England, 
44  to  Russia,  38  to  Austria,  33  to  Belgium,  and  22  to  Finland,  enabling 
the  author  to  give  very  interesting  and  authoritative  statements  of  the 
situation  in  all  these  countries.  By  far  the  most  valuable  part  of  the 
work,  however,  is  the  84  pages  given  to  a  sketch  of  the  international 
movement.  This  is  largely  original  and  from  the  first-hand  knowledge 
of  M.  Longuet,  and  includes  of  course  a  discruninating  selection  of 
important  documents. 

From  the  scientific  standpoint  the  only  really  serious  defect  is  the 
rather  hastily  thrown  together  bibliography.  It  is  good  as  far  as  it 
goes  but  omits  a  number  of  important  works  and  includes  others  of 
comparatively  little  significance. 

On  the  whole  this  volume  of  the  encyclopedia  ought  to  have  a  con- 
siderable value  to  all  students  of  SociaHsm  as  a  world-movement.  It 
is  the  most  useful  international  review  yet  pubUshed,  and  does  about 
all  that  could  be  expected  in  a  very  limited  space. 

William  English  Walling 
Cedarhurst,  L.I. 

Sexualisme.    By  Pierre  Bonnier.     Paris:  M.  Giard  et  E.  Briere, 

1914.     Pp.  150+24. 

A  dozen  articles  contributed  to  various  sociaUst  journals  at  intervals 
from  1884  to  1 913  have  been  re-edited  and  bound  together  in  this  small 
volume.  There  is  no  logical  or  chronological  arrangement,  nor  any 
progress  of  thought  to  be  discovered,  for  while  there  are  different  titles, 
such  as  "Sexualism  and  Socialism,"  "The  Child,"  "The  Masculine 
Spirit,"  "National  Adoption,"  "The  Political  EquaUty  of  Man  and 
Woman,"  etc.,  the  subject  is  one  and  the  same  in  all,  and  even  the 
phrasing  is  repeated  over  and  over. 

For  centuries  man  believed  the  universe  was  created  for  him.  By 
slow  degrees  he  has  abandoned  this  idea,  but  he  still  regards  himself 
as  the  pivot  of  society  and  woman  as  made  for  him,  whereas  if  she  is 
made  for  anyone  but  herself  it  is  the  child.     "  The  interests  of  the  species 


848  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

should  dominate  those  of  the  individual  in  space:  this  is  the  socialist 
doctrine.  They  ought  also  to  dominate  in  time:  this  is  the  sexualist 
doctrine."  Social  evolution  shows  three  stages,  individualism,  social- 
ism, and  sexuahsm.  Hitherto  we  have  had  a  masculine  world,  where 
man's  superiority  of  muscle  and  weight  was  sufficient  to  give  him 
control.  He  impressed  his  individualist  philosophy,  his  dry,  often  fan- 
tastic religion,  his  one-sided  moral  code,  upon  society.  With  the  com- 
ing of  the  age  of  machinery,  however,  his  physical  superiority  has  lost 
its  significance  and  today  socialism  is  superseding  individualism.  The 
interests  of  the  family  are  put  above  those  of  the  individual,  those  of 
the  state  above  those  of  the  family;  eventually  internationalism  will  be 
recognized  as  greater  than  patriotism.  As  surely  will  sexuahsm  be 
accepted  and  woman  placed  in  her  rightful  position  above  man,  since 
she  is  the  true  creator  of  the  species  and  its  host  and  protector.  Socialism 
is  bringing  about  the  emancipation  of  the  proletariat,  the  producers, 
industrially  and  politically,  and  in  a  similar  way  sexuahsm  will  free 
woman,  the  reproducer.  "All  social  forces  converge  toward  the  con- 
stant production  of  the  species,"  and  under  sexuahsm  the  relative  value 
of  individuals  will  be  expressed  child,  woman,  man,  the  reverse  of  that 
imder  individuahsm.  In  body  and  mind  woman  is  a  higher,  less  animal 
type  than  man,  a  more  creative  thinker,  a  greater  contributor  to  the 
higher  forms  of  human  life.     She  is  the  truly  social  being. 

Here  is  feminism  beyond  a  doubt,  feminism  raised  to  the  nth  power! 
There  is  a  GalUc  flavor  about  it  that  carries  the  reader's  calm  interest 
along  in  spite  of  the  somewhat  labored  style  which  has  changed  as  little 
in  the  thirty  years  as  the  form  of  presentation.  As  an  argument  it 
fails  to  be  wholly  convincing  to  an  American. 

Hannah  B.  Clark  Powell 

Chicago,  III. 

A  Model  Housing  Law.  By  Lawrence  Veiller.  New  York: 
Survey  Associates,  Inc.,  1914.  Pp.  viii-f343. 
As  m  his  previous  publications,  the  writer  conceives  that  "  the  housing 
problem  is  the  problem  of  enablmg  the  great  mass  of  the  people  who 
want  to  live  in  decent  surroundings  and  bring  up  their  children  under 
proper  conditions  to  have  such  opportunities.  It  is  also  to  a  very  large 
extent  the  problem  of  preventing  other  people  who  either  do  not  care 
for  decent  conditions  or  are  unable  to  achieve  them  from  maintaining 
conditions  which  are  a  menace  to  their  neighbors,  to  the  community, 
and  to  civilization."  In  pursuance  of  this  aim  there  is  presented  in 
carefully  weighed  phraseology  the  essentials  of  a  housing  law  which 


REVIEWS  849 

reformers  and  legislators  are  urged  to  accept  without  unnecessary  altera- 
tion, since  the  various  items  have  been  found  by  long  experience  to  stand 
the  test  of  judicial  interpretation  and  of  comprehensiveness.  The 
author  contends  that  it  is  better,  wherever  feasible,  to  work  for  a  hous- 
ing law  to  cover  both  the  type  of  buildings  associated  with  the  word 
"tenement"  and  the  dwelling-places  of  the  well-to-do  in  the  more 
desirable  districts  of  cities. 

Six  chapters  are  devoted  to  the  provisions  of  a  model  law.  Chap,  i 
gives  general  provisions  and  offers  exact  definitions  of  the  terms  used. 
Chap,  ii  relates  to  new  buildings  and  includes  regulation  of  light,  ventila- 
tion, sanitation,  and  fire  protection.  Chap,  iii  is  given  to  alterations, 
chap,  iv  to  maintenance,  chap,  v  to  improvements,  and  chap,  vi  to 
requirements  and  remedies.  A  complete  index,  copious  notes  on  the 
separate  provisions,  numerous  illustrative  figures,  and  suggestions  for  the 
use  of  the  model  law  in  different  communities  make  this  book  useful. 
A  good  feature  is  the  insertion  of  clauses  detailing  possible  concessions 
in  localities  where  peculiar  circumstances  require  such  modifications. 
Further,  Mr.  Veiller  has  not  failed  to  suggest  that  higher  standards 
than  he  has  presented  in  the  text  of  the  law  may  in  some  cases  be 
introduced.  However,  although  a  model  law  is  outlined,  it  is  not  a 
model  in  the  Platonic  sense,  for  throughout  the  writer  is  governed  by 
practical  considerations  drawn  from  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
difficulties  of  introducing  and  enforcing  reasonable  standards  under 
present  conditions  in  municipalities. 


University  of  Chicago 


E.  L.  Talbert 


An  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Social  Evolution;   the   Prehistoric 
Period.     By  F.  Stuart  Chapin.     New  York:    Century  Co., 
1913.     Pp.  xxii+306.     $2.00  net. 
The  general  plan  of  this  work  may  be  best  seen  by  a  brief  statement 
of  its  contents.     The  first  two  chapters  discuss  the  various  theories  of 
variation,  heredity,  and  evolution.     The  third  takes  up  the  origin  and 
antiquity  of  man,  including  the  embryological  and  paleontological  evi- 
dence, with  a  brief  outline  of  prehistoric  times.     In  the  next  three  chap- 
ters are  discussed  the  factors  regarded  as  influencing  man's  mental  and 
moral  development,  i.e.,  association,  physical  environment,  and  social 
heredity.     The  seventh  treats  of  the  origin  and  classification  of  the 
various  races  and  peoples  of  the  globe.     After  discussing  these  various 
topics,  which  occupy  about  four-fifths  of  the  book,  the  author  takes  up 
social  organization  proper  and  devotes  the  next  chapter  to  a  description 


850  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

of  certain  phases  of  primitive  or  tribal  society,  such  as  the  clan,  totemism, 
religion,  and  property,  as  illustrated  especially  in  the  American  Indians 
and  the  natives  of  Australia.  The  final  chapter  is  an  attempt  to  trace 
the  main  steps  in  the  transition  from  tribal  to  civil  society,  with  his- 
torical examples  when  possible.  Each  chapter  is  followed  by  a  list  of 
authorities  on  the  subjects  treated. 

The  generous  scope  of  the  book  makes  it  necessary  that  the  treatment 
of  each  topic  be  brief.  The  chief  weakness  is  a  lack  of  coherence,  and  of 
a  critical  estimation  of  the  various  topics  and  their  interrelation.  The 
last  chapter  especially  is  disappointing,  as,  after  devoting  special  chapters 
to  the  factors  influencing  development,  one  would  expect  to  see  them 
worked  into  the  developmental  scheme,  instead  of  the  old  single-line 
development,  though  the  author  does  say  that  we  must  not  think  of 
the  agricultural  stage,  "as  always  following  upon  the  nomadic."  Some 
of  the  theories  also  seem  a  little  far-fetched,  as  when  the  neoHthic  culture 
is  explained  as  due  to  conditions  brought  about  by  the  advance  of  the 
ice  sheet,  when  it  is  generally  admitted  that  the  latter  part  of  the  paleo- 
lithic age  is  postglacial.  One  would  also  like  to  know  the  authority  for 
the  statement  that  the  food  of  paleolithic  man  was  "mainly  uncooked." 

The  diagram  on  p.  228  gives  the  Polynesians  as  an  offshoot  of  the 
black  race,  which  is  incorrect,  and  also  does  not  correspond  to  the  text. 
The  characteristic  of  kinky  hair  is  not  "more  extreme"  in  Australia 
than  in  Africa  (p.  213).  The  head  form  is  given  too  much  weight  in  the 
racial  classification  where  it  is  made  equally  characteristic  with  color 
and  hair. 

Some  might  take  exception  to  a  number  of  other  things,  but  the  book 
on  the  whole  gives  a  fairly  accurate  summary  of  the  chief  topics  treated, 
and  is  of  distinct  value  in  showing  the  field  to  be  covered,  and  the  neces- 
sity of  a  broad  and  comprehensive  knowledge  in  the  treatment  of  social 

development. 

A.  B.  Lewis 

Field  Museum  of  Natural  History 


Directory  oj  Speakers  on  Municipal  Problems. 

This  book  suggests  a  program  for  greater  New  York,  and  is  published 
by  the  Brooklyn  Bureau  of  Charities.  This  admirable  syllabus  of  lec- 
tures is  very  suggestive  not  only  for  the  problems  of  New  York  City, 
but  for  other  communities  in  the  nation.     It  deserves  attention. 

C.  R.  Henderson 
University  of  Chicago 


REVIEWS  851 

The  Origin  of  Property  and  the  Formation  of  the  Village  Community. 
By  Jan  St.  Lewinski.  London:  Constable  &  Co.,  1913. 
Pp.  xi+71.     3^.  6d. 

This  book  contains  a  course  of  lectures  delivered  before  the  London 
School  of  Economics.  It  is  confined  to  property  in  land,  and  is  an 
account  of  the  general  evolution,  rather  than  the  origin,  of  property  in 
land  among  less  advanced  peoples. 

The  author's  thesis  is  that  individual  property  was  developed  from 
a  state  of  no-property  and  that  the  village  community  was  a  secondary 
and  later  development.  He  agrees  in  this  with  the  old  Roman  theory 
that  mdividual  property  was  the  "natural  and  primitive  form  of  prop- 
erty" and  opposes  the  communistic  theories  of  Maine  and  Laveleye. 
This  atritude  is  apparently  due  in  part  to  the  definition  of  property  as 
a  permanent  possession. 

Four  principles  are  presented  as  governing  the  evolution  of  property: 
the  economic  principle,  or  the  desire  to  secure  the  greatest  satisfaction 
of  wants  with  the  least  efifort;  the  numerical  strength  of  the  parties 
affected;  the  growth  of  population;  and  the  relation  of  nature  to  human 
wants.  The  relation  of  nature  to  human  wants  may  be  influenced  by 
changes  either  in  the  natural  surroundings  or  in  the  human  wants. 
Under  equal  conditions  of  density  of  population  and  of  natural  surround- 
ings—supposing always  the  existence  of  the  economic  principle  and  the 
principle  of  numerical  strength— the  same  forms  of  property  necessarily 
originate.  Consequently  race,  imitadon,  legislation,  and  similar  non- 
economic  factors  have  no  important  effect  on  property,  as  is  sometimes 
contended.  The  assumprion  on  which  this  theory  is  evidently  based  is 
that  the  form  of  property  is  always  in  the  interest  of  the  majority  of  the 
populadon,  that  it  is  determined  by  the  intellectual  appreciation  of 
results,  and  that  such  intellectual  appreciarion  is  inevitable  and  infaUible. 
The  logical  method  is,  first,  to  state  the  principles  of  this  evolution 
as  hypotheses,  secondly,  to  illustrate  these  principles  from  scattered 
sources,  and  thirdly,  to  conclude  that  the  h>'potheses  have  been  verified. 
More  than  half  of  the  linear  space  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  such  illustra- 
tions, deahng  principally  with  the  property  systems  of  Russian  peasants. 
Such  a  method,  while  adapted  to  lecture  purposes,  does  not  furnish  a 
body  of  data  which  enables  the  reader  to  verify  the  conclusions  of  the 
author. 

E.  H.  Sutherland 

William  Jewell  College 


852  TEE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

The  State:  Its  History  and  Development  Viewed  Sociologically.  By 
Franz  OppENHEncER,  Privat  Docent  of  Political  Sciences  in 
the  University  of  Berlin.  Authorized  translation  by  John  M. 
Gitterman.  Indianapolis:  The  Bobbs-Merrill  Co.,  1914.  Pp. 
vii+302.     $2.00. 

Everyone  who  is  trying  to  keep  pace  with  sociological  and  economic 
thought  must  read  this  book.  For  several  years  it  has  been  evident  that 
the  author  was  due  to  make  an  impression  upon  traditionalism,  and  in 
this  volume  he  presents  a  digest  of  his  argument. 

The  publishers  claim  too  much  when  they  say:  "  It  is,  indeed,  nothing 
less  than  an  entirely  new  theory  of  the  origin  and  development  of  all 
state  formations."  In  fact  there  is  nothing  in  the  book  on  the  process 
of  civic  evolution  which  has  not  been  familiar  for  a  long  time  to  all  well- 
informed  sociologists.  The  author  frankly  credits  the  substance  of  that 
part  of  his  theory  to  Gumplowicz  (p.  20).  The  contribution  which 
Oppenheimer  has  actually  made  to  social  theory  is  a  thesis  which  amounts 
to  a  revolutionary  assertion  as  to  the  relation  of  civic  to  economic  evo- 
lution. 

The  author's  own  epitome  is  in  these  words: 

"To  the  origuially  purely  sociological  idea  of  the  state  I  have  added 
the  economic  phase  and  formulated  it  as  follows: 

"What  then  is  the  state  as  a  sociological  concept ?  The  state,  com- 
pletely in  its  genesis,  essentially  and  almost  completely  during  the  first 
stages  of  its  existence,  is  a  social  institution,  forced  by  a  victorious  group 
of  men  or  a  defeated  group,  with  the  sole  purpose  of  regulatmg  the 
dominion  of  the  victorious  group  over  the  vanquished,  and  securing 
itself  against  revolt  from  within  and  attacks  from  abroad.  Teleologically 
this  dominion  had  no  other  purpose  than  the  economic  exploitation  of 
the  vanquished  by  the  victors  [p.  15]. 

"I  propose  in  the  following  discussion  to  call  one's  own  labor  and 
the  equivalent  exchange  of  one's  own  labor  for  the  labor  of  others,  the 
'economic  means'  for  the  satisfaction  of  needs,  while  the  unrequited 
appropriation  of  the  labor  of  others  will  be  called  the  poUtical  means. 
....  All  world  history,  from  primitive  times  up  to  our  own  civiliza- 
tion, presents  a  single  phase,  a  contest  namely  between  the  economic 
and  the  political  means;  and  it  can  present  only  this  phase  until  we  have 
achieved  free  citizenship"  (pp.  25  and  27). 

If  anyone  unagmes  that  the  sociologists  have  been  unproductive, 
since  Schaflfle  scandalized  the  German  economists  by  his  attempt  at  a 


REVIEWS  853 

functional  account  of  society,  he  would  be  jostled  into  a  different  state 
of  mind  by  reading  the  array  of  evidence  and  the  interpretation  of  it 
that  follows.  He  who  runs  may  read  in  it  the  reductio  ad  absurdum  of 
both  the  classical  and  the  socialistic  economic  interpretations  of  history. 
It  is  no  new  idea  to  the  sociologists,  but  no  one  has  before  put  it  in  such 
conclusive  form,  that  the  function  of  political  control  is  virtually  co- 
ordinate with  physical  cause  and  effect  in  shaping  economic  institutions. 
In  the  antithetic  terms  the  "economic  means"  and  the  "political  means," 
Oppenhekner  has  not  merely  done  a  piece  of  phrase-making.  He  has 
invented  a  master  key  to  sealed  vaults  in  capitalistic  theory. 

In  the  name  of  students  who  have  no  time  to  waste,  we  protest  against 

the  nuisance  of  uncut  leaves  in  this  class  of  books. 

A.  W.  S. 


Between  Eras:  From  Capitalism  to  Democracy.  By  Albion  W. 
Small.  Kansas  City,  Mo. :  The  Intercollegiate  Press.  Pp. 
731.     $1.65.^ 

Dr.  Alexander  has  asked  me  to  review  Between  Eras.  I  am  sorry  that 
my  time  does  not  permit  the  fuller  review  which  the  book  deserves,  but 
I  do  want  to  say  most  emphatically  that  this  is  an  extraordinary  book. 

Professor  Albion  W.  Small,  LL.D.,  is  head  of  the  Department  of 
Sociology  in  the  University  of  Chicago,  and  ranks  as  one  of  the  foremost 
men  in  his  special  field  of  science.  This  book  is  evidently  an  effort  on 
his  part  to  speak  the  language  of  the  conmion  man,  and  he  does  it  with 
immense  success.  In  fact,  his  language  is  so  vivid,  so  much  the  language 
of  the  street,  that  I  wonder  that  our  magazine  editors  have  not  long  ago 
been  after  him.  Not  only  does  it  sparkle  with  epigrams  and  racy 
modern  expressions,  but  it  is  put  in  the  form  of  conversations,  and  runs 
along  a  clearly  defined  thread  of  narrative,  so  that  the  book  is  actually 
a  sort  of  novel.  At  the  same  time,  it  is  packed  with  ideas  and  takes  hold 
of  a  man's  intellect  with  a  firm  grip  from  beginning  to  end. 

The  characters  who  carry  on  the  conversation  in  the  book  are  all 
upper-class  people,  business  men,  professors,  and  so  forth.  I  surmise 
that  some  of  them  at  least  are  snapshots  of  typical  men  whom  Professor 
Small  knows  personally.  They  are  all  wandering  in  the  maze  of  our 
present  situation  and  seeking  an  honest  way  out  of  it.  The  story  carries 
them  forward  to  a  real  solution  of  troubles. 

'  This  notice  appeared  in  the  Methodist  Review,  April,  1914-  It  is  quoted  by  per- 
mission of  the  editor. 


854  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

No,  that  is  not  the  case  after  all.  No  solution  is  propounded  in  the 
book.  It  is  simply  an  analysis  of  our  present  conditions.  It  cuts  up 
and  reduces  to  foolishness  the  usual  arguments  made  on  behalf  of  our 
capitalistic  society,  without  at  all  proposing  a  socialistic  organization. 
The  author  has  evidently,  for  good  and  satisfactory  reasons,  limited 
himself  in  this  book,  and  we  must  accept  his  self-imposed  limitations. 
But  within  those  limitations  this  book  is  the  cleverest,  the  most  incisive, 
and  the  best-equipped  analysis  of  the  capitalistic  system  of  industrial 
production  which  has  appeared  within  our  time.  No  one  can  afford  to 
pass  it  by.  And  I  will  promise  the  reader  that  he  will  find  it  so  enter- 
taining that  he  will  delight  to  finish  it,  and  that  his  wife  and  the  highly 
intelligent  children  of  his  family  will  be  eager  to  read  it  too.  Besides 
that,  you  get  your  money's  worth.  It  is  a  very  bulky  volume,  hand- 
somely printed,  and  there  are  enough  ideas  in  it  to  equip  half  a  dozen 

ordinary  writers. 

Walter  Rauschenbusch 
Rochester,  N.Y. 


RFXENT  LITERATURE 


NOTES   AND   ABSTRACTS 

Depopulation  and  Aid  for  Large  Families. — Among  the  various  devices  for 
increasing  the  French  birth-rate  by  favoring  families  having  at  least  three  children, 
those  which  have  fewest  objections  are  grants  and  premiums.  Although  such  aids 
irivolve  heavy  pecuniary  sacrifice  by  the  well-to-do,  the  leisure  classes  with  their  low 
birth-rate  have  nevertheless  a  real  interest  in  making  the  sacrifice.  Other  useful 
population  measures  would  be  improved  housing  for  the  working  classes  and  the 
suppression  of  criminal  abortion. — Gros-Mayrevieille,  "La  depopulation  et  I'assistance 
aux  families  nombreuses,"  La  revue  philanthropique,  October,  1913.         R.  H.  L. 

The  First  Results  of  the  New  English  Law  for  Social  Unemployment  Insurance. — 

A  great  proportion  of  the  demands  for  the  insurance  do  not  receive  benefits,  for  many 
of  the  workers  are  soon  given  employment.  There  is  optional  as  well  as  obligatory 
insurance.  The  first  year  of  the  insurance  has  seen  a  decrease  in  the  amount  of  unem- 
ployment. The  right  of  the  worker  to  benefits  depends  upon  the  amount  of  his 
assessments  and  benefits  and  his  state  of  unemployment,  capacity  for  work,  and  inabil- 
ity to  secure  suitable  employment.  There  should  be  quicker  transfer  facilities  from 
regions  where  work  is  scarce  to  places  where  it  is  abundant.  Whether  the  new  insur- 
ance decreases  the  sufferings  of  the  unemployment  can  better  be  answered  when  a 
period  of  industrial  depression  comes,  which  the  insurance  system,  as  yet,  has  to  con- 
front. A  surplus  of  £1,610,000  in  the  Insurance  Fund  will  help  meet  these  future 
emergencies. — Maurice  Bellom,  "Le  premier  resultat  de  la  nouvelle  loi  anglaise 
d'assurance  sociale,"  Journal  des  economistes,  February,  1914.  P.  E.  C. 

The  Value  of  the  Sanatorium  in  the  Social  Struggle  against  Tuberculosis. — In 
Germany  the  pivot  of  the  struggle  against  tuberculosis  is  the  sanatorium.  After  fifteen 
years  of  experience  with  it,  the  results  afford  a  chance  to  measure  its  usefulness.  In 
France  the  sanatorium  has  not  been  pivotal  in  the  struggle  against  tuberculosis. 
Comparison  shows,  however,  that  the  rate  of  deaths  from  tuberculosis  has  diminished 
in  the  same  proportions  in  the  two  countries.  Hence  the  inference  is  justified  that  the 
sanatorium  is  of  minor  importance. — Mathieu-Pierre  Weil,  "De  la  valeur  du  sana- 
torium dans  la  lutte  sociale  contre  la  tuberculose,"  La  revue  philanthropique,  October, 
1913-  R.  H.  L. 

International  Labor  Legislation. — The  homogeneity  of  human  nature,  the  same 
general  mental  life,  and,  under  the  influence  of  railroads  and  telegraph,  the  same 
industrial  processes  and  system  of  labor  have  brought  about  an  economic  and  poUtico- 
social  solidarity  of  all  civilized  nations.  All  are  following  the  same  democratic  evolu- 
tion and  the  same  ideals  of  welfare,  justice,  and  dignity  for  industrial  workers.  This 
solidarity  is  strongly  evidenced  by  statistics  of  accidents  and  mortality.  The  co- 
efficients for  each  cause  in  the  same  trade  is  singularly  the  same  in  whatever  country 
taken.  The  necessity  of  including  stipulations  relative  to  industrial  workers  in  inter- 
national treaties  is  becoming  apparent.  Nations  protect  the  personal  rights  of  their 
citizens  in  other  countries.  By  universal  international  legislation  the  level  of  the 
working  class  could  be  effectively  raised.  In  past  years  France  has  entered  into 
separate  agreements  with  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  Belgium,  giving  their  citizens  mutual 
industrial  rights  and  protection  in  whichever  country  they  are.  In  other  cases  two  or 
more  nations  have  agreed  upon  the  following  points:  prohibition  of  night  work  for 
women  in  industry,  prohibition  of  night  work  for  adolescents  under  sixteen,  hmitation 
to  ten-hour  day  for  day-laborers  and  workers  under  sixteen,  prohibition  of  the  manu- 
facture and  sale  of  white  phosphorus  matches.  At  the  first  conference  of  the  Inter- 
national Association  for  the  Legal  Protection  of  Laborers  at  Bern,  Switzerland,  in 

8SS 


856  THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 

September,  1913,  fourteen  European  states  were  represented.  The  two  important 
measures  deliberated  were,  (i)  universal  ten-hour  day  for  women  and  for  children 
under  sixteen,  (2)  prohibition  of  night  work  for  children  under  sixteen.  The  first 
was  signed  by  the  delegates  of  twelve  nations;  the  second  by  the  delegates  of  thirteen. 
If  their  respective  governments  ratify  their  action  a  great  step  in  international  labor 
legislation  will  have  been  taken. — -Arthur  Fontaine,  "La  legislation  Internationale  du 
travail,"  Revue  politique  et  parlemenlaire,  February  10,  1914.  F.  S.  C. 

Puericulture. — By  puericulture  is  meant  the  culture  of  the  child,  its  preservation, 
rescue,  and  conservation.  This  involves  the  protection  of  the  mother;  the  care  of  the 
child  before  and  after  birth.  The  death-rate  among  children  has  declined  in  France 
from  178  per  1,000  in  1871-75  to  130.1  per  1,000  in  1906-9.  In  Norway  where  the 
struggle  against  tuberculosis  and  alcoholism  has  gone  hand  in  hand  with  puericulture 
the  death-rate  among  children  has  fallen  to  71  per  1,000.  In  a  study  by  Budin, 
Balestre,  and  Giletta  de  Saint- Joseph  it  is  concluded  that  66  per  cent  of  infants  dying 
under  one  year  of  age  die  of  preventable  diseases.  Co-operation  among  all  forces 
fighting  infant  mortality  is  essential  to  success.  The  two  principal  forces  in  the 
struggle  against  preventable  diseases  of  children  are  the  doctors  and  the  women. — 
Paul  Strauss,  "La  puericulture,"  La  revue  phUanthropique,  November,  1913. 

R.  H.  L. 

Eugenics  and  Euthenics. — There  are  three  phases  of  the  problem  of  human  better- 
ment— culture,  eugenics,  and  evolution — and  these  need  to  be  carefuUy  distinguished. 
They  are  commonly  confused  in  the  minds  of  those  who  have  given  little  thought  to  the 
biological  aspects  of  the  problem,  and  such  confusion  is  likely  to  lead  to  misdirected 
effort.  While  wonderful  advance  in  individual  conduct  and  social  relations  has  been 
secured  through  the  cumulative  eflect  of  the  cultural  effort  that  has  been  made,  there 
has  been  little  if  any  advancement  in  innate  human  character.  The  problem  of 
human  culture  is  social,  not  biological.  The  problems  of  eugenics  and  evolution  are 
primarily  biological.  It  is  necessary  to  emphasize  cultural  effort,  for  it  is  essential 
that  the  good  breeding  of  the  future  human  race  be  in  the  midst  of  a  controUing  atmos- 
phere of  highest  altruistic  idealism. — Maynard  M.  Metcalf,  Popular  Science  Monthly, 
April,  1914-  J-  E.  E. 

The  Investigation  of  School  Systems:   Principles  Which  Should  Govern  Them. — 

(i)  Teaching  is  a  spiritual  process  of  personal  influence.  Conditions  of  lighting,  venti- 
lation, cleanliness,  convenience,  and  general  hygiene;  arrangement  of  programs,  and 
general  hygiene;  arrangement  of  programs,  and  methods  of  teaching  can  be  measured 
by  standards,  but  this  personal  influence  is  still  unmeasured  and  unmeasurable.  (2)  In- 
vestigators must  be  equals  of  those  managing  the  system,  both  in  theory  and  in 
practical  knowledge  and  experience.  (3)  The  criticism  must  take  into  account  the 
social,  economic,  and  political  difiiculties  under  which  the  system  has  developed. 

(4)  The  social  atmosphere  as  well  as  the  pedagogic  factors  of  the  schoolroom  must 
be  considered,  for  the  social  spirit  cultivated  is  most  important  and  far  reaching. 

(5)  The  effects  on  the  community,  as  well  as  on  the  educational  process,  must  be  con- 
sidered. Has  the  school  fulfilled  its  function  in  influencing  the  common  life  of  the 
people  ?  (6)  Investigations  should  not  result  in  sensational  newspaper  reports,  but 
in  confidential  aid  to  the  board  in  correcting  faults  and  bettering  the  work.  (7)  In- 
vestigations must  be  deliberate  and  thorough.  (8)  One  group  of  professional  people 
should  not  be  allowed  to  turn  "batteries  of  criticism"  on  another  group,  thus  bring- 
ing undeserved  ill-feeling  on  both  sides. — Samuel  T.  Button,  Educational  Review, 
January,  1914-  F.  S.  C. 

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Rubner,  Max.     Ueber  modeme  Emahr- 

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Libraria,     1913.      i6mo,    S.  280.      L. 

3 -SO- 


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Sombart,  Werner.  Der  Bourgeois.  Zur 
Geistesgeschichte  des  modemen  Wirt- 
schaftsmenschen.  Munchen  u.  Leip- 
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Torres,  Alberto.  Le  Problem  Mondial. 
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Weatherford,  W.  D.  Negro  Life  in  the 
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Wentscher,  Else.  Grundzuge  der  Ethik 
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Whittaker,  Thos.  Ownership  and  Taxa- 
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Wohlgemuth,  Martha.  Die  Bauerin  in 
zwei  badischen  Gemeinden.  Volks- 
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Woodbum,  J.  A.  Political  Parties  and 
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ARTICLES 


Abel,  Mary  H.     Duty  of  the  Home  and 

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Aubert,  L.     La  salubrite  de  la  voie  pub- 

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Bawden,  W.  T.     The  Administration  of 

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Bickmore,  A.     Industries  for  the  Feeble- 
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Blunt,   A.   W.    F.     The   Failure   of  the 

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12:346-55,  Jan.  '14. 


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86i 


Bodin,  E.  Hygiene  et  syphilis.  Rev. 
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Bourneville,  M.  Du  Vagabondage. 
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Bowley,  A.  L.  The  British  Super-Tax 
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Brown,  William.  Abnormal  Psychology. 
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Caldwell,  O.  W.  Home  Economics  and 
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Caleff,  A.  The  Jews  of  Bulgaria.  Jew. 
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Catlin,  Claiborne.  Incorrigibility  due 
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IS,  '14-  ,    , 

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Clark,  J.  M.     Some  Economic  Aspects 

of   the   New   Long   and    Short   Haul 

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37,  Feb.  '14. 
Clopper,    E.    N.     The   Majesty   of   the 

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Cohen,     I.     The     Economic     Activities 

of  Modern  Jewry.     Econ.  Jour.  24:41- 

56,  Mar.  '14. 
Collins,   J.   V.     Weakness   in   American 

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Apr.  '14. 
Conrad,  Joh.     Die  Fleischtcuerungsfrage. 

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Cummings,  John.     The  Permanent  Cen- 
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Curtis,  W.  A.     The  Value  of  Confessions 

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Jan.  '14. 
D'Aeth,    F.    G.      The    Unit   of    Social 

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Dublin,  Louis  I.,  and  Kopf,  Edwin  W. 

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Edwards,  Charles  Lincoln.  Nature  Play. 
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Eggenschwyler,  W.  Prinzipielles  zur 
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Eichhoff-Scheibbs,  von,  (N.-Oest.).  Uber 
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'14- 

Eliot,  C.  W.  Present  Problems  of  Edu- 
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Eisner,  Fritz  von.  Zur  Kinofrage.  Die 
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Engelen,  Dr.  D.  O.  Strafe  oder 
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Felisch,  Dr.  Der  Einfluss  der  Intema- 
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Ferguson,  R.  W.  The  Employer's  Part 
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Fielding-Hall,  H.  The  Fallacy  of  Ethics. 
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Fischer,  Edmund.  Arbeitslosigkeit  und 
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Flinker-Czemowitz.  Die  strafrechtliche 
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Foster,  W.  F.  Agencies,  Methods,  Ma- 
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Eraser,  A.  G.  The  Native  African 
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French,  W.  H.  The  Industrial  High 
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Friedrich,  Johann.  Die  national- 
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Gehrig,  Hans.  John  Stuart  Mill  als 
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Giles,  F.  M.  Vocational  GuidanceT:in 
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Apr.  '14. 


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Goldenweiser,  E.  A.    The  Mother  Tongue 

Inquiry  in  the  Census  of  Population. 

Am.     Statistical     Assoc.     13:648-55, 

Dec.  '13. 
Goodwin,  F.  P.     Vocational  Guidance  in 

Cincinnati.     Voc.     Educ.     3:249-59, 

Mar.  '14. 
Greene,    William    Brenton.     The    Bible 

as  the  Text-Book  in  Sociology.    Prince- 
ton Theological  Rev.  12: 1-22,  Jan.  '14. 
Gringhann.     Sozialismus   in   Australien. 

Zeit.  f.  d.  g.  Staatswissenschaft  70,  No. 

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Grinstead,  W.  J.     Reading  for  Teachers 

of  Sex  Hygiene.     School  Rev.  22:249- 

55,  Apr.  '14. 
Grunwald,    Max.     Juden    als    Erfinder 

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875-84. 
Hamilton,  A.  E.     Eugenics.     Ped.  Sem. 

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Hasbach,    W.     Grundbegriff,    Aufgaben 

und  Methode  der  Wissenschaft  von  der 

Volkswirtschaftspolitik  II.    Z.  f.  Sozial- 

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Hauphoff,      Heinz.      Demokratie      und 

Masse.     Gegenwart,    42,    46,    722-25. 
Heilman,  Ralph  E.     The  Development 

by  Commissions  of  the  Principles  of 

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Heinemann,  P.  G.     The  Automobile  and 

the    Public    Health.     Pop.    Sci.    Mo. 

84:284-89,  Mar.  '14. 
Heyn,  O.     Nutzen  und  Kosten  als  Aus- 

gangspunkte   des  menschlichen   Wirt- 

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Hill,  H.   W.    The  IModem  Method  of 

Handling     School     Epidemics.      The 

School  2:375-77,  Feb.  '14. 
Hill,     J.     Arthur.     Changing     Religion. 

Hibbert  Jour.   12:356-73,  Jan.   '14. 
Hill,  Joseph  A.     Comparative  Fecundity 

of    Women    of    Native    and    Foreign 

Parentage  in  the  United  States.     Am. 

Statistical  Assoc.  13:583-604,  Dec.  '13. 
Hine,  L.  W.     Present  Conditions  in  the 

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Feb.  '14. 
Hislop,  Gordon.    The  Social  Teaching  of 

Ruskin.     Econ.   Rev.    24:30-38,   Jan. 

'14. 
HoUey,  C.  E.     The  Influence  of  Family 

Income   and  Other   Factors  on   High 

School  Attendance.     School  and  Home 

Educ.  33:222-24,  Feb.  '14. 
Hoxie,  Robert  F.     Trade  Unionism  in  the 

United  States.     General  Character  and 


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Mar.  '14. 
Humphries,  F.  Y.     The  Case  of  the  High 

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'14. 
Janet,      Pierre.       La      psycho-analyse. 

Journal  de  psychologie  nth  Yr.,  No. 

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Jeffrey,     Edward     C.     The     Mutation 

Myth.     Science  39:488-90,  Apr.   '14. 
Jones,  G.  E.     Tuberculosis  among  School 

Children.     Ped.  Sem.  21:62-94,  Mar. 

'14- 
Jones,  H.  H.    The  work  of  England's 

Certifying     Surgeons.     Child     Labor 

Bull.  2:76-79,  Feb.  '14. 
Kameke,    Karl    Otto    von.     ttber    den 

Riickgang     der     Geburtenziffern     im 

Kreise  Ober-Barnim.    SchmoUers  Jahr- 

buch  38,  No.  1:199-224,  '14. 
Kampfmeyer,     Paul.     Marxismus     und 

Ethik.     Sozialistische  Monatshefte  20, 

I,  No.   4:211-16,   '14. 
Keeley,  H.  A.     A  Step  in  Linking  Our 

High    School    with    the    Farm.     Col. 

School  Jour.  29:15-17,  Mar.  '14. 
King,  Irving.     The  Vocational  Interests, 

Study  Habits,  and  Amusements  of  the 

Pupils    of    Certain    High    Schools    in 

Iowa.     School  Rev.  22:165-81,  Mar. 

'14. 
Kirby,   A.   H.    P.     Child  Welfare   and 

Legislation    for    the    Feeble-Minded. 

The  Child  (London)  4:417-23,  Mar. 

'14. 
Knell,  Louis  J.     Report  of  the   Voca- 
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Educ.  17:403-6,  Mar.  '14. 
Krose,  H.  A.     Zur  Frage  des  Geburten- 

riickganges.        Stimmen    aus    Maria- 

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Landauer,  Gustav.     Selbstmord  der  Ju- 

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Lapis,    von.     Der    neue    amerikanische 

Zolltarif.     Die    Neue    Zeit    32,    Nos. 

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Lavergne,  B.    La  repartition  des  richesses 

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I'economie    sociale.     Rev.    de    m6ta- 

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'14. 
Lee,  Frederic  S.     Fresh  Air.     Pop.  Sci. 

Mo.  84:313-29,  Apr.  '14. 
L^on,  X.     Le  socialisme  de  Fichte  d'apres 

I'etat     commercial     ferme.     Rev.     de 

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Jan.  '14. 


RECENT  LITERATURE 


863 


Leppmann,  Dr.  Arthur.  Sexuelle  Fragen 
und  Kriminalitat.  Mitteilungen  d. 
Intemationalen  kriminalistischen  Ver- 
einigung  21,  No.  1:415-39,  'U- 

Lovejoy,  O.  R.  Federal  Government 
and  Child  Labor.  Child  Labor  Bull. 
2: 19-34,  Feb.  '14. 

M.,  N.  von.  Zum  Geburtsriickgang. 
Die  Neue  Zeit  32,  i,  No.  20:720-28, 

Macadam,  Elizabeth.     The  Universities 

and  the  Training  of  the  Social  Worker. 

Hibbert  Jour.   12:283-94,  Jan.  '14- 
MacDonald,  M.  I.     Why  We  Need  Uni- 
form Food  Laws.     Housewives  League 

Mag.  3:13-16,  Mar.  '14. 
Maclver,    R.    M.     Society    and    "The 

Individual."     Sociological  Rev.  7:58- 

64,  Jan.  '14. 
McKelwav,  A.  J.     Ten  Years  of  Child 

Labor   Reform   in   the   South.     Child 

Labor  Bull.  2:35-39,  Feb.  '14- 
MacKenzie,  M.  William.     Le  probleme 

du     Chien     pensant    de     Mannheim. 

Archives  de  psychologic   13,  No.   52: 

312-76,  Dec.  '13. 
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THE  AMERICAN  JOURNAL  OF  SOCIOLOGY 


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