The American journal of sociology

^k^

COLLEGE
OF THE PACIFIC

From the collection of the

Z ^

X .^ m

0 PreTnger
^ Uibrary

San Francisco, California
2008

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL

OF

SOCIOLOGY

EDITOR

ALBION W. SMALL

associate editors

Frederick Starr Marion Talbot

Scott E. W. Bedford

Vol. 26

BIMONTHLY

JULY, 1920 — MAY, 1921

THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS

Published

July, September, November, 1920

January, March, May, 1921

V. ^e

Composed and Printed By

The University ol Chicago Press

Chicago. Illinois, U.S.A.

CONTENTS

ARTICLES

PAGE

American Sociological Society, Annual Meeting of- - - - - -354

American Sociological Society, Co-operative^Jnvestigation - - - - 353

Baker, Herbert M. The Court and the Delinquent Child - - - 176
Beatty, Willard W. A Normal-School Course in Sociology - - - 573
BODENHAFER, WALTER B. The Comparative Role of the Group Con-
cept in Ward's Dynamic Sociology and Contemporary American

Sociology - - -273,425,588,716

CooLEY, Charles H. Reflections upon the Sociology of Herbert

Spencer --------.129

Cummins, Robert A. A Completely Socialized School - . . . jq^
Davies, G. R. Progress and the Constructive Instincts - - - - 212

Dissertations in Sociology, Students' --------96, 767

Donald, W. J. Public Service through Chambers of Commerce - - 558
DowD, Jerome. Industrial Democracy -------- ^Si

Elliot, Thomas D. A Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Group Forma-
tion and Behavior -- ^;^^

Ellwood, Charles A. Education for Citizenship in a Democracy - 73
Groves, Ernest R. A College Program for Rural Sociology - - - 187
Learned Societies, The American Council of- - - - - - -224

Morgan, John J. B. Why Men Strike 207

Pangburn, Weaver. The War and the Community Movement - - 82

Park, Robert E. Sociology and the Social Sciences 401

Rosenberg, Edwin J. The Price System and Social Management - 162
Small, Albion W. A Prospectus of Sociological Theory - - - - 22

Steiner, Jesse F. Education for Social Work - - - - 475^ 601, 744

Stewart, Herbert L. Some Ambiguities in Democracy - - - - 545

Students' Dissertations in Sociology --------96, 767

Thompson, James Westfall. The Aftermath of the Black Death and

the Aftermath of the Great War - 565

Trimble, William. The Social Philosophy of the Loco-Foco Democ-
racy - 705

Usher, Abbott Payson. Justice and Poverty 689

Woodruff, Clinton Rogers. Progress in Philadelphia - - - - 315

Woods, Erville B. Heredity and Opportunity 1,146

Yarros, Victor S. What Shall We Do with the State ? II - - - 60

V

vi CONTENTS

' REVIEWS

PAGE

Antonelli, Etienne. Bolshevik Russia. Translated by C. A.

Carroll.— V. E. Helleberg - - - -113

Aronovici, Carol. Housing and the Housing Problem. — R. D.

McKciizic ----- 658

Athearn, Walter S. A National System of Education. — /. .4.

Artnmn ---- - 240

Barker, J. Ellis. Modern Germany -------- 662

Benoit-Levy, Georges. Extreme Urgence. — Carol Aronovici - - - 253
Bevan, Edwyx. German Social Democracy during the War. — R. F.

Clark -------- 252

Binder, Rudolph M. Health and Social Progress. — Carl Kelsey - - 652

Bloomfield, Daniel. The Problems of Labor. — R. W. Stone - - - 242

Boucke, O. Fred. The Limits of Socialism. — V. E. Helleherg - - - 642
Brainard, Annie M. Organization of Public Health Nursing. — R. D.

McKenzie -------------- 659

Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. See Talbot, Marion.

Brief AULT, Robert. The Making of Humanity. — A. J. Todd - - 648

Brooks, John Graham. Labor's Challenge of the Social Order. —

A.J. Todd -------------- 524

Brunhes, Jean. Human Geography. — R. E. Park ----- 785

BiJLOW, Friedrich. Die Entwicklung der Hegelschen Sozialphilosophie.

A. W. Small ------------- 787

Burnham, Athel C. The Community Health Problem - - - - 661

BuTTREE, J. Edmund. The Despoilers. — Dwight Sanderson - - - 659
Chancellor, William E. Educational Sociology. — S. A. Queen - - 240
Chapin, F. Stuart. Field Work and Social Research. — 5. M. Harrison 784
Clow, Frederic R. Principles of Sociology with Educational Applica-
tions.—£. R. Groves - - - 629

CoLCORD, Joanna C. Broken Homes. — E. E. Eubank . . . - 528

Cole, G. D. H. Social Theory.— .4. IF. >Sww// ------ 247

Cooke, George W. The Social Evolution of Religion.— £. C. Hayes - 646

Coursault, Jesse B. The Principles of Education. — C. .1. Ellwood - 654
Gushing, Sumner W. See Huntington, Ellsworth.

Davies, George R. National Evolution. — G. S. Dow . . - - 248
Davison, Henry B. The American Red Cross in the Great War.—/. L.

Gillin --------- 36Q

Dewey, Evelyn. New Schools for Old.— IF. R. Smil/i - - - - 379
Dick, J. Lawsen. Defective Housing and the Growth of Children. —

Carol Aronovici --- 53°

Donovan, Francis. The Woman Who Waits.— P/iyll is Blanchard - 640
Dunlap, Knight. Personal Beauty and Racial Betterment.— £. 5.

Bogardus ---307

CONTENTS vii

PACE

East, Edwin M. Inbreeding and Outbreeding. — L. L. Bernard - - 251
Edie, Lionel D. Current Social and Industrial Forces. — R. F. Clark - 367
Elliot, Hugh. Modern Science and Materialism. — C. E. Ayres - - 249
Ellis, Havelock. The Philosophy of Conflict and Other Essays in

War Time. — A.J. Todd ----------- 237

Fahlbeck, Pontus. Klasserna och Samhallet. — O. B. Ytrehus - - 633
Fay, Charles Norman. Labor in Politics, or Class versus Country - 661
Fleisher, Alexander. See Frankel, Lee K.

Folks, Homer. The Human Cost of the War. — N. L. Sims - - - 370
Ford, James. United States Housing Corporation Report. Vol. I. —

Carol Aronovici -------- 788

Frankel, Lee K., and Fleisher, Alexander. The Human Factor in

Industry. — R. W. Stone - - - - - - - - - - -372

Freeman, Arnold. Education through Settlements. — Mary E. McDowell 377
Friedman, E. M. (Editor). America and the New Era. — Francis Tyson 642
Gallichan, Walter M. Letters to a Young Man on Love and Health 663
Gaston, Herbert E. The Nonpartisan League. — Dwight Sanderson - 656
Gill, Charles O., and Pinchot, Gifford. Six Thousand Country

Churches. — Allan Hohen - - - - - - - - - - -377

Gle.\son, Arthur. What the Workers Want. — Carol Aronovici - - 637

GooDE, William T. Bolshevism at Work - -661

Gratton, R. H. The EngUsh Middle Class. — 5. A. Queen - - - 791
Gulick, Luther H. A Philosophy of Play. — C. C. North - - - - 644
Hall, Fred S., and Brooke, Elizabeth W. American Marriage

Laws. — E. E. Eubank _--- _- 380

Hammond, J. L. and Barbara. The Skilled Laborer, 1760-183 2. —

W. F. Woodring - - 364

Hammond, M. B. British Labor Conditions and Legislation during

the War. — E. H. Sutherland ----------370

Hetherington, H. J. W., and Muirhead, J. H. Social Purpose: A

Contribution to a Philosophy of Civic Society. — C. A. Ellwood - 366

Hicks, Frederick C. The New World Order 662

Hudson, Jay William. The College and the New .\merica. — C. A.

Ellwood --------------- 653

Huntington, Ellsworth, and Gushing, Sumner W. Principles of

Human Geography. — R. E. Park --------- 785

HussLEiN, Joseph. Democratic Industry. — V. E. Helleberg - - - 657
Ioteyko, Josefa. The Science of Labor and Its Organization. —

R. W. Stone - ..._ ^y^

Keyn'es, John M. The Economic Consequences of the Peace. —

C. J. Bushnell ------------- 238

Knowles, Morris. Industrial Housing. — Carol Aronovici . . . 660
Laidler, Harry W. Socialism in Thought and Action. — G. S. Dow - 374

viii CONTENTS

PAGE

La Motte, Ellen N. The Opium Monopoly 662

Lanzer, William. The Nonpartisan League. — Dwight Sanderson - - 656
Leary, Daniel B. A Group-Discussion Syllabus of Sociology. —

E. S. Bogardiis -----------'-- 368

LiTOiFiELD, Paul W. The Industrial Republic 662

MacIver, R. M. Labor in the Changing World. — E. H. Sutherland - 242

Marbi^rg. Theodore. League of Nations. — G. S. Dow . - . . ygo

Masaryk, Thomas G. The Spirit of Russia. — C. A. Ellwood - - - 363

Mathews, Basil. Essays on Vocation -------- 661

Mechlin, John M. An Introduction to Social Ethics. — A. W. Small - 245

Mendelsohn, Sigmunt). Labor's Crisis. An Employer's View - - 661
MiTSCHERLiCH, Waldemar. Der Nationalismus Westeuropas. — E.

Schwicdland -------526

MuiRHEAD, J. H. See Hetherington, H. J. W.

Muscio, Bernard. Lectures on Industrial Psychology. — E.S. Bogardus 373

New Townsmen. New Towns after the War. — Carol Aronovici - - 250
Odencrantz, Louise C. Italian Women in Industry. — Annie M.

MacLean ---- 6^^

Page, Thomas Nelson. Italy and the World War 662

Parker, Carleton H. The Casual Laborer and Other Essays. — E. S.

Bogardus -.-.. ^27

Patten, William. The Grand Strategy of Evolution. — A. W. Small - 627

Phelan, John. Readings in Rural Sociology. — J. B. Sears - - - 638
Phelan, John J. Pool, Billiards and Bowling Alleys as a Place of

Commercialized Amusements in Toledo, Ohio. — R. E. Park - - 663
PiNCHOT, GiFFORD. See Gill, Charles O.
Proceedings of the International Conference of Women Physicians.

See Women Physicians.

Queen, Stuart Alfred. The Passing of the County Jail. — E. Abbott - 793

Ross, Edward A. The Principles of Sociology. — A. W. Small- - - no

. The Principles of Sociology. — Hutton Webster - - - - 651

Russell, Charles Edward. The Story of the Nonpartisan League. —

Dwight Sanderson - - -- 656

Ryan, John A. A Living Wage ---------- 662

Sanger, Margaret. Woman and the New Race.— 5. W. and T. D.

Eliot --------------- 632

ScHLiCHTER, SuMNER H. The Tumover of Factory Labor.— £. H.

Sutherland -------------- 243

Shefheld, Ada Elliot. The Social Case History.— £. F. Young - - 658

SiDis, Boris. The Source and Aim of Human Progress. — A.J.Todd - 236
Sims, Newell L. The Rural Community, Ancient and Modem. —

Paul L. Vogt -------- 786

Snedden, David. Vocational Education.— /. M. Gillette - - - - 780

CONTENTS ix

PAGE

SoNNiCHSEN, Albert. Consumers' Co-operation. — /. E. Hagerly - - ^yi

Spengler, Oswald. Der Untergang des Abendlandes. — A. IV. Small - 623

Spooner, Henry J. Wealth from Waste. — C. /. Bushnell - - . . 640

Swisher, Walter S. Religion and the New Psychology. — E. R. Groves 376
Talbot, Marion, and Breckinridge, Sophonisba P. The Modern

Household. — Mary L. Mark ----------529

Thompson, Frank V. Schooling of the Immigrant. — Franklin Bohbitt - 655

Torelle, Ellen. The Political Philosophy of Robert M. LaFoUette - 661
Trotter, Eleanor. Seventeenth- Century Life in the Country Parish. —

S. A. Queen -------------- 241

ViNOGRADOFF, SiR Paul. Outlines of Historical Jurisprudence. —

W. B. Bodenhafer -- 783

Wall, O. A. Sex and Sex Worship. — R. E. Park 663

Walling, William E. Sovietism. — A. W. Small - ----- 250

Ward, Harry Frederick. The Gospel for a Working World. — E. L.

Earp --------- 7pi

Whitaker, Charles H. The Joke about Housing. — Carol Aronovici - 244
White, William A. Thoughts of a Psychiatist on the War and After. —

E. R. Groves -------- 238

William, Maurice. The Social Interpretation of History.— F. E.

Helleberg - - --- ^29

Williams, Mary W. Social Scandinavia in the Viking Age. — A. E.

Jenks ------------... 632

Women Physicians, Proceedings of the International Conference of. —

Leta S. Hollingsworth - - 789

NEWS AND NOTES

July, 1920 105

September, 1920 227

November, 1920 -.--.. ^57

January, 1921 - - - - - 519

March, 1921 ---- 619

May, 1921 - 775

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

July, 1920 ------- - - 114

September, 1920 -------------- 254

November, 1920 - 380

January, 1921 --------- 5^1

March, 1921 - 664

May, 1921 794

CONTENTS

BIBLIOGRAPHY

PAGE

July, 1920 --------------- iio

September, 1920 - ----- 268

November, 1920 39i

January, 1921 ------- 533

March, 1921 - 678

May, 1921 --..-- 800

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Volume XXVI JULY IQ20 Number i

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY

ERVILLE B. WOODS
Dartmouth College

I. EUGENICS AND THE OBSCURE

A very spirited controversy over the relative influence of
''nature and nurture" has raged through the writings of bio-
sociologists and sociologists of the ordinary sort for so long a
time that the prospect of contributing even an armful of brush
to the illumination of this problem seems rather slight. There
are, however, few matters of greater popular interest, and I think
we may say of greater importance from the standpoint of the
education of youth, than the attempt to trace the causes by which
the notably successful, the notoriously unsuccessful, and the
innumerable obscure come to their respective states.

The orthodox biological view regarding these matters has, it
should be noted, undergone a remarkable change. The older
environmentahsm has dechned and in its place has arisen the
present cult of heredity with such pessimistic impUcations inter-
woven as the degree of eugenic fervor of a given writer may lead
him to venture upon. A simple statement of how this change
has come about may be in place.

The Lamarckian doctrine of use and disuse, promulgated
some hundred years ago, served an earlier day as a theoretical

2 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

foundation for education. If use and habit could account for the
evolution of organic differences in the animal world, how clear
the inference that human progress likewise must flow from a
training which, persisted in generation after generation, yields
cumulative powers and aptitudes of the greatest advantage to
posterity. There are still many individuals who receive the
statement that no amount of musical, mathematical, legal, or
other special training on the part of parents will improve the
offspring one iota with a lingering incredulity. But the biologists
gave and the biologists have taken away this illusory hope of
a training which shall be cumulative. Weissmann and his school
began their assaults upon this comfortable doctrine in the eighties
of the last century, and today little or nothing of it remains.^

It should be clear that this earlier, pre-Darwinian concep-
tion of the effects of use and disuse laid a much greater emphasis
upon environment, including training or education, than it did
upon heredity, and through all the long campaign by which the
Darwinian doctrine of natural selection won its way in the world
of science, this supremacy of the environment was not seriously
threatened. It was in fact, variability and selection, not heredity,
upon which the emphasis was laid; the latter was taken more
or less for granted. The variable organism in the face of a por-
tentous environment was turned now to death, now to Hfe, with
a constant survival of individuals fit to do business under existing
conditions.

It is hardly necessary to point out that the general conception
of organic evolution clarified by Darwin's great work, and includ-
ing the idea of the struggle for existence, was eagerly appropriated
by the sciences of human society. History, jurisprudence, politi-
cal economy, and ethics all underwent considerable modifications

' " If we make a jack-o-lantern out of a pumpkin and afterwards plant the seeds,
we do not expect a crop of jack-o-lanterns. Repeat the cutting and plant the seeds
through fifty generations of pumpkins; not a jack-o-lantern will be grown. The
inheritance is from the seed, not from the pumpkin.

"The human seed is equally unailected by externals which do not damage the
germ itself. Life's experiences must be impressed anew upon every generation as
it comes along, and a thousand years of external impressions will not add or subtract
or improve or corrupt one hereditary characteristic in the germ plasm." — Seth K.
Humphrey, Mankind, p. 12.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 3

in viewpoint and method. And of sociology it may be said that
it has been extravagant in its professions of indebtedness to
biology.

Many absurdities in social theory have masqueraded in the
borrowed trappings of biological conceptions. The so-called
biological analogy is a case in point. Much more pernicious
was the attempt to base an ethics of rapacity and greed upon
what was ignorantly called social Darwinism. It was apparently
overlooked by some of those who glorified the struggle for exist-
ence that a genuine re-enactment of Nature's plan, far from
confirming satisfied classes in their hereditary possessions and
privileges, would cancel at a stroke all of the rules of civilized
competition, overthrow private property and stable matrimony
(for neither may be said to be precisely natural in a biological
sense), and bring back Chaos and old Night. The world has
seen much of such ruthlessness of late in the course of the world-
war and its revolutionary sequels, but considering the world at
large, there appears to be little disposition to identify the primi-
tive with the admirable, or to regard the rule of brute force as
adequate to the ethical requirements of civilization.

The work of Darwin will continue for many decades to mark
epochs in the history of biology. Since the publication of his
Origin of Species in 1859, the most important development has
been the gradual emergence of a doctrine of inheritance, and
during the past dozen years certainly no influence has swept
over the field of social thinking comparable with the idea of
heredity. As early as 1865, in advance of the recent researches
in genetics, Francis Galton, the distinguished founder of eugenics,
pubHshed two articles on "Hereditary Talent and Character."
His Hereditary Genius appeared in 1869, to be followed by a
long list of pubUcations in support of the general thesis that man
deserves more careful breeding.

The work of Weismann, whose Germplasm was published in
1885, has led at length to the almost complete overthrow of the
doctrine of the inheritance of traits acquired by the individual
through training or experience and has focused attention upon
a new and fascinating problem — the mechanism of heredity. In

4 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

1900 the rediscovery of the lost investigations of the Austrian
abbot, Gregor Mendel, now acclaimed founder of the modern
science of heredity, once more drew attention to the fact that a
very important body of biological knowledge was in process of
formulation.

Much obscurity still envelopes the entire subject of the in-
heritance of mental traits which appear so complicated that only
the long-continued efforts of psychologists, as well as geneticists,
will avail to discover the unit characters which lie at the base of
individual human nature. Without waiting for re-enforcements
from that quarter, however, the eugenic army has already taken
the field, planting its standards at every point of vantage, and
issuing proclamations to the inhabitants of the land somewhat
in this tenor:

Whereas, In the course of social evolution, defective and subnormal
individuals, whom Nature never intended to spare, are being harbored in
large numbers under the doubtful auspices of organized charity, city hospitals,
almshouses, and orphanages, and

Whereas, The conspicuously able and successful classes of the population
are conspicuous also for the fewness of their offspring while the obscure
multiply exceedingly.

Therefore be it incorporated in the articles of religion, and in morals
and law that the defective and inferior stocks shall by surgery, segrega-
tion, and sentiment be estopped from such excessive fertility, and the
capable and successful shall be enjoined to marry prudently and to bring
forth offspring with great fecundity.

So say the eugenists in chorus and a modern Cassandra arising
among them represents even the remotest country districts as
in process of being denuded of all exceptional ability by the
inevitable lure of ambition.

City, college, factory, business, are within a day's journey of all but a few.
No superior man, restless in his too meagre surroundings, is beyond hearing
of the call to self-development; then why stick to the slow business of race
development ? The weak brother remains behind to multiply, while the
strong rises to a position of greater usefulness and comparative infertility.
No sooner does inborn capacity show itself in the remotest corner than it
is whisked away to "make good."'

' Scth K. Humphrey, Mankind, p. 91.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 5

In general it may be said that there is little or no diflference
of opinion as to the desirability of restraining the multiplication
of individuals with serious transmissible defects of mind and
body. Here and there a voice has been raised in protest. One
writer, Gertrude E. Hall, in Survey, October 6, 191 7, has even
represented the feeble-minded as turning upon the hurried, over-
working, overworrying, "normal" individual with the assertion
that the steady nerves and childlike mind of the moron may
yet be needed to cool the fever in the blood of a race consuming
itself in frenzied neurasthenic competition for place and power.
This, of course, is far from orthodox and may even have been
offered in the spirit of a remark which has been attributed, I
think, to Cromwell when addressing a group of theologians, he
said in effect: "I beseech you brethren in the bowels of the Lord
that you consider the possibility that you may be mistaken."
Science, we ought to remind ourselves, has its dogmatisms as
well as theology, although, fortunately for the truth, they die
much younger, for it is of the nature of science to foster a high
infant mortaHty among ideas.

It is not defectives alone, however, who raise apprehension
in the breasts of the bio-sociologists. The whole undistinguished
mass of the lowly and obscure are also under suspicion. They
also threaten racial values, for they are more fertile than the
sophisticated and successful, and they will in time people the
earth with a race of uniform mediocrity. Two contentions are
here involved: one relates to the assumed racial inferiority of
the obscure and the other to their disproportionate rate of increase.
As to the latter point it should be noted that another generation
or so will most probably see universal old-age pensions in some
form, the effect of which will be to undermine the traditional
idea that children must be numerous in order to provide parents
with adequate insurance against old age. This will weaken one
of the sentimental supports of large families among the lowly.
Another change which is probably impending is the more and
more general acceptance of some form of reasoned limitation of
the size of families. If our racial integrity, therefore, can be
maintained for a generation or two longer, some of the fears

6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

obsessing the biological well-wishers of humanity at the opening
of the twentieth century may prove groundless.

The previous question remains for discussion. It concerns
the inferiority of the obscure as compared with the conspicuously
successful. The matter might be stated thus: To what extent
is the arrangement of society in stratified social classes — an ar-
rangement once held to be as fundamental as the stratifications
of the old red sandstone itself — to what extent are social strati-
fications based upon personal merit ? The commonest assumption
is that the ofl&cial, professional, and successful mercantile elements
in any population constitute a sort of elite, distinguished from
the underlying layers of the population by superior capacity. It
is a fair inference that when men run a race, those who arrive
first at the goal are the best runners, and at first glance there
may appear to be small question that a classification of the popu-
lation according to eminence is roughly accurate as a classification
of abilities.

Without prejudicing the inquiry which is to follow, this much
may safely be asserted at once : If an entire population is educated
to the limit of its varying abilities and all individuals are en-
couraged and enabled to aspire to any congenial task or position
not denied by limitations of personal ability, then a near approxi-
mation to the conditions of the foot race would be realized. Such
a society would be not unlike Plato's Republic, where the eminent
are also the wisest and the best. On the other hand, in a popu-
lation stratified into non-intermarrying castes, which coincide
with privileged or handicapped political and economic classes,
there is the minimum approach to the conditions of a foot race,
and in such a society obscurity and eminence may have little
relation to intrinsic personal abilities. The purpose of this
paper is to examine the actual conditions of individual achieve-
ment in our own time and nation.

Two further truths, which need scarcely more than statement,
should be set forth. First, men everywhere and always are found
to differ greatly from individual to individual; it is not, however,
merely that they are obviously unequal in respect to every human

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 7

quality, but each personality is unique, in literal fact the only
one of the precise kind ever struck off in the fortuitous comming-
ling of innumerable germinal cells of innumerable ancestors.
"Every living being," says a leading biologist, "appears on care-
ful examination to be the first and last of its identical kind." *

The second truth is less generally recognized; it is that in-
ferior groups, so called, usually turn out to have been disadvan-
taged groups, and conversely, superior groups, so called, usually
turn out to have had superior advantages. One obvious excep-
tion to this rule consists of inferior groups whose character is
the result of some selective factor, e.g., a class of repeaters in a
graded school or possibly a group of paupers in an almshouse.
When, however, selection of the membership of groups is largely
accidental, it is rash to assume any intrinsic inferiority in one
group as compared with another.

Before entering upon an analysis of the conditions determining
personal achievement, some interest may be lent to the inquiry
by adverting briefly to several groups once viewed as inferior,
but latterly regarded more and more as differing in cross-section
but sHghtly from the general population. These groups are
women, non-European races, decadent communities and criminals.
I shall discuss them briefly in inverse order.

It was not many years ago that criminologists were describing
the multitudinous abnormalities of the criminal type of man, and
even today the idea is still current that between the normal man
and the criminal, Nature herself has interposed a great gulf.
If we make exception of mental defectives, who naturally find
it difficult if not impossible to conform to a society in which they
ought never to be left at large, nothing could be farther from
the truth. The painstaking statistical researches of Dr. Goring,
the great-hearted intuitions of Osborne, the shrewd observations
of Dr. Devon, and the testimony of a multitude of other competent
students confirm the view that criminals, in so far as they are
not mere imbeciles who never should have been born, much less
left at large, are surprisingly like the rest of us. Dr. Devon, to

' Conklin, Heredity and Environment, p. 213.

8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

call only one witness after long experience in His Majesty's prison
at Glasgow, writes:*

For sixteen years I have been looking for the offender of the books and
I have not met him. The offender familiar to me is not a type, but a man or
a woman and we shall never know nor deserve to know him till we are con-
tent to study him, not as a naturalist studies a beetle, but as a man studies
his neighbor.

To say that as wolves breed wolves, criminals breed criminals is nonsense
and mischievous nonsense. As canaries breed canaries, do poets breed
poets?

Criminals are men and women who have gone wrong, not necessarily
because of the possession of certain powers which they have inherited, but
because these powers have been used in a wrong direction. They come from
all classes and there is nothing to show that if their children were taken from
them early in life and brought up in favorable surroundings they would
take to crime, but there is an abundance of evidence on the other side.

A second social group frequently diagnosed as essentially
inferior to other groups is the population of decadent rural
communities such as may be found in abundance in northern
New England. The writer has elsewhere pointed out:

In appraising communities, as in judging individuals, there is grave
danger of imputing more to racial deterioration than the facts warrant. Not
long since some of our social investigators were for pronouncing from a third
to a half of our juvenile delinquents feeble-minded. But the influence of
physical defect and of an untoward social environment is coming to be better
understood and the emphasis is accordingly being corrected. Is it not prob-
able that the trouble with backward communities is less germinal than
psychic, and the remedies called for not merely eugenic, but the application
in particular of an economic and psychic tonic ?

A sort of moral and civic paralysis follows upon habituation to failure,
and these communities, having seen themselves lose population and prestige
for half a century or more, pass through the stage of self-pity to one of "recon-
ciliation" and complete indifference. Proponents of new ways are met by
a universal skepticism and are overborne by the recital of similar attempts
which failed in the eighties or nineties. In short, such communities are
obsessed by the fixed idea "It's no use." A farmer and his family living
today on a New England farm may be racially as fit as the people who first
put plow-share to sod in that region, and they may live loo per cent more
comfortably than the pioneers who preceded them, and yet be marked, and
their whole community with them, with the mental stigmata of defeat. In

' See The Criminal and the Community, pp. 19, 48.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 9

other words, a perfectly good region inhabited by perfectly good people may
become discouraged, despondent, decadent, owing to nothing more serious
than the inheritance of obsolete traditions of agriculture and of social rela-
tionships, and to discouragement due to a long continued shrinkage of pop-
ulation.

But just as a discouraged and morally decadent individual may come
back to life and to achievement through a personal crisis of some sort —
the kindling of a new friendship, religious conversion, or the breaking out
of war — so a rural community which is given over to reminiscence and lethargy
may, by a proper adjustment of its economic life and a proper stimulus
to its civic imagination, begin once more to function with as much exhilaration
as the very immigrants and pioneers themselves.^

A third group or series of groups heretofore adjudged our
inferiors consists of the primitive peoples and indeed of nearly
all of the non- Aryan races. The naive assumptions of ancient
chosen peoples who represented themselves as fertile oases in a
human desert of Gentiles, barbarians, and savages, find their
counterpart in our time in the orthodox dogma regarding the
negro, the views of but a few years ago regarding MongoUans,
and the amusing assertions of racial superiority put forth by half
the races of Europe, not only in behalf of their common Aryan
stock, but of the particular blends of that stock which each asso-
ciates with its own territory, flag, or mother-tongue.

A recent writer puts the matter thus:

Cultured man has always regarded primitive man as inferior. Europeans
have always assumed that the white race was endowed by nature with a
superior order of intelligence. This commonly accepted explanation, however,
fails to explain. The assumption of superior mental capacity on the part of
the white man rests upon the tacit assumption that those peoples are superior
which are most advanced in civilization.

It is necessary to distinguish between the possibilities inherent in a
people and their actual attainments.

.... the consensus of scholarly opinion at the present time seems to
be to regard the backward races, not only as not having been proven to be
inferior in mental ability, but as being, in so far at least as their inherited
mental capacity is concerned, substantially equal to the culture races

Boaz .... holds that the differences in civilization are essentially a
matter of time and are sufficiently explained by the laws of chance and the
general course of historical events.

^Proceedings of the American Sociological Society, 1916, pp. 72-73.

lo THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Thomas would seem to find the fundamental explanation of the difference
in the mental life of two groups is that the run of attention has been along
different lines and in the emergence at fortunate intervals of great personalities.
"The most significant fact for Aryan development is the emergence among
the Greeks of a number of eminent men who developed logic, the experi-
mental method, and philosophic interest, and fixed in their group the habit
of looking behind the incident for the general law." .... It would be a
simple matter to multiply authorities who hold that in inherent capacity
there is an essential mental equality among races and that whatever differences
are manifested are explainable solely on the grounds of unequal opportunity.'

This view is held not wholly without dissent, of course, but it is
very significant that, whereas formerly it could hardly have
received a hearing, it now commands the support of a prepon-
derant weight of scholarly opinion.

A final analogy may be sought in the case of women. The
dogma of female inferiority, venerable as history itself, is in
process of dissipation before our eyes. Like the illusions of
a striking and typical difference marking off lawbreakers from
law keepers, decadent from vigorous communities, or white from
darker-hued races, this illusion is also turning out to have arisen
from fixing the attention exclusively on superficial differences
which disguise the fundamental human identities lying much
nearer to the core of reality.

These examples lead one to inquire whether the obscure,
from whom the eugenists anticipate so numerous and dreadful
a progeny, are in reality so inferior in endowment to the much
lamented low-birth-rate classes, variously eulogized in the persons
of officials, business men, teachers, professional men, and college
graduates.

Donald Hankey writes in A Student in Arms,

One sees men as God sees them, apart from externals such as manner
and intonation. A night in a bombing party shows you Jim Smith as a
man of splendid courage. A shortage of rations reveals his wonderful un-
selfishness. One danger and discomfort after another you share in common
till you love him as a brother. Out there, if anyone dared to remind you
that Jim was only a fireman while you were a bank clerk, you would give
him one in the eye to go on with. You have learned to know a man when
you sec one and to value him.

' E. B. Reuter, "The Superiority of the Mulatto," American Journal of Sociology,
July, 191 7, pp. 87-88, 92-93.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 1 1

War and science are alike in this that each makes necessary a
constant revision of values.

These preliminaries completed, we stand on the threshold of
a great problem — that of the factors which condition human
achievement. It is necessary first to separate so far as possible
the hereditary elements from the environmental and then to
disentangle a few of the strands which lose themselves in the
confused factor of environment.

The following topics will accordingly be discussed in sub-
sequent sections: II. Heredity and Achievement; III. The
Family Environment; IV. The Social Level of Opportunity;
V. Social Situations and Psychical Tone; VI. The Social Verdict.

II. HEREDITY AND ACHIEVEMENT

By the hereditary factor in achievement is meant the original
capital with which the individual begins his trading with life
some nine months before he is born. It consists as a matter of
fact of a single cell.

Although relatively undifferentiated in structure, the germ cells are so
marvelously organized that in the compass of less than one-hundredth of an
inch, the human oosperm contains the determining elements of all the physical
and mental traits of the prospective individual. In so small a boat, or, as it
has been weU put, "across so narrow a bridge," is aU the possible glory and
beauty of life borne to us. Professor Walter, in his Genetics, weU remarks,
"the wonder grows that so small a bridge can stand such an enormous traffic."'

Whatever is implicit in this single cell constitutes for the forth-
coming individual, heredity; whatever befalls that cell or any of
its daughter-cells in the next nine months and seventy years is
environment.

It has already been remarked that individuals are not only
imequal in their hereditary endowment but that each is also
unique in regard to it. One interesting qualification ought to
be made at this point. In the human species about one birth
in a hundred consists of twins and about one pair of twins in six
is produced from a single fertilized egg cell. Such twins are called
uniovular, identical, or dupHcate twins. As Professor Smith,

' Erville B. Woods, "The Subnormal Child," Educational Review, December, 1915,
p. 481.

12 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

writing in Science, points out, "in duplicate twins Nature tries
for us the important experiment of making two individuals out
of the same germ plasm." Such twins are always of the same
sex, and apparently of precisely the same germinal constitution.
It is as if two vessels were built from a single set of blueprints,
for in the germ plasm are written the specifications of every
organ, tendency, and characteristic of the prospective individual.
According to the writer just mentioned, a study of the palm and
sole markings of such identical twins affords a clue to the extent
to which Nature lays down in the germ plasm the specifications
of future growth.

Since, by a comparison of the prints, it may be seen that the resemblance
is confined to the general pattern while there is no especial resemblance in
the individual ridges (Gallon's "Minutiae"), we arrive at what may be
called the limit of germinal control, i.e., the point where the directive force
felt in the development ceases to act, leaving further details to other forces.^

Heredity apparently draws the outline whether of a starfish or
of a man, specifies in a general way the bodily pattern, the archi-
tecture of the various organs, the type of reactions with which
they are to respond to the environment and the various phases
of their neural and psychical dispositions. But beyond this
point Nature leaves a bit of discretion, so to speak, to the exi-
gencies of experience itself, to those byplays of competing stimu-
lations eternally beating in upon us which we humor ourselves
by calling the freedom of the will.

From quite another field confirmatory evidence is adduced
in support of this \dew of the limits of hereditary determination.
I quote from Robert H. Gault:^

.... the disposition today among those who have given most atten-
tion to the experimental study of the question [i.e., of instinct] among lower
animals is that there are but few instincts, properly speaking, and that these
are less specific than generalized. They are natural dispositions that deter-
mine unthin wide limits what habits we shall develop, assuming that circum-
stances arc favorable.

"Even the singing of birds is a highly modifiable instinct, or,
as I prefer to believe, a complex habit built upon a generalized

'Sciincc, XXVII, 451.

' "Psychology in Social Relations," American Journal of Sociology, XXII, 737 ff.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 13

instinctive basis." A ''crucial experiment" in this connection
was that of Conradi, "who undertook to put a group of English
sparrows to school. Canaries were elected to serve as school-
masters. The sparrows were reared in the same room with the
canaries severely isolated from others of their kind. The regular
sparrow chirp developed at the proper time, but the birds soon
lost that expression and assumed the peep that is characteristic
of the young canary." Even a moderately successful imitation
of the canary's song appeared in time. "Observations of this
sort go far to justify the hypothesis that all our instincts are
undefined motives and that what appears to be specializations
are habits resting upon an instinctive basis — habits that are
developed by repeated responses to environmental stimuli."

From such considerations one may appreciate that the mar-
velous predeterminations which constitute heredity are no more
marvelous than the almost indefinite flexibility of life in the
presence of its world. Whatever a man's heredity, it always bears
a contingent character — life and conduct should be talked of in
terms of tendency, never in terms of rigid inevitability.

Inasmuch as this is a study primarily of the social environ-
ment, it would lead too far afield to attempt any extended analysis
of the part played in achievement by specific inherited qualities.
It is probable that certain conspicuous traits serve among primi-
tive as well as civilized peoples, to mark a man off for distinction
and usually for leadership. Professor Hutton Webster in a paper
read before the American Sociological Society in 191 7, after
sketching a number of biographies of men eminent in the annals
of primitive peoples, concludes that "strength of body and strength
of will, unusual intelligence, a persuasive tongue, great energy,
ambition, and force of character are the personal traits which
raise a man above his fellows and constitute the leader." It
would not be difficult to prove that the leaders of civilized peoples,
not only in poHtical life, but the great executives of the business
world are very often notable for their physical endurance and, as
Gowin has shown statistically, are of greater physical bulk than
men in subordinate positions. Strength of will, particularly in
the form of pertinacity, unusual intelligence, including a highly

14 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

developed sense of economic values and an incisive freshness
of view which approaches eccentricity, a persuasive tongue,
great energy and initiative, ambition, highly developed public-
mindedness, and force of character which sums up many virtues,
are all of great importance in accounting for achievement on
the hereditary side among civilized races.

The insoluble problem of how much influence shall be attrib-
uted to the hereditary elements in achievement as compared
with the elements due to environment need not long detain us.
It is as futile as the equally intelligent inquiry into the relative
importance of having eggs laid and having them hatched. Both
processes are quite indispensable to the continuation of the
race of hens. Much has been said with reference to the claims
on the part of mother and foster-mother respectively to the finally
emergent chick, but science has not been enriched by either of
these inquiries. Heredity signifies as a matter of fact a deter-
minate mode of development and of behavior; development is
possible for the organism only by the exchange of substance with
a material environment and behavior is possible only in the
presence of stimuli originating in an environment. Environment
is equally without significance unless there be first the vital and
sensitive organism with all its unfolding and reacting implicit
within it.

There are, of course, considerable differences in individuals
in regard to spontaneity or passivity in the presence of their
environment. Some appear to meet Ufe more than halfway;
others, like General Grant, require a volcano or a miHtary
cataclysm to wake them up. I cannot refrain from quoting from
two letters which Mark Twain wrote to his wife in 1879 from
Chicago where he was attending a "reunion of the great com-
manders" of the Civil War.^

What an iron man Grant is! He sat facing the house, with his right
leg crossed over his left and his right boot-sole tilted up at an angle, and his
left hand and arm reposing on the arm of his chair — you note that position ?
Well, when glowing references were made to other grandees on the stage,
those grandees always showed a trifle of nervous consciousness, and as these

' Mark Twain's Letters, edited by Albert Bigelow Paine, I, 368-69 and 372.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 15

references came frequently, the nervous change of position and attitude
were also frequent. But Grant! he was under a tremendous and ceaseless
bombardment of praise and gratul^tion, but as true as I'm sitting here he
never moved a muscle of his body for a single instant during the thirty min-
utes! You could have played him on a stranger for an eflSgy

At two o'clock in the morning Mark Twain himself, having been
placed last -on the program to "hold the crowd" rose to dehver
the fifteenth speech of the evening. I quote from the second
letter:

And do you know, General Grant sat through fourteen speeches like
a graven image, but I fetched him! I broke him up utterly! He told me
he laughed till the tears came and every bone in his body ached. (And do
you know the biggest part of the success of the speech lay in the fact that
the audience saw that for once in his life he had been knocked out of his
iron serenity.)

The author of these letters is not noted for the historicity of
his episodes, but his comment upon Grant in these intimate letters
to his wife appears consistent with what we know of a man who
was sinking visibly into pitiful failure in the midst of a peaceful
and civilized environment, but whom the thunders of war incited
to a great and masterful leadership.

This difference between the spontaneous and the passive type
is clearly stated by Galton in Noteworthy Families :^

The force that impels toward noteworthy deeds is an innate disposition
in some men, depending less on circumstances than in others. They are
like ships which carry an auxiliary steam power, capable of moving in a dead
calm and against adverse winds. Others are like the ordinary sailing ships
of the present day — they are stationary in a calm, but can make some way
towards their destination under almost any wind. Without a stimulus
these men are idle, but almost any kind of stimulus suffices to set them in
action. Others, again, are like Arab dhows, that do little more than drift
before the monsoon or other wind; but then they can go fast.

Another charactistic of hereditary excellence which should be
noted is the extreme delicacy of the accidental combinations of
as yet largely unknown unit characters, which go to make up
the individual endowment of geniuses and persons of great talent.
Although they get nothing from Nature except by way of descent

' Op. cit., p. xri.

i6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

from their parents and their parents' parents, yet the virtues re-
siding in them are in the nature after all of a throw of the dice
or a momentary posture of the kaleidoscope, not likely to be
ever repeated.

Galton himself ventures the opinion that "the highest order
of mind results from a fortuitous mixture of incongruous con-
stituents,'" and is therefore "unstable in heredity." He cites as
illustration the artistic temperament with its commingling of
Bohemianism, passion, and lack of "regularity, foresight and
level common sense."

Havelock Ellis in his Study of British Genius^ notes that j5fty-
seven of the eminent men in his list were the sons of more or less
reprehensible fathers, who transmitted to their distinguished
offspring nothing better perhaps than "an inaptness to follow the
beaten tracks of life." He thinks also that "a certain degree of
inoffensive eccentricity .... seems to be not very uncommon
among the fathers of men of eminent ability, and perhaps fur-
nishes a transmissible temperament from which genius may
develope." It would appear in short that while men of achieve-
ment nearly always have one or more parents or ancestors who
were out of the ordinary, in many cases an exact knowledge of
their peculiarities might not throw very much light upon the
accomplishments of their offspring.

A final remark should be made upon the peculiar difficulties
which surround the inheritance of mental traits. While physical
characteristics are capable of direct observation, mental differences
must be ascertained for the most part by means of inference. An
individual either has or has not blue eyes, black hair, average
stature, sound lungs, etc. The facts are easily ascertained. But
when we come to the mental differences which are the most
significant from the standpoint of future achievement, we find
that few conclusions can be based upon direct observation, or
exact measurements. To be sure with such simple things as
memory type, and the various reaction times with which the
practicing i)sychologist has familiarized us, a fair approximation
to definitive results may be looked for, but in regard to the higher

'Op. cii., p. XV. 'Op. cit., p. 104.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 17

complexes of motives which drive men far in the race of life or
leave them early stranded by the way, or plodding at snail's pace
where others fly, these are matters upon which neither the science
of inheritance nor the psychological laboratory are likely to throw
much prophetic light.

As Dr. Bronner points out in Psychology of Special Abilities
and Disabilities:^

It is quite doubtful if tests will ever offer an effective means of studying
these complex aspects of mentality [the emotional side of life]. The situations
which in real life call the emotions into play are not easily duplicated in the
laboratory, and artificial stimuli for arousing them necessarily would result
in totally different reactions. How can one study experimentally love and
hate as they affect behavior? Or what can tests reveal concerning the
formation and results of anti-social grudges ?

A man's destination in life depends upon much else than
his hereditary equipment; it depends upon an environment
so complicated and so pregnant with potential stimulations
that science has as yet hardly begun a survey of either its limits
or its processes. All estimates of ability are inferences from
performance or behavior of some sort and are liable to error from
two principal sources; first, those stimuli which have acted to
produce past achievement as, e.g., in the classroom or on the ath-
letic field, may not be effectively reproduced in the counting-room,
the clinic, or wherever the scene of the individual's life-work may
be laid; second, the judgment passed upon many an individual
may well be unfavorable because that individual has not been
incited to his own characteristic type of performance by any
appropriate stimulus in his narrow environment. Even college
does not in the least arouse some natures of very unusual force and
abiHty; ex-President Roosevelt is a case in point.

Before leaving the question of the significance of the heredi-
tary factor, some notice should be taken of an extraordinary
corollary which sometimes accompanies the extensive claims made
on behalf of this factor. I refer to natural selection now thought
to be so incapacitated by the assaults of modern humanitarianism
as to be quite powerless to hold the race back in its headlong plunge

' Op. cit., p. 21.

l8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

toward deterioration. Only a few years ago, Dr. Charies B.
Davenport, director of the Station for Experimental Evolution
of the Carnegie Institute, ventured to refer to the "beneficent
agent of extensive infant mortality" and that in a paper pre-
pared for the annual meeting of the American Association for
Study and Prevention of Infant Mortality!' Let us take time to
look into the workings of this "beneficent agent." If an artisan
has seven children and three of them die of enteritis, meningitis,
pneumonia, or what-not, it is assumed that the four who remain
will fare better than the three who were taken in regard to physi-
cal and mental traits. What appears difficult to understand is
the precise connection which is assumed to exist between these
traits and such selective agents as tubercle bacilli, pneumococci,
and other organisms held in such warm esteem by some eugenists.
However highly endowed by the Creator (or perhaps we had
better say by some of his spokesmen) these wise little germs may
be, can we after all feel certain that they are always able to tell
a stupid baby from a gifted one, or even, granted that they can
distinguish at a glance between the dull and the bright, can we
be confident that they are so perfect in goodness as to invariably
turn away from the little prospective success to bury their fangs
in the little prospective failure ? There are those who have even
doubted the goodness and wisdom of God; why then should we
be asked to venture upon the worship of bugs ?

Perhaps the only thing which may really be asserted with
any confidence is this: The individuals which are spared by a
given type of infection are possibly by nature more resistant to
that specific infection than are the individuals who succumb, but
this difference is probably slight. Now in what other respects
do these selected survivors differ from the rest of the population ?
Are they better, wiser, firmer, more resourceful, more appreciative,
or more si)iritual? So far as yet appears, they excel solely in
their ability to meet one kind of contingency in life and one only,
viz.: infection by a specific micro-organism. In thousands of
other contingencies that sift and test human ability, contingencies
of vastly greater significance for bringing out those differences
in men which count for human achievement, they show no special

' Transactions, 1913, p. 135.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 19

excellence. All we can say for a high resistance to smallpox, for
example, is that it formerly made the individual a somewhat
better life-risk in an actuarial sense in a community exposed to
ravages of that disease; a group of negro women and girls were
commended, in the advertisement of an old slave sale, as "es-
pecially likely" in that they had all had smallpox. But just as
soon as infection of a given sort can be controlled by immuni-
zation or other prophylactic measures, the differences of resistance
become neghgible. Smallpox, typhoid, rabies, cholera, plague,
tetanus, and diphtheria are all proving increasingly susceptible
of control by means of a prophylactic inoculation, while yellow
fever, malaria, hookworm disease, and other maladies yield
readily to public and private hygiene. Nobody mourns because
we are thus being deprived of the selective agency of these diseases,
or because the average resistance of the population to these
diseases will doubtless decline. It is often asserted that the sort
of sifting that falls to the lot of the poor results in a much higher
average of vitality, at least in those who survive. Abundant
vigor — the capacity for hard work which approaches genius —
is said to coincide with resistance to disease. "Weak" babies
are said to be eHminated naturally by the hard conditions of the
life of the poor. It may well be admitted that some puny infants
are such because of a defective inheritance and these are less
likely to survive in a bad environment. Let us be fair and credit
that much to the barbarous social conditions which often prevail
in industrial and sometimes in agricultural communities. They
do weed out a certain number of hereditarily weak individuals.
But the whole truth is that untoward social conditions are at work
during the whole nine months of intra-uterine development and
during all of infancy and childhood, and are making out of perfectly
good stock as well, a multitude of twisted, warped, and undervita-
lized individuals who quite unnecessarily succumb to marasmus,
or infantile infections, or the diseases of childhood, or, if they
reach maturity, bear in their bodies and their minds the marks
impressed by prenatal and infantile deprivations.

Dr. Hans Zinsser, professor of bacteriology at the College of
Physicians and Surgeons, Columbia University, in his recent work

20 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

on Infection and Resistance^ inclines to the view that individuals
of the same species

differ but slightly from each other in reaction to the same infectious agent.
This would indicate that the individual differences in resistance displayed
so plainly by human beings are due, not to any fundamental individual vari-
ations, but rather to such fortuitous factors as nutrition, metabolic fluctuations,
temporary physical depression, fatigue, or chilling.

Thus it may turn out that of the artisan's seven children, the three
who succumbed, were in general simply those who got a little more
than their share of the mahiutrition, chilling, fatigue or "tem-
porary physical depression" of which life seems to hold so much
in store for those in its lower ranks.

A few eugenists who still permit themselves vague commenda-
tions of "the beneficent agent of extensive infant mortality"
fail to point out why they incline to think that a high infant-
mortality rate is a blessing to the race while a high typhoid or small-
pox rate is a disgrace to civilization. War, they have decided, has
fallen from grace and is no longer a eugenic agent; its selections
are no longer marked by nice discrimination as in a former day.
Let them look to their germs as well — perhaps they too have
lost their cunning and like war deserve to be relegated to the
rear in the march of civilization. A vicious environment in short
is open to the suspicion that it takes toll all along the line; that
it weakens the strong, kills the weak, robs the individual, and
robs the race. Some, whom it does to death, can well be spared;
multitudes, whom it undermines and renders ineffective, deserved
of life the opportunity for better things.

It must be admitted that those who lay major emphasis upon
the influence of inheritance are quite right in maintaining that
no end of good environment will not raise the average of racial
quahty one iota, but it must not be forgotten that no end of
eugenics would not avail to solve some of the gravest of human
problems. The gravity of two of these is beyond dispute: social
injustice and war. Both are evils which will be cured by human-
izing group sentiments, by generalizing those elemental impulses
of good will which are sufficiently present in all tribes and peoples,

'Op. cil., p. 59.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 21

but which hoary exploitations and blind chauvinisms have well-
nigh driven out of the human breast. It is not to eugenics that
we shall look for peace on earth and good will to men. Indeed,
one might go further and point out the fact that the entire
Nietzschean conception of Hfe and morals, with its black oppres-
sion of the weak by the strong — -"its splendid blonde beasts
lustfully roving in search of their prey" quite after the manner
of Belgium in 1914 — ^is entirely consistent with the eugenic pro-
gram, which builds upon a single foundation stone, racial vigor.
The most perfect beings whom the sun has ever shone upon
would, if impelled by a vicious social philosophy, make a perfect
hell on earth. And humanity's "best people" have often done so.

One writer, Frederick Adams Woods, of the biological school,
who seeks to establish the high intellectual and moral average of
the royal famihes of Europe, establishes also, although without
intention, the thesis that breeding alone cannot hold back even
the able from the most shocking of high crimes and mis-
demeanors, such as plunging the populations of Europe into
war century after century, and in the intervals of peace grinding
the face of the poor.

In conclusion, may we not compress our estimate of the heredi-
tary factor into two pithy sentences borrowed from that shrewd
observer of Hfe — the Scotch physician. Dr. James Devon — "We
inherit all the faculties and powers which we possess, but what
they are only the event shows. Nothing can be taken out of a
man but what is in him, but there may be a good deal in him
which is never taken out."

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY

ALBION W. SMALL
University of Chicago

Note. — In recent years the writer has introduced graduate students to
general sociology by a course in the Autumn Quarter on the evolution of
sociological method since 1800. This course has been followed in the Winter
Quarter by an outline of general sociology. The present paper is made up of
three introductions to this latter course. They were written in 1920, 1915,
and 19 1 6 respectively. Although in some respects they overlap and dupli-
cate one another, they place the emphasis at slightly different points, and to-
gether they form a consistent exhibit. They are presented here in the order
indicated.

\\Tiether introductions ever really introduce; whether such general views
as every synthetic thinker wants to present ever take shape in the minds of
beginners, in advance of detailed instruction about rudiments, is a question
which I find myself each year a little less inclined to answer with a confident
affirmative. Nevertheless I cannot shake off the ingrained sense of duty to
perform a ritual of introduction. I try to assure myself with the reflection
that if it does not mean anything at the point where academic custom pre-
scribes it, after it has itself been introduced by the course to which in form it
was the preface, it may have acquired meaning. I therefore recommend that
it be read in advance with zeal even if perforce without knowledge, and then
that it be reread as a review at the end of the course, and with such piety as
may be consistent with further acquaintance.

Teachers of general sociology will ask no apology from one of their number
for printing such an extract from the notes which he has actually used in the
classroom. Whether other teachers follow a method like or unlike his, they
will have uses for this transcript from actual experience. For reasons which
I have indicated in the " First Introduction," I hope that other readers of the
Journal will find this informal pedagogical talk not wholly unprofitable.

I. ESTTRODUCTION OF I920

There are two quite distinct points of view from which to pass
judgment, first, upon what sociology actually is, and second, upon
what it is worth. Those are the viewpoints, first, of those who
intend to pursue sociology as a profession, second, of those who
do not. In the world at large, and even in a graduate class in

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 23

sociology, those who look from the professional viewpoint are and
should be the minority. Yet, for a number of reasons, every
graduate course in sociology must be adapted primarily to the
needs of this minority. The time is so short compared with the
scope of the subject that it must be devoted chiefly to those aspects
of the subject which are most fundamental, so that those who
intend to make it the whole or a part of their profession may have
the necessary basis on which their further specialization may have
sufficient support. But those same aspects of human affairs are
equally fundamental to intelUgent life in any vocation. There
is a practical use for systematic introduction to them, whatever
be one's subsequent calling.

I have never been able to convince myself, therefore, that if I
could offer a single major in sociology to graduate students who
had made up their minds not to be professional sociologists, I could
shape up a course that would be more valuable for them in the long
run than this course which is the best I know how to offer to
future professional sociologists.

In this course, and especially in the first half of it, I spend most
of the time explaining a few of the most important general ideas
w^hich are the most ordinary tools of sociological thinking. These
ideas are to further sociological thinking what such ideas as
"point," "line," "straight line," "curved line," "angle," "right
angle," "acute angle," "obtuse angle," "triangle," "quadrilateral,"
"polygon," "circle," "two dimensions," "three dimensions," etc.,
are to further thinking in geometry. Only a few of us ever
in our lives teach a class in geometry. Still fewer of us ever in
our lives conduct a piece of original geometrical research. On
the other hand every one of us has to live his whole life in space.
All our experience has to be within the setting of space relations.
Even in the instinctive impulse to "cut across lots" on the way
to school, and to avoid square pegs to plug round holes, we are
unconsciously adapting ourselves to space relations for which
geometry furnishes names and explanations and rules. To keep
cobwebs out of our minds about these ordinary everyday space
relations, or to remove cobwebs that are already in our minds,
these elementary geometrical notions must be acquired somehow

S4 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

or other. It would probably be a saving of time in the long run,
it would probably make life more comfortable and happy for each
man and woman in the world, if it were possible for all to go through
the same elementary training in geometry which would be the
wisest sort of training at the start for the few who are destined to
spend their lives teaching geometry.

The analogy in this one respect between geometry and sociology
is very close. It makes no difference whether we are professional
social scientists of some sort, or whether we are butchers or bakers
or candlestick-makers. We spend our lives in many kinds of con-
tact and commerce with other human beings. Whether we will
or no, give and take of influence with other human beings form the
setting for the career of each of us. If we are to Hve in clear con-
sciousness of what is happening to us, and of what we are doing
to the world, instead of sleepwalking through life, we have to get
wise somehow or other to those elementary types of human relation-
ship for which sociology, to the extent of its means, supplies names
and explanations and rules. Accordingly it is an asset to anybody
who has to live in this world to acquire a working acquaintance
with those generalizations of the recurrent types of human relation-
ships which are carried in these sociological names and explanations
and rules. If I knew, therefore, that each student had decided
to be a professional chemist, or philologist, or astronomer, a surgeon,
a newspaper editor, a banker, a farmer, a licensed accountant, or a
civil engineer, I should vary this course only in the choice of the
incidental illustrations I should use. I should say to myself,
"These people have decided to give sociology a chance at them four
hours a week for three months. It may be this is the only formal
hearing they will ever give to sociology. The main work of their
Kves will be something quite different from sociology. In what
way can sociology speak for itself in that brief time, so as to be as
important a factor as possible in the future functioning of these
people, who are not to be sociologists, nor even social scientists of
any sort?"

As I said, my answer to that question would be this course,
substantially as I have organized it as a first course for graduate
students who propose to specialize in sociology. There cannot

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 25

be one geometry for ministers, another for lawyers, another for
teachers, or one chemistry for CathoUcs, another for Baptists,
another for Christian Scientists. The variations in geometry or
chemistry to accommodate different vocations are simply in
differences of time which may wisely be devoted to the subject,
in proportion to the other desirable knowledge, and they are
differences in subject-matter worth studying in detail after the
elements are acquired. A minister might never have use for more
geometry than he learned in high school. An architect, a land
surveyor, a mechanical engineer, would deal with certain distinctive
apphcations of geometry all his life.

In a similar way, there cannot be one sociology for settlement
workers, another for salesmen, another for capitalists, another for
college professors. There will be pecuHarly appropriate elabora-
tions and applications, but the underlying principles must be
identical. Human relations are what they are, no matter who looks
at them. Sociology is an attempt to set in order the most typical
human relations in such a way that their bearings upon one an-
other, in their ordinary forms, will be evident to anyone of sufficient
mental grasp to understand them.

I am still speaking particularly to the state of mind of those
who do not intend to specialize in sociology. Especially in the
first part of the course, and perhaps in all of it, I shall seem to be
dealing with ideas so abstract that they have no possible applica-
tion to any interests not professionally sociological. The question
would be natural whether I am so naive as to suppose that any-
one not solemnly dedicated to sociology will take these abstractions
to heart as daily companions, and subjects of conversation; whether
I suppose that before doing any sort of thinking, students who have
taken this course will call up these sociological ideas, and ask them
what they have to say about the subject.

My answer is that I no more expect this than I expect the
average man to keep his mind constantly dwelling on the definitions
and rules of arithmetic that he learned in the grades. For most
of them he may never in his life have a conscious use. On the other
hand, he may have frequent occasion to use some of them which
in school seemed to him most meaningless. I cannot recall that

26 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

since I taught my last district school, while I was a college under-
graduate, I have ever had occasion to find a least common multiple,
or a greatest common divisor, or to extract a cube root. Yet I
should hate to be ignorant of what either is, or to be unable to
refresh my memory so as to compute either if occasion required.
On the other hand, both for theoretical and practical purposes I
have all my life had frequent occasion to reckon percentages, and
the rules for handling decimals have been as real to me as they
are to a teacher of arithmetic or to a book-keeper. Sociological
technicalities have a precisely analogous part in the life of anyone
who is not a professional sociologist. They have a certain desira-
bility as a mental background, just as arithmetic has, as a stimula-
tor of general consciousness of quantity values, whether one has
occasion very often to calculate precise quantities or not. Then
these sociological technicalities, like certain rules of arithmetic,
have value as mental tools for dealing with specific social rela-
tions which actually arise in ordinary experience, just as the non-
mathematician may have occasion to reckon interest on loans due
from him or to him.

So much for the relation of non-professional people to sociology.
I will say nothing now especially for those who do plan to specialize
in sociology. That comes in other places.

There is something further, however, which very much needs to
be said to specialists and non-specialists alike, and the need for
saying it has grown in recent years.

Ten or fifteen years ago the superstition was at its height that
psychology was a magic key to all the problems of education, and
consequently to all the problems of society. Thousands of teachers
flocked into psychological lecture-rooms in the expectation of
getting tabloid psychological prescriptions that would make the
practice of teaching as easy and precise as simple sums in arithmetic.
Psychological quacks encouraged these expectations, and all the
responsible psychologists were unable to undo their mischief.

If that delusion may not be said to have run its course, it has
apparently spent a great deal of its force. It is not as much in
evidence as it was a few years ago. The same kinds of people who
followed the psychological delusion a httle earlier seem now to be

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 27

turning with similar fatuity to sociology. The very marked in-
crease of interest in sociology of late, especially in normal schools,
is by no means altogether a healthy symptom. In many cases its
impulse is quite as unintelligent, quite as certain to be disappointed
as the earlier hopes that psychology would prove to be the revealer
of an infalhble pedagogy.

I have often confessed that American sociologists have not
been without fault for the existence of this attitude. Twenty-five
years ago they were themselves harboring over-sanguine ideas of
what their specialty might accomplish. There are many reasons
why we should now be very expHcit and very emphatic in our
disclaimers of any such exaggeration.

This is our present belief and our present claim. The most
important study for man is mankind. All men are studying man-
kind in one way or another. Every man whose mind is normal
uses the opportunities which his occupation affords for collecting
observations about mankind in both collective and individual
specimens. Some of us try to do this scientifically. That is, we
do it not merely in the casual way which any vocation whatever
permits, but we do it as a vocation in itself. We study from the
standpoint of one of the social sciences. Whether our study of
mankind is merely occasional and incidental to other employments,
or a profession itself, we do not get as wise as it is possible to
become about human nature from all the different angles in which
it presents itself. In general we have to get acquainted with
mankind first as a continual play of many motives, or psychologi-
cally; second, as the continuance of influences which had their
beginnings long ago, or historically; third, as engaged in a constant
wrestling with nature for the physical means of existence, or
economically; fourth, as impelled by universal egotism into strife
for precedence in controUing the opportunities of life, or politically;
fifth, (and in a certain sense including all the others) as instinctively
and later methodically acting in groups for promotion of each and
all of the various human purposes, or sociologically.

Now the sociological claim is not that sociology is a magic
which reaches superior wisdom about mankind by means of which
it has a monopoly. The claim is that sociology has elaborated

28 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

certain processes of analysis by means of which each and all of the
four other principal ways of approach to knowledge of mankind
may become more instructive than either or all of them could be
without this sociological co-operation. There is no mystery in
the vulgar sense, no occultism in this claun. It means that
sociology has found out how to pry into certain aspects of human
experience which had not attracted much attention till less than
a half-century ago, and that these neglected aspects of human
experience are not only instructive in themselves but they throw
much light upon those other aspects which had been longer
observed.

This amounts to the statement that sociologists no longer
claim, as they did a generation ago, that they are dealing with a
detached sphere of knowledge — as indeed historians, and econo-
mists, and political scientists, and psychologists also claimed for
their several specialties a generation ago. All thoroughly en-
lightened students of mankind today speak of their specialties
each as one among many techniques for searching into the one
comprehensive reality of human experience.

We instinctively ask innumerable questions about hvmian
experience. These questions range all the way from the queries
of idle curiosity about our next-door neighbor's whims, and habits,
and character, to the kinds of questions we ask when we are try-
ing to compose a philosophy of history. What passes for social
psychology, and history, and economics, and political science,
and sociology is cluttered up with masses of more or less authentic
fact, and more or less valid reasoning about aspects of human
experience which are trivial in comparison with the sort of knowl-
edge which we need in order to indicate the most dependable
wisdom in planning our individual or social lives. Much that
passes for history would be merely the negligible gossip of the local
newspaper, if its date were yesterday instead of a century or
two ago. Much that passes for political economy would be more
precise and more valuable if it dropped its form of generality and
added accuracy by getting itself transformed into the shop knowl-
edge of any skilled laborer. Much that passes for sociology is
merely rule-of-thumb conclusions about how to conduct friendly

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 29

visiting, or how to make out a questionnaire. Each of these things
has its place, but human experience has its proportions and its
perspectives and its gradations of importance. Because this is
so, procedure which quaHlies as scientific study of human experi-
ence must ultimately exhibit corresponding proportions, and per-
spectives and gradations of importance. Each of these divisions
of social science is concerned in its way with finding out what
aspects of human experience we need to understand first, in order
that we may understand all the other aspects better. From the
very beginning the sociologists have asserted that the older divi-
sions of social science have allowed this interest in proportions
and harmonies between real and possible subjects of knowledge to
lag, and that they had allowed absorption in fragments to take
its place. The sociologists became spokesmen for this necessary
correlation of knowledge, not because it belonged to them more
properly than to psychologists, historians, political scientists and
economists, but because everybody else was ignoring it. From
the sociological point of view it is necessary to get a clear vision,
first of all, of the different ways in which human beings associate;
of the underlying reasons why they associate ; of the forms in which
they associate; of the effects, for weal or for woe, of the different
forms of human association upon the purposes which instinctively
or methodically seek expression through association; of the devices
by means of which human associations are controlled; of the aims
which emerge in the course of association as the approved objects
of human endeavor; of standards of measure for these conven-
tional objects of endeavor; whether they justify themselves as
permanent human desirabilities, or whether they have merely
provisional and transitory value.

These, and such as these are the big questions which have stimu-
lated the development of sociology as it is understood in the United
States. As the sociologists see it, all social science has dignity in
the degree of its devotion to the ultimate solution of these uni-
versal problems. The sociologists have ceased to imagine that
sociology has the exclusive mandate to formulate and solve these
problems. They are becoming aware, as they were not at first,
that these are larger questions than any single type of men can

30 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

answer. They realize that the answers must come, in so far as
they come at all, from co-operative co-ordination of all science
and all Hfe. The sociologists still feel that, until other scholars
relieve them of the burden, they have a sense of relation which
amounts to a mandate that they shall do their best to keep these
big problems in sight, and to stimulate all other scholars to direct
their studies toward contributions to the solutions.

In brief, one of the ideas that will be kept prominent through-
out this course is that there is no magic key to the secrets of society.
There is no key of any sort in the strict sense. There are various
techniques by means of which different factors and aspects of the
social reaUty may be partially understood by those who are able
and willing to use these techniques for all they are worth. If we
are able and willing to use each and all of these techniques as they
supplement one another we may gain progressively sane and bal-
anced and penetrating insight into social workings.^

II. INTRODUCTION OF I915

In recent years it has become increasingly clear to me that so-
ciology is what it is, in the practice of the most reliable sociologists,
much more than it is what is formulated as definitive or descriptive
of it by the same, not to mention less significant sociologists.

Accordingly, the most timely report may be compressed into the
formula: sociology is a technique in the making. This form of ex-
pression is deliberately preferred to the version "sociology is a sci-
ence in the making." Throughout the course that follows, history,
economics, sociology, etc. are treated as primarily techniques,
rather than "sciences." Of course, every technique at once upon
application begins to be also a tradition. A body of knowledge
accumulates through use of the technique. This fact lends plausi-
bility to the claim that the technique is a "science." In so far
as the technique, and the lore which it accumulates, facilitate
control of any body of experience, whether in the sense of under-
standing, or in the more complete sense of subjecting to the will
of those who operate the technique, the attributes of "science"
are given. Neither severally nor collectively do the disciplines to

' Vide Small, title "Sociology," in Encyclopaedia Americana.

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 31

which for convenience we assign the group title "social science"
in a very high degree satisfy the requirements of " science." Hence
the preference for the less pretentious term "technique."

■ Sociology is described in so many ways that few men outside
the ranks of the sociologists themselves are convinced that it has
a real vocation. The apparent contradictions in the accounts
that various sociologists give of their technique are to be explained,
however, less as real divergences of opinion about the scope and
mettiod of their department of knowledge, than as variations in
perspective resulting from attempts to survey the whole sociological
procedure from many points of view. Scarcely two sociologists
subscribe without qualification to a single description of their
specialty. At the same time, the disagreements are very largely
matters of classification, or emphasis, or of mere terms, while
careful inspection of the work carried on by a large number of men
who call themselves sociologists discovers that there is underlying
unity in their conceptions. To do justice to the subject, we must not
only make its past interpret its present and predict its future, but
we must hazard the very dangerous process of allowing its indicated
future to interpret its past. That is, the scientific factors which
have brought sociology to its present stage of development, a stage
which is marked by many apparently incoherent types of
sociological inquiry rather than by a homogeneous system of
doctrine, cannot be understood unless we take account not only
of their history on the one hand, but of their tendencies on the
other. To say, then, what sociology is one must be able to see
some distance beyond accomplished facts to what sociology must
be when the forces which have thus far worked separately will
have converged into conscious co-operation. The following account
of the subject is accordingly not merely a description of the visible
traits of sociology, but an interpretation of these external signs,
and to a certain extent a prediction of the spirit in which the
science is bound to develop.

The latest definition of sociology which I have made for my own
use is this: Sociology is study of human experience with attention
primarily upon forms and processes of groups. As I see it, this
definition implies several things:

32 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SOCIOLOGY

1. Human experience, in some or all of its aspects is implicitly
the common subject-matter of all study which has human beings,
in any phase of their reality, as its object. This is true because
human beings in their particular phases are always, in a real and
large measure, functions of human experience in general. In our
ignorance, we propose to ourselves the pursuit of knowledge of
human facts in numberless detachments and abstractions. If we
pursue knowledge with an open mind and long enough, we discover
that there is no possibility of exhausting the meaning of these
facts, so long as they are held in detachment and abstraction.
Sooner or later they must be represented within the whole system
of relationships which is their medium of existence. This is the
occasion for the proposition to be reiterated throughout this
course, that "social science" is necessarily one science, i.e., the
science of the experience of human beings, and that the so-called
social sciences, whatever the claims of their promoters, are relatively
sterile until they fit themselves into a system of knowledge which
correlates all the phases of human experience.

2. Restating one, rather than adding to it, sociology then is
only one of an undetermined number of valid ways of studying
human experience, all of which ways must be correlated in order
to make study of human experience yield the most objective results
possible; that is, in order to make study of human experience in
the highest degree instructive.

3. Conversely, all the other valid ways of studying human
experience must adjust themselves to all that is objective in the
methods and results of sociology, if the results which they reach
are to be in the highest degree instructive.

4. Propositions 2 and 3 are not merely verbal variations of one
and the same idea. On the contrary, each depends upon the other
for reasons involved in the nature of human experience. That is,
since the middle of the nineteenth century we have become aware
that all human experience is primarily group experience. Approxi-
mate qualitative, or at least formal knowledge of all the kinds of
groups and behaviors of groups within the range of human obser-
vation is accordingly a stage through which intelligence must pass
in grasping with all the mind's might the details presented by all

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 33

the various sorts of activities falling under human observation.
In other words, if we are to reach an understanding of human
experience, whether as it is presented in records of past time, or
in the events of our own day, that selected portion of experience
must be represented in our minds in terms of the literal reactions
between the persons concerned. Otherwise it is some sort of
fictitious substitute for reality. This means that we must acquire
acquaintance with the typical forms and processes into which
human activities arrange themselves.

Pedagogically, then, the case with human experience is thus in
some degree analogous to the case with reference to knowledge of
physics.^ A member of the physics staff in the University of Chi-
cago was asked lately, "How much time do you give in your
introductory physics course to the elementary physical concepts ? "
''Practically all of it," was the immediate answer. The questioner
continued: "How much is 'all of it'?" "Five hours a week for
the entire Freshman year." "Do you mean you give all that time
to the general ideas of physics, beginning with such elementary
notions as "matter," "properties of matter," "density," "ad-
hesion," "cohesion," "inertia," "momentum," "specific gravity,"
etc.?" "Yes," he said, "not using quite your list, but we begin
with substantially those concepts and give the students a year of
introduction to progressively more difficult physical concepts, be-
fore they are started upon physical problems." A few days later
this physicist reopened the subject by saying that he had talked it
over with some of his colleagues and had found that 80 per cent
was their average estimate of the proportion of the first year that
might be accounted for in this way.

For the purpose of illustration neither the aggregate nor the
proportion of time is important. It is true in "social science,"
as in physics, that progress toward control of the phenomena has
to be made through a large amount of attention to a large number
of topical t>pes and behaviors of groups.^

' Vide note on the Hegelian categories, Small, General Sociology, p. 400.

= Accordingly, my General Sociology, the chief reference book for this course, is
not a system of sociological theory. It is an exhibit of sociological categories, with
indications of their relations to one another, and of their uses as tools of sociological
research.

34 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

It is no less true that sociology would be impossible if other
ways of studying human experience did not supply material for
sociological generalization. All the historical and descriptive and
analytical methods of inquiry into past or present human experience
furnish necessary data which sociology generalizes, together with
data of its own gathering, in terms of group-form and group-
process. Thereupon these generalizations become tools both for
testing the credibility and the sufficiency of previous accounts of
human experience, and for evaluating proposed future activities.

For instance, how do we arrive at the generalization to which
we shall return presently as the fundamental sociological idea,
that all human experience is group experience, not merely a matter
of individual fortune ? In a word, from history on the one hand,
and from psycholog}^ on the other.

This answer is more sweeping in form than the precise facts
justify. When we say "history," we must mean by it all that
inspection of past events which comes to be known as history
when its method conforms to the strict technique which the
professional historians have developed. When we say ''psy-
chology," we must mean by it all that observation of cause and
effect in mental action which becomes psychology when it is made
systematic and critical. This means too that we use the terms
"history" and "psychology" to include between them all the
subdivisions of science which, on the one hand, deal with past
events as such, and, on the other hand, trace the mental reactions
involved in events, whether past or present, i.e., sur\'eys of the
past, and inspection of the operations of motives whether past or
present. If someone did not recount past events, and if some-
one else did not make out the psychic connections between
events, past or present, sociology would be like judgment without
the assistance of memory. Sociology would have no material to
work on.

We repeat then, sociology is one of the ways in which we must
deal with all available knowledge of human experience if the
material of knowledge is to yield up its fullest meaning.

The comprehensive problem of sociology may be formulated
in this way: What processes occur in the contacts and commerce

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 35

between person and person, from the most primitive and simple
associations to the most advanced and complex; how do the
contacts between person and person in different types of association
react upon the personality of the individuals concerned, and, on
the other hand, how do the individuals in contact affect the terms
under which they associate? Thus sociology rests upon the
conception that human experience is a function of three principal
factors: first, the physical conditions of life; second, the personal
equation of individuals; third, the types of association in which
the individuals influence one another. Each of these factors is
recognized as a variable. Investigation of the laws of variation
of the first factor does not fall within the proper scope of sociology'.
Those laws must be borrowed from the physical sciences as data
for sociology. Assuming those data as relatively fixed terms in
the social equation, sociology proper discovers a necessary function
in uttering its testimony among social scientists of all sorts that
the older divisions of social science will soon find themselves
futile, unless progress can be made in discovering some of the more
constant laws of reaction between nature on the one hand, and
individuals and groups on the other. Since these reactions are
the principal incidents in the evolution of types of persons and types
of association, it is a betrayal of puerile mental grasp that we have
thus far felt so little need of understanding them. The sociologists
have accordingly volunteered as pioneers to explore these neg-
lected relations.

On one of its frontiers the problems of sociology merge into
those of anthropology and zoology; that is, they are questions of
the influence of physical environment upon the organic develop-
ment of men. Rooted in the same problems, but ramifying in
another direction, are questions of the relation of environment,
particularly the conditions of the food supply, to types of wants,
to habits, to vocations, to distribution of population, to customs,
and to institutions, domestic and economic, political or religious.
Before the latter order of problem is pursued very far it runs into
questions which must be treated as primarily psychological; viz.,
to what extent and in what ways must the state of consciousness
in the individuals concerned be regarded as (a) the direct effect,

36 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

(b) the indirect effect of the physical conditions; and to what extent
and in what ways must the state of consciousness in the individuals
be regarded as the cause of the actions observed, i.e., to what
extent must the individuals be regarded as exerting a distinct
psychical reaction upon the physical conditions ?

A parallel division of problems occurs when we are dealing
with phases of association in which we must eliminate the physical
factor as a constant element, and deal with the individual and
associational factors as the unknown quantities to be ascertained.
The social reactions are then of two ground types: first, those in
which the impulses of the individual modify the group; second,
those in which the impulses of the group modify the individual.
Of course this form of expression is merely an accommodation to
first appearances. The fact is that both types of reaction occur
in a given case. The one or the other is the chief object of atten-
tion in its turn. Investigation of these problems requires intimate
co-operation between psychology and sociology. Indeed, it has
been said that "the division of labor between the two sciences may
be fairly represented by shifting the emphasis upon two terms in
the same predicate: viz., psychology is the science of social pro-
cesses; sociology is the science of social processes." In other words,
the strictly social reactions are psychical reactions, but to an
extent which was hardly recognized until very recent years psychical
reactions are social reactions. We may accordingly approach the
same ultimate facts from either of two directions. We may attempt
to explain the phenomena of consciousness in the mind of an
individual, but the attempt will lead at last into explanation of
all the psychical phenomena in the range of association in which
the individual lives and moves and has his being; or otherwise
expressed, every psychological problem is at last a problem of
sociology. On the other hand, we may try to explain the facts of
a given association, its genesis, its structure, its aims. In this
case we find that the association always resolves itself into mental
states as its ultimate factors; so that every sociological problem
is in the last analysis a problem of psychology. Whether psy-
chology or sociology is the senior partner in a given investigation
depends upon the phase of the phenomena to be regarded as

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 37

primary, whether mental processes are to be considered as con-
ditioned by facts of association, or whether social situations are
considered as conditioning or conditioned by mental processes.

The foregoing propositions prepare the way for further defini-
tion of the province of sociology, by distinguishing it from some of
the older divisions of social science. Comparatively few persons
are convinced that there is room for a science or a technique to
be called sociology, unless it should succeed merely in occupying
ground already covered by one or more of these "sciences," and
in giving vogue to a new name. If we analyze and generalize the
distinctive efforts of the sociologists, we find that, with all their
seeming heterogeneity, they are directed toward a common center
of attention. The sociologists in common with all other social
scientists are implicitly concerned with the evolution of human
personality. All the processes which result in types of individuals
or of associations, as incidental to that evolution, all the processes
in which the individual and the associational types form a per-
petually reciprocating series, in alternating relations of cause and
effect, have been selected by sociologists as their peculiar subject-
matter. In other words, from the sociological point of view,
everything in experience is regarded as incidental to the interpre-
tation and evaluation of people, and to the determination of
programs by means of which more ample human values may be
realized.

The conventionaHties of the social sciences are so confused
that this formal statement is by no means clear without further
explanation. The contrast between the center of attention in
sociology and in the older social sciences is of two sorts. In the
first place, we have types of ethnology and history, for example,
in which there is no visible attempt either, on the one hand, to dis-
cover the relative values of physical conditions, of people, and of
the machineries and products of people; or on the other hand, to
place these three factors in an order of relationship that would
show which of them is to be considered as ultimate and essential,
and which as more tributary and incidental, in the final interpreta-
tion of life. These types of social science accordingly amount
to mere description of more or less clearly assorted phenomena,

38 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

without advancing to the rank of very highly generaHzed science
of the causal relations contained in the phenomena.

In the second place, we have types, notably of political and
economic science, which expressly define their problems, not in
terms of people at all, but in terms of a technology or a product of
human activities. Thus we have variations of the formulas,
"Civics is the science of government," and ''Economics is the
science of wealth." Now mere words must not be taken too
seriously, but in these cases the uses of words correspond to very
essential restrictions of purpose and method. From the view-
point of sciences so defined persons are by definition relegated to
secondary consideration, while the devices, or the products of
persons are made paramount. The tendency to which we are
now calling attention would be arrested if these techniques operated
consistently in accordance with the alternative forms of expression :
"Civics is the science of people in their processes of governing
themselves," "Economics is the science of people in their behaviors
toward wealth."

In contrast with all the varieties of social science which either
fail to face the question whether, for their purposes, people, or the
gear and chattels of people are most important; and in contrast
with all the varieties of social science which deliberately choose
not people but the machineries or the possessions of people as
their subject-matter, sociology has instinctively chosen for itself
the unclaimed problem of the objective aspects of people them-
selves. By this form of expression we mean to distinguish the
sociological from the psychological division of labor. The latter
we would speak of by comparison as pertaining primarily to the
subjective aspects of people. How do human personalities develop
out of gregarious animal associations into conventional psychic
associations, and how do types of individuals and of their group-
ings, either by means of or in spite of their material and spiritual
impedimenta, pass from stage to stage in the evolution of persons
and of their social combinations ? While the ethnologist describes
human customs, occupations, technical equipments and modes of
employing them, traditions, beliefs, ceremonies, rites, social organi-
zations, etc.; while the historian devotes himself to occurrences

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 39

in which human beings have played a part, with the utmost license
of selection of classes of occurrences, and with scientific criticism
aimed, especially after ''critical" methodology had been developed,
less at the subject-matter than at the mere technique of discovery;
while the political scientist devotes himself to men's systems of
government, and while the peculiar interest of the economist
centers upon the processes by which men produce wealth, the
sociologist studies men themselves, as they manifest their character
in all the variations of contact with one another, and as they realize
or register themselves in the relations which occupy the previous
sciences. To sociology, then, the evolution of persons is the central
fact, while everything else is incidental. To the other social
techniques, persons are virtually incidental, and their accidents
are central.

This last proposition is true not necessarily of the persons who
pursue the other divisions of social science, but of the processes
which compose their technique. These processes necessarily
divert the center of attention from people as such to those im-
personal things, institutions. For social science as a whole, an
adequate corrective of this tendency is necessary. I do not claim
that sociology is that corrective. I do claim that the sociological
center of attention tends to converge thought upon people, as
differentiated from their gear, and impedimenta, and machinery —
in short from their institutions; and sociology thus does some-
thing to arrest the devitalizing and desiccating tendencies in
social science.

ni. INTRODUCTION OF 1916

In one respect this course is like the old story of the boy's
jackknife. It had two new handles and five new blades, but he
always insisted that it was the same knife. Multiply the numbers
in the story several times over and it represents the facts about
this course. Each year since it was first announced it has received
a new handle and a certain number of new blades. To speak
Uterally, I have given each year what seemed to me at the time
the best introduction to general sociology I could present. Each
year I have learned more than I have taught about the relations

40 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

with which sociologists must deal, and each following year I have
reshaped the course accordingly. I do not have to go back many
years in my lecture notes to find myself in a kind of thinking which
is as different from my present tone of thought as the German and
American theories about war are from each other.

Each year I resolve to try to present the sociological case in a
little simpler form than I have ever used before. Each year I
hope to avoid details which confuse more than they clarify. I
hope by so doing to put the class on the track of an improved
method of construing human relations. I believe the sociologists
have certain keys to human relations which make human experi-
ence mean more than could be found in it without the sociological
kind of interpretation. I shall make another attempt this year
to justify this behef . Of course I do not mean that I have wiped my
slate clean of all the work I have done on it before, and that I am
proposing an altogether new interpretation of human society.
I mean that from year to year I have developed certain details in
my ways of analyzing human relations. Each year a somewhat
modified treatment is necessary in order to present these methods
to the best advantage. In particular I want to emphasize what
seems more important and to slur over what is less important for
a brief survey.

I will begin with my latest answer to the question, What is
sociology ? viz., Sociology is that variant among the different ways of
studying the common subject-matter of the social sciences which
centers its attention primarily upon the forms, processes, and values
of human group activities, or upon human group phenomena as
such.

At once this description implies a sharp contrast with the
descriptions of sociology in vogue twenty-five years ago. Then,
and for many years afterward, the usual descriptions implied and
even asserted a high degree of separateness among the social
sciences. Today the tendency among social scientists in all depart-
ments is to recognize and even emphatically to assert the necessary
oneness of social science, while the so-called "social sciences" are
merely divisions of that one social science, if they are genuinely
scientific at all.

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 41

This leads me to advertise at once that if one hopes to do any-
thing serious in the study of sociology, one must be prepared to
reckon with the scientific demands of the whole body of the social
sciences. The one great comprehensive problem in the realm of
the social sciences is the question, What is the meaniitg of human
experience? So far as its value for strict science is concerned the
whole technique of the social sciences, separately and collectively,
is to be appraised at last simply and solely by the test of its efficiency
in helping to answer this question. Whatever may be the special
curiosity or convenience of scholars or teachers who have a
chance to draw an income by discovering or distributing knowl-
edge of traditional aspects of human relations, the insistent demand
of human beings as such is for understanding of the principles of
cause and effect which operate wherever there are human beings.
This unconscious and implicit demand by human beings as such
for knowledge of the essential meaning of the human lot is simply
the untutored reaction of the human mind to the whole great
objective mystery which conscious beings confront. This mass of
relations in which human beings act, whether they will or no,
presents the system of problems which it is the task of social
science to solve in order to be science at all. That is, we have
obviously two great divisions of knowledge problems. Even these
two main divisions can be only temporarily kept apart. They
soon run into each other. For convenience, however, we must
discriminate between the relations in which physical cause and
effect dominate, and the relations in which psychical cause and
effect dominate. These latter are the challenge to social science.
Social scientists are fulfilhng their duty if they are doing their
utmost to accept this challenge and to satisfy the human demand
for knowledge of social relations. They are doing something less
than their duty if they are doing something else than answering
this demand.

It would not be worth while to discuss here how generally this
idea of the business of social scientists has been in the minds of
social scientists themselves. Whether they have thought of their
work in this light or not, the fact is that different types of social
scientists have developed with very different conceptions of the

42 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

sort of key that would open the most knowledge of the meaning of
human experience. Oldest by many centuries have been the
philosophers and the historians. In many periods of the growth
of human thought it would be difficult to draw a sharp line between
these two types of thinkers. The historians were philosophers
and the philosophers were historians. In a certain sense this is
likely, and it is desirable, to be the case forever, at least with certain
types of philosophers and historians.

On the other hand, it is true that men have started with certain
clues, or in pursuit of certain types of knowledge, and have pres-
ently fallen into the habit of thinking that their way of prying
into the meaning of human experience is the only way that will
amount to much, and the sufficient way to solve the big problem
of social science, viz., What is the meaning of human experience?
Accordingly men starting with slightly different interests have
developed such specialties as philosophy, psychology, history,
political economy, political science, statistics, sociology, social
psychology, anthropology, ethnology, and a myriad of minor
specializations. In course of time these divisions of labor have
come to be regarded by their several devotees as existing for their
own separate glorification, as having a reason for existence which
is in no way dependent upon the existence of the other pursuits.
Moreover, the devotees of each of these specialties have been under
strong and often irresistible temptation to think each that his
particular way of studying human facts is the only way necessary
in order to get out of them all the knowledge which the facts contain
about cause and effect in human life. This impression is possible
only so long as the men who have the impression can avoid an
accounting with the main demand of social science; viz., that all
accredited scientific activities shall show results tending to answer
the central question. What is the meaning of human experience?
To make my point as clear as possible I will use an almost grotesque
analogy. I hope its very extravagance will throw a search-Ught
on the matter I want to emphasize. Suppose the woodcrafts
divided themselves in imitation of the academic social sciences.
Suppose they developed "axe science," "cross-cut saw science,"
"splitting saw science," "cant-dog science," "plane science,"

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 43

"chisel science," "auger science," etc. Converting grown trees
into material consumable for human purposes, is the scope of wood-
craft, and tools are merely instrumental at the points at which
their particular specialty is in demand. A so-called "science"
of one of these tools would be meaningless apart from the whole
program of converting trees into consumable forms.

It is precisely so with the different techniques known as the
social sciences. Probably neither the lumberman who fells a tree
nor the builder of a limousine who puts a part of that tree into its
final shape for consumption could exchange jobs with good results,
but neither could function to the full without the other. So the
historian and the social psychologist, for instance (or any other
pair), might each be a bungler at the other's task, but neither
task can be performed to the Hmit of its value unless it is correlated
with the other.

I want to make the point as emphatic as possible, therefore,
at the outset — and I shall keep referring to it — that in attend-
ing for a while to the technique called sociology one is not turning
aside from the main business of social science to a curious pursuit
outside the scope of history and political economy, and pohtical
science and psychology and the rest. On the contrary, the thing
which I am doing in this course is actually the sharpening of mental
tools which must be used in their proper time and place if the
mental tools which are more pecuhar to those other divisions of
social science are to be used to the largest advantage. On the other
hand the sociologists have no mental tools by means of which they
can demonstrate the meaning of human experience in any large
range unless the tools are used in co-operation with other tools in
the hands of experts in these other divisions of social science.

This way of stating the case is in almost direct contradiction
with the professions of sociologists twenty-five years ago. We
then had more or less resolute convictions that we either had, or
presently would have, means of explaining human experience which
would leave the other divisions of social science either entirely
without occupations or with very light occupations. That conceit
must be set down to the discredit of a youthful zeal not yet chas-
tened by much experience of its own. The substantial fact to the

44 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

credit of the earlier sociologists is that they were conscious of
something lacking after the older divisions of social science had
done their best, and they volunteered to supply the lack.^ The
sobered successors of those youthful enthusiasts now believe that
they have already justified their earlier zeal not by establishing
their premature claims in detail, but by having demonstrated that
there are relationships running through human experience which
the traditional divisions of social science had either ignored alto-
gether, or had rated far below their proportional importance as
factors in the human lot. The sociologists of today, therefore,
tend far less than they did twenty-five years ago to follow the
ideal of separateness from other kinds of social scientists. They
tend far more to emphasize the fact that all social scientists have
at bottom one problem, viz., the meaning of human experience. It
follows that there are different angles from which Hght may be
thrown on that problem. Furthermore, science of human experi-
ence, in the most responsible sense, will be developed not by
keeping these different shafts of light separate, within academically
divided departments, but by allowing them to merge into the pure
white light of objective truth.

In a word, whatever else one may think about sociology, it is
certain that one has failed to get the most authentic version of it
unless it presents itself as one of the necessary operations within
the whole complicated business of making human experience, in
all times and places, throw all the light it can upon the problems
of the living generation.

At the same time, for the benefit of those whose center of
interest is in one of the other divisions of social science, I shall
keep on reiterating this in every possible variation, viz.: It is
equally true of each and every division of social science that it is
an abortion if it fails to correlate its peculiar aspects of social
relations with those aspects of social relations which are the
centers of attention for each of the other divisions of social science.

One of the things on which the sociologists have put all the
emphasis in their power for the last thirty years is this appeal to

' Vide Small, "Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal
of Sociology, May, 191 6.

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 45

their colleagues in the other divisions of social science: You are
making the mistake of your lives in supposing you can ever build
up a tenable "science" of psychology, or history, or poUtics,
or economics, so long as you are trying to make either of
these departments of knowledge sufficient unto itself, independ-
ent, a monument of splendid isolation. The phenomena in which
the professors of these different departments of knowledge are
specially interested are not sufficient unto themselves. They are
not independent. They are not monuments of splendid isolation.
Pretended sciences of them which in any degree represent them
in these false characters are to that degree spurious sciences.
Social scientists of all sorts must take this situation to heart, and
they must find out how to get together.^

With these generalities presupposed, I want to prepare for a
certain bewilderment which the earlier part of this course, perhaps
the whole of it, is bound to bring. The kind and degree of bewilder-
ment will depend upon the extent of previous acquaintance or lack
of acquaintance with general sociology. It often happens that
for the first month or two, not the youngest, but some of the
maturest people who take this course frankly do not know what
I am talking about. If they do know what I am talking about,
they are strongly of the impression that it is not worth talking
about. So far as they can see, I am merely fussing about words, or
about ideas that should be considered too trite for words. It seems
to them a waste of time to putter with these words, when so much
more important things need to be explained. On the contrary,
I have the least possible interest in words for their own sake.
The initial objective in general sociology is familiarity with certain
cardinal relations which must be reckoned with whenever we try
to explain what takes place wherever there are human beings. I
am trying to show how we may approach closer to precision in
understanding those relations. As the relations are not primarily
mathematical, as they are not primarily chemical, we cannot
represent them by mathematical nor by chemical notation. We
have no other symbols for them but ordinary language. We are
obliged to select out of ordinary language the best words available

' Vide Small, Meaning of Social Scieiice.

46 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

for scientific purposes; we have to restrict those words to certain
precisely defined meanings. In nearly every case other words
might be agreed upon to do the same work. In nearly if not quite
every case I should be ready without debate to join a majority of
social scientists in adopting substitute terms. The mere verbal
matter is utterly trivial, but it is not trivial to strive for consistency
and accuracy in the content of our ideas. I am concerned about
words then, in this course, merely as a traveler might be concerned
about the checks for his luggage. It is a matter of supreme indif-
ference to him what sort of checks the railroads use, provided his
checks always produce his own luggage at the end of his trip.
He certainly cannot afford to be careless about the checks — what-
ever their form — which identify his property.

I insist upon this matter because it is still a fijted idea in the
minds of certain influential American scholars, even within the ranks
of the social scientists, that the sociologists' entire stock in trade
is merely a jumble of words. This is one of the curious surviving
misunderstandings of the sociologists. It has had most unfortunate
effects in retarding social science in general. I care for the par-
ticular words which I take so large a part of this course to
explain, only as means of calling up in our minds the same ideas
whenever the words are used.

In social science we have in fact a situation precisely parallel
with certain aspects of physical science. There are certain
recurrent, persistent characteristics of matter for which verbal
symbols must be adopted. This use of accepted symbols for
ascertained phenomena of matter is imperative both for accuracy
in reporting facts already discovered, and for closeness of reason-
ing about interpretations of the facts. The verbal symbols them-
selves have no inherent sacredness. They have their authority
not by inalienable right, but by agreement among scholars. If it
turned out to be in the interest of exact knowledge, physicists
might scrap the terms "inertia," "momentum," "specific gravity,"
etc., for such substitutes as "drag," "drive," "dead weight," etc.
The words are merely the most convenient symbols for reality
that can be selected. The like is true in every division of science.
The selection of words to stand invariably for corresponding ideas

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 47

is not essentially a matter of verbal interest. It is a way of insur-
ing the integrity of the ideas themselves. This elementary part
of sociological procedure is simply one illustration which recurs
in its way in every department of knowledge.

There is a certain approximate fitness to some words more than
to others. This may be due to the fact that some words have
long been more closely associated than others with approximately
the ideas which analysis finds to be literal relationships in human
affairs. In so far as this fitness is prearranged by general lin-
guistic usage, it is economy of any science to adopt that usage into
its technical idiom. In other cases, and this is true in all sciences
in the degree in which they probe beyond ordinary commonplace
observation, there are relationships for which everyday language
has fashioned no familiar words. For instance, the words tele-
phone, automobile, aeroplane, periscope, radiograph, etc., are
illustrations from the sphere of invention parallel with words
which have to be fabricated in the various fields of discovery.
That which did not exist must have a name after it does exist,
for the convenience of everyone who has to use it or to know about
it. In the same way relationships which had not previously been
observed, have to be named, so that everyone who has occasion
to deal with them may have the means of indicating the relation-
ships whenever record or exchange of ideas about them is in order.
As in the case of the above-cited modern words for recent mechani-
cal inventions, so in the case of scientific terms, they may be
awkward and hideous. No scientist is likely to waste much
effort refuting such charges. Let anyone who can suggest better
words at any time. The main thing with the scientist is that
the words selected to denote the relations with which he is pro-
fessionally concerned shall be unequivocal, precise, constant, and
that their meaning shall correspond with an actually observed
aspect of the material which his science is attempting to comprehend.

In the case of sociology the most frequent vagueness arises
not from use of novel terms but from our appropriation of extremely
commonplace terms, which we try to restrict to very closely defined
meanings. Perhaps we might get ahead faster, in the long run,
by coining utterly unfamiliar terms for the relationships which

48 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

we want to throw into the spot-light. Either horn of the dilemma
has its difficulties, but all these difficulties are trifling in the minds
of people who assume once for all that terminology is strictly-
subsidiary to the real social relationships for which the words are
merely the most convenient signs.

Now I hope I have prepared the way for a proposition which
may have a more dubious sound than anything else that I have
said, viz.: This course attempts to explain certain categories under
which all social phenomena must he thought if they are thought
objectively.

I suspect that one of the results of supposed modern improve-
ments in education is that such an elementar^^ proposition as the
foregoing carries no meaning to the minds of any but the excep-
tional students who have had special training in logic. I must
stop long enough, therefore, on this proposition to make sure that
I have made my best effort to make it commonplace.

To express the case in the most homely form, we may say that
categories are the pigeonholes which the mind uses in assorting its
knowledge. They are the receptacles for objects of thought in
which the mind ffiids identical distinguishing marks. Each of
these receptacles holds its contents separate from those of other
receptacles whose contents have other distinguishing marks.

We begin to use categories such as they are as soon as we begin
to name objects. When the child says "man," "tree," "cow,"
he is using categories of an extremely elementary type. The child
is beginning to construct rudimentary science when he employs
these categories so accurately that he does not use the category
"man," for instance, when the object to which he appHes the
term belongs in the category "tree" or "cow." Science at its
utmost reach is in one aspect nothing more than duplication of this
rudimentary mental performance, with more elusive objects of
knowledge as the material assorted. Science in its most precise
and comprehensive form may be characterized as the assorting of
knowledge with such precision that no "tree" is called "man"
and no "cow" is called "tree."

A part of the Century Dictionary definition of the term "cate-
gory" is as follows:

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 49

(i) In logic, a highest notion, especially one derived from the logical
analysis of the forms of proposition. The word was introduced by Aristotle,
who applies it to his ten predicaments, things said, or sumtna genera, viz.:
(i) substance, (2) quantity, (3) quality, (4) relation, (5) action, (6) passion,
(7) where, (8) when, (9) posture or relative position of parts, (10) habit or
state. These are derived from such an analysis of the proposition as could
be made before the developed study of grammar. The categories or highest
intellectual concepts of Kant are: (i) categories of quantity, (2) categories of
quality, i.e., (o) reality, {b) negation, (c) limit between these; (3) categories of
relation, i.e., (a) substance and accident, {b) cause and effect, (c) action and
reaction; (4) categories of modality, i.e., (c) possibility, {b) impossibility,
(c) actuality, {d) non-actuality, (e) necessity, (/) non-necessity. Modern
formal logic furnishes this list: (i) qualities, or singular characters; (2)
simple relations or dual characters; (3) complex relations, or plural characters.
Many lists of categories have been given not founded on formal logic.

But the categories which the foregoing quotation describes
are not the best illustrations of the categories of positive science.
It is hard to make the difference plain, and perhaps it is impossible
in a few words. The key to the matter is in the statement that
the above are ''logical" categories, i.e., they are forms of the
mind's action in the course of its reasoning or reflection. The kinds
of categories with which all sorts of positive science are primarily
concerned are forms revealed to the mind in the course of its
observation or perception.

I am fully aware that this distinction plunges us into deep psy-
chological water. If any reader is a specialist in psychology, to
him the qualification is due that I do not imagine reasoning or
reflection, on the one hand, and observation or perception on the
other, as activities which are completely separate. In what I am
now saying, I mean to draw the distinction between activities on
the one hand in which reasoning predominates over observation,
and on the other hand activities in which observation predominates
over reasoning. In the former case the mind tends to impose
itself on everything external to itself. In the latter case every-
thing external to the mind tends to impose itself upon the mind.
As we shall see in a moment, it becomes a vital matter in all sorts
of science to make out whether would-be scientists are actually
carrying on more of the one kind of activity or of the other in
building up their alleged science.

50 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

We may illustrate in this way: Suppose we are infants just
beginning to get acquainted with the outward world. Suppose
we have stubbed our toes and bumped our heads till we have learned
to say "hard." We have unconsciously employed what phi-
losophers call a "category." The generalization summed up in
that category "hard" is simply a resume of our experience with
hard objects. We have actually come in contact with things that
resist our pressure in the fashion which we refer to when we use
this word "hard." Perhaps a dash of every more advanced mental
activity is already involved in the activity which we perform in
using the category "hard." Be that as it may, our category
"hard" is essentially a summary of experiences which we have
had in contact with things outside of ourselves. We have done a
minimum of reasoning about those things or those contacts. We
have principally given a name to the way in which they affect us
when we meet them.

But suppose we have grown old enough to reflect about this
experience of hard objects. Suppose we have begun to philoso-
phize. Suppose we have asked the question: "Is this 'hard' a
thing outside of me, or is it a feeling inside of me, and if so what
does it have to do with the tree or the stone or the club that gives
me the feeling?" As a matter of fact, most of us got the earhest
answers to questions of this sort from other people, and they very
likely got them in turn from a line of people who passed the answers
along from the earliest persons who ventured answers. Suppose
however that we worked out answers for ourselves. It is possible
that after puzzling our brains a long time over these questions we
might have hit upon the conceptions "thing" and "quahties of
the thing," or "substance" and "attribute," or "entity" and
"quality," or "noumenon" and "phenomenon." These are
what I mean by categories of reasoning or reflection. They are
the mind's inferences from its experience, while the categories of
observation are the direct reflection of external things upon the
mind.

Doubtless a logician or a psychologist would laugh at this rough
and ready way of explaining those necessary tools of all responsible
thinking, categories. Perhaps the essential matter may be put in

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 51

evidence more effectively for our purposes, however, in this
amateurish way, than by more technical explanations. The mind
actually makes categories as its tools. The mind thus creates
for itself the problem of finding out whether the categories which
it makes for itself are fits or misfits when it becomes necessary to
check up the elements of experience, as the mind reconstructs them,
by the elements of experience as they exist outside of the mind.

In his book on the British Constitution published more than a
generation ago, Mr. Walter Bagehot remarked that the English
farmer classifies the animal kingdom as "game, vermin, and stock."
These, such as they are, belong in the generic group "category."
They probably satisfy the demands of the Enghsh farmer. They
would hardly serve the purposes of the zoologist. The difference
between the English farmer and the zoologist in this connection is
not that the one uses categories, while the other does not.
The difference is that the one uses categories which correspond
roughly with the facts, while the other uses categories which
defer to more precise analysis of the facts.

But in order to make the proposition completely lucid, we
must furnish an equally elementary explanation of two other
words, viz. , subject and object, with their variations.

It is literally true that neither practical nor theoretical thinking
breaks down oftener nor more disastrously anywhere else than at
the points where it is necessary to distinguish between the sub-
jective and the objective. As the alphabet is to reading, and as
the multiplication table to mathematics, so must variations of these
terms "subjective" and "objective" and of the ideas which they
symbolize be to him who would do scientific work of any sort.

Again I am deliberately avoiding technical explanations. I
want to get the gist of the distinction expressed in the least technical
way. As to the word subject and its derivatives, it is only fair to
say that the meaning which has been attached to it in modern
scientific idiom seems more arbitrary and forced than is the case
with most scientific terms. Probably the philosophy of Kant was
the strongest factor in requisitioning the word for its present
scientific use. Whether we can see any natural affinity or not be-
tween this conventional use of the word and its less sophisticated

52 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

meanings, the situation is just this : subject means the self, especially
the self engaged in thinking; or at least the self in the state of con-
sciousness; the self considered as a unit of mental action standing
in contemplation of anything or everything else.

All the variations of the term subject in their scientific use have
this meaning as their pivot. "Subjective" means that which
pertains to the self, that which gets its character from the self,
that which is a phenomenon of the self, whether or not it has a
counterpart in the world over against the self. It comes about
very naturally that people interested in positive science turn the
word subjective into a term of reproach, an epithet. They apply it
to any assertion or doctrine or preconception which seems to them
to have its source in the person who does the thinking more than
in the reality about which he is thinking. For instance, there are
some people still who do not believe the earth is round. They
picture it in some other way. Responsible physical scientists
condemn such pictures in short order with the verdict subjective,
meaning made to suit the thinker himself rather than adopted by
the thinker from the external facts (mystical). So of England's
present interpretation of Germany, and Germany's present inter-
pretation of England. The cool-headed philosopher at this dis-
tance refuses to accept either version without modification. He
says that each version is in a high degree viciously subjective. It is
made up too much out of the prejudices and snap- judgments of
the national self in each case, and too little out of cold, literal
acquaintance with the facts.

The term subjectivity corresponds in general with the meaning
of the term "subjective" as just explained. In the idiom of
different writers, however, it does not always carry the same con-
tent, as may be seen in a paper by Professor C. A. Ellwood in the
November, 1916, number of the American Journal of Sociology.

I would not be understood as teaching that the subjective
aspects of thinking are necessarily abnormal and vicious. There
could be no thinking without thinkers. All human thinking is
necessarily an activity of human selves. The primary concern of
psychology is with this aspect of the situation. Social scientists
are more immediately concerned with the tendency of human

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 53

thinking to remain too exclusively of, for, and by the peculiar
selves. To use a homely analogy, critics of the methods actually
employed by would-be scientists, whether physical or social, have
to repeat over and over again in substance the charge that such
and such pretended scientific theories are like wine put into casks
saturated with something that has a strong odor or a pungent
taste. When the wine is drawn it is no longer itself. It is
vitiated by the smell or the taste of the cask. Our minds are
apt to be to knowledge what the saturated cask is to the wine.
What comes out of the mind carries modifications imparted to
it by the mind which more or less falsify these mental deliver-
ances when tested as unadulterated representations of reality.
We are "subjective" in this sense whenever, for any reason, we
hold to conceptions of any part of the real world which are more
largely the presumption of our own minds, or of other minds
from which we have borrowed them, than they are authentic
copies of the reahty in question.

The case with the term "object" and its derivatives is precisely
the reverse of the case of the term "subject" and its variations.

The "object" is anything and everything which is not the
thinking self. The "object" is all the rest of reality that presents
itself to the self as something to be thought. Whether the self
ever becomes conscious of this challenge in any considerable degree,
there is always this real contrast between the different human
"selves" or "subjects" and the total reality in which they are
submerged or carried in suspension. Now if the "selves" or
"subjects" or any larger or smaller number of them, are roused
to inquire about what is external to themselves, veracity consists
in allowing or compelling this outside reahty to reveal itself not so
as to confirm the prejudice of the thinkers, but just as it is, whether
the thinkers like it or not. "Objectivity" accordingly means
veracious representation of the object, so far as the representation
goes. We are having every day in the newspapers vivid illustra-
tions of the subjective in contrast with the desirable objective, in
the different official reports of action on the different European
fighting fronts.^ With rare exceptions neither side reports the

' October, 1916.

54 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

occurrences of the previous day as they will be recorded after the
war is over. Each side puts into its report more or less of what it
wishes the facts were, or what it wants the rest of the world to
believe the facts are. Objectivity would consist in a literal report
of the physical facts in their precise relation to the mihtary situ-
ation which the facts affect. This latter detail may be a more
important item in objectivity than the concrete facts themselves.
In other words, "truth" or "science" does not consist merely in
statements of facts. It consists of facts formulated in their actual
functioning relations.

We might illustrate the technical terms "subjectivity" and
"objectivity," by use of two identical Associated Press "stories,"
on the same day in two Chicago papers. The head-line writer of
the one paper gave the paragraph the caption: Russians Again in
Kaiser's Net! In the other paper the heading was: Russians
Defy Kaiser!

I now return to my main proposition, viz. : This course attempts
to explain certain categories under which all social phenomena must
be thought if they are thought objectively. Instead of enlarging
further on that particular proposition, we may perhaps locate our-
selves with reference to the precise aim of this course by adding a
brief historical statement.

For a number of years I have followed the clue that the whole
evolution of the social sciences since 1800 has been a drive in the
direction of objectivity. This movement has been partly conscious,
but still more uncon^dus. All along the line, from men who
started from the ancient disputes about the "philosophy of law,"
and others who developed the more modern "philosophy of
history," men of aggressive temper, men of critical spirit, began
to be impatient with some parts of the tradition of their own
academic division of labor. That is, men in each of the divisions
of labor began to suspect that the methods in vogue in their
respective divisions of labor did not enable the laborers to do
their best conceivable work. I am unable to say how early scholars
began to express this in variants of the proposition, "We are not
sufficiently objective in our science." It makes little difference
whether those words were used early or not. The same idea was

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 55

conveyed in many other phrases; e.g. : we are not accurate enough;
we do not get at all the facts; we do not find out all the connec-
tions of the facts; we treat the evidence as advocates, not as
judges, etc. The cumulative effect of these dissatisfactions with
habits of thinking in the social sciences was a mighty stimulus to
more searching methods all along the line of social science. This
stimulus not merely reanimated the older social sciences, but as I
keep repeating, it created new ones. To speak in more modern
idiom, this stimulus to closer objectivity brought investigators of
human experience face to face with new problems, and some of the
most crucial of these problems appealed to types of minds that
could not work at their best upon the same types of problems
that occupied the older types of scholars. Hence presently the
modern divisions of labor.

Repeating what I have just said: this impatience expressed
itself most energetically in modifications of the methods of
historians, economists, and political scientists. After 1850 similar
movements resulted in the divisions of labor since known as
anthropology, ethnology, psychology (as distinguished from the
earlier "mental philosophy"), sociology, etc. My belief is that the
most intelligent history of these developments that will ever be
written will treat them as primarily parts of one and the same move-
ment, viz., as I have expressed it, the nineteenth century drive
toward objectivity in social science.^

To be sure this correlating fact does not appear on the surface.
After 1800, as before, scholars were starting with dogmatic defini-
tions of their procedure which committed them from the outset to
a high degree of subjectivity in the pursuit of their so-called
"sciences," whether philosophy, history, political economy,
political science, or whatever. But there was another side to the
case. Men in each of these divisions of social science were striv-
ing to reduce the ratio of partial interpretation or erroneous inter-
pretation of reality which was carried along in the traditions of
their specialty. While they did not propose as completely intelli-
gent methods of interpreting human experience .as the combined
scholarship of the present day ought to be able to outline, they did

» I have elaborated this proposition in Encyclopaedia Americana, title "Sociology."

56 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

propose improvements in methods of research which were directly
or indirectly tributary to objectivity. These men were bursting
the shell of encrusted academic methods, and they were opening
paths toward free knowledge. In spirit, if not in Uteral fact,
they were proclaiming, "We have found the Hne of least resistance
in the path toward completer knowledge." Their biggest mistake
was not in supposing that they had discovered a better way to get
knowledge, but in supposing that their way was the only way and
the sufficient way. Men in each division of the social sciences
fell under this temptation. Thus their very improvements after
a while became obstinate provinciaKsms which obstructed further
improvement. Sociology, or as I prefer to speak of it, the socio-
logical movement, has been a perfectly normal development of
this nineteenth century reaching out after completer objectivity.
While the historians reached chiefly in one direction, and the
economists in another, and the political scientists in another,
and the psychologists in another, there were men who started in
one or another of these divisions of labor, but who became im-
pressed first and foremost by the belief that the great guiding
question of social science must be, in substance, if not in these
precise words, What is the meaning of human experience? Then
these men, after brooding long over human futiHties in trying to
answer this question, were further impressed to the effect that
the Une of least resistance in blazing out a more direct way toward
objectivity in answer to the question did not lie within the range
marked out for themselves by the older social scientists. These
innovators felt that the line of least resistance must be in a new
track of their own. In this respect the sociologists were like
Columbus. That is, he made no headway in convincing the learned
men of Europe that their idea of the physical world was imperfect,
so long as he stayed in their world. He actually had to find some
additions by which to enlarge their world, before they would
consent to overhaul their theories of the world.

For more than a generation the sociologists have been dihgently
reporting aspects of human experience which had either wholly
or in part escaped the ken of the older social scientists. Whether
these older social scientists are aware of it or not, these reaches

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 57

of human experience which the sociologists and the psychologists
have brought to light within recent years, have changed the per-
spective of all social science as decisively as the discovery of the
New World changed the outlook of physical science after 1492.

It may be helpful to express this in terms of categories. One of
the great turning-points in the history of physical science was the
substitution of the category "globe" for the category "disk," in
ways of thinking about our physical world. Another turning-
point in the history of science is marked by the substitution of the
category "satelhte" for the category "center," to express the rela-
tion of our world to what we now refer to as our solar system.
Another turning-point in the history of physical science is marked
by the substitution of the category "gravitation" for all the
mythological categories which had previously been resorted to for
explanation of the visible universe. In each case science was
promoted in two ways: first, by the stimulus to inquiry which
resulted in additions to knowledge of concrete facts; second, by
stimulus to reasoning which resulted in reconstructions of known
facts, so that relations between them were more veraciously repre-
sented, (that is, to use our technical word, so that reaHty was
more "objectively" represented).

Of course, the substitution of a more accurate for a less accurate
category' did not have the effect of an Aladdin's lamp, to perform
miracles in the search for knowledge. Neither one nor all of
these new categories gave us forthwith a finished science of astron-
omy or geology or physics or chemistry or biology. Each of these
categories simply did something to reduce the amount of blur in
men's eyes when they were prying into the facts which have
meanwhile been organized into modern physical science. This is
precisely what more accurate categories substituted for less accurate
categories are doing in social science. They are clearing dust out
of eyes focused on social phenomena, and enabling those eyes to
make out more accurately what the phenomena mean.

Perhaps the most useful illustrations may be drawn not from
technical science, but from analogies in popular thinking. The
categories "Hberty," "equahty," "fraternity," were substituted
for the categories "slavery," "inequahty," "tyraimy" in the

58 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

minds of millions of people toward the close of the eighteenth
century. These categories were not merely political slogans.
They were not merely revolutionary weapons. They were also
theses in social interpretation. They were assertions not only of
things that the people wanted to gain. They were translations of
the human lot in new terms, i.e., the human lot not as it had already
developed, but as those people believed it was capable of develop-
ing and intended to develop. They were translations of the
human lot as it was into marching orders to conquer a better, more
rational, more consistent human lot supposed to be latent in exist-
ing conditions. As such, these new categories transformed men's
attitudes toward the real world. They made men act less like
helpless victims and more like capable captains of their own souls
and architects of their own fortunes. These new categories were
assertions that the human lot is a foreordained regime of "liberty,"
"equality," "fraternity." They were assertions that human
wickedness had thwarted the plan of nature to realize "liberty,"
"equality," "fraternity." They were proclamations that, if the
arbitrary contrivances erected by selfish interests were once torn
down, natural forces would presently realize a condition of "Hberty,"
"equality," "fraternity" among men throughout the world.

To what extent these people were right, and to what extent
they were wrong, makes no difference for the particular point
here illustrated. It is the universal truth of psychology, "as a
man thinketh, so is he." Adopting categories which put a new
interpretation on the world started both the people who accepted
the categories and those who scorned them into greatly altered
activities. These changed states of mind have been factors both in
the world of research and in the world of practice ever since. The
same thing is true in its measure of every alteration of the cate-
gories which men use as the terms of their thinking. This is my
reason for believing that there can be no more radical preparation
for objective dealing with the meaning of human experience than
sufficient preliminary attention to the leading categories in use by
the sociologists. This is fundamental "preparedness" in social
science, and it is fundamental preparedness in general sophistica-
tion about the ways in which human affairs proceed.

A PROSPECTUS OF SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY 59

One more formal expression of what is involved in sociology
may be added, viz.:

a) The problem of all social science is discovery of the mean-
ing of human experience.

b) The sociologists attempt to do their part toward this dis-
covery by contemplating human experience as a totality of group
situations.

c) Sociological technique has developed as analysis of group
situations considered, first, under the aspect of status, i.e., the
group relationships viewed as relatively permanent; second, under
the aspect of movement, or the group relationships viewed as
processes; third, under the aspect of value, or group processes
viewed with reference to the t>pes of persons and types of inter-
personal relationships which they tend to produce; fourth, under
the aspect of control, or group process — situations presenting
alternatives for constructive effort.

Any adequate introduction to the study of sociology will,
among other things, furnish a content for such generalizations as
the foregoing.

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE ? II

VICTOR S. YARROS
Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy

So far the discussion has dealt with certain recent indictments
by humanitarians and philosophers of so-called state nature — in-
dictments based on the foreign policies of the great nations — and
the criminal, aggressive wars directly or indirectly attributable to
those policies. The attempt has been to point out the super-
ficiahty of those indictments and the necessity of a very different
analysis of the international situation than that which underlies
the notion that the state as such, or state nature, is somehow
responsible for the diplomacy of intrigue, conquest, aggression, and
greed.

In the following pages the alleged responsibihty of "the state"
for poHtical, social, and economic evils "at home" will be discussed.
Shall we abolish the state? Cart we aboHsh it? Should we get
rid of the evils and maladjustments complained of by hberals and
radicals if we could, and did, abohsh the state ?

First of all, what is the state ? A correct answer is clearly essen-
tial, yet is hardly ever given. The proper answer is, The state is
another name for compulsory co-operation. A certain community,
or state, or nation, organizes itself, a government is created, legisla-
tion adopted, and the individual, or the minority, has no choice, no
alternative, but to obey the law of the state. In the freest and most
democratic modern state, despite such devices as the initiative, the
referendum, the recall, local home rule, the element of compulsion
is necessarily always present. If all co-operation were voluntary;
if the majority had no right to coerce the minority; if government
actually, and in the literal sense, rested on the "consent of all the
governed," there would be no state. There would be spontaneous
collective action along many lines, no doubt, just as today there is

60

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE? 6i

co-operation for religious, social, ethical, political, and aesthetic
purposes sans the slightest suggestion of physical force or compul-
sion. But the state, as we know it, would have disappeared.

Now, this is exactly what the pacific and philosophical anarch-
ists mean by "aboHtion of the state." They would gradually
restrict the authority of the state, increasingly free the individual
and the minority, and at last make even taxation and military
service entirely voluntary under all conditions. They accordingly
insist on the right of the individual to secede from, or ignore, the
state. They would, of course, use force to prevent aggression or
invasion by any individual; they would punish "crime" — that is,
\aolations of the principle of equal freedom and equal opportunity —
but with the inoffensive, peaceable individual, no matter how sel-
fish, unsocial, umdelding he might be, they would not interfere—
except, possibly, to the extent of boycotting him and impressing
upon him the fact that he is deemed an unpleasant and undesirable
neighbor.

This is the general idea Thoreau, the New England recluse and
intense individualist, vaguely entertained when, for example, he
wrote the following lines:

I heartily accept the motto (of Thomas Jefferson): "That government is
best which governs least"; and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly
and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I
beUeve: "That goveniment is best which governs not at all"; and when men
are prepared for it, that wiU be the kind of government which they will have.

The progress from an absolute to a Umited monarchy, from a limited mon-
archy to a democracy, is a progress toward a true respect for the individual.
But is a democracy, such as we know it, the last improvement possible in
government ? Is it not possible to take a step further toward recognizing and
organizing the rights of man ?

There never will be a free and enlightened state until the state comes to
recognize the individual as a higher and independent power, from which all its
own power and authority are derived, and treats him accordingly. I please
myself with imagining a state at least which can afford to be just to all men,
and to treat the individual with respect as a neighbor; which even would not
think it inconsistent with its own repose if a few were to Uve aloof from it, not
meddUng with it, nor embraced by it, who fulfilled all the duties of neighbors
and fellowmen. A state which bore this kind of fruit, and suffered it to drop
off as fast as it ripened, would prepare the way for a still more perfect and
glorious state which also I have imagined, but not yet anywhere seen.

62 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Who will object to these ideals and conceptions? But the
difl&culty with them as expressed is their strange, complete irrele-
vance to any actual problem of which we are conscious and which
presses for a solution. Suppose we accept the view that the society
of the future will be held together in the way outlined by the logical
and uncompromising individuaHsts. What follows ? WTiat is the
bearing of that admission on our own situation ? What practical
program is suggested by the ideal of a free, state-less society ? What
are the steps to be taken today — this year, next year, the year after,
ten years hence, and so on — -with a view to reaching, at some
distant day, the remote goal ?

We know what the answer is: "Repeal, repeal, and again
repeal. " Society can become free only by removing one restriction
after another, destroying one barrier after another, to the freest
human intercourse. Free trade, free access to land, free banking,
free issue of notes to circulate as currency, free association for any
and all purposes not inherently immoral or criminal — this is the
individualist platform.

Sound or unsound, this platform is certainly definite. But how
many of the men and women who are discontented and rebellious,
and who talk about radical changes in the organization of "the
capitaHstic state," accept the individuahst views concerning pro-
tection, monopoly, banking, currency, and land tenure ? Meta-
physical discussion of the nature of sovereignty, Kmitations upon
the power of the state, or the natural rights of the individual throws
no light whatever on questions of economics. So great is the con-
fusion of thought that a man may in the same breath urge the
abolition of the state and propose high protective duties, or a
government monopoly of coinage and currency! It is futile to
paint alluring pictures of a free, state-less society when, as a matter
of fact, only a most insignificant minority is prepared anywhere to
take the first steps toward the alleged goal — namely, to repeal
tariff laws, banking laws, currency laws, patent and copyright laws,
and a hundred other regulative and restrictive laws supposed to be
necessary for the protection of the poor, the uneducated, the credu-
lous, the weak!

The problems of our period are primarily economic. The revolt
being witnessed is a revolt against poverty, gross inequality in the

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE? 63

distribution of wealth, chronic unemplojonent, and the like. How
many of the radicals believe that ''the aboKtion of the state" in
the anarchistic sense would do away with these evils ? To be sure,
socialists of the Marx school, too, have attacked "the state" and
professed a desire to kill it. Under socialism properly understood,
we have been assured in books and periodicals, the state dies, or
dissolves into something totally different. When we analyze these
affirmations, what do we find? A totally arbitrary assumption
that the state is a capitalistic device, an instrument of oppression
and enslavement, and that to aboHsh capitalism, nationalize indus-
try, make ever\'one an employee of the community, is to kill the
state.

Nothing can be more absurd and empty than this. The imphed
definition of the state in the socialist declamations against it is
erroneous. Granted that there is such a thing as a capitalistic
state, as there was such a thing as a military and aristocratic state,
it clearly does not follow that to destroy any particular type of
state is to destroy the state. There is also a democratic state, and
a socialistic state. The Russian Bolshevik leaders are Marxian
socialists, but they have certainly not destroyed the state. They lost
no time in setting up a proletarian state, as they called their non-
proletarian t}Tanny. They dispossessed and disfranchised the
bourgeois elements, but they had the decency to refrain from pre-
tending that they were abolishing the state. They admitted that
they were setting up a dictatorship, a despotism, a state after their
own heart. They had all manner of excuses, of course; the dicta-
torship was to be temporary ; the revolution had to be saved at
any cost, and the enemies of socialism were wicked counter-
revolutionists, who deserved condign punishment and effective
restraint. The intention was to usher in a reign of brotherhood
and equahty. to replace capitalism by harmonious co-operation.
Meantime Lenine and his fanatical followers were to be ''the
state" — and a ruthless state in truth it has been.

Let us, however, recognize the distinction between emergency ,
or war, poKcies on the part of sociaHst or communist reformers, and
permanent policies that are to obtain under normal conditions.
Would socialism under normal conditions dispense with the state —
kill the state? "No," is the answer, if, as has been shown, the

64 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

essence of the state is compulsion. Would a socialist state permit
the individual to secede from it, to ignore it, to cultivate his little
patch, and exchange his products with his neighbors without paying
the state any kind of tax or tribute? Would the socialist state
renounce the right to conscript men into military service, or the
right to impose taxes on dissenting minorities ? Where and when
has any socialist author or leader proposed to kill the state in
this sense — to depend entirely and unreservedly on voluntary co-
operation, and to base government on the actual consent of all of
the governed ? There are individualist writers who assert that the
socialist state would revert to involuntary servitude and would
coerce the workman to a far greater degree than the capitalistic
state has done. Let us not hastily subscribe to such charges as
these. Certain it is, however, that the socialist state would not
even attempt to dispense with compulsion and coercion of non-
invasive individuals. The majority would rule — ^at least, in respect
of essentials. How, then, can it be maintained that socialism
would destroy statism ?

At this point the guild socialist may be imagined as appearing
on the stage and making his plea. No, indeed; orthodox socialism
is incurably statist and tyrannical, and this very fact explains the
advent of the guild socialists. They are not juggling with words;
they are not guilty of inconsistency. They distrust the state and
would reduce it to a minimum. For this reason they would give
industrial guilds the maximum of autonomy ; they would encourage
the formation of other associations for various purposes; they
would stimulate voluntary co-operation in a hundred directions.
The jurisdiction of the state would be so limited that its present
claim to a mysterious sanctity, to metaphysical authority, would
appear ridiculous, and utility would become the sole title of the
state to respect. Within its sphere, however, the state would use
compulsion and possess sufficient autl ority to prevent usurpation
or abuse of power by the autonomous guilds, or other local and
functional organizations.

Manifestly, the guild socialists, though sincere in their liberta-
rian professions, beg the real issue, or at least ignore it. They do
not propose to kill the state, but merely to limit its jurisdiction

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE? 65

and force it, as one writer has said, to come down from its present
"sovereign" pedestal and surrender some of its powers and func-
tions to guild organizations. Their plan may indeed promise
greater efficiency than any reasonable person can expect from a
bureaucratic and despotic state; it may, too, prove more alluring to
lovers of freedom and appreciative students of human personality.
Still, the state would be perpetuated by guild socialists, and on
supreme questions its fiat would be law.

The syndicaHsts assert that they would aboHsh the capitalistic
state and prevent the estabHshment of a democratic or socialist
state, but what would be their syndicate if not a small state, and
what their federation of syndicates but a confederation of small
states? As a matter of fact, syndicalism is a paper scheme that
would break down at the first touch of reahty — that would spell
confusion worse confounded, and sooner or later lead to the restora-
tion of a despotic state. As Mr. Bertrand Russell argues, the
syndicaHsts have outlined no modus operandi to settle controversies
among the autonomous industrial organizations, or between any
of them and the consuming public. To afiirm that the syndicalist
directorates would be at all times amenable to reason and properly
regardful of interests other than those of their particular industrial
group — the miners, say, or the railroad workmen, or the able sea-
men— and that justice would be done in every case without pre-
judice or passion, is to revert to Utopian socialism with a vengeance!
But even if we should admit for the sake of the argument that syn-
dicalism is practical, all that would be impHed by the admission is
that the modern or the traditional state is too powerful and there-
fore too dangerous, and that the time has come to replace it by a
congeries of small, weak states. For, manifestly, the syndicate
would be neither more nor less than a small state. The syndicate
would have its directorate, its officers, its representative assembly,
its referendum system, its rules and regulations. The majority
would govern the syndicate within certain constitutionally pre-
scribed limits, and the minority would have no choice but to obey.
The majority might allow individuals to withdraw from the syn-
dicate, but this right would have to be quahfied and reconciled
with the requirements of efficiency and stabiHty. The advantages

66 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of such withdrawal would be problematical, moreover, since the
seceding indi\ddual or group would, in order to live and earn wages,
be forced to join some other syndicate.

Syndicahsm would abolish, to be sure, the "political" state,
but it would substitute for it the "administrative" state. There
are writers and thinkers who derive great comfort from this antici-
pated change, but it is to be feared that they are the victims of
illusions and verbal juggles. Cannot an administrative state be
even more tyrannical and arbitrary than our political state ? Can-
not a trade union be oppressive and despotic ? Is " administration "
protected by some magic, invisible shield from the vices and evils of
political and bureaucratic government ?

We must conclude, then, first, that none of the modern schools
of thought really proposes to abolish the state, and, second, that
the individualistic and philosophical anarchists, who would like to
abolish it, and know exactly what is meant by the phrase "abolish-
ing the state" admit that their goal is very distant and from any
practical viewpoint Utopian, since more than sufficient unto the day
are the very first steps suggested toward that goal.

Is there, then, no problem before us that concerns the state, its
structure and form, its basis and pillars? Are those who are
asserting that the state is undergoing profound modifications imagin-
ing vain things ? Does the state require no substantial changes ?
Has it adapted itself to the needs and conditions of our age and is
it now functioning as it should ? By no means. It is true that the
state is "in transition," and that vital and important changes are
clearly ahead of it. The nature of the changes is doubtless indi-
cated by recent developments. They are, however, often magni-
fied and even misapprehended.

In the first place, there is much confusion in radical minds with
regard to the further democratization of the state. That the state
has been, is being, and will continue to be "democratized," is a
truism nowadays, but in what sense is the term democracy as
applied to the state to be used? With a curious inconsistency
many radical writers advocate at the same time the emancipation
of the individual and the complete democratization of the state!
Democracy is, however, very far from being synon>Tnous with

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE? 67

individual liberty. If a completely democratized state means a
state in which the majority rules absolutely, and in all departments
of activity, and in which individuals and minorities enjoy none of
the guaranties which, for example, they are accorded by the Consti-
tution of the United States, then the democratization of the state
will mean the enslavement of the individual. Minority government,
oHgarchical government, plutocratic government, are severally
intolerable, and embattled majorities are now rightly seeking
to destroy such forms of government. But majority govern-
ment is not necessarily just or free government, and within certain
limits the individual and the minority must always be protected
from majority aggression. On this point the alleged undemocratic
features of the .American system are sound in principle, though no
doubt far from perfect and open to much improvement. We can-
not, in the name of democracy, suppress freedom of speech or of
the press, or reHgious freedom, or artistic freedom, or freedom in
personal and domestic conduct up to a certain point. To exalt
and free the nonconforming individual is to restrain and curb the
majority or the democratic state.

Again, the very people who are condemning the present state
because of its arrogant assumption of sovereignty, its disregard of
individual rights, the individual conscience, and the like, are
clamorously demanding additional protective, regulative, restrict-
ive legislation in the interest of the greater or greatest number, of
the majority. Send profiteers to prison! is the cry. License all
big corporations! Regulate prices and profits! Stop hoarding
and speculation! These policies may be democratic, they may be
necessar>' evils, but they are not consonant with individual and
minority freedom, with the professed intention of starving and
eventually kilhng the state. The consistent anti-statist may not
admire profiteers and hoarders and food gamblers, but he would not
regulate them by statutory law. He would trust the law of supply
and demand in a free market. He would suffer temporary hard-
ship and loss, but he would not sacrifice personal and economic
liberty. To favor increased regulation of industry and commerce
is not to kill the state but rather to strengthen it and give it a new
lease of life.

68 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Assuming, however, that there are democrats who are also good
libertarians, and rational libertarians who are also good practical
democrats, the question recurs. What would these do with the state ?
How would they improve it ? First of all, they would deprive it of
much of its occupation by re-establishing genuine equahty of
opportunity and industrial democracy. When crime and criminal
vice a])ound, the state has much to do, and there can be no talk of
killing it. When artificial monopoly and iniquitous pri\dlege
mihtate against the equitable and wholesome distribution of wealth
and enable the few to exploit the many, appeals go up from a thou-
sand directions to the supposedly mighty state, and legislation is
sought in behalf of the poor, the weak, the disinherited. When
conmiercial warfare and tariff or other discriminations threaten war
or bring it about, the state metaphorically rubs its hands in glee and
knows that its power and prestige are about to receive coveted
immunity from criticism. War and preparedness for war always
revi\ify the state and silence its theoretical enemies. War tends to
tyranny. War is intolerant. War makes the state sovereign.

Peace, plenty, opportunity, economic justice, on the other hand,
tend to weaken the state. Free and prosperous men do not need
much government. To fight poverty, involuntary idleness, and
unmerited misery is, therefore, to fight the present state. Indus-
trial freedom will pave the way for greater political freedom. This
is why the enhghtened libertarian is not today greatly interested in
academic attacks on the metaphysical state or the political state.
He is interested in well-directed attacks on special privilege and
shielded, protected monopohes, knowing that to get rid of these is
to eradicate much poverty and much of the crime, vice, and bru-
tality that poverty breeds. He who fights for economic and social
reform fights for the emancipation of the soul of the individual as
well, or for the curtailment of the authority of the state. Flank
attacks on the state are far more effective at this stage of evolution
than frontal attacks.

Yet there is no reason why in some sectors of the battle line
a direct attack on the present "political" state should not be
attempted. The governmental machine is breaking down, and the
causes of this breakdown are not exclusively, though chiefly, eco-

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE? 69

nomic. Representative government very often seems to represent
only the tricky and seamy side of human nature. Men elected to
represent mLxed constituencies often lack the courage to take
definite positions on important questions and "play safe" by trim-
ming, drifting, and pretending to be all things to all men. There
are too many demagogues, time-servers, shifty politicians (called
"practical"), in the public life of every democracy. Such men
have no intellectual or moral fitness for the functions they are
supposed to discharge. The result is futile, insincere, and
ineffective legislation, evasion and paltering and endless delays
in attending to ripe problems that demand earnest discussion
and statesman-like action.

Even the average man, who is no philosopher, is disappointed
in the conditions or prospects of modern democracy. He rails at
pohticians and politics. He does not expect efficiency or integrity
of democratic government. He refuses to take seriously campaigns
against waste, extravagance, or "graft." He sneers at party plat-
forms, made, as he says, "to get in on but not to stand on. " He
is skeptical regarding the success of proposed reforms of the familiar
type — for so many of them have been tried and found empty and
fruitless.

This aspect of the democratic situation cannot and need not be
ignored. It is responsible for much of the sympathy, interest, and
enthusiasm which the Russian soviet system has aroused in Hberal
and progressive circles. The Russian Bolshevik idealists, we are
assured by many, have shown us the way out — have evolved what
Lenine calls "a higher form of democracy" than that of England,
France, or America. Let us abolish our legislatures and executives,
and "sovietize" our state and national governments, cry some
superficial radicals.

The soviet system has nothing to do with bolshevism, terror-
ism, Leninism, or the dictatorship of a class. It does offer hints to
advanced democracies, and its failure in Russia, which is certain,
will not prove its total want of merit.

We must make our legislatures more representative and more
efficient. This can be done, undoubtedly, by substituting, at least
to some extent, representation of industries, social groups, schools

70 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of opinions, vocations, and functions for the representation of
geographical areas, heterogenous populations, and nebulous partisan
policies. This suhstitution is the essence of the soviet system, and it
is worth studjing and experimenting with under favorable circum-
stances.

There is no reason why these American states that have been
discussing the possibility of applying the commission plan of govern-
ment to states, or of abolishing the upper chamber of the state
legislature and experimenting with a unicameral general assembly,
should not seriously consider an experiment along the Russian
soviet lines. They might retain the state senate, but provide for
the election of its members not, as now, by the body of voters, but
by electoral colleges representing industrial guilds, commercial
associations, bankers and brokers, merchants, trade unions, pro-
fessional and scientific bodies, etc. Years ago Herbert Spencer, if
memory serves, suggested the reformation of the British House of
Lords after the manner just indicated. He would not have favored
the soviet plan in its entirety, but he recognized the defects of
Parliament — Carlyle's ** Talking Machine" — and the necessity of
such changes in the electoral system as might insure the adequate
representation of the ability, the enterprise, the intelligence, the
character, and the industry of the nation in the parliament. A re-
vising chamber of experts, of men who "do things," who have had
special training for constructive and positive work, would un-
doubtedly give a much better account of itself than a chamber of
lawyers and poHticians — especially of law>^ers and pohticians
nominated and elected by partisan machines and local bosses.

In addition to a revising chamber of the type, suggested, or pend-
ing the adoption of constitutional amendments permitting the
creation and election of such a senate, national, state, and local
councils might be organized for the purpose of deliberating on
industrial, social, and mixed problems, carrying on investigations
and tendering formal advice to the legislature. Such industrial
councils are being organized, or at least proposed, in Great Britain.
As some enlightened newspapers have pointed out, British progres-
sives, with characteristic sense and sobriety have modified the
Russian soviet plan and adapted it to the institutions and traditions

WHAT SHALL WE DO WITH THE STATE? 71

of their own country, whose genius for timely compromise and
acconmiodation is universally admired. It is no humiliation to the
sovereign Parliament of Britain to admit that it often fumbles and
muddles because it lacks scientific and practical knowledge, and
because it is hampered by partisan politics and supposed partisan
strategy. But, humiliating or not, the admission that parhaments
and congresses and legislatures of the conventional type have
developed weakness and faults and require extensive ''mending"
will have to be made. And it is fortunate that sober-minded
students of the problem are beginning to develop a sort of consensus
of opinion respecting the sort of mending that needs to be done.
Extreme, superficial notions are being discarded. The silly demand
for the sudden, immediate " sovietizing " of our so-called bourgeois
governments on the Moscow, Petrograd, and Budapest models was
confined to ignorant and shallow editors of the yellow radical press.
We shall hear little of that nonsense after a while, but we shall and
ought to hear much about genuinely representative legislative
assembHes, as well as about electoral machinery and electoral laws
that are intentionally designed to produce such assemblies.

It is certain that even plain business men who would warmly
repudiate any charge of sympathy with radicalism will increasingly
insist on changes in the composition, personnel, and atmosphere of
our legislative bodies. The complaint that "there are too many
law3^ers" in Congress is familiar and symptomatic. There are too
many lawyers in every legislative body in the United States. Law-
yers have a strong bias toward legalism. They are more adept at
raising objections, drawing fine distinctions, splitting hairs, finding
reasons against proposed courses of action, than at removing
difficulties and making constructive suggestions. The business
man is right when he asserts that we need, in public life, more men
who know how to get results. We need farmers, merchants, manu-
facturers, engineers, physicians, educators, practical sociologists,
mechanics, labor leaders, in our legislative bodies. This is in
strict accord with the true democratic principle; there is nothing
wild or extreme about the idea. We shall have a better state, a
more efficient and democratic state, when the men and women who
speak and act in its name represent industry, commerce, science,

72 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the liberal professions, the arts, practical benevolence, and the like.
That state will be as good as the average character, intelligence,
and culture of the people can make it. More is impossible.

Finally, within the limits of the state's proper activities — and,
to repeat with emphasis, to demand more democracy is not to de-
mand the enthronement of the majority and the abohtion of indi-
vidual and minority rights — the voters must be armed with effective
weapons of control and defense, with the referendum, the initiative,
the recall, proportional representation, as against their elected
representatives. A golden means must be found between the
chaos and emotionaHsm of so-called "pure democracy," which, in
truth, has become impossible in large and heterogeneous societies,
and a too rigid system of representative government, which has so
often resulted in anti-democratic, anti-popular, misrepresentative
government.

Changes still more fundamental than those sketched may and
must be left to the future. It is unprofitable to speculate upon
their nature, for the data available are wholly insufficient. Mere
technical and mechanical progress may react powerfully on the
modem state. The further development of a sane and sound inter-
nationalism, which is inevitable, cannot fail to affect the nationalist
state. But such changes cannot be foreseen in the concrete; to
predict them in vague generaUties is 'not to facilitate them. The
course of wisdom and sane, philosophical radicalism is to interpret
and facilitate such changes as are surely coming, as are actually
casting shadows before them, and as we can afford to encourage and
welcome.

EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP IN A DEMOCRACY'

CHARLES A. ELLWOOD

University of Missouri

The Great War was supposedly fought to "make the world safe
for democracy"; while some of us hoped that, purified by the
trials of that mighty struggle and ennobled by its heroism, democ-
racy might become "safe for the world. " Neither result, however,
is yet in evidence; and those of us who were optimistic as to the
beneficent results of a victorious war upon our democracy and our
civilization must sorrowfully admit the old, well-known truth
that war in its effects is destructive, not constructive, and that
constructive work for democracy must come through education.
The only way we can "make the world safe for democracy" or
democracy "safe for the world," it should now be evident, is
through educating the world for democracy.

The sober fact is that democracy is now confronting the greatest
crisis of its existence, and unless education can do something to
foster it and render it successful it must go under. So far from
increasing enthusiasm for democracy, the war seems to have had
exactly the opposite effect in some quarters. Only recently
university presidents, corporation managers, and even poHticians
have expressed doubts about the ability of the people to govern
themselves. Such doubts may seem not unjustified in view of
the present disturbed condition of even the most democratic
countries. Democracy as a poHtical and social system has, of
course, been successful in the past, but under much simpler con-
ditions of life. We must recognize that the relative success of
democracy under the simple, rural conditions of Hfe in which our
fathers lived is but Httle argument for the success of democracy
in the complex, urban civilization in which we hve. The indi-
viduahstic laissez faire democracy of our fathers will not work
today. Their simple, rural Hfe demanded only a minimum of

'An address before the Southern Sociological Congress, Washington, D.C., May 9.

73

74 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

social control, while our complex urban world demands a maxi-
mum of control, because social interdependence has been so vastly-
increased by the use of many things in common. The twenty
million people massed in the great cities of our eastern seaboard
would soon perish miserably if they were cut ofif for even a short
time from the rest of the country by civil disturbances. Even the
scattered striking of a few thousand switchmen throws their food
supply into confusion. We have built a gigantic material civili-
zation that resembles nothing so much as a mighty machine which
requires almost infinite intelligence and good will to run it in such
a way that it will not bring disaster upon us. Yet the intelligence
and good will necessary to run this social machine must in a democ-
racy reside in the people themselves. Here, then, is our problem.
How are we to secure the intelligence and good will needed in the
mass of our citizens to meet the increasingly complex problems of
an ever-increasingly complex civilization ?

Quite e\ddently both the advocates of democracy and the
leaders of education have been guilty of serious overlookings as to
the exact relations which must obtain between education and
democracy in complex societies, if democracy is to be successful.
Let us face facts as they are. In a democracy the people are the
masters. This means that they must solve their own problems.
The real sovereign in a democracy is public opinion; but public
opinion is only the co-ordination of the individual judgments
of the mass of individual citizens. If public opinion is to solve
the staggering social and political problems which now confront
our nation, it can only be on the condition that a good degree of
social and political intelligence has been developed in the mass of
citizens. To be sure, social and political leaders may play a
dominant part in the formation and guidance of public opinion;
but it should never be forgotten that in a democracy the people
must provide and select their own leaders. They must provide
for the training of wise leaders in their system of public education;
then they must have enough social intelligence to distinguish the
wise leader from the demagogue. This, again, makes the solution
of social and political problems through public opinion a matter of
education and of the general diffusion of social intelligence.

EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP IN A DEMOCRACY 75

To put the matter concretely: the solution of such social and
political problems as the harmonization of the relations of capital
and labor, the juster distribution of wealth, a just system of taxa-
tion, the deflation of our currency, the reduction of the cost of
living, the settlement of our international relations, the harmonious
adjustment of the negro and the white, the control of immigration,
the promotion of agriculture, the sanitation and government of our
cities, the repression of vice and crime, all depend upon the develop-
ment of intelligent public opinion. But this public opinion will
depend for its intelligence, in the last analysis, upon the general
diffusion of social and political intelligence among the mass of the
people. Plainly the success or failure of democracy resolves itself
into a matter of the social and political education of the citizen.
Not until the nation sees this is there any hope of escape from the
ills which now beset us. To think that citizens in a complex
democracy like our own can become efficient through common
sense and common experience is more fooHsh and more dangerous
than to think that efficient farmers or engineers can be so produced.
The problems which even the average citizen in our communities
is now called upon to help solve are too complex to be solved intel-
ligently through common sense and experience, but on the con-
trary require specific social and political education. Such social
and political education, rightly conceived and carried out, is the
real and the only remedy for the unrest and the disorders of our
time.

But before we can discuss wherein such social and political
education for citizenship in a democracy should consist, we must
note the impediments which still stand in the way of all education
in the United States, and how little as yet the public mind has
linked the fate of our democracy with education. We are often
told that the American people are "crazy over education" and we
boast of our schools. How little warrant there is for such exaggera-
tion or boasting, however, the facts disclose. A nation that pays
its common-school teachers less than it pays its ditch-diggers and
hodcarriers, its highest rank of university professors less than its
locomotive engineers, can scarcely be said to be "crazy over edu-
cation." We have left our schools to be dominated by petty and

76 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

local interests, often even without intelligent central supervision.
How idle it is to boast of our schools we realize when we are told
that nearly 25 per cent of the young men gathered into the training
camps to form our national army during the Great War were found
to be practically illiterate. Yet these illiterates help to make
public opinion and decide public policies on the complex issues
before our democracy. We expect them to share in the ideals
which make our nation great as well as to fight its battles. Is it
any wonder that our democracy often fails when it confronts some
of the great crises of human history? Until our schools are at
least efficient enough to free us from the curse of ilHteracy and
until they can free themselves from the bhght of petty locaHsm
on the one hand and from the blight of inadequate support on the
other; until they can become, in a word, agencies of national
efficiency and of national service, it seems idle to discuss education
for citizenship through them. Adequate social and poHtical edu-
cation for democracy, of course, cannot be realized until these
prehminary difficulties are met.

Assuming, however, that these and similar difficulties have
been met, what sort of education for democracy shall we plan ?
WTiat is an adequate education for citizenship in a democracy ?
Obviously such an education must aim at creating social intel-
ligence in citizens, on the one hand, and at maximizing co-operation
among citizens on the other hand. The creation of social intel-
ligence is the foundation. If democracy means that the people
must solve their own problems, then ignorance is the deadliest foe
of democracy. Ignorance makes democracy impossible, and of
all the forms of ignorance the most deadly in a democracy is
sociological ignorance; that is, ignorance of the laws and con-
ditions of human Hving together. It is this sort of ignorance which
breeds crimes, revolutions, bolshevism, anarchy, distrust and
antagonism of classes, and even lack of faith in democracy itself.
Not that ample knowledge of social laws and conditions would at
once and in all cases lead to civic virtue and social harmony, but
that it is the necessary foundation on which a harmonious and
well-ordered social life can be built up. The more one studies
present social life, the more one becomes convinced that the evils

EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP IN A DEMOCRACY 'j'j

from which we suffer are more due to ignorance than to malevo-
lence. Even in the economic sphere the profiteering of business
men and laboring men aHke has in it a large element of ignorance.
If, for example, everyone understood that our main economic
problem is still that of increasing production rather than that of
securing a juster distribution of wealth, that if all incomes were
equalized even in this the richest nation in the world, they would
still be inadequate for a comfortable standard of living, such
knowledge alone would help to harmonize the relations between
classes. Sheer ignorance, in other words, has led to an unfortu-
nate overemphasis of the importance of the problem of the distri-
bution of wealth, while the problem of the adequate production of
wealth still remains unsolved. Similarly, lack of knowledge or
imperfect knowledge is at the bottom of most social maladjust-
ments, w^hile misunderstandings and ignorance are the real causes
of most of the conflicts of individuals, classes, nations, and races
in our human world.

Said a prominent member of the British ParHament recently:
"A quarter of a century in poUtics has converted me to one creed,
to which I hold steadfastly in a world of changing political panaceas
— the belief that education and knowledge, and the mutual for-
bearance and understanding sympathy which only knowledge can
give, are the only cure for the social and political ills to which
mankind is heir. We want information — a ceaseless propaganda
of honest information, so that we may understand the complex
and difiScult problems of the period of transition through which
we are now passing. "

If these words are true, then the only way out in our civili-
zation is through the developing of more social and pohtical
intelligence in the masses; and the easiest way to develop such
intelhgence is through more social and political education in our
schools. Social studies should be fundamental in the curricula of our
schools from kindergarten to college and should occupy not less
than one-third of the student's time. By "social studies" I mean
those that are concerned with human relationships and conditions,
such as the study of history, of government, of industry, of family
and community life, of public health, of social organization and

78 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

progress, and of social standards. Only through such social
studies becoming central in our whole scheme of education can the
present amazing ignorance of rich and poor alike regarding social
conditions and laws be overcome and adequate education for
citizenship in a democracy be secured. This is the revolution
which is needed to solve our political and social problems and to
lead us securely in the path of progress. The trouble is that our
schools, held fast in the bonds of a traditional curriculum, and our
educators, bound by the narrow educational theories of the past,
only touch the fringe of genuine social education. So far as I
know, no school or college has as yet definitely accepted the edu-
cational revolution of making social studies central in the curriculum.
Yet how we can have an efficient, intelligent democracy, capable
of solving its own problems, on any other condition than that
social studies be made central in the curricula of all of our schools
I fail to see.

Many profess to fear that such definite social and political
education in our schools will work to maintain an estabhshed social
order and even to sanction abuses of power. The reply is that if
social studies are introduced into our schools upon a scientific
basis no such effect need be feared. The social sciences necessarily
involve searching but impersonal criticism of existing institutions
and pohcies. They of all studies are best fitted to emancipate
the mind and to free it from thraldom to mere social tradition.
Other studies may be hberating and Hberalizing for the mind, but
none so profoundly as the social sciences, since they develop an
impersonal or scientific attitude toward human affairs. If democ-
racy means free society, then they best prepare for democracy,
because they free the mind and thus prepare the way for rational
social progress. The truth is that those who oppose social studies
in our schools are usually those, whether they are revolutionists or
conservatives, who believe that society must rest upon force rather
than upon reason. They, in other words, are persons who distrust
democracy. Democracy, on the other hand, has everything to
gain and nothing to lose, from growing social intelligence and
education.

We should not forget that alongside of the formal education
of the schools is the informal education of the pubHc press and

EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP IN A DEMOCRACY 79

public oral discussion, which for the adult population is even more
important than the schools in the diffusion of social information
and in the formation of public opinion. It is through these agencies
that the adult citizens of a democracy must educate one another
regarding public questions ; hence the importance of keeping them
free and untrammeled by selfish interests. If they are kept free,
the schools will also maintain their freedom, and we should not
need to fear that social education would become an instrument of
pohtical conservatism. Educators have every interest, therefore,
in maintaining freedom of public discussion and a free press —
within the limits, of course, of courtesy, decency, and truth;
for they are a part of the necessary machinery for the education
of a democracy.

But social education means much more than instruction in
social studies, important as that is. The imparting of social
knowledge and the development of social intelHgence is its founda-
tion, but the socialization of the will, the maximization of the
attitude of service, is its crown. Just now the world seems more
sadly in need of good will and of unselfish service than of knowledge.
Any social education which does not eventuate in the inculcation
of social values, standards, and ideals is abortive. But as we have
already pointed out the best way to inculcate social standards and
ideals is through the scientific study of social facts and conditions.
Thus as soon as we have ascertained the conditions and effects of
child labor we have the knowledge on which to base a scientific
standard regarding it which will compel the assent of all reasonable
minds. We have made the mistake in the past of thinking that
moral values, social standards, and even patriotism can be taught
effectively as abstractions or dogmas. The right way to teach
these highest things in social education, however, is undoubtedly
through the study of concrete situations and problems, in which
these values naturally emerge. If so taught, there will be no danger
that the student in later Ufe will regard these things as ''mere
dogmas."

The school should maintain and teach the attitude of service at
all times. This it should do not dogmatically, so as to stifle indi-
vidual conscience and judgment, but as an elastic, dynamic ideal
which will give a definite social direction to the student's mental

8o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and moral life. Self-interest as a basis for social living has been
shown to be inadequate both through the experience of the past
and through the study of the laws of human hving together. The
service ideal of life accordingly will naturally emerge from the
study of social conditions and laws, and the school by its discipHne
and spirit should reinforce this ideal. The inculcation of the
service ideal of Ufe — of service beginning in the smaller, primary
groups, such as the family and the local community, but extending
to the nation and finally to humanity — is, then, the end to be
sought in all education for citizenship in a democracy. Thus may
we maximize co-operation and minimize conflict in the nation and
in the whole world. Thus may we also, through the unexplored
possibilities of co-operation or ''team work," make our democracy
some day so startHngly efficient that the boasted efficiency of
autocracy will look small in comparison.

It should not be overlooked that such a thorough, socialized
education for citizenship in a democracy would be essentially a
reUgious education, in that it would aim to secure that consecration
of life to the service of the community which ethical rehgion also
aims at. It would be essentially a Christian education, not in a
theological sense, but in the sense that it would inculcate the
service of humanity as the highest end and aim of Hfe. Thus
social education would find that science, religion, and patriotism,
now so often foolishly put in opposition to one another, are essen-
tially harmonious and are all essential in education for ideal citizen-
ship.

It should be unnecessary^ to point out that such a social edu-
cation, which would throw the emphasis in education upon social
intelligence and social service, would leave ample place for literary,
physical, vocational, and every other sort of education needed for
complete human living. Thus an education which did not include
preparation for the serious work of life in a vocational sense would
scarcely be worthy to be called social. Only social education
would subordinate vocationalization to socialization. It would
exalt the social man,' the citizen, above his vocation, his physique,
or his culture in the narrow sense of that word.

Two final matters of the utmost importance can only be touched
upon in concluding our discussion of education for citizenship in a

EDUCATION FOR CITIZENSHIP IN A DEMOCRACY 8i

democracy. The first is the necessity of educating leaders in a
democracy. Democracies are like all other human societies —
they can achieve great things only through capable leadership.
But in a democracy the people themselves must provide and
select their own leaders. This means that the whole educational
system should be devised to select and train the most capable for
social leadership. This places the main responsibiHty for the
success of democracy upon those higher educational institutions
which are supposed to be equipped for the training of social and
political leaders, namely, the colleges and the universities. Are
American colleges and universities awake to their full responsi-
bility in this regard ?

The second matter is the need of a national system of edu-
cation in a democratic nation. Training for intelligent citizenship
must be the first concern of the nation, if the nation is to live and to
realize its destiny. Such education is a national concern and
cannot be left with safety wholly to local interests. It is to our
credit that we have devised a system of government which recon-
ciles local and national interests. It should not be difficult to
devise a system of education also which will reconcile local and
national interests. We need a national minimum in education,
and Congress should pass without delay the Smith-Towner bill,
or some better bill, to provide at once a national system of edu-
cation as the one indispensable measure for national reconstruction.

In conclusion, may I say that we need a deeper faith in education
as a savior and regenerator of democracy? We need to reaUze
that education is the conscious method of social evolution and so,
in the last analysis, the only rational means of social progress.
We need to see the vital relation between democracy and education,
that both must rise or sink together. But we need especially a
practical faith in education, such as will lead us to match every
dollar spent for army or navy or miHtary training by at least
another dollar spent for our schools. Then, perhaps, we shall be
able to safeguard our own democracy, and thus do our bit in making
a world safe for democracy.

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT

WEAVER PANGBURN
Division Secretary, War Camp Community Service

I

While the war-born hope of international understanding and
co-operation seems doomed to disappointment, the patriotic forces
for unity set up within nations still give promise of bearing perma-
nent fruit. The United States made a relatively small sacrifice
in the struggle but shares equally with other nations the benefits
of victory. The war shook America out of its provincialism and,
like some powerful chemical, cast into more complete solution
the various elements of its population. That old southern moun-
taineer spoke with significance who declared that the Hickory
Division and the Twenty-seventh New York "done bust the
Mason and Dixon Line" when they together broke the Hinden-
burg fine. What years of patient education and exhortation in
peace time failed to bring about the war swiftly advanced — an
enlarged capacity for co-operative effort in good causes. The
impetus to the community movement is the most conspicuous
illustration of this hopeful phenomenon.

The armistice signed, public attention shifted from the arena
of the war to the arena of community life. The nation functioned
through the community in fighting to win the war; now it looks
to the community to conserve the fruits of victory. The patriotic
motive has been translated into a civic sense transcending that of
pre-war days. The great religious and social organizations created
or enlarged by the war, now that the soldier has returned, aim to
build up in his home town a community life that will reflect the
democratic ideal for which he fought. Concentrating on the in-
struction of women in rural and isolated communities, urging the
war nurses to enter public health service rather than private, and
enlarging and intensifying activities of local chapters, the Red
Cross is endeavoring to build up higher standards of community
health. The Y.M.C.A. has appealed to the returning soldier and

82

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 83

sailor to carry into his home community the lessons of the service
and has striven to find for the soldier and sailor in every com-
munity friendship, the church of his choice, and some unselfish
service. The National Catholic War Council found easy the
transition from the activities of the Knights of Columbus in the
training camps and in France to a full-fledged social program in
the community. The activities of the War Camp Community
Service in organizing and stimulating the resources of cities for
the recreation of the men in uniform, instead of diminishing, have
been intensified and are emerging into a broad peace-time move-
ment for the general enrichment of the lives of all citizens. The
welfare organizations are continuing in peace time and infusing
their enthusiasm into the normal economic and social activities
of the community.

While on the one hand the spirit of industrial conflict seems to
be increasing, yet on the other the more far-sighted leaders of both
labor and capital are interpreting the business of production in
terms of association and partnership between employer and
employee. Social well-being as well as material gain is declared to
be the object of industry. Understanding the other fellow's
problems and viewpoint, it is asserted, is the sine qua non of
contentment and progress in industry.

The war itself and the social by-products of the war constitute
no mean challenge to the church. The simple Christianity of the
trenches is in order at home. Rabbi, priest, and minister are
agreed that theories, beliefs, and doctrines must make concession
to practical service. Ecclesiastical propaganda must yield to an
emphasis on life, works, and social justice. An enlarged sense of
community obligation has infected all creeds. Points of agree-
ment and unity between sects, rather than points of divergence,
are emphasized. The community church appears less impractical
than formerly. Personal salvation, the importance of the here-
after, the emphasis on negations, many declare are secondary to
social service, the urgency of the present, and a positive gospel.
Fraternity, churchmen say, must be practiced as well as preached.
The democratic tendency to give laymen a large place in the affairs
of the church which was in evidence before the war has been greatly

84 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

stimulated. It is insisted that fellowship should be the democratic
ideal of the church just as comradeship was the glory of the
army.

The appeal for more humanity in education, the installation for
the first time of courses in community organization by many
colleges and universities, the re-emphasis on community centers by
governmental and private organizations, all point to the desire to
have the schools catch up and carry on into the future the demo-
cratic lessons of the war. A great educator has declared that the
schools were created for the present hour. Secretary Lane pro-
posed soon after the armistice that in the village communities
where he would place the returned soldiers there should be com-
munity centers where the people might gather, have their own
life, express themselves as they desire, and engage in co-operative
buying and selHng.

The stern business of war strangely enough brought out in the
American community unexpected resources in the spirit of play.
The spread of the play institute and the revival of amateur sport
are evidences of the new attitude. Community singing has swept
the country from the Atlantic to the Pacific. No pubUc gather-
ing, from a political convention to a church supper, is complete
without mass singing. The play and pageant, like singing, are
being applied to more democratic uses. General O'Ryan has
proposed a municipal playhouse as a fitting memorial of the Great
War. Percy MacKaye's ideal of community drama — -''Splendidly
and eflSciently to be neighbors" — has an ever- widening appeal.
Educators are now interpreting recreation as re-creation.

The community ideal of neighborliness and democracy has
striking illustration in the direction that the war memorial idea has
taken. The kinds of memorials that have appealed most to the
fancy of the people, as well as of the artist, are such Uving memori-
als as the community house, auditorium, bridge, park, Hbrary, play-
house. The community house reflects the democratic lesson of the
war and carries into the future the spirit of public service which
has been so greatly stimulated. An expression of the community
itself and designed to serve local needs, the community house is
to become at once a new home and school of democracy.

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 85

The most unmistakable and trustworthy evidence of the com-
munity movement, however, is observable in the spontaneous
spirit and enterprise of the communities themselves. The general
impulse for community development is characterized by an em-
phasis on crying social needs, capitalization of the leisure time of
the people for constructive recreation, democratic organization of
the neighborhood life, and liberahty in the expenditure of public
funds. There is a surprising wilUngness to make financial in-
vestment in that intangible thing called community spirit.
Co-ordination, harmony, the elimination of duplication and over-
lapping among organizations are the common slogans. Small cities
and towns give the greater evidence of this civic awakening, al-
though many large cities have plans for great improvements. Bir-
mingham, Alabama, has voted a bond issue of four and one-half
milhons for the erection of schools, a city hall and library, and a com-
munity auditorium to cost five hundred thousand dollars. Fayette-
ville. North CaroHna, having a population of but seven thousand,
has bonded itself to the amount of $115,000 in order to erect a
community center as a war memorial and in addition has raised
fifteen thousand dollars by public subscription to support a com-
munity service program that will insure ample and wide use of the
community center. The St. Louis plan involves an expenditure of
ninety-three million dollars and includes the construction of
water works, parks, bridges, a great auditorium, water-front
development, and the establishment of community centers. In-
dianapolis has decided to erect ten community houses to cost
not less than seventy-five thousand dollars each. Within a short
time after the armistice a council for "after-war service" was
formed in Grand Rapids, the purpose of which was to *'(i) co-
ordinate and harmonize all organized efforts directed toward the
solution of local after-war problems, (2) work through all private
and pubHc agencies which are doing or are preparing to do
specialized work in any part of the whole field, and (3) stimulate
organized effort in any particular field not already filled." The
example of Reading, Massachusetts, where one thousand citizens
as volunteers themselves performed the manual labor of laying
out a tract of land as a memorial park, shows how a war-created

86 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

interest may fuse a whole community. Upward of one hundred
cities where War Camp Community Service was in operation have
taken up the work this organization laid down and will aim to
provide organized recreation for the general population as well as
for men in permanent naval and miUtary posts.

The extensive programs of national and international organiza-
tions, the spontaneous impulse for civic development among the
cities and towns themselves, and the concentration of fostering
care upon the more isolated and economically poor communities
by the federal government point to a better day in the civic life of
the nation. The permanency of this fine enthusiasm and the
success of plans projected will depend on whether communities
have actually incorporated in themselves the lessons of the war.
In fighting for a democratic cause, have we learned community
democracy ? Winston Churchill says that democracy has become
a scientific experiment. In helping to win the war have we dis-
covered the basic principles of successful community life ? There
is some evidence that the outlook for the future does not depend
solely on the patriotic enthusiasm engendered by a righteous
cause nor upon the natural wave of humanity and ideahsm that
spread over a country which fought not for material gain but for
the freedom of the world.

II

The community is not so conspicuous solely because Americans
witnessed and shared in a war of democracy against autocracy.
Nor do we look hopefully to the community inspired simply by a
vague, indefinite sense of brotherhood and good will. Immortality
is not gained by an immobile worship of deity. Democracy is not
achieved by a patriotic subscription of loyalty to the cause of
freedom. The prime importance of the community interest bears
in on a citizen's consciousness when he has experienced a share in
unselfish and co-operative service in its behalf. We are democ-
ratized by participation. A muscle develops through use.

The men who actually fought in the trenches are not the sole
spiritual beneficiaries of the war. While it is true that in the
midst of heroic sacrifice they were washed clean of sordid and

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 87

mean impulses, and a unique solidarity and comradeship were
erected, at the same time the people back home were learning
their own lessons in unselfish service and co-operation. When
our men began to return from France, some writers with no little
emotional vehemence undertook to paint a gulf yawning between
the soldier heroes and ordinary people. A gulf there may have
been, but it closed without any discernible social earthquake, as the
history of the American Legion demonstrates. The differences
between the returning soldiers and those who made them possible
were after all not immeasurable. It was found that what Columbia
produced she could take back to her bosom. The heroic and
democratic stuff of our soldiers and sailors is also in the citizenry
at large.

An immediate consequence of American participation in the
war was to make civic spirit function more completely. The
government fostered thrift, greater production of necessary com-
modities, the raising of funds for war purposes, the entertainment
and welfare of the fighters. While every community looked to
Washington for leadership, inspiration, and hope, Washington in
turn looked to each community for fighters, goods, and morale.
The great loans and other funds were raised by the skilful utiliza-
tion of all the community forces in united drives. Liberty-loan
parades, which brought into a single festive column representatives
of all the social and racial groups of the population, reduced
prejudices and increased mutual respect. What patriot could
look upon the enthusiastic faces of the foreign-born or view a
foreign flag carried side by side with the Stars and Stripes without
feehng a thrill of sympathy and good will. However temporary,
the money-raising campaigns drew the community together
because of the common enthusiasm and voluntary co-operation
they involved.

However, in the vast amount of so-called volunteer work
during the war, more than in anything else, is found the key to
the increased capacity of the American public for community
effort. The war work of the countless volunteers in every com-
munity is as significant as that of the dollar-a-year patriots at
Washington. In the outlook for the future, what is most important

88 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

is not what they did but how they did it. The self-appointed war
tasks of many communities demanded the development of no
little democratic technique.

The reaction of communities to the nearby concentration of
large numbers of student soldiers was a wholesome civic improve-
ment. Selfish interests at first sought to reap usurious profit
from the soldiers' and sailors' necessity. But gradually cities and
towns cleaned house and assumed for themselves the role of
hospitality. The eager throngs of soldiers and sailors who poured
cityward were a challenge to the heart and conscience of the
community. The city became immediately a party to the training
of the army and navy. In grappling with the leisure-time problem
of the men in the military and naval service, commum'ties learned
lessons in co-operation, brotherhood, and democracy more potent
and permanent than the temporary enthusiasm of a war-loan
drive, the sympathetic appeal of Belgian suffering, or the loud
acclaim of the glory of the embattled rights of man.

In the presence of the young men in khaki and blue, important
psychological changes occurred in individuals which in the combined
citizenry took form in significant social change. The visits of
the soldier and sailor brought a personal as well as a social problem.
In the face of such a challenge, a sense of personal responsibility
for the welfare and entertainment of the men in uniform developed
which expanded into an enlarged conception of the obHgation of
one's church, of one's club, and of the community. Business man,
clergyman, clubwoman, artist, Boy Scout, musician, workingnian,
Rotarian, social worker, pooled their capacities to promote con-
structive recreation. Mr. Business Man not only served on a
committee and voted an army and navy clubhouse but he personally
dropped around to the club, chatted with the men, served coffee,
or sold stamps. Mr. Workingman gave unpaid service in helping
erect or decorate the club. The same spirit of service inspired
the saloon-keeper in an industrial town to organize community
singing as that which impelled a conscientious minister to permit
movies and dancing in the church parlors. The ladies added to
their Red Cross duties organized entertainment at the clubs, in
the church, and in the home. The tirelessness, spontaneity, and

TEE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 89

cheer of the American women in their war activities is no less
remarkable than their capacity for organization and co-operation.
Cutting across and uniting all groups, the community war work
taught many valuable lessons of co-operation in social effort.

The varied and educative war activities of the community
did more than give an outlet to the pent-up patriotic impulses of
all sorts of people. The work of volunteers has given to tens of
thousands a new spirit of service and has enriched the country
with a veritable army of persons of some degree of training and
experience in civic enterprises. The spoken conviction of x^meri-
can business that association and partnership are the necessary
relation in industry has its basis in the personal activity of the busi-
ness man in war work as well as in the fear of impending industrial
revolt. The Baltimore business man with a three-hundred-a-day
income who served sandwiches in a soldiers' club was being trained
for the personal relation in industry^ In the temporary alliances
of war work an understanding developed that may yet become the
basis for permanent harmonious relationships. A widespread
though not always articulate spirit of social service exists. Sharp
lines of social, religious, and racial cleavage have to a degree
faded.

The development and outlook of the returned soldier and sailor
have also had a wholesome influence on the community mind.
The folks at home understand that the soldier and sailor have had a
unique and broadening experience. The draft brought into the
military organization a remarkable cosmopolitanism. Many an
outfit learned its Americanism in the trenches. Army life was a
liberal education because it provided each man with the technical
training of warfare and the cultural influences of music, drama,
reading, religion, and social intercourse in camp and city. How-
ever, the chief lesson that the soldier and sailor themselves say
they have learned alike from the monotonous grind of the training
camp and the acutely poignant trial of battle is that of comrade-
ship. Returned to civil hfe, they mean to have a part in building
a new humanity on the basis of the fine fraternity of the miUtary
and naval Hfe. This point of view is having no uncertain influence
on the community in this period of reconstruction.

90 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The imaginative recreation so generously utilized everywhere
has had a great influence in the community. Mass singing has
served to melt the ice of civic indifference and has become the fore-
runner of co-operative activities of more substantial character.
"People act less on reasoned conviction than on the spur of
emotional or instinctive attitudes." The harmony of large diverse
groups singing with one purpose results in united civic activities.
Community drama, pageantry, and amateur theatricals have also
had their socializing influence.

Paradoxical as it may seem, the spirit of play was abroad in
the land far more during the war than before. This was the result
of the camp athletic games and the attempt of the community to
provide recreation for the soldier and the sailor. The community
not only provided athletic contests, games, parties, and dances, but
participated in these activities with their soldier and sailor guests.
Joining in the game had the same fine socializing effect as com-
munity singing. Team play, harmony, brotherliness, and co-
operation were the visible effects. Understanding, sympathy,
postponement of individual to collective ends are the social by-
products of collective play.

The popularity of the community house as a memorial is partly
accounted for by the popularity of the soldiers' club the country
over. The club in town and the hut at camp came to represent
warmth, good cheer, camaraderie, and the spirit of brotherhood.
They had something of the home touch. Returned from the
service the soldier and sailor naturally favor a permanent institu-
tion of a similar character. The community, too, became
accustomed to the club as a common gathering place, since it was
there they assembled to entertain the men in the service. More-
over, the club represented the labor and the love of the many
different groups who had a part in making it possible. An invest-
ment in a common house for the whole citizenship is a logical
consequence of an investment in a club for a part of the citizen-
ship that had donned the uniform. An additional cause of popu-
larity of the community house is the powerful conviction that
such a building is most symbolic of a living democracy and of the
American spirit in the war.

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 91

The patriotic spirit in the country was not always articulate,
not always well directed. Hospitable impulses and efforts were
often wasted in overlapping. However, the government set in
motion in the community civilian agencies which helped to make
practical and productive the spontaneous spirit of service without
superimposing authority or crushing initiative. The War Camp
Community Service, in particular, functioned as a co-ordinating
and stimulating agency, a clearing house for recreational activities
provided for the soldier and sailor. A non-sectarian, non-partisan
agency, it was able to teach many communities the art of doing
things together with dispatch and effectiveness. It could not
create community spirit, but it helped the community to apply it.

No institution worth the name in the community but has felt
the impress of an enlarged community sense. The church could
not but be stirred to self-examination as it was drawn more and
more into the community activities of war work. The direct
contacts of the Y.M.C.A., Knights of Columbus, and the Jewish
Welfare Board — the agencies of the church — with the men in
the service contributed immensely to the lesson. No chamber of
commerce could meet the innumerable calls of the community
without enlarging its social ideals. No club could open its doors
to the soldier and sailor or promote a liberty loan without imbibing
some of the spirit of a larger brotherhood. No refined home
could receive an awkward, rough-shod farmer lad without being
drawn closer to him and his kind. War activities made for practi-
cal neighborhness.

The country has begun reconstruction with a generous force of
community spirit which will make for sanity, safety, and enhanced
national efficiency if utilized. Shall the rich resources of trained
personality in every community be demobilized and dismissed ?
Shall the spirit of unity and brotherhood go to waste? W'ill the
warm impulses for service, which the war stirred in so many people,
be permitted to dry up ?

Ill

The intelligent application of the war-inspired enthusiasm and
fervor for the community good to a sane program is the urgent
task of the present. Far too many citizens, faihng the glamor

92 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and romance of the war motive, have already relapsed into pre-
war indifference. Wisely guided, the spirit of neighborliness will
not vanish into thin air but will crystallize in substantial opportuni-
ties for a larger life for the average citizen.

A practical plan of community service must have its chief
inspiration and support not in a superimposed program but in
local initiative. While many isolated and socially and economically
poor communities will welcome a community service institute
sent out by the state government, yet the towns and cities and
even some rural districts will be averse to outside interference.
In the main, each community must work out its own salvation.
Local pride has been accentuated by the self-revelation brought
about by war activities. A central and stimulating agency there
may be, which will circulate successful ideas and methods or even
furnish skilled community workers on request. But the ser\ace
of the clearing-house cannot be thrust upon the community.

Community action must be as practical as it is spontaneous.
The basis of community service must be organized friendship.
Many cities that have a wealth of institutions, agencies, and
societies that represent the finest motives of Christian spirit and
friendship seldom have effected co-ordination and co-operation.
They work at cross-purposes, overlap, waste effort. The basis of
team success is the absolute performance by each member of the
duty assigned him. The secret of a real neighborhood life is the
acceptance of the personal responsibilities for which each indi-
vidual is peculiarly qualified.

The objective of the community movement is, briefly put, a
larger life for everybody. It means better moral, industrial, and
social conditions, more production and productivity, more play
and recreation, better health and better education, more adequate
neighborhood expression. It means Americanization that will
teach American ideas, customs, standards of living, democratic
traditions, and social life as well as the English language. Com-
munity service may not fuse eccleciastical organizations but it
can unite churches in a wide range of community projects that
imperil no special religious doctrine. The community will work
for a healthful and profitable use of leisure time, by the provision

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 93

of parks, playgrounds, baths, municipal playhouses, community
houses, museums, art galleries, libraries, band concerts, community
singing, and pageants. The joint consideration of housing con-
ditions, health, and employment may lead quickly to the orderly
and friendly consideration and settlement of problems of wages,
hours, profit-sharing, industrial management, and partnership.

The attainment of such an objective calls for a facile and
adaptable organization of community resources. No organization
of an institutional character can organize community spirit and
make it function in practical ways. The first instinct of an institu-
tion is self-perpetuation. It demands a loyalty to itself that
ultimately narrows its possibilities. It is essentially conservative
and static. Only a community agency can successfully co-ordinate
and stimulate community activity. It must aim at service, results;
be content to accomplish in the name of other organizations; be
dynamic, progressive, objective. It must guide, rather than domi-
nate; point the way, suggest; act as a clearing-house for practical
ideas from without; dispense methods, not means. It cannot create
community spirit, but can harness that spirit to practical pro-
grams. The community agency is the transformer into which is
poured the combined genius and social force of the community and
from which issues forth forms of practical service that warm and
brighten the life of every citizen.

Whatever the name or character of the agency, it must be
representative. In cosmopolitan and heterogeneous neighbor-
hoods, an organization of sectarian, political, or social bias is
obviously impractical. A truly representative body is practical
in any community; that the war demonstrated. The community
committee, commission, or council, representing the humblest as
well as the proudest, may approach any problem fearlessly and
openly. It seeks through the community to do the practical
things that make for human happiness. Municipal legislation as
well as private initiative are its tools. It utilizes existing social
machinery and creates new machinery only when necessary. The
school, the community center, the church, the association, the club,
the home, the individual are the working members of the great
community team.

94 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Unless the schools, in their teaching, catch up the new ideals
of association and neighborliness, community spirit will eventually
die. The old individualistic ideals must not be instilled into the
minds of the pupils to the exclusion of the new conception of the
necessity and glory of co-operative action. Each child must
grow up realizing that he is a responsible member of a neighbor-
hood and must be taught the how as well as the why of community
service. The community center should inculcate citizenship in
terms of civic activity, an American attitude of mind, and a well-
rounded life as well as in terms of the three R's.

A well-rounded life has its play time. Recreation as an end
in itself and as an approach to more vital social developments has
come to stay. Community singing, plays, pageantry, and physical
recreation must be stimulated among adults as well as among the
youth. The outlet to physical and moral energy that the play of
the camp and the game of warfare furnished the soldier and sailor
must hereafter be provided the average citizen through con-
structive relaxation. Physical sport and imaginative recreation
helped to produce good soldiers. They will help to make good
citizens.

The church, the club, and the association as well as the school
must prepare to play a larger part in the community life than they
have heretofore. They must participate directly in many of the
everyday problems of the everyday man and inspire their individual
constituents to activity in others. While the church cannot trans-
form itself into a settlement or nursery and continue to fulfill its
own distinctive mission, yet it can have a large part in making the
community function through its influence and teaching. The busi-
ness men's association, the social club, the Grange, must broaden
their activities to include adherent as well as inherent community
interests. In community service, every participating organization
will find a larger life; they will not be cramped or restricted.
Neighborliness pays.

Says Mazzini: "We must make ourselves strong and great
again by association." The war has created the sentiment for
unity and fraternity and has revealed the method. Its termination
has released rich resources in dedicated personality which have

THE WAR AND THE COMMUNITY MOVEMENT 95

the power to make civic achievement possible. The time is ripe
for community service. All political creeds, social groups, reli-
gious sects agree to it in principle. The approval of both labor
and capital is a safe guaranty of its success, if wisely handled. If
an autonomous expression of the community conscience, functioning
through a representative agency and projecting a practical program,
it will operate successfully. It should tend to make more articulate
the desires and aspirations of the common people and help them
to realization. It should teach the lesson of mutual responsibihty
and brotherhood. It should interpret each group of the community
to every other group. It should utiUze to the full the newly dis-
covered capacities of that great body of citizens who labored in war
work at home and also of the men who defended the nation's honor
on land and sea. It should make for stabihty, justice, neighborli-
ness. It should do its work so well that ultimately it will cease
to have need for existence because it will have taught the govern-
ment how to function fully in every phase of community life.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN
SOCIOLOGY

The following list of doctoral dissertations and Masters' theses in
preparation in American universities and colleges is the compilation of
the returns from letters sent by the editors of the Journal to departments
of sociology. The dates given indicate the probable year in which the
degree will be conferred. The name of the college or university in italics
refers to the institution where the theses or dissertations are in progress.

List of Doctoral Dissertations in Progress in American
Universities and Colleges

Gertrude B. Austin, B.S. Grinnell. "Leadership in the Woman Suffrage

Movement in New York City. " 1920. Columbia.
I. W. Ayusawa, A.B. Haverford; A.M. Columbia. "International Labor

Legislation. " 1920. Columbia.
Frank Clyde Baker, A.B. Oberlin; B.D. Yale; LL.B. New York Law School;

LL.M. New York University Law School. "A Statistical Study of the

Local Distribution of Voting on Constitutional Amendments by the

Population of New York City. " 1920. Columbia.
Georgia Baxter, A.B. Denver; A.M. California. "A Statistical Study of

Non-Support and Desertion. " 1921. Bryn Mawr.
Herman H. Beneke, A.B. Miami; A.M. Chicago. "The Concept of Graft."

1920. Chicago.

William Arthur Berridge, A.B. Harvard; A.M. Harvard. "The Risk of

Unemployment." 1921. Harvard.
Martin Hayes Bickham, A.B. Pennsylvania; A.M. Chicago. "The Social

Evolution of Democracy. " 1921. Chicago.
Walter Blaine Bodenhafer, A.B. Indiana; LL.B. Indiana; A.M. Kansas.

"R61e of Group Concept in Ward and Modem Sociology." 1920.

Chicago.
Emerson O. Bradshaw, Ph.B. Chicago; M.A. Chicago. "Social Forces

Affecting the Life of the Industrial Community." 1920. Chicago.
Bamett Robert Brickner, B.S. Columbia; A.M. Colimibia. "Community

Organization of the Jews in Cincinnati." 1921. Cincinnati.
Thomas I. Brown, A.B. Clark College; M.A. Clark University. "American

Business Mores during the Last Quarter of the Nineteenth Century."

1 92 1. Clark.

96

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY 97

Agnes Mary Hadden Brynes, A.B. Northwestern; A.M. Columbia. "Indus-
trial Home Work in Pennsylvania. " 1920. Bryn Maivr.

Ginevra Capocelli, A.B. Naples; A.M. Columbia. "The Influence of the
War on Italy. " 1920. Columbia.

Niles Carpenter, A.B. Northwestern; M.A. Northwestern. "Guild Social-
ism. " 1920. Harvard.

Archibald B. Clark, A.B. Reed. "The Popular Vote as an Index of Soli-
darity." 1921. Columbia.

Bertha W. Clark, A.B. George Washington; A.M. Colimibia. "Attitude of
Foreigners in America toward Our Educational System." 1922. Min-
nesota.

Mary O. Cowper, A.B. Drury; A.M. Kansas. "The History of Woman
Suffrage in Kansas. " 192 1. Chicago.

Frieda Opal Daniel, A.B. Drake. "A Social Survey of an Industrial Area,
Chicago." 1921. Chicago.

Stanley P. Davies, A.B. Bucknell. "Racial Assimilation in a Commimity in
the Anthracite Coal Region." 1921. Columbia.

Jerome Davis, A.M. Columbia. "Russians in the United States. " 1921.
Columbia.

Jerome B. Davis, A.B. Oberlin. "The Russian Slav in America." 1921.
Wisconsin.

C. A. Dawson, A.B. Aciadia. "The Social Nature of Thinking." 1922.
Chicago.

Frederick G. Detwiler, B.D. Rochester Theological Seminary; A.B., A.M.
Denison. "A Study of the Negro Press in the United States." 1921.
Chicago.

Julius Drachsler, B.S. City College of New York; A.M. Columbia. "Eth-
nogamy in New York City : A Study of Amalgamation of Foreign Nation-
alties. " 1920. Columbia.

Z. T. Egardner, A.B. Basel; A.M. Cincinnati. "Problems of Socialization,
Democratization, and Americanization in an Urban Community."

1920. Chicago.

Frieda Fligelman, A.B. Wisconsin. "The Principle of Participation — ^A
Critique of ' Les Fonctiones Mentales dans les Societes Inferieures.' "

192 1. Columbia.

W. E. Garnett, A.B. Cornell; A.M. Peabody. "Social Survey of Albermarle

County, Virginia." 1920. Wisconsin.
Jacob A. Goldberg, A.B. City College of New York. "Social Treatment of

the Insane. " 1920. Columbia.
George E. Hartmann, A.B. Cincinnati. "Race Consciousness: A Function

of Race Prejudice, with Particular Reference to the American Negro."

1920. Chicago.
H. B. Hawthorne, A.B. Iowa Agricvdtural College. "The Comparative

Efficiency of Rural Communities. " 1921. Wisconsin.

98 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Joyce 0. Hertzler, A.B. Baldwin-Wallace; A.M. Wisconsin. "Social Utopias
and Utopianism. " 1920. Wiscoyisin.

Roy Hinman Holmes, A.B. Hillsdale; A.M. Michigan. "The Farm in
Democracy." 1920. Michigan.

Jakub Horak, Ph.B. Chicago. "A Study of Czecho-Slovak Community
Organization in Chicago. " 1920. Chicago.

Gwendolyn Hughes, A.B. Nebraska; A.M. Nebraska. "Mothers in Industry;
a Study in Causation. " 1920. Bryn Mawr.

Uichi Iwasaki, LL.B. Kansas; A.M. Columbia. "Phases of Social Organi-
zation in Japan, 191 1-1919." 1920. Columbia.

C. C. Jansen, A.B. Taylor; A.M. Kansas. "The Americanization of German-
Russian Mennonites in Central Kansas. " 192 1. Chicago.

Glenn R. Johnson, A.B. Reed. "The American Newspaper as an Indicator
of Social Forces. " 1920. Columbia.

Frederick Jones, B.S. Virginia Polytechnic Institute; A.B. Richmond; A.M.
Columbia. " Measure of Forms of Political Progress. " 1921. Columbia.

S. C. Kincheloe, A.B. Drake; A.M. Chicago. "The Psychology of Leader-
ship." 1922. Chicago.

Ada Ruth Kuhn, A.B. Nebraska; A.M. Nebraska. "Mothers in Industry;
a Study in Effect. " 1921. Bryn Mawr.

Dan H. Kulp, A.B. , A.M. Brown. "The Chinese Family." 1921. Chicago.

C. S. Laidman, A.B. Manitoba. "A Study of the Institutional Church in
Chicago." 1920. Chicago.

Charles E. Lively, A.B. Nebraska; A.M. Nebraska. "The Social Life of the
Rural Community in Its Relation to Types of Agriculture." 1922.
Minnesota.

Roderick D. McKenzie, A.B. Manitoba; A.M. Chicago. "The Social Study
of the Neighborhood. " 1920. Chicago.

Benjamin Malzberg, B.S. City College of New York. "Causes of Crime."
192 1. Columbia.

May Baker Marsh, A.B., A.M. Michigan. "Folkways in Art." 1921.
Columbia.

Anne Harold Martin, Ph.B. Chicago. "The Conflict Myth. " 1922. Chicago.

Bruce Lee Melvin, A.B. Missouri; A.M. Missouri. "The Social Structure
and Function of the American Village. " 1920. Missouri.

Richard Stockton Meriam, A.B. Harvard. "Development of Trade Union-
ism in Imperial Germany. " 1921. Harvard.

Else Milner Michod, A.B. Chicago; M.A. Chicago. "The Woman Offender. ' '
192 1. Chicago.

Ralph W. Nelson, A.B. PhiUips; A.M. Kansas; B.D. Yale. "Elements of
the Social Theory of Jesus." 1921. Chicago.

Clemens Niemi, A.B. Minnesota; A.M. Chicago. "The Finnish Element in
the American Population . " 1 9 2 1 . Chicago .

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY 99

Hazel Grant Ormsbee, A.B. Cornell. "The Juvenile Labor Exchange in
the United States and England, with a Statistical Analysis of Records
in the Philadelphia Bureau of Compulsory Education." 1921. Bryn
Mawr.

Maurice Thomas Price, A.B. Chicago. "The Technique of Religious Propa-
ganda." 1921. Chicago.

Samuel Henry Prince, A.B., A.M. Toronto. " Catastrophe and Social Organi-
zation." 1920. Columbia.

Clarence E. Rainwater, A.B., A.M. Drake. "The Neighborhood Center."

1 92 1. Chicago.

S. C. Ratcliflfe, A.B. Mount Allison; A.M. Alberta. "The Historical Develop-
ment of Poor Relief Legislation in Illinois. " 1921. Chicago.

Ellery F. Reed, A.B. Lenox; A.M. Clark. "Causes and Control of Radical-
ism." 1921. Illinois.

Frank Alexander Ross, Ph.B. Yale; A.M. Columbia. "A Study of the
Application of Statistical Methods to Sociological Problems." 1920.
Columbia.

G. S. H. Rossouw, A.B. Cape of Good Hope; A.M. Chicago. "NationaUsm
and Folk Language. " 1921. Chicago.

Herbert Newhard Shenton, A.B. Dickinson; A.M. Columbia; B.D. Drew.
" Collective Decision. " 1920. Columbia.

Ernest Hugh Shideler, A.B. Ottawa; M.A. Chicago. "Social Heredity."

1922. Chicago.

Russell Gordon Smith, A.B. Richmond; A.M. Columbia. "A Sociological

Study of Opinion in the United States." 192 1. Columbia.
William C. Smith, A.B. Grand Island; A.M. Chicago. "Conflict and Fusion

of Cultures as Typified by the Ao Nagas of Northeast India." 1920.

Chicago.
Donald R. Taft, A.B. Clark. "The Role of Sympathy in Labor Organi-
zations." 1921. Columbia.
J. Franklin Thomas, A.B. Beloit. "Theories concerning the Influence of

Physical Environment upon Society. " 1920. Columbia.
Donna Fay Thompson, A.B., A.M. Indiana. "The Birth-Rate in College

Graduates' Families." 1921. Columbia.
Frederic M. Thrasher, A.B. De Pauw; A.M. Chicago. "The Boy Scout

Movement as a Socializing Agency. " 1920. Chicago.
Sumis Uesugi, A.M. Chicago. "The Family in Japan." 1921. Chicago.
Amey Eaton Watson (Mrs. Frank D.), A.B. Women's College, Brown; A.M.

Pennsylvania. "Social Treatment of Illegitimate Mothers." 1921.

Bryn Mawr.
Comer M. Woodward, A.B. Emory; A.M., D.B. Chicago. "A Case Study

of Successful Rural Churches. " 1921. Chicago.
Thomas Jackson Woofter, A.B. Georgia. "Rural Organization and Negro

Migration." 1920. Columbia.

lOO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Fred Roy Yoder, A.B. Lenoir; A.M. North Carolina. "The Social Aspects

of Farm Tenancy. " 1920. Missouri.
Oscar B. Ytrehus, A.B. North Dakota. "A Study of the Scandinavian

American Press." 1921. Chicago.
Tinn Hugh Yu, A.B. Maine; M.A. Clark. "Social Evolution and Social

Control in China. " 1920. Clark.
A. C.Zumbrunnen, A.B. Central; A.M.Missouri. " The Community Church :

A New Expression of the Movement for Denominational Unity. " 1920.

Chicago.

List of Masters' Dissertations in Progress in American
Universities and Colleges

Ruth Babcock, B.S. New York Teachers College. "A Study of a Public

School as a Social Force in an Italian Neighborhood. " 1920. Columbia.
Gladys Norton Beaumont, A.B. Nebraska. "Administration of Juvenile

Court Law in Nebraska. " 1920. Nebraska.
Myrtle Disie Berry, A.B. Nebraska. "Effect of War on Legislation Relating

to Foreigners. " 1921. Nebraska.
David A. Bridge, A.B. Southern California. "Recreation Center District of

Los Angeles. " 1920. Southern California.
Ralph F. Burnight, A.B. Southern California. "The Japanese Problem in

Rural Los Angeles County." 1920. Southern California.
Anna Marghuerite Cameron, A.B. Nebraska. "Borderlinity: A Study of

200 Cases of Retardation in Lincoln Public Schools. " 1920. Nebraska.
Spenser W. Castle, A.B. Beloit. "A Newspaper Phase of Sociology." 1920.

Chicago.
Grace Challman, A.B. Minnesota. "The Use of Leisure Time by the Italians

of New York City. " 1920. Columbia.
Seward Cheung Chan, Ph.B. Chicago. "Religious Education in the Home."

1920. Chicago.
Winifred Chappell, Ph.B. Northwestern. "Industrial Missions." 1920.

Columbia.
Ernest John Chave, A.B., Th.B. McMaster. "Religious Education and the

Development of Social Attitudes. " 1920. Chicago.
Ta Chen, A.B. Reed. "Practical Eugenics in the United States: Birth

Control. " 1920. Columbia.
Albert B. Clarfield, B.S. Kiev; LL.B. New York University. "The Ameri-
canization of the Foreign Born in a Typical American Community."

1920. Minnesota.
Eleanor Coit, A.B. Smith. "Some Primary Social Effects of the Organization

of Women in Industry. " 1920. Columbia.
Marjorie H. Coonley, Ph.B. Chicago. "The History of the United Charities

of Chicago. " 1920. Chicago.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY loi

Herbert Cumming Comuelle, A.B. Cincinnati. "A Critical Examination of

the Social Teachings of Jesus. " 1920. Cincinnati.
Mearl P. Culver, A.B. Albion. "A Sociological Survey of a Long Island

Town." 1920. Columbia.
Peter Marshall Curry, A.B. Baylor. "Woman As Fundamentally Related to

Social Progress. " 1920. Brown.
Hazel Jane Darby, A.B. Ohio State. "Labor Turnover in Department Stores

in Columbus." 1921. Ohio State.
Henderson Hamilton Donald, A.B. Howard. "An Interpretation of Negro

Migration in 1916-18. " 1920. Yale.
Elizabeth Downing, A.B. Trinity. "After-Care Methods in Dealing with

Children in Catholic Institutions. " 1920. Columbia.
Edwin F. Dummeier, A.B. Louisiana State University. "Financing Public

Education in Colorado. " 1921. Colorado.
M. Eutropia Flannery, A.B. Marquette. "Biblical Influence on Modern

Novels." 1920. Loyola.
Arabel F. Forbes, B.S. New York Teachers College. "The Labor Problem

of Ulster County of New York State. " 1920. Columbia.
Katherine A. Fox, B.E. Wisconsin. "Democracy in Merchant Gilds of

Middle Ages." 1921. Loyola.
Edward Frazier, A.B. Clark. "New Currents of Thought among Our

Negro Population." 1920. Clark.
A. A. Frederick, A.B. Beloit. "A Study of the Personality of the Workman

in Machine Industry. " 1920. Chicago.
Daniel C. Fu, A.B. William Jewell. "The Chinese Family." 1920. Chicago.
Mary B. Garvin, A.B. Illinois. "Fifty Years of Progress toward Church

Unity in the United States. " 1920. Illinois.
Dorothy Gary, A.B. Westhampton. "Headlines of Some New York Papers

as Social Stimuli. " 1920. Columbia.
Julia Gethman, A.B. Northwestern. "The Settlement — A Factor in Ameri-
canization." 1920. Columbia.
Columb Gilfillan, A.B. Pennsylvania. "Successful Social Prophecy in the

Past." 1920. Columbia.
Sophia Gleim, A.B. Ohio Northern. "The Visiting Teacher." 1921.

Chicago.
Charles Guy Gomon, A.B. Nebraska Wesleyan. "The Saloon: A Study in

Social Causation. " 1920. Nebraska.
Alonzo G. Grace, A.B. Minnesota. "Problems in Amalgamization and

Assimilization. " 1920. Minnesota.
Clementina Griffin, A.B. Vassar. "Poverty among the Mexicans in Los

Angeles. " 1920. Southern California.
Royal G. Hall, A.B. Park; B.D. Auburn Theological Seminary. "The

Religious Implications of Democracy. " 1920. Kansas.

I02 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Olive Hardwick, A.B. Agnes Scott. "The American Newspaper as a Social

Force." 1920. Columbia.
Ralph Harshman, A.B. Ohio Northern. "Racial Contacts in Columbus."

1920. Ohio State.
James Noble Holsen, A.B. Butler. "The Public Lands, 1860-1900." 1920.

Indiana.
Frank C. Irwin, A.B. Saskatchewan. "Canadian Industrial Disputes Act."

1920. Columbia.
Helen Rankin Jeter, A.B. California. "A Summary of Juvenile Court Legis-
lation in the United States. " 1920. Chicago.
Ernest Jones, A.B. Missouri. "Survey of the Rural Churches of Randolph

County, Missouri. " 1920. Missouri.
Fay B. Karpf, B.S. Northwestern. " History and Development of Jewish

Philanthropy in Chicago." 1921. Chicago.
Frances M. Kilpatrick, A.B. Northwestern. "A Sociological Study of Femi-
nism. " 1920. Chicago.
Ellis L. Kirkpatrick. B.S. Iowa State Agricultural. "Social Life of the 'Bre-

them': A Study of the English River Community, Iowa. " 1920. Kansas.
Olive P. Kirschner, A.B. Boston. "The Italians in Los Angeles." 1920.

Southern California.
E. T. Krueger, A.B. Illinois; B.D. Chicago Theological Seminary. "The

Problem of the Function of the College." 1921. Chicago.
Shiko Kusama, Ph.B. Chicago. "Public Opinion and the Japanese Press in

the United States. " 1920. Chicago.
Charles M. Larcomb, A.B. Ohio Wesleyan. "Survey of Free Placement in

Chicago." 1920. Chicago.
Henrietta Larson, A.B. St. Olaf. "The Social Significance of the Non-Partisan

League." 1920. Columbia.
O. R. Lavers, A.B. Queens. "The Social Significance of Housing." 1920.

Chicago.
Amy Jane Leazenby, B.S. Missouri. "Day Nurseries as an Agency in Child

Care. " 1920. Chicago.
Celeste Leger, A.B. Chicago. "Bibliography of Catholic Periodicals. " 1920.

Loyola.
Cynthia B. Lewis, B.S. New York Teachers College. "The Society of Friends

in the War. A Sociological Study. " 1920. Columbia.
Chi Li, A.B. Clark College. "The Problem of Individual Differences. " 1920.

Clark.
Elsie McCartney, A.B. Trinity. "The Development of the Juvenile Court

Movement." 1920. Columbia.
Emma C. Martin, A.B. Butler. "A Study of Leadership. Woman in the

Professions." 1920. Columbia.
Harold Shepard Matthews, A.B. Grinnell. "The Influence of the Missionary

on the Social Conditions of China." 1920. Chicago.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY 103

Ernest Meili, A.B. Central Wesleyan. "The Standard of Living of the Coal

Miners of Columbia, Missouri." 1920. Missouri.
Olga M. Meloy, A.B. Dickinson. "A Recreation Survey of Harrisburg,

Pennsylvania." 1920. Chicago.
Frankie Merson, A.B. Bates. "Recent Tendencies in the Labor Movement

in England and America. " 1920. Columbia.
Montagu F. Modder,A.B. Royal; B.H. Springfield. "Caste System in India."

1920. Clark.
John Alexander Morrison, B.S. Lewis Institute. "A History of the Salvation

Army from 1880 to the Present." 1920. Chicago.
Marguerite Munroe, A.B. Southern California. "Caring for Orphans in

Los Angeles County."- 1920. Southern California.
Elizabeth Carle Nelson, A.B. Texas. "Economic Organization of the Eskimo

and Chukchee. " 1920. Texas.
Marian Neuls, A.B. Southern California. "Home Service in Los Angeles."

1920. Southern California.
Grace Pabst, A.B. Hunter. "The History and Present Status of the Eugenics

Movement." 1920. Columbia.
Warren Pearson, A.B. Kansas. "The Problem of Leisure Time." 1920.

Kansas.
Lillian Pierce, A.B. Southern California. "The Negro in Watts, California."

1920. Southern California.

Carl Terence Pihlblad, A.B. Bethany. "The Language Assimilation of a
Swedish Community in the Middle West. " 1920. Missouri.

Lorine L. Pruette, B.S. Chattanooga. "Sumner and Durkheim; a Compara-
tive Study. " 1920. Clark.

Edward G. Punke, B.S. Hastings. "The Guild Socialist Movement." 1920.
Missouri.

Norman J. Radder, A.B. Wisconsin. "A Study of the News Value of Feature
Articles in Newspapers. " 192 1. Minnesota.

Harry Henry Reimund, A.B. Nebraska. "Enforcement of School Attendance
Law in Nebraska. " 1921. Nebraska.

Lendell C. Ridley, A.B., B.D. Wilberforce. "Housing Conditions among
Colored People in Columbus. " 1920. Ohio State.

Myra Rieve, B.S. Loyola. " Preventive Work in Religious Orders of Women. "

1921. Loyola.

Kenoske Sato, A.B. Illinois. "A Study in Social Valuation Process." 1920.

Chicago.
Helen I. Schermerhorn, A.B. Vassar. "Some Observations of Social Behavior

in Children of the Intermediate Grades. " 1920. Columbia.
Wilford HaU Scott, A.B. Ctxlver-Stockton; D.B. Bible CoUege of Missouri.

"The Significance for Missions of Hindu Social Attitudes." 1920.

Chicago.

I04 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Earl Truman Sechler, A.B. Drury College; S.B. Springfield Normal. "The
Attitude of the Prophets toward Wealth." 1920. Chicago.

Clifford R. Shaw, A.B. Adrian. "Family Disintegration as a Contributing
Factor in Juvenile Delinquency. " 1920. Chicago.

John Herman Shields, A.B. Texas. "Corporation Taxes in Texas." 1920.
Texas.

Aileen Smith, A.B. Southern Methodist. "Social Organization in a Club of
Young Working Girls. " 1920. Columbia.

Francis M. Smith, A.B. Southern California. "Social Conditions in Tropico,
California. " 1920. Southern California.

Gilbert H. Smith, A.B. Trinity. "Denominational Activities at the State
Universities." 1920. Chicago.

Louise M. Spaeth, A.B. Texas. " An Analysis of Trade Unionism from the
Standpoint of Social Control." 1920. Chicago.

Earl Sylvester Sparks, A.B. Texas. "A Survey of Organized Labor in Austin,
Texas." 1920. Texas.

Gladys F. Speaker, A.B. Minnesota. "An Americanization Teaching Pro-
gram." 1920. Minnesota.

Virginia Wendell Spence, A.B. Texas. "The Awards of the National War
Labor Board." 1920. Texas.

Ellis L. Starrett, A.B. Kansas. "A Survey of National Volvmtary Social
Welfare Organizations in the United States." 1920. Kansas.

KatherineTighe, A.B. Vassar. "The Unplaceable Child. " 1920. Minnesota.

Arthur Van Dervort, A.B. Hiram. "Was Sumner Fatalistic?" 1920.
Columbia.

Thomas F. Walsh, A.B. St. Joseph's. "A Study of the Increased Wages and
of the Increased Leisure of the Working Class in a Catholic Parish in
Upper Manhattan. " 1920. Columbia.

Frank Bird Ward, Ph.B. Denison. "An Interpretation of the Chartist Move-
ment." 1920. Cincinnati.

Frank Dale Warren, A.B. Princeton. "Causes of Migration." 1920. Co-
lumbia.

Mabel Ranney Wheeler, A.B. Kansas. "The Germanic Element in Kansas:
Its Significance to the State. " 1920. Kansas.

Elizabeth K. Wilson, A.B. Kansas. "The Development and Value of the
Psychopathic Laboratory in the Courts of the United States." 1920.
Kansas.

Cass Ward Whitney, B.S. Cornell. " Rural Recreation. " Bt)2o. Chicago.

Forest Emerson Witcraft, A.B. Chicago. "The Elements of the Mana Con-
cept." 1920. Chicago.

Wilbert L. Witte, A.B. Northwestern CoUege. "The County Y.M.C.A.:
Its Development, Organization, and Program." 1920. Minnesota.

Erie Fiske Young, Ph.B. Chicago. "The Use of Case Method in Training
Social Workers. " 1920. Chicago.

NEWS AND NOTES

Notes of interest to the readers of the Journal should be in the hands of the
editor of "News and Notes" not later than the tenth of the month preceding
publication.

National Conference of Social Work

The National Conference of Social Work held April 14-21 in New
Orleans was both a revelation of the progress of social work in the
South and an impetus to its growth in the future. A further indication
of the fundamental nature of this social interest is the opening and expan-
sion of departments of sociology in several universities and colleges in
southern states. A feature of the conference was the increased interest
in training for social work. One session of the Division on Organizing
of Social Forces was devoted to this subject. Professor R. J. Colbert,
at present educational director of the Gulf Division, American Red
Cross, spoke on "Training and Action in Social Work," and Porter
R. Lee, director of the New York School of Social Work, gave a paper
on "Providing Teaching Material." The Association of Training
Schools of Social Work also held an open session on the relation of
field work to the training of social workers.

Among the sociologists present at the conference, the following
read papers: Professor Lee Bidgood, University of Alabama, "The
Place of the Juvenile Court in the Care of Dependent Children";
Professor A. J. Todd, University of Minnesota, "The Responsibility
of Social Workers as the Interpreters of Industrial Problems" and
"Desired Minimum of Sociological Insight for Workers with Delin-
quents"; Professor Alfred Arvold, University of North Dakota,
"Citizenship through Dramatic and Art Interests"; Professor E. C.
Lindeman, North Carolina College for Women, "The Organization and
Maintenance of Recreation in Rural Communities"; Professor Frederick
Seidenburg, Loyola University, "Federations of Catholic Charities";
Professor Robert E. Park, University of Chicago, " The Foreign Language
Press and Social Progress."

The Southern Sociological Congress
The Southern Sociological Congress held its ninth annual con-
vention in Washington, D.C., May 9-13. The president. Bishop

105

io6 TBE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Theodore Bratton of Mississippi, presided. Among those who made
addresses were: Dr. Shailer Mathews, of the University of Chicago;
Professor Charles A. Ellwood, of the University of Missouri; Dr.
Edward T. Devine, of New York City; Professor Irving Fisher, of Yale
University; Dr. Samuel Zane Batten, of Philadelphia; Dr. R. R.
Moton, president of Tuskegee Institute; Mr. George W. Coleman, of
Boston; Dr. Livingston Farrand, of the American Red Cross; Dr.
H. W. Wiley, Washington, D.C. ; Dr. William L. Poteat, North Carolina;
Surgeon-General Hugh S. Gumming, of the Federal Public Health
Service; Dr. Worth M. Tippy, of the Federal Council of Churches;
and Rev. J. Fort Newton, recently of City Temple of London.

Professor Ellwood was chairman of the Committee on Resolutions,
and among the important resolutions adopted was one asking Congress
to establish a federal Department of Education and Health, with a
cabinet officer at its head.

United States Department of Agriculture
Dr. L. H. Haney, formerly with the Federal Trade Commission,
has been appointed specialist in economic research in the Bureau of
Markets of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. He will conduct
costs-of-marketing studies relating to certain representative agricultural
products. The necessity for these studies is daily more apparent,
and Dr. Haney's economic investigations of prices and price control
during the period of the war, as well as his earlier studies, fit him pecu-
liarly for this work. Dr. Haney's publications include History of Eco-
nomic Thought, 191 1 ; Business Organization and Combination, 1913;
Report on the Price of Gasoline in iQij, 1917; and Price Fixing in the
United States during the War, 191 9.

University of California
The Southern Branch of the University of California will be held
at Los Angeles from June 21 to July 31. Dr. A. B. Wolfe, professor of
economics and sociology in the University of Texas, gives courses in
general sociology and industrial reconstruction. John Collier, formerly
director of the New York Training School for Community Work, in
connection with Mr. R. Justin Miller, assistant executive officer of the
state Commission of Immigration and Housing, offers courses in immi-
gration and community organization. Professor Ira B. Cross gives a
course in contemporary social problems.

NEWS AND NOTES 107

University of Chicago

Under the leadership of Professor Robert E. Park, the Society for
Social Research of the University of Chicago was organized during the
Winter Quarter. According to the constitution adopted, "The pur-
pose of the society is to bring about the co-operation of persons
engaged in social research and social investigation. " The main purpose
of the society, at present, is to co-operate with and assist graduate
students in research problems undertaken after they have left the
University. In order to stimulate interest and promote efficiency in
research and investigation the society will act as a clearing-house of
investigation and research, will collect bibliographies and pamphlet
literature, and formulate methods. There will be an advisory com-
mittee to assist members in research problems. This committee will
promote the publication of standard works in research and investigation.

At the last meeting of the school year of the Sociology Club Professor
Arthur J. Todd of the University of Minnesota, at present director of
Industrial Relations, B. Kuppenheimer and Company, gave an address
on the subject "The World- War and Social Progress."

Dartmouth College
Professor John M. Mecklin, of the University of Pittsburgh, has
accepted a chair in sociology in this institution. He will be associated
with Professor E. B. Woods, the head of the department, in expanding
the work in sociology. Harcourt Brace and Howe announce among
their new books An Introduction to Social Ethics; A Study of the Social
Conscience in a Democracy, by Professor Mecklin.

University of Florida
Professor Newell L. Sims has recently published The Rural Com-
munity, a compilation of materials upon the various aspects of rural life.

Franklin College
Mr. Ernest H. Shideler, of the University of Chicago, has accepted
the position of associate professor and acting head of the newly estab-
lished department of economics and sociology. During the past year
Professor Shideler has been engaged in working out and teaching high-
school courses in social science in the University High School of the
School of Education, University of Chicago.

io8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Lawrence College
Mr. Fred A. Conrad, of the University of Chicago, who has had
charge of the work in sociology at the University of Cincinnati during
the spring quarter, has been appointed to the headship of the depart-
ment of sociology.

University of Minnesota
In the June issue of The Historical Outlook, a journal for readers,
students, and teachers of history. Professor Ross L. Finney has an article
on the subject " Course in General History from the Sociologists' Stand-
point." This paper will be of interest to sociologists because it is an
elaboration of the point of view presented to the American Sociological
Society at its last meeting by the Committee on Teaching of Sociology
in the Grade and High Schools of America, of which Professor Finney was
chairman.

University of Missouri
Mr. A. F. Kuhlman, A.B., University of Chicago, 1916, now director
of surveys of the Southern Division of the American Red Cross, Atlanta,
Georgia, has been elected to an assistant professorship in sociology at
the University of Missouri. Mr. Kuhlman will begin his work at the
University of Missouri in September and will have charge of the practical
social service courses.

Simmons College School of Social Work
Announcement is made of the retirement of Dr. Jeffrey R. Brackett
after sixteen years of service as director of the School of Social Work
and professor of social economy in Simmons College. Dr. Brackett
has been made professor emeritus. His place will be taken by Dr.
Stuart A. Queen, now associate professor of social technology in Goucher
College and director of educational service of the Potomac Division of
the American Red Cross.

University of Washington
During the summer quarter Professor H. E. Woolston will give
courses in the principles of sociology and also conduct a senior seminar.
Professor R. D. McKenzie, of the University of West Virginia, offers
courses in community organization and in poverty and relief.

NEWS AND NOTES 109

University of West Virginia

Dr. Henry D. Hall, of Weslyan College, Connecticut, has been
appointed to give courses in labor problems and rural sociology during
the summer term. Dr. E. B. Reuter, Goucher College, and Miss
JuUa Worthington, of Cincinnati, have been chosen by the Educational
Service Department, Potomac Division, American Red Cross, to give
courses in race problems and applied sociology for the summer quarter.

University of Wisconsin

Announcement has been made by the Century Company of a new
book by Professor Edward A. Ross, entitled Principles of Sociology.
The interest of students of sociology in this work has been stimulated
by several chapters from it which have appeared in recent issues of the
American Journal of Sociology.

REVIEWS

The Principles oj Sociology. By Edwaed Alsworth Ross. The
Century Co., 1920. Pp. xviii+708.

Without slightest abatement of respect for the preparatory work
that in the generation now passing has buih up a meritorious sociological
literature, I must confess the reaction that in this book sociology, as an
exhibit of results in contrast with a discussion of methods, has at last
arrived. Many men, widely scattered in time and space, have given
more or less heed to the premonition that there is a point of view, if
it could only be determined, from which instruction might be derived
about essentials of human experience that the traditional sciences of
society have overlooked. Since 1880 the number of men who have
devoted themselves to search for this point of view, and to the develop-
ment of a procedure appropriate to it as a point of departure, has
increased at a rate approaching arithmetical proportion. Among these
believers that the older social sciences had not fully exploited the evi-
dence, profitable though thankless work was added to work year after
year in locating a more promising base of operations and in elaborating
a technique suited to the enterprise which the clearing outlook demanded.
Incidental to this mostly methodological dead-work, many scholars who
called themselves sociologists succeeded in bringing to light important
facts and significant relationships of more or less permanent and general
significance. These partial or tentative results, however, whether in one
of the fields of concrete survey or in fundamentals, have accumulated
at such widely separated spots that only a few specialists in social science
have been able to grasp them in the aggregate, still less in correlation, or
even to become distinctly aware of their existence.

Now comes a book, not of methods, but of findings. It does not
attempt to sum up all the results of sociological analysis. It sets in
systematic order a large body of perceptions which appeal to the
author as of prime importance. He does not claim that he has finished
the task of interpreting human experience. He does claim that his
system of analysis is a valid interpretation in itself, however much
more interpretation the facts may turn out to bear.

The book appeals to me as sufiicient to convince all competent-
minded persons not previously convinced that there are ranges of vital

REVIEWS III

human relationships which had almost wholly escaped the notice of the
older tj^pes of social science. The life of men turns out to move in the
course of incessant construction and destruction, arrangement and
derangement of group situations. Sophistication about life conse-
quently begins with ability to detect the phases of this process which
are involved in the particular situations with which one is concerned.

Accordingly Professor Ross begins his eye-opening program by
introducing the actors in the human drama as "The Social Population,"
to be made intelligible by certain traits in their conditions and composi-
tion. In Part II, under the title "The Social Forces," the author
rapidly sketches the least exceptional influences that play within the
orbits of human relationships. Then follows the bulk of the book —
nearly five hundred pages — on " Social Processes." Part IV, on " Social
Products" traverses more familiar ground, and Part V, "Sociological
Principles," is the small fraction of the book which may interest the
professional social scientist more than the layman.

In Part III, "Social Processes," Professor Ross introduces the
reader to some forty types of reaction between people, any one of which
may occur, after its kind, in the course of the most humdrum daily
occupations no less than in exceptional and dramatic episodes. Essen-
tially the same reaction, with differing proportions and modes of mani-
festation, may be present in a session of the Grand General Staff and
in a Friends' Yearly Meeting; in the Council of Nicea and in the San
Francisco Convention; in Buckingham Palace and in an east-side
tenement. These are the things of which history is composed, but which
the historians as a rule have notoriously neglected to notice. Professor
Ross has not exhausted the catalogue of these typical reactions. On
the contrary it seems to me that sociological analysis is likely to duplicate
in its way the experience of astronomical technique in enlarging our
conception of space. With each improvement of our technique, new
vistas of human relationships uncatalogued and unexplored are appear-
ing upon our field of vision.

The book serves two chief purposes, and they are as different as
science and popularization. In the first place, no one preparing to be
a professional social scientist, whatever his particular division of labor,
can afford to be ignorant of it, or even only superficially acquainted
with it. Henceforth the student of social science who has not assimilated
it is undertrained. But a danger signal is necessary. For anyone with
rudimentarily developed social intelligence the book is such luring
reading that it might easily seduce into the illusion that by reading it

112 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

one makes one's self a sociologist. Eating a good dinner would be a
co-ordinate claim to competence as a cook. Let no one flatter himself
that one can do equally original and demonstrative sociological thinking
of one's own without the tedious discipline which supplies the technique
and forms the judgment.

On the other hand the book should be a great popular educator.
Any high-school graduate with a mind for social relations, or anyone
qualified to take a respectable part in trade-union discussions should
find it gripping. It is essentially not a book for specialists but for
everyone who is trying intelligently to find himself in the adventure of
the common lot.

If the number of the Journal for which this notice is scheduled
were not already overdue, I should probably yield to the temptation
to accept some of the implicit challenges in the book to methodological
discussion. While, as already implied. Professor Ross has kept tech-
nique \vell out of sight of the layman, the technologist will discover it,
and the book is hardly likely to have a higher ratio of value for the
non-professional public than it will have in provoking debate about
method.

At present a single instance must suffice. The first sentence of the
book speaks truth, viz., "The traits and tendencies of society are in no
small degree determined by its human composition." It is equally
true, however, that the traits and tendencies of human composition are
in no small degree determined by society. To the layman in general and
to most sociologists there is little or no choice between taking one's
departure from the one of these propositions or from the other. To the
suspicious critic of method the preference which Professor Ross shows
indicates that, while he has been doing more than one man's share
toward making the new procedure which we call by some variant of
the name group psychology, that new procedure has not shifted his view-
point as far as might be expected from the more conventional individual-
istic outlook. From beginning to end of the book Professor Ross is
talking about things that are of, for, and by groups, but I realized with
something like a shock that he does not begin to take groups as the
direct subject of discourse until the forty-eighth chapter (p. 575).

In the present volume then Professor Ross is consistent with the
judgment which he published fifteen years ago, that the group is not
the true unit of investigation in sociology, but that the primordial fact
is the social process {Foundations of Sociology, pp. 87-91). There is no
doubt in my mind that social science as a whole would be abortive if

REVIEWS 113

it were not served by techniques which begin their operations with
phases of reality either genetically or logically antecedent to the human
group. To my mind, however, the category "social process" is mean-
ingless except as the group in ^notion. I cannot think of the group in
motion without presupposing the group which is the subject of the
motion. Accordingly, if I were composing a treatise on sociology today,
my first sentence would be. In the beginning is the group. By "begin-
ning" I should mean not the beginning of things, but the beginning of
the strictly sociological aspect of things.

Such considerations as these, however, are specialists' stufiE, and
Professor Ross's book is something bigger than specialists' grist. It is
a luminous revelation of realities of the common life. Sociologists may
well be peculiarly proud of it, but it belongs in the larger literature
which enlists all life and all the sciences of life to interpret life.

Albion W. Small
University of Chicago

Bolshevik Russia. By Etienne Antonelli. Translated from
The French by Charles A. Carroll. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1920. Pp. xi+307. $2.00.

This is an attempt at a fair account of the rise of bolshevism and an
appraisal of what it did in Russia up to May, 1918.

The detailed recital of events in chronological order is straightfor-
ward and clear but for the confusion of names of individuals and of
parties and factions which are almost meaningless to an ordinary reader
in this country. The psychological analysis of the Russian is interest-
ing, but its over-simpliiication makes one feel that it is inadequate.
After describing the great destruction and the steady disintegration of
nearly all traces of Western civilization the final prophecy is of "a
democracy which will not be made up of gradual conquests, plucked by
shreds from a plutocratic bourgeoisie, but which will build itself up out
of the very stuff of the people, a democracy which will not descend from
the powerful ones to the people, as in all present forms of society, but
which will rise voluntarily and surely from the unorganized and unculti-
vated folk to an organizing intelUgence.

Victor E. Helleberg

University of Kansas

RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

Social Science in the Colleges. — The rise of social science is one of the most inter-
esting features of modern intellectual development. A hundred years ago a few
"intellectuals" interested themselves in the philosophy of history and in certain
abstract theories of the state. Today the study of concrete social problems has
acquired such a vogue as to be in serious danger of developing into a popular fad.
During the past century the problems of government, of industry, of education, and
of every phase of common life have been greatly complicated. Social workers have
come more and more to use the scientific method of getting at the fundamental causes
of the evils in society. The scientific method as developed in the nineteenth century
is something very different from the deductions and classifications of the old school
men. It may be briefly summarized as (i) a statement of the problem, (2) seeking for
a hypothesis, (3) collecting relevant data by observ-ation and experiment for the
purpose of testing the hypothesis, (4) revising the statements of problem and hypothe-
sis in the light of new data, (5) the assembling of other data bearing on the revised
hypothesis, and so on until (6) a working solution has been found. In a university,
research work and the training of specialists frequently bulk large, but in a college
these have very little place. Chief among the functions of the social science depart-
ment in a college are these: to develop a healthy interest in social problems; to give
information about social problems; to train habits of scientific study of social prob-
lems; to offer vocational guidance, with special reference to social work, teaching,
commerce and administration; to give preliminary' or prevocational training for
social work, teaching, commerce and administration; to furnish advice to public
officials, social agencies, and the community at large. — Stuart A. Queen, Bulletin of
Gaucher College, June, 1920. O. B. Y.

Physiological Aspect of the Present Unrest.— In this article the present unrest
will be looked upon as a social disease and the material factors connected with it are
uncontrollable because of diseased morale. There are three stages in the analysis
of the symptoms of the social disease, (i) Through the immediate influence of the
war many of our traditional interests, attitudes, and habits were abandoned for the
sake of loyalty. The laborers also found in the reduction of wages their status
disturbed. The various organizations, such as the Socialist party, the Socialist
Labor party, etc., whose program is one of antagonism to existent forms of government,
took advantage of the war situation. Instead of using peaceful and legitimate means
in seeking our ends we have accustomed ourselves in this great struggle to the argument
of force. The war also stimulated our interest in the fundamental philosophy of life.

(2) To what extent the present difficulties are legitimate results of pre-war tendencies.
The industrial revolution and the change from individual to collective production
resulted in mental changes, such as the loss of-the feeling of individual responsibility
on the part of the workman. The second phenomenon is the conflict between labor
and capital produced by co-operative work based on self-interests of each group
concerned and not on feeling of common interest. The weakening of governmental
and religious authority has had somewhat unstabilizing influence on the people.

(3) In the analysis of these phenomena the underlying psychological forces at work
are the instincts of self-preservation and of preservation of species as expressed in the
processes of adaptation of the civilian to military life and of the soldier to civil life. —
John T. MacCurdy, The Survey, March, 1920. C. N.

The Logical Implicates of the Community. — If the ideal human society is an all-
inclusive community of individuals engaged in mutual co-operation, it must first of all
rest upon a common understanding. For co-operation without understanding is not

114

RECENT LITERATURE 115

the voluntary co-operation of free and rational beings. There are many kinds and
degrees of understanding. If we call the more abstract understanding logical, we
may speak of the more concrete as ethical and aesthetic. In comparison with fulness
and richness of moral and aesthetic conditions, the merely logical implicates of the
community must seem thin and abstract. Unless men are capable, in i)rinciplc, of a
logical understanding of one another, they cannot understand one another either
ethically or aesthetically, since moral and aesthetic Judgments also incorporate within
them the forms of logical judgment. The foremost logical principle is that of identity.
It is a principle which at one and the same time defines the individual mind's con-
tinuity of thinking and the social consciousness of a common thought and a common
worldl It asserts that meanings of all kinds, and hence also the corresponding objects,
may be apprehended as identically the same, whether by the same mind at different
times or by different minds at the same or different times. It asserts further that the
universe of discourse is the same for all minds that understand each other. The
conduct of all meaningful thought, therefore, whether individual or social, requires
the validity of this law as its first condition. The next principle is that of inference:
that judgments may be concatenated into systems of logical interdependence, so that
one or several judgments may serve as the reason for a conclusion. The third is the
principle of causation, which asserts that things behave in the same uniform manner.
The fourth is the principle of teleology, which explains that there is a reason for all
existing things, so that the universe has a rational meaning. All these principles
underlie various aspects of the community life. In itself the logical order is something
pre-existing; in its use and application for knowledge and life, it is human achievement.
The pre-existence of a valid logical order is the first necessary condition for the realiza-
tion of the true community. But it is not the sole or sufficient condition. There is a
host of real and ideal conditions, physical, economic, political, aesthetic, and moral
in which human effort can be a directing and creative force. The logical order is
valid and necessary; the actual order, for which the logical order furnishes in part
the framework, is at one and the same time a beneficent gift and moral task for the
highest energies of free man.— David F. Swenson, Journal of Philosophy, Psychology,
Scientific Methods, May, 1920. K. S.

Mekanisme og Vitalisme. — All who are engaged in the study of life and its various
functionings are aware that the meaning and value of their studies are dependent
upon the same premises as that of every other scientific study. The conflict which
has divided biologists into two camps is not On the question whether or no life is
determined by causal relations. The disagreement is on the subject of deciding which
set of conditions should be reckoned with in every explanation of life and its phe-
nomena. On one side are the biologists who see in life-phenomena a special order
of mechanical and chemical processes. On the other side we find the biologists who
think there is something in the living organism which cannot be explained as a mere
complication of mechanical and chemical processes. J. S. Haldane, in his essays
entitled The New Physiology, calls the attempt to explain life as a chemical-mechanical
process "the most colossal failure in the whole history of modern science." If the
organic and inorganic processes are to be comprehended in the same categories, he
says, our whole conception of dead nature must be radically modified and must be
drawn in under the biological point of view. The attempt to regard the world-
process as a harmonious whole is a biological rather than a mechanistic conception.
In the field of psychology it is impossible to understand the relation of mind and
body if each is substantialized. A material atom cannot be put into motion by an
idea or emotion. To accept the mechanistic viewpoint will merely serve to make life
and consciousness seem increasingly mystical, the more mechanical science advances. —
C. N. Starcke, Tilskueren, April, 1920. O. B. Y.

International Education of World Statesmen, the Key to Permanent Peace. —

Full realization of Cecil Rhodes's conception would be a preventive of war eminently
more reliable than expensive armaments. Reinforced by an international court and
police force, cosmopolitan education of world-leaders would probably prove the
precursor of permanent peace. The plan rests on the sound principle that friend-
ship, which may induce individual self-sacrifice to the extent of life itself, is the surest

Ii6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

guaranty of generous compromise between peoples. In practical operation the
Rhodes scholarships, because their opportunities and international significance have
not been appreciated, have not attracted those ablest young men in the United States
through whom alone the American and English branches of the Anglo-Saxon race
could form strong friendship. The Rhodes scheme, too, embraces only two of the
great powers within its scope. Perfected and actualized, then, Rhodes's plan would
appear as an institution whereby prospective leaders of all the great nations, through
sojourns in cosmopolitan centers of culture such as Oxford University, would become
democratic world-citizens in sj'mpathy with all peoples and classes. Reciprocity
in education among the nations is an application to the sphere of international relation-
ships of those institutions which human experience has proved to be the unrivaled
developers of enlightened self-interest and altruism in individuals. National selfish-
ness is as many times more vicious than individual selfishness as falsely patriotic mil-
lions are more able to do harm than short-sighted individuals. The gratifying
effects on average welfare of national loyalty to world-welfare, are as many times
those of individual loyalty to national welfare as the world is bigger than the nation
and as truly patriotic millions are more capable of accomplishing good than far-sighted
individuals. — Ralph H. Bevan, Education, April, 1920. V. M. A.

Social Tyranny. — Not only in the realm of social institutions, but sciences, art,
and religion are all held under the popular slogan of socialization. We are daily
reminded by federal legislation, by the Protestant clergy, by our moralists and penolo-
gists, and by the most potent of modern forces, science, business, and industry, that
the individual person is a social function. This is partly admirable and partly vicious.
A man should cultivate his talents and his solitary pleasures, not only because they
will make him more useful to his fellows but also because they are in themselves
admirable. Artistic creation, scientific discovery, spiritual insight are indeed valuable
because they raise the level of society; they are also valuable wholly by themselves.
These two sorts of value are not inherently contradictory. But man is inherently
inclined to treat them as if they were. The evil effects of the excessive deference we
pay to the social milieu are best seen in the higher disciplines. If American philosophy
has been on the whole unproductive, that is because it has not respected its own instinct
for metaphysics. Our schools of new realism and pragmatism have but followed the
standards of science: the former on the whole of physics and mathematics, the latter
of biology. The deeper need of our time, of aU times in fact, is that principle of
duality which corrects exclusive individuahsm and exclusive sociality alike; which
supplements the ideal of organic unity by the ideal of independent indivdduaUty;
and which, when the two ideals cannot be harmoniously joined, points the way to
compromise. When the state exercises its sovereignty in every way as it does now,
it kills all individuality and eventually itself. It must, therefore, voluntarily abdicate
its sovereignty in those matters wherein the individuals show their initiative and
gain personal satisfactions. The state must ultimately limit its function to that of
arbitration between disputing parties. — W. H. Sheldon, Philosophical Review, March,
1920. K. S.

Community Americanization: A Handbook for Workers. — Technically the
word "Americanization" means "the process of making Americans." To accomplish
this we must first possess the American spirit ourselves. We must have, besides,
some knowledge of those we seek to bring into the brotherhood; a knowledge of their
difficulties; a knowledge and appreciation of their cultures. A community survey
should be made in order to understand the situation, and the pamphlet devotes ten
pages to a suggested plan. A knowledge of the English language is indispensable to
all who are to be truly Americans. To attempt to use a compulsorj' system upon the
adults, however, would be fatal to the cause. They must be skilfully led to see the
advantages accruing to them from a knowledge of English and then the community
should see to it that every possible opportunity is offered to them to learn. Teachers
who understand teaching English to foreign adults should be supplied by the school
boards. But the language is only a beginning. Hitherto we have resented foreigners
invading the native-born sections of our cities and thereby we have kept them in
colonies which have not received the attention bestowed upon other sections of the

RECENT LITERATURE 117

cities. Hence come housing evils, overcrowding, and filth, so that many immigrants
are thrust into conditions of life far below the standards of health and decency to
which they were accustomed in their own lands. This must be changed and all the
deceitful schemes for swindling immigrants must be abolished before we can expect
the foreigners among us to be true Americans. Thus, great is the task before us.
Fortunately, however, there is a great deal of machinery with which to do the work
already at hand in every community. The crying need is for co-ordination of this
machinery'. A central committee engaged by the national government is suggested,
then state and finally community committees should be established for this purpose.
U.S. Bureau of Education Bulletin, No. 76, 19 19. S. C. R.

Rural Socialization. — Socialization is the integration of group consciousness and
conduct. The process of socializing the rural neighborhood is fraught with difEculties.
The social instinct of the American rural people has become partially dormant during
the period of lonely pioneer life. There are, however, four stages of co-operation for
socialization: (i) Associational level, one of instinctive pleasure and also of least
possible cost. Neighborhood meetings of almost any kind conduce to the growth of
the social disposition in those associating. Assemblages should appeal to the play
instinct, which is strongly reinforced by the social instinct. (2) The work stage,
the range of which is limited and tends to become more so under modern
conditions. (3) The economic level, where the business end of agriculture is involved.
Community selling and buying, ownership of tools, grain elevators, storage warehouses
are good examples of economic co-operation yielding immediate pleasure to utilitarian
incentives and satisfactions; (4) the cultural or welfare level of socialization, where far
more remote utilitarian interests furnish the motives and the cost to the group has
become the greatest yet demanded. The dynamic forces behind co-operation are
manifold. Instincts, desires, ideas, as well as environmental, social, and economical
pressures have acted as controlling agencies. But the real and only dependable
agency is personal leadership. Rural teachers, pastors, county agents, and perhaps
others are those upon whom must fall the task of socializing the country neighborhoods
of America. — Newell L. Sims, Political Science Quarterly, March, 1920. C. N.

Revolution und Gewaltlosigkeit. Zum Jahrestag des Neunten November. — It was

pleasurable for the German people to recall, on the anniversary of the German Revolu-
tion, that it took place almost without loss of life. The years of war seemed to the
co-workers toward cultural progress the greatest crime against humanity. Both
within Germany and abroad a small group of men and women could be found who
saw that the foundations and development of a new sex morality, conditions conducive
to the welfare of yet unborn generations, are capable of realization only in a world
that has forever broken with bloody force. It is painful to contemplate how limited
is the understanding of the fact that only in a world without force can civilization be
built up. Those who disapproved of the use of force between nations, now approve of
its application to the internal dissensions. Only a small minority favor disarmament
in civil strife, and they are viewed as inimical to the majority. A strong protest
should be made against the continuation of the dangerous principle that "might
makes right." The simple fact that a class has had a hard struggle does not enable
it to bring welfare to humanity. As long as this class is just as much determined to
secure its own advantages as the class previously in power, a mere change as regards
the powers in its possession could achieve no beneficial results for humanity. The
attitudes of men must change and human life must be considered sacred. But a change
of attitude caimot come until we do away with this Blut-moral war. Before the war
we struggled for a refinement of culture by striving for the protection of future genera-
tions, the yet unborn child, motherhood in despair, and we struggled against the
efifects of force in the relations between the sexes. Our progress in the field of the
morality of the sexes will depend on the realization of higher standards in the world
at large. Dr. Helena Stocker, Die Neue Generation, September, 19 19. L. M. S.

ii8

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Ainslie, Peter. If Not a United Church
— WTiat? New York: Revell. Pp.
132. $1.00.

Allen, Stephen H. International Rela-
tions. Princeton: Princeton Univer-
sity Press. Pp. iv-l-672. $5.00.

American Academy of Political and Social
Science. The New American Thrift.
Philadelphia: The Academy. Pp.
v-l-248. $1.00.

. The Railroad Problem: A Dis^

cussion of Current Railway Issues.
Philadelphia: The Academy. Pp. viii
-f252. Si. 00.

Anderson, B. M. Effects of the War on
Money, Credit and Banking in France
and the United States. New York:
0.xford University Press. Pp. 227.

Anderson, George Wood. Problem or
Opportunity ? WTiich Is It the Church
Is Now Facing? New York: Revell.
Pp. 159. $1 .00.

Andreyev, Leonid. Wlien the King
Loses His Head. New York: Inter-
national Book Publishing Co. Pp. 306.

Attlee, C. R. The Social Worker. Lon-
don: Bell. Pp. 294. 6.y.

Ayrinhac, Henry A. Penal Legislation
in the New Code of Canon Law. New
York: Benziger, 98 Park Place. Pp.
392. $3.00.

Baker, Ray Stannard. The New Indus-
trial Unrest: Reasons and Remedies;
Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday. Pp.
vi-l-231. $2.00.

Beard, Mary Ritter. A Short History of
the American Labor Movement. New
York: Harcourt. Pp. 174. $1.50.

Begbie, Harold. The Life of General
William Booth, the Founder of the
Salvation Army. New York: Mac-
millan. 2 vols. Pp. xv-(-446; xv-|-
465. $10.50.

Below, Prof. Georg v. Soziologie als
Lehrfach. Ein krit. Beitrag z. Hoch-
schul-reform. Miinchen: Duncker &
Humblot. Pp. 60.

Birdseye, Clarence F. American De-
mocracy versus Prussian Mar.xism.
New York: Revell. Pp.371. $2.50.

Blanchard, Phyllis. The adolescent Girl :
A Study from the Psychoanalytic View-
point. New York: Moffat. Pp. 242.
$2.50.

Bloomfield, Meyer. The New Labour
Movement in Great Britain: Manage-
ment and Men. London: Unwin, T.

Fisher, Ltd. Pp. 606. los. 6d.

Boucke, O. Fred. The Limits of Social-
ism. New York: Macmillan. Pp.

259- .

Bovensiepen, Dr. Landger-R. Wissen-
schaftlicher Sozialismus, Kommunis-
mus, Anarchismus u. Bolschewismus.
Eine erste, gemeinverstandlich-wissen-
schaftl. Einfiihrung. Neumiinster:
Verlagsanstalt R. Hieron>Tnus. Pp. 80.

Braun, Dr. Erich. Freiheit u. Staat. Ein
Beitrag z. Losung d. sozialen Frage.
Dresden: Globus. Pp. viii+216.

Bridges, James W. An Outline of Abnor-
mal Psychology. Columbus, Ohio:
R.G.Adams. Pp.126. Si. 25.

Brooks, John G. Labor's Challenge to
the Social Order. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp.441. $2.75.

Bryant, Sophie W. Moral and Religious
Education. New York: Longmans.
Pp. viii -|- 256. $1.90.

Bunau-Varilla, Philippe. The Great Ad-
venture of Panama. \\Tierein are ex-
posed its relation to the great war and
also the luminous traces of the German
conspiracies against France and the
United States. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday. Pp. xv+267. $1.75.

Bury, J. B. The Idea of Progress: .\n
Inquiry into Its Origin and Growth.
London: Macmillan. Pp. 392. 145.

Butler. Nicholas Murray. Is America
Worth Saving? New York: Scrib-
ner. Pp. xiii -1-398. $2.00.

Butterfield, Kenyon L. The Farmer and
the New Day. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp.311. $2.00.

Cahen, Georges. L'Autre Guerre. Es-
sais d'assistance et d'hygiene sociales,
1905-20. Paris: Berger-Le\Tault. Pp.
162. Fr. 4.

Carnegie, David. Can Church and In-
dustry Unite? Edinburgh: Marshall
Bros. Pp. 181. 35. 6d.

Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace. A Manual of the Public Bene-
factions of Andrew Carnegie. Wash-
ington: The Endowment. Pp. 321.

Chittick, Alexander. Social Evolution.
Peoria, Illinois: The Author. Pp.124.

RECENT LITERATURE

119

Chrisman, Oscar. The Historical Child:
Paidology — the Science of the Child.
Boston: Badger. Pp. 471. $4.00.

Clark, Bamett H. European Theories
of the Drama. London: G. Parker.
22s. 6d.

Clark, Coleman T., and Clark, Salter S.
Soldier Letters: Their Stories in
E.xtracts from their Letters and
Diaries. Westfield, New Jersey: S.
S. Clark. Pp. 174.

Cole, George D. H. Social Theory.
New York: Stokes. Pp.220. $1.50.

Cooley, Anne M., and Spohr, Wilhelmina
H. Household Arts for Home and
School. New York: Macmillan. 2
vols. Pp. Lx+433; viii+436. $3.20.

Corson, Oscar T. Our Public Schools,
Their Teachers, Pupils, and Patrons.
New York: American Book Company.
Pp. 283. $1.28.

Crowder, Maj.-Gen. E. H. The Spirit
of Selective Service. New York:
Century. Pp. 367. $2.00.

Crowther, Samuel. Common Sense and
Labor. Garden City, N.Y.: Double-
day. Pp. v+284. $2.00.

Cynn, Hugh Heung-Wo. The Rebirth of
Korea. New York: Abingdon Press.
Pp. 272. $1.50.

Davies, A. Emil. The Case for National-
ization. London: Allen & Unwin.
Pp. 310. 4^. 6d.

Davies, John L. Militarism in Educa-
tion. London: Swarthmore. Pp.154.

Day, James R. My Neighbor, the
Workingman. New York: Abingdon
Press. Pp. 373. $2.50.

Deshumbert, M. An Ethical System
Based on the Laws of Nature. Chi-
cago: Open Court Publishers, 122 S.
Michigan Ave. Pp.231. $0.75.

Dewey, John and Dewey, Hattie A. C.
Letters from China and Japan. New
York: Dutton. Pp. vi-l-311. $2.50.

Dick, J. L. Defective Housing and the
Growth of Children. London: Allen
& Unwin. Pp. 94. 3^. 6d.

Dodd, William E. Woodrow Wilson
and His Work. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday. Pp. xiv+369. $3.00.

Douglas, C. H. Economic Democracy.
New York: Harcourt. Pp. ix -1-144.
$1.60.

Doyme, Alfred R. L. The Brotherhood
of Man: An Appeal to the Nations.
Baltimore: Norman, Remington Co.
Pp. vii-l-92. $1 .00.

Duguit, Leon. Law in the Modem
State. Translated from French by

Frida and Harold J. Laski. New York:

Huebsch. Pp. xliv-l-248. $2.30.
Dunlap, Knight. Personal Beauty and

Racial Betterment. St.Louis: Mosby.

Pp- 95-
Dunn, Courtenay. The Natural History

of the Child. New York: J. Lane.

Pp.316. $2.00.
Einstein, Lewis. A Prophecy of the War.

New York: Columbia University

Press. Pp. 94.
Elliott, Ernest E. How to Advertise a

Church. New York: Doran. Pp.93.

$1.50-
Eulenburg, Franz. Arten u. Stufen d.

Sozialisierung. Ein Gutachsten. Miin-

chen: Duncker & Humblot. Pp. 48.
Evans, Elida. The Problem of the Ner-
vous Child. New York: Dodd. Pp.

viii-(-299. $2.50.
Fagnot, F. La Part du travail dans la

gestion des entreprises. Paris: M.

Riviere & Cie. Pp. 263. Fr. 4.50.
Feld, R. C. Humanizing Industry.

New York: Dutton. Pp.390. $2.50.
Freeman, Arnold. Education through

Settlements. London: Allen & Un-
win. Pp. 63. IS. 6d.
Freund, Ernst. Illegitimacy Laws of the

United States and Certain Foreign

Countries. Washington: Govt. Ptg.

Office. Pp. 260. $0.35.
Fryer, Jane E. Community Interest

and Public Spirit. Philadelphia : Win-
ston. Pp. xvi-f 282. $0.60.
Galeot, A. L. Les Systemes sociaux et

I'organisations des nations modemes.

Paris: Nouvelle Librairie Nationale.

Pp. 400. Fr. 15.
Galletti, Alfredo. LTtalia e la Pace.

Milano: Studio ed. Corbaccio. Pp. 75

L.2.50.
Gaston, Herbert E. The Non-Partisan

League. New York: Harcourt. Pp.

vii4-325. $1.75-
Gibbs, PMlip H. Now It Can Be Told.

New York: Harper. Pp.558. $3.00.
Gilchrist, R. N. Indian Nationality.

New York: Longmans. Pp. xviii-H

246. $2.75.
Goddard, Henry Herbert. Human Effi-
ciency and Levels of Intelligence.

Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Pp. vii-l-128. $1.50.
Goode, William T. Bolshevism at Work.

New York; Harcourt. Pp.143. $ioo-
Grey, Viscount Edward. Recreation.

Boston: Houghton. Pp. 43. $125.
Gros, F. L'Assurance, son sens his-

torique et social. Paris: Edit, du

I20

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Bureau d'organisation 6conomique.

Pp.312. Fr. s.
Harris, H. Wilson. The Peace in the

Making. New York: Button. Pp.

ix. 235. $2.00.
Hartley, C. Gasquoine. Women's Wild

Oats. New York: Stokes. Pp. 238.

$1.50.
Harvey, Lucile S. Food Facts for the

Home-Maker. Boston: Houghton.

Pp. xiv+314. $2.50.
Hausenstein, Wilh. Die groszen Uto-

pisten (Fourier, Saint-Simon, Owen).

Berlin: Buchh. Vorwarts. Pp. 64.
Higham, Charles Frederick. Looking

Forward: Mass Education through

Publicity. London: J. Nisbet & Co.

Pp. 183. 125. 6d.

Hirsch, Paul. Kommunalpolitische Prob-

leme. Vortriige an d. Universitat

Berlin. Leipzig: Quelle & Meyer.

Pp. vii-fi6o.
Hobson, J. A. Taxation in the New

State. New York : Harcourt. Pp.258.
Hodges, Frank. Nationalization of the

Mines. London: Leonard Parsons.

Pp. 170. 45 6d.
Hollander, Jacob H. War Borrowing.

New York: Macmillan. Pp. 215.

$1 . so.
Holmes, John Haynes. Is Violence the

Way Out of Our Industrial Disputes ?

New York: Dodd. Pp. xvii-l-130.

$3 • 00.
Howard, Harry F. Capital Against

Labor: or The Next War. Rochester,

New Hampshire: The Author. Pp.

xi+141. $1.00.
Howe, Frederick C. The Land and the

Soldier. New York: Scribner. Pp.196.

$i-35-

House, Elwin Lincoln. The Drama of
the Face: and Other Studies in
Applied Psychology. New York:
Revell. Pp. 258. $1.75.

Hughes, James L. Adult and Child:
How to Help, How Not to Hinder:
A Study of Development by Comrade-
ship. Syracuse, N.Y.: C. W. Bar-
deen. Pp. 187. $1.00.

Industrial Administration. A series of
lectures by various authors. New
York: Longmans. Pp. 203. $3.00.

Jay, William. War and Peace. New
York: Oxford University Press. Pp.

69-

Johnson, F. Ernest. The New Spirit in
Industry. New York: Association
Press. Pp.95. $0.75.

Joslyn, Rodolphus W. Twelfth Com-
mandment: Thou Shalt Not Profit by

the Labor of Other Men. Elgin,
Illinois: Normalist Publishers. Pp.
123. $0.75.

Jung, Carl G., Ed. Studies in Word-
Association. Experiments in the diag-
nosis of psycopathological conditions
carried out at the Psychiatric Clinic of
the University of Zurich. New York:
Moffat. Pp. 9+575. $6.00.

Kaisenberg, Dr. Georg. Die Kleingar-
ten- u. Kleinpachtlandordnung, erlaut.
Berlin: F. Vahlen. Pp. 169.

Kennedy, H. A. A. The Theology of the
Epistles. New York: Scribner. Pp.
267. $1.75.

Lansing, Marion F., and Gulick, Luther
H. Food and Life. A textbook for
children. Boston: Ginn. Pp. vii-|-
182. $0.68.

Larsen, Christian. Farm Dairying.
New York: Judd. Pp. xii+315.
$2.00.

Leach, Albert E., and Winton, Andrew
L. Food Inspection and Analysis.
4th ed. New York: Wiley. Pp.
xix+1090. $8.50.

Leui, C. Trattate Teorico-Pratico di
Construzioni Civili, Rurali, Stradali,
ed. Idrauliche. Casanova: F. e C,
Torino. Pp. 751. L.25.

Litchfield, Paul W. The Industrial
Republic. Boston: Houghton. Pp.
95. $1.00.

Lloyd, J. A. T. Prestige. London:
S. Paul. Pp. 334. 75.

Lokerman, A. Les Bolcheviks a I'oeuvre.
Paris: M. Riviere et Cie. Pp. 140.
Fr. 4.

Lorebum, Earl. How the War Came.
New York: Knopf. Pp.340. $3.00.

Lowie Robert H. Primitive Society.
New York: Boni & Liveright. Pp.
463. $3 . 00.

Lucas, James. Co-operation in Scot-
land. Manchester: Co-operative
Union. Pp. 93. 25. 6d.

McAfee, Cleland B. The Christian
Faith and the New Day. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. 74. $0.90.

McClure, Royal A. Lectures of Interest
to Women. Published in interest of
better babies, healthier mothers, and
painless childbirth. 2d ed. rev.
Seattle, Washington: Seattle Mater-
nity Hospital. Pp. 426-I-9. $5.00.

McGovern, William M. Modern Japan;
Its Political, Military and Industrial
Organization. New York: Scribner.
Pp. 280. $5.00.

RECENT LITERATURE

121

McMillan, Margaret. The Nursery
School. New York: Dutton. Pp.
356. $4.00.

MacMurchy, Helen. The Almosts: A
Study of the Feeble-minded. Boston:
Houghton. Pp. 178. $1.50.

Maeztu (Ramiro) . La Crisis del Human-
ismo. Barcelona: Imp. La Paligrafa.
Pp. 366. L. s.

Mead, George Whitefield. The Great
Menace: Americanism or Bolshevism ?
New York: Dodd. Pp. ix+153.
$1.25.

Mecklin, John M. .\n Introduction to
Social Ethics: The Social Conscience
in a Democracy. New York: Har-
court. Pp. iv+446. $2.75.

Mellor, Stanley A. Jesus Christ and
Social Change. London: Swarthmore
Press. Pp. 148. 35. 6d.

Menendez, Ormaza. La Cuesti6n Social
en sus relaciones con los distintos
modernos Sistemas de Pago de Salarias.

Madrid: Imp. de la Vinda de Alvarez.
Pp. 194. Pes. 5.

Mondolfo, R. Sulle Orme di Marx:
Studi di Marxismo e Socialismo.
Bologna: Cappelli L. Pp.170. L. 6.

Moody, John. The Masters of Capital:
A Chronicle of Wall Street. (Chroni-
cles of America Series, Vol. 41.) New
Haven: Yale University Press. Pp.
ix+234. Set of 50 vols. $175.00.

Mordell, Albert. The Erotic Motive in
Literature. New York: Boni. Pp.
250. $1.75.

Morgan, Herbert. The Social Task in
Wales. London: Student Christian
Movement. Pp. 94. 2s.

Mulon, D. C. Manuel elementaire de
puericulture. Paris: Masson & Cie.
Pp. 194. Fr. 4.50.

Nalder, Frank Fielding. The American
State Reformatory: With special ref-
erence to its educational aspects.
Berkeley: University of California.
Pp. 178. Si. 80.

National Conference on Americanization
in Industries. Proceedings, Nan-
tasket Beach, Mass., June 22-24,
19 19. Boston: G. F. Quimby, In-
dustrial Service Sec, Associated Indus-
tries of Mass., 1034 Kimball Bldg.
Pp. 144. $1 .00.

National Conference of Social Work.
Proceedings at the 46th Annual Ses-
sion, Atlantic City, N.J., June 1-8,
1919. Chicago: C. C. Carsens, Sec,
315 Plymouth Court. Pp. 813.
Membership, $3.00.

Negri, A. Diritto Penale. Padova: La
Litolipe Editrice Universtaria. Pp.
308. L. 15.

. Procedura Penale. La Litelipe

Editorice Universtaria. Pp. 223. L.
12.

Newman, F. J. Romance and Law in
the Divorce Court. London: Andrew
Melrose. Pp. 332. 6s.

O'Donnell, Elliot. The Menace of Spirit-
ualism. New York: Stokes. Pp. xii
+ 206. $1.50.

Oriani, Alfredo. Matriomonio. Bari:
G. Laterza e Figli. Pp. 329. L. 6.50.

Orth, Samuel P. The Armies of Labor:
A Chronicle of the Organized Wage-
Earners. Chronicles of America
Series, Vol. 40.) New Haven: Yale
University Press. Pp. ix-(-279. Set
of 50 vols. $175.00.

. Our Foreigners: A Chronicle of

Americans in the Making. (Chron-
icles of America Series, Vol. 35.) New
Haven: Yale University Press. Pp.
xi-l-255. Set of 50 vols. $175.00.

Parker, Carleton H. The Casual La-
borer, and Other Essays. New York:
Harcourt. Pp. 199. $2.00.

Paulhan, Fr. Les transformations so-
ciales des sentiments. Bibliotheque de
phUosophie scientifique. Paris: E.
Flammarion. Pp. 288. Fr. 5 . 75.

Peacock, N., Ed. The Russian Almanac,
1919. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode.
Pp. 209. £.5.

Pearl, Raymond. The Nation's Food:
A Statistical Study of a Physiological
and Social Problem. Philadelphia:
Saunders. Pp. 274. $3.50.

Perry, Arthur Reed. Preventable Death
in Cotton Manufacturing Industry.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.
534. $0.30.

Pierce, F. Dormer. Problems of Pleas-
ure Towns. London: Society for Pro-
moting Christian Knowledge. Pp.
79. IS. 6d.

Pillet, A. Le Traite de Paix de Ver-
sailles. Paris: Librairie des Sciences
Politiaues et Sociales. Pp. 107.
Pollock," Sir Frederick. The League
of Nations. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. XV+251. $4.00.
Powell, E. Ale.xander. The New Fron-
tiers of Freedom; from the Alps to the
Aegean. New York: Scribner. Pp.
xv-l-263. $2.50.
Queen, Stuart A. The Passing of the
County Jail. Menasha, Wis. : Banta.
Pp. 156-

122

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Quin, Malcolm. Politics of the Pro-
letariat: A Contribution to the
Science of Citizenship, Based Chiefly
on the Sociology of Auguste Comte.
London: Allen & Unwin. Pp.155. 5^-

Red Band, pseud. A Prisoner of Pen-
tonville, by "Red Band." With a
foreword by Joseph Fort Newton.
New York: Putnam. Pp. 114.
Si. 50.

Rew, Robert H. Food Supplies in Peace
and War. New York: Longmans.
Pp. vii+183. $2.25.

Roberts, Richard. The Unfinished Pro-
gramme of Democracy. New York:
Huebsch. Pp. 326. $2.00.

Rosanoff, Aaron J., Ed. Manual of Psy-
chiatry. 5th ed. New York: Wiley.
Pp. 684.

Russell, Bertrand. Principles of Social
Reconstruction. London: ^\llen &
Unwin. Pp. 250. 35. 6d.

. Roads to Freedom: Socialism,

Anarchism and Syndicalism. Lon-
don: Allen & Unwin. Pp. 215.
35. 6d.

Ryan, John Augustine. The Church
and Socialism. Washington: Univer-
sity Press. Pp.251. $1.50.

Saunderson, F. W. Government Service.
An essay toward reconstruction. Lon-
don: Faith Press. Pp. 133. is. 6d.

SchmoUer, Gustav. Grundrisz d. allge-
meinen Volkswirtschaftslehre. Miin-
chen: Duncker & Humblot.

Scott, Arthur P. An Introduction to the
Peace Treaties. Chicago: University
of Chicago. Pp.292. $2.00.

Scott, James B. Judicial Settlement of
Controversies between States of the
American Union. An analysis of
cases decided in the supreme court.
Oxford: Clarendon. Pp. 548.

Seashore, Carl E. The Psychology of
Musical Talent. Boston: Silver, Bur-
dett & Co. Pp. xvi-f-288. $2.40.

Seeley, Boudinot. Christian Social Hy-
giene: A Guide for Youth. Portland,
Oregon: The Author. Pp. iv-l-152.
$1.25.

Selley, Ernest. Village Trade Unions in
Two Centuries. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. 182. $1.50.

Sharp, Dallas L. Patrons of Democracy.
Boston: Atlantic Monthly Press. Pp.
vii4-56. $0.80.

Sherrill, Charles H. Have We a Far
Eastern Policy? New York: Scrib-
ner. Pp. xvi-t-307. $2.50.

Smith, W. W. A Theory of Mechanism
of Survival: The Fourth Dimension
and Its Applications. London: K.
Paul. Pp. 195. 55.

Snowden, Philip. Wages and Prices.
An inquiry into the wages system and
the relation of wages and prices.
London: Faith Press. Pp. 131. is.
6d.

Starling, E. H. Oliver-Sharpey Lect-
ures on the Feeding of Nations. A
study in applied physiology. New
York: Longmans. Pp. 146.

St. Clair, Labert. The Story of the
Libery Loans. Being a record of the
volunteer liberty loan army, its per-
sonnel, mobilization, and methods.
Washington, 324 Munsey Building:
J. W. Bryan Press. Pp. 186. $5.00.

Stewart, Wentworth. The Making of a
Nation. Boston: Stratford. Pp. ix
-fi90. $1.50.

Stifler, James M. The Christ of Christi-
anity. 2d ed. New York: Revell.
Pp. 222. $1 . 25.

Stone, Lee Alexander. An Open Talk
with Fathers and Mothers. Kansas
City: Burton. $1.50.

. The Woman of the Streets.

Kansas City: Burton. Pp. 119.
$1.50.

Stutzer, Emil. Deutsche Sozialgeschi-
chte vomehmlich d. neuesten Zeit
gemein-verstandlich dargest. 2., vollig
umgearb Aufl. Halle: Buchh. d.
Waisenhauses. Pp. x-l-204.

Sumner, William Graham. What Social
Classes Owe to Each Other. New edi-
tion. New York: Harper. Pp. 169.
$1.50.

Tahmazian, K. Turcs et Armeniens.
Paris: Imprimerie H. Turabian. Pp.
142.

Talks with Workers on Wealth, Wages
and Production. London: Pitman.

Pp. 132. 25.

Thompson, Holland. The New South.
A chronicle of social and industrial
evolution. ("Chronicles of America
Series," Vol. 42.) New Haven: Yale
University Press. Pp. be -f 250. Set
of 50 vols. $175.00.

Trotter, Eleanor. Seventeenth Century
Life in the Country Parish. Cam-
bridge: University Press. Pp. xii-|-
242. io5.net.

Trotter, W. Instincts of the Herd in
Peace and War. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. 2(34. $2.50.

RECENT LITERATURE

123

U.S. Bureau of Immigration. Report of
the Commissioner General of Immigra-
tion. Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office.
Pp. 412.

U.S. House of Representatives. Report
of the Congressional Joint Commission
on Reclassification of Salaries. Wash-
ington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.884.

Veach, Robert W. The Meaning of the
War for Religious Education. New
York: Revell. Pp. 256. $1.50.

Villa, Serra (Jos6) El Regionalisme en
Espana. Valencia: Imp. de autor.
Pp. 320.

West, William Mason. The Story of
Modern Progress; with a Preliminary
Survey of Earlier Progress. Boston:
Allyn & Bacon. Pp. .xvi + 7oi-(-32.
$2.00.

Wickware, Francis G. Ed. The Ameri-
can Year Book, 1919. New York:
Appleton. Pp. 874. $5.00.

Yoakum, Clarence S., and Yerkes,
Robert M., Eds. Army Mental Tests
Published with the authorization of
the War Department. New York:
Holt. Pp. xiii-H303. $1 . 50.

PAMPHLETS

American Association for International
Conciliation. Some Bolshevist Por-
traits. New York: The Association.
Pp. 28.

Andrews, John B. Labor Problems
and Labor Legislation. New York:
American Association for Labor Le-
gislation. Pp.138. $0.10.

Artmann, Ferdinand. Labour. A brief
review of ways and means for the
national economic reconstruction of
Central and Eastern Europe, and the
most profitable utilization of the labor
resources. New York: Lemcke &
Buechner. Pp. 25. $0.75.

Bates, Esther W. A Pageant of the
League of Free Nations. Boston:
Massachusetts Joint Committee for a
League of Free Nations. Pp. 34.
$0.05.

Beck, James M. Six Fundamental Prin-
ciples of the Constitution. New York:
National Security League. Pp. 15.

Bettman, Alfred, and Hale, Swinburne.
Do W'e Need More Sedition Laws?
New York: American Civil Liberties
Union, 138 W. 13th St. Pp. 22.

Bloomfield and Bloomfield. Typical
Employee Benefit Association Plans.
Boston. I sheet.

Brown, Rome G. Americanism vs.
Socialism. Minneapolis: The Author,
Metropolitan Life Building. Pp. 32.
$0.06.

. Industries and the State under

Socialism. Minneapolis: The Author.
Pp. 21.

California State Board of Education.
Documents Relating to Vocational
Education. Sacramento: The Board.
Pp. 80.

California State Board of Health. On
Nursing. Practical information for
high-schoolgirls. San Francisco: The
Board. Pp. 16.

Captanian, P. Memoires d'une De-
portee armenienne. Paris: Flinikow-
ski. Pp. 144.

Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace. Epitome of the Purpose, Plans
and Methods of the Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace. Wash-
ington: The Endowment. Pp. 39.

Cherrington, Ernest H. A New Plan
of Campaign in the Interest of Na-
tional Prohibition. Westerville, Ohio:
American Issue Publishers. Pp. 22.
$0. 10.

Cincinnati Better Housing League.
Houses or Homes. Cincinnati: The
League. Pp. 32.

Commissions on Training Camp Activi-
ties of the War and Navy Depart-
ments. Standard Forms of Laws for
Repression of Prostitution, etc.
Washington: The Commissions. Pp.
32.

Committee on Philanthropic Labor
of Philadelphia Yearly Meeting of
Friends. The Feeble-Minded and the
Community. Phildelphia: The Com-
mittee. Pp. 16.

Community Church. Repression the
Road to Revolution. New York:
J. R. Holmes, Park Ave. and 34th
St. Pp. 22. $0.05.

Community Service in Periodical Litera-
ture. New York: War Camp Com-
munity Service. Pp. 38.

Correas (Juan Francisco) El Bolchev-
ismo en Espana. Madrid (S.I.). Pp.
57. $0.50.

Dodge, H. L. Kaiser Nicotine and Its
Effects on My Friends. Long Beach,
California: The Author. Pp. 46.
$0. 10.

East St. Louis War Civics Committee.
Building East St. Louis for Tomorrow.
East St. Louis: The Committee. Pp.
28.

124

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Edmunds, Sterling Edwin. Interna-
tional Law and The Treaty of Peace.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.
55. So.io.

Evans, W. A. Prostitution and Venereal
Diseases. Chicago: Committee of
Fifteen. Pp. 4.

Federal Council of the Churches of
Christ in America. The Church and
Social Reconstruction. New York:
The Council. Pp. 22.

Frank, Leslie C. and Rhynus, Clarence
P. The Treatment of Sewage from
Single Houses and Small Communi-
ties. Washington: Gov. Ptg. Office.
Pp. 117.

Gallo de Renovales. El Propagandista
Profesional. Madrid: Imp. de Gariel
Lepez del Horno. Pp. 16.

Giannini, Francesco. II Costa della
Vita: Osservazioni Diretti. Napoli:
Tip. ed. F. Bideri. Pp. 40, Cent. 60.

Great Britian. Medical Research Com-
mittee and Department of Scientific
and Industrial Research. Industrial
Fatigue Research Board. Study of
improved methods in an iron foundry.
London: H. M. Stationery Office.
Pp. 8. 2d.

Henry Street Settlement. Visiting Nurse
Service: Report of Director. New
York: 265 Henry St. Pp. 16.

Hercod, Robert. The Prohibition of
Alcohol in Russia. Wasterville, Ohio:
American Issue Publishers. Pp. 24.
$0. 10.

Hoffman, Charles W. Social Aspects
of the Family Court. Cincinnati:
The Author. Pp. 13.

Immigration Restriction League. Brief
in Favor of the Numerical Limitation
Bill. Boston: 11 Pemberton Sq. Pp. 6.

. Immigration Restriction Essential

to Americanization. R. De C. Ward.
Boston: 11 Pemberton Sq. Pp. 7.

Immigration. California Commonwealth
Club Transactions Vol. XIV, No. 13,
pp. 485-524. $0.12.

Independent Labour Party. Prisons as
Crime Factories. A. F. Brockway.
London: 8-9 Johnsons Court, Fleet St.
Pp. 16. 2d.

Industrial Commission of Ohio. Union
Scale of Wages and Hours of Labor in
Ohio on May 15, 1919. Columbus:
The Commission. Pp. 35.

Johnson, William E. Prohibition in
Kansas. Westerville, Ohio: American
Issue Publishers. Pp.89. $0.20.

. The South Carolina Liquor Dis-
pensary. Westerville, Ohio: Ameri-
can Issue Publishers. Pp. 31. $0. 10.

Kahn, Otto H. Two Years of Faulty
Taxation and the Results. New York:
League for Sound Taxation. Pp. 52.

Kalaw, Maximo M. A Guide Book on
the Philippine Question. Washington:
Philippine Press. Pp. 40.

Lanzerotti, Emanuele. Pagine di Pro-
paganda per le Cooperativo di Con-
sumo. Pisa: La Stampa Nazionale.
Pp. 78. L. 2.

Leary, Daniel B. A Group-Discussion
Syllabus of Sociology. Buffalo: Uni-
versity of Buffalo. Pp.43. $1.00.

Lewinski-Corwin, E. H. The Dispen-
sary Situation in New York City.
New York: William Wood & Com-
pany. Pp. 21.

Litchfield, Paul W. The Industrial
Republic: A Study in Industrial
Economics. Akron: Goodyear Tire
& Rubber Co. Pp. 73.

Malcolmson, V. A. Rural Housing
and Public Utility Societies. A few
suggestions which may contribute
toward the solution of rural housing
problems. London: Murray. Pp.8. 6d.

Minneapolis Council of Social Agencies.
Positions in Social Work in Minne-
apolis: Report of a Committee of the
Minneapolis Council of Social Agencies.
Minneapolis: 609 2d Ave. S. Pp. 42.
$0. 10.

Mulligan, John T. Americanism or the
Money Huns. Spokane, Washington:
Inland American Printing Co. Pp.
103. $0.50.

National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People. Burning at
Stake in the United States. A record
of the public burning by mobs of sbc
men, during the first sLx months of
1919, in the states of Arkansas,
Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, and
Texas. New York: J. R. Shillady,
sec, 70 5th Ave. Pp. 23.

National Board of Review of Morion
Pictures. Activities of the Board.
New York: The Board. Pp. 10.

. Objections to State Censorship of

Motion Pictures. New York: The
Board. Pp. 8.

National City Bank of New York.
"Movies" Exported. New York: 55
Wall St. I sheet (Alim.).

National Industrial Conference Board.
A Works Council Manual. Boston:
The Board. Pp. v-}-32. $1.00.

RECENT LITERATURE

125

New York State. Reconstruction Com-
mittee. Housing Conditions. Pro-
gram of architectural competition for
the remodeling of a New York City
tenement block under the auspices of
the joint legislative committee on
housing and the reconstruction com-
mittee of the state of New York,
March 26, 1920. New York: Hall of
Records. Pp. 18.

New York State University. Digest of
Compulsor>^ Education and Child
Labor Laws. Albany: The Univer-
sity. Pp. 32.

North Carolina University. Bureau of
E.xtension. Immigration Restriction.
Chapel Hill, N.C. Pp. loi.

. Community Music. P.J. Weaver.

Chapel Hill, N. C. Pp. 6.

O'Hare, K. R. Americanism and Bol-
shevism. St. Louis: F. P. O'Hare,
Box 1013. Pp.46. So. 10.

Ohio Board of Administration. Preven-
tion of Racial Deterioration and
Degeneracy. C. H. Clark. Colum-
bus, Ohio. Pp. 17.

Oregon Department of Education. A
Course in Physical Instruction for the
Schools of Oregon. Salem: The De-
partment. Pp. 76.

Parker, William. The Paris Bourse and
French Finance. ("Columbia Uni-
versity Studies in History, Economics,
and Public Law," Vol. 89.) New
York: Longmans. Pp. 116.

Pedrazzi, Orazio. Problemi dell'Emi-
grazione Italiana agli Stati Uniti.
Firenze: Tip. ;M. Ricci. Pp. 19.

People's Freedom Union. The Truth
About the Lusk Committee. New
York: Nation Press. Pp.32. $0.25.

Phelps, Edith M., Comp. Selected
Articles on Restriction of Immigra-
tion. New York: H.W.Wilson. Pp.
83. So. 50.

Philadelphia Housing Association. Pro-
posed Zoning Ordinance for Philadel-
phia: A Letter to the Real Estate
Board. Philadelphia: John Ihlder,
Sec, 130 S. 15th St. Pp. 10.

Pick, Albert, & Co. Employe Better-
ment. A practical setting forth of
the modem idea in restrooms, cafe-
terias, and industrial clubs. Chicago:
208-224 W. Randolph St. Pp. 28.

Preston, Josephine C. The Wider Use
of the School Plant. Olympia, Wash-
ington: Department of Education.
Pp. 80.

Queen, Stuart A. Social Science in
the Colleges. Baltimore: Goucher
College. Pp. 27.

Rand School of Social Science. The
Case of the Rand School. New York:
The School. Pp. 20.

Root, Elihu. The Constitution of the
United States. New York: National
Security League. Pp. 12.

Russian Information Bureau in the
United States. America's Possible
Share in the Economic Future of
Russia. A. J. Sack. New York:
Woolworth Bldg. Pp.25. $0.25.

Sears, Louis Martin. British Industry
and the American Embargo. Cam-
bridge: Harvard University Press.
Pp. 25.

Snow, William F., and Storey, Thomas A.
Experimental Medicine and the Vene-
real Diseases. New York: American
Social Hygiene Association. Pp. 18.
$0. 10.

Solomon, Charles. The Albany "Trial."
New York: Rand School of Social
Science. Pp.71. $0.25.

Southern Association of College Women.
Proceedings of the Fifteenth Biennial
Meeting, Columbus, Miss., April 17-19,
1919. Mrs. Charles Spencer, Edge-
wood, Birmingham, Ala. Pp. 78.

Southern California Sociological Society.
Community Organization. C. E. Rain-
water. Los Angeles: University of
Southern California. Pp. 23. $0.25.

Thompson, Henry D. How to Obtain
Citizenship Papers. New York: Na-
tional Security League. Pp. 16.

U.S. Army Committee on Classification
of Personnel in the Army. Personnel
System of the United States Army.
Washington.

U.S. Bureau of the Census. Mortality
Statistics, 1918. Washington. Pp.
92.

U.S. Bureau of Education. Educational
Hygiene. By Witlard S. Small.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.
22.

. How Much Does Higher Educa-
tion Cost? E. B. Stevens. Wash-
ington. Pp. 30.

. List of Reference on Teachers'

Salaries. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office.

. List of References on the Project

Method in Education. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office.

. Public School System of Mem-
phis, Tennessee. Report of a survey

126

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

made under the direction of the Com-
missioner of Education. Washington.
Pp. 1 60.

. Schools and Classes for the Blind.

Washington. Pp. 23.

. Schools and Classes for Feeble-
minded and Subnormal Children, 1918.
Washington. Pp. 37.

. Schools for the Deaf, 191 7-18.

Washington. Pp. 40.

. State Americanization: the part

of the State in the Education and
Assimilation of the Immigrant. F. C.
Butler. Pp. 26.

U.S. Bureau of Efficiency Report.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Ofl&ce. Pp.

39-

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Acci-
dents and Accident Prevention in Ma-
chine Building. W^ashington: Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. 123.

U.S. Council of National Defense.
Conditions of Women's Labor in
Louisiana. New Orleans and Lousi-
ana Industrial Survey. New Orleans:
F. W. Wood, 626 Audubon Building.
Pp. 138. $0.05.

U.S. Department of Agriculture. Rural
Community Buildings in the United
States. W. C. Nason and C. W.
Thompson. Washington. Pp. 36.

U.S. Department of Justice. Red Radi-
calism as Described by its Own
Leaders. Exhibits collected by A.
Mitchell Palmer, including various
communist manifestoes, plans, and
purposes of the proletariat revolution,
and its seditious propaganda. Wash-
ington. Pp. 83.

U.S. Department of Labor. Seventh
Annual Report of the Secretary.
W^ashington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.

304-
U.S. Library of Congress. List of

References on Chinese Immigration.

W^ashington. Pp. 6. (Typewritten,

$0.40.) To be obtained only through

P.A.I.S.
. List of Recent References on

Industrial Arbitration. Washington.

Pp. 9.

. List of Recent References on

Woman Suffrage. Washington. Pp. 7.
(Typewritten $0.45.) To be obtained
only through P.A.I.S.

U.S. Public Health Service. Constitu-
tional Foundations of Federal Health
Functions. By Frank J. Goodnow.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.
10. $0.05.

. Do Movies Hurt the Eyes ?

Washington, i sheet (Mim.).

. Health Almanac, 1920. Wash-
ington. Pp. 56.

. Malnutrition: Helpful Advice to

Parents. Washington. Pp. 12.

U.S. Treasury Department. Outline
Suggested for Teaching Thrift in
Elementary Schools. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 23.

Vaughan, Victor C. Sex Attraction.
St. Louis: Mosby. Pp.44. $0.50.

Wade, Martin J. Shall We Have a
School of Americanism ? Washing-
ton: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 9.

Wallerstein, Helen C. The Functional
Relations of Fifteen Case Working
Agencies as shown by a Study of
Forty-Two Individual Families and
the Report of the Philadelphia Intake
Committee. Philadelphia : Seybert
Institute. Pp. ix 176. So. 75.

Weaver, Eli W. The Occupational
Readjustment Service of the United
Y.M.C.A. Schools. New York: Edu-
cational Council, Y.M.C.A., 347 Madi-
son Ave. Pp. 24. $1 . 00.

Weller, Charles F. Summer "Stunts."
Twenty-two suggestions for joyous
inexpensive community-service activi-
ties. New York: Playground and
Recreation Association of America.
Pp. II. $0.20.

West, Henry L. A Catechism of the
Constitution of the United States.
New York: National Security League.
Pp- 15-

Whipple, Caroline A. Americanization
in Industry. Albany: University of
New York. Pp. 23.

ARTICLES

Ackerman, Frederick L. Housing — the

Turn of Affairs in England. Nat.

Mun. Rev. 9:201-3, Apr. '20.
Ardzrooni, Leon. The Economics of

the Social Uplift. Pol. Sci. Quar.

35:126-35, Mar. '20.

. The Economics of Social Uplift.

Pol. Sci. Quar. 35:126-35, Mar. '20.
Aveling, Francis. The Catholic Church

and Science. Cath. World in: 330-

42, June '20.

RECENT LITERATURE

127

Bizzell, W. B. Rural Housing and the

Tenant Farmer. Survey 44:26-28,

Apr. '20.
Booth, Evangeline. Around the World

with the Salvation Army. Nat. Geog.

Mag. 37:347-68, Apr. '20.
Boutroux, Emile. The Characteristics

of Modern Philosophy. Monist 30:

267-81, Apr. '20.
. The Psychology of Mysticism.

Fortn. Rev. 107:419-30, Mar. '20.
Brown, Harold C. The Problem of

Philosophy. Jour. Phil., Psych., Sci.

Methods 17:281-300, May '20.
Bushnell, C. J. The Community Center

Movement as a Moral Force. Internl.

Jour. Ethics 30:326-36, Apr. '20.
Capitant, Henri. La legislation civile

franfaissen Alsace et en Lorraine.

Rev. pol. et parlement. 303:226-36,

Feb. '20.
Carr, Wildon. The Concept of Mind

Energy. Mind 113:1-10, Jan. '20.
Chidell, Fleetwood. Imperial Migration

and the Clash of Races. Quar. Rev.

233:359-74, Apr. '20.
Clodd, Edward. Occltism. Fortn. Rev.

107:757-68, May '20.
Cole, G. D. H. A Building Guild for

Great Britain. New Rep. 22:25-27,

Mar. 3, '20.
Coon, Harold J. Americanization — a

Different Viewpoint. Amer. Educa.

23:401-3, May '20.
Crowther, Samuel. Phases of Unrest.

No. Am. Rev. 211:614-25, May '20.
Dedichen, Henrik A. Th. Videnskap og

Erhverv. Samtiden 11:193-209, May

'20.
Dennett, Tyler. The Interchurch World

Movement. World's Work 39:569-

77, Apr. '20.
Doll, Edgar A. A Study in Multiple

Crime Factors. Jour. Crira. Law &

Criminol. 11:33-46, May '20.
Dublin, Louis I. Birth Control. Soc.

Hyg. 6:5-16, Jan. '20.
Durkheim, E. Introduction a la morale.

Revue philos. i : 79-97, Jan.-Feb. '20.
Eliot, Thomas D. Some Future Issues

in the Sex Problem. Internl. Jour.

Ethics 30:296-311, Apr. '20.
Fantus, Bernard. The Physician and

Prohibition. Jour. Amer. Med. Assoc.

74:1143-44, Apr. 24, '20.
Fernald, Guy G. The Importance of

Character Study in Criminology.
Jour. Crim. Law & Criminol. 11:107-

12, May '20.

Forbes, B. C. Is a Panic Likely? No.
Am. Rev. 211:511-16, Apr. '20.

Freeman, Daniel R. The World Unrest
and How to Face It. Standard 6 : 273-
80, May '20.

Gibbs, Philip. The Failure of Victory.
New. Rep. 22:306-11, May 5, '20.

Greenwood, Arthur. The Nationaliza-
tion Movement in Britain. Atlantic
125:406-16, Mar. '20.

Gutman, A. J. Justice and the Poor.
Standard 6:233-37, Apr. '20.

Hobson, J. A. The Tragi-Comedy of
War Idealism. Standard 6:266-73,
May, '20.

Hooker, Edith Houghton. The Modern
Social Hygiene Program: a Construc-
tive Criticism. Survey 43:707-12,
Mar. '20.

Huddleston, Sisley. The Menace of the
World. Atlantic 125:585-94, May
'20.

Hiiber, Marie. Dem Ziele nahe? Die
Neue Generation, Sept. '19.

Jacks, L. P. The International Mind.
Atlantic 125:299-311, Mar. '20.

Kantor, J. R. Intelligence and Mental
Tests. Jour. Phil. Psych., Sci.
Methods 17:260-68, May '20.

Keeling, E. H. In Russia under the

Bolsheviks, 191 7. Fortn. Rev. 107:665-
78, May '20.

Kesler, J. L. Race Relationship in the
South. So. Workman 49:56-64, Feb.
'20.

Kitson, H. D. Economic Implications
in the Psychological Doctrine of In-
terest. Jour. Pol. Econ. 28:332-38,
Apr. '20.

Kracht, George B. The Fundamental
Issue between Nationalism and Inter-
nationalism. Internl. Jour. Ethics
30:241-67, Apr. '20.

Kulamer, John. Americanization: The
Other Side of the Case. Atlantic
125:416-23, Mar. '20.

Lemote, Georges. Un peril pour I'esprit
francais — la crise du livre. Rev. de
deux mond. 56:397-429, Mar. '20.

Lewis, Orlando F. Mobilizing the Com-
munity against Juvenile Delinquency.
Survey 43:765-67, Mar. '20.

Low, Sidney. Propaganda Films and
Mixed Morals in the Movies. Fortn.
Rev. 107:717-28, May '20.
McBride, George McCutcheon. Cotton
and Human Affairs. Jour. Geog. 19:
81-88, Mar. '20.
MacCurdy, John T. Psychological As-
pect of the Present Unrest. Survey
43:665-68, Mar. '20.

128

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Mackay, C. D. Imaginative Rural

Recreation. Playground 14:83-96,

May '20.
Marriott, J. A. R. Nationalization ?

19th Cent. 87:455-68, Mar. '20.
Marshall, J. E. The Recidivist or

Habitual Offender. 19th Cent. 87:

904-15, May '20.
Martin, Alfred W. The Personal Factor

in Social Progress. Standard 6:233-

37, Apr. '20.
Merriam, John Co. The Beginnings of

Human History Read from the

Geological Record — the Emergence

Man. Sci. Mo. 10:321-42, Apr. '20.
Noyes, Hilda H. The Development of

Useful Citizenship. Jour. Hered. 11:

88-91, Feb. '20.
Oliver, John R. Emotional States and

Illegal Acts. Jour. Crim. Law &

Criminol. 11:107-12, May '20.
Phelps, Sidney K. Sweated Home

Workers. 19th Cent. 87 : 929-37, May

'20.
Pye, Edith M. Sauvons les enfants

d'Europe! La paix par le droit 30: 16-

20, Feb. '20.
Raffalovich, Arthur. Un critique anglais

du triate de Versailles. Jour, des

econ. 79:30-39, Apr. '20.
Rawlinson, G. C. The Present Position

of Spiritualism. Amer. Church Mo.

7: 109-17, Apr. '20.
Reith, Arthur. Galton's Place among

Anthropolgists. Eugenics Rev. 12:

14-28, Apr. '20.
Resenow, Curt. Is Lack of Intelligence

the Chief Cause of Delinquency?

Psych. Rev. 27:147-57, Mar. '20.
Ross, Edward A. Commercialization —

Increasing or Decreasing? Internl.

Jour. Ethics 30: 284-96, Apr. '20.
Sarkar, Benoy K. The Theory of

Property, Law and Social Order in

Hindu Political Philosophy. Internl.

Jour. Ethics 30:311-26, Apr. '20.
Sato, Kenoske. The Problem of Popu-
lation in Japan. Jap. Rev. 4:184-87,

Apr. '20.
Seddon, J. A. A Sane Labour Pro-
gramme. 19th Cent. 87:589-94, Apr.

'20.
Sheldon, W. H. Social Tyranny. Phil.

Rev. 29:135-44, Apr. '20.
Sims, Newell L. Rural Sociahzation.

Pol. Sci. Quar. 35:54-77, Mar. '20.

Spinner, Dr. J. H. Verbrecherische
Gynacologie. Die Neue Generation,
Oct. '19.

Starcke, C. N. Mekanisme og Vitalisme.
Tilskueren 16:300-314, Apr. '20.

Stead, Herbert F. Religion in the
Labour Movement. London Quar.
Rev. 38:175-86, Apr. '20.

Stocker, Dr. Helene. Revolution u.
Gewaltlosigkeit. Die Neue Genera-
tion, Sept. '19.

Stone, R. G. A Co-operative Housing
Plan. Standard 6:266-73, May '20.

Swenson, David F. The Logical Im-
plicates of the Community. Jour.
Phil., Psych., Sci. Methods 17:253-60,
May '20.

Tentative Report of the Committee of
the American Sociological Society on
the Teaching of Sociology in the Grade
and High Schools of America. Sch.
Rev. 28:255-62, Apr. '20.

Thorngate, Ella. Americanization in
Omaha. Eng. Jour. 9:123-28, Mar.
'20.

Tinker, F. Stanley. The Municipal
Workshop: A Scheme for the Post-
Sanatorium Employment of the Con-
sumptive Ex-Soldier. Lancet 198:
4S7~58, Feb. 21, '20.

Townsend, H. G. The Church and
Society. Phil. Rev. 29:144-53, Apr.
'20.

Turner, J. E. The Conservation of
Values in the Universe. Monist 30:
203-20, Apr. '20.

Walcott, Gregory D. The Intelligence
of Chinese Students. Sch. and Society
11:474-80, Apr. '20.

Wallis, W. D. Motive and Caprice in
Anthropology and History. Jour.
Phil., Psych., Sci. Methods 17:197-
205, May '20.

Wile, Ira S. Sociological Aspects of
Housing. Amer. Jour. Pub. Health,
10:327-31, Apr. '20.

Williams, J. Harold. Individual Case
History Outline. Jour. Delinq. 5:71-
82, May '20.

Work, Monroe N. Inter-Racial Co-
operation. So. Workman 49:157-60,
Apr. '20.

Yarros, Victor S. Bolshevism: Its
Rise, Decline, and — Fall? Internl.
Jour. Ethics, 30:267-84, Apr. '20.

Zimand, S. The Walkout on the Rail-
roads. New Rep. 22:272-75, Apr.
28, '20.

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Volume XXVI SEPTEMBER I92O Number 2

REFLECTIONS UPON THE SOCIOLOGY OF
HERBERT SPENCERS

CHARLES H. COOLEY

University of Michigan

I imagine that nearly all of us who took up sociology between
1870, say, and 1890 did so at the instigation of Spencer. While
he did not invent the word (though most of us had never heard it
before), much less the idea, he gave new life to both, and seemed to
show us an open road into those countries which as yet we had
only vaguely yearned to explore. His book, The Study of Sociology,
perhaps the most readable of all his works, had a large sale and
probably did more to arouse interest in the subject than any other
publication before or since. Whatever we may have occasion to
charge against him, let us set down at once a large credit for effec-
tive propagation.

It is certain that nearly all of us fell away from him sooner or
later and more or less completely. My own defection, I believe,
was one of the earliest and most complete; and since the recoil
has gone farther with me than with most others, it is not unlikely
that I now fail to do him justice. However, my views, such as

' A paper read before the Research Club of the University of Michigan at a meeting
held to commemorate the centenary of Spencer's birth. On the same occasion
Alfred H. Lloyd read a paper on Spencer's philosophy, which appears in the Scientific
Monthly for June, 1920.

129

I30 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

they are, have at least had ample time to mature, and I offer them
for what they may be worth.

The ancestors of Herbert Spencer were plain people of the
Enghsh middle class, most of them dissenters from the Established
Church and somewhat radical in politics. His father, however,
was a man of marked ability, a teacher noted for ingenious ways of
evoking interest, and the author of a work on Inventional Geometry,
in which this subject was taught by a method of experiment and
discovery. An uncle, Thomas Spencer, took a degree at Cambridge
and became somewhat distinguished in the church, rather as an
agitator of reforms, however, than in orthodox activities. He
was frequently at odds with his colleagues and finally went so far
as to advocate the separation of church and state. The innovating
spirit observed in his father and uncle was justly regarded b}'
Spencer as a precious part of his own heredity. His mother was
amiable and devoted but apparently of no marked individuality,
rather harshly treated by her husband, and sometimes referred
to by her son as an example of the ill effects of too much self-
abnegation.

Herbert received very little systematic instruction. This seems
to have been due partly to his father's views, exalting self -activity
and disinclined to force natural inclinations, and partly to the boy's
delicate health. His mind was active, but chiefly upon inquiries
of his own — into mechanics, natural history, or ethics — and even
then he showed signs of that incapacity for sustained reading
which was pathological in his mature years. He began Latin
and Greek, but apparently did not get enough to be of any use,
and never studied English grammar at all. Indeed, apart from a
limited ability to read French, acquired later, Spencer seems never
to have had the use of any foreign or ancient language. Nor does it
appear that he ever studied history, literature, or philosophy,
except as he was incited to occasional reading in these subjects
by the requirements of his own work.

At the age of fourteen his uncle, with whom he was then living,
describes him as having superior talents but lacking diligence
and modesty,' this last judgment referring to the irrepressible con-

^ Autobiography, I, iig.

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 131

tentiousness for which he was at all ages remarkable. We may
think of him, then, as a bright, argumentative boy, rather dis-
agreeably self-confident, well supplied with ideas, many of them
original, regarding mathematics, natural science, and the conduct
of life, but notably deficient in the foundations of traditional
culture.

At seventeen Spencer got a job as a civil engineer and was
engaged in this work four years, showing an aptitude for it which
might apparently have led to distinguished success, had he not
preferred to give it up and try for something more befitting the
large faculties of which he was conscious.

The period from twenty-one to twenty-eight was spent in
desultory study and brief experiments at making a living. He
tried writing, editing, and inventing, with indifferent pecuniary
success, and was employed more profitably upon a parUamentary
investigation of certain railways. At one time he took an active
part, on the radical side, in a political campaign. At twenty-
eight he got work as sub-editor of the London Economist. The
duties were light, leaving him ample time for other pursuits, and
he was thus enabled to develop his ideas, increase his acquaintance,
practice writing, and pass gradually into that career of philosophic
thought and publication which occupied the remainder of his life.

The character of Spencer's sociology is so interwoven with his
personal traits that I find that my best approach to it will be
through an inquiry as to how far his nature and training fitted him
to deal with this subject. That he possessed very great powers is
too obvious to dwell upon ; I shall therefore occupy myself chiefly
with indicating certain limitations.

I thinlv, then, that Spencer was not by nature especially suited
to be an observer of mankind and of society. It seems clear,
from, his own account of himself in his Autobiography as well as
from other witnesses, that he was rather deficient in those sympa-
thetic qualities which are, after all, the only direct source of our
knowledge of other people. A lack of tact, which he deplored
but did not overcome, was accentuated by a somewhat censorious
and unconciliatory way of expressing himself, both of which traits

132 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

he ascribes to heredity. ''The Spencers of the preceding genera-
tion," he says, "were all characterized by lack of reticence.'" On
the other side, "my mother was distinguished by extreme simple-
mindedness; so much so that, unlike women in general, she was
without the thought of policy in her dealings with other persons.
In me these traits were united."^ "The tendency to fault-finding,"
he adds, "is dominant — disagreeably dominant."^ He thought this
was probably "a chief factor in the continuance of my celibate life.
Readiness to see inferiorities rather than superiorities must have
impeded the finding of one who attracted me in adequate degree."^
It would be ungenerous and indeed injudicial to convict one of a
defect of this delicate nature solely from his own confession; the
confession is ingratiating and in some measure contradicts itself.
It accords, however, with the impression one gets not only from
the Autobiography but from the authorized life by Duncan and
from contemporary anecdotes, which is that of a nature high-
minded indeed and in its way fine-minded, but unsympathetic and
of a schoolmasterish sort of egotism, prone to read other people
lectures rather than to hear what they have to say. This native
lack of touch was increased by his preoccupation with speculative
ideas. "I am a bad observer of humanity in the concrete," he says,
"being too much given to wandering off into the abstract."'' He
was, in short, quite the opposite in these regards of his compatriot
Lord Roberts, of whom it is said :

He had .... an immense power of sympathetic absorption in the
affairs of others. He spoke to you not only with his whole attention for the
time being, he went further than that: he gave you the impression that this
was the supreme moment of the day for which he had been wailing. He
entered so fully, so sympathetically, into my interests, that I was tempted to
expand and to confide in him even private affairs, in no way connected with
the matter .... that I had come about .s

Spencer's disregard of personality is curiously illustrated by
his essay on " The Philosophy of Style." In this he does not appear
to be interested in the fact — if indeed he perceives it at all — that

' Autobiography, II, 329. 3 Ibid., p. 520.

' Ibid., p. 512. ■» Ibid., p. 461.

5 Mortimer Menpes, Lord Roberts, p. 7.

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 133

at least half of style is the communication of personal attitudes,
and this by means so subtle as to defy the rather mechanical
analysis which he employs. The whole study, therefore, lacks
penetration and, I should suppose, would be a most unsafe guide
to practice.

This lack of insight into other minds, whether in face-to-face
intercourse or through works of literature and art, was nothing
less than a lack of the perceptions indispensable to any direct
study of social phenomena. It was a fatal handicap.

Of the same piece with his defect of sympathy is Spencer's
lack of literary and historical culture, which, for an intellectual
man and a writer, was remarkable. Not only did he have no dis-
cipline of this sort, to speak of, in his youth, but in his later years
his nervous trouble appears to have prohibited any sustained
reading not indispensable to his work. His power of attention,
limited to some two hours a day, was infringed not only by serious
application but by a novel or a newspaper or even by hearing others
read. For these reasons, quite sufficient and by no means dis-
creditable to him, he had, apparently, only a perfunctory knowledge
of English literature and practically none of any other. In middle
life he organized for his works on sociology much historical material
compiled by assistants, but by that time the bent of his mind was
fixed; and, moreover, he approached this material with a set pur-
pose and not in the disinterested attitude propitious to culture.
Canon Barnett, with whom he made the Nile trip in 1879, wrote
in a letter, "He is strangely ignorant of history and Hterature;
so I should be shy of taking any of his facts," adding, "He is not
interesting. There are few matters which he knows enough of, or
is interested enough in, to discuss."* Whatever his knowledge,
Spencer certainly had little or nothing of the historical sentiment,
no brooding sympathy with the movements of the human spirit in
the past. Anything of this sort was quite alien to his formal and
positive mode of thought.

He not only lacked culture, in the usual meaning, but he set a
low value on it, he almost scorned it. "Had Greece and Rome
never existed," he remarks, "human life and the right conduct of

' Canon Barneit, by his wife, I, 230-31.

134 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

it would have been in their essentials exactly what they now
are: survival or death, health or disease, prosperity or adversity,
happiness or miser}% would have been just in the same ways deter-
mined by the adjustment or non-adjustment of actions to require-
ments."^

Is this true? I think not; Greece and Rome are of our life-
blood. It seems to me, indeed, that such expressions reveal a
defect which is more detrimental to truth than ignorance, namely,
contempt for essential knowledge, A man may lack a certain kind
of culture, as Keats lacked Greek, and yet have a sympathy and
reverence which brings him close to it; but Spencer was not a man
of this sort. His was not that lowly mind which enters easily all
the doors of knowledge. Humility is hardly to be found in him,
and his attitude toward such matters as history, Hterature, phi-
losophy, and the fine arts is that of one who does not need to
pore over the records of the past, but is aheady competent, by
virtue of natural gifts and a philosophy of his own device, to instruct
the world on these questions. He displays, in short, a cocksure-
ness that does nothing to reconcile us to his insufficiency.

It is no crime in a man not to care for the loveliness of St.
Mark's church at Venice — we all have our bhnd spots. But what
shall we say of one who, with no title to competence, assumes to
set aside the judgment of time and to pronounce, after a page of
rather fatuous comment, that it is "not precious aesthetically
considered" ?^ Are not such judgments bold with the boldness of
the man who declares that the earth is flat, because it looks so to
him? And this is typical of Spencer's attitude not only toward
art but toward many other things of which he knew equally Httle.
It argues, I think, a certain incomprehension of the nature of
phenomena of this sort, and of the conditions necessarj^ to their
appreciation. Works of literature and the various arts have their
being in a traditional organism of thought and expression, and
there is no hope of participating fully in their spirit except as one
earns a membership in that organism. This is done by s>aTipathy,
by open-mindedness, and by reverent study of works which promise
to repay such study.

' Autobiography, II, 43. ' Ibid., pp. 407-8.

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 135

I do not mean that Spencer had a mind wholly insensible to
the fine arts. He enjoyed and even practiced music, for example,
had considerable skill in drawing, and liked to read aloud the poetry
of Shelley. I mean that he seems to have no feeling for the tra-
ditional, social, and personal elements that enter so largely into
art and literature and therefore no sense of the need of culture
and sympathy in passing judgment upon them.

If our philosopher's defects of nature and education were such
as I have indicated, it will not be surprising if we find that he lacked
direct and authentic perception of the structure and movement of
human life, and that he conceived these phenomena almost wholly
by analogy. The organic wholes of the social order are mental
facts of much the same nature as personality, and much the same
kind of sympathetic imagination is needed to grasp them. This
Spencer did not have, and accordingly his conceptions, however
bold and ingenious, are, in my opinion, not properly sociological
at all.

If there is in Spencer one dominant trait, engendering both
his qualities and his defects, it is without doubt the energy of his
speculative impulse. This was not only immensely strong and
bold but was combined in a signal degree with the need to think
exhaustively and in concrete terms. It thus impelled him not only
to conceive a vast scheme of cosmic principles but to develop
these with apparent consistency in every department of nature,
fortifying each detail by clear statement and a convincing array of
facts. This chiefly gave him his great vogue with inquiring
young men; he gratified two needs of every sound mind: to
think largely and to think in definitely conceivable forms. Never
vague or merely abstract, he saw in detail what he saw at all.
No doubt, also, his great pretensions and his rejection of tradi-
tional knowledge contributed to his acceptation by confirming the
inquiring young man in his own self-conceit.

So far as I am able to judge, Spencer had great gifts as an
observer of inanimate nature, and only his exorbitant speculative
trend prevented his achieving more important results than he did.
His questioning of accepted ideas, his persistency, his ingenuity
and manual skill (much greater than that of Darwin) were all

136 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

valuable traits. What he mainly lacked as a natural scientist, I
imagine, was again humility. He was inclined to domineer over
his facts, instead of listening with open mind to what they had
to say.

Spencer claimed that he had "equal proclivities towards analysis
and synthesis." This is true, in the sense that he had an equal
need to see his conceptions in large and in detail, but I think that
both his analysis and his synthesis were a priori, that in both the
disposition to work out preconceived ideas is far more active than
disinterested curiosity. Indeed, when he once gets to work, espe-
cially upon social material, the latter is hardly discernible. He
himself regrets that he was apt "to be enslaved by a plan once
formed"^ and to slur over difficulties.^

Here, of course, is his most obvious inferiority to Darwin.
While he may have surveyed almost as many facts, he did so in
a wholly different spirit. Darwin's great gift, I suppose, was the
combination of a humble and tireless curiosity with a generalizing
power vast, indeed, but by no means domineering. He collected
facts and drew a theory from them, while Spencer spun a theory
from any material he happened to have and collected facts to
illustrate it. Hence, in spite of his ingenuity, he was far less
original, less solid, less truly the man of science than his contempo-
rary. The inquiring young man will not long remain content with
Spencer if he has any gift for direct observation. He will presently
discover that the light which seems so clear is not daylight but
the artificial illumination of a theory; that the array of facts are
but illustrations of the theory; and that the assertions do not
stand the test of real life.

The conception of organic process which Spencer gave most of
his life to elaborating remains meager. It grows longer and longer
but never fills out with real flesh and blood. Where will you find
in him any of those illuminating flashes that show a conception
vividly and as a whole ? It is all detail and formula, never a
revelation.

Nothing could have been more odious to him than the sug-
gestion that his work belonged, psychologically, in a class with that

' Autobiography, II, 215. ' Ibid., I, 452.

TEE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 137

of the systematizers of theology — Thomas Aquinas, perhaps, or
John Calvin — rather than with the true men of science. But would
there not be some truth in such a suggestion ?

Turning now from Spencer's talent to his works, there is per-
haps nothing more fundamental for our purpose than his social
psychology-. This is found in those four chapters of his Principles
of Psychology which treat of "Sociality and S)rmpathy," "Egoistic
Sentiments," "Ego-altruistic Sentiments," and "Altruistic Senti-
ments." The Principles of Psychology was first published when
Spencer was thirty-five, costing him such labor that he ascribes
to it in great part the impaired health from which he suffered
thereafter. It did not at that time, however, include any social
psycholog}% but was concerned wholly with the development of the
individual mind. Apparently he did not perceive the need of a
social psychology at all until he began some years later to work
out his sociology. Then, having, as he says, " to follow out Evolu-
tion under those higher forms which societies present," he was led
to discuss "the special psychology of Man considered as the unit
of which societies are composed."^ The idea of treating the
subject was, then, an afterthought conceived rather late in life
and carried out in a supplementary part of his Psychology called
"Corollaries," published in the second edition of that work, which
appeared when the author was fifty-two years old. It is not
strange that his discussion is somewhat perfunctory and involves no
change from his previous modes of thought.

Speaking summarily, I may say that he explains the social senti-
ments by their utility, by conscious and unconscious adaptation
to the conditions of life, and by the cumulative inheritance of
acquired mental traits. Natural selection is included but not
much emphasized; it is hardly essential to the argument. We
are shown that the individual is s>Tnpathetic because sympathy
has been useful and habitual to the race in the past. Transmitted
by heredity and increased by use it is enabled, with the aid of the
representative powers of the mind, to unite with instinct in forming
social sentiments. These may be ego-altruistic (so called because

' Principles of Psychology, II, 508.

138 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

they involve both a sense of one's self and a reference to the state of
mind of others, like the love of approbation); or they may be
wholly altruistic, like a generosity which seeks no recognition, or
like a disinterested sense of justice. All sentiments, however, are
primarily egoistic, according to Spencer, and become altruistic
when referred to others. ''The altruistic feelings," he says, "are
all sympathetic excitements of egoistic feelings."

Let me first point out that this phraseology of egoism and
altruism marks an individualistic conception ; that is, it makes the
whole matter one of the interplay of separate units rather than
of collective growth. A sentiment grows up in one person and may
be referred to another by sympathy : there is no idea of a continuing
social life, having an organization and history of its own, in which
sentiments are gradually developed, and from which they are derived
by the individual. It cannot be said that Spencer's treatment
excludes such an idea, but his failure to develop it, here or else-
where, shows that it had no considerable part in his thought.
And yet it is the central conception of any real sociology, since
any science of life must have a distinct life-process with which it is
concerned.

A sociological view, I think, would be that the higher senti-
ments are in general neither egoistic nor altruistic as regards their
source, but just social, derived, that is, from the stream of an
organic common life. It is, for example, an incorrect view of
the sense of justice to say that we first develop it regarding ourselves
and then transfer it by sympathy to others. Our sentiments of
justice have been worked out by society' in the past and come to us
primarily from the social environment and tradition, their refer-
ence to myself or to you being secondary. We acquire them just as
we do the meaning of the word "justice," that is, we find the idea
or sentiment already organized for us in the current of history,
and assimilate it by the aid of conversation and literature, although
it must get flesh and blood, as it were, from our own experience.
The social tradition supplies the pattern which the individual
fills out and colors in a more or less original manner. The proof is
the established fact that the customs or mores of the group can
make almost anything appear to the individual as just or unjust.

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 139

Spencer's view is scarcely different from that of one who should
maintain that the idea of justice is created anew in each generation
by heredity and sympathy, failing to see that it also represents
the accumulated wisdom of the past transmitted through language.
His process is not social but biological and individual.

The essential differences between present social psychology, as I
understand it, and the conception of Spencer may be otherwise
stated as follows: We now believe that the individual is born with
decisive but quite rudimentary capacities and tendencies, owing
Uttle or nothing to direct inheritance of the effects of use. For
the development of these into a human personahty he is wholly
dependent upon a social environment which comes down from the
past through an organic social process. This social process cannot
be inferred from individual psychology, much less from heredity;
it must be studied directly and is the principal subject of sociology.^
It absorbs individuals into its life, conforming them to its require-
ments and at the same time developing their individuality. There
is no general opposition between the individual and the social whole ;
they are complementary and work together to carry on the his-
torical organism. Neither is there any general opposition between
social environment and heredity; they also are complementary,
working together to carry on a human whole which is social in
one aspect and biological in another. Spencer, on the other hand,
has little perception of a social organism continuous with the past.
His organism, so far as he has one, is biological in its process, trans-
mitted to the individual by the direct inheritance of mental states
created by use. No doubt, as he sees the matter, the individuals
thus generated unite into a differentiated and co-ordinated society,
but this is conceived almost as if it were continually reproduced
from biological roots, like the annual fohage of a perennial herb.
Its historical continuity, momentum, and abundance of content,
its power to mold individuals as well as to be molded by them, is not
clearly seen. And this is true of all Spencer's sociolog>\ It is

' Much that has recently been published regarding the social working of instinct
shows little improvement upon Spencer in this regard. I mean that it proceeds from
an analysis of instinct directly to social conclusions (sometimes of the most sweep-
ing character), without the least direct study of the social process. Even the instinct
studied is usually subhuman, that of man being inferred from analogy.

I40 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

biological-individualistic, the biology being of a type involving
use-inheritance, and the individualism of a mechanical sort quite
inadequate to embrace human personality.

It is a common impression that Spencer emphasized the social
order at the expense of the individual person. I would rather
say that he had little conception either of a social order, properly
speaking, or of persons as members of that order, and consequently
never seriously confronted the problem of their relation. Such
questions, for example, as that of the precise nature and value of
leadership are not worked out by him, because they belong in that
region of true, as distinguished from analogical, sociology' which
he scarcely entered.^

At least one critic, Mr. J. M. Robertson , in his Modern Human-
ists, has pointed out that Spencer's thought about society shows two
distinct currents, separate in their origin and appearing to other
minds irreconcilable. One apparently came from the intellectual
atmosphere surrounding his youth and early manhood, before he
became in any sense an evolutionist. It is essentially static,
individualistic, hedonistic; and is otherwise remarkable for the
doctrinaire thoroughness with which he worked it out and applied
it to questions of the day, often, it would seem, in defiance of
sound practical judgment. The other current is evolutionary,
beginning apparently when he was about twenty in the reading of
Lyell's Geology (where he found an account of the views of
Lamarck), gradually gaining upon him as he grew older, greatly
increased and modified by the pubhcation of the Origin of
Species, when he was about forty, but never so possessing his mind
as to solve his thought into one consistent whole. He remained
to the end partly of the old time and partly of the new, asserting
both tendencies with equal conviction, unaware of any incom-
patibility, and never becoming an evolutionist in the sense that
most men are who have grown up in Darwinism.

Among the works in which the first influence is ascendent are
Social Statics — his first book, published when he was thirty —
the Principles of Ethics and Man versus the State, the two latter

' Compare the remarks on the relation of the individual to society in the Auto-
biography, II, 543.

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 141

appearing late in his life. In these his leading conceptions are pre-
Darwinian, in the sense that they have proved incapable of survival
after Darwinism has had time to develop its social implications.
The point of view is individuaHstic and the practical policy one of
extreme laissez faire, as opposed to social control. The process is
conceived not as continuously evolutionary but as tending toward
an ideal condition of moving equilibrium, in which the relations
of men to one another will be morally adjusted and we shall all
be as happy as we can reasonably desire. To this conception he
adhered at all times when he was dealing with questions of personal
conduct or social policy.

I do not know that it would be worth while to argue at length
that these ideas are unevolutionary. The most convincing argu-
ment is that they have not in fact been able to endure as a part of
evolutionary thought. It is more and more recognized, I think,
that while the organic view of life implied in Darwinism is con-
sistent with very great emphasis upon individuality, it also involves
an increasing consciousness and self-direction in the process as a
whole, irreconcilable with the drastic reduction of state functions
advocated by Spencer. And I am not aware that the idea of a
coming equilibrium of human relations, in the anticipation of which
we can find a code of conduct, has any important following at the
present time. It is felt to be untenable.

His ideas on general evolution find their first expression in an
essay called Progress: Its Law and Cause, published in 1857, and
are finally elaborated in First Principles, which appeared in 1862,
when he was forty- two years old. The second part of First Prin-
ciples, on the Knowable, contains matter which philosophic stu-
dents of sociology may still find worth while, and it is perhaps the
only part of Spencer which I can recommend to such with any
confidence. His method is to take elementary processes, such as
differentiation and co-ordination of parts and functions, and set
them forth with a great array of facts from the inorganic, the
vegetable, and the animal worlds, and finally from the social.
This had a great effect upon me in the eighteen-eighties by showing
the life of man upon earth as one of progressive organization and
so giving me an animating and assuring perspective. Although

142 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

I now think that the view thus revealed is superficial, nevertheless
it was worth seeing then and I see no reason why it should not be
so now.

Regarded more closely, First Principles shows those defects of
which I have spoken. Human life is perceived not directly but
through mechanical analogies. The higher and more distinctively
human part of it is hardly perceived at all; there is, for example,
no discussion of the growth of rational social guidance as a part
of progress. The thought is mechanized to a degree almost incred-
ible to one who enters its stifling atmosphere from the world out
of doors.

I almost hesitate to quote Spencer's famous formula of evolution
lest I may appear to be ridiculing him. It has a quaint sound
now, but as he himself regarded it as quintessential we are hardly
at liberty to pass it by. It runs, then, as follows:

Evolution is an integration of matter and concomitant dissipation of
motion; during which the matter passes from an indefinite, incoherent homo-
geneity to a definite, coherent heterogeneity; and during which the contained
motion undergoes a parallel transformation.'

Now the problem of evolution is the problem of life; and it is
safe to say that if in the future it is found possible to sum up the
process of life in a formula it will not be a formula of this kind.
Life must be summed up in terms of life, not translated into another
language. Least of all is such a formula adequate to human life.
You can never compress reason and beauty and hope and fellow-
ship and the organic being of communities and nations into differ-
entiations, coherences, and heterogeneities. These terms may
be appHcable to human life, just as you can measure a man in
inches and pounds, but they can never be the essential and char-
acteristic truth about it. There is more light and more good
sense in the simple statement of Comte that progress ''consists in
educing, more and more, the characteristic faculties of humanity,
in comparison with those of animality."

Of Spencer's volumes on the Principles oj Sociology I need say
little, not that they are unimportant but because, being a logical
development of his First Principles, they do not offer anything

' First Principles, chap. xvii.

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 143

fundamentally different. They are, in general, what one might
expect; and the value one sets upon them will vary with one's
estimate of the point of view and method. The material was
collected under Spencer's direction by assistants, usually, I think,
with a definite plan as to what he meant to get out of it. It was
rather an amassing of illustrations than research, though fresh
ideas often occurred to him in the process. If we are content with
a vast array of facts, sequently arranged and clearly interpreted
in accordance with large but somewhat mechanical conceptions,
we shall regard these as important works; if we think that human
insight is a sine qua non they will seem little more than a desert, the
more forbidding the more there is of it.

Parts I and II are of a general character, called respectively
"Data" and ''Inductions" of sociology. The remaining parts
deal with special institutions — domestic, ceremonial, political,
ecclesiastical, professional, and industrial. After three brief
introductory' chapters discussing the nature of social or super-
organic evolution, the classification of the factors, and the influ-
ence of climate, geographical features, flora, and fauna, Spencer
devotes the bulk of Part I to the nature of primitive man, and
chiefly to the genesis of his religious ideas. Although his knowledge
of this field was necessarily secondhand, the vigor and ingenuity of
his mind enabled him here as elsewhere to advance views which
specialists regard with respect.

Part II is a discussion of the organic character of society, and
therefore epitomizes the nature and limitations of his sociological
thought. Instead of being a direct and searching analysis of the
process of human life, it is wholly analogical and hence wholly
superficial. Not only is the proposition "Society is an organism"
sustained by biological comparisons, but the whole part, of some
one hundred and fifty pages, is given to such comparisons. What-
ever is said about society is said under the evident domination of
conceptions derived from another order of phenomena; and that
order is rather the mechanical than the biological, since his biology
is itself rather mechanical than vital. The terms of his summing
up are similar to those of his general formula of evolution, and
the whole part adds nothing of much importance to what we get

144 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

from his First Principles. I would not object to the use of bio-
logical analogy as a source of nomenclature and framework; every
new growth of knowledge, I suppose, has to use the language of
the old. But surely the material itself, the observation and con-
ception, should be essentially direct and fresh, and with Spencer it
is not so.

The elaborate discussion of particular institutions that follows is
always clear, always vigorous, always ingenious, and always subject
to the limitations I have pointed out. In some cases, as in his
treatment of the opposition between militarism and industrialism,
he sets forth practical truth of great moment, but never, I think,
without a certain superficiality inseparable from his method.

Descriptive Sociology is a publication, in eight atlas-like volumes,
of material compiled by his assistants, primarily for other works,
and giving historical and descriptive data regarding the principal
savage and barbarous peoples — African, Asiatic, and American —
and also regarding the Hebrews and Phoenicians, the French, and
the English. The facts and references are arranged in parallel
columns under appropriate captions, so that it is easy to find what
one seeks. I have made some use of these works, and it is my
impression that they are much less known than they deserve to be.
For students making comparative studies covering a wide range
of societies they should be of much service. They were published
by subscription and represent on Spencer's part a large pecuniary
sacrifice to scientific ideals. When their publication ceased, he
estimated his net loss at about £4,000.

The two strongest impressions I receive on re-reading parts of
Spencer are that of the fixity of his limitations and that of the abun-
dance of his mind within those limitations. Although, if I am right,
his way of seeing and thinking was not sociological, it was large,
keen-edged, and propelled by an intellectual passion almost sublime.
Though commonly described as an infidel, his work was a signal
act of faith. Never timid or half-hearted, he stained with his
life-blood every detail of his vast scheme and defended it as a
mother defends her child. He spent his whole fife in the elucidation
and propagation of truth as he saw it, devoting without question

THE SOCIOLOGY OF HERBERT SPENCER 145

his spirit and all its instruments to this supreme object. Some of
his chief defects were virtues in excess; as he might have been
more of a man of science had he been less ardent as a philosopher
and moralist. That he was a moralist, somewhat dogmatic, but
sincere and ready to make sacrifices, there can be no doubt. He
shone also as a critic of easy-going conventions. Bold, ingenious,
iconoclastic, pungent in illustration, he loved to demolish shams and
did it extremely well. He raked up and burned much theological
and other rubbish, earning the gratitude of all the liberal world.

If I have seemed to depreciate him it is perhaps because Spencer
set his claims so high that any attempt to estimate them
almost inevitably takes the form of lowering his own mark. But,
when all is said, he remains a man of extraordinary powers and
vast influence upon the thought of his day, if not altogether the
equal mate of Darwin that we once supposed him to be.

HEREDITY AND OVFORTVNITY— Concluded

ERVILLE B. WOODS

Dartmouth College

III. THE FAMILY ENVIRONMENT

If, as has been pointed out above, there is still very much to
learn with reference to the inheritance of mental traits, it is even
more true that an almost unknown territory awaits exploration
by those who have the hardihood to attempt the measurement of
environmental forces.

The earliest phase of the social environment to act upon the
individual is that of the family. There is a legacy, not of blood,
which every child receives from the home influences which sur-
round him. It is this fact which makes the pedigrees of notorious
pauper and criminal families somewhat less convincing than they
appear at first sight. It is conceivable that a durable tradition
of lawlessness or of thriftlessness may estabhsh itself in stock of
quite ordinary quality — no worse in fact than the average of the
population. The most intimate studies of our criminal population
reveal a large number of individuals whose difficulties appear to
be grounded in just this situation, viz.: a lawless or immoral
tradition which the submerged individual assimilates as inevitably
as persons born in a higher social class appropriate law-abiding and
property-respecting traditions.

To the thoroughgoing eugenist the family environment appears
to be nothing but the projection of the family germplasm. Bad
family environment, ergo, bad heredity. Nothing is simpler than
the unctuous fatalism with which the WTiethams, for example, dis-
pose of the whole question:

There is, to put it mildly, a strong probability that the environment
normally provided by the parents and the immediate family will be fairly
well suited to children who inherit the same inborn qualities, that the same
occupations will attract their capacity, the same interests absorb their leisure
hours.'

^Heredity and Society, p. 121.

146

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 147

The commingling of nature and nurture in the family circle
is charmingly revealed in the early experiences of Maxim Gorky
as reported in In the World. The figure of the staunch, lovable
grandmother — philosopher and gatherer of herbs — appears and
reappears in his pages. Sometimes she taught him lessons of
courage and patience, often she remarked a propos of the sordid
brutal life about them, "When one thinks of people, one cannot
help being sorry for them," and of one of those mysterious and
wonderful days afield he writes: "I followed her silently and
cautiously, not to attract her attention. I did not wish to inter-
rupt her conversation with God, the herbs and the frogs. But
she saw me." Here was a nature which had bequeathed to him, no
doubt, much of his rich poetic imagination, but here also was a
companionship as fructifying for inner development as spring
sunHght upon young plants.

Sir Francis Galton has given us some well-known passages
dealing with the judges of England under the impression that he
was analyzing the forces of heredity only. It would appear that
much else was involved, especially the factor now in question —
family tradition and family position. As Dr. Devon points out,

it is conveniently assumed that position is of no importance. Everybody
knows that in the professions chosen to illustrate the theory [i.e., of transmitted
ability] promotion is not wholly dependent on abUity. That a father and son
have both been judges offers no presumption of special fitness on the part of
the son. That high military rank has been held by several members of the
same family need not prove any of them to be great soldiers.'

Van Denburg in his study of the Causes of the Elimination of
Students in Public Secondary Schools of New York City^ gives us an
example of a quite different sort where a family environment,
instead of affording a point of vantage from which to survey
and appropriate hfe's opportunities, acts rather as a handicap
which can be overcome only with the greatest difficulty. After
pointing out that seven-eighths of the pupils entering high school
fail to graduate, he says:

At least seventy-five per cent of the pupils who enter have brains, the
native abiUty to graduate if they chose to apply themselves. They come from

' The Criminal and the Community, p. 20. ^Op. cii., pp. 183-84.

148 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

homes where there is no intellectual tradition of study for study's sake. They
feel the pressure of limited means, parental sacrifice, narrow living, if not the
pinch of poverty. They desire to be independent financially of the home, to
help with the rent, to buy their own clothes. They see no use in the high
school as a means to a better livelihood. They want a little pleasure in living,
some time to play, to visit with their friends, to enjoy themselves in their own
amusements. Study to them is not a pleasure, it is the hardest and most dis-
agreeable kind of work. They lack the faith to see in it a road to better things.
They do not know personally men and women who are high-school graduates
save only their teachers. The lives of the men teachers seem exacting and
profitless to the boys. Few, indeed, desire to emulate them.

It is a commonplace to point out that certain types of homes
foster industry, ambition, or conscientious regard for duty. It is
interesting, however, to note that in college careers large classes
of men are influenced apparently by something in the home environ-
ment impelling them to quite dififerent degrees of energy in their
scholastic achievements. Of about 2,500 recent graduates of
Dartmouth College it appears that sons of clergymen averaged
77 per cent for their entire college course, whereas sons of business
men averaged only 71 per cent and sons of farmers 74 per cent.
Of 416 sons of bankers and manufacturers, 16 per cent took high
rank (a grade of over 80), and 45 per cent, low rank (a grade of
less than 70), while of 505 sons of artisans and farmers, 23 per cent
took high rank, or about one and one-half as many proportionately,
and 33 per cent took low rank, or only three-fourths as many pro-
portionately.

Stated in slightly different form, these figures mean that whereas
the sons of bankers and manufacturers contributed approximately
one high-rank man to every three low-rank men, the sons of
artisans and farmers contributed two high-rank men to every three
low-rank men. Selection, no doubt, plays a certain part in the
explanation of these differences, but beyond variations in the make-
up of the groups, there are evidently subtle differences in outlook
upon college and attitude toward the intellectual life which char-
acterize these various occupational groups. Of the clergyman,
for example, we may say that his work necessitates a close com-
panionship with books, that these books and the literary activities
which accompany their use, have their place within the home and

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 149

are not without their effect upon the sons. The son of the farmer
has learned the lesson of hard work and knows that nature yields
her increase only under compulsion. The artisan's son is pre-
disposed to value highly opportunities which appear so far beyond
the reach of most boys in his economic class. Sons of business
men, on the other hand, may not have had either familiarity
with the intellectual life at home nor with the discipline of hard
work under adverse economic conditions. A college education
may be only the closing episode in a long series of conventional
experiences which have befallen them without much volition or
responsibility on their part.

If, however, the differences between boys from various occupa-
tional groups seem slight and difficult to interpret in the case of
college students, they are far from uncertain when ascertained
for pupils in the common schools.

In 1 9 10 a statistical study was undertaken by the writer of the
ambitions and plans of boys in the seventh and eighth grades of the
public schools of the city of St. Paul.^ Altogether 1,076 boys wrote
answers to the following questions: "Do you expect to go to high
school?" "What is your father's exact occupation?" "What
occupation or work do you think you would like best to work at all
your lif e ? " " Why do you think you would like that occupation ? ' '
Material was thus provided for a rough sort of reconstruction in
statistical terms of a part of the family environment of these one
thousand boys. Their replies reflected interesting differences in
family outlooks upon the possibilities of life. In answer to the
question: "Do you expect to go to high school ? " 94 per cent of the
boys from the professional class replied in the affirmative, 86 per
cent of the mercantile class, 74 per cent of the clerical, 61 per cent
of the artisan class, and 54 per cent of the sons of laborers. A
total of 990 boys expressed a preference for some sort of work. Of
these. III chose each his father's identical occupation, or about
II per cent. There was evident in the figures a considerable
tendency to choose occupations in the same general order of voca-
tion as that in which the father was employed; thus three-fifths

' See " The Social Waste of Unguided Personal Ability," Americal Journal of
Sociology, XIX, (November, 1913), 358.

ISO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of the sons of professional men wished to be professional men and
two-fifths of the sons of artisans wished to be artisans and one-
fourth of the sons of merchants wished to be merchants. Another
tendency was also well marked and disclosed a sharp line of cleav-
age between the manual and non-manual occupations. The sons
of fathers engaged in the four groups of non-manual occupations
were alike in recording the largest number of choices in favor of the
professions. Such work appeared to be the ideal of clerks', mer-
chants', and professional men's sons alike. But the most frequent
choice of the manual workers' sons was uniformly some skilled
trade with agriculture tying for the first place in the case of the
small group of farmers' sons. These figures illustrate very clearly
that vocational ambitions in the absence of skilful vocational
guidance are relative to family outlook and sophistication. Prefer-
ences appear to be conditioned by the vocational viewpoint estab-
lished by the occupation of the father.

IV, THE SOCIAL LEVEL OF OPPORTUNITY

Opportunity implies the absence of barriers between indi\'iduals
and the high places of life except, of course, the barriers interposed
by inherited personal inferiority. Complete equality of oppor-
tunity has probably never existed anywhere in the world, for the
distribution of knowledge and the distribution of wealth have
everywhere been of such a sort as to establish an initial inequahty
at the very beginning of the race. These initial differences can,
of course, be reduced by improvements in the practice of pubHc
education and by the gradual emergence of a social democracy
correlative with political democracy. In Chile, Professor Ross
tells us,' it is impossible for the bright boys born in the mud huts
of the common people to advance into the government service or
the liberal professions because preparation for the free high school
and university is provided only by private fitting schools. The
classes, therefore, who are too poor to pay the tuition are effectively
prevented from making any exit from their own level. Little of
such conscious artificial limitation is imposed upon the poor of our
own land, yet the results, due to the economic and cultural poverty

'See" Class and Caste," American Journal of Sociology, XVIII (May, 1917), 757.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 151

into which millions of our population are born, are of the same
sort though in lesser degree. I should like to emphasize the term
just used — cultural poverty — and to point out that the son of a
Croatian miner in a soft-coal town of southwestern Pennsylvania
or northern Ilhnois may be almost as handicapped at fourteen
years of age, after stumbling through five grades of a parochial
school taught by poorly educated sisters, themselves born in
Austria-Hungary, as though he were Hving in a mud hut in Chile.
To say that his poverty is only a stimulus to ambitious effort and
that if he is a lad o'parts he will pull up out of his environment is
pure nonsense to anyone who has lived in such a community.
A soft-coal town in northern Illinois did give the country a John
Mitchell, but he may well be the exception which proves the rule,
and he escaped, moreover, the handicap of a foreign-speaking
home and the cultural destitution of the Croatian peasant. Not
less than two-thirds of the workers in the great basic industries
of America, such as coal-mining, copper- and iron-mining, blast
furnaces, rolling mills, and iron foundries are either foreign-born
or of foreign or mixed parentage. This is liable to prove a handicap
in proportion as the race to which they belong has come recently
to this country and is separated from American culture by a con-
siderable interval. Here, then, are social levels of opportunity
upon which our industrial population is arranged not unlike the
successive levels of a Roman amphitheater.

A similar and striking difference exists between different geo-
graphical locaHties. George R. Davies, following the lead of
Odin, Lester F. Ward, and others, has demonstrated in statistical
terms the marked superiority of a densely populated over a sparsely
populated region in the production of men of note.' Contrary
to a popular impression it is the cities with the regions immediately
surrounding them which have produced eminent men out of all
proportion to their population. This is apparently equally true
on both sides of the Atlantic and is undoubtedly due to the fact
that in cities are found hbraries, museums, galleries, universities,
courts, bureaus, and other cultural and commercial paraphernalia
by the use of which men raise themselves in the scale of productivity.

' See hi? Social Environment.

152 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Another circumstance appears to make a marked difference
between sections; I refer to the effectiveness of elementary educa-
tion as measured by the literacy of the population and by the
school attendance. The six New England states, for example, in a
comparison embracing twenty-nine states in all, ranked in regard
to elementary education in i860, first, second, third, fourth, fifth,
and eighth, and in regard to output of noted men, as indicated by
entries in Who's Who for 191 2, they ranked first, second, third,
fourth, fifth, and seventh. Arkansas and Florida, on the other
hand, ranked twenty-seventh and twenty-ninth in regard to ele-
mentary education, and twenty-ninth and twenty-seventh respec-
tively in regard to production of noted men in 191 2.

One may say, therefore, that mere presence in an urban region
as compared with a remote rural section, or in ^Massachusetts as
compared with Arkansas, constitutes a distinct opportunity for
personal advancement which has even been made the subject of
statistical calculation. Here are the beginnings perhaps of the
measurement of the influence of social environment.

A recent writer has said: "Good books, like well built houses,
must have tradition behind them. The Homers and Shakespeares
and Goethes spring from rich soil left by dead centuries; they are
like native trees that grow so well nowhere else." It is not by
accident that our men of mark come from the ancient haunts
of culture and learning and from the great marts of trade. It is
here that time has left its richest deposits, here that the social
environment resembles in some measure the soil of the forest
enriched by the mold of the leaves of unnumbered autumns; for
it is the peculiarity of a city that, though young in years, it soon
sets up institutions which embody the age-long traditions of the
race.

There remains one highly dynamic factor in the production of
opportunity, which has been defined, in what precedes, as the
absence of harriers. This is a merely negative view, however, which
needs to be supplemented by the positive conception of opportunity
as efeclive stimulation. It is not mere comfort, nor freedom from
discrimination, nor even leisure, but rather positive stimuli to
definite lines of action, which are of greater importance in the

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 153

lives of those who are most auspiciously situated. At certain
times conjunctures of events result in a great increase and intensifi-
cation of these urgent appeals to action. Such a time was that
immediately after the period of discoveries when the self-complacent
conservatism of the Middle Ages was giving way to a new and
restless spirit of progress. Columbus and the Portuguese had
added new worlds to the old; Copernicus had bidden men look
beyond terrestrial limits into the field of the universe. The
printing-press was rendering possible the rapid dissemination of
thought and a "strange curiosity" and thirst for learning had
taken possession of men's minds. Books of travel in distant
lands were seized upon and read with the greatest eagerness.
Grecian scholars had spread throughout Western Europe, and the
study of the Greek classics had made its way into the universities.
Everywhere the old forms of faith and learning were being shaken
to their foundations. It was an era of revision and of revolutionary
change, not wholly unlike the present. The spirit of a new time
was calling upon the old to give account of itself or yield ground.
Such was the spiritual environment out of which there issued a
period of the greatest literary and intellectual achievement.

In the field of scientific discoveries a single new conception
or a single great invention may stimulate achievement in almost
geometrical progression. Inventions notably wait upon one
another and, once a stubborn obstacle has been overcome, applica-
tion follows appHcation as logs go out when once the jam is broken.

In industrial development conjunctures in the exploitation of
new resources, such as steam applied to locomotion, or water
power to the production of electricity, or the discovery of the
commercial possibilities of petroleum in the fifties of the last cen-
tury, create situations where achievement is inevitable. Out of the
crude-oil situation in western Pennsylvania in the sixties almost
anything might have come, assuming flexibility of conditions, but
assuming railroad and commercial ethics as they actually were,
assuming the laissez faire political philosophy then rampant in this
country, assuming the young commission man in Cleveland, who
had learned from a shrewd close-figuring father how to buy and how
to sell, who had learned also that "I could get as much interest

154 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

for fifty dollars loaned at seven per cent .... as I could earn
by digging potatoes for one hundred days," assuming all this,
then the creation of the greatest fortune of history appears to be
a highly natural phenomenon. Here was the opportunity for
a tremendous stroke, a master-exploitation, which only awaited a
man with imagination big enough, a trader's technique shrewd
enough, and a stomach stout enough to withstand the necessary
desolation that commercial buccaneering and submarining always
entail. Mr. Rockefeller does not profess to any of the virtues of the
ordinary producer, such as industry, technical proficiency, and the
like, but, quite on the contrary, confides in a magazine interview:

People persist in thinking that I was a tremendous worker, always at it
early and late, summer and winter. The real truth is that I was what would
now be called a "slacker" after I reached my middle thirties. I used to take
long vacations at my Cleveland home every summer and spent my time planting
and transplanting trees, building roads, doing landscape gardening, driving
horses and enjoying myself with my family, keeping in touch with business by
private telegraph wire. I never, from the time I first entered an office, let
business engross all my time and attention; I always took an active interest in
Sunday school and church work, in children and, if I might say so, in doing
little things for friendless and lonely and poor people.'

I once held an interesting conversation with an aged French-
Canadian, who had been the employer of James J. Hill when the
latter worked for wages as one of a flat-boat crew who with long
poles propelled cargoes of freight up the Minnesota River from
Fort Snelling. Here again is the case of a remarkable man who
fell into a remarkable situation. Mr. Hill had the discernment
to perceive that the Northwest was pregnant with economic oppor-
tunity where others could see only sterile wilderness. He had
other quahties by which in the end he profited enormously from a
conjuncture which will not occur again in American railroad history.

It is absurd to attempt to account for such conspicuous eco-
nomic success solely in terms of individual traits. The role of
great "once-for-all" opportunities must be recognized.

Professor William James has made some interesting comments
upon opportunity in his essay "Great Men and Their Environ-
ment":

'B. C. Forbes in Leslie's, quoted in Current Opinion, LXIII, 308-9.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 155

It is true that certain types are irrepressible. Voltaire, Shelley, Carlyle,
can hardly be conceived leading a dumb and vegetable life in any epoch.
But take JNIr. Galton himself, take his cousin, Mr. Darwin and take Mr.
Spencer; nothing is to me more conceivable than that at another epoch all
three of these men might have died "with all their music in them," known only
to their friends as persons of strong and original character and judgment.
What has started them on their career of effective greatness is simply the
accident of each stumbling upon a task vast, brilliant and congenial enough
to call out the convergence of all his passions and powers. I see no more reason
why, in case they had not fallen in with their several hobbies at propitious
periods in their life, they need necessarily have hit upon other hobbies and
made themselves equally great. Their case seems similar to that of the Wash-
ingtons, Cromwells, and Grants, who simply rose to their occasions.'

There is no reason to believe that the "accident of stumbling
upon tasks vast, brilliant and congenial" happens to every able
character, nor that occasions are always presented to which they
may rise. Indeed, Professor Jastrow, another psychologist who
has pondered this problem, writes: ". . . . for every case of
marked success, there must be many more competitors of quite
equal capacity whom the discouragements of circumstance, or the
distraction of interests, or the ill-adjustment of appraisal, has
deprived of a like measure of reward."^ When we consider the
professional men of our acquaintance who are alert, suave, indus-
trious, adaptable, conscientious, plausible, rather than possessed
of any exceptional intellectual gifts, I venture to think that among
cobblers or carpenters, farmers or sailors, there may be as many,
also alert, suave, industrious, adaptable, conscientious, or plausible,
who, if they had had the appropriate stimulus and the requisite
advantages, would be teaching pharmacy or philology, or sitting
in a swivel chair under beetling rows of professional treatises of some
sort as acceptably on the whole as those who are actually doing these
things today.

We have considered opportunity in its negative aspect as the
absence of barriers to personal achievement, and in its positive
aspect as appropriate stimulation to achievement; in conclusion
it is probably safe to say that great as are the differences between

' The Will to Believe and Other Essays, pp. 242-43.
' The Qualities of Men, pp. 128-89.

156 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

men, the differences between the situations in which men find them-
selves are of even greater and more bewildering variety.

V. SOCIAL SITUATIONS AND PSYCHICAL TONE

Reference has already been made to the great difference in men
in regard to spontaneity and passivity in the presence of the social
environment. Some go self-propelled through life seeming almost
to create the scenes and settings needed for their own heroic roles.
Others are borne aloft only upon the crest of some wave of social
revolution or intellectual upheaval. We have now to examine
some of the circumstances which wake men up, which create in
them that high potential of energy which in most men would
suffice for great achievement if once they could throw it into gear.
The most natural point of departure for a study of these factors is
probably that remarkable little essay of William James, entitled
"The Energies of Men," and most of the factors enumerated
here are discussed in his brilliant pages.

It has often been noticed that commonplace men once elevated

to conspicuous and responsible positions in the government, with

the eyes of the whole people fastened upon them, sometimes achieve

a level of performance which could never have been predicted from

anything in their previous records. Desperate situations of all

kinds, including war with its wild alarms, likewise never fail to

reveal heroic and masterful natures which had not before been

put to the proof. As James puts it ''Every siege or shipwreck

or polar expedition brings out some hero who keeps the whole

company in heart." The unexpected heroism shown in the face

of death by some of the dissolute ne'er-do-wells in Kitchener's

army moved Donald Hankey to words which will not soon be

forgotten :

Portentous solemn death, you looked a fool when you tackled one of them!
Life? They did not value life! They had never been able to make much of
a fist of it. But if they hved amiss they died gloriously, with a smile for the
pain and the dread of it. What else had they been born for ? It was their
chance.

Not only in the fury of battle, but in the lives of all those who
have made their last reckoning with selfish ends and henceforth
look out serene and detached upon a world of purely objective

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 157

causes, we catch a glimpse of a new and higher order of achieve-
ment. Sandeman in his Uncle Gregory refers to

that quite unmistakable note that you get in a very few people, who, in one
way or another, have actually accepted death, and are only, so to speak, alive
in the meantime. It belongs to the flawless perfection of the military spirit
with its entire detachment from Ufe itself, from self-will, from fear, and from
ease, and from all pretenses.'

An essential part of this heightened and intensified energizing
is the heightened emotion which accompanies it. Some of the men
thrown up out of the depths by the convulsion of the world-war
have been almost incandescent in their emotional intensity. Such
was Kerensky. From a physical weakness so great that "before
the revolution a single speech seemed to leave him on the verge of
collapse," he went on from strength to strength "for weeks on
end, delivering a dozen or a score of such speeches in a single day,
and finding time in the intervals between them to pour out procla-
mations, appeals, and decisions on the most critical matters of
the most vital of all the departments of state. "^

Louis Raemakers, the influence of whose cartoons was estimated

by the Germans in terms of army corps,

was unheard of previous to the opening of the great war. On the first of
August, 1914, he was living quietly with his family, contentedly painting the
tulip fields, waterways, cattle and windmills of his native Holland. Four
days later he drew the first cartoon, "Christendom after Twenty Centuries,"
of a series that was to reveal him as a champion of civilization and make his
name a household word in every country .J

In the early days of the war he went to Belgium and, as he put it,
"explored hell."

Another psychic factor of much importance in accounting for
achievement is the spiritual uplift of a moral victory ; still another,
the impact of great and heavily laden ideas such as Fatherland,
"God wills it," Democracy, Truth, Holy Church, etc.

Conversion in the religious sense often emancipates locked-up
energies as does also "methodical ascetic discipline" which keeps
"the deeper levels constantly in reach."

' Quoted by Thomson in Darwinism and Human Life, p. 226.

'E. H. Wilcox, " Kerensky and the Revolution," Atlantic Monthly, November,
1917.

3 See " Book Notes" in Century Magazine (January, 1918).

158 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

A complete theory of genius has been erected upon the semi-
religious conception of detachment from self and objectivity in
one's attitude toward life, which, as we have seen, characterizes
those utterly devoted to great and perilous causes. Tuerck says:

The man of genius develops an activity apparently similar to that of
other men, but in which his inspired nature inwardly assumes a totally different
attitude toward what he does or leaves undone, his actions being in truth only
play, having no reference to his own individual self, whereas other people are
clumsily and ridiculously in earnest about their own petty existence, an exist-
ence at the mercy of any and every accident. Hence the calm and great
courage of the man of genius, his clear and unprejudiced outlook, his extraor-
dinary boldness combined with the greatest coolness, his irresistible advance
along the path he has once traced out for himself.'

According to James, heightened emotional excitement or "some
unusual idea of necessity^' are the stimuli which induce these
extraordinary manifestations of energy and of will, and he believes
"that men the world over possess amounts of resource which only
exceptional individuals push to their extremes of use."

This faith in the energies of men, properly stimulated, contains
no disparagement of the legitimate claims put forth in behalf of
inheritance ; he who is by nature a potential dynamo of power may
well surpass in achievement the man who has but feeble resources,
granted both are performing under a maximum load, but who
takes on the burdens of the world's thinking and loving and invent-
ing and directing is another question, and we shall have to admit
that the stimuH coming from the social environment are very
potent in determining who actually carry their maximum loads.
It still holds that "we inherit all the faculties and powers which
we possess, but what they are only the event shows. Nothing can
be taken out of a man but what is in him, but there may be a
good deal in him which is never taken out."

VI. THE SOCIAL VERDICT

In connection with the preceding topics an attempt has been
made to distinguish the things of Nature from the things of Nurture.
No two men it appears are alike, but on the contrary they vary
enormously in natural capacity. The social environment in which

' The Man oj Ccnuis, p. 60.

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY 159

they are immersed is also as variegated as one can conceive, and
when the innumerable permutations of circumstance which play
upon the individual are considered, it is entirely safe to say that
no two men ever find life the same. A man's environment, there-
fore, is no less unique than his heredity. The frequent practice
of writers upon this subject, who assume out of hand that brothers,
or classmates, or members of a given social class are subjected to
the same social environment, is the occasion of much fallacious
reasoning. Identical twins even, bred alike, dressed and educated
alike, indistinguishable possibly to their own parents, may be as
far apart as the poles when it comes to that intimate isolation of the
spirit which we call individuality. Alike in the superficial experi-
ences of life, surrounded by the same walls and the same people,
they may nevertheless differ unspeakably in all that really matters
in the things of the spirit.

We come at length to a final question— that of the social
appraisal of personal quality. The outstanding fact appears to
be that both the various hereditary values, and the many sorts
of achievement values are alike rated high or low, according to
somewhat capricious social standards.

Bagehot has offered a clear formulation of this principle in
the following passage :

If any particular power is much prized in an age, those possessed of that
power will be imitated; those deficient in that power will be despised. In
consequence an unusual quantity of that power will be developed and be con-
spicuous. Within certain limits vigorous and elevated thought was respected
in Elizabeth's time and, therefore, vigorous and elevated thinkers were many.'

Says Jastrow :

It is only in Utopia that condition is so nicely fitted to merit that success
becomes of itself significant. A mundane people must first itself be judged
before approving the type of men to whom it awards success.^

In proportion as a nation is all for one type of activity, a larger
and larger proportion of successes will appear in that speciality.
There will be many prizes in that quarter and some mere personages
will sit in the seats labeled "for the great." That is to say, the
social demand will much outrun the supply of natural variants of

'Quoted in Carver, Sociology and Social Progress, p. 724. ' Op. cit, p. 131.

i6o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the sort suited to excel in that type of activity. Persons of great
but unspecialized powers will also be swept along in the same
current, setting to the common goal, and, being strong swimmers,
will outdistance rivals marked by respectable but not pre-eminent
powers. In short, when a nation is all for war, or all for poetry,
or all for commerce, the very general competition ensuing in
those lines will draft into service all the pre-eminent special geniuses
of those bents, many great all-around men, and even many men
lacking exceptional talents of any sort, who, nevertheless, get
captaincies and lieutenancies, so to speak, because of a dearth of
officers. When, on the other hand, a type of activity is despised or
ignored, there will resort thither only such persons of specialized
genius as combine with it great self-reliance and independence of
mind, and they will no doubt be awarded but a partial recognition
by their distracted contemporaries; they will be sadly under-rated
just as many who achieve a moderate success in the prevaihng
activity will be much over-rated. Many a sensitive soul mil
have his powers chilled by the prevailing indifference and many a
mediocre personality will bask in the warmth of a popular esteem,
which, in a long view of the matter, is, in one century or another,
indulgent equally of parasites and poets, athletes and authors,
saints and soldiers, creators of art and captains of industry. But
these types cannot all flourish, each in its peculiar perfection, at one
and the same time.

In order to get a cross-section of contemporary opinion as to
what t>pes of individuals are most worthy of being signalized, I
took the trouble to go over the names of all residents of the state
of New York which were contained in the edition of Who's Who in
America for 1910-11 and to compare them in point of numbers with
the total membership of their respective crafts enumerated in New
York in the census taken the same year (1910). I selected the
following occupations as representative of useful effort along a
variety of worthy lines: sea captains, members of fire companies,
locomotive engineers, life savers, carpenters, cooks, persons em-
ployed in agriculture, builders and building contractors, musicians
and music teachers, actors, bankers and brokers, architects, physi-
cians, clergymen, lawyers and judges, chemists, artists, journalists

HEREDITY AND OPPORTUNITY i6i

of all sorts, and authors of all sorts. The sophisticated may smile
at this Ust, for quite according to their expectation the 150,000
good people engaged in the first six of these occupations, from sea
captains to carpenters and cooks, did not secure a single entry in the
list of the "conspicuously successful people" of the state. Of the
378,000 persons engaged in agriculture, one in every 75,000 was
notably successful, netting us five or six biographies. Builders
and contractors were admitted at the rate of i to 2,000 so engaged;
musicians and music teachers at the rate of 5 per thousand; actors,
together with bankers and brokers (for both professions hold out
equal prospects of biographical mention), 11 per thousand; physi-
cians, 16 per thousand; architects, 17 per thousand; chemists, 26
per thousand; clergymen, 28 per thousand; lawyers and judges,
32 per thousand; artists, 52 per thousand; journaHsts, editors,
reporters, etc., 71 per thousand; while, wonderful to relate, of
1,442 males and females constituting the tribe of writers, no less
than 426 per thousand, or nearly 43 per cent, were admitted to this
shrine of publicity.

If one were disposed to make comparisons it would appear,
for example, that if one of two brothers should engage in farming
or dairying, while the other became a newspaper man, the chances
of the former's appearing in Who^s Who in comparison with those
of the latter would be as i to 5,380. A banker has one chance to
thirty-nine enjoyed by a writer. A physician is from a fourth to
a fifth as likely to be "conspicuously successful" as a newspaper
man. Even the lawyers and judges have but one chance in thirteen
of getting into the Hall of Fame when pitted against the authors.

Such then is Fame! Those who interest us, whose work arrests
our eye, whose names become household words, whose signed con-
tributions He about our living-room and library tables, these are
in a fair way of getting a modest immortality which, after all,
bears small relation perhaps to their place in the social economy.
Is there not the possibility that even the inspired muse of history
may now and again have slipped into the simple and natural
expedients of the profane editors of Who's Who and collated the
conspicuously successful under the impression that she was inform-
ing us with reference to the makers of history?

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT

EDWIN J. ROSENBERG
Assistant Professor of Economics, University of Idaho

The problems of reconstruction are commonly thought of as a
matter of deep concern to applied economics, and so they are;
but more recently there is coming to exist in the minds of those
who have taken the matter of reconstruction to heart a feeling
that reconstruction must mean more than a mere application of
the present economic theory — that it is going to call into question
nearly the whole of that theory; that the first step in reconstruc-
tion will be not to apply the existing theory, but to develop a
theory that will be able to cope with the problems before the world.

There is nothing very surprising in this view of the case. It
has been apparent for an appreciable term of years that there
was something wrong or at least incomplete in economic science as
it stands. With adolescence of the machine regime the old pohti-
cal economy became inadequate. It was both too wide and too
narrow. On the one hand, it failed to put sufficient emphasis on
the business phenomona, so that practical men of affairs would
have none of it; on the other hand, it failed to go deep enough
into the social structure to be in any sense an explanation of the
economic life of the group, or to allow opportunity for the develop-
ment of any theory of group welfare. The Marginal Utility School
cut economics to fit the business facts, and so made of it a glori-
fied system of accountancy, in which the market was the beginning
and the end. The business men are now satisfied or should be.
Where there are conflicts between the economic point of view and
the business point of view, most of these conflicts are mere dis-
putes over terminology. Thus the economist is likely to insist
on the separation of the factors of production according to the
traditional method, while the business man knows (and he is
entirely right) that for his purposes the factors of production can

162

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 163

be lumped as capital. In any particular contact that the econ-
omist makes with business it is difficult to see that he is governed
by anything differing from the business man's theory. But eco-
nomics is a social science ; and the market is only one among scores
of social institutions both antecedent and consequent to it.
Slowly the light has been dawning that if economics is not to be
hopelessly discredited as a social science it must adjust itself to
social facts. To go back to political economy is impossible; to
remain a mechanistic exposition of large scale cost accounting
(that is, to be simply "economics") is not sufficient; it must
become in some real sense, a science of social economy.

Among those who speak for changes of a drastic sort in
economic thinking the emphasis varies ; sometimes it is a demand
for a new theory of value;' more often, recently, it is a demand
for changes in the price system. The two sorts of demands mean
much the same thing. The present theory of value is entirely
competent to deal with such elements of value as profess to inter-
pret demand and supply as market facts. If value theory is
enlarged to take on something of the element of "social value" or
if the price system is modified in some way so as to give force to
value elements coming from outside the market, the results to
be expected will be substantially the same. Normally no changes
are made in theory until the felt needs become powerful enough
to change the institutions that are explained by the theory.
Accordingly the more interesting phase of the attack on eco-
nomics as it stands is the demand for the abolition, abrogation,
or drastic modification of the price system. An additional interest
attaches to the price system on account of the connection with
the problem of war and peace, and the manner in which by that
fact it becomes bound up with the entire problem of reconstruc-
tion. Thus Veblen:^

So if the projectors of this peace at large are in any degree inclined to
seek concessive terms on which the peace might hopefully be made enduring,

■ B. M. Anderson, Social Value; J. H. Hobson, Work and Welfare.

' Veblen, The Nature of Peace, p. 367. The quotation of a single sentence can-
not of course hope to be convincing. Nothing less than the whole of the nature of
peace can bring out the necessary relation between economic arrangements and the

l64 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

it should evidently be part of their endeavors from the outset to put events
in train for the present abatement and eventual abrogation of the rights
of ownership and of the price system in which those rights take effect.

There are others of the current economic writers who either
imply or express much the same, or at least part of the same,
idea. Without exception, however, the manner in which the
price system is to take its departure is left to the imagination;
the way in which '^ events are to be put in train," etc., is not
mentioned. Probably it is a case of the better part of valor;
yet the question remains — a typically Veblenian question, embar-
rassing in the extreme, shouting its demand for solution seemingly
insoluble.

It is not by any chance the purpose of this paper to attempt an
answer to the question; but rather to speculate on the nature
and possible development of the price system during the time
that remains to it. That the price system will be eliminated in
anything like the immediate future, seems very doubtful. Pro-
fessor Cooley points out that the price system is an institution.
"We have to do with a value institution or process far transcend-
ing in reach any special sort of value and participating in the
most diverse phases of our life.'" It has taken unto itself the
fimction of dominating and relating all values, whether those
values be of the economic, the aesthetic, or the moral type. So
widespread, so deeply rooted an institution will not soon die.
Reconstruction may, it is true, entail so great a stress as to achieve
that which looks impossible. Barring that contingency, the price
system will continue, strengthening its hold, cumulatively, on
social life. Allowing for the most optimistic hopes for the aboli-
tion of the price system, it must have a place in our reckoning for
yet an appreciable time and during that time the changes that
the price system is making within itself seem of considerable
import to the social sciences, particularly with reference to the
engrossing problem of post-war reconstruction.

possibility of a lasting peace. The arrangement of the price system may seem to be
merely an uncalled-for impertinence unless preceded by the thorough analysis which
no one probably is so well qualified to give as is Mr. Veblen. The reader is therefore
referred to the complete work, and is asked temporarily to accept the assertion that
it is the conclusion just quoted toward which the whole argument is pointed.

' C. H. Cooley, Social Process, p. 309.

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 165

The price system is not to be considered solely as an institu-
tion that is to be described and analyzed in terms of dollars and
cents. The price system must be taken to mean the market
plus the allied institutions which are the necessary results of the
price system as well as the sine qua non of the development of the
price system to its present vigorous state, namely, those institu-
tions which for lack of more comprehensive terms may be called
capitalism and modern technology. Capitalism being used to
describe the price system on its organization side; modern tech-
nology describing it on its production side. It should be quite
apparent that the organization as well as the production of
industry is on a basis of price, and that any other basis is difficult
if not impossible to imagine. The truth of the matter is that the
price system in all of its ramifications — the price system so uni-
versal in its dominance, so much a part of every phase of social
and individual life — is too big a concept to be put readily under a
single caption. Perhaps the only term that comes close to the
expression of the whole idea is modern industrialism. By the
term industrialism is meant all of the industry, not the type of
organization alone, nor the technique alone (nor what might be
implied by the somewhat wider term ''the state of the industrial
arts") nor the price basis alone; but all of these elements combin-
ing and reinforcing each other — that is industriahsm as used here.

Industrialism like any other institution serves itself. But
institutions may not serve themselves alone; they must also be
serviceable to the larger institution, society, in which the particu-
lar institution has its being. The matter might be put more
convincingly in the negative. Institutions that are disserviceable
to the social whole become unfit to survive and tend to become
eliminated. Disserviceability is an extreme term, just as absolute
serviceabiHty is an Utopian dream. Institutions, as a matter of
fact, fall somewhere between the two limits; that is, they rep-
resent in greater or less degree the universal phenomenon of mal-
adjustment.

The maladjustment entailed by modern industrialism is
scarcely open to argument. The mobilization of industry for
war was a particular instance in which the necessity of adjust-
ment to the social responsibility required of it became apparent.

1 66 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The vast changes that the war made necessary in industrialism
indicate in some slight degree the extent by which that institution
falls short of adjustment to the society that it is to serve. Most
of the adjustments of industrialism to war needs were imposed
from without, by the collective social will, through its formal
political institutions. Some of the advantages will be retained —
not so much because of the governmental command but because
for the most part the advantages to society have been advantages
to industrialism also. Even the most optimistic, however, does
not dare to believe that the force of government can perpetuate
in peace times the control that was designed and accepted in the
"win the war" spirit. Much of the adjustment of industrialism
to social needs must depend on industry itself.

It will be desirable, therefore, to take a somewhat more detailed
view of modern industralism to the end that the possibilities in
store for social welfare may be made apparent. Modern indus-
trialism presents four prominent characteristics or phases: (i)
Modern industrialism on its technical side is becoming almost
purely a machine process. (2) It is tending to operate on a basis
of large units of plants which are becoming progressively larger.
(3) Industrialism in becoming capitalistic, not only in the equip-
ment sense that is implied by the foregoing, but also in the invest-
ment sense; that is to say, industrialism represents large blocks
of impersonal wealth gathered from scattered sources and focused
at particular points through the mechanism of incorporation. (4)
Finally, all of industrialism is measured and controlled at every
step by the pecuniary calculus — every action, every policy, every
development conditioned by the answer to the question, "What
will be the effect on the balance sheet ? ' '

The result of the growth of the machine process has been to
call attention to the problem of management as affecting labor.
The business man has been quick to see that the machine process
involves the spending of vast sums for fixed charges, that is,
expenses that go on quite regardless of the amount of product,
hence ultimately regardless of the income that the business
receives. The first result of the increasing fixed charges is a
demand for the highest possible mechanical efficiency. But effi-

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 167

ciency of the machine is all but useless without efficiency of the
men who work the machine. Sooner or later a situation typically
as follows finds its way into the calculations of the cost accountant.

Cost of 1,000 Units of Product

Interest charge on $20,000 machine . . $4.00

Depreciation charge on $20,000 machine . . 3 . 50

Rent charge for floor space occupied . . . 2 . 00

Other overhead charges, light, heat, management 6.00

Material, 1,000 units 10.00

Labor 2.00

Total $27.50

The cost accountant or the efficiency expert finds that the labor
used in the above process is only 30, or 40, or 50 per cent efficient.
The conclusion must occur to him: "If I can increase the effi-
ciency of the workingman to something approaching i copper cent,
I can get 1,500 units surely, and possibly 2,000 or 2,500 units with
the same equipment I have and with proportionate increases in
only the item of material, and a small increase in the labor item
(the latter being the first prerequisite of higher efficiency that
comes to be thought of). Probably the accountant would go into
the matter in somewhat greater detail, and with a finer discrim-
ination in terminology. That is, however, beside the point; the
situation substantially as outlined is not only of frequent occur-
rence, but it is becoming an inevitable consequence of the machine
process wherever the machine process has reached a certain ful-
ness of development. Likewise the conclusion that the manage-
ment draws from the situation is inevitable; so much so that the
conclusions are frequently expressed as slogans: ''Cheap labor is
too expensive to use." "Efficiency is the watchword," etc. The
attention of the management becomes riveted on the human
equipment of the plant, precisely that phase of the industrial
policy that is fraught with tremendous possibilities for good or
ill to the working man, and, overflowing the immediate working-
man, to the whole social group.

It must not be assumed that the relation of large fixed plants
and the demand for efficiency is an isolated and simple causal

l68 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

sequence. At any time the business end of the plant, that is,
the sales organization, may step in and nullify the proceedings.
There is a limitation on efficiency always in the background; not
how much can be produced, but how much can be sold at a profit
is the final arbiter of what will be produced. There can be no
reasonable doubt that the price system sets in train a retardation
of the production of commodities of greater or less seriousness,
and, moreover, that this retardation although acting through the
management of owners is entirely beyond their control. To apply
these considerations to the individual plant, the manager may
fear to produce the two thousand units of product lest that may
mean the selling of the product for a price so low as to eliminate
profits. Offsetting this fear is the hope that he, and not his
competitor, may be able to dispose of all of his own product at
the present price, that is, that by increased efiiciency he may
be able to get something of a differential profit or monopoly
advantage. All in all, there is a certain undeniable force in the
machine process which demands efficiency. No better evidence
of this tendency should be desired than the writings and argu-
ments of the scientific managers. Any of their current works
will be seen to be made up, not only so far as indicated by mere
bulk, but, more in point, by the importance attached to the vari-
ous phases of management, largely of discussions of the efficiency
of labor and the methods by which it may be increased.

Now the development of human efficiency in industry has
possibilities that are of tremendous social consequence. In a
word, efficiency in industry first and last hits every point in a
tangled bundle of relations characterized by the term, "the labor
problem." This is quite evident in the large view of things.
The labor problem while meaning something more or less different
to each of the three interested classes, employer, laborer, and
society, means at least one thing to all, namely, that so long as
any portion of the labor problem remains in the minds of any of
the three classes, in so far is the existence of a source of ineffi-
ciency proved. Do the employers beheve that labor presents
a problem to them? Are there strikes, is the labor turnover
large, is there soldiering or sabotage? These are but particular

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 169

ways of expressing the belief in the existence of inefficiency. Are
there unfulfilled demands of the workers? Are the hours too
long, the pay too short, the factories not sanitary or safe? If
any of these are felt by the laborers as matters to be remedied,
then the contingencies regarded by the management as symptoms
of inefficiency and feared for their effect on the balance sheet
will inevitably be present. The labor problem is synonymous
with inefficiency. The manager caught in the toils of the price
calculus, more firmly perhaps than any other participant in indus-
try, must remove inefficiency because inefficiency is unprofitable.
The manager turns his thoughts resolutely toward a solution
of the labor problem.

Needless to say, there are solutions and solutions of the labor
problem. What might be an acceptable solution to the manage-
ment may not appeal to the worker; and even if a solution is
acceptable to both management and workers, society has certain
ideals, more or less inarticulate at present, but which will some-
time reach definiteness and which will demand a hearing. It is
of course the social demands that are eventually to be reckoned
with most seriously, containing as they will all the elements of
any class demands. It is essentially the thesis of the present
paper to set forth the mutuality of the social and the industrial
ideals. To that end it is necessary to bring out for examination
in greater detail the other characteristics of industriaHsm men-
tioned previously as part and parcel of the price system, namely,
the size of the industrial unit and the corporate, investment
nature of their organization. No particular effort will be made
to develop the niceties of causal sequence. Industrial units could
not have become large without the machine process; the machine
process could not have developed without large units coming into
the case sooner or later. Corporations can be the normal type of
organization only in an industry made up of large units, and large
units demand corporations as their logical method of administra-
tion. It is the large, impersonal, corporate business, making
extensive use of the machine process, that comes most fully under
the direction of the price system. It is the same sort of industrial
unit that has exerted upon it pressure for a solution of the labor

lyo THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

problem. Is this a coincidence? Or is there a causal relation
between the price system and the solution of labor problems?
If it can be shown that the price system demands the right kind
of efficiency, it may do much toward a solution of labor problems.
To complete the argument it remains necessary to show that
the modern industrial unit under the lash of the price calculus
does make for efficiency of the right sort — that is, efficiency based
upon the long-time, rather than the short-time, view.

An individual business cannot look farther than the individual
who owns it. Personal idiosyncrasies, bias, likes and dislikes will
determine the policies of this owner in his social capacity. Allow-
ing for these things the pecuniary interest will prevail but invari-
ably it will be the immediate pecuniary interest. Consider a
concrete instance of the individual owner in his social capacity.
What is his interest in the conservation of labor? Comparing
his labor needs with the total supply of labor, he is struck most
of all with the tremendous amount of labor available. The belief
that he has but to use the labor he wants is very natural. The
result is exploitation, abated only by the humanitarian considera-
tions or social mandates that come wholly from without his
business life.

The corporate form of ownership makes short shrift of the
personal element in management. This is particularly evident
where the business is large and the stockholders numerous. No
one stockholder can step in and make demands as to the
policy of the management nor has he the knowledge or the
desire to do so. One point of contact and one only remains
to him and to his associates — the pecuniary. The management
must produce returns; this is the extent of the demands
that the stockholders may make. Thus is the management
given the first great aid of scientific procedure, incentive, open-
mindedness, a curiosity to test proposed policies for their effect
on the balance sheet, a necessity for looking far afield, per-
haps, for the ideas of management in similar organizations.
Moreover, the modern corporation is beginning to take on the
qualities of an institution. Stockholders may die or sell out;
the corporation continues. Employees may come and go; the

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 171

business persists. Patrons may change; the institution lives on*
No one group nor all of the groups of human beings most inti-
mately connected with the corporation can be said to be the
equivalent of that corporation. The corporation is not on the
other hand identical with the material equipment, either in a
value sense or in a social sense. The one single fact that comes
nearest to an explanation of a corporation is the investment of a
certain value in pecuniary terms — a pecuniary force set loose
in the world subject to the few limitations put upon it by the
institutions among which it operates and the primary limitations
invoked by those who gathered the investments together. It is
evident that a picture of a corporation gained merely from a read-
ing of its balance sheet must be very incomplete. The investment
fact, the material equipment, the personnel of the management,
employees, officers, and patrons must all be considered and then
there is left that something, beyond, which is characteristic of
institutions.

It cannot be denied that corporation stockholders will demand
immediate returns and that the delicate mechanism of the stock
exchange will enable them to enforce their demand, but if the
corporation is an institution having a life and entity of its own
and, what is more important, an eternal lifetime to look forward
to, these demands must always be tempered by the long-time
view. Consider for illustration the purely physical fact of main-
tenance of the material equipment. If we take the evidence of
the accountants and business executives, much of the depreci-
ation of a plant is entirely invisible. Barring the matter of obso-
lescence, the plant might continue without replacement for five,
ten, or twenty years, without affecting its mechanical fitness.
Nevertheless, the accountant insists with evident propriety that
a portion of the ostensible income must be held against the
demands of the stockholders to meet the deferred day of reckon-
ing. It is evident that this sort of reasoning perpetuates itself,
for when the twenty-year period is ended, the thought of the
corporation has gone forward to another distant point. Always
the plant, physical or intangible, the plant as a going institution
or as a fixed investment must be kept intact. Thus the corporation

172 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

gets into the habit of taking the long-time view.^ Now the
efficiency engineers, reasoning from the analogy of the machine
technique, have come to regard the human equipment of the
plant as vastly important. What more logical than that the
human equipment should be kept intact, should be conserved for
the benefit of the corporation ? The machine process calls atten-
tion to the necessity for making the employees efficient. The
corporate, investment, large scale characteristic of business units
determines the period during which this efficiency is to operate.
It becomes efficiency for the indefinite future, not for the
immediate day.

Now the difference between social needs and individual needs
lies largely in the insistence of the former on a long-time view.
There is a constantly growing body of evidence that points to a
tendency of industrial plants to measure their needs with refer-
ence to a long-time standard. The industrial units are becoming
large enough and impersonal enough to make the long-time view
profitable. Consider, for example, the simple matter of the tenure
of employment of skilled or semi-skilled laborers. There is no
longer any reasonable doubt in the minds of employers that it
is a wild extravagance to be continually hiring and training new
workers. The conclusion of these employers is very evident—
" Get your employees young, train them well, keep them through
the whole of their working lives, and make adequate provision for
them when old age makes retirement necessary" — rather a large
step toward the recognition of social ideals. A part of what
commonly goes under the name of "welfare work" is a further
step in the same direction. Some welfare work is merely a substi-

' Almost any one of the transcontinental railroads presents a striking case in
point. Evidence seems to show without much doubt that the reason why railroad
investments as compared with other business do not pay sufficiently large dividends
in spite of the clamor of stockholders is due, frequently, to the inordinately large
amounts spent for improvements of plants. This may amount to nothing more
or less than an evaporation of water from the stock; nevertheless the conflict between
the immediate demands of the stockholders and the vital needs of the corporation is
a real conflict in which the stockholders seem to be losing out. A more obvious
instance of the long-time view as shown by railroad corporations is the large amount
of money spent for developing and colonizing new territory or the policy of forest
protection and planting on the railroad, looking to the benefit of the road fifty or
seventy-five years in the future.

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 173

tute for wages or other claims wrongfully withheld from employees,
or so regarded by them. The justice of the charge is immaterial;
the result in any case is failure; and if welfare work is a failure,
it is thereby unprofitable. Real welfare work is profitable; among
the hundreds of industrial plants that have earnestly tried it,
there is not a dissenting voice. Real welfare work means the
doing of something for the employees or employees' families that
the employees would find it difficult or impossible to do for them-
selves, even if given more wages. Welfare work is successful
(therefore profitable) in the degree in which it is social.

Unfortunately there comes a time in the life of most industrial
plants when the desire to engage in socially useful welfare work
has to be surpressed. It may be that the plant is too small to
permit of extensive long-time investments, or that the investment
might result in a gratuitous benefit to competing plants. Thus
an industrial corporation might see the profitableness (eventually)
of a recreation park for the use of the entire community; yet if
the corporation's employees do not make up a substantial portion
of such commvmity, the park will not be established, or if estab-
lished, will not be thrown open to the entire community. The
existence today of hundreds of industrial plants that are complete
communities, and the probability of the increase of such situations,
removes the last barrier to the entrance of ideals into industry.

It will be objected, no doubt, that a certain corporation, "The
United States Steel Company," not only has plants that consti-
tute entire conomunities, but that some of these communities were
deHberately planned by the corporation, that in this planning the
corporation had unlimited opportunities to promote the social
well-being of the future communities, and, in the main, passed
them by. Such is indeed the superficial interpretation of the
''steel cities" — superficial only because the "steel cities" show a
decided and steady tendency of their maker to put more emphasis
on the larger social needs.' It is quite within the range of prob-
abilities that future steel cities will leave nothmg to be desired
in the way of scientific planning for the convenience, comfort,

•See Graham Taylor's Satellite Cities for an illuminating description of these
and other industrial cities.

174 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and health of their mhabitants, for such foresighted investment
will pay large dividends.

The logical outcome of an insistence on efficiency of labor is
a demand on the part of industrial managers for social efficiency.
That the managers, even those calling themselves scientific, have
not realized the size of the job they have contracted for, needs
no documentation here. The present failure of scientific manage-
ment is evident on the face of things, from the fact that labor
troubles are painfully frequent and extensive, that scientific man-
agement has met with a lukewarm reception generally and hostility
frequently, that scientific management has not yet discovered the
need for retention of labor unionism and the possibilities for its
utilization. Scientific management is in its infancy. If it develops
its potentiality, its program must be in its general outlines some-
what as follows:

1. Sanitary conditions in working places must be determined
not by eliminating features that are unsanitary but by construc-
tive and scientific calculation of what is positively good. Indus-
trial policy on this phase of the problem is relatively far advanced,
that is to say, in the progressive units; the actual achievement
is ahead of the formal or legal demands of society.

2. There must be scientific determination of the hours of
employment and the rate of pay, including a workable scheme
whereby these and similar matters may be considered by both
the employer and the employee.

3. There must be scientific determination of the physical,
mental, and psychic fitness of the workers for their position.

4. An educational plant must be put in operation within the
industrial plant, and this educational plant must be designed as
much for the rounding out of the individual lives of the employees
as for the immediate needs of the plant.

5. There must be maintenance of beneficial living conditions
for the working force. Initially this will concern itself with hous-
ing conditions, but sooner or later it must overflow from that
beginning to such large items of social welfare as city planning, a
beautification of surroundings, and the like, with the constant
care that these social matters are not worked out by anything

THE PRICE SYSTEM AND SOCIAL MANAGEMENT 175

savoring of paternalism — difficult, to be sure, but part of the
problem nevertheless.

6. There must be special protection to motherhood and
infancy, for the industry must look ahead to the next generation
of workers.

7. There must be conservation and development of the morale
of the community of workers, including provision for recreation
and the like, welfare work of a real sort; and more than any one
thing, the maintenance of the right attitude between employer
and employee.

Morale is psychic, not physical. The problem of morale is not
to be solved by science alone, but only by science coupled with
imagination. This is the really big problem of management.
Most of the other essentials can be standarized, not this. It
may be that industry will have to develop a new type of manager,
a man in whom the social needs of his community will find as
quick response as the fluctuation of the balance sheet. ^

It must be remembered that a program such as that sketched
above will be one that industrial enterprises will be loath to
embrace in its entirety. Even the enterprises that are purest in
their pecuniary control will retain some vestige of the traditional
ideas of management and will moreover be influenced in the
same direction by policy of business units not completely domi-
nated by the price system. On the other hand, it must be remem-
bered that all the other institutions of social life will continue
to develop along with the development of the price system and
will come to have more force than they have at present. Accord-
ingly government, art, social will in the large sense, will tend to
reinforce the development of industry in a direction of social
utility.

' The public utterances of John D. Rockefeller, Jr., are perhaps to be taken with
a grain of salt; nevertheless they show, if nothing more, the sensitivity to pubUc
demand. At the recent business conference at Atlantic City Mr. Rockefeller said
inter alia: "I beUeve that the purpose of industry is quite as much to advance social

well-being as material prosperity I believe that every man is entitled to an

opportunity to earn a living, to fair wages, to reasonable hours of work, and proper
working conditions, to a decent home, to the opportunity to play, to learn, to worship
and to love, as well as to toil, and the responsibility rests as heavily upon industry
as upon government or society, to see that these conditions and opportunities prevail."

THE COURT AND THE DELINQUENT CHILD

HERBERT M. BAKER *

Judge of the County Court of Weld County, Colorado

The increasing complexities of modern life have placed upon
the shoulders of all, adult and child alike, similarly increasing
responsibilities. Acts that were indifferent in years gone by are
now harmful. The bare competition to live demands a higher
culture and more specialized knowledge. The opportunities to
derive a Hvelihood directly from natural resources are rapidly
diminishing, and the children of today, the voters of tomorrow,
will be forced to a struggle for existence in a more artificial atmos-
phere created by the intricate civilization of science and city life.
Even the rural communities are impressed by new standards of
living. The isolation and primitiveness of the farm of a generation
ago have passed into the limbo of forgotten things.

New and ever-changing duties and responsibilities have com-
pelled mankind so far as possible to adjust itself thereto. Many
have been lost by the wayside, and they present the human elements
of our constantly shifting social problems which require continual
variations of methods to meet them.

Among the imperfections which during the last twenty years
have most insistently thrust themselves upon the attention of
social workers is the failure to conserve sufficiently the well-being
of children. Particularly, old ideas have proved to be inadequate
in the correction of delinquents. Out of the obvious necessity
of fitting our social, and more particularly our legal, institutions
to their requirements has developed what we know as the ''Juvenile
Court."

The need was seen long before the cure was discovered, and
those more fully aware of the evil attempted its eradication without
any clear conception of its true character. Rules of legal procedure
and practice, particularly in matters of a criminal nature, were
designed for adults and not for children. Jurists having juris-

176

THE COURT AND THE DELINQUENT CHILD 177

diction of the causes of children were among the first to discern
and deplore the impotency of the courts to deal with them. Men
and women, more earnest than competent, sought to produce order
out of chaos by establishing children's courts and evolving a system
of jurisprudence applicable to juveniles. Their efforts have resulted
in making confusion worse confounded. Laws have been enacted
more through sentiment than reason, the courts have been poorly
organized, and the judges usually have not been qualified. But
some good, not to be underestimated, has resulted in that it has
brought to the consciousness of people generally the necessity of
the enlightened treatment of children guilty of anti-social conduct.
The way has also been opened for a closer investigation of child-
hood's needs, and by reason of the very fact that the courts have
proved unequal to their tasks, it may now be seen with compara-
tive clarity what the prerequisites to the successful control of
recalcitrant children are.

We know that each case is an individual study and that general
laws applicable to all are few indeed. We know that before any
rational method for the correction of a child may be found, thorough
and scientific investigation of his environment, his physical and
mental condition must be made, and all facts of heredity and birth
must be in the possession of someone capable of analyzing and
interpreting them. Juvenile courts, in order to meet these require-
ments, have surrounded themselves with corps of psychologists,
aHenists, physicians, probation officers, and what not, for the pur-
pose of acquainting themselves with all of the ascertainable facts
that might be construed to be causative factors of delinquency.
They have attempted to establish human laboratories where each
child is placed under the microscope of science, to discover even
the most minute variation from the normal. But even with all
of this paraphernalia, they have found themselves unable to dispose
of any single case to the certain satisfaction of those most interested
in it. Consequently, juvenile courts are held in suspicion by the
layman, in contempt by the lawyer, and regarded with a sense of
weakness by the judge. The only conclusion anyone familiar with
even the best of them can reach is that in providing machinery
for the reformation of incorrigible children, they have failed.

178 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The reasons for this failure are many. Among them are the
poorly conceived laws, inadequate equipment both personal and
material, and incompetent judges; but by far the most salient
reason is that courts are not fundamentally adapted to this work.
It is not the legitimate province of a court to investigate the habits
of an alleged delinquent to determine whether or not he should be
prosecuted, thus pre-judging before trial his guilt or innocence;
and much less should it be its duty, after conviction and suspension
of sentence, to supervise his conduct, or to determine whether or
not he should be brought again into court, thus making the judge
the complaining witness, the prosecutor, the jury, and the execu-
tioner. Yet, such are the duties imposed upon Ihe juvenile courts
by all the "children's codes" in the United States, so far as I know.
Under the old belief that a convicted defendant should be punished
because he had broken the law, the rendition of judgment in a
criminal case, specifying the kind and degree of punishment, was
just as truly a function of the court as entering a money judgment
in a civil action; because under this theory the sentence was merely
retribution to the state against the criminal who had injured it,
in the same way that a money judgment was retribution by a
defendant to the plaintiff whom he had damaged. But as soon
as we vary from this principle and consider the treatment of
deHnquents from the standpoint of their social rehabilitation, we
are departing from the realms of legal procedure to those of govern-
mental poUcy. Lawyers and judges rightfully resent this institu-
tionalization of courts. The true function of a court is to determine
judicially the facts at issue before it; or, in criminal matters, the
guilt or innocence of persons charged with crime. Investigations
of the lives, environments, or heredity of delinquents, the injfliction
of punishment, and the supervision of probation institutionalize the
courts and are repugnant to every tenet of the science of law.

In the report of the proceedings of a conference on child welfare
standards recently held under the auspices of the Federal Children's
Bureau, is found the following:

Every locality should have available a court organization providing for
separate hearings of children's cases, a special method of detention for children,
adequate. investigation for every case, provision for supervision or probation

THE COURT AND THE DELINQUENT CHILD 179

by trained officers, and a system for recording and filing social as well as legal
information. In dealing with children the procedure should be under chancery
jurisdiction, and juvenile records should not stand as criminal records against
the children. Whenever possible such administrative duties as child-placing
and relief should not be required of the juvenile court, but should be adminis-
tered by existing agencies provided for that purpose, or in the absence of
such agencies, special provision should be made therefor; nor should cases of
dependency or destitution in which no questions of improper guardianship or
final and conclusive surrender of guardianship are involved, be instituted in
juvenile courts.

The juvenile victims of sex offenses are without adequate protection against
unnecessary publicity and further corruption in ouf' courts. To safeguard
them, the jurisdiction of the juvenile court should be extended to deal with adult
sex offenders against children, and all safeguards of that court be" accorded to
their victims.

In all cases of adoption of children, the court should make a full inquiry
into all the facts through its own visitor or through some other unbiased agency,
before awarding the child's custod3\'

While this report does recommend that "whenever possible"
administrative duties concerning the placing of dependent or
neglected children should not be placed upon the court, it empha-
sizes the duty of the court to make ''adequate investigation for
every case, provision for supervision or probation by trained officers,
and a system for recording and filing social as well as legal informa-
tion," for delinquents. In order to justify this recommendation
it specifies that in "deahng with children the proceedings should be
under the chancery jurisdiction, and juvenile records should not
stand as criminal records against the children."

All of this means that a child who breaks a law is not a law-
breaker, that a crime is not a crime when committed by a juvenile,
and that so far as children are concerned things are not at all what
they seem. It is merely an attempt to make a rose smell sweeter
by some other name. This fiction that has been exalted to an
axiom by juvenile workers illustrates the paradoxical situation in
which an attempt to supervise dehnquents places the court. Not
even under their "chancery powers" have courts heretofore been
endowed with administrative authority of this kind. In all the
history of legal procedure there cannot be found another instance

^Standards of Child Welfare, Report from Conference Series No. i, Bureau Pub-
lication No. 60, Department of Labor, Washington, 1919, p. 442-

l8o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

where such conflicting powers and duties have been placed in one
tribunal.

This does not mean that the juvenile offender should be treated
in the same way that the adult offender is treated, or that there
should not be special statutes concerning the punishment and cor-
rection of children, or that the laws heretofore in force have been
fitting or adequate in their application to childish misconduct.
It merely means that the court is not the instrumentality by which
these things should be undertaken.

If a better adaptation of our social activities, particularly our
legal methods, to the needs of children is imperative, and if the
court is not the proper forum to accomplish it, it is fair to ask what
agency should be used. Before answering that question, it is well
to consider briefly just what the reformation and correction of
delinquent children contemplate. It is evident that delinquents
ma}^ be divided broadly into two classes: first, those who are
delinquent on account of unpropitious environments ; and, secondly,
those who on account of feebleness of mind or body have become
misfits in the social order. The second class is not subject to
improvement by moral suasion. Incorrigibility resulting from low
mentality is not curable by probation. Delinquency resulting
from ill health is the concern of the physician, not the probation
officer. The mentally and physically unfit, therefore, as soon as
their conditions are detected, automatically eliminate themselves
from the consideration of the social worker immediately they are
placed in proper custody. His supervisory work is limited to the
normal child who on account of adventitious circumstances finds
himself at cross purposes with the conventions of life. Only the
uninformed ascribe anti-social habits to "pure devilment" or
"original sin." Incorrigibility is an effect which necessarily pre-
supposes some cause. In the normal child it is an absence of
appreciation of his obligations to others. It is induced by some
extraneous element which must be found in the home, the school,
or the community. This idea was neatly expressed by Professor
Randolph as follows:

Every Juvenile Court case represents, first, the failure of a family to adjust
a child to the existing conditions of life; second, the failure of a public school

THE COURT AND THE DELINQUENT CHILD i8i

to offset a family's inadequacy; and, third, the failure of a community to
provide an adequate organization of protective agencies to guard its children
from growing into anti-social and ruinous habits.'

"Anti-social and ruinous habits" in the normal child are the
result of failure to train him to observe the conventions of his
environment"^ in other words, a lack of education.

There are as many definitions of education as there are persons
who use the word. Vorhees defines it as follows:

Education is a broad and comprehensive term. It has been defined as the
process of developing and training the powers and capabilities of human beings.
It is the bringing up, physically or mentally, of a child, or the preparation of a
p)erson, by some due course of training, for a professional or business life, or
other calling. It may be directed particularly to either the mental, moral,
or physical powers and faculties, but in its broadest and best sense it refers to
them all.*

This is probably as good a definition as any other, for it implies
what all suggest: the process of making good citizens, of fitting the
young for the responsibilities of life. One who capably and credit-
ably discharges life's duties is a good citizen and an educated person.
He cannot be incorrigible. The reformation and correction of
dehnquent children are, therefore, processes of education. When
they cease to be dehnquent, they are, to that extent, educated.

Education is specifically the province of the home and school,
and by no stretch of imagination that of the court. It is the duty
of the community to provide the opportunity for good homes and
to establish sufficient schools. If the community has not done so,
and neither the home nor the school has taught the child to dis-
charge his obligations to society, then can it be expected that the
court, the purposes of which are altogether different, will succeed
where they have failed ?

Much less can it be expected that the court will be able to
accomplish the most essential task of preventing youthful wrong-
doings. It is elementary^ that prevention through the wise direc-
tion of children before criminal habits have had time to be formed,

' "The Farm and the School," Colorado Stale Teachers' College Bulletin, September,
1918, Greeley, Colorado, p. 46.

^ Law of tJie Public Sclwols, 191 7, Little, Brown & Co., Boston, p. 9, sec. 6.

i82 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

is the most certain means of eliminating puerile misconduct. It
is seldom that the courts are called upon until definite wayward
predilections have become fixed. It is then too late to provide
the ounce of prevention or avert the need of the pound of cure.
The aid of the courts is invariably invoked when the possibilities
of success are remote. The juvenile court has discharged its debt
when it has destroyed all necessity for its existence. Merely
because the natural agencies have often failed is no reason why the
courts should be warped to supply a want totally foreign to their
genuine objects.

"But what shall we do," someone may ask, "if the home and
the school both fail, shall we then abandon all hope for ultimate
redemption?"

Certainly not. But if it is expected that the judge of a court,
by making him super-child-spanker to the community, will be able
to succeed in the face of previous failure, that expectation is
doomed to disappointment.

Remodeling inefficient homes into cultured and effective ones
is a long course and a discouraging one. Increase in income,
provision for wholesome amusement, the teaching of parental
obligations, the raising of the standards of living, and a thousand
and one other factors may contribute to the betterment of family
conditions. The best immediate remedy is to make the school
succeed where the home has failed. The suitable institution to
undertake the reformation and correction of incorrigible children is
the school.

Educators may argue that the religious and moral training of
children is no part of school work; that the school is essentially
interested only in the intellectual development. Whether or not
this is theoretically a correct division of responsibilities, it cannot
be denied that ethical training is as much a part of education as
the teaching of the three R's. If the schools are established to
educate the child, then no part of his education can honestly be
ignored by them. But even if this arbitrary segregation be tenable,
the fact remains that the schools continually, willy-nilly, assume
supervision of moral instruction. In a large measure they have
been forced to procure treatment for physical ailments and to curb

THE COURT AND THE DELINQUENT CHILD 183

vicious tendencies, though "weak eyes and bad manners should be
taken care of in the home." If they are not taken care of, the
school is unable to give the child the full benefit of its instruction.
It is necessary to cure weak eyes and to correct bad manners in
order to teach geography and grammar effectively. The school
has already encroached upon these prerogatives of the home; or,
it would perhaps be more precise to say that the home has aban-
doned them to the school. School physicians and nurses, dental
chnics, noon-day luncheons, classes for exceptional children, and
many other innovations of recent years emphasize this fact.

If the school is constrained in a measure to extend its activities
beyond strictly intellectual teaching, it should be thorough in its
expanded office and not haphazard and inconclusive. Concentra-
tion in one institution will certainly be more forceful than distri-
bution among several institutions whose duties are sure to overlap
and leave fatal gaps, and no one of which covers the whole
field.

There is much argument, from the standpoint of the schools,
why they should cover this wider field. Many educators and most
laymen feel that the schools are not fulfilKng their object of "fitting
the young to discharge the responsibilities of life." Pupils are
constantly falling out of school, because, as they say, they are
"getting nothing out of it." Too much attention has been paid
to "higher education," and not enough to "common schools."
Th£ elementary- education of all children is much more important
than the "higher education" of a few. Yet in every rural school
we find two or three lower grades under one teacher, while there is
only one of the upper grades under a teacher. If a new building
is projected, it is usually a high school building, not a primary
building. These conditions should be reversed. Parent and child
should believe that the "grammar grades" are actually teaching
things that wdll be of practical assistance in the everyday routine
of life. This cannot be done so long as the common schools are
designed merely to prepare students for college. "The sooner
schools organize to meet their full responsibilities, the sooner
teachers are Ukely to acquire the measure of public estimation
which will justify paying them the wages they want."

1 84 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

In Colorado, the child unruly in school is a juvenile delinquent.
The remedial work attempted by the court (necessarily educational)
is designed, among other things, to make the child more subservient
to school rules. The truant is a juvenile delinquent, and the court
is called upon to compel his attendance in school. Practically
every case of delinquency involves school children, their conduct
in school, and their formal education. The judge, to make his
orders at all coercive, must have the close co-operation of the
schools, and practically the only fruitful results he accomplishes
are through that co-operation. If the schools have, as I believe
they have, potentially all the attributes necessary to carry on the
juvenile work, then by all means let it be confined to them. It is
wasteful to pile institution upon institution.

True, the schools are not at the present equipped to carry on
this task. Neither, for that matter, is the court. The schools
may be so equipped; the court never can be, if it retains its true
form. In order to supply the deficiencies, many changes will have
to be made in the pedagogical system. Without any attempt to
discuss them exhaustively, it may be well to mention a few. There
should be a county-wide centralization of school control in one
body with power, among other things, to direct the duration and
seasons of sessions, the curriculum, the placing of teachers, the
enforcement of the compulsory education law, the designation of
textbooks, and the discipline of pupils. There should be con-
nected with this unified body, a complete organization of scientists
and trained workers. The age of delinquency and the school age
should be identical. Then, assuming a strict enforcement of the
compulsory attendance laws, all normal delinquent children would
be in the schools. All state institutions such as reform schools,
industrial schools, and training schools for the feeble-minded, should
be under the supervision of the State Superintendent of Public
Instruction, or the state ofi&cer having similar powers, as an integral
part of the school system. They should not be under the manage-
ment of state boards of charities and corrections or penal bureaus.
In short, all agencies for the instruction, reformation, correction,
and training of children of school age should be subject to school
authority.

THE COURT AND THE DELINQUENT CHILD 185

In the event any child should prove so incorrigible that it should
become necessary to commit him to an institution, such commit-
ment should be made by due process of law. No child should be
taken from his parents before he has had an opportunity to state
his case before an unprejudiced tribunal. It is indispensable, also,
that for extreme cases of insubordination, there should be some
ofhcer connected with the schools with authority to enter lawful
judgments of punishment and commitment, and with power to
enforce them when they are made. Here and only here has a court
any consistent place in this work. Its jurisdiction then would
extend only to the judicial ascertainment of whether or not the
child before it is in law a delinquent. If he should be so found,
he would be formally remanded to the custody of school officials.
If they should believe that he could be helped best by probation,
then he would be referred to the school's probation officers. If it
were deemed wiser to confine him in an institution, they should
have full power to do so. Thus, the court would discharge its
lawful office of judicially determining the guilt or innocence of
the child, and having so determined, would have performed its
every legitimate function.

The jurisdiction to determine these issues could be placed in
estabHshed courts or in a special court connected with the central
school body. It should be presided over by a lawyer, because even
a child has a right to an orderly trial and to the protection that the
law throws around all persons who are accused of breaking it.
Under the present system this is not true. The judge, through the
investigations of his officers, has usually decided the case before
the wrongdoer has been brought formally into court. Indeed,
there is seldom any hearing until it has been determined that it is
necessary to sentence. Probably there have been but few instances
of injustice, but the possibility always remains, where large prop-
erty rights or personal interests are involved, that a venal judge
might "railroad " an innocent child. Certainly, the means of doing
so are present. Possibly the court, on account of its personal
acquaintance with children who have been informally before it,
is too prejudiced to judge them fairly. The power to take a child
bodily from his parents and place him in the custody of strangers

1 86 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

is formidable. The very fact that our institutions are becoming
more and more efficient is sometimes a temptation to commit
children whose surroundings are not all that they should be. It
is unwise to intrust investigation, decision, commitment, and
supervision to any one person. There should be the wholesome
check that an independent court, presided over by a judge trained
in the law and respecting its principles, would have over the too
enthusiastic and often wholly biased investigator.

By placing the responsibility of the correction and reformation
of incorrigible children in the educational institutions, and limiting
the powers of the court to the mere determination of the facts of
delinquency, we may anticipate great improvement in the methods
of treating incorrigible children. Until this is done, we must
"muddle on" as best we can, hoping against hope and courageously
striving to overcome insurmountable obstacles.

A COLLEGE PROGRAM FOR RURAL SOCIOLOGY

ERNEST R. GROVES
College of Liberal Arts, Boston University

The departments of sociology in the American colleges can
no longer be charged with the neglect of the rural community. No
division of the science of sociology has made more rapid progress
during the last ten years than has rural sociology. This progress
has been mostly due to the emphasis that rural sociology has
received in the program of the sociological departments of the
colleges. Courses have been established in the majority of the
colleges where sociology is taught, research has been undertaken,
especially in the form of survey studies, and recognition for the
rural social interests has been obtained at national conferences.
The pioneer days of rural sociology are coming to an end, and from
now on the importance of this division of social science will be
taken for granted. The need of pleading the importance of rural
social interests has passed. The teacher of rural sociology must
now increasingly busy himself with the routine of teaching and with
the problem of increasing the scientific value of his subject-matter.

Teachers of rural sociology frankly confess their present diffi-
culties in teaching their subject. There can be no reasonable
question in regard to the importance of the social life of the rural
community, but it is open to discussion whether we have as yet
enough substantial knowledge regarding this social life to afford
a comfortable teaching equipment for the instructor. To state
this does not mean to discount in any degree the value of texts
recently published. The task of the teacher of rural sociology
has been lightened by these texts, but the books themselves bear
the marks of the pioneering days of the study of rural social life.
The instructor in the field of rural sociology finds his work less
difficult than it has been but he still carries the handicap of teaching
a body of knowledge for the most part still in the process of being

187

1 88 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

made. The contrast between the teaching problem in the rural
field and the urban is vividly felt by every instructor who has
classes in both subjects.

It would be too much to claim a distinct teaching technique
for the rural sociologist. It is, however, safe to maintain that
rural sociology has its own program and that, as a part of the college
curriculum, there is need of formulating this program in a catholic
manner that each element may receive reasonable emphasis.

At the present time there is one difficulty that every teacher of
rural sociology experiences. Cities the nation over are essentially
alike. The differences between urban conditions are not such as
to create a difficulty in the teaching of urban sociology. In rural
sociolog}^ however, the situation is such that geographical and
local variations must ever be kept in mind. If the student is to
feel personal contact with the subject, due regard must be paid to
the conditions as he knows them in his own community. Oppor-
tunity has to be provided for him to grasp the significance of such
facts as he has or can discover in the Ufe of a rural people that he
personally knows. At the same time he must be kept from seeing
all rural hfe through his own contacts. And because of the vari-
ations in rural life conditions, considered nation-wide, this is in its
teaching aspects a more difficult problem than any that arises in
the teaching of urban sociology.

The teacher of rural sociology also wrestles with another
difficulty that he escapes in the urban science. That is the task
of isolating country from village society. The latter has not yet
a sociology of its own, and yet in teaching rural sociology- it is
constantly necessary to contrast village life and that of the open
and remote country. Of course, the two societies are bound
together by intimate and common interests. This statement of
intimacy and mutual relationship is true also of rural and urban
societies. The latter groups, however, can be separated for the
purposes of teaching without difficulty; at present the former
must be treated together since the village is so largely the natural
center for the group interests of the rural people. The teacher
cannot do justly by the student unless he leaves him realizing both
the natural variations in rural life conditions and the necessary

A COLLEGE PROGRAM FOR RURAL SOCIOLOGY 189

distinction in science between country and village social life. If
the material the teacher uses, texts and articles, more carefully
observed these distinctions his task would not be nearly so difficult.
One of the interesting outcomes of this situation that promises
relief to the teacher of rural sociology is the increasing attention
that village social life is receiving. Alongside rural sociology there
is rapidly developing a village sociology which will soon be a science
by itself.

The development of rural sociology has been accelerated by
the pressure of social need. It has formed itself in the atmosphere
of applied science. Experience has demonstrated that country
welfare cannot be maintained merely by making farming more
profitable. Country-life leadership has been forced to recognize
the social problems, for the farmers themselves have repudiated a
program exclusively economic. The demand for assistance from
the colleges in solving the social problems of rural and village
groups has been incessant and urgent. Students looking forward
to residence or to social work in the country have elected rural
sociology courses expecting the practical purposes of the courses
to be given emphasis. This expectation has added to the courses '
zest, but it has also at times removed the students from the atmos-
phere of scientific investigation into that of mere applied knowledge.
The influence of the extension service of the agricultural colleges
has added to the pressure upon the sociologist for propagable
information, when, first of all, there has been need of gathering a
substantial body of fact. As one would expect there has resulted a
medley of counsel in regard to social uplift in country districts
that has irritated some of the rural people and confused the social
workers. This situation has disclosed itself in nearly every con-
ference of national character where rural social problems have been
given a place upon the program. The era of cocksureness with
reference to the social panaceas to be gulped down by rural folk
has about passed, and everywhere there is a disposition patiently
to collect the facts regarding rural society and build up a science
of understanding, even if meanwhile counsel regarding country
life needs be given with less confidence and in less profusion. And
this is the pathway of progress for the science. Nothing has more

IQO TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

certainly exposed the elementary attainments of rural sociology
in the past than the dogmatic stressing by some would-be reformers
of the "one thing needed" to cause rural society to flower in per-
fection. The student of urban social life has seldom been tempted
to assume such an attitude because he has been forced to realize
the complexities of the social demands of the cities. People who
live in the country are no less human than their city brethren and
they do not present in their grouping a single problem to be solved,
but rather a complex social demand which requires reasonable
satisfactions. No scientist would advocate solving the urban
problem, for to estimate the needs of city social life as one problem
would seem fooHsh. It has been the pressure for information
regarding social needs on the part of propagandists and social
workers for application in the rural field that has betrayed the
student of rural society as a scientist and made him at times an
overconfident advocate.

Farmers as a class are irritated by reformers who come forward
with a "cure-all" for country-Hfe difficulties. The vocation of
soil cultivation teaches caution with respect to such simple diag-
nosis. The farmer learns from painful experiences that there are
many factors that condition success in food production and he
looks askance, even with deep hostility, upon anyone who appears
with one solution for all the difficulties in any department of rural
concern. His quickness to react against such preachment has
occasionally led him to mistake emphasis and concentration upon
one particular element of rural need as an assumption that were
the one problem solved all would be well. In such cases the rural-
welfare worker has had his message hindered by a greater obstacle
than the conventional inertia to which the hostility has been
charged. Urban folk may more easily be led into the fallacy of
simpUcity when diagnosing difficulties, economic or social, because
they have isolated experiences that prevent their understanding the
normal working of the causal laws of production. This funda-
mental difference between the thinking of people in the country-
and those in the cities has, in the past, been passed over lightly,
and the farmer's mistrust of a one-idea program has been mis-
interpreted as mere conservatism. Poultry are more simple than

A COLLEGE PROGRAM FOR RURAL SOCIOLOGY 191

people and yet the fanner has listened patiently to social enthusiasts
who have pictured all rural life made perfect by the consolidated
school, or the union church, or the co-operative society when he
would leave in disgust were a poultryman to declare that a single
procedure would guarantee one's success in raising leghorn hens.

In fairness to the problem of the teacher of rural sociology it
must be granted that the farmer has not assisted in the accumula-
tion of social information as might have been expected. There are
differences east and west, but generally the farmer is sensitive to
any investigation of his social conditions. He seems to assume
that he is on the defensive and is often quick to take offense when
for his own interests he should be eager to co-operate. This by
no means indicates that the average farmer is well satisfied with
the social conditions of his environment, for he has no hesitation
in telling you his complaints. When he is called upon, however,
to assist in a cold, scientific investigation of the situation against
which he complains, he frequently stands aloof or even bitterly
protests. This attitude is rapidly passing, and perhaps the farmer's
distrust has been of the scientist rather than of his science. In
order to reduce this suspicion to its minimum, emphasis has been
placed upon the need of the rural sociologist's having been himself
in his boyhood a worker on the farm. It so happens that the
understanding of people does not necessarily come from having
shared their experiences, and too much confidence has been placed
upon the value of personal, individual country-life experiences as
a foundation for the rural sociologist in his intimate relations with
farmers. Vocational experiences in early life may, as the newer
psychology shows in detail, easily become a separating obstacle
rather than a basis for friendly appreciation when the adult comes
into association with a group of which he was once a member. The
point of emphasis has been wrong. It is important not that the
rural sociologist was once a farmer; it is imperative that he know
without prejudice farmers as they are now in the section where he
has contact with them.

The rural sociologist at the present time has need to keep in
mind all the conditions that influence his teaching problem when he
constructs his college program. In his classes he may expect men

192 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and women who bring to the institution the impress of the social
life of representative farming communities. Among his students
also will be many who will return to rural communities and to a
greater or less degree become leaders in their chosen localities.
That the institution may contribute its just share to country-Hfe
progress the courses must also have definite motives. One such
teaching purpose is the establishment of sound social standards
for rural groups. No product of the classroom is likely to have
a more lasting value than this. If the student by reports and dis-
cussions can be led to measure the failures and successes of his
community in comparison with conditions reported by his class
associates in other localities a wholesome basis is laid for future
activities in community service. Under such circumstances it is
difficult for a student to leave the course with the dangerous con-
fidence that he fully understands the needs of a community and
has nothing more to know. It is, of course, impossible for him
ever to regard his community, after having made many comparisons
between the social life as it is and as it might be, as a finished pro-
duct. In this way the instruction removes both the contentment
of conservatism and the simplicity of the would-be reformer.

By having reports made from time to time by the student
regarding the social conditions of his own community with respect
to the problem before the class for discussion there naturally
develops a clear and vivid conception of the situation in various
localities. This series of reports forces each student to become
conscious of the failures of his own community as compared with
the higher standards of others and he gradually tends to construct
an extensive social program for the group life he knows best.

Another purpose of the courses in rural sociology is the furnish-
ing of accurate information regarding social conditions and resources
in the country. Future rural leadership must be given a clear
understanding of the country-life situation in its many aspects.
Here it is especially necessary that the student learn how to collect
social facts, how to estimate the value and determine the significance
of surveys, public reports, and other material from which the
sociologist draws his conclusions. In the former pioneering days
it has been difficult to give the student at this point the adequate
assistance that he has had a right to expect. The instructor has

A COLLEGE PROGRAM FOR RURAL SOCIOLOGY

193

felt obliged either to depend upon lectures or upon a text to a degree
that has diminished the student's opportunity for first-hand
knowledge of the raw material of the science. The source books
containing valuable collections of readings that are being prepared
and are likely to be published soon will certainly be helpful, espe-
cially in institutions where the library material is inadequate.
However, these collections, valuable as they will be, must not
satisfy the instructor in his desire to bring the student into contact
with original material. It will often prove profitable to require of
the students a bibliography representing the collection that he
himself regards as best for the purpose of outside reading. The
instructor can, near the end of the courses, criticize these various
collections and thus help the student in his effort to determine the
value of articles and reports on rural conditions.

No course in rural sociology fulfils its purpose unless it has a
part in increasing popular interest in the social problems of the
country. It especially has an obligation with reference to the future
leadership of the country communities. This seems so essential
a part of the teaching program as to need little comment. In
practice, however, the teacher in the state college sometimes finds
himself limited by the lack of interest that his colleagues in agri-
culture take in the social side of country affairs. Courses in rural
sociology have been added to the curriculum of agricultural colleges
recently and they find the older vocational subjects in possession
of the field. Unless checked by administrative policy, some depart-
ments encourage the student to attempt premature specialization
and everything is done to discount the need of the student's having
an adequate preparation for rural leadership as well as the basis for
business success. The vitality of the courses in rural social matters
best meets this situation which fortunately is rapidly passing.

Rural sociology is merely a division in a larger field and it has
a purpose in giving the student of general sociology the rural
viewpoint. It is certainly unfortunate if the courses of the depart-
ment are elected only by those who look forward to living in the
country. The attempt made at some of the agricultural colleges
to deny the students any courses in urban sociology is the result of
regarding the rural and urban environments as not having relation-
ship. As a matter of fact, both rural and urban social conditions

194 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

need to be understood by anyone who wishes to have knowledge
of either environment, and for this reason in our rural courses we
need to keep in mind the interests of those who wish to see the
social field as a whole. To construct the courses in a narrow spirit
of regard only for the countr}'-life student is to delay the progress
of the science and to remove it from the current of inspiration.
Courses of rural sociology should not be given for the purpose of
furnishing rural self-satisfaction for the men and women who are
destined "to return to the land" after having received from the
college a prophyl3,ctic against the dangers of urban attraction.
For the teacher the presence in the class of students whose major
interests are outside the rural field proves a decided advantage,
since, to win these students, the courses have to be taught in a
cathoHc manner.

In developing his college courses the rural sociologist surely
should not neglect their possible influence in attracting the more
promising students into graduate study within the field of rural
social science. The present difficulty that colleges experience in
getting instructors qualified to teach rural sociolog}' demonstrates
that there is need of encouraging students who desire to teach college
sociology to specialize along rural lines. The immediate future of
the science will be largely decided by the character of the students
that may at present become interested in rural sociology-. No
teaching method can do so much to win the attention of the best
students to the significance of the rural field as the requirement of
investigations from members of the class. In addition to the
thesis, which may be presented at the end of the course and the
reports frequently made concerning the social Hfe of the student's
own community, the use of topic questions for class discussions
seems, in the experience of some teachers, more appealing to the
majority of the students and more profitable than lectures and
assigned readings. The larger the contribution of the student, the
more acquainted he becomes with the raw material of the science,
the more likely he is to realize the opportunity of graduate study.
If the progress of rural social science is to prosper as it should, the
college teacher constantly must send forward promising candidates
for advanced stud3\

A COMPLETELY SOCIALIZED SCHOOL'

ROBERT A. CUMMINS
Louisiana State Normal College

In the evolution of society it became necessary for some special
provision to be made for the instruction of the youth, in order
that the accumulated experiences and traditions of the race
might be preserved and handed down to successive generations.
The school as an institution of society was thus brought into exist-
ence and has gradually developed and enlarged its borders until
today it may be affirmed that the school is charged with greater
responsibility for the future welfare of society than any other
institution. If this be true, and few there be who doubt it, it
logically follows that tiie school should he completely socialized.

In discussing the socialized school I wish to submit, first, that
the curriculum should he socialized.

To socialize the curriculum means to suit it to the present and
future needs of the pupils. The first need of children, beyond
the mere necessities of life, such as food and shelter, is a mastery
of the tool subjects, viz., reading, writing, spelling, and arithmetic.
Next the pupil should gain a reasonable amount of useful infor-
mation from the fields of history% literature, and science, after
which he is ready for a few years of "sampling'' of as many of the
vocations as possible, with a view of assisting to decide the most
important question of life, aside from religion and marriage, viz.,
the question of one's vocation in life.

Having decided upon the vocation which he wishes to follow,
which should be done while in the junior high school, or shortly
thereafter, the pupil is then ready to begin acquiring the neces-
sary' skill with which to make his chosen life-work a success. But
if we should know what particular "attitudes," "skills," and

' Address delivered before the Rural School Section of the Iowa State Teachers'
Association, Des Moines, Iowa, February, 1919, and also before the Parish Teachers'
Institute, Natchitoches, Louisiana, at the opening of the school year, 1919-20.

19.S

196 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"knowledge" should be taught in the schools, we shall have to
inquire as to what is commonly demanded of adult members of
society. For example, what kind of arithmetic is used in every-
day life ? What sort of proficiency in handwriting will meet the
demand of those who read handwriting ? Or what words does one
need to know how to spell in order to make himself understood in
writing ?

The first step in the sociaUzing of the curriculum, obviously,
then, is to eliminate all useless material from the subjects taught.
This movement was inaugurated by Dr. Frank IVI. IMcMurry at
the meeting of the Department of Superintendents in 1904. A
decade later the Iowa State Teachers' Association appointed a
committee to study and to make a report upon the elimination of
obsolete and useless materials from the common school branches
with a view that the efforts of childhood may be conserved and
the essentials better taught. The report of this committee was
published in two consecutive volumes and supports in general
the recommendations made by Dr. McMurry, which were, briefly
speaking, to eliminate (i) what cannot be shown to have a plain
relation to some real need of life, (2) that which is beyond the
child's' comprehension, (3) whatever is unlikely to appeal to his
native interests, and (4) whatever topics, or parts of topics, are so
isolated or irrelevant that they fail to make connections with the
chain of ideas that constitutes needful education.

It has been commonly known for many years that much of the
Lernstof in arithmetic, such as cube root, troy and apothecaries
weight, true discount, greatest common divisor, least common
multiple, various tables of foreign moneys, folding paper, etc.,
and most of longitude and time, compound and annual interest,
etc., function httle, if at all, in everyday life. But notwithstand-
ing all these known facts, such topics are found in many textbooks
in use throughout the country, after two decades of campaigning
against such waste of time in school work.

Having thus purged the curriculum from all useless material,
there is room for the introduction of much that is highly worth
while in the traditional subjects, besides the introduction of new
subjects of a vocational nature, such as domestic science, industrial

A COMPLETELY SOCIALIZED SCHOOL 197

and fine arts. In a word, the tendency is to reduce the elementary-
school subjects, especially the tool subjects, to a basis of ''mini-
mum essentials," which should be mastered by the average pupil
in the first sL\ years. The next three years properly constitute
the junior high-school period and should be devoted largely to a
sampling of as many of the vocations as possible and the further
study of Hterature and science. Following this the senior high-
school period will furnish opportunity for the acquiring of skill
in one's chosen vocation, or for further preparatory study, depend-
ing upon whether the pupil expects to attend an institution of
higher learning or drop out at the close of the high-school period.
At present, of course, the masses drop out in the grades and early
years of the high school, but since the high school is destined to
become the "people's college" the curriculum should speedily be
shaped to meet these requirements.

In the second place I wish to submit that the teacher should he
socialized.

In an article prepared for the Ohio Educational Monthly some
years ago it was argued that the "methods of teaching" should be
socialized, but since then I have come to feel that, after all, the
teacher and the method are but two aspects of the same considera-
tion, hence are inseparable. The teacher is the method; hence
the real proposition is to socialize the teacher, method and all.

The socialized teacher is one who conceives of her work in the
schoolroom as a definite part of the larger work that is being
wrought by the school in society, and who bends every effort to
bring her pupils to behave accordingly. With such a conception
on the part of the teacher and her pupils, school life becomes a
real part of the broader life of society and is no longer looked upon
as a mere preparation for life. To be sure, as Professor Coe has
very aptly stated, "children should be schooled /(?r something,"
but the fact still remains that schools exist primarily because
children exist.

Social efficiency is now the commonly accepted aim of educa-
tion, and since the school is the chief formal agency of education,
the obvious task of the teacher is to guide in the development of
the pupil to this end. A socially efficient individual must measure

198 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

up to three rather definite requirements: (i) pull his own weight
in society, (2) not interfere with the rights of others, (3) be a mis-
sionar}^ That is, he must earn his own livelihood, without in any
way hindering others, and endeavor to have a little left over to
bestow upon others who may be less fortunate than he himself.
A little of this world's goods, a little of sympathy, a little of help-
fulness— a little of all that is needed to make the world a bit better.

In order to understand more clearly just what is meant by a
socially efficient individual, let me illustrate by a brief analysis of
human society. It is easy to divide society into two classes, the
one class being socially efficient and the other not so. This rather
trite way of putting it reminds one of the musical classification of
Pat Murphy's tunes. Nobody had ever heard Pat whistle but one
tune, yet Pat himself declared that he could whistle two tunes.
Upon being pressed with the demand to name the two tunes, Pat
extricated himself in a laudable fashion by saying, "Faith and
begorra, the one tune is Yankee Doodle, and the other isn't."

So, like Pat, I insist that there are but two classes of people in
the world, the one is socially efficient and the other isn't. But I
propose to go Pat one better and describe the class that is not
socially efficient, as well as the class that is. On the authority of
Dewey, Bagley, Betts, King, et al., I have already described the
socially efficient individual as one who pulls his own weight in
society, without hindering any one else and who stands ready to
lend a helping hand to those of his fellows who are in any way
unfortunate.

Obviously, then, the non-socially efficient are those who fail to
measure up to the standards set by society in one or more of these
respects. In offering this further analysis I am aware that no less
an authority than Professor Giddings gives a threefold classifica-
tion of society, viz., social, non-social, and antisocial. But for
the purpose of this discussion I have made no provision for the
middle-of-the-road, on-the-fence, buzzard sort of folk, who insist
on living, but who endeavor to keep out of people's way by sitting
idly by waiting for someone to die, or some other chance cir-
cumstance of life to take place, whereby they may fall into a
lucrative position without effort, or be fed by the ravens without

A COMPLETELY SOCIALIZED SCHOOL 199

so much as turning a hand. Righteousness should be laid to the
plummet and judgment to the line in matters of this kind. A
person is either socially efficient enough to be classed with those
who are, or he is not.

Logically, therefore, the non-socially efficient class falls into
three subclasses. The first of these I shall designate as the loafer
class. These are the bums, the fellows who wouldn't work if they
had a chance, the fellows who claim that the world owes them a
living and all that they have to do is to collect it. At the present
time their number is legion and they go by the name of "Bolshe-
viki." I would also include in the loafer class the hoboes, although
JefT Davis, the king of the hoboes, declares that his tribe is in no
way related to the "bum" tribe and hence refuses to admit bums
to the Hotel de Jinks. Measured by the socially efficient standard
the "loafer" falls short in that he fails to pull his own weight.
Therefore he must be classed with the "isn'ts."

The second class of the non-socially efficient I shall call the
unfair class. These are the people who pull their own weight in
society and who may even be liberal and beneficent but who pay
no regard to the rights of others. They are the advocates of
"personal rights," such as are frequently heard on the streets of
our larger cities defending such notorious institutions as the legal-
ized liquor traffic, regulated gambling, wide-open municipal
administration, and oftentimes many of the more modern forms
of social evil, such as the free love cult, radical forms of lockouts,
strikes, etc.

The third class of the non-socially efficient I shall designate
as the miser class. The real miser is more common in society
than most people would admit. He is the person who pulls his
own weight and does it in such a way as at least to keep out of the
penitentiary, but when it comes to parting with any of his hard-
earned "stuff" he is ultra-conservative and always prays for more
time to consider the matter before making his contribution. The
result is that the more he thinks it over, the more time he wants
to think it over, and the more conservative he feels. He finally
decides not to part with a foot of his real estate, even though it
may be wanted for a private burying place or for a public park.

200 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Sunday school superintendent who, upon being solicited for
a five-year pledge for church extension, finally decided that he would
not make any pledge for the future and presumed to justify his
action by referring to the passage of Scripture which says that
"it is better not to make a vow than to make a vow and not keep
it" was a t\^ical miser in spirit. The citizen who claimed to be
an American and yet refused to support the Liberty Loans, the
member of the church who contributed but $5 . 00 for missions on
the plea that this was all the money he had, when as a matter of
fact his check would have been good for any reasonable amount,
the farmer who does not contribute to the county hospital fund
because all the money he can rake and scrape is needed to meet
the payments on the additional forty acres recently purchased,
the citizen who declines to support the movement for better public
schools on the ground that all of his children are through school
and what was good enough for them is still good enough for any-
one else's children, are all examples of the miser class.

The socialized teacher will put forth every effort to prevent the
propagation of the non-socially efficient classes through the social
heredity of the school. One of the first moves that a teacher
can make in this direction is to socialize the recitation. Some
of the specific things that may be done to socialize the recitation
are such as the following: ask for movable chair-desks for the
lower grades and tables and chairs for the upper grades, in order
that they may be arranged in different ways, to suit the various
kinds of work undertaken, and pushed aside when not in use.
The writer has used this plan with great profit in normal-school
and college classes. With this arrangement of the chairs the pupils
recite to the class instead of to the teacher and are thus made to
feel socially responsible to the group. Other devices for socializing
the recitation are to encourage pupils to ask questions of each
other, bring individual reports to the class, engage in self-organized
group work, and the like.

Having given some attention to the socializing of the recitation,
the teacher will carry out this same idea in the general activities
of the school as represented by the club work, the team work, the
athletics, and other forms of organized recreation. A community

A COMPLETELY SOCIALIZED SCHOOL 20l

that is so fortunate as to secure the services of a socialized teacher
will feel the weight of her influence before the term is half over.

In the third place I submit that tJic superintendent should be
socialized.

In order to have a thoroughly socialized school it is not only
necessar\^ that the curriculum and the teacher be socialized, but it
is highly advisable to have a little social serum injected into the
superintendent or supervisor, as the case may be. This may prove
to be a painful operation, but nevertheless it should be done in
order to insure a proper functioning of his administrative office.

The effect of the innoculation of the superintendent with
social serum is usually first seen in his changed attitude toward
the social hfe of the pupils. This is especially noticeable in the
case of a superintendent who has to do with pupils of high-school
age. Before the innoculation he is apprehensive, if not outspokenly
afraid, that the pupils will pay too much attention to social affairs.
As was brought out in an investigation of one hundred and twenty-
five high schools in a middle western state and reported by Dr.
Irving King, many of the superintendents and principals evidently
considered that there was no problem of this kind at all in their
schools, while others admitted that the problem was present, but
stated that they were making no attempt to co-operate with the
pupils in building any kind of a social program. Doubtless, says
Dr. King, many shared the feeling of two who replied, one to the
effect that "he had no use for any such thing," and the other that
there was ''too blamed much social life already."

After the superintendent or principal has become immune to
the " scare " of too much social life, he manifests a desire to make
the school a social as well as an intellectual center for the com-
munity. In much of the social activity, particularly athletics and
entertainments of various kinds, the pupils of the school will
naturally take the lead, the patrons of the community gathering
to constitute an appreciative and enthusiastic audience. In
certain other forms of activity, such as picnics, patriotic meetings,
and meetings pertaining to civic welfare, the older folk will often
take the lead, the boys and girls attending with reverence or with
glee, as the occasion may require. The give-and-take spirit

202 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

among patrons and pupils should be cultivated more than it is in
most communities.

Another important effect of the "social innoculation " of the
superintendent is seen in the improved organization and super-
vision of his teaching force. He no longer is content to leave the
young and inexperienced teacher to flounder about in a sea of
uncertainties as to what constitutes good teaching, but proceeds
by tactful and helpful means to further the training and improve
the skill of ever>' teacher under his supervision. A district super-
visor in the state of Ohio related to the writer how he had turned
the would-be failure of one of his teachers into a splendid success
by simply relieving her of her schoolroom duties for a few days and
taking her to observe the work of some of his better teachers. I
later verified the report by visiting the school of the "made over"
teacher and seeing for myself the improved work that was going
on. At another time a county superintendent told of saving
several of his teachers from disgraceful failures by timely and
sympathetic help. Such a spirit of helpfulness is based upon a
deep social insight into the nature of teaching and more especially
of supervision.

Oftentimes a thoroughly socialized superintendent will even
dare to perform verbal operations on his teachers in order to save
their professional Hves. This is, indeed, an unpleasant duty, as
those who have practiced it will bear witness; yet as my major
professor once said to me, after having giving me one of the worst
goings over I have ever experienced, "Mr. Cummins, if I were not
deeply interested in your future success, I should have simply
flunked you and let you go." The socialized administrator is
vicarious and gives himself in service to his teachers.

The socialized superintendent not only takes his teachers in
hand for the purpose of helpful training, but he also recognizes
their position and prerogatives. After each visit the pupils will
respect the authority and leadership of the teacher all the more,
because they observe that the superintendent himself believes in
her. On the other hand the superintendent who has not acquired
the broader social vision of his work will often unthoughtfuUy
destroy by a single visit what little confidence the pupils may have

A COMPLETELY SOCIALIZED SCHOOL 203

acquired in their teacher. We see, then, that the sociaUzing of
the superintendent insures the wholesome development of all the
general activities of the school under a plan of teacher-supervision,
which is at once both positive and exacting, yet sympathetic and
free from any trace of domineering, driving, or drudgery.

Apparently I have completed the analysis of a socialized school,
but the most fundamentally important factor has been purposely
reserved till the last. The reader will doubtless have in mind as
the fourth factor the socializing of the pupil. While the pupil is,
of course, a logical presupposition of the school, yet in our dis-
cussion of "A Completely Socialized School" the pupil is thought
of as the material which is to be run through the mill, so to speak.
WTiat we are discussing here is the socializing of the "mill." In
order to complete the socializing of the school I submit finally that
the school board should be socialized.

In a previous paragraph it was stated that the method is so
closely bound up with the teacher that both must be considered
as but two aspects of the same thing. So, also, it may be stated
that the school plant is so closely related to the school board that
it is impossible to discuss one without also discussing the other.
Indeed, it may be said, like school board, like school plant.

Of course, it does not require a modern school plant in order
to evolve a modern curriculum, but when it comes to the adminis-
tering of any kind of a curriculum a well-arranged and well-
equipped school plant is quite necessary. Of course, a socialized
teacher will set about to make improvements in her work and will
manage to develop in her pupils social habits of a desirable nature
even though she is obliged to teach in a run-down schoolhouse.
She will contrive to turn the dreariness of it all into the brightness
of sunshine, but the brightness will necessarily appear in streaks
and splashes, unless she has the advantage of an up-to-date room
in which to work. She can put up a few pictures on the wall and
hang the wall map over the crack in the blackboard, if there
happens to be any wall map to hang. She can bring a bit of wall
paper to paste over the place where the plaster has fallen off or
where the rats have cut a hole through the wall; she can make a
pasteboard cover for the common water pail, or provide a new

204 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

dipper to hang at the pump, but at best it will all constitute but
a sorry makeshift.

Of course, the superintendent can inaugurate a program of
athletics by clearing a patch on the hillside, or cleaning out the
loft of a barn for basket ball; he can lay rough planks on the
top of some of the school desks and allow the pupils to climb
about over the remainder of the seats in an effort to enjoy a self-
served dinner. Or he can work up an interest in public speaking,
even though he is obliged to rent an abandoned room over a store
in which to hold the oratorical contest, or he can ride on horseback
over rough roads, or plow through the mud in his Ford in order to
bring needed service to his teachers who are scattered throughout
his territory, but all of this is far and away behind the progress
of society and is but a sorry makeshift. Most of our city schools
have long ago passed beyond the necessity of such poor service.

According to Professor Cubberley and other school men of
far-reaching vision, any effort to improve the rural schools which
stops short of consolidation is but an effort at patchwork. The
only adequate method of improving our public schools is to begin
at the beginning and this means to begin with the school board.
Given a coterie of socialized school-board members in any section
of the state and within a few years there will be found as fine a
system of public schools as may be found in any city. The chief
reason why we have better schools in the cities than in the rural
districts is because the city school boards have spent more money
on their schools. Statistics show that generally speaking through-
out the country three times as much money is being spent on urban
schools as is being spent on rural schools. (It should be borne in
mind in this connection that villages and towns of 2,500 inhabitants
or less are counted as rural communities.)

The first sign of the socializing of a school board is seen in the
loosening of the purse strings. The raising of teachers' salaries
alone will not solve the problem. This will naturally secure a
better grade of teacher, but the better the teacher the better the
use that could be made of good equipment and, vice versa, the
better the equipment the better the teacher that is needed. "Birds
of a feather flock together," and it is no less true of superintendents,

A COMPLETELY SOCIALIZED SCHOOL 205

teachers, and school plants, for the best superintendents and
teachers will gravitate toward the better supported schools.

With a completely socialized school board (and school plant),
curriculum, teacher (and method), and superintendent the best
possible product, viz., the socialized pupil, will logically, though
perhaps not naturally, result. It must be remembered that the
best institutions in the world, viz., the family, the church, and
the school all together cannot succeed in every case, for by nature
some are prone to evil as the sparks are to fly upward. No institu-
tion made up of imperfect and fallible human beings can ever be
absolutely sure of turning out an acceptable product so long as it
must deal with material which is itself not absolutely pure, for
"who can bring a clean thing out of an unclean?"

The foregoing discussion may be summed up in the form of a
few general principles and a brief definition of a completely social-
ized school.

1. Every community owes it to the profession of teaching, as
well as to the rising generation, to make adequate provision for
the carrying on of the work of the public schools in the most
approved and up-to-date manner — the socialized school board.

2. Every teacher owes it both to herself and to society at large
to render an increasingly efficient service in her chosen life-work —
the socialized teacher.

3. The content of the curriculum should be checked up by the
demand made in adult society, but the organization of the cur-
riculum should be psychological, i.e., should be made to fit the
mind of the child that is to be educated — the socialized curriculum.

4. The whole school system should be administered according
to the best approved business methods and the latest word in the
science of education — the socialized superintendent.

5. The w^hole environment of the pupil as represented by the
school, home, and church should be directed toward the complete
education of each individual, i.e., the acquiring of such useful
knowledge, right attitudes, and correct skills as will function in
rendering him both a good producer and a good consumer. This
is the socialized product that will logically result from a socialized
school.

2o6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Definition. — A completely socialized school is one in which the
school board, the teacher, the curriculum, and the superintendent
have all been laid upon the altar of child welfare and dedicated to
their needs, with a view of educating them to be socially efficient,
i.e., able to pull their own weight in society, without interfering
with the rights of others, and willing to contribute to those who
are less fortunate.

WHY MEN STRIKE

JOHN J. B. MORGAN
University of Minnesota

After the terrible disorganization throughout the civiUzed world
that the war has caused one would suppose that industry would
be disrupted, that prices would be out of proportion to production,
that innocent people would suffer, and that scoundrels would bleed
their fellows; but the war cannot be wholly to blame for the atti-
tude of the workingman during this period of reorganization.
One would think that everybody would so rejoice that the conflict
was over that they would settle down into their niche and work
to bring back the old order of things. Instead we hear of nothing
but strikes and labor disputes in all sorts of industries. The war
no doubt precipitated this state of affairs, but the cause is something
more fundamental and deep-seated in the very nature of modern
industry. This reason is the fact that the work of modern tradesmen,
craftsmen, and laborers is so specialized, so devoid of intrinsic interest
that the workman finds no incentive to work except the pay he receives.
The nature of the daily work of most of the working people abso-
lutely precludes the possibility of their loving the work. Most of
them hate it, and how can they help hating a job which means, for
instance, that they go through a set of motions (which they learned
in a very short time) hundreds of times a day with the prospect
of day after day, week after week, year in and year out doing the
same thing ?

A common notion is that men hate work, that instinctively they
are lazy. Such a notion is itself a product of specialization of labor
and has no foundation in fact. When such an opinion is expressed
what is meant is that the individual does not readily apply himself
to the conventional task. From earliest childhood the tendency
to activity is repressed. As long as the child is too weak to get
off its back, its kicking, waving of arms, cooing, and incessant activ-
ity are admired and no one wishes to stop it. When it gets old

207

2o8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

enough to meddle with things its activity annoys elders and the
repression begins. He is penned in a coop so that he cannot dirty
the walls or pull off the table covers; he is put into a high chair
for the convenience of his elders and strapped so that he will not
fall. As he gets older he is taught not to climb trees, not to play
as he would like to, not to fight if he is insulted because he must
keep clean and be a gentleman. When he gets inquisitive and
asks a thousand or more questions he is told to keep quiet. His
play must be of a quiet, gentlemanly, grown-up variety. The poor
chap has a hard life keeping from doing the things that he would
like to do.

The school training is a continuation in the same process. He
has to keep very quiet, ask nothing but consistent questions, and
absorb information from teacher or books. He must not waste
his time studying the things he desires to investigate for they are
not important. His elders know what it is important that he
learn and he must adhere to their program. When he goes into
the world and gets work he is there also taught exactly what he
must do and he is disciplined into doing it. A good workman is
one who gets to work on time, does with some signs of vigor what he
is told to do, and keeps his mouth shut. He is nothing but a machine,
a machine easier to handle than his steam-driven comrades be-
cause he can be given oral directions and can take care of himself.
He has the additional faculties of seeing, hearing, smelling, tasting,
and touching, which to some employers are valuable. He is ca-
pable of more varied reactions than any other machine yet
invented; but he has the inconvenient faculty of getting sick or
failing to appear on time and is likely to make mistakes.

No human being could possibly be normal and be lazy in the
sense of being inactive. The lazy man does things but does not
fit into society; he does not do just as others want him to do. A
man is less active at certain periods of his life than at others and
throughout life more or less time has to be taken for sleep. There
are differences in degree of activity above the threshold of laziness.
When we think of a lazy man we get the picture of a man lying in
bed to an unseemly hour, shirking his work, and really less active
than others. This is due to the fact that the struggle between what
he would like to do and what he ought to do keeps him from acting

WHY MEN STRIKE 209

at all. He hates to do the conventional thing and he is drilled
against the unconventional so that he dares not do it; hence he
does neither. Laziness is an abnormality resulting from the conflict
between desires to act in unconventional ways and fear of the results
coupled with a distaste for conventional activity.

What forces are brought to bear to make a workman constantly
do the work he disHkes ? At first the child is made to do the thing
he dislikes through physical force; later such forces as shame, fear
of being diilerent from others, and ambition are brought to bear
until finally as the boy becomes a man the economic motive becomes
paramount. He learns that if he is to get from life what others do
he must get money, and to get money he must fit into the scheme
and work as others do. When a man sees that he must work as a
machine and actually does it the distastefulness largely disappears.
No man can constantly do a really distasteful thing and the distaste
remain the same. He becomes adapted to it. If you taste some-
thing sour you get at first the full effect of the sourness; if you keep
tasting the same sour thing the keenness of the sensation departs
and you fail to notice that it is sour. The fact that the man
does the routine job for so long makes him adapt himself to its
unpleasantness and he forgets that he dislikes it. The fact remains,
however, that it is distasteful and there is nothing in the work
itself that induces the man to do it.

This is the asset that labor agitators can always depend upon.
The agitator knows that few men love their work, so that when
times get a little abnormal and the wages that the men get will
not buy as much as they would like, it is an easy matter to get them
in a frame of mind where they will be wilhng to quit. Why do not
agitators work with teachers and preachers who are more poorly
paid than the ordinary workman? For the simple reason that a
large proportion of the people in these classes are in their work
because they like it and work for the work's sake; they would
sacrifice a great deal before they would quit.

Men are induced to do things through all sorts of external
motives, but master-motives must be intrinsic in the work itself
if the work is to go on to its best advantage. If the motive for
work hes outside the work the least resistance or obstacle will
check it, but if the motive is in the work itself the obstacle will

2IO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

only stimulate the individual to increased efforts to overcome the
obstacle, and the work will go on as before.

How can men be made to love their work? With conditions
as complex as they are the situation cannot be wholly relieved.
Men cannot be left free to do as they choose in a society such as
ours. Yet when the truth is understood many improvements
can be made. When employers know that attractiveness of work
is more important than pay they will take pains to make the work
attractive. Money is not as strong an incentive as it is usually
supposed to he. When that is all a man gets from his work of course
he will take any means possible to get all he can. When he works
from other motives he will become less vividly conscious of the
amount of pay he receives.

The only remedy that will lastingly overcome this social unrest
is to make work interesting for all classes from the laborer to the
professional man. We must forever get rid of the notion that
anything interesting is for that reason either useless or conducive
to inefficiency. The old theory of education used to be that the
duller, uninteresting subjects were better for the student than
the interesting ones because of the disciplinary value of making
the student do what he disliked. The modern method, which
has proven a better one, is to present the dead subjects in an inter-
esting way. Psychology has shown that the way to do a thing
quickly and well is to become intensely interested in it. Why
not make work interesting ? It can be done and the employer will
eventually save by doing it.

If work is to be made interesting the recent stress upon efficiency
with its consequent overspecialization will have to be curtailed.
To be constantly stressing the quantity and quaHty of work done
is to furnish a superficial external drive. The extra pay that the
man gets will at first look large but it will appear less and less,
especially when the scheme becomes more widely used and all men
get more pay. The incentive will fail and the workmen rebel.

Enough variation must be left in each man's job to kill the
monotony.

Each man should be taught about his job in relation to the
others so that he will feel that he is a vital part of the organi-
zation.

WHY MEN STRIKE 21 1

Each man should clearly see a possible route for promotion.
If a man is hired as a stoker with a beginning salary of so much,
with the promises of periodical raises until a certain point is reached,
all incentive for good work is killed in that man. He must be
able to see where he could go beyond the stage of being a stoker.
It does not matter if the man has but one chance in a thousand of
making a certain step, let him know he has that chance and he
will inevitably try to be the one.

When we were training our great national army each man was
continually told that his job was important in the winning of the
war; he was taught to love his job, the distasteful job of drilling.
Besides he was filled with an ambition to do his best because he
was shown the proper steps to gain promotion and saw others
being promoted through tests of merit. After the signing of the
armistice no one felt that he was vitally necessary and to cap this
the War Department stopped all promotions. The spirit of the
soldiers dropped like lead and it was almost impossible to get any-
thing done. "What is the use since the war is over and I have no
chance of any promotion?" was the cry.

All promotions should be based on merit alone and in such a way
that every employee is convinced that it is merit alone that counts.
Tell him what qualities are used in judging whether a man is to be
promoted or not. Frankness on this one subject will work wonders.

Not only should the man be given a square deal but pains should
be taken that he knows that he is being fairly treated, not by
blatant advertising but by open straightforward organization.
An employer may shower gifts upon his men in the way of recreation
rooms, extra hoHdays, bonuses, etc., but if he is not manifestly
fair the men will spurn his gifts and believe that he is trying to
appease them for having robbed them.

When the workman was an artisan he was interested in the
efi&ciency of the process in which he was engaged and took pride
in the handling of his tools. Today the machine is the artisan and
the workman the tool, and no intelligent man can take an interest
in being an efficient tool. The present industrial unrest will not
cease until tJie workman is studied as a human organism with the
purpose in mind of giving him some interest in his work besides the
pay he receives.

PROGRESS AND THE CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS

G. R. DAVIES
Princeton University

Modern psychology does not recognize any clear boundary
line between instinct and intelligence. Each is an expression of
the same Kfe-energy seeking an adaptation to environment. It
is true that the power of making and imitating reasoned adapta-
tions is the unique characteristic of human evolution, yet this
power is but a gradual flowering of the instinctive urge displayed
throughout the animal kingdom. Through intelligence man has
satisfied more abundantly his primal wants, and has learned new
wants. His systematized reactions to his natural surroundings
and his institutional co-operations with his fellows are, then, evo-
lutionary outgrowths from the instinctive and intuitional core of
the common heredity.

It follows that civilizations, though mediated by intelligence,
are as much natural products as the forests. It was not due to
whim, but to an innate necessity, that when man outgrew mentally
his tribal communism he created property civilizations. Given
the addition of intelligence to the urge of instinct, and the result
was as inevitable as the maturing of the brooded egg. Because
of its organic nature there was a typical structural symmetry
about the social whole that the law of property and status reared.
Hereditary rights to wealth served as a basis upon which to grow
the balanced gradations of power from serf to noble and king.
The social organism may be said to have acquired a vertebrate
form and a brain. The protoplasmic mass of tribal life was
speedily swallowed by the new order, and the ancient empires
came into being. Admittedly the biological analogy may be over-
worked, yet the figure graphically sets forth the facts.

Similarly every conspicuous advance of civilization is a con-
sequence of instinctive energies thrown into new channels by
increasing mentality. Just what, in a primary sense, is respon-

PROGRESS AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS 213

sible for the awakening powers is a baffling problem. Various
writers have professed to see the cause in physiographic environ-
ment, race, religion, political principles, and so on. Yet the
natural environment seems an occasion rather than a cause, and
the social factors are manifestations of the more elemental force.
Without attempting to pass upon so elusive a problem, it may
be sufficient for present purposes simply to observe that certain
environmental conditions of resources and communication serve
to stimulate the latent racial capacities. A constructive instinct,
radiating into invention and managerial ability is aroused. The
awakening spreads by a process of crowd suggestion from indi-
vidual to individual, until a tidal movement of humanity is initi-
ated. Such an activity of the social mind is the creative agent
in cultural evolution. It sweeps from its path the cobwebs of
exploitation and superstition as it creates freer and more produc-
tive institutions. Into the inner nature of this collective spirit
it is useless for us to attempt to penetrate, but its economic con-
sequences and the obstacles it encounters may be worthy of our
attention.

A primary condition upon which the organic relationships of
society depend is the wide natural diversity and inequality of
human nature. It is this inequality that makes possible and
advantageous the division of labor, and the subordination of the
masses to leadership. Biologists have shown that innate charac-
teristics and abilities vary in somewhat pyramidal proportions,
so that there is at all times the natural basis for a kind of feudal
gradation of classes. Rivalry creates the pressure which masses
men into the hierarchical form. Natural differences are still further
accentuated by the inevitable fact that to him that hath shall be
given. The artificial gradations of society follow upon the natural
gradations.

When a dynamic advance of society is nascent, men of superior
natural ability in the groups affected are developed to give direction
to the movement. These leaders may assume a variety of aspects,
according to their individual capacities and the tendencies of the
times. In so far as the movement demands ideaHstic impulse,
they may be preachers or philosophers, such as the early Protestant

214 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

clergy, and the classical economists. In so far as the demand is
for political readjustment, they may be soldiers and statesmen,
such as the founders of the American nation. But such leadership
is ephemeral. Though vital to a movement and expressive of its
intensest energies, the work is quickly done, and the phrases that
stirred men's souls degenerate into formalism. The substantial
work is done by economic leaders, such as the commercial and
landed aristocracy which rose from the middle class in England
as a consequence of the Reformation, and the capitalistic classes
which have secured an, as yet somewhat precarious, ascendancy
during the past century or two. Since man organizes his everyday
world about the supremacy of capital, it is in the economic field
that the tissues of the social organism are created. In this respect
there is an identity of process in social growth since the disappear-
ance of the tribal communisms.

No social element is more wilfully misunderstood than capital.
It is certainly not to be apprehended by the mere statement of
figures in a ledger, for it is essentially an expression of human
organization. It means that those men who have developed prac-
tical intelligence in business management have secured authority
over those who are less matured and those who have specialized
more narrowly. The administration of capital is the government
of men in their industrial life. The frontier, where men disperse
over a new area, brings a temporary disintegration and equality,
but integration sooner or later sets in, and a new leadership is
elevated to a height commensurate with the widened base of the
social pyramid. In the large scale banking and business con-
nections of the present day the world is experiencing the inevitable
reaction following the vast territorial expansions, both commerical
and racial, of the Industrial Revolution. The basic fact is not,
however, the centralization of wealth, but the growing interdepend-
ence of industrial organization.

We may see in the concrete the administrative function of
capital if we consider the methods by which wealth is attained.
Fortunes are not accumulated by the penurious saver of money, but
by the dynamic organizer of business. The apparent exceptions,
where wealth is derived purely from speculative chance, do not

PROGRESS AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS 215

invalidate the rule. The business leader who has acquired through
experience the requisite standing throws his energies into some
promising undertaking that will serve the public needs, as the
manufacture of a staple commodity or the building of a railroad.
He pays interest on borrowed capital and builds up his own fortune
through his skill in putting men effectively at work. His invested
capital, stated in terms of stock and bond quotations, rests in
fact upon the organized energies of busy workers in factories, or
of construction gangs wrestling to bring the wilderness under con-
trol. The movement of capital into this or that industry is in
reality the movement of laborers and the products of labor. The
active capitalist marshals the industrial host. Small investors
turn over to the abler man the minor industrial control they
have acquired. So, as trade relations ramify, requiring ever finer
co-ordinations in manufacture and distribution, leaders of higher
potentiality are produced. It is only in abstraction that the
dynamic fact of leadership becomes the static fact of property rights.

A nation in which a spirit of intelligent enterprise rules may
be called a functional society. The term implies that each indi-
vidual subordinates himself to the attainment of some common
object, that he serves others as he also is served through the pro-
cesses of trade and through the development of his productive
estate. In economic terms the completely functional society
would be one in which each citizen was either training for or
practicing the productive arts best suited to his capacity. It
would be a society that fostered leadership, so as to secure for
its own direction and for the control of its departments and sub-
departments the best executive talent it afforded. Thus it would
exemplify co-ordinated team work throughout. It would have
weight and momentum in its directed movements because of the
complete employment of each able-bodied citizen. By such employ-
ment it would also utilize all available capital power, for waste
would be eliminated and surplus wealth reinvested.

In picturing the functional society thus at its Utopian fulfil-
ment, we need not impute to it any undue Spartan severity. Relax-
ation, amusement, and aesthetic joy in work are elements of social
art. They therefore would be suitably provided for. Indeed, a

21 6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

functional ordering of society would indirectly fulfil the require-
ments of a pure hedonistic philosophy, since it would satisfy to
the greatest possible degree the instincts of mankind, the deepest
of which are the inventive and organizing faculties of intelligent
construction. Man is happiest when he spends himself in endeavors
that link him in a common enthusiasm with his fellows and with
the future of the race. To be used by the creative social mind
is to have lived. Hence, the more functional a nation becomes,
the more it succeeds in the pursuit of happiness.

It must be admitted that a state of society in which men are
consciously members one of another in a living social organism is
something seldom attained. Only rarely, in vital moments, is any
considerable volume of population so fused. Perhaps a state of
war, so far as the situation within a belligerent country is con-
cerned, approximates the most closely such an ideal, but it is a
negation of the ideal in its rupture of the wider social relations.
More satisfactory as a suggestion of an ideal social organization,
though lacking somewhat in systematic leadership, is an expand-
ing democracy such as that which America has typified to the
world. Here the joy of building a nation has been intensified by
the escape from old-world conventionalities, and by the effective-
ness of accumulated knowledge in the face of rich natural resources.
Similarly every great forward movement of society has been demo-
cratic and functional. Witness the social spirit of the Greeks and
the constitutionalism of the EngKsh.

Inherent in the very nature of social growth, particularly in
the economic aspects, there may be discovered from the first, certain
subtle forces which eventually may mature into paralysis or con-
flict. The social organism might almost be said to be subject to
a structural cycle corresponding to the aging process in the indi-
vidual. Superficially there may appear no such fatality attaching
to the grouping of men as to the grouping of the body cells, yet
in the past the fatality has proved almost as binding. The easy
optimism which scorns the danger is based upon an ignorance of
the intricacies of economic law.

The difi&culty is not merely that economic law is inherent in
human nature, in the vulgar sense that each man seeks his own

PROGRESS AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS 217

profit in trade. If this were all, we might expect a speedy solution
of the historic tangle, since man is instinctively altruistic in a
considerable degree. But economic law is something far more
significant than individual selfishness. It is nothing less than the
mode of adaptation of the social organism to a physiographic
environment. It denotes an organization of industry under the
sway of capital ownership, and a rule for the distribution of the
products. No other practicable basis for industry has yet been
discovered, nor appears in sight.

Briefly stated, economic law adapts itself to industrial require-
ments in a stage of rapid growth, for the following reasons. It
stimulates activity by competition for desirable prizes. It throws
men upon their own resources to find their places, whether among
the leaders or in the ranks. It allows men of ability to rise into
the expanding occupations and professions created by invention,
thus raising the level of common wages. It is true that the transi-
tion to a new economy may bring suffering to those lacking the
power of quick readaptation, as notoriously was the case in England
at the advent of the Industrial Revolution. But the more perma-
nent effect is the improvement of the conditions of labor through
the more effective bidding of capital. With the relaxing of the
pressure of population, so keenly felt in static periods, the stir of
new Hfe reaches to the very social depths. Further, the economic
postulates of freedom of contract and the right of possession appeal
to the energetic with the axiomatic force of the moral law, and
so serve as a fundamental basis of agreement.

The lure of individualistic opportunity during a time of economic
progress is greatly enhanced because of the rapid increase in capital
properties. The new wealth is broadly distributed among the
enterprising and creative, and even enriches the more passive prop-
erties through an increased demand. Hence any hostility to
property as privilege that may linger from a more monopolistic
epoch is disarmed. The pursuit of wealth is accepted as the
normal end of existence.

The gateways of individual opportunity are kept open long
after the subsidence of the initial innovating impulse by the spread-
ing of the movement beyond the national boundaries. A country

2i8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

that has reached a conspicuously high level of the industrial arts
is like a city set on a hill. It becomes a model of imitation for
its more backward neighbors, who seek its trade, copy its ways,
and invite it to bring in permanently its goods and ways by the
investment of capital. Or, if a fickle attitude oppose, an entrance
may be forced. As the wave of progress spreads, the financial
power of the center may rise to imperial proportions. Such is
the beneficent operation of economic law, accompKshing by a
seemingly unsystematic growth a result that could not have been
attained by conscious planning.

Yet, axiomatic as the laws of trade may be, no more subtle
trap has Nature ever laid for the unwary'. It has been well said
that with the law came death. For, when the tide of progress
ebbs, as almost certainly it must do at times, then economic law
changes into a tyrant. Just why the creative impulse should at
times weaken is unexplainable. As we cannot tell whence it comes,
so we cannot say whither or why it goeth. All we know is that the
driving power of the constructive instincts becomes temporarily in-
adequate in the face of natural obstacles, such as scarcity of resources
or barriers to further trade contacts. Then, from the spontaneous
operation of economic law, quite a new set of phenomena arise.

As soon as progress slackens, the pathways inviting the indi-
vidual to the heights begin to be blocked. The established pro-
fessions are filled mainly by the sons of the prosperous, who have
first access to the requisite education. Property, no longer increas-
ing rapidly in quantity, comes to be highly valued, and is held
tenaciously in hereditarv' possession. In default of the beneficent
eft'ects of expanding production, wages fall with the increase of
population. Contrasts of luxury and poverty therefore begin to
obtrude. There is an envious striving among the middle and
lower classes to imitate the luxury-spending of the rich, with a
consequent waste and demoralization. Insensibly the ties of
idealism, sentiment, and patriotism which have united the people
in a common spirit of endeavor give way. Group feeling prevails,
throwing the owning classes into semi-monopolistic alliances, and
employees into aggressively hostile federations. Energies that once
were expended in work now are wasted in strife.

PROGRESS AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS 219

Just as success is stimulated by reason of success, so discord
is increased by discord. Indeed, so striking are the effects arising
from the psychological attitude of the public that this attitude is
often taken as an original cause. It is a cause, but only a secondary
one, consequent upon some subtler paralysis that has reversed the
operation of economic law. So the evil cycle turns on itself; strife
further retards progress, and retardation further intensifies the con-
ditions that cause strife. Ancient civilizations are a witness to
the fact that a failure to maintain progress means finally a retro-
gression to militaristic despotism. As a result of the continued
disorders the strong man is at length welcomed as the only alterna-
tive to anarchy. The nation then comes to an equilibrium on
the basis of an established ruling class, and in the clash of con-
flicting international interests a similar gradation of dependency
is generated. Such is the spontaneous succession of events aris-
ing from human nature and economic law when the dynamic
impulse fails. The fluid progress of modern times has made us
forget that the same tendencies on a vastly greater scale are latent
also in present-day society, and indeed are not entirely quiescent.

So unobtrusively does the dynamic impulse subside that prac-
tical men stubbornly refuse to recognize any change. The laws
remain the same, the rights of liberty and property are still guaran-
teed, trade and the amassing of wealth seem to go on much as
before. But an economic system in which a spirit of enterprise
and industry prevails, is not the same as one in which that spirit
has declined. When the dynamic energies relax, the functions of
owner, manager, and worker draw wider apart. The owner
becomes the absentee investor, eventually having little knowledge
of or personal interest in the projects from which he derives his
income. The constructive instinct which drove the former owner
to live simply and devote his surplus to the expansion of business
is now replaced by what the economist calls "time-preference";
that is, the willingness to invest only in view of a certain promised
rate of interest. True, time-preference was implicitly present in
the earlier stage, in that the business leader was investing his
time and labor for results to be realized in the future. But the
abstract preference for futures is a poor substitute for direct

220 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

participation in industry. So it happens that mature financial
nations pay to investors far more interest in a year than they
receive back in increased savings — yet interest is ostensibly justified
as the necessary inducement for obtaining a supply of new capital.
The interest income going to property becomes, therefore, an
accumulating liabiHty to society as a whole. Outwardly the prop-
erty relation is as before, but the inward change of spirit has
changed the essence of the fact.

A certain economic paradox may be observed in respect to the
shifting of the interest rate. It is generally assumed on the basis
of limited comparisons that a high interest rate is a sign of extrava-
gance, and a low rate is a sign of thrift. Yet the dynamic period
is most likely to be a period of high interest, as may be discovered
in a growing frontier region; while a static period of leisure class
display may be a time of very low interest. The paradox is
explained by the observation that what makes interest possible
is not simply the fact of a readiness to invest at low rates. Such
a readiness may be merely the reflex of the high value set upon
hereditary properties during static periods. Interest incomes are
initially produced and are expanded as a direct result of the growth
of practical intelligence. When the brains of managers and inven-
tors are fertile, newly invested capital becomes an innovating
machine or process, producing income sufficient both to bid up
wages and to pay generous interest. It is this marginal rate which
determines, by inversion, the capitalized values of established prop-
erties. Later, when progress has halted, and the methods of
industry have been reduced to settled routine, the established
properties will be bid up to a high figure by the eagerness of inves-
tors, the natural outlet for savings being closed. The resulting
low interest rate should serve as an incentive to business, but it
may utterly fail to stimulate that innovating self-reliance and
spontaneity upon which progress depends. The timid invest-
ment by proxy on the part of a class absorbed in the luxurious
expenditure of its investment incomes cannot hope to get the
results obtained by the enthusiastic ability of the pioneering enter-
prisers.

PROGRESS AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS 221

A further observation may be made regarding the hereditary
class that ocmes to receive the wealth income of society. The
evil connected with such a functionless class is not necessarily
proportionate to the size of the fortunes. A large number of small
fortunes may dissipate social energies more effectively than a few
great ones. The evils of functionless ownership, and conversely
the benefits of administrative ownership, depend upon the spirit
and ability of the owners. Hence the growth of a relatively few
immense fortunes may immediately be a decidedly wholesome sign,
for they may be the expression of a timely large-scale organization.
A functionless condition is likely to be generated by the inheritance
of these fortunes, but a redistribution would not necessarily change
the situation. Small fortunes may have been functional, as a rule,
under former conditions of small proprietorships, but the case is
different under modern corporate organization.

It does not need to be argued that a progressive nation in whose
activities all individuals have a functional place, constitutes the
goal to be striven for. Such a goal is implied in the modern con-
ception of democracy. But how is it to be permanently gained?
Is there for the nation a fountain of perpetual youth ? May eternal
life be socially attained ?

At this point the speculative mind is tempted into Utopian
dreams. Why should not some mechanical socialism be devised
to prevent the gradual growth of functionless classes ? Experience
has answered the question. As a matter of fact, socialistic experi-
ments have never made a successful appeal to the constructive
instincts. Theoretical considerations, also, give just as conclu-
sive an answer when once the immense obstacles are fairly faced.
National socialism would leave the distribution of income to the
whim of popular majorities. Syndicalism might possibly distribute
the income of the local group in proportion to services, but the
group on highly valuable land would then be privileged in com-
parison with other groups. Attempts to adjust matters through
price regulation or through control of the migration of labor would
lead into endless difficulties, breaking the uniformity of markets,
or interfering with efficient production. So complex is modern

222 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

industry that the opening of new wheat lands, for example, registers
itself partly in the rise of real estate values in the distant metrop-
olis. What device could ever secure for the producer of the new
wealth the exact reward of his services ?

All schemes for the artificial distribution of income encounter
the fundamental question, Who in reality is the creator of wealth ?
Is it the inventor whose brain conceived the method, the manager
who put it into execution, the investor whose savings allowed the
manager scope, the working masses whose subordination to indus-
trial discipline was essential to production, or Mother Earth who
gave the environmental conditions and the raw material? The
process of production is evidently organic: the real Creator is the
Spirit of the whole. An artificial system of control capable of
directing in detail so subtle an organism as modern industry does
not lie within the reach of man's present powers.

Yet the impossibility of an immediate reorganization of society
does not at all leave us hopeless. The constructive instincts are
at all times latent and may be aroused by appropriate means.
They manifest themselves as a fusion of moral enthusiasm and
practical intelligence, or applied science. They may be stimulated,
therefore, by a clarifying of the moral perspective and by a foster-
ing regard for science.

It should be possible greatly to clarify the public conception
of morality in its economic implications. It is readily seen that
the functional relation to society is the basis of morality. The
good individual is the one who subordinates himself to that Super-
Mind, latent in the universe, whose partial but growing revelation
is the whole body of truth, including the basic social institu-
tions. So also the good man will love his neighbor as himself,
for he will recognize the unity of interests. An aggressive preach-
ing of these long-established axioms of social righteousness will
stir the laggards and shame the wasters. Loafers may be goaded
to productive labor, and the privileged turned from frivolities to
business or to political and social problems.

In relation to economic progress, devotion to science is of the
utmost importance. There ought to be a clearer recognition of
the essentially religious, as well as utilitarian, aspects of material

PROGRESS AND CONSTRUCTIVE INSTINCTS 223

science. The scientist is a devotee of the spirit of truth, perhaps
in a partial sense, yet in a vital sense, nevertheless. Research in
the biological and physical sciences has already added incalculable
wealth to the world, and the social sciences should be capable of
no less worthy a contribution. Research, amply endowed, will
constitute the vanguard of a rapid advance, leading to the creation
of new wealth, opening wide the gates of opportunity to the ambi-
tious, and rewarding amply the useful toiler.

There remains to be noted one essential motive power of a
dynamic society — faith in the coming ideal. It is evident that
the world has not attained its final organization. In fact it has
not penetrated much deeper into the nature of justice than had
the ancient Greeks and Romans. Easy conditions of rapid growth
have made it careless. In many respects it is less socially
intelligent — less aware of the difficulties of social organization —
than were the ancient Hebrews. With a quickened conscience and
a conviction of social sin there must be born a faith that is a lay-
ing hold on things to come. For — let us believe it with all the
assurance of scientific insight — there must eventually dawn upon
humanity such an illumination of the spirit of good will as shall
utterly transform this saddened and disillusioned earth. In the
Christian spirit has been laid the moral basis, and in the scientific
spirit lies the promise of power. The Kingdom will come; in
the vision and charity of the believing soul it is already here.

THE AMERICAN COUNCIL OF LEARNED SOCIETIES

International co-operation in the fields of the humanistic
sciences, with the United States forced to abstain from participation
because of the lack of a central academy of such sciences — such
was the situation in existence until the formation of the American
Council of Learned Societies in September, 1919. In 1900 at
Paris there had been established the International Association
of Academies, including both humanistic and strictly scientific
branches. Here America was represented by the National Acad-
emy of Sciences, but this unfortunately was not at all concerned
with the studies of such subjects as sociology, history, political
science, economics, and philosophy. Great Britain also was
represented only in the field of the physical sciences through the
Royal Society. But this lack was made up in 1902 by the for-
mation of the British Academy for the Promotion of Historical,
Philosophical, and Philological Studies. No such society was
established in America.

The war broke up this International Association, but in 19 18
it was re-established in so far as the physical sciences were con-
cerned by the formation of the International Research Council.
Later a conference resulted in the formation of the International
Union of Academies (Union Academique Internationale) for the
furthering of the humanistic studies. M. Emile Senart of the
Academy of Inscriptions and Belles Lettres was chosen first presi-
dent, and the regular place of meeting for the society is to be the
Palais des Academies at Brussels. In the first of these two organ-
izations America as before was represented, but in the second it
could not be.

Many scholars, both here and abroad, rightly considered this
isolation of the American humanistic societies from their foreign
contemporaries to be unfortunate. Chiefly through the efforts
of Waldo G. Leland, secretary of the American Historical Asso-
ciation, a conference was therefore called in September, 1919, to
which thirteen of the societies of the proper type were invited and

224

THE AMERICAN COUNCIL OF LEARNED SOCIETIES 225

which was attended by representatives of ten. A constitution was
drawn up establishing an "American Council of Learned Societies
devoted to Humanistic Studies" to consist of two delegates from
each of the member societies. Eleven of the eligible societies
have already voted to join the Council.

The first meeting of the new council was held on February 14,
1920, in New York and eleven societies were represented. The
American Sociological Society was represented by its president,
James Q. Dealey, of Brown University. Officers were elected
and also two delegates were chosen to represent the United States
at the May meeting of the International Association. The chair-
man of the Council elected at this meeting was Professor Charles
H. Haskins, of Harvard University, a representative of the Ameri-
can Historical Association, and Professor George M. Whicher, of
Hunter College, was chosen secretary.

American humanistic societies represented at this meeting
were the American Sociological Society, the American Philosophical
Society, the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, the American
Antiquarian Society, the American Philological Association, the
Archaeological Institute of America, the American Historical
Association, the American Economic Association, the American
Political Science Association, the American Oriental Society, and
the ^Modern Language Association of America.

With a total membership in its constituent societies of over
ten thousand it is evident that the American Council will prove
to be a real force for the promotion of learning in this country.
If in no other way, it will perform some good at any rate in that it
will bring into some sort of unity a dozen or more societies, so
naturally akin in interests and yet heretofore completely separated
in organization. There is also America's share in international
humanistic tasks to be considered.

There have been cases in which action by members of one
nation by themselves meant that scholars of other nations were
hindered in their attempts to perform similar or supplementary
work. Such discrimination will in the future be tabooed by the
International Union. Also the Union should prove advantageous
in that it may provide a means for standardizing publications of a

226 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

national sort but of international interest, and in a uniform manner
collecting in the different countries that material for some inter-
national work which is found in those particular countries.

So far the International Union of Academies or the U.A.I. ,
as it is often called, includes representatives of the following coun-
tries besides the United States: France, Great Britain, Belgium,
the Netherlands, Norway, Denmark, Italy, Greece, Poland,
Russia, and Japan. Representatives of Spain, Roumania, Portugal,
Finland, and Czecho-Slovakia are expected to join soon.

NEWS AND NOTES

Notes of interest to the readers of the Journal should be in the hands of the
editor of " News and Notes " not later than the tenth of the month preceding
publication.

Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Society

The annual meeting of the American Sociological Society will be
held in Washington, D.C., December 27-29 in conjunction with the
Historical and Political Science Associations.

The general subject as tentatively announced is "Constructive
National Movements in Their Social Aspects."

The following subjects and writers are announced : " The Community
Idea in Rural Development," Kenyon L. Butterfield; "Sociological
Evaluation of the Inter-Church World Movement," Edwin L. Earp;
"Psychology of Nationahsm," Max S. Handman; "Sociological Theory
and Practice as Illustrated by Army Psychological Tests," J. P. Licht-
enberger; "The Future of Social Science," Albion W. Small; "Social
Significance of the New Educational Policy of the Army," Scott E. W.
Bedford.

Although not definitely decided, it is hoped the following will be
part of the program: "Social Significance of Labor Adjustments";
"Radicalism and Our Social Institutions," William J. Kirby; "Some
Problems in National Adjustment," Susan M. Kingsbury; "A Theory
of Social Interests," Roscoe Pound.

Two Round Table Discussions are being arranged. "The Social
Significance of Psychoanalytic Psychology," in charge of Ernest R.
Groves and F. Stuart Chapin. Three-minute papers by Dr. Phyllis
Blanchard, Bedford Hills Reformatory; Bernard Glueck, New York
School of Philanthrophy; Henry C. Morrison, University of Chicago;
C. C. Robinson, Y. M. C. A.; Dr. Edith Spaulding, and Dr. William A.
WTiite.

The other Round Table Discussion will be on the subject, " Essen-
tials of a Social Survey," in charge of H. S. Bucklin and Shelby M.
Harrison. Three-minute papers by C. J. Galpin, Department of
Agriculture; Allen T. Burns, Carnegie Corporation; Ernest C. Meyer,
Rockefeller Foundation.

227

228 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Three important committees will report. "Teaching of Social
Science in the Public and High Schools," Ross L. Finney; "Standard-
ization cf Research," J. L. Gillin; "Plan for Preparation of Indexes,
etc., of Social Science," F. Stuart Chapin.

The Sociological Society of London

The editor of the Sociological Review announces that the Sociological
Society is again located in Westminster where it was originally organ-
ized. The building secured for the offices and meetings of the Society
has been named Leplay House, after the noted French social scientist,
LePlay. The spring number of the Sociological Review appropriately
contains the first chapters of a biography entitled "LePlay and Social
Science," written by the late Dorothy Herbertson, whose husband, a
former professor of geography in Oxford University, was a devoted
student of LePlay.

The lectures announced for the summer term of the Society include
the following: "Exhibition of Methods of Organization," M. Bruce
Williams; "The Smoke Curse and Our New Homes," Dr. Saleeby;
"Social Finance," John Ross.

Communications to the Society should be addressed to the Secretary,
Mrs. Fraser Davies, Leplay House, 65 Belgrave Road, Westminster.

International Institute of Sociology

The Revue Internationale de sociologie in a recent issue calls attention
to the deaths during the war of three of its illustrious members. Professors
Schmoller, Wagner, and Simmel.

Gustav Schmoller was professor of political economy in the universi-
ties of Halle, Strassburg, and Berlin, and was recognized as the leader
of the group known as "SociaUsts of the Chair." Schmoller was editor
of Staats- und Socialwissetischajtliche Forschungen and Jahrbuch fiir
Gesetzgebung, Verwaltung, und Volkswirthschaft. Of his numerous writ-
ings, there is space here for mention of only one, Grundriss der Allge-
meinen Volkswirtschaftslehre. He was president of the "Verein fiir
Sozialpohtik," and in 1905 was made president of the International
Institute of Sociology.

Adolph Wagner was also a professor of political economy at the
University of Berlin. Under the influence of the psychological school,
he diverged from the theoretical position of Schmoller, who was inspired

NEWS AND NOTES 229

by the historical school and state socialism. Each ended by calling the
other "mein Hauptgegner."

Georg Simmel was originally a philosopher, teaching at the uni-
versities of Berlin and Strassburg. At a certain period of his career
he devoted himself almost entirely to sociological work, writing articles
for the Revue internationale de sociologie and for the A nnals of the Inter-
national Institute of Sociology, of which he was a member from the
year of its organization in 1893. The comprehensive formulation of his
sociological theories was published in 1908 in his volume Soziologie,
many parts of which were translated into English by Albion W. Small,
and appeared in the American Journal of Sociology.

Sociology in the South

The organization of a department of sociology and school of social
science at Tulane University and the expansion of the work in sociology
with the creation of a School of Public Welfare in the University of
North Carolina, as announced in this issue, mark a new period in the
history of sociology and social work in the United States. The organiza-
tion of two strong departments of sociology in the South represents
also the culmination of an increasing interest in the South in the inves-
tigation and solution of social problems. The work of individual
Southern sociologists, the Southern Sociological Congress, the effective
educational and social service activities of the American Red Cross in
southern states, the recent meeting of the National Conference of Social
Work in New Orleans, are undoubtedly among the factors which have
contributed to the establishment of these two fully organized depart-
ments of sociology and schools of social work. It is significant that
each institution has established a chair of social technology. This
emphasis upon applied sociology should insure the development of
training for social service adapted to the needs of southern communities.
At the same time, social theory and social research are also stressed.
In the study and interpretation of American society, sociologists will
welcome the increased co-operation and contribution now to be expected
from southern universities.

Baylor University

The Baylor University Press announces the publication in August of
a textbook entitled "Introduction to the Principles of Sociology," by
Professor G. S. Dow, head of the department of sociology.

230 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

BowDOiN College

Mr. Glenn R. Johnson has been appointed instructor in sociology
and economics.

Butler College

Dr. Howard E. Jensen has been appointed professor of sociology to
succeed Dr. Lumley who has resigned.

University of Chicago

Official announcement is made by the Board of Trustees of the
University of Chicago of the adoption of a plan proposed by the Trustees
of the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy whereby the University
shall take over the functions of the School and establish a graduate
professional curriculum for students in civics and philanthropy, to be
known as the School of Social Service Administration.

The Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy was founded eighteen
years ago by Professor Graham Taylor, and among those who assisted in
its early work was the late Professor Charles R. Henderson, of the Uni-
versity of Chicago. Among its later faculty have been Dr. Sophonisba
P. Breckinridge, Assistant Professor of Social Economy, and Dr. Edith
Abbott, Lecturer in Sociology, at the University of Chicago, who have
had charge of the special work in social investigation. Nearly 3,000
men and women have been trained in the school, and it has furnished
many investigators for expert service.

The Dean of the new school will be Dean Leon C. Marshall, of the
School of Commerce and Administration of the University of Chicago.

Professor Scott E. W. Bedford has been in residence the Summer
Quarter, giving his usual courses. The three quarters preceding he has
been out of residence, with the War Department in the capacity of
Development Expert in General Education. This work is in connection
with the new educational policy of the army. He has helped to prepare
the manual for the basic course in citizenship which is really all the
social sciences in one course. He was also sent to study and consult the
leading agencies doing any kind of work in Americanization and citizen-
ship training. He has visited several camps and posts to aid in the
general educational work and has addressed the recruiting personnel,
commercial bodies, and civic organizations in the large cities.

Beginning September i the University has granted Professor Bedford
a year's leave of absence in order that he might continue this work.

NEWS AND NOTES 231

He will be in the eastern department of the army with headquarters at
Governor's Island. His duties will be to supervise the work in general
education in the eastern department, including Porto Rico.

At an unusually well-attended meeting of the Sociology Club
addresses were made by Professor Charles A. Ellwood, of the University
of Missouri, on "The Need for Scholarship in the Social Sciences," and
by Professor Scott E. W. Bedford on "The Social Significance of the
New Educational Activities of the Army."

University of Illinois

Dr. E. C. Hayes has gone for the summer to Colorado where he will
lecture for a few weeks in the State Normal School at Gunnison. He will
then go to Greeley where he will lecture for the summer-quarter session
in the Colorado State Teachers' College.

Mr. S. C. Ratclifife has been appointed as an instructor in sociology
here to take the place of Mr. E. F. Reed, who is going to devote his full
time this coming year to study.

Lawrence College
Mr. F. A. Conrad, who for part of last year lectured in sociology at
the University of Cincinnati, has been added to the stafiF here and will
have full charge of the work in sociology.

Leland Stanford Junior University

Professor Walter G. Beach, formerly dean at the State School of
Agriculture, Pullman, Washington, has been appointed professor of
social science.

University of Minnesota

Professor Manuel C. Elmer, of the department of sociology, has been
engaged by the Central Council of Social Agencies of Minneapolis to
conduct a survey of a district in south Minneapolis to determine the
question of the advisability of locating a neighborhood house in this
section of the city. Professor Elmer and his advanced students have
just completed a community survey of Stillwater, Minnesota, the
results of which are being published.

Professor L. L. Bernard was advanced from the rank of associate
professor to that of professor of sociology, efifective July i, 1920. Pro-
fessor Bernard has also been awarded an Amherst Memorial Fellowship

232 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

for one year, amounting to $2,000 without service obligation, to enable
him to complete an investigation of the interrelations of personalities
and institutions. His problem centers around the competing claims
of instincts and acquired habits as factors in the development of per-
sonality and of institutional organization, together with a studv of the
method by which environmental pressures direct habit formation.

Mr. Charles E. Lively, instructor in the department of sociology,
will spend the summer in a community study of the relationship between
types of agriculture and the social life of the community. This study
is expected to extend over two summers and is being made under the
joint supervision of Professor Galpin of the United States Department
of Agriculture and Professor Bernard of the department of sociology.

University of Missouri

Professor Carl C. Taylor has resigned as associate professor of
sociology at this university to become head of the department of agri-
cultural economics in the North CaroUna College of Agricultural and
Mechanical Arts at Raleigh, N. C.

Professor EUwood's book, The Social Problem, will be translated into
Chinese by Professor Kenneth Duncan, professor of economics in
Canton Christian College, Canton.

University of North Carolina

Readers of the Journal will recall the spring announcement from the
university of the enlargement of the department of rural social science
under the direction of Dr. E. C. Branson, to include Assistant Professor
Hobbes, with Miss Noa and Miss Smeades assisting in the work of the
rural social science laboratory. The pubUcations of this department
have made a very definite contribution to the literature of the subject,
and the efforts of Dr. Branson have contributed largely to the develop-
ment of the new School of PubHc Welfare.

Then came the announcement that the Board of Trustees had
authorized the establishment of a School of Public Welfare. Dr.
Howard W. Odum was elected director of this school and Kenan
Professor of Sociology, and with Dr. Branson, and other colleagues, began
to work out plans for a very definite and enlarged program of university
work and state service. This program will include a fourfold plan of

NEWS AND NOTES 233

emphasizing the teaching of sociology and the social sciences in the
regular university curriculum; a training school for social work; efforts
toward adequate service to communities through social engineering;
and university and social research and publication.

In the pursuance of the second purpose, namely, the training of
social workers, the university will place the emphasis upon rural, town,
and village workers. The American Red Cross has co-operated and will
continue for a time a program of co-operation. In the selection of
instructors the university has again been fortunate in obtaining Professor
A. H. Burnett for community organization and Mary A. Burnett as
supervisor of field work and lecturer on family case work.

Another announcement of importance from the University of North
Carolina is the selection of Dr. J. F. Steiner as professor of social tech-
nology in their new School of Public Welfare. Dr. Steiner will begin
his work in the winter quarter of the university, and becomes one of the
outstanding additions to that university's original program of public
welfare and social research. To his adequate university training and
experience. Dr. Steiner brings an unusually valuable experience in the
practical fields of social work, education for professional social work,
and administrative work as National Educational Director of the
American Red Cross.

The first special efifort of the School of Public Welfare resulted in the
summer institutes for pubHc welfare in which more than fifty full-time
students enrolled. Among these were some twenty-five county super-
intendents of public welfare in North Carolina, twenty of whom remained
through the entire Institute prepared for them. An outstanding feature
of the institutes was the participation by the state commissioner of
public welfare and his staff, thus co-ordinating university and state
department closely.

In its unusual and large program President Chase has followed up
his initiative in getting the school estabhshed with continuous support
and foresight; State Commissioner Beasley of Raleigh has shown a
remarkable and well-guided enthusiasm, remaining the entire time of the
institutes with his force and helping direct its work; the aUied depart-
ments of community music, folk-drama, economics, commerce, govern-
ment, and others offer strong courses; and the state at large seems
willing to enter into an expanding program of public welfare, making
possible for the university a place of its own in the teaching of the social
sciences and the promotion of public welfare work.

234 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Oberlin College
Professor Herbert A. Miller sailed for Europe in January to study
conditions in the new Mid-European republics. In Czecho-Slovakia he
was the guest of President Masaryk, with whom he was associated in
the work of the Mid-European Union. In Vienna, Professor Miller
had a conference with Professor Sigmund Freud, who expressed interest
in the application of his principles of psychoanalysis in sociological
thinking in the United States. After a tour of Hungary, Roumania,
and Serbia, Professor Miller will return to this country to resume his
college work.

Ohio State University
Dr. F. E. Lumley, of Butler College, has accepted the position of
assistant professor of sociology. Mr. W. E. Gettys has resigned to go
to Tulane University.

Spokane University
Mr. James G. Patrick has been appointed to take charge of the
department of social science which will be reorganized and include
courses in sociology, political science, and economics.

Washington University
Dr. Walter B. Bodenhafer, assistant professor of sociology in the
University of Kansas, has been appointed associate professor in this
institution and will have charge of the work in sociology.

Tulane University

Announcement is made of the organization of a department of
sociology and school of social science. Dr. E. B. Renter, formerly of
Goucher College, has accepted the chair of sociology and has been
appointed director of the school of social science. Professor R. J.
Colbert, director of Educational Service of the Gulf Division of the
American Red Cross, was elected to the chair of social technology.
Mr. Warren E. Gettys, of Ohio State University, was appointed instruc-
tor in social technology. Dr. A. W. Hayes, who completed the work
for his doctor's degree at the University of Wisconsin, has been selected
instructor in rural sociology and rural organization.

One of the interesting features of this staff and the development of
the work here is the understanding with which these men have been
selected. Each will give half-time to the teaching, and the remainder

NEWS AND NOTES 235

of his time will be devoted to the building up of teaching material and
research work. Through experience it was found necessary to make
provision for the collecting and organizing of teaching material related
directly to the situation and the condition of the South. The findings
of this research work will be made available to sociologists throughout
the country who have had little opportunity in the past to obtain
sociological data and teaching material upon the southern situation.

The development of this department of sociology, together with
the creation of a chair in economics, marks the development of a new
epoch in the southern universities. Social science has been practically
undeveloped in southern schools, and as a result the southern oppor-
tunities which require sociological and economic training are usually
awarded to students who come from the North and East. The develop-
ment of this work will open a larger opportunity to southern young
men and women, and at the same time will stimulate interest in the
South in sociological and economic problems.

University of Wisconsin
Professor E. A. Ross has been granted leave of absence for the
first semester of 1920-21. Associate Professor William H. Kiekhofer
has been promoted to a full professorship.

University of Washington
Professor R. D. McKenzie, of the University of West Virginia, has
accepted the position of associate professor of sociology in the department
here. Professor McKenzie will develop the work in the appUed field.
During the summer he gave courses in community organization.

University of West Virginia
Mr. George E. Hartman, of the University of Chicago, has been
appointed assistant professor of sociology to fill the vacancy created
by the resignation of Professor Roderick D. McKenzie, who goes to the
University of Washington.

Doctoral Dissertation
Elizabeth Pinney Hunt, A.B., A.M., Bryn Mawr, has selected the
subject, "Prenatal and Maternity Care in Relation to the State," for
her doctor's thesis in sociology. In pursuit of this investigation, Mrs.
Hunt will study the situation in Europe in 1920-21, and during the year
will be in residence at the University of Stockholm.

REVIEWS

The Source and Aim of Human Progress. By Boris Sidis. Boston:
Richard G. Badger, 1919. Pp. 63. $1.50.

The main thesis of Professor Sidis' work is, in his own words, that
"the source and aim of true human progress are the cultivation and
development of man's self-ruling, rational, free individuality." The
corollary to this thesis is stated in his answer on how to overcome all of
the great obstacles to human progress, "human sufferings, virulent
mental epidemics, and other severe social maladies." His reply is
that there is only one possible scientific answer based upon biology,
sociology, and social psychology, namely: "Fortify the resistance of
the individual by freedom of individuality and by the full development
of personality. Immunize the individual against social, mental plagues
by the full development of his rational reflective self, controlling the
suggestible, automatic subconscious with its reflex consciousness. Put
no barriers to man's self-expression, lay no chains on man, put no
taboos on the human spirit."

The whole spirit of this interesting work fraternizes strikingly with
the spirit of such a book as Brooks Adams ' Theory of Social Revolutions.
In one sense it is distinctly pessimistic — in its emphasis upon mob sug-
gestibility, the prevalence of fear taboos, the hysteria of war, the reversion
of society to primitive types, the crushing influence of institutionalizing,
fear of over-legislation and government. While Professor Sidis ascribes
the impetus to this book to his master, William James, he might well
have added also a more or less unconscious inspiration and impetus from
Herbert Spencer, for although Spencer's name is kept in the background
his spirit is certainly present throughout the book.

While the author's emphasis is constantly upon the function of the
individual in his contrasting of mass and class, and in his depreciation
of mere bigness and boosting, yet it is not an apology of the crasser sort
for the superman, a la Nietzsche. It is primarily a demand for members
of a social order who have learned to inhibit their lower emotional and
suggestible selves in order to give freer play to the selective, critical
"voice and will" centers, an individualism that is not stifled by social
suppression, an individualism that can hold fast its faith against the

236

REVIEWS 237

"hysterical convulsions of mob-frenzies" or the "maniacal, nationalistic
excitement with fixed paranoidal delusions of national grandeur, demo-
niacal obsessions of world-dominion, resulting in homicidal and suicidal
world-wars."

The second part of the book and the part which probably meets more
nearly the crying need of these postbellum times includes the sections
given over to upholding the value of freedom of opinion. The true
value of an opinion, the author says, is not so much in its truth as in its
freedom. The reviewer takes the same attitude. While he does not
agree with either all the applications of biology and psychology, nor
with all of the obiter dicta which are voiced in this book, he has felt a
distinct stimulus of thought from it, and appreciates the freshness with
which the author's opinions and scientific convictions are stated.

Arthur J. Todd
Chicago

The Philosophy of Conflict and Other Essays in War Time. By
Havelock Ellis. Boston: The Houghton Mifflin Co., 1919.
Pp. vi4-299. $2.50.
This collection of essays offers still further proof of the author's
versatility. They cover a wide range of subjects, but while they differ
on the score of profundity and length, all are marked by the same
brilliancy of style and encyclopedic knowledge to which we have grown
accustomed in this stimulating EngUshman. Some of the essays cover
a field of belles lettres somewhat remote from the social technician's
everyday world, but the larger number of them are well within the scope
of either theoretical or applied sociology. The title essay is by no
means the best in the series, nor to the reviewer does it appear that the
half-dozen essays treating more or less of the subject of war and civiliza-
tion seem to measure up with those relating to the biological aspects of
society with which we have associated the author's name for so long.
Thus the essays on "Eugenics in Relation to the War," "Birth Control
and Eugenics," "The Mind of Woman," "Equal Pay for Equal Work,"
" Psycho- Analysis in Relation to Sex," attain the highest mark in the
whole volume, for they really add both new material and fresh, stimu-
lating points of view to previous discussions of these subjects. For
sheer pleasure, however, should be recommended the essay on the great
South American man of letters, Rodo, for both this Latin genius and his
English reviewer challenge to a certain extent the complacency of our
North American utilitarian Ufe. This might be summarized in the

238 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

quotation of a single sentence. " If it can be said that Utilitarianism is
the Word of the English spirit, then the United States is the Word made
flesh." From the point of view of the restlessness of a world in
throes of reconstruction, there is a challenge to ponder Ellis' dictum
(p. 33) that " the great wars of history are ambiguous for the most part,
but when any meaning emerges, the moral is clear to see: Woe to the
victors!" This book is attractively printed with only here and there a
slip in proofreading and should prove valuable not only for general
public consumption but also as collateral reading in courses on social
conflict or the family.

Arthur J. Todd
Chicago

Thoughts of a Psychiatrist on the War and After. By William
A. White, M.D. New York: Paul B. Hoeber, 1919. Pp.
X + 137. $1.75.

The nature of this collection of popular essays on war and its social
aftermath is well indicated by its title. Culture-immaturity, the
struggle between the individual and the group, war and the social conse-
quences of war are given a psychoanalytic interpretation. War is both
good and bad. It releases primitive animal impulses. It serves also
as "the preliminary process of rejuvenescence." With it comes social
rebirth and introduction to a new line of progress. War always will
be with us unless in some way we discover a rational method of sublimat-
ing the hate instinct as it arises between nations.

The brevity of the book will make it difficult for readers unacquainted
with psychoanalytic literature. If it leads some of these into the more
extended discussions of the psychology of war it will accomplish what
doubtless was the purpose of the author.

Ernest R. Groves

New Hampshire College

The Economic Consequences of the Peace. By John Maynard

Keynes. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920.

Pp. 298. $2.50.

The prime importance of this book (now in its thirtieth thousand

and under wide discussion) consists not merely in the authoritative

positions held by the writer. As fellow of King's College, Cambridge,

editor of the Economic Journal, director during the war of financial

relations with the AUies, and later member of the Supreme Economic

REVIEWS 239

Council, he has been in a position to write with rare insight of the eco-
nomic conditions of Europe and consequences of the Peace Treaty. Nor
does the importance of the book arise from its unusually keen and open-
minded analysis of present conditions in Europe. The prime importance
of the work consists in its vivid sense of the growing moral and economic
solidarity of the world, and particularly of Europe and its detailed
search for a sound economic basis on which a peace settlement can
really be made, in view of that solidarity.

Through the seven chapters — Introductory, "Europe before the
War," "The Conference," "The Treaty," "Reparation," "Europe after
the Treaty," and "Remedies," Mr. Keynes relentlessly and fairly pur-
sues the questions : What has really been done to right the war wrongs ?
What are the defects of these efforts ? and What must be done to settle
the issues fairly and really ?

His delineations of the characters and circumstances of the chief
actors at the Peace Council are picturesque, brilliant, and probably
about as accurate as the conclusions of any close observer can be expected
to be at the present time. He holds that Clemenceau insisted on a
Carthaginian peace against Germany, as in a perpetual prize fight of
European history, and states that his own "purpose in the book is to
show that the Carthaginian peace is not practically right or possible."
He holds that in this policy Clemenceau, backed by the reactionary
forces of the hour, won nearly all of his main points, which will have to
be undone or revised. Lloyd George, he holds, was forced by an unfor-
tunate poUtical situation in England, and against his better natural
inclinations, into a somewhat similar position of untenable extreme
measures. And Wilson, he claims, was in Paris to do nothing that
was not just and right, as indicated by the "fourteen points," but was
without a sufl&ciently detailed constructive poUcy or sufficiently experi-
enced advisers (barring a few exceptions).

The interesting remedies for the present serious European situation,
which Mr. Keynes convincingly sets forth, are in brief as follows: (i) A
revision of the treaty should be made to provide a possible indemnity
for Germany, and to include the Reparation Commission in the League
of Nations. By the present terms, Mr. Keynes holds that the Germans
would be required to pay the impossible sum of $40,000,000,000, which
should be reduced to $10,000,000,000, in the interest of the actual
resuscitation of Europe. On the shoulders of those who approve this,
he says, the burden of detailed proof rests. (2) A free trade union
should be established for Europe under the auspices of the League of

240 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Nations. (3) All inter-ally indebtedness should be immediately can-
celed. (4) The pressing needs of Europe for food and business revival
should be met at once by an international loan under adequate security
by some method of organization that will prevent graft in any sense.
(5) Russia must be given a chance to get on her feet again as well as
Germany, if for no other reason than to prevent the wider spread of
chaos through a union of radically revolutionary forces in Central

E"^«P"- C. J. BUSHNELL

Toledo Unr^ersity

A National System of Education. By Walter Scott Athearn.
New York: George H. Doran Co., 1920. Pp.132. $1.50.

This book should be read by everyone interested in the complete
education of American youth. The author beUeves that America must
have an American education which is thoroughly spiritual as well as
technical. Because of the division of state and church, there is the
necessity of both a pubUc-school system and a reUgious-education
system. The scheme for both the pubUc education and the reUgious
education is thoroughly worked out in this book. With wonderful
clearness the author points out how the pubUc schools first grew up
spontaneously to meet parish needs; second, how they were copied after
the German scheme, a scheme which was devised to dethrone democracy
and enthrone subservience to autocracy; and third, how the pubHc
schools are gradually throwing off these shackles and developing an
American system with democratic attitudes and ideals as the goal of
education.

The author also graphically portrays the development of church
education from the beginning of United States history, shows how it has
been organized and promoted, and gives the scheme which he thinks will
adequately serve the nation in this hour of great need.

The virile approach of this book is much enhanced by the graphic
charts which picture the actual development of both the pubUc-school
system and the church-school systems. T A 4 m

University of Chicago

Educational Sociology. By William Estabrook Chancellor.
New York: The Century Co., 1919. Pp. xii+422. $2.25.
Chancellor has been known in the field of education for nearly a
score of years as a very clever writer. Here in the field of sociology he
is in his usual style: always original and often brilliant.

REVIEWS 241

His system of social theory has little in common with any other that
has ever been put into print. Part I, "Social Movements," comprises
seventeen chapters, some with familiar titles such as "Public Opinion"
and "Social Solidarity," but others with such novel headings as "Public
Opinion in City and Country," "The Rules of the Game," "Social
Gatherings," and "The Rise ond Fall of the Individual Great Man."
Part II, "Social Institutions," selects these twelve for a chapter each:
state, property, family, church, school, occupation, charity, amusement,
art, science, business, and war. Part III, "Social Measurement,"
has a chapter on "The Social Survey of a Community," but the other
six chapters are rather a comparative study of institutions.

The title is misleading. Only two of the thirty-seven chapters treat
of education, while the others rarely mention it or have any obvious
connection with it. But every page bristles with epigrams or striking
facts, so that one may dip into the book an3rwhere and become interested.

F. R. Clow
State Normal School

OsHKosH, Wis.

Seventeenth-Century Life in the Country Parish, with Special Refer-
ence to Local Government. By Eleanor Trotter. Cam-
bridge: Cambridge University Press, 191 9. Pp.242. 10s.

Students of England in the seventeenth century are accustomed to
devote their attention largely to revolutionary movements and consti-
tutional changes. Ultimately these have had a profound effect upon the
whole Anglo-Saxon race. But, according to Miss Trotter, "the machin-
ery for administration of the laws and the maintenance of peace was so
decentralized that the life of the average man flowed on undisturbed."

The author does not give us an intimate picture of this "life of the
average man," but she does outline in an interesting fashion the more
formal aspects of parish life. Churchwardens, Anglican priest, over-
seers of the poor, petty constable, surveyor and justice of the peace are
treated at some length, as are laborers and apprentices, rogues and
vagabonds. A single chapter is devoted to the "social life of the village
community."

One gathers from the whole discussion the hopeful view that, having
weathered the seventeenth-century storm, the Enghsh-speaking world
at least may survive the terrors of the twentieth century.

Stuart A. Queen
Simmons College

242 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Labor in the Changing World. By R. M. MacIver. New York:
E. P. Dutton & Co., 1919. Pp. 230. $2.00.
This is an indictment of the present industrial system on the follow-
ing charges: first, waste in the form of unemployment, labor turnover,
antagonism, and strikes; second, the fact that labor is treated as a com-
modity rather than as a personality; third, the loss of interest of wage-
earners in any part of the process of production since the introduction
of machinery has taken away the craft requirements and skill. On the
basis of this indictment, a plea is made for an industrial democracy
that will make production the common interest of wage-earners and
capitalists, that will mean a business management in which labor partici-
pates, that will make labor feel like a partner rather than a hireling,
that will treat labor as personality and consequently make the welfare
of those who produce the first interest. Such an industrial democracy
would be in the form of industrial unionism, shop stewards, labor legis-
lation, and a labor party. Apparently the purpose of the program is to
bring labor and capital together so that they can understand each other
rather than to offer a ready-made solution of the conflict between wages
and profits. The book is a very satisfactory popular presentation of a
thesis which is not new but deserves a great deal of attention.

E. H. SUTHERL.VND
University of Illinois

The Problems of Labor. By Daniel Bloomfield. New York:
The H. W. Wilson Co., 1920. Pp. xxi+436. $1 .80.
The nature of this work is clearly stated in the introductory note:
"The aim of this volume is to present a useful and well-organized body
of material dealing with the principal topics in what we have commonly
learned to style the labor problem." The material is selected from
current publications of a popular or semipopular nature. By virtue
of a wide selection of readings, varied and even extreme points of view
are presented. This is one of the commendable points in the volume
inasmuch as these points of view, whether correct or false, are conditions
with which the student of labor must reckon. The selection and organi-
zation of these articles is made from the point of view of the personnel
administrator. It is the purpose of the volume to provide a basis of
information for the practical administrator of personnel relations. The
selections are grouped about the following general topics: causes of
friction and unrest, cost of living, methods of compensation, tenure of

REVIEWS 243

employment, trade unionism, labor disputes and adjustment, limitation
of output, industrial insurance, housing, methods of promoting industrial
peace, occupational hygiene, women in industry.

This should prove a convenient handbook to all persons interested
in matters of personnel administration.

R. W. Stone

GoucHER College

r

The Turnover of Factory Labor. By Sumner H. Slighter. With
an Introduction by John R. Commons. New York: D. Apple-
ton & Co., 1919. Pp. xiv+460. $3.00.

The study of labor turnover is probably the most important develop-
ment that has been made during the present generation in the field of
labor problems. Dr. Slichter has produced the first comprehensive
book on this subject. He has rendered a distinct service by collecting the
scattered materials, adding to them the results of his own extensive
investigations, and making an unusually keen analysis of the whole thing.

The study is made from the point of view of scientific management
and is distinctly limited to that. The author explicitly avoids the
question of unemployment in its relation to labor turnover, as well as
the broad social policies, such as home ownership, which might have
a relation to labor turnover. He limits his study to the factory. His
question is. How can the rapid shifting of the labor force be reduced?
His answer is, By scientific management in handling labor. By this
answer he means that the relations between employers and employees
must be put on a scientific basis. An employment department must be
organized, wages must be based on merit, etc. Perhaps the most
important point he makes in this connection is his emphasis on the
necessity of considering the broader interests of labor. But no provision
is made in this scheme for collective bargaining or any representation
of labor in the determination of wages or promotion.

The study of the causes of labor turnover is made from the same point
of view. This is the least satisfactory part of the book. The informa-
tion was secured by asking men why they resigned, or by taking the
reasons given by bosses and superintendents at the time of discharge.
The author recognizes that this is but an approximation to the truth.
But even if the employees or the bosses try to answer truthfully it is
doubtful if they could give the information that is needed. There
must be a careful "case study" before the causes of labor turnover are
understood, and no superficial explanation in terms of more or less

244 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

plausible excuses of men who are resigning will serve as a basis either
for the construction of labor policies in a factory or of the broader social
policies.

There are some detailed questions regarding the definition and
expression of labor turnover that may be raised. It is questionable
whether labor turnover ought not be defined as replacements rather
than separations if it is to be considered from the point of view of scien-
tific management; it may be readily admitted that from the broader
social point of view it ought to be defined as separations. It is question-
able also whether absenteeism ought not to be taken into account in the
expression of labor turnover, as Paul H. Douglas has suggested {American
Econo7nic Review, June, 1919, p. 402). It is questionable, also, whether
there ought not to be an attempt made to determine the conditions in
which labor turnover may be considered desirable, in contrast with the
conditions in which it is undesirable.

E. H. Sutherland

University of Illinois

The Joke About Housing. By Charles Harris Whitaker.
Boston: Marshall Jones Co., 1920. Pp. vii+234. $2.00.

Mr. Whi taker's book on The Joke About Housing is a serious work
and it is to be regretted that the title is not in harmony with the earnest,
far-reaching interpretation of the causes of the housing problem in
America and its effects upon health, industry, and the whole mechanism
of community development.

This book is symptomatic of a new tendency in America toward
a constructive policy in housing reform. It indicates a reaUzation of
the social significance of housing as affecting the whole of the popula-
tion of the United States, rather than an effort to bring about by restricting
building regulations the improvement of the living conditions of a minor-
ity of the population who have become the victims of slum life. The
Joke About Housing deals mainly with the relation of our land policies of
ownership, land values, and land control, and the effect these policies
had, not alone upon the freedom of land use in the development of
adequate housing provisions, but in the tribute that land exacts from
industry in the form of wages and from labor in depreciation of wage
values.

The fundamental principles of land control advanced by the author
are not new nor startling. The method of presentation, however, is not
only novel and interesting but brings forth angles of vision of the land

REVIEWS 245

problem in relation to housing that so far have not been touched upon in
housing literature of America, although England has crystallized much
of this theory into actual legislation. The style in which the book is
written should make this book one of the most popular works on housing,
as it is replete with touches of keen humor and sharp sarcasm that help
bring into striking relief the main issues dealt with.

Like all books devoted to the presentation and emphasis of one
fundamental idea the work suffers from lack of perspective in so far as
its use as a work upon which a thoroughly constructive housing program
could be built. While land is fundamental to all housing, the economics
of housing cannot be limited within the sphere of land economics alone.
The housing problem, however, will never be solved without a full
recognition of the principles advanced by Mr. Whitaker.

The appendixes contain several interesting articles on housing
which serve to back Mr. Whitaker's theories. The only one of real
value, however, is the essay by Mr. Robert Anderson Pope, which
presents a valuable analysis of housing and town planning in relation to
the development of a new social order. This analysis is both original
and scholarly.

Carol Aronovici

San Francisco

An Introduction to Social Ethics; The Social Conscience in a Democ-
racy. By John M. Mecklin. Harcourt, Brace and Howe,
1920. Pp. ix4-440. $3.00.
The outstanding excellence of this book is that, from beginning to
end, it keeps the reader in contact with actual processes of moral valua-
tion. Ethical judgments in the making are the subject-matter con-
sidered from many angles. It is impossible either to prove or to disprove
that this, that, or the other scheme of moral value was launched into this
world out of some other world; and that it has authority "independent
of experience," to use the Kantian phrase. Modern incredulity about
such supposed origins of moral principles has resulted much less from
formal argument about the subject than from perception, whether by
the learned or the unlearned, that wherever we can actually trace out
the antecedents of moral judgments they have been fabricated just as
we have fabricated pottery or textiles or revenue bills. They have been
the best attempts of the authors to adapt themselves to the conditions
of adjustment in the given case. After we have found this out in a few

246 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

actual instances it becomes increasingly difficult to entertain the hypothe-
sis that moral judgments have ever been formed in any different way,
psychologically, from the ways in which we have seen them forming.
That is the soul of modernism as contrasted with authoritarianism.

To men who have reached this point of view morals can no longer
seem a superimposition upon life. Ethics is life at the best we have
found in it reduced to formal expression. The great adventure is the
testing out of moral values. The vindication of a moraUty is its release
of human resource for completer realization. Morality therefore turns
out to be merely one of the names which men of somewhat different
minds have given to the standards of life which they would regard as
ideal. We are all after that Hfe-program which would satisfy the con-
ditions of the human lot as we conceive it. To some it would be synony-
mous with "holiness," to others it would be "freedom," to others
"democracy," etc. Whatever the type of human relations turns out
to be that ultimately convinces men, it will have the commonplace
content that it orders the relations of human beings to one another so
as to reduce their interferences with one another to a minimum and so
as to raise their helpfulness to one another to the maximum. But this
is the desideratum of all positive ethics, and its process tends more and
more to become avowed and unashamed social experimentation.

Professor Mecklin's book, like every other that is vital, contains
many provocations to controversy, but from beginning to end it moves
in a healthy atmosphere. It leads the reader into large room. It
brings him into circuit with the essential process of knowing good and
evil. It is an educative book, not a package of predigested dogmas.
Its spirit may be sampled in one of the closing paragraphs:

The ultimate bond of the democracy of the future cannot be eternal
principles of right embodied in a code of laws; it cannot be the selfish ties of
business; it cannot be the coercive force of government and police control.
The only enduring basis upon which a free people can rest their political
loyalties is the conscious and reasoned conviction of the average man. The
democracy of the future must be more than a body of laws, more than a social
or political program; it must also be a faith, a loyalty. For, after all, the

creative and forward looking elements in human life are our faiths

To state the problem in psychological terms, we must secure in some fashion
an effective organization of the sentiments of the average man around those
comprehensive pohtical and moral values lying at the core of the democratic

ideal [pp. 435-37]-

Albion W. Small
University of Chicago

REVIEWS 247

» Social Theory. By G. D. H. Cole. Fellow of Magdalen College,
Oxford. New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co., 1920. Pp.220.
$1.50.

This is truly an exceptional book. It goes far toward vindicating
the rash hope of a few super-sanguine American scholars that eventually
Oxford, yea possibly Harvard, may discover what has been going on
since the middle eighteen-seventies in the minds of American sociologists.
The publishers inform us that false doctrine need no longer delude, for
a prophet with a new truth has arisen at Oxford, and his book has already
been adopted as a text at Harvard. We open the volume with reverence
and fear. We wish to be devout in the presence of new truth, yet we
tremble at the prospect of blinding revelation. What the effect may be
up>on Oxford or Harvard vision we are unable to state, but after the
experiment of facing the demonstration we are in a position to assure
normal readers that we have issued from the ordeal without insufferable
enlightenment.

The substance of this "new" doctrine turns out to be the inflam-
matory thesis that "relations of a man to the state do not furnish the
whole, or even the greater part of his social existence " (p. 4). Inasmuch
as this idea has been remaking social science since Treitschke supposed
he had strangled it a-borning before i860, and inasmuch as multitudes
of people who have had their schooling in the United States since 1900
would be hard to convince that anyone ever had a different thought, the
author need have no fear that his doctrine will be received as a stranger
and an alien upon our shores.

To function as a shock-absorber, to break the force of sudden colli-
sion with the "new" truth, the second chapter is devoted to elucidation
of seven words, viz.: "community," "society," "customs," "institu-
tions," "associations," "members," and "purposes." In this case
again the seed need not waste itself upon sterile soil. Since Professor
Sumner begain in 1874 to make Yale students acquainted with Spencer's
version of facts to which these names have been applied, the number of
Americans who annually learn about them, quite Ukely in more critical
terms than these seven, and with more coherent exposition of them, has
grown to thousands. Should fulsome advertising call the book to their
attention, the reaction of the majority might conceivably be that of
Oliver Twist — demand for a more satisfying portion.

In elaborating his novel version of Western society the author makes
use of a bibUography of some forty titles. Of these, with a single
exception, not one might be successfully impeached on the ground of an

248 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

American taint in its origin. This is well. Otherwise ingenuous
American youth might fall under the illusion that Oxford notices Ameri-
can books. In spite of the fact that since 1883 Americans have been
developing a literature which has brought to light much social reality
that had previously been hid, and although it has long been a relatively
belated American college in which the essentials of human association
have not been analyzed with a creditable degree of competence, there
is still room for a conspectus of the most commonplace sociological
generalizations adapted to the comprehension of the youngest beginners.
If teachers welcome the announcement of this book in the hope that it
has met this want, they will be disappointed. It certainly does not fill
any other gap.

From a first glance one receives the impression that the book has
reduced profundities laboriously fathomed by many men to a simplicity
of expression which had not previously been achieved. Further atten-
tion shows that the discussion is not aimed at a single public. At one
step it appears to be addressed to children. A moment later it falls
into a manner appropriate only in discussion with philosophers or
seasoned politicians. In neither case does it "have the punch." Still
closer inspection detects passages which might almost serve as samples of
the sort of composition which deliberately exaggerates sententiousness
into nonsense. On the whole candor compels the report that the author
has brewed a few famiHar concepts and some scattered observation
into a turgidity against which adequate famiUarity with the sociological
analyses of the past two decades and a consistently observed purpose
might have been a protection.

Albion W. Small

University of Chicago

National Evolution. By George R. Davies. Chicago: A. C.
McClurg & Co., 1919. Pp. xii+159. $0.75.

This little volume is a condensed treatment of social evolution or
social progress, with the emphasis upon its economic features. In the
first of its four chapters the author discusses the elements — especially
economic — of social evolution, such as the estabhshment of the principle
of private property, the centralization and integration of capital, and
their culmination in the nations of ancient history.

Under the title "Christian Civilization" he considers Western civili-
zation as the direct evolution from the Roman Empire, the cultural
movement being Christianity. He traces the evolution of Christianity

REVIEWS 249

from the Hebrew civilization; its solidification in the papal empire and
its evolution through the Reformation ; Puritanism, with its Calvinistic
theology; its spread through the rise and domination of English power,
under which arose a new aristocracy of money — of commercial and
factory properties; the changes of the nineteenth century, bringing in
the rise of Germany through centralized organization and specialization;
and finally American democracy based upon individualism.

The chapter on "Modern Capitalism" is an attempt to condense the
fundamental principles of economic laws in regard to capital into forty-
six pages and of course is technical and crowded.

Under '* National Progress" the author calls attention to the neces-
sity of rebuilding the nation on the basis of competitive service and the
socialization of society instead of private ownership of capital properties.

This brief, concise work is on the whole sound and constructive and
will be of special value to the reader whose time is limited.

G. S. Dow

Baylor University

Modern Science and Materialism. By Hugh Elliot. London:
Longmans, Green & Co., 1919. Pp. iv+211. $3.00.

It is difl5cult not to be unjust to Modern Science and Materialism.
Its science is above reproach and occupies the center of the author's
interest and the bulk of the book. The attitude of the modern scientist
toward the physical universe has been represented with the perfect
faithfulness and profound, detailed knowledge of a member of the cult.
Beginning with a frank acceptance of "scientific agnosticism," of "a
philosophy .... strictly based on facts " the author proceeds through
the greater portion of the book to develop the cosmology of telescope
and microscope. The problems, he finds, are: (i) the material structure
of the universe; (2) the constitution of matter; (3) life and conscious-
ness. These problems are treated convincingly; they can be unquali-
fiedly recommended to any reader who is interested in a bird's-eye view
of modern astromomy, physics, and biology.

But it is impossible to say more of the author's "materialism" than
that it is what physical science always is when it attempts to substitute
itself for life. Granted that one's views should be strictly based on facts,
but what are facts ? Let us waive the author's omissions. Sociologists
may, perhaps, wonder whether the philosophy of life need contain no
reference to the facts of social organization and intercourse; theirs is
very likely a narrow and sectarian interest.

25© THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

It is the quality, not the identity, of the microscopic fact that gives
offense. What are the facts of science? Conventions, says Poincare;
metaphysical entities, says Russell; preconceptions, says Veblen. In
other words they are very like the ordinary facts of life — like the season's
crop of profiteers and presidential nominees. There is nothing magical
about them except the regard in which they are held.

The presumption is that life contains many things, some reduced to

" science " and some not. " The majority of philosophers hold that there

are other means to knowledge besides those of natural science" (p. 135).

Quite so.

C. E. Ayres

Amherst College

Sovietism: The A B C of Russian Bolshevism According to the

Bolshevists. By William English Walling. New York:

E. P. Dutton & Co., 1920. Pp. ix+220. $2.00.

This book does well what it engages to do, viz., sift such evidence as is

available from bolshevist sources in order to give the general pubUc an

authentic account of what the bolshevists themselves think bolshevism

is. Mr. Walling has little sympathy with the men, hke Alonzo E. Taylor,

WilUam C. Bullitt, Raymond Robins, and their kind, who virtually

assume that bolshevism is to be judged by its Utopian hopes rather than

by its works and their total effects. He assumes on the contrary that

the judgments of value which leading bolshevists have advertised are

so repugnant to most Western minds that it is needless to wait for their

refutation by the logic of events before condemning them. The book

should do much as an antiseptic against the bolshevist poison.

Albion W. Small

Univeesity of Chicago

New Towns after the War: An Argument for Garden Cities. By
New Townsmen. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 19 19.
$0.60.

A brilliant statement of the housing situation in England with an
epigrammatic analysis of the remedies that might be applied should
English conservatism be bold enough to realize the dangers that super-
urbanism presents.

The book is mainly a plea for the distribution of population, the
creation of garden cities with limitations upon populational growth, and

REVIEWS 251

the decentralization of industry in order to bring workers in closer
contact with rural life and rural resources for normal living.

The garden cities of the Lctchworth type are held before the reader
as the most successful experiment in the creation of new cities, and
various methods of financing including co-operative methods, industrial
financing, and government subsidy are advocated.

This small booklet, emanating from some friend or friends of the

English Garden City movement, despite its brevity and somewhat

propagandistic character, states clearly many of the recognized causes

of our confused methods of municipal engineering and suggests practical

solutions, which in the end are bound to find recognition in the city

building efforts of both England and America.

Carol Aronovici
San Francisco

Inbreeding and Outbreeding: Their Genetic and Sociological Sig-
nificance. By Edwin M. East, Ph.D., and Donald F.
Jones, Sc.D. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1919.
Pp. 285. $2.50.

The first eleven chapters of this monograph consist of conclusions
carefully arrived at inductively, from much data observed by the authors
and others. The conclusion is presented that inbreeding is not in itself
harmful (p. 139). It produces unfavorable results only when it un-
covers undesirable recessive characters and tends to build up a homozy-
gous type around them. When properly controlled, inbreeding is a
valuable method of purging the stock of unfavorable characters. Any
consequent loss of vigor can be regained by outbreeding with other
favorable qualities (p. 140). On the basis of these findings the aboUtion
of laws against the marriage of first cousins is suggested (p. 235). The
conclusions set forth in the last two chapters with regard to the breeding
of people of superior ability and the control of race intermixture on a
biological basis are more tentative and possibly will be open to more
objection. The authors hold that exceptional ability, although defined
as "skill in accomplishment" (p. 232), is hereditary rather than environ-
mental in its origin. They assert: "The hereditary factors which
contribute toward the possibility of genius are numerous. Only occa-
sionally is the proper combination brought together" (pp. 233-34), but
they admit that "no one knows what the component parts of these
desirable qualities are, or can distinguish by external traits the individual
who carries them" (p. 234). They explain adventitious genius on the

252 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

assumption of chance combinations of unrecognized traits of ability
widely scattered throughout the race (p. 235). They even assert that
this is the chief source of genius (p. 244). To all of this the sociologist
with an environmental bias may answer that until the biologists produce
data instead of assumptions based on analogy in support of their con-
clusions, Lester F. Ward's arguments {Applied Sociology) have as much
evidence back of them as these.

In regard to the crossing of races they say: "The hybridization of
extremes is undesirable because of the improbability of regaining the
merits of the originals, yet hybridization of somewhat nearly related
races is almost a prerequisite to rapid progress, for from such hybridi-
zation comes that moderate amount of variability which presents the
possibiUty of the super-individual, the genius" (p. 263). Thus they
would oppose the intermingUng biologically of white, black, and yellow
races, but they would urge the interbreeding of peoples of Western
Europe and the United States, including the Jews.

L. L. Bernard

UNrVERSITY OF MINNESOTA

German Social Democracy during the War. By Edwyn Bevan.
New York: E. P. Button & Co., 1919. Pp. x+280. $2.50.

This book gives an interesting and enlightening narrative of the
activities and deUberations of the Social Democratic party from the
beginning of the war to the close of the administration of Chancellor
Michaelis in October, 191 7. The narrative is based on pubUshed docu-
ments, speeches reported in the Social Democratic press, etc. The
attention centers about the spUt in the party — the varying struggle
between the will to support the government and vote war appropriations
and the conviction that Germany and Austria were the aggressors in the
war and, therefore, that the goverment's war policy should be unyield-
ingly opposed. The troublesome minority grows steadily in influence
under an ever-changing leadership, but this growth finds its explanation
in the fact that the masses were worn out by the exactions of the war and
were clamoring for peace. The author, in his Preface, calls attention
to the fact that, with the collapse of Russian opposition on the Eastern
front, this desire for peace changed to enthusiastic support of the gov-
ernment. One notes with interest the characterization of many well-
know party leaders — and their dramatic outbursts against autocratic
military domination.

Robert Fry Clark

Pacific University

REVIEWS 2 S3

Extreme Urgence. By Georges BENOix-LfvY. Paris: L'Asso-
ciation des Cit^s-Jardins, 1920. Pp. 46.

The cost of construction in France has increased to threefold the
pre-war prices, and Mr. Benoit-Levy endeavors to discuss methods
of cost reduction in home building. Unfortunately the emphasis is
placed upon a reduction downward of standards rather than an adjust-
ment of production costs. We are already facing such a situation in the
United States with the result that the compactness of the homes
demanded by increased costs is bound to react upon home life by pro-
ducing a shrinkage in its social as well as in its future economic value.

If a satisfactory relation between wages and rents can only be

maintained by a reduction in the size, character, and quality of the

home the remedy is not to be sought in compromises and devices for

the compact storage of the human family but in the economic system

itself.

Carol Aronovici

San Fr.\ncisco

RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

Durkheim's Contribution to the Reconstruction of Political Theory. — Durkheim's
political theories are based upon the proposal to strengthen the occupational group
at the expense of the economic functions of the state, and to make it the basis of
representation in the law-making body. The state is too slow-moving, incompetent,
and ill-adapted to deal with the highly specialized industrial activities and relations
of the present day. Therefore (i) there is needed an arrangement for dividing the
control of industrial relations between the state and occupational groups. In this
way the evils of bureaucracy can be avoided and expert control of industry secured;
(2) this method would avoid a centralized and all-powerful state and yet secure for
labor a large degree of authority in regulating its own conditions; (3) as Durkheim
would give his occupational groups a corporate organization, his scheme bears a
close similarity to the theory of Gierke, Maitland, and Figgis which would make the
state a union of lesser corporate groups; (4) and finally his notion of the supremacy
of the functional organization of society over the segmentary or territorial organi-
zation is in harmony with Professor Giddings' contention that civilization is charac-
terized by a constantly increasing subordination of the social composition to the
social constitution. Durkheim's political theories constitute in one particular phase
one of the most advanced and most satisfactory of sociological positions in regard
to political and economic problems. — Harry E. Barnes, Political Science Quarterly,
June, ig2o. C. N.

The Principles in Accordance with Which Public Opinion Can Be Formed by the
Church Democratically and Effectively. — Propaganda rules the world; but it is not
the propaganda of the church. Up to the present, perhaps, this has been fortunate,
because the church is only beginning to become truly Christian. The transition from
non-Christian society to Christian society can only be effected by the formation and
guidance of an effective public opinion, because that is the only mechanism by which
conscious social changes are effected. The Christian churches must endeavor to
create an effective Christian public conscience regarding all relations of individuals,
classes, nations, and races. The problem of creating Christian society is essentially
the problem of developing Christian mores, which are the product of public opinion.
The mores of barbarism largely survive among us but they must be replaced by
Christian mores. That means if we want a Christian society, we must capture
public opinion for the Christian program. This public opinion does not imply uni-
formity of opinion — rather one which, requiring unity in essentials, would leave
liberty in nonessentials. This public opinion must not be confused with public
sentiment and popular emotion but is a more or less rational collective judgment.
The principle in accordance with which such public opinion can be formed democrati-
cally and effectively by the church are first, it must be formed under conditions of
freedom; second, it must be formed under conditions of obvious disinterestedness; and
third, it must be intelligent. This means a greater appreciation by the church of
social service. To form and guide public opinion the church may use various agencies
such as oral discussion, the press, and the church school. — Charles A. Ellwood, Reli-
gious Education, April, 1920. R- G. H.

Church School and Public Opinion. — The church school as one of the educational
institutions must raise the question, What is its responsibility in the formation of
public opinion ? The educational psychologists like Dewey and Thorndike tell us
that culturally each generation is at the mercy of its informal and formal education.
If the church of Jesus Christ is the one and only institution openly and frankly com-
mitted to the idealism of Jesus, then the burden of responsibility with reference to

2S4

RECENT LITERATURE 255

the formation of public opinion centered in this idealism rests upon the church school.
There are at least four things the church school needs to do more zealously and in a
more Christian way. The first of these is to rejuvenate the Home Department.
The center of responsibility in all education is the home. The second thing is to
socialize its own curriculum. We are to have not Bible Schools, but schools of religion;
that is, of life. We need to Christianize the attitude toward money and foreigners
and colored people. In the third place there is a big opportunity to form public
opinion through the church school in its worship. The average worship in the church
school is of the individual salvation type and does not develop a social democracy
saturated with the idealism of Jesus.

Finally, more work of a real practical nature needs to be done, not only in our
thinking, but also in our giving, if we would expect a sane and workable practice of
social service and internationalism. We need to develop a public opinion that goes
deeper than philanthropy and charity. Only thus can the church school create such
a public opinion and practice as will eventually Christianize all social, economic,
industrial, national, and international ideals. — Fred L. Brownlee, Religious Educa-
tion, June, 1920. R. G. H.

The Effect of the War on the Chief Factors of Population Changes. — There are
three factors fundamentally concerned in producing changes in the absolute size of the
population in a given area: (i) the birth-rate; (2) the death-rate; (3) the net immi-
gration rate. Of these factors the two first are of the greatest biological interest.
This is true of such political units as France, Prussia, and Bavaria, where in normal
times net immigration makes no significant contribution to the population. The
official statistics show that (i) in the year prior to the beginning of the war the death-
rate of France was at nearly twice as high a level as in any of the other countries dealt
with; (2) in all the countries here dealt with the death-birth ratio in general rises
throughout the war period, i.e., the proportion of deaths to births increased as long
as the war continued. In France it was slightly more than double in 1918 what it
was in 1913. The same was true of Prussia and Bavaria. These states started from
a ver>- different base in 1913, and the relative rise was even greater; (3) in England
this death-birth ratio increase was markedly slower than in any other countries dealt
with; (4) the epidemic of influenza in 1918 seems to have had the greatest effect upon
England and Wales. The biological reactions of the French and Germans in respect
to this most fundamental phenomenon, the death-birth ratio, were essentially the
same, though they started from different pre-war bases. England's biological
reaction to war was much less pronounced, due to the better food conditions and to a
different race psychology from that of the other belligerents. — Raymond Pearl,
Science, June, 1920. C. N.

Om Geniet som Biologisk Problem. — Genius cannot be taught but is determined
in the natural biological process. When the male and female germ-cells meet it is
possible, but not probable, that new values may be created by a new constellation
of the respective chromosomes. The determiners of heredity in the spermatozoa
and egg-cell do not usually combine in the production of wholly new attributes.
Genius can generally not be explained through the common laws of heredity. A
partial e.xplanation has come from an unexpected quarter, namely, the theory of
degeneration which was set forth by Morel as early as 1859. Degeneration is a
much misused word popularly having a derogatorj^ meaning. Degeneration
applies chiefly to the psychical but is also evidenced by certain bodily stigmata
such as anomalies in bone-structure, especially the face and cranium, etc. A sur-
prisingly large number of men of great genius have had serious physical defects.
In the eighties, Lombroso put forth the startling theory that genius, despite its superi-
ority, is closely related to degeneration, the stigmata of which are not to be mistaken.
Nordau and Toulouse have followed Lombroso, the latter regarding genius as a kind
of neurosis. Their generalizations do not seem to apply to all men of genius but
their large collection of evidence seems to confirm the main thesis. In regard to
offspring the relation of genius to degeneration is very apparent. Genius develops
spontaneously its own destruction. A climax or culmination has been reached and
thereafter there is an inevitable downward trend. — S. Laache, Samtiden, June, 1920.

O. B. Y.

256 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Der Nachwuchs der begabten Frauen. — It is not only a commonplace, but is
shown by statistics, that talented men and women have fewer offspring than the
ungifted. The same tendency that prevails among men is evident among women; the
more gifted are less sexually inclined, and do not permit motherhood to interfere with
their other activities. However, in this manner the continuation of the race is left to
those women who have no other capacity. The observation that personal achievement
is always accompanied by reduced sexual tendency among both sexes has, however,
been subject to a twofold interpretation. In the case of man, the fact has simply
been noted as self-evident; in the case of woman, the attitude has been quite different.
All biologists are trying to impress upon woman that it is a crime against the race if
she places the expression of her talents above her maternal function, even though, in
the possession of the former, she is not naturally inferior to man. Especially the most
gifted women are urged to make more than the ordinary contribution to the continua-
tion of the race, in order to pass on to future generations their unusual abilities.
The demand of Schallmeyer that woman must first of all perform her generative
function, is, from the standpoint of eugenics, pure nonsense. How will the race
benefit, if the woman gives up her abilities and devotes herself exclusively to bearing
children of a father who is not her equal in generative capacity? For, if man is per-
mitted to exhaust his virility in unrestrained pursuit of personal achievement, his
contribution to the offspring must be inferior to woman's, and woman's sacrifice of
her personal achievements is economically and culturally a great waste, and detrimental
to the nation. In biographical studies of famous persons, it is, in the case of woman,
invariably discussed whether her maternal functions were neglected; but in the case
of man, it is rarely asked whether the paternal function has been unfavorably affected.
From the standpoint of racial biology, the prevalent tendency to emphasize this
eugenic factor in the case of women only, can be explained solely on the basis of a
social order in which men have superior control. Such one-sided control always leads
to illogical conclusions. The anxiety concerning a talented woman's fulfilment of
her sexual duty, only arises where these women have chosen the path of personal
achievement. Ehrhard Riecke in "Der Mediziner u. die sexuelle Frage" {Zeitschrifi
fiir Sexudunssenschaft, 1914, S. 109) has called attention to the fact that often not
the worst women become prostitutes, but women who might have been highly valuable
in the evolution of the race. But do men wage a campaign against prostitution to
prevent this social waste? Here, no mention is made of the importance of the con-
tinuation of the race. Prostitution is legally established. In conclusion, there can
be but one law applicable to both sexes: the harmonizing of individual and generative
capacities. — M. Vaerting, Die neue Generation, September, 1919. L. M. S.

Der Konflikt zwischen der individuellen u. generativen Leistung beim Men-
schen. — In the past, the tragic import of the conflict between individual achievement
and generation has not been fully comprehended and therefore no efforts have been
made to harmonize both activities. The former has been relegated to man as the
chief function of life; to woman, the latter. The folly of this procedure can be meas-
ured by its results. Particularly in the family of the most gifted, man's intellectual
achievement was put above all else, while woman denied herself all creative expression
except that of bearing children and catering to the comforts of her farnily. The
progeny of such unions, with few exceptions, are even below the average; within a few
generations, they have completely degenerated. Raibmayer, in "Genie u. Talent,"
has made a careful study of the rapid extinction of the families of talented rnen.
Pontus Fahlbeck, in a study of Swedish aristocracy has shown that it became extinct
even in the fourth generation after it achieved historical prominence. Lorenz has
shown the same to be the case among the peasant stock of Sa.xony. Every disease of
races, which resulted in their extinction, had its final cause in the di\asion made between
personal accomplishment and purely generative activity, in which the latter was
chiefly relegated to woman. The eugenic failures of the past, instead of being viewed
in the light of terrible warnings of nature, have been viewed as inexorable biological
laws; and their causes continue to flourish. Only recently, Bumm said in his address
on "Frauenstudium," "Our children must be born of women who have rested brains,
and time for the rearing of numerous offspring. Thus woman is of greatest service to
herself, the family, and the state." But woman has had a "rested brain" for thousands

RECENT LITERATURE 257

of years. Her "rested brain" is useless where man undermines his virility in the
pursuit of individual achievement. In vain has woman sacrificed her personal accom-
plishments where man pursued his to the detriment of his parental activities. In man,
the se.Kual capacities attain their highest development before the intellectual. Due to
economic conditions and the prolonged preparations for a vocation, the maximum
capacity of both phases of his activities are allowed to pass unutilized. In woman,
the periods of maximum mental and physical ability coincide, but develop later. In
the past, neither of her capacities has been fully utilized. She was practically
excluded from personal achievement, and her generative powers were not realized
to the best advantage because an early marriage occurred before the maximum intel-
lectual powers were developed. The state should enable woman to realize both capaci-
ties to the best advantage. Woman must remember that it is not significant who
bathes the child, or looks after its physical needs generally, but what sort of mother
gives birth to it. Her functions as the giver of life are vastly more important than
those of mere caretaker. — M. Vaerting, Die Nene Generation, January, 1920. L. M. S.

A Study of Multiple Criminal Factors. — A program of psychiatrical and psy-
chological examining for correctional institutions of the state of New Jersey has
recently been initiated by Commissioner Burdette G. Lewis, under the authority of
the State Board of Control of Institutions and Agencies of New Jersey. It provides
for applying the army group-test methods, supplemented by extensive individual
examinations. In the psychological examinations a special information blank
has been developed as a supplement to the diagnostic clinical syllabus. This is
employed in clinical examinations to render the examinations as informal and unobjec-
tionable as possible to the prisoner who tends to resist formal examination. The
statistical analysis of the results obtained in the clinical psychological examinations
by direct tests and the information blank yields valuable data for the investigation
of the interrelation of criminal factors. The New Jersey state prison has instituted
a card-filing system for each man and the data from these cards have been tabulated
in statistical fashion in such a manner that, not only is a summary obtained regarding
the distribution of each of these factors, but also a graphic portrayal of the interrelation
of each factor to any other factor. — Edgar A. I)oll, Journal of Criminal Law and
Crimitiology, May, 1920. O. B. Y.

Improper Use of the Intelligence Quotient. — There is a marked tendency in
recent literature to use the intelligence quotient for purposes to which it is not directly
applicable. This use of the intelligence quotient is improper from the scientific
standpoint and very greatly restricts the value of many otherwise valuable contri-
butions. The intelligence quotient is founded on two important assumptions which
psychology cannot at present afiford to concede and which have as yet very little
foundation in experimental evidence. The first of these assumes that the average
limit of the growth of intelligence is 16 years; the second assumes that intelligence
growth is constant for the individual throughout the developmental period, or at
least between 4 years and 16 years. The assumption that the average level of
intelligence of adults is a mental age of 16 is apparently founded on the fact that the
median intelligence of 32 high-school students and 30 business men is 16 years. But
high-school students and business men are not "average" adults. Psychological
examination in the army has clearly indicated that the typical or average adult has a
mental age between 13 and 14 years. As to the second assumption it may be said
that the intelligence growth is constant on the average only in relation to a scale of
tests whose fundamental principle of standardization presupposes this constancy.
In the second place, significant variations in intelligence growth are obscured in the
intelligence quotient expression of intelligence status because any change in mental
age from year to year is "liquidated" or spread out over the entire previous ages of
the individual. — Edgar A. Doll, The Journal of Delinquency, May, 1920. O. B. Y.

The Origin and Cure of "the Bad Boy." — The factors connected with criminals
are heredity and environment. The analysis of the genesis of crime is exceedingly
difl&cult. Yet from the comprehensive studies of recent years it can be ascertained

2S8

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

that thirteen is the age of greatest delinquency among boys and fifteen among girls.
Again it is agreed that there are two classes of criminals, (i) the accidental who is
betrayed into a solitary crime, (2) the habitual — the man who makes crime a pro-
fession and lives by it. It is also admitted that not only the health, but also the age,
of the mother has an influence upon the child's vitality and physique. The maternal
capacity for nourishing the embryo requires some time to attain its maximum, and
then undergoes a gradual decline. Children and youths reared in city slums or who
work in stuffy offices or ill-ventilated workshops are retarded in physical and mental
growth. The first condition of treatment is to understand the genesis of the offender,
for every abnormal or delinquent child represents some failure of function in one or
more social agencies — home, school, church, state. .\nd with this more comprehensive
diagnosis of evil as a defect of life goes a mode of treatment that increasingly seeks
for preventives and remedies in removing inhibitions, and liberating the pent-up
energies of life. — Claude C. H. Williamson, The Sociological Review, Spring, 1920.

C.N.

Causes of Delinquency among Fifty Negro Boys. — "Truancy among the fifty

Negro boys investigated was partly due to poor heritage, but principally to environ-
mental conditions under which they were forced to live," is the conclusion of the
monograph. The subjects of this report were inmates of parental schools in Los
Angeles. The immediate causes for their committment were: truancy, 42 per cent;
incorrigibility, 24 per cent; stealing, 16 per cent; other causes, 18 per cent. The
average age was 12.5 years. Three-quarters of this group of boys disliked going to
school. The author offers as reasons for such a condition the unsatisfactory nature of
the elementary-school curriculum; failure to interest boys in some industrial pursuits;
unfair treatment of certain boys by teachers; and lack of encouragement. Only
fifteen of the group "like to work." One reason offered is that Negro boys are dis-
criminated against, being debarred from the most remunerative and congenial jobs.
The author graded the boys physically: normally good, 62 per cent; fairly good,
12 per cent; poor, 14 per cent; and very poor, 12 per cent. Mentally he graded them:
keen mind, 8 per cent; normal, 49 per cent; dull, 18 per cent; feeble-minded and
border line, 24 per cent. Of the group 26 per cent came to school hungry, 56 per cent
of them had brothers or sisters in Juvenile Hall. Of the fifty homes from which the
boys came, 68 per cent were "broken homes." Economically, 50 per cent were classed
"very poor" and 22 per cent "poor." Considering the total number of homes, after
the average rent was paid the average amount left for all the other necessities of life
was 23 cents per day per individual. Twelve of the families had fairly substantial
incomes, which means that the majority were badly off indeed. Only six of the homes
were free from immoral influences. Twenty-one of the families were rated "bad"
morally and these were in the poorest economic conditions. From such home con-
ditions, the writer asks, what chance has a boy "to live right, shun evil, and be a
credit to himself and his race" ? — H. K. Watson, Studies in Sociology, University of
Southern California. S. C. R.

Verbrechensprophylaxe und Psycho-technlk. — The importance of every man's
finding his proper place in the industrial world has become an urgent necessity in
Germany since the war and gives greater prominence to experimental determination
of fitness in vocational guidance. The work of the Taylor school and of Miinsterberg
can be made of service in the field of criminal prophyla.xis. The prevention of accidents
due to criminal negligence in the field of transportation, particularly, will not only
prevent economic loss and deaths resulting from such accidents, but will also help to
diminish the number of those liable to punishment for such acts. The number of
those restrained from liberty because guilty of criminal negligence is appalling, and a
decrease in acts of delinquency of this nature would be highly welcome. .\ systematic
application of psycho-technical methods of investigation would result in the elimination,
of the unfit before they have harmed themselves and others; it would prevent eco-
nomic waste, and benefit the state in its efforts to administer justice.— Gerichtsas-
sessar Dr. iMannheim, "Koenigsberg in Preussen," Deutsche Strafrechls-Zeitung,
May-June, 1919. L. M. S.

RECENT LITERATURE 259

War and Mental Disorders. — Various factors may come into play in producing
nervous disorders. Among such causes are overexertion, the lack of proper suste-
nance, and atmospheric disturbances, such as violent explosion shocks and physical
injuries. The factors of causation are numerous, and since the individual's power of
resistance varies it follows that there is diiBculty in placing many of the cases in the
apparently definite categories of disorders at present in use. The following classifi-
cation may be employed: (i) the condition described as neurasthenia, often produced
by shell-shock, an early stage of some grave disorder of the nervous system; (2) acute
alcoholic insanity, or delirium tremens, caused by excessive use of alcohol; (3) a con-
fusional state in which the patient becomes dazed, disorientated; (4) attacks of mania
or of melancholia, either in association with wounds or without apparent injury;
(s) mental derangement leading to suicide, usually among those suffering from melan-
choUa. Various forms of treatment were tried to cure patients. Both the treatment
by suggestion and psycho-analytic methods were not of much utility. — Hubert J.
Norman, The Quarterly Rei'icw, October, 1919. C. N.

Pauper Burials and the Interment of the Dead in Large Cities. — This pamphlet
begins with a statement of the ancient origin of burial observances. It points out that
burials are a social and economic problem regarding which very little investi-
gation has been carried on. Industrial insurance, it asserts, arose largely from the
need of providing funeral expenses. With its growth pauper burials have decreased,
the figures for thirty-eight American cities showing a decline from 171 per 100,000 in
1880-84 to 74 per 100,000 in 1915-18. On the basis of this last-given^gure there are
approximately 40,000 pauper burials in a year. A significant statement is found on
page 22: "The social and individual demand for the decent burial of the dead, free
from the taint of pauperism in any and every form, is a sentiment than which perhaps
no other is more deeply rooted in the human heart or in human experience."

Funerals are made a means of conspicuous consumption of which the pamphlet
gives a few illustrations. The funeral of the late King of England cost £40,500,
while in 1907 caskets in New York were on sale at upward of $2,000. There is some
effort at funeral reform, the most radical step having been taken in Switzerland,
where five cantons give to every deceased citizen a free decent burial. The pamphlet
proper closes with an account of burial customs in a number of European cities and
finally pleads for reforms in burial observances. There are seven appendixes; one
gives the rules of the burial society of Lanuvium in 133 a.d.; a number are statistical;
one deals with the anatomical law of Pennsylvania, and one with pauper burial abuses.
— F. L. Hoffman, Prudential Insurance Company of America. S. C. R.

The Recognition and Better Treatment for Mental and Nervous Injuries. — The

feeble-minded group of workmen is responsible for many accidents despite the fact
that the higher grades of feeble-mindedness have been considered consistent with
good routine industrial work for years. But the psychopathic employees or cases of
dementia praecox, are difficult to handle because of a lack of proper classification due
to inexact diagnosis. This in turn impedes treatment. The subdivision, or working
classification of psychotics, is: (i) hysteria after injury; (2) psycasthenia after injury;
(3) depressed states and melancholia after injury (the cases of the latter type are more
frequent than is generally believed); (4) paranoiacs; (5) querulents. By proper
diagnosis and thorough understanding of the patient proper treatment may be applied
to each case and many psychotics may be remedied. — Francis D. Donoghue, Modern
Medicine, December, 1919. C. N.

Some New Problems for Psychiatric Research in Delinquency. — To give a partial
list of the well-organized psychiatric clinics dealing with crime and delinquency that
were operating before we entered the war serves to indicate the rapid growth of this
method of studying crime. Besides the clinics connected with the children's courts,
the clinics of Fort Leavenworth, Sing Sing, the police department and Department of
Corrections in New York City, the municipal court in Boston, the Bedford Refor-
matory, and the Westchester Department of Charities and Correction, represent a
field of useful and practical work. Most of the psychiatric workers entered the army

26o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

or navy during the war. In the army they found a fairly definite special service, but
in the navy there was no special psychiatric division. In recent discussion of court-
martial procedure none of those interested seem to have inquired whether any relation
exists between the terrific experiences these soldiers have gone through and control of
conduct. In spite of examinations in the camps, the A.E.F. contained many men of
less than normal intelligence or of unstable make-up, and these soldiers, like their
comrades, were often exposed to almost unbelievable fatigue, to the effects of being
knocked about by shell concussion and to long emotional strain. Account should be
taken of the extraordinary effects of modem warfare upon the human nervous system,
which in some of the armies in France were responsible for 20 per cent of all discharged
for disability. Recent progress in psychological medicine have provided us with new
resources for the understanding of human behavior, not only in the mentally ill, but
in "normal" people and particularly in those whose conduct differs so much from that
approved by society that they have to be segregated. — Thomas W. Salmon, Journal
of Criviinal Law and Criminology, November, 191 7. O. B. Y.

Social Aspects of the Family Court. — The Department of Commerce, through the
Bureau of Census, has recently published a report on marriage and divorce for the
year 1916. According to this report 112,036 divorces were granted, showing an
increase of 55.5 per cent in 191 6 over the year 1906. The report is undoubtedly free
from serious errors, but in the aspect of affording data upon which Congress may act
in formulating uniform marriage and divorce laws it is misleading. No scientific
inquiry has been made as to the causes of divorce. The report groups the causes of
divorce under a few broad heads, such as adulter^', cruelty, desertion, drunkenness,
neglect to provide, combinations of the preceding causes, etc., and all other causes.
It is evident that in this report only the symptoms of family dissensions are considered
and no attempt is made to classify basic causes. Nothing is revealed as to the social,
psychological, and pathological conditions that impelled behavior leading to divorce.
The report shows that of the 108,702 divorces of which a record has been obtained,
33,809 were granted to the husband and 74,893 to the wife. From this we would infer
that men are more anti-social in their marital relations than women. This is not true
in fact. Of the 108,702 cases, only 14,779 were contested, and it is stated that in
many of them the contest did not go beyond the filing of an answer. In cases in which
investigations have been made, it has been found that in at least 75 per cent of the
cases the defendant had a good defense and that the plaintiff had no more valid
grounds for divorce than the defendant. The determination of men and women to be
reheved of that which they believe to be intolerable marital conditions places a pre-
mium upon fraud and perjury and encourages cruelty, neglect, and infidelity, because
they lead to marital liberation. Has the sum of human happiness been increased or
decreased by reason of these 112,036 divorces? Is it possible to answer this question
until we have reliable, exact, scientific information as to the causes of this unfortunate
social condition? — Judge Charles W.Hoffman, Journal of Criminal Law and Crimi-
nology, November, 1919. O. B. Y.

Plan of Safety Instruction in Public and Parochial Schools. — Safety is a matter
of education and should begin in the schools. Children can be made responsible for
conduct of the school community hy engaging in actual safety work. The procedure
in the education of a child is totally different from what it is in the education of an
adult. The adult can interpret l)are precepts on the basis of his experience; if we
would educate children we must induct them into the experience. There are three
methods of safety education: I)y working it into various branches in the school curric-
ulum, by having children construct plays or pantomimes illustrating accident situa-
tions, and by organization of children for community welfare. Much is gained by
visits of delegations of children to coroners' inquests over accident cases, by the
children's inventing problems by using the figures in census reports, by making draw-
ings and slogans, and by reading lessons self-selected from current periodicals. — Dr. E.
George Payne. Published by Xalional Safety Council. R. W. N.

RECENT LITEILiTURE 261

Some Future Issues in the Sex Problem. — The orthodox sex morality is being
gradually discarded and a new tendency of loose sex relationship is coming to be in
vogue. The causes of this change are diverse. The control of venereal disease as the
result of the social hj'giene movement has removed the fear. The elimination of com-
mercialized prostitution constitutes another factor. The general knowledge of birth
control did away with the stigma of illegitimate mating. The MuUerschutz propa-
ganda involving the social stigma on illegitimate motherhood and childhood has
reduced the motive for abstinence on the part of persons not married to one another.
The growing independence of women from any need of marriage on economic grounds
tends to revolutionize the conventional form of present family life. The prevalent
Freudian psychology of wish, be its doctrines true or false, has created a notion among
the populace that the "sex urge" if suppressed in certain ways may express itself
in ways injurious to the individual and society. The combined effect of all these factors
appears to be that of breaking down traditional standards by the elimination of the
fear of results. In order to cope with the situation three courses seem to be open:
(i) to combat the tendency by the force of moral discipline; {2) to acquiesce in the
popular verdict as inevitable; or (3) to guide and formulate the new state of affairs
into a code of "morals." To choose the first is to assume that the orthodox moral
code is perfect and final. And yet an examination of the basis of such morality proves
that irrational tradition or class interest plays a large role. To resort to the second
policy is to let social forces drift without rational control. If social research should
definitely foreshadow the partial or complete abandonment of old sanctions of sex
conduct, it will certainly be wiser to foresee, formulate, interpret, and thereby recog-
nize and absorb and socialize the new state of affairs than to play the ostrich, to
acquiesce supinely, or to stand across the path of the inevitable changes. — Thomas D.
Eliot, International Journal of Ethics, April, 1920. K. S.

Dem Ziele Nahe? — Recently the view has gained ground that the work of private
organizations formed in the interests of illegitimate children and their mothers has
become unnecessary because the state has legally made some concessions to illegitimate
children of men who participated in the war and to the mothers of the former. Mother-
hood now has some claim to protection and support of the state. It is intended to
provide for the illegitimate child the same conditions for development as for the
legitimate. The unmarried mother has a right to claim the title of Frau in professional
and business intercourse. Plans are on foot to establish and regulate the legal and
social position of the illegitimate child in the same way. Unfortunately, the con-
ditions which gave rise to these situations still exist and cannot be suddenly altered by
legal measures. The goal is still far off, and much social opposition must be overcome
before it is reached. Before and during the war the state directed its attention to
these children as a matter of political policy. But do the more recent measures really
touch the root of the matter? Are they destined to combat the double standard of
morality, the disregard for and desecration of motherhood, the lowering of the sense of
responsibility in sexual affairs? These measures show no consideration for the fact
that the problems of illegitimacy affect not only marital relations, and that sexual
morality cannot differ for the legally or unlegally married. They do not recognize
the weighty social injur>' which results because children lack homes and parents.
They treat children as though they were material things that can be disposed of at
will. When one considers that it is one-tenth of the whole population that is con-
sidered inferior on account of the accident of its birth, it is painful to contemplate that
in the past women and mothers have been excluded from participating in legislation
which primarily concerns motherhood. It is a matter in which onlj' woman can
add new valuations, and one which, from the standpoint of morality, is decisive for
the nation. — Marie Hiibner, Die Neue Generation, September, 1919. L. M. S.

Illegitimacy as a Child-Welfare Problem. — This pamphlet, of slightly more than
one hundred pages, is divided into three parts of about equal size. Part I is chiefly
a statistical study under the title "Extant of Problem." Part II is entitled "The
Child's Status and Right to Support," and Part III is a bibliography. Legitimate

262 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and illegitimate live births per i,ooo married women fifteen to forty-nine years of
age and per i,ooo single, widowed, and divorced women of the same ages, are as
follows: Austria, 1908-13, 213 and 30; Hungary, 1906-15, 198 and 38; German
Empire, 1907-14, 196 and 23; England and Wales, 1906-15, 171 and 7; Ireland,
1909-12, 250 and 4; Scotland, 1906-15, 202 and 13; Sweden, 1908-13, 196 and 26;
The Netherlands, 1905-14, 233 and 5. Table III shows the average annual percentage
of illegitimate births in a group of European cities from 1905 to 1909. The percentage
for Amsterdam, Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Dublin, London, Manchester, Rotter-
dam, and Sheffield was less than 5. For Budapest, Copenhagen, Lyon, Moscow,
Munich, Paris, Petrograd, Prague, Stockholm, and Vienna it was more than 20. Statis-
tics for the United States are given for the year 191 5 for sixteen states of the Union.
Legitimate live births for 1,000 females fifteen to forty-four years of age range from
92.6 in Nevada to 213.5 ^^ Utah, the average being 180.7. Illegitimate live births per
1,000 females range from 1.8 in South Dakota to 5.2 in Pennsylvania, the average
being 4.3. Two states separate the figures for whites and negroes, with a decidedly
unfavorable showing for the latter. Mortality tables show that the death-rate among
illegitimate children far exceeds that of children born in wedlock. Until comparatively
recent times illegitimate children had no legal rights and are still greatly discriminated
against. The highest legal standard is found in Norway, where a child born out of
wedlock has the same right of inheritance as is accorded to the legitimate child and
the responsibility for maintenance is placed upon both parents. The Minnesota
law of 19 1 7 is the nearest American approach to that ideal. Its aim is to see that the
illegitimate child begins life under the least possible amount of handicap. — U.S.
Children's Bureau, No. 66. S. C. R.

"C The Recidivist or Habitual Offender. — One of the most difi&cult problems that

confront the criminologist is recidivism, how it should be dealt with, and what are
its causes. The increase of delinquencj' is due to the wrong methods of prison life,
the failure to adjust the recidivist to the environment of modern civilization with its
complex laws and associations, heredity, and the decrease of restraining influences.
The criminal age is between sixteen and twenty-five, and criminals may be divided
into five classes: (i) born delinquents, who have a congenital tendency toward crime.
In the born criminals the evolutionary defect is developmental. Under favorable
conditions he can be modified or educated into a respectable member of society;
(2) insane delinquents; (3) delinquents from acquired habit, the criminality in this
case being derived from their organization and social conditions; (4) occasional
delinquents; (5) passional delinquents with a mania of fixity of idea and exhibition
of a defect of sensibility. The first offense of the young delinquent should be met with
a warning from the Bench, the second with a short term of imprisonment from the
boys' prison, and the third offense should consist of a sentence for an indefinite period
in an institution similar to that of the Borstal Institution. Every case should receive
special treatment. Good nutrition, satisfaction of the real requirements of life, educa-
tion, and proportionate labor facilitate the maintenance of equilibrium in the develop-
ment of the brain and the proper adaptation of the individual to his environment.
By assimilation of the good and dissimilation of the bad we gradually remove the
large army of wasters from our midst. — J. E. Marshall, The Nineteenth Century and
After, May, 1920. C. N.

Criminal Gynecology. — Gynecology is service to woman; but under the influence
of a political theory of expansion by force, it has been perverted into "service for
the state unfavorable to woman and her private interests." Woman has been dese-
crated to become an instrument to bear children for the state. Even before the war
agitation began against the declining birth-rate. This was in itself a crime against
the nation, because it was a campaign waged with utter disregard of the principles
of eugenics. Von Winkcl and others attemjited a veritable police control over married
life. Gynecology became militarized; it was compelled to .serve the state and to
serve woman only in so far as militarism permitted. Ik-fore the war, in a book entitled
Artzllches Recht, the author calls attention to a tendency which had begun to prevail
in France, namely, the principle that the fetal life should have consideration prior to
that of the mother. Under the pressure of war psychosis, this attitude has crept into

RECENT LITERATURE 263

Germany. It depends upon woman how much longer it is to prevail, now that
millions of women have political influence. Although no country has such carefully
prescribed laws regulating operations as Germany, in the case of gynecology, the
attempt is made to suppress the principle of consent. It is concealed from woman that
she has the right to determine the time and method of operation for herself. The
military system is to blame for the starvation of numerous children, their under-
nourishment and all its accompanying horrors and evils, as much as the blockade.
In the future, Germany's efforts must be in the direction of creating humane condi-
tions for those already in existence. — Dr. J. H. Spinner, Die Neue Generation, October,

1919.

L. M. S.

Americanization: The Other Side of the Case. — Several state legislatures have
already passed laws, more or less practical, to satisfy this hysterical cry, Americanize
the foreigners! The greatest obstacles to the speedy Americanization of "foreigners"
are the ridicule of, contempt for, and prejudice against them on the part of native
Americans. The Czecho-Slovaks in the hard-coal regions of Pennsylvania offer a
concrete case to show how far discrimination is carried on against these immigrants.
He is very seldom called by his name, is always referred to as "hunkie," or "dago,"
or the like; he is made to feel that he is despised, that he is a stranger and unwelcome.
The methods of Americanization can be divided into two groups: (i) Educational
means combined with tolerance and kindness. A self-respecting foreigner hates to
be made a public spectacle, to be exhibited like some rare bird to boost the standing
of some professional Americanizer, so that his salary may be increased. Teach
the American-born children to treat the others as their equals to remove the friction
between native- and alien-born children. (2) The legislative program forcing the
"foreigners" to learn the English language is a great mistake. Raise the bars against
immigrants as high as public policy demands, be stringent in granting the foreign-
born the supreme privilege of citizenship, but the language test is the poorest test
that could be thought of. It is just as futile as the literacy test in the immigration
legislation. To abolish the foreign-language press and to force the "foreigner" to
learn the English language only impedes natural process of Americanization. — John
Kulmer, The Atlantic Monthly, March, 1920. C. N.

The Larger Function of State University Medical Schools. — Within recent years
there has come about a changed conception in regard to the responsibility of the
general public for welfare policies, such as public education, public improvements,
standards of living, and health. Within the last century we have seen America
develop a great public educational system in which the state has undertaken to make
provision for the education of persons of types of ability ranging from the subnormal
to the keenest student in the land. Paralleling this development in education has
come an ever-increasing conception of public responsibility for the care of certain
defectives, the insane, the tuberculous, and others. There has come a growing con-
sciousness of the importance of the period of youth and it is but a step farther for the
state to interest itself in the health of the children. Not only the states, but the
federal government is assuming this responsibility. The experience in Iowa suggests
that this t>pe of work can most successfully be done in connection with the college of
medicine. The conclusions are (i) that any state in attempting to provide this type
of service should make comprehensive plans on the material side; (2) future plans
should include ample provision for the vigorous prosecution of medical research, lest
the teaching staff be overwhelmed with routine; (3) since the success of the work is
absolutely dependent on the skill and devotion of the staff, it is essential that many
adjustments in the conditions of teaching must be made. — Walter A. Jessup, The
Journal of the American Medical Association, April 17, 1920. V. M. A.

The Obligations of Medicine in Relation to General Education. — After the dissipa-
tion of life incident to all great wars, men invariably turn to the importance of saving
life and prolonging it. The public schools must become the health centers of their
communities. J">ver>' measure carried out in them should be fully explained so that
the wisdom of preventive measures shall be fully appreciated by the pupil, making
him an advocate of them for the rest of his life. The history of the Public Health

264 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Service illustrates how the government has been able to promote public health through
acting in an ancillary capacity, and its members have from purely medical practice
assumed more and more an educational function. But public health is not yet of
first importance with the government, though it is a national matter. Shall we be
content to rely upon the public spirit of liberal and enlightened millionaires, of a
Carnegie or Rockefeller, to do for us, with all our boasted wealth and civilization,
things which smaller and less rich nations regard as essential obligations or the govern-
ments they maintain; and is it not devitalizing, corrupting, enervating, in every way
demoralizing influence in our national life to trust for essentials of national happiness
and success to what we must admit are accidental agencies? When our schools
generally come to view the premedical standing as one to be deeply investigated we
shall have fewer graduates, perhaps, but a relatively larger number of real physicians. —
W. C. Braisted, The Journal of the American Medical Associalion, May i, 1920.

V. M. A.

Sociological Aspects of Housing. — Housing conditions are largely determined by
family income, and the problem is the same whether under rural or urban conditions.
The relation of housing to health comprises various factors influencing the physical,
mental, and moral development of the family and family life. In its broadest socio-
logical aspect, housing is a determiner of personal, family, and communal health.
To secure the maximum benefits of housing, several steps are necessary: (i) an appreci-
ation of the sociological and health significance of hygienic dwellings; (2) the educa-
tion of the public as to the natural value and importance of sanitary dwellings; (3) the
rigid enforcement of laws, regulations, and ordinances dealing with home construction
and house alterations; (4) the promulgation of minimum standards of housing con-
struction, of maintenance and repair; (5) the establishment of some form of super-
vision or control that would prevent the exploitation of tenants through profiteering
rentals and unwillingness to make necessary repairs required in the interest of family
health and safety; (6) the determination of rules and regulations for proper disinfec-
tion and fumigation following the presence of contagious diseases, when such might
prove a source of contagion to a new occupant; (7) the encouragement of subsidized or
non-subsidized programs of housing construction that would make available modern
hygienic dwelling-places at low rentals; (8) the support by health departments of
those measures tending to increase family incomes so as to bring about a minimum
standard of living wage, consistent with the cost of living, in a manner that is conducive
to health and comfort. — Ira S. Wile, American Journal of Public Health, April, 1920.

C. N.

Standards of Living: A Complication of Budgetary Studies. — A great many
budgets which differ widely are presented to the reading public. They might be
roughly classed as follows: A, the pauper or poverty level, usually compiled by charity
workers; B, the minimum-of-subsistence level, which ignores the social well-being
and confines itself to the physical; C, the minimum-of-comfort level, which is supposed
to recognize both physical and social demands. A study of six hundred actual family
budgets of shipyard workers in New York in 19 18 showed the average expenditure to
be $1,386.00 for the year. The minimum budget of the New York Factory Com-
mission in 1915 was $876.00. By adding the increases due to the advance in prices that
same budget stood on June i, 1918, at $1,356.00. By scientifically determining what a
family should have the budget worked out (June, 1918) at $1,396.00. A proposed
budget of level above minimum subsistence is given in detail. Its total is $1,760.50.
Cost of food for one month on a "minimum to maintain health" basis was, in 1907,
$27.00, and in 1917, $45.00. A budget proposed by Seattle and Tacoma Street
Railway employees (1917) was $1,917.88, The Board of .Arbitration dealing with the
case figured their budget at $1,505.00. The Philadelphia Bureau of Municipal
Research issued a budget in December, 1917. It totaled $1,200.00 and the Bureau
said that "it is decidedly the minimum on which a family can e.xist." The cost of the
navy ration for enlisted men was, in 1916, 37.06 cents per man per day; in 1917,
43.08 cents; in 1918, 49.06 cents; but during the last quarter of 1918 jt was 52 cents.
A table of Canadian Budgets is given based on average prices in sixty cities. In 1900
the weekly budget was $9.37; in May, 1919, $21.98. The pamphlet closes with a

RECENT LITERATURE 265

discussion of various items entering into the budgets and how advanced prices have
affected the use of the various commodities. Many poor people, forced to abstain from
certain necessary foods, have substituted others only to find that their medicinal bills
were heavier. — Bureau of Applied Economics, Washington, 1919. S. C. R.

The Dispensary Situation in New York City. — The very magnitude of the dis-
pensar>' field in New York City justifies a thorough inquiry into the numerous medical,
social, and economic problems which it raises. There are in Greater New York 65
out-patient departments of hospitals, 34 independent dispensaries, and 6 college
dispensaries. In addition the Health Department maintains 21 tuberculosis clinics,
8 dental, 10 eye, and 3 rabies clinics, and the Children's Aid Society maintains 6 school
dental clinics, making a total of 153 licensed dispensaries in New York City. In this
list are not included the 3 occupational clinics, the 12 venereal disease clinics of the
Health Department, and 60 baby health stations. The total number of treatments
given at the 153 dispensaries for which statistics are available exceeds four million
annually. It is recommended that a uniform maximum fee for treatment be adopted;
that a special division for diagnosis be established; that phj^sicians serving should
be remunerated; that medical records should be more adequate, and that the social
service department should be extended. The opportunities for disease prevention
and public health education are great. People applying for relief to the dispensary are
more in the mood to accept and follow hygienic advice than the average person in
good health. There is need for a department of preventive medicine in the dispensary
system. — E. H. Lewinsky-Corwyn, Medical Record, January, 1920. O. B. Y.

Motion Pictures Not Guilty. — The National Board of Review has been concerned
in finding an answer to the following questions: (i) Are motion pictures influencing
young people to an appreciable extent toward excesses of conduct which constitute at
present a menace to society? (2) Are they so warping their moral growth as to
militate against development into normal, useful citizens? With the co-operation of
the American Probation Association the National Board in July, 1919, addressed a
letter explaining the situation to the chief probation ofl&cers of cities throughout the
United States of over 10,000 population, having juvenile courts. Forty-two proba-
tion officers replied. Of these, twenty-seven set forth the opinion that motion pictures
were not directly responsible for juvenile delinquency; ten replies were more or less
noncommittal, owing to lack of records which would throw light on this subject; five
indicted the motion picture as an important factor in the commission of juvenile
delinquencies. Many of these admitted that they had no direct evidence and that
their replies merely expressed their opinion. The Board finds that in many cases
where it is established that the motion picture is a factor in delinquency it is not the
initial cause. More frequently its suggestive power has beneficial results. — Report
of the National Board of Review of Motion Pictures, 1920. O. B. Y.

Success and Failure as Conditions of Mental Health. — The essentials of physical
health are the most common things of daily life — fresh air, good food, exercise, sleep.
One of the simple conditions of mental health is success. In the healthful development
of the child and in the efficient activity of the mature individual, this and to a limited
extent failure also are health conditions of fundamental importance. The stimulus of
success begins with the baby in the cradle trying to free himself from the bands that fet-
ter him, and the psychology of success is the same for the baby as for the adult, namely,
the matching of a mental image with reality. Continued success develops an attitude
of confidence but continued failure is liable to produce an unsocial attitude, a shut-in
personality, which may lead to mental disorder. Our school system, the author
claims, completely ignores the importance of these two factors and foreordains many
children to repeated failure. The need of success as a wholesome stimulus is universal
and children have an enormous appetite for it. The diseased are often cured by it.
The teacher's business should be to see that all children achieve some successes and
that sometimes they get an honest gauge of themselves by failure. The physician
and the social worker also should strive to find opportunities for their patients to do
something at which they can succeed, for of such simple things mental hygiene consists.
— William H. Burnham, Massachusetts Society for Mental Hygiene, No. 37. S. C. R.

266 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

La Reforme penitentiaire en Chine. — The movement of penal reform in China
commenced at the same time as did judicial reform. That is to say, decrees were
issued beginning the work in 1906. In 1909 work was begun on the model prison of
Pekin and the following year an edict was issued to establish such a prison in each
province. Since then many new prisons have been completed or are now under way.
First of all as to penal administration: The central administration is in the hands of
the ministry of justice, having at its head a director, and subdividing into three
bureaus charged with different penal questions. Local administration is vested in
the attorney general of the court of appeal of each province. Other officers actually
concerned with the prison operation are chosen from among the graduates of the
special penal school. The prisons are built on the model of Western prisons, either
in the form of a star or a cross. Their capacity varies from two hundred to one thou-
sand prisoners. Women, youths under eighteen years, and the sick occupy separate
quarters. It was desired to build an institution at Pekin for young offenders, but
lack of funds has prevented the realization of this project. The cell system is used
in the prisons. In the daytime work is done together in a common room, but at
night the prisoners are returned to their cells. In modern Chinese prisons the
reformatory idea prevails. To this end a system of triple education is given to the
prisoners — moral, intellectual, and physical. Instruction is given either in groups
or singly as the case may require. Classification for teaching is also made according
to age and the nature of the offense for which the person was imprisoned. Work is
the best method of reform. It is obligatory on all except the sick. The articles made
by the prisoners are disposed of at public sales which take the nature of an exhibition
or fair, and great success has been achieved in disposing of them. The money received
from the sales goes into the national treasury, although a small amount is credited to
the prisoners. Many of them have acquired a liking for work, and in some cases new
trades have been learned which will permit the earning of an honest living on being
released. The health of the prisoners is maintained by a strict observance of the
rules of hygiene. Clothing is frequently washed and regular baths are required of
the prisoners. No cruel punishments may be inflicted for infractions of discipline,
but a curtailing of privileges is used, as well as the knowledge on the part of the prisoner
that disobedience will injure his chances for pardon, parole, or commutation of sen-
tence. On the other hand added privileges are the reward of obedience. Prisoners
who are paroled are under the observation of the local police, and a violation of the
parole results in being sent back to prison. In summarizing we may say that penal
reform in China is in plain view. Those who have occasion to visit the modern
prisons of the country will verify the statement that considerable progress has been
made in the last few years. — Tsien Tai, Revue penUcntiairc ct de droit penal, July-
October, 1919. C. V. R.

American Experience with Workmen's Compensation. — Experience under the
American compensation statutes has justified in fair measure the hopes and claims
of those who have advocated the legislation. It has not been millennial, but it has
realized in no small part the advantages which were predicted. The speed with
which the system was adopted in Europe has even been surpassed in the United
States, for in nine years compensation statutes were enacted in forty-two states,
and in Alaska, Porto Rico, and Hawaii. Before the introduction of the system many
employees and employers were opposed to it. The laboring classes had dangled
before their eyes the occasional large awards made by the courts in case of injury,
while employers feared the financial burden would be hard to bear. Now, after a
practical test with the system at work in a great diversity of industries, both employers
and workers are willing to indorse it heartily. Investigations have shown that in
many cases lump-sum awards were used to purchase homes or small businesses,
and in the case of monthly payments, the income enabled tiie children of the family
to continue in school a longer time than would otherwise have been possible. Two
objections raised before compensation became very widespread consisted in the
assertions that malingering would result, and secondly, that since the state paid for
accidents, employers would be less careful in providing safety devices on machinery.
The very opposite has been the case. There will always be some malingering but it
has not been found to be an appreciable evil. On the other hand, employers have

RECENT LITERATURE 267

taken precautions to reduce accidents, for it gives the industry a lower rate when the
premiums are set for the coming year. When employers "carry their own risks,"
there is of course a very definite incentive for keeping the accidents down. A defect
deserving of special attention is the inadequacy of the schedule of awards. Although
injured workmen are now receiving much more on an average than they would as a
result of a suit for damages, the compensation is in many cases less than one-half
of the current earnings. Two-thirds is a rate given in some states. Another greater
defect of American statutes is their lack of comprehensiveness. Mr. Carl Hookstadt
estimated that in the so-called compensation states there were not less than 7,400,000
employees who were not covered at all by the statutes. A million and a quarter are
in interstate commerce, and many of the remainder are, for good or bad reasons,
classed as being in non-hazardous occupations. The method of improvement for
the future will therefore need to provide more liberal awards and the inclusion of a
greater number of employees. — Willard C. Fisher, The American Economic Review,
March, 1920. C. V. R.

Will the Wage System Last ? — The wage theories which have predominated from
the beginning of the Industrial Revolution down to the present are four in number:
(i) the so-called "iron law" of wages, which held that general wages tend to be fixed
at the minimum point necessary to enable the laborer to maintain himself and rear
a family to supply the laborers of the next generation. This theory fitted in well
with the social and economic conditions of the early nineteenth century; (2) the
"wage-fund" theory held that at the beginning of each year or season of production
the employers set aside a portion of their capital to be paid as wages during the ensuing
period; (3) the "productivity" theory maintained that wages are the return to labor
of that part of the product which is actually created. This was acceptable to the
capitalist because it gave the laborer to understand that he was getting all he deserved;
(4) the "bargain" theory took something from each of the others. The modern
industrial unrest signalizes labor's eventual acceptance of the bargain theory and
simultaneously registers a protest which takes two forms: (i) labor accepts the
bargain theory unreservedly and proposes to carry it to its logical application; (2) labor
believes there can be no satisfactory economic conditions as long as one class of pro-
ducers is paid by another class of producers, i.e., as long as the relation of master and
servant persists in the economic field. To solve the problem entirely, a new system
of relationship between labor and capital must be established, i.e., labor must share
with capital in both the control of production and the ownership of the product. —
Henry Pratt Fairchild, The Unpartizan Review, July-September, 1920. C. N.

Un Aspect de la lot du 24 Octobre 1919 sur la protection des femmes allai-
tant leur enfant. — One law of the last legislature should not be passed by without
notice; it is that of October 24, 1919, on the protection of women who are nursing their
children. It presents a two-fold interest. First to encourage mothers, now becoming
more and more rare, who still remember that the mother's milk is the best nourishment
for the child. A general interest follows: that of putting into the hands of vigilant
administrators a simple and practical means of bringing about the realization of a
reform in our methods of aid which consists of creating in each commune a liaison
organ between public and private charity. It is from this last and larger aspect that
we will examine it here. It is an incontestable fact that the new law will give results
only where the control of the nursing and the observance of the hygienic prescriptions
will be strictly assured. To give the physicians exclusive charge would be too burden-
some, and all that remains is to ask for friendly aid, preferably of women. This aid
virtually exists, being provided for by two former laws. The eight weeks period of
aid is too short to e.xcite more than a passing interest, but the new law, in extending
assistance to the mother until the twelfth month, will permit a much longer contact
with the visiting nurse. If the law is properly administered it will result in saving
many precious lives and will secure more births in the future. This law is in fact the
culmination of the decree of February 28, 1919, which established co-ordination
between public and private assistance. The administration of the law is placed in
the hands of a commission of eight members representing both sexes. — F. Lebaulanger,
Revue Philanlhro pique, March 15, 1920. C. V. R.

268

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Bonjour, Felix. Real Democracy in
Operation; the Example of Switzer-
land. New York: Stokes. Pp. viii-j-
226. $1.50.

Boucke, Oswald Fred. The Limits of
Socialism. New York: Macmillan.
Pp.259. $1.50.

Brissenden, Paul Frederick. The
I.W.W.; a Study of American Syn-
dicalism. 2d ed. (Studies in history,
economics, and public law. Vol.
LXXXIII). New York: Longmans.
Pp. 438. (41 pages bibl.) $4.00.

Brooks, John Graham. Labor's Chal-
lenge to the Social Order; Democracy
Its Own Critic and Educator. New
York: Macmillan. Pp. 441. $2.75.

Bryas, Madeleine de, comtesse, and
Bryas, Jacqueline de. A French-
woman's Impressions of America.
New York: Century Co. Pp. xiv-f-
268. $1.75.

Coffin, Henry Sloane. A More Christian
Industrial Order. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. 86. $1.00.

Cooke, Richard Joseph, Bp. The Church
and World Peace. New York and
Cincinnati: Abingdon Press. Pp.
178. $1.00.

Cope, Henry Frederick. Education for
Democracy. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. 275. $2.00.

Crowther, Samuel. Why Men Strike.
Garden City, New York: Doubleday,
Page. Pp. viii-1-232. $1.75.

Dawson, Edgar. Organized Self-govern-
ment. New York: Holt. Pp. xxiv-f-
383. $1.40.

Dickson, Mrs. Marguerite Stockman.
Vocational Guidance for Girls. Chi-
cago: Rand, McNally. Pp. ix-l-246.
$1.25.

Elmer, Manuel Conrad. Technique of
Social Survej's. Rev. ed. Minne-
apolis: University Printing Co. Pp.
117- $1-25.

Erskine, John. Democracy and Ideals;
a Definition. New York: Doran.
Pp. 152. $1.50.

Feldman, William Moses. The Prin-
ciples of Ante-natal and Post-natal
Child Physiology, Pure and Applied.
New York: Longmans. Pp. xxvii-f
694. $10.50.

Fielding, WiUiam J. Sanity in Sex.
New York: Dodd, Mead. Pp. xvi-(-
133. (17 pages bibl.) $1.75.

Findlay, Joseph John. An Introduction
to Sociology; for Social Workers and
General Readers. (Publications of
the University of Manchester.) New
York: Longmans. Pp. xi-l-304. $2.00.

Folks, Homer. The Human Costs of
War. Illustrated with photographs
by Lewis W. Hine. New York:
Harper. Pp.325. $2.25.

Gallichan, Catherine Gasquoine Hartley'
(Mrs. Walter M. Gallichan). Wo-
men's Wild Oats; essays on the re-
fixing of moral standards. New York:
Stokes. Pp.238. $1.50.

Gibson, Thomas. The Problems of
Peace. New York: Financial World,
29 Broadway. Pp. 146. $1.00.

Gleason, Arthur Huntington. What the
Workers Want; a Study of British
Labor. New York: Harcourt, B. & H.
Pp. vii+518. $4.00.

Harper, William Allen. Reconstructing
the Church. New York and Chicago:
Revell. Pp. 188. $1.25.

Haskins, Charles Homer, and Lord,
Robert Howard. Some Problems of
the Peace Conference. Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press.
Pp. 310. $3.00.

Hill, David Jayne. American World
Politics. New York: Doran. Pp.
257. $3.50.

Hobson, S. G. National Guilds and
the State. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. xix-t-406. $4.00.

Holt, Arthur E. The Bible as a Com-
munity Book. New York: Woman's
Press. $1.35.

Hrbkova, Sdrka B. Czechoslovak Sto-
ries. Translated from the original.
(Interpreters' Series.) New York:
Dufheld. Pp. iv-l-330. $1.90.

Husband, Joseph. Americans by Adop-
tion; Brief Biographies of Great
Citizens Born in Foreign Lands.
With an introduction by William
Allen Neilson. Boston: Atlantic
Monthly Press. Pp. xv-|-i53- $1.50.

Johnston, Donald Kent. Religious As-
pects of Scientific Healing. A psycho-
analytic guide written from the
patient's point of view. With an

RECENT LITERATURE

269

introduction by Elwood Worcester.
(Studies in Psychology.) Boston:
Badger. Pp.94. $1.75.

Jones, Henry Arthur. Patriotism and
Popular Education. New York: But-
ton. Pp. x.xviii-f-314. $4.00.

Kellogg, Vernon Lyman. Herbert Hoo-
ver, the Man and His Work. New
York: Appleton. Pp. viii-l-375.

$2.00.

Klein, Philip. Prison Methods in New
York State. A contribution to the
study of the theory and practice of
correctional institutions in New York
State. (Studies in History, Eco-
nomics, and Public Law, Vol. XL,
No. I.) New York: Longmans. Pp.
420. $3 . 50.

Koos, Leonard Vincent. The Junior
High School. With an introduction
by Henry Suzzallo. New York: Har-
court, B. & H. Pp. xv-l-79. $1.36.

Lewis, James C, Jr. Teaching in the
Army. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago
Press. Pp.64. Paper, $0.50.

Lockey, Joseph Byrne. Pan-American-
ism: its Beginnings. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. 503. (7 pages bibl.)
$5.00.

Low, Barbara. Psycho-analysis. A
brief account of the Freudian theory.
Introduction by Ernest Jones. New
York: Harcourt, B. & H. Pp. 199.
Si .60.

Mansbridge, Albert. An adventure in
Working-class Education; Being the
Story of the Workers' Educational
Association, 1903-15. New York:
Longmans. Pp. xx-l-73. $2.00.

McBride, Isaac. "Barbarous Soviet
Russia." New York: T. Seltzer.
Pp. 276. $2.50.

Meriam, Junius Lathrop. Child life
and the Curriculum. Yonkers-on-
Hudson, N.Y.: World Book Co.
Pp. xii-l-538. (14 pages bibl.) $3.60.

Miliukov, Pavel Nikolaevitch. Bolshe-
vism: an International Danger. Its
doctrine and its practice through war
and revolution. New York: Scribner.
Pp.303. $3.75-

Payne, George Henr>'. History of Jour-
nalism in the United States. New
York: Appleton. Pp. xx-t-453. (28
pages bibl.) $2 .50.

Queen, Stuart Alfred. The Passing of
the County Jail. Individualization
of misdemeanants through a unified
correctional system. Menasha, Wis.:
G. Banta Pub. Pp. xiii-l-156. $1.50.

Raymond, George Lansing. Ethics and
Natural Law. A reconstructive review
of moral philosophy applied to the
rational art of living. New York:
Putnam. Pp. xxxiii-l-345. $2.00.

Roberts, Richard. The Unfinished Pro-
gramme of Democracy. New York:
Huebsch. Pp.326. $2.00.

Rosanoff, Aaron Joshua. Manual of
Psychiatry. 5th rev. ed. New York:
Wiley. Pp. xv-t-684. $4.00.

Ross, Edward Alsworth. The Prin-
ciples of Sociolog>'. (Social Science
Series). New York: Century Co.
Pp. 700. $4.00.

Russell, Charles Edward. The Story
of the Nonpartisan League; a Chapter
in American Evolution. New York:
Harper. Pp.332. $2.00.

Scott, Emmett Jay. Negro Migration
During the War. (Preliminary Eco-
nomic Studies of the War, 16.) New
York: Oxford Univ. Pp. v+189.
(8 pages bibl.) $1 .00.

Sechrist, Frank Kleinfelter. Education
and the General Welfare. A text-
book of school law, hygiene, and
management. New York: Macmillan
Pp. xx+443. (14 pages bibl.) $1.60.

Seligman, Herbert J. The Negro Faces
America. New York: Harper. Pp.
318. $1.75-

Simon, Leon. Studies in Jewish Nation-
alism. With an introduction by Al-
fred E. Zimmern. New York: Long-
mans. Pp. xi-(-i74. $2.40.

Spalding, Henry Stanislaus. Talks to
Nurses; the Ethics of Nursing.
New York: Benziger. Pp. 197.
$1.50.

Steiner, Rudolph. The Triorganic Social
Organism. An exposition of the em-
brj'onal points of the social question
in the life-necessities of the present
and the future. Detroit, Mich.:
Goetheanum Press of America, 46
Hendrill St. Pp.135. $i-5o-

Talbot, Winthrop, and Johnsen, Julia E.
Americanization. Principles of Ameri-
canism; essentials of Americaniza-
tion; technic of race-assimilation;
annotated bibliography. 2d rev. ed.
(Handbook series.) New York: H.
W. Wilson Co. L\iv-|-373. (53 pages
bibl.) $1.80.

Thomas, William Isaac, and Znaniecki,
Florian. The Polish Peasant in
Europe and America. Vol. IV. Bos-
ton: Badger. $5.00.

270

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Veiller, Lawrence Turnure. A Model
Housing Law. Rev. ed. (Russell
Sage Foundation Publications.) New
York: Russell Sage Foundation. Pp.
xiv+430. $4,00.

Vestal, Samuel C. The Maintenance of
Peace; or, The Foundation of Do-
mestic and International Peace as
Deduced from a Study of the History
of Nations. New York: Putnam.
Pp. ix+s84. $5.00.

Voinovitch, Louis, Count. Dalmatia
and the Jugo-slav movement. With a
preface by Sir Arthur Evans. New
York: Scribner. $3.00.

Warren, Howard Crosby. Human Psy-
chology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Pp. xx+460. $5.00.

Watkins, Oscar Daniel. A History of
Penance; Being a Study of the
Authorities. Vol. I, The whole church
to A.D. 450; Vol. n, The Western
church from a.d. 450 to a.d. 1215.
New York: Longmans. 2 Vols. Pp.
xxix-}-xix+775. $16.00.

Webb, Jesse P. The American Prison
System. Salem, Ore.: J. P. Webb,
Route 6. Pp.262. S2.00.

Willis, George. The Philosophy of Speech.
New York : Macmillan. Pp.256. $2.50.

Zwemer, Rev. Samuel Marinus. The
Influence of Animism on Islam. An
account of popular superstitions. (A.
C. Thompson Lectures for 1918-19.)
New York: Macmillan. Pp. viii+
246. $2.00.

ARTICLES

Allix, Edgard. Contre le prelevement sur
le capital. Rev. pol. et parlem. 103:
145^63, May 10, '20.

Andrews, B. R. Thrift as a Family and
Individual Problems — Some Standard
Budgets. Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. Soc.
Sci. 87:11-20, Jan. '20.

Appel, Paul. La Societe des Nations et
I'avenir de I'humanite. Rev. pol. et
parlem. 103:90-92, Apr. 10, '20.

Barnbrock, Henry. One Community
Council: Its Vision and Its Accom-
plishments. Life and Labor. 10:
168-71, June, '20.

Barnes, H. E. Durkheim's Contribu-
tion to the Reconstruction of Political
Theory. Pol. Sci. Quar. 35:236-54,
June '20.

Beloit, G. Conscience et fonction so-
ciale. Revue de m^taphysique et de
morale 27:127-150, April-June '20.

Beyer, Arthur. Die gegenwartige Lage
der deutschen Eisenindustrie, Die
Neue Zeit, 38:169-72, May 21, '20.

Boucheron, Louis. Les Cooperatives et
la reconstitution des regions d^vastees.
Rev. pol. et parlem. 102:422-30, Mar.
10, '20.

Bovensiepen Dr. jur. u. phil. Die
Einrede der mehreren Beischlafer, die
Exceptio plurium concumbentium.
Zeitschrift fiir Sexualwissenschaft 7:
10-17, Apr. '20.

Bridge, J. H. Work and Play with Her-
bert Spencer. Unpar. 14:1-13, July-
Sept. '20.

Brown, P. M. Jewish Nationalism.
Amer. Jour. Int. Law 13:755-59,
Oct. '19.

Brownlee, Fred. L. Church School and
Public Opinion. Rel. Educa. 15:137-
43, June '20.

Clapp, Edwin C. A New York Experi-
ment in Business Cooperation. Am.
Econ. Rev. 10:48-58, Mar. '20.

Cohn, Fannia M. The Workers' Uni-
versity of the International Ladies'
Garment Workers' Union. Life and
Labor 10:73-77, Mar. '20.

Corcoran, Madge. Public Health Nurses
Organized for Protection. Life and
Labor 10:149-52, May '20.

Darlu, A. La France et la Vatican.
Rev. pol. et parlem. 103:164-69, May
10, '20.

. Pour la paix sociale. Rev. pol.

et parlem. 103:5-11, Apr. 10, '20.

Dawson, H. C. The Passing of Industrial-
ism. Sociol. Rev. 12:6-17, Spring '20.

Day, Cline. Keynes' Economic Conse-
quences of Peace. Am. Econ. Rev.
10:299-312, June '20.

Delmer, A. Le Salaire minimum dans
les mines de houille britanniques.
Rev. du Travail 21:626-41, May 15,
'20.

des Rotours, le baron J. Angot. Le
Mouement ^conomique et social —
Pays de langue anglaise. Ref. Soc.

9:331-35. M^y '-'o-

Doeblin, M. I. Juvenile Delinquency.
Sch. and Society 11:725-32, June '20.

Doll, E. A. A Study of Multiple Crimi-
nal Factors. Jour. Crim. Law and
Crim. 11:33-46, May '20.

. Improper Use of the Intelligence

Quotient. Jour. Dclinq. 5 : 67-70, May
'20.

RECENT LITERATURE

271

Drury, Horace B. Labor and Produc-
tion. Am. Federationist 27:237-44,

Mar. '20.
Duboscq, Andr6. La Chine et la

question d' extreme — Orient. Rev.

pol. et parlem. 103: 79-89, Apr. 10, '20.
Diick, Prof, in Innsbruck. AnonjTnitat

u. Sexualitat. Zeitschrift fur Se.xual-

wissenschaft 7:49-59, May '20.
Dupont, General. Une Mission en

Allemagne. — Le Repatriement des

prisonniers. Rev. de deux mon. 57:

144-66, May I, '20.
Ellwood, Charles A. The Formation of

Public Opinion. Rel. Educa. 15:73-

80, April, '20.
Emmet, Boris. Duration of Wage

Earners' Disabilities. Mo. Lab. Rev.

10:4-15, Mar. '20.
Engelbrecht, Polizeirat, Leipzig. Tele-

pathie und Kriminalpolizei. Deutsche

Strafrechtszeitung 6:301-305, Sept.-

Oct. '19.
Fairchild, H. P. Will the Wage System

Last? Unpar. 14:14-32, July-Sept.

'20.
Fisher, Willard C. ^\merican Experience

with Workmen's Compensation. Am.

Econ. Rev. 10:18-47, Mar. '20.
Foignet, Rene. La Faculte de droit et

des sciences sociales de Buenos-Aires.

Rev. pol. et parlem. 103:243-53, May

10, '20.
Galant, Dr. S. Das Sexual problem im

Lichte eines Marchens. Zeitschrift fiir

Sexualwissenschaft 7:22-4, Apr. '20.
Gerson, Adolf. Die Menstruation, ihre

Entstehung und Bedeutung. Zeit-
schrift fiir Sexualwissenschaft 7:18-21,

Apr. '20.
Godfrey, Hollis. Cooperation between

Industry and the Colleges. Educa.

Rev. 60:42-51, June '20.
Gompers, Samuel. Labor's Protest

Against a Rampant Tragedy. Am.

Federationist 27:521-32, June '20.
. The Issues That Face America.

.\m. Federationist 27:422-34, May '20.
Guerlac, Othon. Une Attaque Anglaise

Contre la Paix de Versailles. La paix

par le droit 138-46, May '20.
Guske, W. Demokratisierung der Ver-

waltung. Die Neue Zeit 38:221-28,

June 4, '20.
Haldane, O. M. The Nature of the

State. Contemp. Rev. 117:761-73,

June '20.
Hamelle, Paul. L'lrelande enchainee.

Rev. pol. et parlem. 102:402-21, Mar.
10, '20.

Harduin. Questions penitentiares et
p6nales. Rev. pen. droit p6nal 195-
202, July-Oct. '19.

Harley, H. Detroit Reforms Its Crimi-
nal Courts. Nat. Nun. Rev. 9:345-
48, June '20.

Harris, Henry J. The British National
Health Insurance System, 1911-1919
Mo. Lab. Rev. 10:45-59, J^^n. '20.

Hayes, Edward C. The Future of War.
Jap. Rev. 4:230-32, June '20.

Hill, D. J. Present Economic and Social
Problems. Sci. Mo. 10:581-88, June
'20.

Holmes, Edmond. The Psychology of
Sanity. Hib. Jour. 18:509-18, Apr. '20.

Huebner, S. S. Life Insurance in Its
Relation to Thrift. Ann. Am. Acad.
Pol. Soc. Sci. 87:183-89, Jan. '20.

Kent, Fred I. Europe's War Problems
and Labor. Econ. Wld. 106:4-7,
July 3, '20.

Jaures, Jean. La Paix et le socialisme
de I'humanite. La paix par le droit
30:83-86, Mar.-Apr. '20.

Kern, Dr. Miinchen. Der Einflusz der
politischen Umwalzung auf das Straf-
gesetzbuch. Deutsche Strafrechts-
Zeitung 6:339-45, Nov.-Dec, '19.

Kline, Burton. Employee Representa-
tion in Standard Oil. Indus. Manag.
59:355-60, 496-501, May-June '2o._

Kramer, Dr. August. Der Dimorphis-
mus bei Mann u. Frau. Zeitschrift fiir
Sexualwissenschaft, 7:1-9, Apr. '20.

Laache, S. Om Geniet som Biologisk
Problem. Samtiden 15:264-84, June
'20.

Laborde-Lacoste, M. Les theories gen-
erales du droit penal dans le projet du
code peruvien. Rev. pen. droit penal
247-55, July-Oct. '19.

Lalo, Charles. Les fonctions sociales de
la mode. Rev. Phil. 89:385-401,
May-June '20.

Lamaude, Ferdinand. La Fonction
sociale des facultes de droit. Rev.
pol. et parlem. 102:398-401, Mar. 10,
'20.

Larrabee, Harold A. The Formation of
Public Opinion through Motion Pic-
tures. Rel. Educa. 15:144-54, June
'20.

Laufkotter, Franz. Die Unzufrieden-
heit als Massenerscheinung. Die Neue
Zeit 38: 199-205, May 28 '20.

Lebaulanger, F. Un Aspect de la loi du
24 Octobre 191 9 sur la protection des
Femmes allaitant leur Enfant. Rev.
philan. 41:89-94, Mar. 15, '20.

272

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Levy, fidouard.' L'Etat civil et la na-
tionality. Rev. pol. et parlem. 103:

108-15, Apr. 10 '20.
L6vy, Raphael-Georges. La Juste paix.

Rev. de deux mon. 57:286-311, 601-

29, May 15 — June i, '20.
Leyst, Carl von. Die ungehemmte

Wechselneigung als Instinkt und Wille

zur biologischen Synthese. Die Neue

Generation 15:413-26, Sept. 'ig.
Loisy, Alfred. La Socicte des nations

et la religion de 1' humanite. La

Paix par le droit 30:82-83, Mar.-

Apr. '20.
Lutz, Harley L. The Progress of State

Income Taxation Since 191 1. Am.

Econ. Rev. 10:66-91, Mar. '20.
Magnusson, Leifer. Company Housing

in Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania.

Mo. Lab. Rev. 10:186-95, May '20.
Meissel-Hesz, Grete. Die Heirats-

wunsche der Postbeamtinnen. Die

Neue Generation 16:11-12, Jan. '20.
Meyer, E. C. Community Medicine

and Public Health. Amer. Jour. Pub.

Health 10:489-97, June '20.
Michels, Roberto. La Sociologie de

Venise dans I'Apres-guerre. Rev.

Inter, de Soc. 124-30, Mar.-Apr. '20.
Moll, Dr. Berlin. Die Psychologie

im Dienste des Fahndungswesens.

Deutsche Strafrechts-Zeitung 7:160-

63, May- June '20.
Parker, Florence E. The Cooperative

Movement in the United States. Mo.

Lab. Rev. 10:138-45, Mar. '20.
Patten, S. N. Back Sliding on Social

Work. Survey 44:338-43, June '20.
Pearl, R. The Efifect of the War on the

Chief Factors of Population Change.

Science 51:553-56, June '20.
Plehn, Carl C. War Profits and E.xcess

Profits Taxes. Am. Econ. Rev. 10:

283-98, June '20.
Price, G. V. The Sociological Basis of

Education. Educa. 40:591-600, June

'20.
Ratcliffe, S. K. America's Troubled

Hpur. Contemp. Rev. 117:761-73,

June '20.
Rawnsley, The Rev. Canon H. D.

Liquor Control and the Carlisle

Experiment. Hib. Jour. 18:557-71,

Apr. '20.
Roberts, Georges E. La Distribution de

la richesse. Rev. pol. et parlem. 102:

371-88, Mar. 10, '20.

Shiels, Albert. A Program of Ameri-

icanization. Amer. Educa. 23:444-51,

June '20.
Solomon, H. C. Social Workers for

Mental Hygiene. Mo. Med. 2:465-

66, June '20.
Sontag, Dr. Unsere Zeit im Spiegel ihrer

Strafgesetze. Deutsche Strafrechts-
Zeitung 7:39-41, Jan.-Feb. '20.
Staff, Dr. von. Zur Umgestaltung des

Gerichtsverfassungsgesetzes. Deutsche

Strafrechts-Zeitung 7:3-9, Jan.-Feb.

'20.
Stanton, S. B. Private Rights and

Civic Beauty. Unpar. 14:130-40,

July-Sept. '20.
Stocker, Helene. Erotik u. Altruismus.

Die Neue Generation 16:53-69, Feb.-

Mar. '20.
Thoms, Craig S. The Religious Unrest.

Bib. World 54:227-38, May '20.
Thomson, J. S. Symbiosis. New States-
man 15:247-48, June '20.
Todd, A. J. Educating the Producer

and the Consumer. Survey 44:373-

75, June '20.
Tsien-Tal. La Reforme penitentiaire

en Chine. Rev. pen. droit penal 158-

65, July-Oct. '19.
Vaerting, Dr. M. Der Konflikt zwischen

der individuellen und generativen

Leistung beim Menschen. Die Neue

Generation 16:4-10, Jan. '20.
. Der Nachwuchs der begabten

Frauen. Die Neue Generation 15:

426-33, Sept. '19.
Vercruysse, Fr. Les R^centes m^thodes

de pr6vention, de conciliation et

d 'arbitrage des conflits industriels en

Grande-Bretagne. Rev. du travail

1S.-30. Jan. 15, '20.
Williams, H. S. The Development of

the Public School System in Missouri.

Jour. Negro Hist. 5:137-65, Apr. '20.
Williamson, C. C. The Origin and Cure ^

of "the Bad Boy." Sociol. Rev. 12:

28-35, Spring '20.
Woodburne, Angus S. Reactions of

Welfare Work on Religious Work.

Bib. World 54: 276-81, May '20.
Woods, Er\'ille B. Have Wages Kept

Pace with the Cost of Living? Ann.

Am. Acad. Pol. Soc. Sci. 89:135-47,

May '20. '
Wright, Chester M. How the Propo-

gandists Work for War with Mexico.

Am. Federationist 27:550-56, June' 20.

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Volume XXVI NOVEMBER 1 920 Number 3

THE COMPARATIVE ROLE OF THE GROUP CONCEPT
IN WARD'S DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY AND CONTEM-
PORARY AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY

WALTER B. BODENHAFER

Washington University

I. THE GROWTH OF GROUP CONSCIOUSNESS

A study in social theory cannot ignore the fundamental fact
of the social life, which is the source of all sound theory as it is
the test of all results of reflection. The attempt to separate social
life from social theory is one that has resulted in disaster both for
the theory and for the on-going life-stream/ On the one hand it
creates a theory which, like metaphysical philosophy, finally
exhausts itself in fruitless evanescent speculations; and on the
other hand, by failing to furnish the developing life a working and
tested technique, it has allowed the social life to develop as an
undirected and wasteful process. If one accepts the conclusion
arrived at by Herbert Spencer in his Social Statics ajid developed

' For one of the best illustrations both of the fact and the results of such separa-
tion one might call attention to Germany. Professor John Dewey, in his German
Philosophy and Politics, makes this attempted separation on the part of German
thinkers the key to his mterpretation of the German nation. The German attempt
to reconcile esoteric intellectual freedom, an ideal freedom, with an autocratically
dominated social and industrial life was an impossible attempt, and one which led
to German ruin and a shaken world.

273

2 74 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

by Sumner, namely, that the social process* goes on irrespective of
social control or direction, then indeed, the second of the conse-
quences of the separation of theory from social life is probably a
desideratum, for it brings about the result aimed at, namely, non-
interference in the workings of a process of natural laws. But
society at large, social scientists in general, and sociologists in
particular, have swimg away from the laissez faire philosophy and
are more and m ore given to a refinement of their technique of
social control on the assumption that such tools will have an
actual use in modifying the social process.^ The conclusion seems
to be sound that social theory and the social process are somehow
interrelated, and can never be wholly or to any extent separated
if thought is to remain sound and instrumental, and if the activities
of life are to be saved from the wasteful and costly results of uncon-
trolled movements.^ Whatever valuation may be put on the place of
social theory, whether one regard it as performing the function of
leadership in mediating group crises and as thus shaping and influ-
encing social development, or whether one regard it as merely a
rationalizing of, and speculation on, past events, and relatively
ineffective and futile both as an academic pursuit and as a practi-
cable matter, one must assume that there is some connection more
or less vital between social theory and social life. We may take it
for granted, then, that the development of social theory in general,
or of any partial phase of social theory, has been more or less
closely related to the actual social life which has developed. We
should expect, if that were our present problem, to find that such

' The concept "social process" is used here in the sense in which it has been
largely standardized by Dr. Small in his General Sociology.

' Dr. Small has called attention (^American Journal oj Sociology, XXI, 755) to
the fact that L. F. Ward's most significant contribution to sociology in America is
his emphasis on the psychic factor as a new and controlling factor in human develop-
ment. On this Ward joined issue with Sumner and Spencer and became a pioneer
in this respect in social science in the United States.

J One might call attention here to the nature of thought and its function as
described by that group of writers who are referred to by such terms as functionalists,
behaviorists, pragmatists, instrumentalists. The essence of this view, I take it, is
(in so far as this point is concerned) that thought is conduct, reflection is a t>'pe of
conduct and arises in mediation of crises, i.e., conflict situations. On this assumption
then social theory must be organically and functionally connected with the social
process. They cannot be separated.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 275

sliifts as may be shown to have taken place in sociological thought
during the last four decades have had a direct relation to the enor-
mous changes that have taken place in our industrial, technical,
agricultural, and, in a word, our whole social structure and function.
To trace out that relation is not our present problem. Such a task
remains to be done in a separate work. The assumption upon
which succeeding chapters rest is that those who rely almost
exclusively on social theory on the one hand, and those who scoff
at theory as relatively futile and archaic on the other, are both
wrong; that a better working hjrpo thesis is that the true relation
is a constantly developing reciprocal, a give-and-take process.
A well-rounded discussion must include them both. Instrumen-
talist philosophy and psychology discover in social theory and the
social process two phases of a more rational societal evolution.

Without attempting further to investigate the problem of the
causal relationship between social theory and social life since
1880, it is essential to give in bold strokes some of the more striking
changes in American social development since the date mentioned,
in order that there may appear the whole complex background
for the consideration of one phase of the shift in social theory.
In general it may be said that such changes indicate a growing
consciousness of the fundamental nature of the group in all the multi-
plied forms of social activity. It is the purpose of the rest of this
chapter to point out such facts in more detail.

First of all one must note the changes that have taken place
in the economic processes of society, particularly in industry, and
the group organizations of persons interested or employed in those
processes. The possibilities latent in the principle of the division
of labor have reached a realization since 1880 such as was undreamed
of in the earlier periods of our industrial development. The appli-
cation of inventions to productive processes, the utilization of
steam power, the increase in means of transportation of the earlier
part of the last centur}^, prepared the way for an industrial expan-
sion, following the panic of 1873, which altered our whole life,
created what is known as big business, made the factory the domi-
nant mode of industrial production, conditioned the appearance of
the various forms of combination, made necessary the readjustment

276 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of labor problems, stimulated the concentration of people in cities,
and resulted in the transition of American life from an agricultural
to a predominantingly industrial type. On the whole, then, how-
ever long the factors had been preparing for the shift, the four
decades since 1880 have seen enormous changes in our whole life.
The individualism so characteristic of American life began to give
way to a collectivism of fact in which group solidarity began to
rise into consciousness as a matter of practical importance and
significance. Individualism began to break down in business, in
community life, in actual governmental practice, in religious and
social organization of all types; and in the place of the atomistic
nature of our previous social organization there developed what
Dicey has called, in speaking of England of the nineteenth century,
the central fact, namely, the trend to collectivism. This trend
has not been a movement carefully planned and directed by a
foreseeing leadership. It has been largely a result of a crude and
blind change brought about by the new factors arising in the whole
social situation. What these factors are has been suggested. The
chief ones are the development of the means of communication and
transportation both within the country and with other countries.
Speedy and wide diffusion of intelligence makes possible the forma-
tion of great industries, while the development of transportation
facilities both in capacity and in speed is essential for the handling
of the products of those industries. By means of such improve-
ments the western part of the country became economically
incorporated into national life, the frontier of free land disappeared,
no longer affording an outlet for the economically suppressed.

It is not without significance that the development of com-
munication and transportation finds a corresponding development
in what is known as business combinations. The latter are confined
almost wholly in their important phases to the period beginning
after the panic of 1873.^ There were, of course, "agreements"
prior to that time, but the year 1877 saw the birth of the

' "The panic of 1873 again accelerated the movement toward industrial com-
bination by forcing many small concerns into bankruptcy; and soon after the recovery
from the panic of 1893 the rush toward integration of industries began." Carlton,
History and Problems of Organized Labor, p. 68.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 277

great railroad "pools" which were the dominating form of con-
solidation down to the nineties.* The form of combination of
capital has varied, viz., amalgamations, mergers, etc., but the
development has been steadily toward a larger and more finished
consolidation of capitalistic enterprise. The Sherman Anti-Trust
Act of 1890 is an evidence of a growing consciousness of a new
and important change in American industrial life. It indicated a
pronounced trend toward capitalistic solidarity and conununity
of interest. Out of the actual experiences of life and the increased
technical facilities there has arisen a new sense of group solidarity
which is essential for industrial progress. This necessarily has
conditioned profound changes in every form of social life, and
enters into and shapes the form and content of the smallest primary
groups in society.

Thus far in the discussion of economic changes, attention has
been directed primarily to the organization of capital, of industries,
and their increased consciousness of economic solidarity. Before
leaving this part of the discussion, however, attention must be
given to that other large factor in industrial enterprise, namely,
labor. One might term this the reverse side of the shield; for
along with other industrial changes there have come many changes
in the quality of labor, the nature of labor, the racial composition
of laborers, their forms of association, and their philosophy of
labor and life. The chief interest for us at this point is the develop-
ment of group consciousness and group solidarity among laborers
and of combinations of laborers for various ends. Possibly no
part of our population shows more clearly the growth of a practical
recognition of the essential part that a group plays than does the
labor movement.

The movement toward organization and combination among
American laborers began very early in the nation's history, but it
is practically true that the important development of labor organi-
zations has come since the Civil War and particularly since 1880."

' Haney, Business Organization and Combination, p. 165.

* Unions had been formed as early as 1825, workingmen's parties had been
organized, papers had been published, but all were sporadic and short lived.

278 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"All the labor movements of the pre-Civil War period were epheme-
ral and soon disintegrated."'' It was not until the last quarter of
the past century that conditions were ripe for the appearance
of powerful labor groups paralleling chronologically the appearance
of combinations of capital and large-scale industr>\ Professor
Carlton summarizes the point thus :

In the Civil War period labor was never strongly organized. No clear
vision of the solidarity of the laboring classes had as yet caught and held the
attention of the wage earners. But the Civil War made permanent labor
organization inevitable. The Civil War marks a transition period in our
labor history. Concentrated capital, the extensive use of the subdi\'ided
labor, the influx of the cheap labor of Southern Europe, and the peopling of
the West have given organized labor its big problems. Henceforward, the
United States was destined to be "an industrial community which organized
its industries on a large scale." With the panic of 1873 unionism suffered a
temporary check only to be followed by a new era in the history of labor
organization.*

It Is not essential to the purpose here to trace out in detail the
various stages in the subsequent development of labor organiza-
tions. The chief endeavor is to make clear the new era which was
ushered in at the close of the panic which began in 1873. Following
that period the order known as the ICnights of Labor grew up. Its
first general assembly was held in 1878, when it reported 80,000
members. By 1885 its members exceeded 100,000, and the next
year it reached the high-water mark of its career with a membership
of more than 600,000. With its purposes, organization, and work,
we are not here concerned. It is sufficient to point out that it
subsequently gave way to another organization founded in 1881,
the American Federation of Labor, which grew slowly but surely
until it became and still is the dominant force in the labor world.
The history of this latest body is a study in itself, and is outside the
limits of this investigation. As it stands it is an interesting com-
mentary on, and witness of, the enormous changes that have
taken place in industrial life since its inception. It is particu-
larly interesting in so far as it shows the steady trend toward the
group basis of labor activity, and the increasing consciousness of

• Carlton, History and Problems of Organized Labor, p. 41.
' Ibid., p. 64.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 279

the occupational group as a factor in individual development and
social organization.

Although passing through various crises and varying fortunes,
the authorities in control of the Federation have pretty generally
maintained the policy of trade unionism as against industrial
unionism, and have pretty consistently refrained from political
organization and action to attain their ends. It has been pointed
out' that the trade-union type must eventually give way to the
industrial type as a result of the changes that have taken place in
industrial organizations. The increased concentration of the
latter, and the abolition of skilled trades in great factories through
the introduction of more complex and efl&cient machinery, have
paved the way for a different type of labor group organizations.
One writer expresses the view thus :

These facts point toward the conclusion that the industrial union is an
effective form of organization. The evidence, moreover, leads almost inevi-
tably to the further conclusion that the old line type of separate trade-unions,
even when loosely affiliated with each other through the American Federation,
cannot effectively cope with hostile trusts and strong employers' associations
expect in those cases in which skill or a particularly strategic situation gives
them an advantageous position. Greater solidarity than craft unionism is
necessary to cope with the trust employing minutely subdivided labor.*

If the conclusion just stated be true, and the industrial union
gradually supplants the trade-union in all except the particularly
skilled trades and those involving unusual responsibility as well as
skill, then a new type of labor solidarity arises, that of the particular
industry rather than that of disparate trades within an industry.
Such a transformation brings about new attitudes, new group
consciousness and new powers. It dissolves the basis for the
older trade-imion aristocracy, and supplants it with a more demo-
cratic type of group alignment and group control. It makes
possible one of the first steps toward the organization of all or a
large majority of unskilled workers for positive action. It sup-
plants the older conception of democracy as a rule by individuals
in the mass with the sounder conception of the group as the unit

• Parker, Quarterly Journal of Economics, XXXIV, 564-69. Cummins, American
Journal of Sociology, XIII, 759.

* Carlton, History and Problems of Organized Labor, p. 77-

28o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SOCIOLOGY

and agency of democratic progress.^ Political theorists are giving
increasing attention to the occupational group as a basis for repre-
sentation, on the ground that such groups constitute more effective
units than geographical districts, and that representations from
such groups come nearer to representing some definite factor in
the social organization. If future experience proves the need for
greater permanence of such shifts in the method of representation,
one of the preparatory steps is that of the organization of the
unskilled workers on an industrial rather than on a trade or craft
basis. What may be the final issue is not to be predicted; the
purpose here is merely to call attention to a perceptible shift in
the type of group organization that is going on in a relatively
blind and unreflective manner among the workers, as a result of
certain new and changing factors in the whole industrial situation,
and to suggest a simultaneous parallel in political theory. It is
another signpost pointing to the changing society that has been
arising since Ward's Dynamic Sociology was in the making.

Another significant implication of the growth of practical
group organization among labor is that such organization becomes
essential if labor is to assume a share in control of industry. An
imorganized mass of unskilled laborers is unfitted for any voice in
control or management. The labor group is the first essential,
and this is being developed practically by labor itself.

Certain forces in American society seem to be breaking down
the second policy of organized labor, namely, non-political action.
There can be little doubt that hitherto the leaders of the American
Federation have reflected the actual spirit and sentiments of the
great mass of laborers as against a miUtant minority who favored
political action. Our type of industrial life, the presence of a
large agricultural class, the absence of serious and widespread
poverty, etc., have induced a conservative labor opinion and
labor leadership. The Great War with its general loosening of
bonds, its stimulation of labor's expectations, the rising cost of
living, and the labor movements abroad created a new group con-
sciousness in labor ranks. Following the war employers assumed
a hostile attitude, government adopted a reactionary policy of

' Thia will be expanded in later chapters. See also Follett, The New State.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 281

intimidation, denial of free speech, assembly, and press, reverting
to a repressive attitude and the use of legal methods which made
clear to a larger part of the workers that mere trade-union warfare
even cannot be carried on so long as hostile forces make such
trade-union activity impossible. Labor seems forced, therefore,
merely in order to preserve and make effective its former policy,
to embark upon a political policy to protect its methods from
interference and nullification. If such a departure occurs it will
mark an increasing importance of economic groups as a factor in
social and political life.

The foregoing pages have attempted to present some phases of
the economic background for our study of the group concept in
social theory since 1880. The central thought throughout has
been to call attention to the growth of industry, and of group
organizations immediately in connection with industrial life. It is
now in order to call attention briefly to the change in governmental
practices and policies arising out of the industrial changes during
the same period.

One of the most illuminating evidences of the vital changes
that have taken place in our whole national life is the change that
has taken place in the quality and quantity of governmental
"interference" in the industrial processes of our society. Though
bitterly contested by industry and hampered by the constitution
and the courts, the country has steadily passed from an individual-
istic laissez faire policy to one of vigorous control of industry and
protection of the dependent classes employed in such industries.
This transformation has come in response to needs developing out
of the actual life of society, and expresses a new consciousness of
social solidarity — of the fundamental importance of the group life.
In general, one may say that with minor exceptions the bulk of
such legislation lies within the period beginning since the seventies.
It was a concomitant of those fundamental changes in our industrial
life which have been suggested above. On every hand one finds
evidence of the collectivistic practice. The government has gone
into business. It has created postal savings banks, parcel post;
municipalities have extended their control over water plants, the
production of gas, heat, and light. Regulation has grown steadily.

282 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Interstate Commerce Commission and the Sherman Anti-
Trust Law are significant in showing the newer attitude of American
society. The regulation of railroad rates, services, and business
practices, the extension of control over corporations, the pure food
laws, reservation of public lands, the conservation of resources, the
imposition of inheritance and income taxes, are some of the eloquent
witnesses of the increasmg insistence upon the social interest in all
the manifestations of our industrial energies. The socialization
of industry, whether by ownership, as in the case of municipal
power and light plants, or by regulation as in the case of the rail-
ways and trusts, or by the still less tangibly coercive method of
publicity, is a definite working h^^pothesis that has developed
almost wholly in the last half-century. It is an evidence of a new
sense of social solidarity, of group consciousness which has evolved
naturally out of the actual social experiences of American life.

In addition to this direct type of social control of industrial
life, there is another large and noteworthy class of legislation which
is an important part of social interest in economic organization.
This includes that body of legislation which has to do with the
protection of the labor element in industry. Here again the
development of this important program has been almost wholly a
phenomenon of the period following the panic of 1873. With the
exception of a few isolated and unimportant attempts to limit
the hours of labor for women and children, there was practically
no labor legislation of importance until after the Civil War period.
Even laws relating to child labor did not assume any importance
until some time after the Massachusetts acts of 1866 and 1867.
It was in the period of expansion following the panic of the next
decade that this elementary type of protective legislation became
a real factor in legislative control of industry. The same holds
true of laws relating to hours of women and of men in public
service, to laws regulating conditions of labor, prescribing safety
appliances, and protective devices. In addition, workmen's com-
pensation laws, accident insurance, and minimum wage laws for
women and children are still more recent.

The strength of the movement for social legislation of these
types is clearly shown when it is recalled that they have come in

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 283

spite of the strenuous opposition of three powerful influences,
namely, first, the owners of the industries themselves; second,
the constitution and the courts; and third, the traditional indi-
vidualistic attitudes of American life.

Still another extension of the principle of group solidarity in
legislation is found in the social treatment of disease, both by pre-
ventive sanitation, and dissemination of information, and by
pubhc and quasi-public agencies and institutions. The growth of
the consciousness of the social nature of disease and of group
responsibility for the prevention of disease is relatively new. The
inclusion of national vitality by the National Conservation Com-
mission^ as among the chief, if not the chief, national resource is
deeply significant in that it shows in another way the increased
appearance of group consciousness and group responsibility as a
result of scientific discoveries and actual experience in a rapidly
intensifying group life. Probably no other period has seen such
a rapid recognition of the principles of the social nature of disease
and of group responsibility for its prevention and cure as the last
four decades.

Another striking example of group consciousness in dealing with
a specific problem is the interesting experiment of prohibitory meas-
ures in the case of intoxicating liquors. This again is a product of
the last few decades. The consummation of this type of social
control marks a decided step away from an individualistic atti-
tude, and negative legislative policy, toward a social or group
attitude and group assumption of responsibility.

Mention has already been made of the fact that municipal
ownership of certain productive enterprises has been accomplished
in many cities and towns over the country. The chief forms of
municipally owned productive enterprises are those concerned with
the manufacture of electricity and gas, the furnishing of water
and transportation. The essentially social nature of such activi-
ties in municipal life is becoming increasingly clear. Municipal
ownership of gas, light, and water plants has become so much a
part of the ordinary course of life in many cities as to be no longer

» See Btdletin 30 of the Committee of One Hundred on National Health, being a
report on national vitality by Irving Fisher.

284 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in the field of consciousness — there are no competing moral or
political values or plans. Along with these rather stereotyped
examples of municipal group activity there have developed the
great municipal park systems, municipal improvements of lake
fronts and waterways, municipal bathing beaches and pleasure
resorts, municipal libraries and restrooms, municipal hospitals
and asylums, municipal reference, statistical, and research bureaus,
municipal legal aid and welfare associations. These constitute but
a partial list of essentially municipal activities which indicate a
marvelous growth of the conception of a municipality as an organic
unity. On the whole, these developments are relatively recent,
coming for the most part since the Civil War and reconstruction
period. Speaking of the subtle way in which such a transformation
has come in England, Dicey quotes the following statement,
reported to be the language of Sidney Webb :

The practical man, oblivious or contemptuous of any theory of the social
organism or general principles of social organization, has been forced by the
necessities of the time into an ever-deepening coUectivist channel. Socialism,
of course, he still rejects and despises. The individualist town councillor will
walk along the municipal pavement, lit by municipal gas, and cleansed by
municipal broom, with municipal water, and seeing, by the municipal clock
in the municipal market, that he is too early to meet his children coming from
the municipal school hard by the county lunatic asylum and municipal hospital,
will use the national telegraph system to tell them not to walk through the
municipal park, but to come by the municipal tramway, to meet him in the
municipal reading room by the municipal art gallery, museum, librar>', where he
intends to consult some of the national publications in order to prepare his next
speech in the municipal town hall in favor of the nationalization of canals and
the increase of government control over the railway system. "Socialism,
Sir!" he will say, "don't waste the time of a practical man by your fantastic
absurdities." "Self-help! Sir, individual self-help, that's what's made our
city what it is."*

Without much change this statement would be true of numerous
municipalities in the United States.

Turning aside from the strictly official or governmental agencies,
such as the foregoing, which have arisen, there is found a large
list of community activities which are properly volimtary move-

' Reputed to be the language of Sidney Webb by George Eastgate in the Tirnes,
August 33, 1902. Quoted by Dicey in Law and Public Opinion, pp. 286-87.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 285

ments, but which are essentially expressions of the same practical
interest in and consciousness of the unity of community life in a
more restricted geographical extent than the municipally owned
and controlled industries and agencies. The establishment of
community centers, of neighborhood groups for various economic,
social, and educational ends, is one of the more recent phases of
the growth of group consciousness in various areas of cities of all
sizes.^ The use of the school as a social center and the creation
of other institutions around which the community interests may
center and develop are among the most hopeful evidences of a
solution of numerous municipal problems. In the main, this type
of development has not arisen out of a theoretical scheme clamped
down on a given community, but it has arisen out of the actual
growth of the community problems and interests. It has come
about through the discovery of a community of interest and a
recognition of social solidarity, while almost unconsciously pur-
suing disparate individual ends. In so far as leadership in the
form of conunimity plans has arisen, it has largely arisen in response
to the developing needs as revealed in the crises of the local group
life. Church life and structure, school curricula, and programs of
other agencies have responded to, rather than created, the essence
of the group life. But whatever the relative place of the theory
and practice in this particular case, it seems quite clear that a new
sense of group solidarity has arisen and is arising out of the practical
life as it is developing in cities and towns in the United States.

Another very interesting example of the way in which organiza-
tions have responded to the demands of practical situations is
revealed in the experience of charitable organizations. The
charity organization movement, for example, was introduced in
this country, following the English precedent, immediately after
the general business depression of 1873-77. Possibly the diiSiculties
incurred in relieving the destitution of that period may have
hastened the organization movement.^ At any rate the move-
ment for charity organization was a democratically stimulated one.

'One of the most interesting experiments is the "social imit" plan recently
established in Cincinnati. See Survey, November 15, 1919.
' Warner, American Charities (1908), p. 442.

286 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

It had its basis in the need for co-ordination of competitive and
conflicting agencies, and in the essential fact that any pathological
maladjustment requiring some kind of aid or assistance is funda-
mentally a social or group matter.'' The schedules of causes of
poverty, for example, that have been published by the Charity
Organization Society since i88^ reveal very clearly a striking
growth of the essentially social or group nature of what is called
poverty. A comparison of the various revisions with the first
schedules of 1888 shows in a very convincing fashion the revolution
in theory and practice in charitable work which has followed as a
result of the experience of forty years in actual contact with con-
crete, living problems. That revolution may be summarized in
the statement that the shift has been one from a subjectivistic,
individualistic basis to a group basis; practical charity work had
discovered the group and the meaning of the fact of group solidarity
as the point of departure. In place of the individual as a unit
there arose a plexus of group relations out of which the individual
could be separated only by an abstraction.

Without further illustration of the change in municipal life and
consciousness, we may turn to a similar development in rural
districts. The community-life movement is a recent and growing
one. The rural-community movement ojQfers a peculiarly striking
example of the growth of the recognition of the group, because in
the rural districts the individualistic attitude reached its greatest
development and permanence. But the forces at work are tending
to incorporate the rural life not only into the economic and thought
life of the larger national and state groups, but are creating local
solidarity and a community interest which furnishes the necessary
preparation for effective community organization. First among
the factors which have made this possible are the increased means

' Devine suggests the fact of this change in these words: "Within the past few
years a noticeable change has taken place in the conference of charities, in the dis-
cussions among social workers, in the special periodicals devoted to social problems,
and in the more general daily and periodical press. A new unity has been discovered
underlying various charitable activities which center in the homes of the poor. It
has become apparent that relief societies, charity organization societies, religious,
educational, and social agencies, and public departments charged with the care of
dependents, form practically a single group with many common interests, methods,
difficulties, and dangers." — Devine, Principles of Relief, p. 10.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 287

of communication and transportation. The coming of the tele-
phone, rural free delivery of mail, the development of better roads,
better electric and steam railroads, and the invention of the auto-
mobile have made the rural districts part of the social organism to
a remarkable degree. Economically the farmer has become
intricately dependent on numerous remote and varied industries.
Like the city dweller his home has been invaded again and again
by industry, and one by one occupations have been removed
from it to other specialized industrial agencies. The rapid exten-
sion of communication has made possible the creation of a differ-
ent and better type of mind in rural life and the development of a
real psychic national unity.

As a result of the modifications that have taken place in means
of communication and in the economic life of rural communities
and with the discovery of the economic and social solidarity of the
rural districts, there has developed the rural community social life.
There is an increasing tendency on the part of rural communities
and their leaders to recognize not only the legitimate function of
amusement and entertaimnent but also, which is of chief interest
to this discussion, the essential fact of the group, the community
as the true local unit.

This same spirit is seen in the field of education, where more,
modem types of educational effort are being carried on. The
development of the school as a social center, in some places, the
readjustment of the curriculum to meet the needs prescribed by
local social conditions, the attempt to create a community interest
and loyalty which will attract and retain the rising leadership, the
broadening of school activity to include a closer relation with com-
munity activities: these are all expressions of a community sense,
of a consciousness of group needs and of an interest in a social
agency which is designed to supply them.

The extent to which the same cormnunity spirit is finding
expression, is shown in the way in which religious attitudes and
organizations are being modified in so many rural districts. This
is seen in several ways, first, in the growing emphasis on the
importance of the local group as a religious end ; secondly, the way
in which pre-existing sectarian division lines are melting away

288 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

before the group solidarity; and thirdly, the way in which the
religious organization is being broadened to include, in an increased
measure, the group activities. All of these, of course, have been
influenced by leadership and by outside programs and experiments,
but they show quite clearly a shift of emphasis and attention not
only from an individualistic to a group ty-pe of religion, but also
from a conception of religious institutions as divisive agencies to a
conception of such institutions as a group concern and group
unifying agency. Here as elsewhere, the central feature of rehgious
programs and practices that show most signs of life in rural com-
munities is the recognition of the solidarity of the group and of its
place in practical life.

The foregoing pages of this chapter have been designed to
point out some of the more patent ways in which American life
since 1880 has been undergoing a transition. The effort has been
to present this transition as the background of changing mores
and practices which give color and meaning and setting to the
chapters which are to follow. The picture is necessarily incom-
plete. The complete picture would involve the whole social history
of the United States. The central feature which has characterized
the transition is the growth in practical, living experience of group
solidarity, the increasing recognition on the part of the practical
man of the essentially social nature of many of the phases of
living, and of an almost unconscious increasing use of the principle
of group solidarity in meeting concrete problems. The central
place of the group as a matter of actual life is a working principle
which has been developed as one of the interesting achievements of
the last four decades. The transition is not yet complete; it has
not yet been realized fully in any one line nor at all in some others,
but that it has been and is going on seems quite plain. The sub-
sequent chapters will attempt to show that a similar transition
has taken place in social theory between 1880 and the present time.

II. ward's use of the group concept, with particular

REFERENCE TO HIS "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY"

This chapter will attempt to summarize, first, the leading
examples of Ward's explicit use of the group concept, or of synony-
mous terms as a tool of sociological thought; secondly, the implied

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 289

use of such a concept; and thirdly, the results upon his sociological
system of his use or failure to use such a tool of thought.

Before proceeding further with the discussion it will be well to
point out the reasons for the selection of Ward, and chiefly his
earliest work, Dynamic Sociology, as a point for comparison with
contemporary sociology. The aim in the study is not to present
an evaluation of Ward's contribution to sociological thought, but
to utilize his work as a convenient point at the beginning of sociology
in America to make clear the shift in method that has taken place
in respect to the use of the group concept. Ward is generally
conceded to be the first of American sociologists in point of time
at least. The appearance of his Dynamic Sociology in 1883, the
writing of which occupied the preceding ten years, marked the
beginning of the study of sociology in America.^ Whatever value
sociologists may attach to Ward's work, there can be little doubt
of the inspiring role he has played among American sociologists.'
Whatever new developments may arise in social theory, whatever
changed methods subsequent sociology may introduce. Ward's
work will always claim a considerable place in the continuity of
that stream of thought which we call sociology.^ Just what that
place is, is without the province of this discussion, except in so far
as it relates itself to one particular inquiry.

The selection of Ward acquires added significance from the
facts that have been presented in the preceding chapter, that the
period since Ward wrote his first book has been a period in which

' Cf. Small, "Fifty Years of Sociology- in the United States," American Journal
of Sociology, XXII (1916), 748 fif.

* For evidence sustaining this point see "Appreciation of Ward," American
Journal of Sociology, II, 61-78 where some present-day sociologists give an estimate
of the place of Ward in their ovra intellectual history.

i Professor Small has called attention in his "Fifty Years of Sociology in the
United States," American Journal of Sociology, XXI (1916), 750, to Ward's isolation
from the stream of thought embodied in the social sciences in Europe, particularly
the work of the German thinkers. Dr. Small has performed a unique piece of work
in showing the continuity of that stream wth modern sociology. Without challen-
ging the correctness of Dr. Small's view of Ward's isolation, the suggestion may be
hazarded that a development of the Comtean stream in the case of Ward's intellectual
ancestry might relieve a part of the isolation which seems so abrupt. Possibly after
some sociologist has done for the line of thought via Comte what Dr. Small has done
so ably for the German connection the former may assimie greater relative importance.

29© THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

American life has been undergoing fundamental social changes in
every phase of its existence. Not only has there gone on this
marvelous transformation of the social life in general, as a practical
growth, but also the same period marks the growth of the scientific
spirit which has affected the thought life of America in every phase
of its development. The period marks the application of the
evolutionary philosophy and the scientific method not only to the
physical and biological sciences, but latterly also to the social
sciences, to philosophy, and to religion. The period has been one
of rapid intellectual readjustment, of crumbling hypotheses and
points of view and of methods of such a far-reaching nature as to
mark practically the birth of a whole new era in both theory and
practice.^ The thought may be expressed in Dr. Small's words as
the "drive toward objectivity." The roots of the new currents of
thought which we now see about us go back far into the past.
The new trends were long in preparation, but their coming to
prominence in American thought life has been almost wholly con-
fined to the period since Ward wrote his first book in sociolog}\
In few, if any, periods of the world's history have changes of such
momentous implications for all types of thought taken place in
such a brief period of time.

The development of the scientific method in the various sciences,
and the fruitful discoveries that have taken place in the last four
decades, were emphasized by the papers presented at the St. Louis
Congress of Arts and Sciences. Almost without exception the
speakers find in this period the coming of a new age for those
sciences."

• Robinson points out that two facts of transcendent importance were discovered
in the second half of the nineteenth century, namely, Darwin's doctrine of the descent
of man from lower organisms and Lyell's collection of geological evidence to show the
antiquity of man. The New History, p. 80.

' "In his recently published autobiography, Herbert Spencer asserts that at the
time of issue of his work on biology (1864), not one person in ten or more knew the
meaning of the word; and among those who knew it, few cared to know anything
about the subject. That the attitude of the educated public toward biological science
could have been thus indifferent, if not inimical, forty years ago, seems strange enough
now even to those of us who have witnessed in part the scientific progress subsequent
to that epoch. But this was a memorable epoch, marked by the advent of the great
intellectual awakening ushered in by the generalizations of Darwin, Wallace, Spencer,

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 291

In the field of religion the period includes the older conflict
between the developing scientific method and the older theolog}^
More recently there has appeared the important swing of religious
thought to the social approach not only to religious origins in
general but to Christianity in particular. The appearance of the
so-called social interpretation of the whole Christian sacred litera-
ture, and of the lives and personalities of its founders and out-
standing characters, marks but one phase of the vital changes of
religious thought in America in the closing quarter of the nine-
teenth century and the first quarter of the twentieth century.
Not even the Protestant Reformation, with all its historic impor-
tance and convulsive upheavals, created changes and modifications
in religious thought of such deep and fundamental significance as
those that have peacefully permeated the American religious world
during the period mentioned.

To do more than make the briefest general reference to these
elements in the transition period is beyond the purpose here. They
are cited merely for the purpose of pointing out the transition
nature of the intellectual life of the period which this paper has
under consideration. The movements in the thought of the
period and the course of the actual life of the country during the
same time have gone along together. The causal relation between
the two is an intricate and important problem, but it too is outside
the limits of the present discussion.

With reference to the particular attention to be paid to Dynamic
Sociology, several reasons justify such a course. In the first place,
the chronological fact of its appearance at the beginning of what
has been termed the transition period gives it prominence. This
is especially possible because, as stated before, the whole of Ward's
sociological structure is not under review, so that a selected part
may be taken for the purpose in hand. The purpose relieves
one from the discussion of each of Ward's writings. Furthermore,

and their coadjutors. And the quarter of a century which inimediately followed this
epoch appears, as we look back upon it, like an heroic age of scientific achievement.
.... It was an age during which most men of science, and thinking people in
general, moved forward at a rate quite without precedent in the history of human
advancement."— Woodward, "The Unity of Physical Science," International Con-
gress of Arts and Sciences, St. Louis (1904), IV, 3.

292 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

there is justification for the choice in the view expressed by

Dr. Small that Ward's whole system is contained in Dynamic

Sociology, viz. :

Although Ward afterward wrote three major works, besides two minor
ones and numerous monographs, in exposition of his views, I have never dis-
covered that, in any essential particular, they added to or subtracted from
the system contained in Dynamic Sociology. Ward's sociology seems to have
received form and substance, as the Germans say, aus einem Gusse. All that
he did later was the enlarging of replicas or details.'

For convenience therefore one may take his earliest work as a
basis, and utilize subsequent works as elaborations and elucida-
tions of his central system. With this preliminary outline by way
of introduction we are now prepared for a more detailed study of
Ward's use of the group concept in his sociological system.

This analysis seeks to discover the extent and nature of the use
made of the group concept in Ward's thinking, particularly in the
initial formation of his system of sociology. In general, the most
striking thing about the work under review is the absence of an
express use of the group concept as a tool of analysis or explanation.
As such, the group concept is absent in Ward's earlier work and
largely so in his whole system. This does not mean that he has
neglected the factors of association or of all groups whatsoever is
his thinking. On the contrary, as will be pointed out later, he
takes note of the social factor in general, but his sociology is never
related to such a concept as the group as its central feature, at
least not in express terras. Though modified in some respects, his
sociology remained as it was in his first book, essentially an indi-
vidualistic one. His thinking was fundamentally based on what
Professor Ford^ has called the individual hypothesis as against
the social hypothesis. The whole of the contrast between the
sociology of Ward and the newer sociology in America may be
summarized in the contrast suggested by these two hypotheses.
The conception which underlay the first volume of Dynamic
Sociology, namely, aggregation, though modified in minor details,
remained the corner stone of Ward's thinking. Whether dealing

' Small, "Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal of
Sociology, XXI, 752.

* Natural History of the Slate.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 293

with the problems of social origins or the development of an indi-
vidual, the hypothesis was that of the individual rather than the
group, as the starting-point. The details of these general observa-
tions will receive elaboration in subsequent pages.

The term "group," as intimated above, occurs rarely, if at all,
in Dynamic Sociology. It finds more frequent but still relatively
rare expression in Pure Sociology. To assume from the absence of
this express term that the social factor was not a part of Ward's
system of thought would be a most serious error. In order to
estimate properly, therefore, the place which the group occupied
in Ward's thought, one must take account not merely of specific
references to it as such, but also of such other terms as have a
synonymous or similar meaning. The end sought here is to dis-
cover the use made of a fact that might be called indifferently a
group, or society, or association, etc., rather than to discover a use
of a mere term. We are interested in the concept rather than the
word, and are led to include such terms as society, troop, horde,
association, state, race, which indicate a conception of some kind
of situation in which persons are in an interacting plexus of rela-
tions, a stimulus and response situation. To attempt to catalogue
all such terms used by Ward even in his first work alone would
be a large and relatively fruitless task. Attention will be centered
rather on the treatment of certain problems in which use is made
of the concept in order to see just how far it penetrates, how ade-
quately it ser\^es as a tool of analysis, and in how far it is faulty in
scope and application. Possibly the contrast with contemporary
sociology which may appear as a result of the study will prove to
be one mainly of degree rather than of kind, or of less emphasis as
against greater emphasis. In pursuance of this plan of study we
shall take up several problems which occupied Ward in his earliest
work, such as the problem of the origin of language, of society, of
ethics, of the mind, of the state, the problem of education, and the
problem of legislation and of government. These will show quite
clearly the central factor we seek, namely, the place of the group
in Dynamic Sociology.

As an approach to the discussion, the first interesting point is
the origin of society. Society, as defined by Ward, "in its literal

294 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

or primary sense is simply an association of individuals."^ With-
out further investigation of the nature and origin of society, one
could see in this statement the essence of Ward's whole sociological
\aewpoint, namely, the priority of the individual. This atomistic
viewpoint, as will appear throughout this investigation, runs
through the whole of Ward's study. The group is a result, the
individual, a datum. Lest too much be anticipated, it will be
well to inquire further into Ward's conception of society and of
the group, and particularly of the question of the "social nature"
of man. It will be well to cite Ward's views at length at this point,
because it is a vital issue in the whole discussion.

If, then, one take the definition of society as given by Ward,
the questions naturally arise how and when and why did society
originate; if the group is subsequent, a result, how did it arise;
if men were originally anti-social, how did they become social ? To
most of these questions one can discover pretty definite answers.

Man is not naturally a social animal, although apparently so.
**The fact, that throughout all historic time man has been found
associated, has naturally given rise to the general opinions that he
is by nature a social being. And this is doubtless true, for man as
he is, and has been ever since the earliest traditions. But whether
he was originally social by nature is quite another question and one
which, as we have just seen, most probably demands a negative
answer."^ In this respect Ward refused to follow the dictum of
Comte as to the essentially social nature of man; in other words,
he insists on the individual, even the rational individual, as a
datum from which the whole social process may be built up on a
rational basis of socialization. Concerning the Aristotelian state-
ment that man is a social being,^ Ward says:

We are compelled to reject the doctrine of Aristotle so prevalent every-
where, that man is naturally a gregarious animal, or, as it is less objectionably
stated, that man is naturally a social being. Civilized man is undoubtedly
a social being, but this quality has been the result of long and severe experi-

• Dynamic Sociology, I, 460. ' Ibid.

i Whether Aristotle intended or had in mind the same conception which his
phrase is usually assumed to connote is not material here. We accept the interpre-
tations usually given it because we are interested in Ward's conceptions rather than
Aristotle's.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 295

ence, by which a great change has been produced in his constitution. Not
only so, but he is utterly incapable of social existence in a native state, unless
protected in his life, his liberty, and his property by an artificial system of
government.'

Although he admitted that none of the living forms could have
been the immediate ancestors of man, and, therefore, "there will
always remain the possibility that his true simian ancestor may
have been a gregarious animal, still the probabilities are against
this view, and it seems likely that throughout his purely animal
career man possessed the associative habit only so far as was
necessary for the maintenance of the race."^ This quotation
indicates that in no respect did the essential feature of this point
undergo any change in Ward's subsequent thinking. While we
find man in association wherever we see him, there could be no
association without first the development of the individual to a
point where he could perceive the advantage of such association.
"Although we now almost always find him associated, yet, ....
this is for the purposes of protection, and seems not to have been
his condition until after his intellect had become strong enough to
appreciate and devise a scheme of protection." ^ In regard to the
point in human development and social evolution at which asso-
ciation arose, on a still broader basis than that of protection. Ward
applies the same test, namely, when the intellect had developed to
a point sufficient to perceive the advantages of such association.
"I regard human association as the result of the perceived advan-
tage which it yields and as coming into existence only in propor-
tion as that advantage was perceived by the only faculty capable
of perceiving it, the intellect."'' We shall have occasion later to
revert to the difficulties and implications of these views. They are
adduced here to show the negligible part the group plays in Ward's
fundamental problem of social origins.

The problem of the social or anti-social nature of man brings
into the foreground of discussion the question of the existence and
origin of a gregarious instinct, sentiment, or impulse. Ward
flatly rejected the position that there was any gregarious instinct

' Dynamic Sociology, II, 221. ^ Ibid., I, 463.

' Outlines of Sociology, p. 90. * Ibid., 90-91.

296 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

or impulse which was a part of man's original nature. ''That
there existed in primordial man or his immediate animal ancestors
an innate social sentiment which naturally drew any considerable
number of men together is not only improbable a priori, but is
disproved by the actual condition of the apes, from which family,
as we have seen, man has undoubtedly descended."' This same
thought is expressed in a later work as follows: "I am inclined to
the view that man is not naturally a social being, that he has
descended from an animal that was not even gregarious by instinct,
and that human society .... is purely a product of his reason,
and arose by insensible degrees, pari passu with the development
of his brain.*

If there was no such thing as a social instinct, and if then the
individual somehow developed in vacuo, Ward recognized that an
account of social origins must solve the problem created by his
atomistic approach. With reference to the part the social instinct,
which is itself a result of the conflict of desires,^ played in the
formation of the social nature of men Ward states :

The social instinct must have had to battle long and hard against the
momentary selfish desire of individuals, and its triumph was due to the fact
that the desire of each to protect himself by sustaining the community gradu-
ally came to exceed the desire to gratify immediate personal wants which

were incompatible with the existence of society The maintenance

of the social state, which was at its origin, and still is, opposed to the gratifica-
tion of many strong personal desires, depends upon the degree to which its
benefits are realized, whereby the counter-desire of a higher order antagonizes
the anti-social tendencies and finally subordinates them These influ-
ences, coupled with the advantages, which an ape ought to perceive as clearly
as a wolf, gradually gained for the social tendency an ascendant which secured
its ultimate triumph.

The desire or instinct to associate arose after the advantages of
such association were apparent to a comparatively highly developed
intellect. But this desire was in conflict with the original and
natural desire of man. Out of this conflict, which is not yet com-
pleted, there is developing the socialized individual who is gradually,

' Dynamic Sociology, I, 451, For a summary of some of the evidence putting in
question Ward's genealogy of man see Ford, Natural History of the State, chap. iii.
• Outlines of Sociology, pp. 90-91. » Dynamic Sociology, I, 395.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 297

under the influence of his intellect, losing his original anti-
social nature and habits." In so far then as the group can figure
in the process of evolution, it is relatively secondary in both time
and influence. The defects in this view will occupy the discussion
later in the critical summary of other of Ward's views.

In order to illustrate the principle upon which Ward founded
his thought in his sociological system, which remained essentially
the same to the end of his career, it will be worth the time consumed
to consider briefly his theory of aggregation as it runs through his
Dynamic Sociology, and particularly as it has to do with that
phase of the evolutionary process which may be called the human
period.

The phenomena of sociology, unlike those of anthropology, but equally
with those of biology and psychology, present us with an additional instance
of the great cosmic process of aggregation which we have sought to trace
out. Just as the highest chemical aggregates forming the chemical substance
"protoplasm" are compounded and recompounded in the formation of physio-
logical and then of morphological units, and just as these are further recom-
pounded to form organic aggregates of the first, second, third, etc., orders,
so are the highest of these organic aggregates, or men, compounded anew, on
precisely the same principle, to form society. And this is the last and highest
step with which we are acquainted of this long unbroken series of cosmical
aggregations leading from the ultimate material atom up to social aggregate.^

This passage reveals pretty clearly the essentially atomistic
principle upon which all Ward's thinking was based. He followed
quite consistently the individualistic hypotheses. There are
passages in which he seems to concede more or less the importance
of the group or social hypothesis, but in the last analysis of his
thought there is essentially an assumed priority of the individual.
In other words, the group concept, which has come to be such a
useful tool in the hands of contemporary sociology, never found an
adequate place in the sociology of Ward. In subsequent discus-
sion the implications and elucidations of this criticism or obser-
vation will appear more clearly. The preceding pages have
sought to show the relative absence of the group as a means of

' The conflict of impulses is of course a vital factor in modern social psychology,
but such a conflict situation is different from the conflict of which Ward is speaking.
' Dynamic Sociology, I, 450-51.

298 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

explanation of the development of man, and to point out that the
r61e of the group was relatively secondary.^

The large group called the state or government received con-
siderable attention in Ward's writings, not only because he was
interested in cosmic evolution and found in the state a problem of
origins, but also because he was a firm believer in the ability and
necessity of governmental interference in, and control of, social
evolution. His use of this large group concept requires a brief treat-
ment of his theory of the origin of the state and its possible functions.

Ward's treatment of the origins of the government or state as
given in Dynamic Sociology followed consistently the logic of his
individualistic hypothesis. Government was a phase of the
development of society. The primary function of government was
protection, which became essential as conflicts between individuals
became more and more serious. Society was the necessary result
of populousness and was not for the protection of individuals as
was often thought. Society is the result of blind circumstance,
not at all due to design. Government, on the other hand, is a
product of genius, an invention. Government arose for protection
against the conflicts of anti-social beings. Applying his idea of
aggregation. Ward finds four states in the progress of social aggre-
gation. The first state was the solitary or autarchic stage, which
characterized the period between animals and human beginnings.
The second or constrained stage is represented among the lowest
existing tribes. It shows the begmning of constraint of anti-social
beings into some kind of group relations. The third stage, the
national or politarchic, is the present one. The fourth and future
stage, the pantarchic, will result from the inevitable conflicts of the
present national stage, thus following the law of aggregation to its
ultimate mundane limits.'

"It should be noted that Ward's thinking is at times confused by his use of
association to cover both those facts in social life which Maclver in his Community
has distinguished as "community" and "association." Community is defined by
Maclver to be any area of common life, or town, or district, or country, or even
wider area. An association is an organization of social beings for the pursuit of some
common interest or interests. At times Ward is thinking of the one rather than the
other of these two terms and falls into apparent contradictions. The real source of
confusion, however, seems to be his atomistic prepossessions.

' Dynamic Sociology, I, 464-67.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 299

Government was an invention which brought some order into a
state of incessant strife and conflict, which otherwise would have
resulted in the decimation of the race. Without government there
could have been no society. But government, being an invention,
was an individual product, not a social one, and, once discovered,
was imposed on the masses. The pohtical history of the past has
been largely the history of attempts of the few to impose the
burden of government on a rebellious people. Progress has been
along the Kne of removing the burden of government.

With the further details of his theory of the origin of govern-
ment we are not concerned. The theory as outlined above was
largely given up after Ward became acquainted with Gumplowicz'
group-conflict theory, which Ward adopted as the most important
contribution to sociology:

Gumplowicz and Ratzenhof er have abundantly and admirably proved
that the genesis of society as we see it and know it has been through the struggle
of races. I do not hope to add anything to their masterly presentation of
this truth, which is without question the most important contribution thus
far made to the science of sociology. We at last have a true key to the solu-
tion of the question of the origin of society.*

In his subsequent writings he utilized the group conflict as the
fundamental concept in treating of the origin of the state as we
now know it.^ Although accepting this theory he did not alter
his earher position regarding the anti-social nature of man. On
this point he says in a later work:

In Dynamic Sociology I took strong ground against the Aristotelian idea
that man is a gregarious animal and the Comtean doctrine that he is by nature
a social being, and pointed out a large number of what I called "anti-social"
qualities in his nature, and I also worked out what I conceived must have
been the several steps which the race has taken in its passage from the purely

' Pure Sociology, pp. 213-14.

' Ward, however, never accepted the multiple theory of the origin of races as
did Gumplowicz. Positing a single origin of the human race he then finds a period
in which disintegration takes place, "they soon came to differ in all their details"
(Pure Sociology, p. 201). But later a process of integration began in which group
conflict played a part. It is at this period of development that he would utilize
Gumplowicz' theory. It is interesting to note that it was Ward's personal contact
with Gumplowicz that caused the latter to abandon his theory of multiple origins.
See GumploNvicz' article of appreciation of Ward, American Journal of Sociology, X
(March, 1905), 643.

300 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

animal state to the developed social state. I do not adhere to that position
now merely because I assumed it then, but rather because, notwithstanding
the little real evidence, subsequent indications have tended to confirm it. I
will here emphasize only one point. Human government is an art only possible
in a rational being. No animal possesses a government in any such sense.
The primary object of government is to protect society from just these anti-
social influences, and it is generally admitted that without it society could
not exist. This means that even in the most enlightened peoples the anti-
social tendencies are still so strong that they would disrupt society, but for an
artificial system of protection. To call man of whom this can be said a social
being by nature is obviously absurd. No doubt strong social impulses exist
among men, but they are the product of ages of constraint. Man may be in
process of becoming a social being, but he will not have really become such
until it shall be possible to dispense entirely with the protective function of
government. Universal education and further centuries of custom may
ultimately transform human character to this extent, until habit shall become
at least a second nature, and accomplish the same result that natural selec-
tion has accomplished in making gregarious animals and social insects; but
thus far society, which is the product of the collective reason working for its
own interests, is still dependent upon the momentary exercise of that reason
in preventing its own overthrow.^

A few more words should be said concerning the function of this
large group organization called government. Ward was careful
to distinguish between actual government in the past and possible
government in the future. The former was a necessary evil as
protective device, while the latter is an art. By utilization of the
principle of attractive rather than repressive legislation, by placing
the government in the hands of social scientists as an instrumen-
tality of social control, it could be made the chief agency in direct-
ing social development toward desired ends. It would thus become
the agency whereby the psychic factor could shape the group life.
Ward's elaboration of this form of group activity and control has
made him one of the most inspiring factors in the development of
sociological thought in America.

For the purpose of paving the way for presenting the contrasts
in the use of the group concept as between Ward and contemporary
sociology in the United States, it is worth while to take up Ward's
discussion of the nature and origin of religion, of morals, of language,
and of the human mind. These will bring out quite clearly the

' Ward, Ouilincs of Sociology, pp. 91-92.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 301

point of view and the method of approach of the contrasted posi-
tions. The four problems will be taken in order.

Ward's discussion of religion is one of the stimulating portions
of his Dynamic Sociology, both to those who agree with him and
to those who do not. We are not concerned with the merits of the
controversy, but rather with the way in which he accounts for the
social phenomena which are grouped under the term religion.
This should show quite clearly and concisely the way in which he
uses or fails to use the group as a tool of thought for his genetic
account. In defining his term religion, after reviewing a long list
of proposed definitions by various writers, he adopts Tylor's
definition, namely, the belief in spiritual beings, as the essential
feature of the term.^ This definition narrows the field of what
most sociologists of the present time would mean by the same
term. In itself it also suggests the rational approach to the
religious problem which was characteristic of his discussion, as
subsequent references will show. Not only is religion rational,
and thus a late development, but it is also an individual matter,
coming largely from the achievements of more brilliant individual
speculators upon the mysterious phenomena of human environment
and human subjective experience. The presence of the rational
idea in Ward's thought is illustrated in the following statement of
the position of rehgion:

Looking back now over the whole field, there remains no difficulty in
recognizing the true position of religion as a social factor. It was simply a
necessity of the condition of things that it should have come into existence
as it has done. The placing of a rational being in a world such as this is
constitutes the all-sufficient explanation of the development of a religious
sentiment and rehgious institutions. The fact was pointed out with some
care in the Introduction, that the phenomena of the imiverse present to the
imtaught mind a maze of incomprehensible data for speculation. The true
nature of phenomena can only be known after ages of profound scientific

thought and labor Religion owes the possibility of its existence to

the paradoxes of nature .... to the incontrovertible fact that in the nature of
things a rational being must, as a direct and inevitable consequence of his
rationality, be led into most vital errors, for which he must further be deceived
into cherishing the most intense regard, until, by the slow march of solid

' Dynamic Sociology, pp. 262-63.

302 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

knowledge and the ultimate adoption of the scientific method of laborious
research and crucial tests, truth at last emerges and the clouds of errors
vanish.'

In pursuing the argument, Ward points out that the belief in
deities was a part of the speculative efforts of seers to explain the
phenomena of nature for which there could be no true explanation.
In accounting for the creation of deities or gods or spirits he accepts
both the objective and the subjective explanations. By the for-
mer he means the tendency of primitive peoples to attribute to
phenomena of nature, particularly the unusual and strange events,
their own characteristics. By the subjective origin of deities he
means essentially the Spencerian theory of deductions based on
individual experiences such as dreams, trances, etc.^ It is only
with the coming of the scientific method and point of view that
the regular and non-spectacular occurrences of nature attract the
attention of the student, in the effort to explain such movements
by the principle of law rather than by reference to an erratic unseen
being. Ward's thought in this respect is along the line of Spencer's
statement of the decreasing province of the unknown.

This summary is sufficient for the purpose of showing that
Ward's approach to the problem of the origin of religion is essentially
individuaUstic. The group finds no place in the process at all.
In so far as it has a function, it is merely the receptive and conserv-
ing agency, once the more able members of the race have projected
their speculations. Coming after the developing of the ''rational
faculty" religion could have no part in the formation of that part
of the mind. Being essentially a philosophy of origins based on
false premises, it necessarily acted as a barrier to the development
of science and truth, and is bound to dissolve as each of its preserves
is taken away by scientific explanations. The error which comes
to view so clearly in Ward's discussion of this particular problem
is his failure to utilize the group as the center of his thinking.
The contrast between the modem discussions of the origin and
nature of religion and that presented by Ward is essentially that
presented by the use of the group concept on the one hand, which
implies an adequate social psychology, and the neglect of the

■ Dynamic Sociology, II, 270. ' Ibid., 263-64.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 303

group concept on the other hand.' Ward's discussion of this
particular problem reveals very clearly his need of the group con-
cept in his thought, and the difficulties in which his lack of it
involved him.

Closely allied with the problem of the origin of religion is that
of the evolution of morals, and of moral codes. Both problems
have been a source of never-ending speculation. Like the problem
of religious origins, the problem of morals affords an opportunity
to bring out distinctly the extent to which Ward has made the
most of the group as a concept of sociological thought. The
contribution of sociology to ethics rests largely upon the assumption
of the group approach to the whole moral problem, both for an
explanation of the origin and for the tests of validity of ethical
codes. We shall be interested chiefly in discovering how far
Ward has gone in that direction rather than in attempting to
set forth a rounded discussion of his system of morals as he has
sketched it in his first work.

Ward was much influenced by Spencer's treatment of ethics
from the utilitarian standpoint. Happiness is the ultimate end
of all effort,^ whether the actor be an individual or a group. Those
acts which promote the greatest happiness in general are good;
those which do not are bad.^ From this test of happiness all
acts and all codes must find their final moral authority. The
absolute systems of ethics can have no standing except in so far
as they conform to the fundamental test of happiness. In that
respect Ward's thinking marks a step away from the theological
systems toward a more pragmatic theory of moral criteria. In
general his system shares the advantages as well as the limitations
of the utilitarian school.

Ward recognized, of course, that certain acts of man as well as
acts of animals are of a non-moral nature. Man's acts approach

' Space prevents a discussion of the way in which the growing recognition of the
group and the use of an adequate social psychology have changed the whole religious
perspective. As illustrations of the point, the following are suggested: King, The
Origin and Development of Religion; Ames, Psychology of Religion; and Coit, The
Soul of America. The contrast between these books and Ward is too apparent to
need further comment.

' Dynamic Sociology, II, 108, ^ Ibid., 133-34.

304 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

those of animals (i) during childhood, (2) in idiocy, and (3) in
savagery.^ The distinction between man's acts in general and
those of animals is that the latter are impulsive while the former
are rational.^ The latter spring from the intellect and can take place
only after the intellect has been evolved.

In so far as man is concerned, a moral situation arises when
there is a conflict of desires. These desires may be either internally
or externally stimulated. The conflict is one that is finally settled
by the triumph of the strongest desire determined on a pleasure-
pain basis.3

In other words, "Ethics is the science of psychological
mechanics."'' The individual reason may be mistaken in its
pleasure-pain valuations, but once the reckoning is made, it acts
on that line which apparently offers most pleasure. In so far as
a moral instinct appears like the social instinct, it is a result of a
conflict of desires^ nmning through a long period of history. In
tracing the genesis of sympathy and the altruistic attitude, Ward
shows how in the lower stages of mental development the egoistic
attitude and egoistic actions predominate. As we rise in the
scale of mental development the altruistic interest increases in
power and tends more and more to control conduct as civilization
advances.^ The savage represents a stage midway between the
lower forms and the highest forms of human development. This
whole progressive movement is a result of a developing intellect
which perceives an ever wider range of happiness, including the
welfare of others besides the actor. In developing this idea of the
progressive ascendancy of altruism Ward seems to be following
Comte, whose sociological view, according to one writer, has
two distinct characteristics, of which one is "that it takes for
granted as an empirical fact the existence of two tendencies in
human nature, the egoistic and the altruistic, of which the latter,
either naturally and unconsciously or assisted by intellectual
knowledge and control, is gradually gaining the ascendancy over
the former."'

' Dynamic Sociology, II, 331. ilbid., 328. i Ibid., I, 395.

' Ibid., 329. ■• Ibid., 328. * Ibid., II, 445-47-

1 Merz, History of European Thought in the Nineteenth Century, IV, 534. The
other characteristic referred to is that of the law of the three states.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 305

Ward recognized the fact of diversity of moral codes and the
consequent fallibility of conscience. Moral codes are "built up
from the united judgments of men of all ages."^ These codes dis-
play varying degrees of perfection both as to their content and
their application. But all moral codes and rules are but the
reflection of the actual morals, not the creators of them. Since
moral action depends upon intelligence, the real moral education
is the education of intelligence, the education of information." The
surest moral guide for conduct is knowledge of the relation one
sustains to his fellows, to society, and to the world in general.^
Complete knowledge of the relative competing desires would lead
inevitably to the choice of the good.^

Without going into Ward's discussion further, enough has been
given to suggest the almost complete absence of the group as a
method of approach to the moral problem. The social or group
approach to the problems of morals and religion, which is the
central method in contemporary study of social origins, was not
present in his treatment of either. With him the whole problem of
the origin of moral codes and standards was solved by the individual
intellect passing upon the relative worth of competing desires,
which in themselves were essentially individual phenomena. On
this point Ward again reveals clearly the contrast between his
fundamental conception and that of the newer sociology. The
former approaches his problem from an individualistic standpoint.
The group is nearly ignored, while in the latter the group is the
fundamental concept upon which the sociological structure is being
reared. It goes without sa^dng, almost, that Ward's discussion of
morals is a logical result of his individualistic psychology. The
purpose here is merely to point out the fact that in so promising
a field as the problem of the evolution of morals, Ward almost
completely ignored the fundamental tool — the group concept.

Ward's discussion of the origin and significance of language is a
defective treatment of an admittedly difiicult problem. We shall

' Dynamic Sociology, II, 144. ' Ibid., 360. ' Ihid.

< Although it is beside our problem, it is interesting to note that Ward always
has in mind, when speaking of a conflict of desires, disjunctive values only. That is,
the choice is either one or the other. He never considers a very common type of
valuation problem in which the problem is that of reconstructing the whole conflict
situation so as to save both competing values.

3o6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SOCIOLOGY

endeavor to discover how far he has made use of the group con-
cept in his discussion of this fundamental factor in human develop-
ment. In order to present a basis for certain remarks it will be
well to summarize briefly his theory of the origin of language.
Language is a much broader term than speech.^ Language is the
product of thought and includes forms of communication other
than speech.^ The latter is a "mode in which language presents
itself in man who happens to possess the organs which render it
possible."^ "Language, therefore, includes four distinguishable
forms of communication, namely gesture language, oral speech,
written language, and printed language."'' These also represent an
ascending scale of evolutionary progress of the most important
kind. The course of evolution from the lowest to the highest
form of commimication was a gradual and natural one. Even at
that point where the psychic phenomena begin there could be no
hiatus:

If at this particular point where psychic phenomena begin there is an
absolute break, and something is introduced whose elements are not con-
tained in anything that preceded it, I do not see why we should find fault
with the introduction of any number of such external elements or factors,
and there seems to be no reason for stopping short of the most arbitrary
theological explanation of all the phenomena of the universe.s

One might say in passing that Ward did not succeed in bridging
that gap which he feared. Admitting the pre-speech type of
conununication or language, which is called the gestural form of
language, he furnished no process or explanation of the process
whereby the gestural type of language took on meaning, and
became "significant." Right here of course is the fundamental
problem of social psychology, the key to the whole problem of
the origin of language, of mind, and all that those terms signify in.
human evolution. Ward could not furnish this because he was
involved in his individualistic prepossessions. He had no tools of
thought or analysis by which he could save himself from the hiatus
mentioned above. The thing that he lacked was the group concept
as the starting-point for his thinking and an adequate social psy-

» Dynamic Sociology, II, i8o. » Ibid.

» Ihid. * Ibid. s Pure Sociology, p. 123.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 307

chology to elucidate the process. He recognized, of course, that it
would be wholly impossible for a *'race leading what is understood
as a 'solitary life, i.e., a life in which there is the least degree of
association consistent with the continuance of the species,' ever to
acquire the art of speech,"' but of the essentially social origin of
speech through the process of stimulus and response and the
resultant development of meaning he was entirely unaware. It
remained for contemporary social psychology to fill in the breach
which has been so conspicuous in sociological thought even up to
the present time.^

As in all the problems of origins of which we have treated,
Ward falls back upon the development of individual intelligence as
the explanation of the origin of speech or human communication.
The individual first developed intelligence through the acquisition
of a brain and then proceeded to form a language. As he stated it :

The pressing need for some means of intercommunication sufficiently
accounts for the development of language. With the advance of brain mass
and brain structure, there grew up ideas and thoughts. These demanded
expression and this demand constituted a new set of desires. The same
influence which created these new desires furnished the faculty whose exercise
devised the means for their satisfaction. Thought was not content simply
to struggle for expression. It applied the indirect method. Unable to think
in such a manner as to convey the nature of the thought directly to other
minds, it devised means by which its character could be manifested through
the physical organs of the body in such a way as to affect the senses of others,
and be conveyed through these to others' minds.^

These words give a pretty good summary of Ward's point of
view upon the matter now imder discussion. He assumes the
priority of the individual mind which has thoughts it wants to
express. The group comes in only secondarily as furnishing the
field for the expression of thoughts. Of the fundamental impor-
tance of the group in creating thought and mind, Ward has no

' Dynamic Sociology, I, 454.

* The point suggested in the paragraph is the key to the whole criticism which I
am trying to make. It is capable of wide expansion beyond the possible limits of this
part of the discussion. For elucidation I refer to the lectures and published articles
of Professor George H. Mead, who has made this his peculiar contribution to the
field of psychological sociology.

^ Dynamic Sociology, II, 182.

3o8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

conception. The position which he takes is exactly the opposite
of that of modem social psychology. In other words, Ward starts
with the individual, while the latter starts with the group. Here
again we see the pitfalls into which the lack of a proper under-
standing of the group as the fundamental sociological concept led
Ward. He could give us no adequate account of the origin of
language, just as he could give us no adequate account of the other
human phenomena, partly because of his failure to grasp the signifi-
cance of the group as the starting-point of social analysis.

The difl&culty of the traditional point of view which Ward
followed is suggested by Ford in these words:

Even those who adopt the Individual Hypothesis generally admit sodal
conditions as a proximate phase in the genesis of man. But if the argument
employed to account for the transition from an unsocial ape to a social man
is examined it is found logically defective. Reduced to its simplest form it
comes to this, that as man becomes man he is man. The formation of society
is attributed to perception of advantages through increased mental develop-
ment. As one writer of this school puts the case, it dates from "the dawn
of intellectuality." What caused this dawn? The affirmation imputes to
the antecedent animal species a specific characteristic of the human species,
and is a case of reasoning in a circle. When it is stated that man was not
originally a social animal, but that later on man engaged in social intercourse,
and developed speech, a primitive condition is imputed to man in which he
covdd not have become man, but the logical hiatus is veiled by applying the
term "man" to an animal of specifically different character. It is like talking
of a bird that did not originally breathe air but acquired the habit through
flight. Homo alalus, or speechless man, is a pseudo-concept. Even Haeckel,
who invented the term to indicate a hypothetical phase in human genesis,
9a3rs, " Man originated from the preceding stage in consequence of the gradual
improvement of inarticulate animal sounds into true articulate speech."
That is to say, man did not precede speech, but speech preceded man, and as
speech is unquestionably a social product, the formation of community was a
condition precedent to the formation of the himian species.*

The discussion of the problem of the origin of language leads
directly to the problem of the origin and nature of the mind,
because of the close relation of the two. As has been stated above,
Ward assumed, or rather attempted to prove, the development of
the mind as the precursor of language, the latter being an inven-

' Ford, Natural History of the State, pp. 127-28, The reference to Ford does not
imply that the writer of this paper shares Ford's views of the state or of sociology.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 309

tion of the mind to express thoughts and ideas which already-
existed. In that respect he was following the traditional view
which prevailed then and which still infests a good deal of soci-
ological theor^^ The essential factor in the evolution of the mind
was the increased brain capacity which is sufficient to explain the
whole human era of evolution:

Without inquiring how it happened that the creature called man was
singled out to become the recipient of this extraordinary endowment, we may
safely make two fundamental propositions, which tend to show that this
question is not as important as it seems. The first is that if the developed
brain had been awarded to any one of the other animals of nearly the same
size of man, that animal would have dominated the earth the same way that
man does. The other is that a large part of what constitutes the physical
superiority of man is directly due to his brain development.'

The way in which the brain was developed through the process of
individual survival is summarized in this way:

That extraordinary brain development which so exclusively characterizes
man was acquired through the primary principle of advantage. Brain does
not differ in this respect from horns or teeth or claws. In the great struggle
which the human animal went through to gain his supremacy it was brain
that finally enabled him to succeed, and under the biologic law of selection,
where superior sagacity meant fitness to survive, the human brain was gradu-
ally built up cell upon cell, until the fully developed hemispheres were literally
laid over the primary ganglia and the cranial walls enlarged to receive them.^

While increase of brain was the cause of so many qualities which
are regarded as strictly human, Ward recognized that it was also
an effect of the tendency of human beings to associate. He sug-
gests, however, that this tendency to associate may not have arisen
until after the brain had been sufficiently increased by other causes
to enable the individuals to perceive the advantage of association.^
In other words, as shown in the discussion of the origin of society,
the group enters in as a serious factor in human development
only after there had been a considerable development of the
reflective powers of man. Once that stage had been reached, the
social factor became one, and possibly the most important, factor

» Pure Sociology, p. 67.

' Psychic Factors of Civilization, p. 262. * Dynamic Sociology, I, 438.

310 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in future development. The individual gradually becomes trans-
formed into a more and more social being, but always starting with
a considerable development of what is called mind as the first
step in the series of development.

In general it may be said that both phylogenetically and
ontogenetically Ward takes the mind as a datum. It is a thing
in itself. It is dependent on, a function of, the bram mass, but it
is something more. It has an existence. It is an entity.' It may
be developed and allowed to improve, but it is not created by a
social environment. The group merely furnishes the material upon
which it may work. In other words, his psychological view was
both individualistic and non-functional. To illustrate some of
the indications of his lunitations with particular reference to the
group factor, several quotations may be adduced. These are drawn
from that one of his later works in which he is particularly interested
in showing the fundamental part played by the environment in the
development of genius. There, if anywhere, one would expect a
correction of his individuahstic prepossessions. Of the general
relation of the "mind" to environment he says:

But if they (natural forces) are to accomplish anything they must be
freed. It is the same with the forces of mind. They are ever pressing and
only need to be freed in order to achieve. But that from which they must
be freed is the environment. Tarde was right. The environment represents
opposition. The material surroundings are perpetually checking and repress-
ing the spontaneous efforts of mind.*

This statement shows quite clearly the psychology running through
Ward's thinking. The mind to him is a thing in itself; what it
needs is room to unfold. The self is given as an imprisoned power
which needs but to be freed. It may be stunted and maimed by
an imfavorable environment, but it is there to be realized. It
might be objected to this criticism that Ward is merely creditmg
each biological organism with the characteristics embodied in the
germ plasm, which are the energy deposits of the past but require
a favorable nurture before they can survive and grow. If Ward

' In a later book, Psychic Factors of Civilization, pp. 225-26, Ward refers to the
conception of the mind as an entity, as the chief error in social thought. His own
writings confirm his judgment in this respect.

' Applied Sociology, p. 128.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 311

means no more than that, his view is sound so far as it goes.* It
stops short then, however, with a negative interpretation of the
development of the mind or self. It fails to utilize the whole
field of the positive development of the mind or self in a group life.
The problem is more than one of removing an oppressing environ-
ment; it is the problem of the positive creation of a mind through
the interstimulation and response between social beings.*

Speaking further of the importance of the environment in social
development, Ward says:

The real question is, what kind of minds would persons thus isolated
have? (That is, persons shut off from association.) It is only too obvious
that their minds would be almost completely blank. No amount of native
mental capacity could prevent this. A Bacon or a Descartes, if made the
subject of such an experiment, would get no farther than one of moderate
powers. He would appear to ordinary persons a fool. Locke was right.
Mind without experience is a blank sheet of paper or an empty cabinet. The
substratum of mind is nothing until it is supplied with something to exercise
itself upon.J

This statement displays a pretty clear conception of the sig-
nificance of what has been called social inheritance, or knowledge,
as Ward would prefer to call it. Mind is still, however, a thing
which comes into possession of, or exercises itself upon, external

' Since the criticism attributes no exception to Ward's whole viewpoint there
is no reason to believe that the criticism does him an injustice. He is thinking of
the "mind," not the germ plasm.

'The criticism of Ward's general position is suggested in the following brief
quotation from Dewey: "Speaking in general terms, there is no more a problem of
the origin of society than there is of the origin of chemical reactions ; things are made
that way. But a certain kind of associated or joint life when brought into being has
an unexpected by-product — the formation of those peculiar acquired dispositions,
sets, attitudes, which are termed mind. This by-product continually gains in rela-
tive importance. It increasingly becomes the significant acquisition among all the
varied reorganizations of native tendencies. That anything which may properly be
called mind or intelUgence is not an original possession but is a consequence of the
reorganization of instincts under the conditions supplied by associated life in the
family, in the schools, in the market place, and the forum, is not remote inference
from a speculative reconstruction of the mind of primitive man; it is a conclusion
confirmed by the development of specific beliefs, ideas, and purposes in the life of
every infant now observable." — "Need for Social Psychology," Psychological Review,
XXIV, 272.

^Applied Sociology, p. 270.

312 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

objects. Ward has no psychology by which to explain the process
of the development of the self. His persons are still isolated
individuals which appropriate knowledge. The mechanical nature
of the educational process is illustrated by his use of the box
analogy. According to this analogy, the brain is a kind of recep-
tacle into which knowledge enters as a content. The boxes may
be of varied quality; some of mahogany, some inlaid with precious
stones, while others are of cheaper material down to the very
poorest strawboard incapable of holding anything. The varied
boxes, except the very poorest, are capable of holding the same
contents, the greatest truths ever discovered. A mahogany box
with poor contents is inferior to a cruder, less perfect box with
better contents. The contents are knowledge, the acquired
qualities. The mind is represented by both the box and its con-
tents. Ward's educational program rested upon the problem of
bringing the mind, the knower, into possession of truths to be
known, the problem of epistemology.

The criticism to be made against Ward's position is not to
question his appreciation of the part played by accumulated
human experience in the development of people, nor of the part
played by environment and opportunity in the creation of diver-
sities in achievement. His criticism of the hereditarians was
sound, yet his approach remained essentially individualistic, on
account of his lack of an adequate social psychology. In other
words, he possessed no basic process by which he could explain
the essentially social nature of the mind even if he had so desired.
His individualistic approach to the whole problem of evolution
precluded an adequate grasp of the essence of his problem. He
was unconscious of the essential place of the group in sociology.

Before leaving the study of Ward's sociology in relation to the
group concept, attention must be called to the fact that those
important groups, which have been called the primary groups,
receive practically no attention in Dynamic Sociology. More
attention was given, as pointed out above, to the larger political
groupings such as society and the state. The small groups such
as the family, the neighborhood, the "borough," the community,
have come to be recognized as fundamental and primary in their

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 313

relation to human behavior. In comparison with these local
groupings, including the occupational groups, the larger political
units are relatively unimportant. Ward did not perceive the
significance of the smaller groups as factors in the development of
human nature, and in social control. In other words he failed to
use the group concept at the most vital part of social analysis.
His thinking was that of an individuaHstic biologist attempting to
create a sociology without the group as its chief comer stone.

In his conception of evolution his unit was the individual. The
individual carried on and was the end of the selective process.
The struggle was always an individual one. The individual side of
the process was stressed to the neglect of the factor of co-operation
as a concomitant of all struggle and as a serviceable characteristic.
The place of the group unit in the evolutionary process is suggested
by Darwin.^ Macfarlane expresses the same view:

We accept it then, as a proven principle amongst animals lower than man,
that the co-operative or social plan has ever tended to evolve and select forms
which have possessed resulting advantages over the competitive plan and
that such caused them to become, in spite of their apparent weakness, truly
dominant groups alike in high organization, in capacity for defence, and in
reproductive capacity. So it is safe to say that, for every individual which
lives a keenly competitive life, a dozen can be found that are imited in such
social activities and in general provision for the species that the common
welfare of each individual is nearly always assured. Furthermore, with
advancing mentality and social organization this principle is the more per-
fectly exhibited.^

Baldwin refers to the factor of the group in the process of
evolution in similar words, emphasizing the group side which Ward
did not sufiiciently appreciate. He says:

This gives, as I conceive it, a sort of selection and survival which is quite
different from that recognized in the strictly biological sciences. We find
that the utility to be subserved is one of conscious co-operation and union
among individuals; and the unit whose selection is to secure this utility must
have the corresponding characters. This unit is not the individual but a
group of individuals who show in common their gregarious or social nature in
actual exercise; each is selected in company with certain others, who survive
with him and for the same reason. Thus the selective unit, considered

' Descent of Man, chaps, iii, v.

' Macfarlane, The Causes and Course of Organic Evolution, p. 776.

314 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

from the external or social point of view is a group of individuals, greater or
smaller as the utility subserved may require; and from the point of view of
the subjective or psychic process it implies the mental attitude which brings
the individual into useful co-operation. Calling this latter the "personal"
aspect of social fitness, we may define it by using the term "socius." The
psychological unit is a socius, a more or less socialized individual, fitted to
enter into fruitful social relations. And the objective requirement remains
that of a group of such individuals making up a social situation. These two
conceptions, then, become the watchwords of our evolutionary social psy-
chology and sociology respectively — the "socius" and the "social situation."^

Ward's failure to use the group concept in his account of evo-
lution is but one of the defects which we have seen to foUow from
his individuahstic point of view. The group, as the fundamental
fact in sociology, had not yet been discovered at the time Ward's
system was built up, consequently it assumed only a secondary
and insignificant place in his thinking. To what extent contem-
porary sociology has reversed his method of approach will be the
question that will occupy the next chapter.

' Baldwin, Darwin and the Humanities, p. 43. '

[To he continued\

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA

CLINTON ROGERS WOODRUFF

Philadelphia

For many years (since 1854), Philadelphia's governmental
machinery was burdened by a double-chambered legislature of
146 members — 48 in the upper branch and 98 in the lower, making
it one of the largest of its kind not only in America but in the
world. To expect satisfactory results from such a body modeled
on the federal plan of government was to expect the impossible.
It made ''organization " or "boss" control necessary and inevitable.
In 191 9, as a consequence of years of incessant agitation and
activity, a new charter was granted the city by the state legislature
which represented a victory for strong, simple, representative
government, thus fairly completing the great movement begun
in 1900 at Galveston. The outstanding achievement of this new
charter, which by the way is a model of conciseness, consisting of
23,282 words and likewise a model of admirable draftsmanship,
is a small council of twenty-one. The members receive a living
wage in the shape of an annual salary of $5,000. The members
of the old council served without pay — from the city. In some
instances they held other administrative offices, mostly under
the county government; sometimes a federal office; sometimes
in an important corporation. Practically all of them were in a
positon where strong outside influence could be brought to bears
upon them if they showed signs of dangerous or embarrassing
independence.

Under the new charter the councilmen are elected for a term
of four years from the eight senatorial districts which are as nearly
homogeneous and compact as it is possible to make political
subdivisions.

We now have a South Philadelphia district, a West Philadel-
phia one, a northeastern district, a central district, a German-
town district, and so on through the list, all with substantially

3^5

3i6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

similar needs and composition. There is at least one councilman
from each district and one additional councilman for each 20,000
assessed voters. So as to keep the council small, and as a recog-
nition of coming events, the charter contains an interesting
provision that "if at any time hereafter the women of the Common-
wealth shall be given the right to vote, the unit of representation
shall be 40,000 assessed voters instead of 20,000, so that the council
shall continue to be composed of twenty-one members. "

One of the arguments most frequently urged for a small, compact
municipal legislature has been the facilities it affords the voter to
understand his government and run it directly without the inter-
vention of a great corps of practical politicians. While advocating
the charter before the people of Philadelphia it was maintained
that such a body would constitute a form of representative govern-
ment which the voters themselves could handle with a minimum
of political organization. My gratification can be easily imagined
when I read that Congressman Vare, one of the two brothers at that
time controlling the political organization in Philadelphia, declared
before the Young Republican Club: "Abolish councils and you
lose your trained politicians; and if that happens where will we
ever get a candidate for mayor?" Certainly our experience with
mayors for some years prior to the new charter had been such as to
contemplate such a possibility with a considerable degree of
equanimity !

To be sure it is too soon to speak with positiveness as to the
extent to which anticipations have been met, but it is a fair question
to ask, "To what extent has the new council made good during
the first six months of its operation?" It is equally fair to reply
that the results thus far have not been such as to make the advocates
of the charter unduly proud. At the same time, for one I believe
that the new provisions represent the embodiment of the represen-
tative district, the substitution of an effective instrument for a
clumsy one, and the establishment of a legislative body that will
in time become not only a real policy-determining body, but the
basis of a city-administrator form of government. I hesitate to
use the term **city manager" for that might be too considerable
of a jolt. It is inevitable though that development of public
opinion along those lines is in order, as I shall hope to show later.

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 317

No one can maintain, successfully, that the new council is
boss-ridden. It certainly has made discussion possible and inevi-
table. It is no longer a mere machine for the registering of the
previously determined will of an organization. It embodies an
opportunity for the people to express their wishes if they desire.
It abolishes dual office-holding in the legislative body, which for a
generation had been the corner stone of "organization" control of
councils and a curse and an obstacle of great resistance to forward
movements. Now no person may hold the office of councilman
while holding any other office, position, or employment of profit
under the city, county, or state and no councilman shall be eHgible
to any office under the city during the term for which he shall have
been elected. This means much in the way of political freedom,
for coimcilmen are no longer compelled to serve two masters.

Incidentally it is interesting to note that the bicameral council
is happily almost extinct, only Baltimore, Atlanta, and Kansas City
among the larger cities of the coimtry continuing them. There
are also a few New England towns which cling to the federal plan —
but all these are doomed, as the movement for simplified local
government continues on its triumphant way.

In estimating the advantages of the new council, the breaking
down of the influence of the ward must not be overlooked. Many
of the wards have not been changed since the year of consolidation
(1854). Consequently in the old bicameral body they continued
to exercise the same influence as when the first alignment was made.
This was manifestly unfair as it gave wards with less than 1,000
registered voters the same weight in the upper branch as the
newer wards with 15,000 to 18,000 registered voters. The sena-
torial districts are not only more homogeneous but have been more
frequently rearranged. Moreover, the establishment of a quota
for representation makes it possible for those districts which
increase their population between reapportionment periods to
secure the additional representation to which their increased
population entitles them.

Coupled with this prohibition of dual office-holding in the new
charter is a modern civil service chapter introducing up-to-date
methods of selecting public employees on a basis of merit admin-
istered by a commission elected by the council instead of appointed

3i8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

by the mayor, the chief appointing power in the city. The com-
mission chosen by the council at its organization entered upon the
discharge of its highly important duties with a full realization of
the employment problems involved. It has begun the classifi-
cation and standardization of the approximately 15,000 positions,
an obligation imposed upon it by the charter. This work will be
completed in time to be available for the mayor's use in the prep-
aration of the budget, which the new charter requires him to
make. It is the hope and ambition of the Civil Service Com-
mission that in time the council, the administrative branches,
and the people generally will come to regard its work as that of
the city's employment agency and as the means for placing public
service upon a dignified, honorable, and useful basis.

Philadelphia's commission aims to find a substitute for the term
"Civil Service Examination," which has proved a positive hin-
drance to the cause of the merit system. Its connotation is certainly
most unfortunate. To most people it suggests a classroom ordeal
in which one's chances of survival vary in inverse ratio to the length
of time he has been out of school or college. It is quite to be
expected, therefore, that any proposal to fill high-grade positions
in the public service by civil service methods should meet at first
with a considerable degree of skepticism in many quarters.

In a striking leaflet entitled How Far Can Civil Service Go,
the Philadelphia Bureau of Municipal Research "confesses that
at this time it is unable to think of a more suitable term. It
throws some additional light upon the real nature of an up-to-date
civil service examination and thus helps to introduce a new meaning
into an old term. The more progressive civil service commissions
have long ceased to rely, to any appreciable extent, on the somewhat
academic test used so largely in the early days of the merit system.
They now use a series of different tests of a very practical character
designed to gauge different qualifications and appropriate for the
filling of different types of positions. Carj)enters and painters,
for example, are no longer asked when Columbus discovered
America. They are required to demonstrate their skill by doing
an actual job of carpentering or paintLng. Applicants for high-
grade professional, technical, or administrative positions, m like

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA

319

manner, are no longer quizzed in schoolroom fashion with regard
to textbook facts. They are invited to enter a dignified competition
in which their past career and their personality are determining
factors rather than any feat of memory. In examinations of this
character, applicants frequently never meet together in a single
room, but prepare their statements of training and experience in
their own private offices or in their homes and send them, together
with any books or articles they may have published, to the civil
service commission by mail. In addition they may be asked to
discuss in writing some important technical or administrative
problem, which may also be delivered through the mails. All of
these evidences of the qualifications of the various applicants are
rated by a board of special examiners who themselves are profes-
sional men or have had long experience ia the kind of work for
which the examination is held. Those applicants who receive a
passing mark in this part of the test may then be summoned before
the special examining board for a personal interview in order that
their personal qualifications may also be taken into account.
Finally, the grades for the various parts of the test are averaged
and the successful applicants are placed on a list of eligibles in
the order of their ratmg. In civil service parlance, this is what is
known as the "unassembled examination."

It is no longer necessary to argue the efficacy of this kind of test.
It sounds like a sensible method, and experience has demonstrated
over and over again that it produces results. Many important
public posts with salaries ranging from $3,000 to $10,000 have
been filled, not only by the federal Civil Service Commission, but
by state and local commissions as well. Men of high standing and
national reputation have not hesitated to enter an examination
when conducted on such a dignified plane. It has been possible,
moreover, for persons living in entirely different parts of the
country to compete.

In view of the success of this improved type of civil service
examination is there any good reason, the bureau most pertinently
asks, why we should not proceed with confidence to extend the
merit system just as high up in the ser\dce as the present law
permits us to go ? By so doing we shall take a long step toward

320 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

making public service not merely a blind-alley employment but a
dignified and honorable career.

This new charter not only makes all this possible, but it deals
in an up-to-date way with the highly important question of pro-
motion within the municipal service. One of the new city ofi&cials
came out in opposition to the proposal of the civil service com-
mission that city employees should be promoted in the order of
merit as determined by a competitive promotion examination, a
limited choice (the first two on the list) being permitted from
among those having the highest rating. His argument was that an
employee's fitness for promotion can be determined better by his
superior than by a civil service examination. As the Philadelphia
Bureau of Municipal Research observed, there is nothing at all
novel either in the proposal of the commission or in the argument
of the protesting new official. WTierever an effort has been made
to insure to the young men and women of the cormnunity an
opportunity for a career in the public service, a rule similar to the
one adopted by the Philadelphia civil service commission has been
followed. In such cities as New York, Chicago, Buffalo, San Fran-
cisco, and Cleveland; and in such states as Ohio, New Jersey,
New York, and California, employees in the service are given a
reasonable assurance that promotion will be according to merit by
requiring that when an appointing officer wants to make a pro-
motion he must select one of the three persons whose names stand
highest on the list of eligibles. It would be well, as the bureau
says, "for this new official who made his protest against the pro-
motion rule to wait until he has an opportunity of observing its
results. He may find the promotion examination a much better
instrument of selection than he ever dreamed it to be. As a matter
of fact the promotion rule in effect in Philadelphia during a con-
siderable period just prior to 191 6 was essentially the same as the
one now under consideration, and the results during that period
appear to have been highly satisfactory."

Political activity of any kind and payment of political contribu-
tions by policemen and firemen are made misdemeanors punishable
by fine and imprisonment under the new charter, and those con-
victed of such practices are debarred from office-holding for a

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 321

period of two years. Moreover, any taxpayer may bring pro-
ceedings to have the employment of the offender declared illegal
"and to restrain payment of compensation to him, a powerful lever
for the effective enforcement of the law.

As orginally introduced the charter bill made political activity
on the part of any city or county employee punishable not only
by dismissal but also by fine and imprisonment; and the enforce-
ment of this provision was strengthened by giving any taxpayer
the right to go into court and by writ of mandamus to compel
dismissal. Under the charter as passed, however, only policemen
and firemen engaging in political activity are to be punished by
fine and imprisonment and may be dismissed by taypayer's action.
The sole punishment of other city employees is dismissal from the
service, and it is not made enforceable by a taypayer's action.

These provisions, however, represent long steps forward, and
while there are those who wanted all office-holders placed in the
same category, the most dangerous, the police and the firemen
are taken completely out of politics. This again represents the
triumph of a generation's effort. The significance of the gain is
fully appreciated when one recalls the notorious Fifth Ward scandal
of 191 7, where gunmen imported from New York operated under
police protection to carry a ward and succeeded in murdering a
policeman who was courageously trying to do his duty. For years
one of the chief obligations laid upon a Philadelphia policeman
had been to serv^e his political sponsors.

In commenting on this liberating feature of the new charter,
the North American said:

The criminal classes and large number of the foreign-born population have
been voted under police control, being corrupted by grants of immunity
from prosecution for law-breaking or coerced by threats of punishment. The
murderous political outrages perpetrated in the Fifth Ward in September, 1917,
when an uncorrupted policeman was killed and public officials were assaulted
by imported gunmen, aroused a public sentiment which demanded a sweeping
away of the atrocious system,

Philadelphia is now in a position where she can depend upon
her policemen to do police work and leave politics alone, likewise
her firemen. Thus the power and psychology of the uniformed
office-holder bids fair to become a thing of the past. Per contra

322 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

a new look of independence and efficiency is coming into the eyes
of policemen and firemen. They are beginning to realize and
appreciate at its real value that they are public servants and not
slaves of selfish political interests.

In the platform upon which Hon. J. Hampton Moore was
elected, the first mayor of Philadelphia under the new charter,
there was this plank :

Second. Contractor rule. For many years Philadelphia has been mis-
governed by a contractors' combine; public officials have been selected and
appointed by contractors who take enormous profits from the city treasury.
There can be no condemnation too severe for a system whereby a politician
nominates and elects the officer of a city, who, in turn, awards valuable contracts
to him and oversees his work. The result is an increase in taxes and the
waste of public money. Out of these profits a vast corruption fund is created
which is used to bribe and intimidate voters and win elections for the con-
tractor's candidates. This condition is intolerable, and any candidate put
forward by the contractor interests must be opposed and defeated, however
respectable he may appear to be.

For a full generation Philadelphia had "contractor rule" or
"rule by contractors," whichever way one may choose to put it.
The same set of men secured the contracts and were potential in
selecting those who had supervision of them. Certainly a nice
arrangement — for the contractors who seem to have profited
greatly by the arrangement, both politically and in fine houses
and fine raiment and in substantial bank accounts. During the
mayoralty campaign of 191 1 the Philadelphia Record declared that
one of the contractor bosses was worth at least three millions of
dollars, and I do not recall that the editor has withdrawn the
statement.

In commenting on this situation Public Works (formerly known
as The Municipal Journal) pointed out that it is not necessarily
objectionable from the citizens' and taxpayers' standpoint to have
such work done by contract but

in this particular case the awarding of contracts for these purposes has become
one of the greatest municipal disgraces to be found in the country. Each of
these services requires an enormous equipment for a city as large as Phila-
delphia, while the disposing of the garbage requires a very expensive plant,
which, if not used for this purpose, is of practically no value for sale or other
use; and yet it had become the practice to delay advertising these contracts

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 323

until a very few weeks before the letting (sometimes only two or three), and
to let contracts for only one or possibly two years at a time, thus making it
impracticable for any bidder to offer reasonable terms except those who were
already doing the work and accordingly had the necessary equipment, or else
those who felt satisfied that their pull with the powers in control would be
sufficient in the future to guarantee their obtaining the contract for several
years to come. No contractor could safely make a contract for one year, with
no guarantee that he would be able to renew the contract for the succeeding
year or years, without including in his price a sufficient amount to entirely
reimburse himself for the cost of the equipment. This was one of the most
outstanding features which condemned the Philadelphia system of awarding
these contracts, but the poUticians in control had numerous other methods of
rewarding favorites, punishing those who rebelled against their control and
entirely eliminating from the competition those whom they did not favor.

It is true that, with the work done by city forces, opportunities for graft
are by no means eliminated; but at least the contemptible politicians who have
acquired millions through their control of these public services, although them-
selves holding no position in the government, will be required to reveal them-
selves, or the grafting methods can be traced more directly to the officials
personally responsible for them, who can be gotten at directly by the votes of
the public if not by the law.

An effective way of getting rid of the contractors therefore was
for the city to do its own work. Philadelphia of all the large
cities of the country has been allowing contractors to clean its
streets and remove its waste of various kinds. Hereafter the
city shall do these things except in special cases when a majority
of all the members elected to the council, with the approval of the
mayor, may authorize and direct otherwise. This great change
in public policy is to be borne in mind when reading the praises
of the spokesmen of the Vares (the contractor bosses) when they
realized that they could not defeat the charter. These statements
represent study in political opportunism. State Senator Vare
resorted to every known political expedient to defeat the measure :
delay, objurgation, chicanery, wire-pulling, and so on through the
whole long list of twisting and turning to which designing politicians
resort were brought into play for weeks and months. All to no
avail, however. Then volte face — their floor leader — one John R. K.
Scott, known as a "tenderloin lawyer," praised the bill and Gover-
nor Sproul, who had steadfastly stood by the charter from the
beginning.

324 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SOCIOLOGY

Here is one interview with Senator Vare which is illuminating
in more ways than one, and interesting, although lacking the
pungency that seasoned the utterances of George Washington
Plunkett and Richard Croker. After declaring the measure ridicu-
lous he said :

If the new council wanted the city to do its own work how could it get
ready in the middle of the summer ? It will take at least a year to raise the
necessary funds to finance such a big enterprise. Plants and equipment will
cost the city between $5,000,000 and $10,000,000. If the charter revisionists
had their way, the city would face a situation whereby the job of doing its own
street cleaning would be forced upon it with no funds available to carry it out.

The proposal to deprive men of their constitutional rights by prohibiting
them from taking any interest in party affairs simply because they hold office
under the city is asinine. Their rights should be guarded and protected
under the constitution the same as those of any other citizen who has interest
enough in the affairs of his own city to want to have some say in its government.

I want to take this opportunity to warn the taxpayers that the taxes will
go sky-high, under this bill prepared by impractical people if it should happen
to become a law. Every person who has had anything to do with the bill
will be ashamed of it and trying to run away from it within six months after
it is in operation.

The contractors presented the interesting feature of having
certain of their adherents praise the measure (and all of them, with
two exceptions, voting for it on final passage) and having certain
others find mare's-nests in the bill. "When the devil was sick,"
and all the rest of the doggerel, was aptly illustrated.

At the present moment the chief of the bureau of street cleaning
(a former army officer who was selected from an eligible list resulting
from a civil service test) is conducting the necessary preliminary
study into the advisibility of having the streets cleaned and garbage,
ashes, and refuse collected by city force. In the words of the
editor of Public Works:

Without being over-sanguine, we hope that this may be the beginning of a
movement for the improvement of public service conditions in Philadelphia
which will end in the pubhc's finally casting off the strangling embrace of the
two or three "old men of the sea" whom they have for years been carrying as
unofficial recipients of a large share of their taxes.

Article 8 of the new charter act creates in Philadelphia's government a new
department, the Department of Public Welfare. This article outlines the
powers of the department but leaves the details of organization and administra-

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 325

tion to the council and the department head. Briefly stated the main functions
of the department are:

1. To "have the care, management, administration, and supervision of
all charitable, correctional, and reformatory institutions, and agencies (includ-
ing any house of correction, but not including hospitals), the control or govern-
ment of which is entrusted to" the city;

2. "To create, organize, manage, and supervise the various playgrounds,
recreation centers, municipal floating-baths, bathing-grounds, and recrea-
rion piers, .... and to plan and recommend .... and, after appropriate
action by ordinance, to create and develop, an adequate and complete system of
playgroimds and recreation centers and related activities"; and

3. To "have jurisdiction over such other matters affecting the pubHc
welfare as may be provided for by ordinance. "

Under the old law the more distinctly social-welfare activities
of the city were scattered among various departments and boards.
The bureau of correction in the department of public safety had
control of the house of correction at Holmesburg; the bureau of
charities of the department of public health and charities, managed
the general hospital and almshouse; the board of recreation had
charge of playgrounds and other recreational activities. Under
the new charter all these activities were placed under a department
of public welfare. This department may be authorized by the
council to take over other welfare activities also. The creation
of this department is in line with modern practice in many cities,
notably Kansas City and Dayton. In all of these cities highly
beneficial results have followed the establishment of welfare depart-
ments. The creation of the department of public welfare left the
bureau of health as the only bureau in the present department of
public health and charities. That bureau is a very large one,
containing several divisions — medical inspection, housing and sani-
tation, dispensaries, vital statistics, child hygiene, food-inspection
laboratories, and contagious-disease hospitals — and is of sufficient
importance to be a separate department. The charter accom-
pUshed this, at the same time abolishing the double-barreled
department of public health and charities.

It remained, however, for Senator Vare to point out the iniquity
of such a management. In an interview he said "the charter
bin notwithstanding some corrections made by Governor Sproul
is still ridiculous. Picture the paupers in the county almshouses

326 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and the children in our public playgrounds associated under one
department."

Some other features included the shortening of the ballot by
making the city's law officer (the city solicitor) an appointive
rather than an elective one; the creation of a purchasing agent in
place of a department of supplies, and provision for a city architect
to take over all the routine architectural work of the city. The
more important architectural work however may be handled by
outside architects specially chosen by the city architect with the
approval of the mayor. Besides co-ordinating a highly specialized
part of the city's work now widely scattered among the depart-
ments, this arrangement will undoubtedly effect a considerable
saving in money.

This new instrument of municipal government has great
possibilities, which the first administration chosen to carry into
effect, is proceeding to use for the advancement of the true interests
of the city. Fortunately the people were sufficiently aroused to
the situation and sufficiently well organized to secure the election
of a capable man to the mayoralty in the person of J. Hampton
Moore. He beat the so-called "unbeatable Vare machine" in
the Republican primaries but only by the narrow majority of 1,313.
His election in November was by an ovenvhelming majority.
Mayor Moore had made for himself a place high in the federal
Congress by reason of his intelligence, industry, and persistence.
Moreover, he is not afraid to be known as a politician and his foes
know him as a valiant fighter. All of these qualifications he is
manifesting in his assumption of the great powers as mayor of
Philadelphia.

How came he to be nomiaated over the popular candidate of so

powerful an organization? To his own personality and ability

as a campaigner there were added the backing of the independent

forces of the city and the Penrose Republican Alliance. All

worked together with the result that there was elected a man to

carry into effect the highly prized charter of whom the North

American could say:

The citizens of this city pay a line tribute to Mayor Moore in accepting
at face value his assurances that he intends to make the welfare of the city
paramount to all other interests. Philadelphians have heard former mayors

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 327

make solemn pledges and virtuous protestations, only to be cast aside for
political and personal advantage. But Mayor Moore has already given
satisfying proof that his chief aim is to serve the city honestly. This proof
lies in his wise and courageous course in meeting every important test which
thus far has confronted him as mayor-elect and mayor.

He has shown that he is not only unalterably opposed to the sinister
contracting interests which he was pledged and elected to combat, but he has
proved that in his official acts as mayor he has been absolutely independent
of all other political and special interests.

The most impressive illustration of how his administration is regarded
by those who have most at stake is the bitter antagonistic attitude of the
Vare pohtical machine. Senator Vare, as dictator of the city RepubUcan
organization, defined his attitude toward the new mayor some weeks ago
in language intended to intimidate Mr. Moore. This was before the cabinet
appointments had been made, and the purpose of the Vare outbreak was
obvious.

After the names of the new directors had been announced, disclosing
to Senator Vare the disconcerting fact that the mayor had not been moved
by the contractors' threats, open war was declared on the new administration.
Every effort was made to hamper and even to prevent the orderly reorgani-
zation of the city government under the new charter.

The character of a mayor's cabinet appointments may be accepted as an
almost infaUible index of his aims and purposes, as well as an earnest of the
character of the administration.

Whence this admirable charter, about 90 per cent of which
became a law in the shape in which it was originally drafted?

Four years ago a charter committee prepared a series of bills to
accomplish the reforms embodied ui the law of 191 9. There were
nearly a score of them, which represented close study, hard work,
and a very long step forward— but they fell by the wayside. In
fact they did not even get out of the committees. Senator Vare
was "very much on the job" and had a friendly, not to say a
docile, governor in the executive mansion in the person of Governor
Brumbaugh. Senator Penrose who favored them was kept in
Washington because of the war situation and so Senator Vare took
the first set 6-0. The latter does not understand the progressive
and never will. He is as defective in his psychology as the Prussian
whom he undoubtedly follows in his methods. The charter
revisionists were merely delayed, however, in their efiforts — not
defeated. They renewed their work in the autumn of 191 8, got
the new governor, William C. Sproul, interested, and kept him

328 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

interested to the end. The new movement was inaugurated at a
great charter dinner in December, 1918, nine hundred men and
women being present — among them Governor-elect Sproul and
his attorney-general, William I. Shaffer. From that dinner until
the signing of the bill he took a leading part, and it was due to his
interest, activity, and forcefulness that Philadelphia has a charter
that may properly and conservatively be regarded as a most
substantial contribution to the better government of America's
third city.

A single measure was agreed upon, a codification of the Bullitt
Bill and its amendments with such changes as have been noted
and many others of a less conspicuous character necessary for the
easy running of the city's machinery. The committee not only
drafted the measure, but actively advanced it throughout the city
and state, on the stump, in the press, by pamphlet, in the legis-
lative halls, everywhere that an audience could be gathered, and,
although the charter revisionists only had ten votes out of forty-one
in the Philadelphia delegation to the House of Representatives
and two out of the eight senators from the city, they broke legis-
lative precedent and secured the passage of the bill by an over-
whelming vote and finally by a practically unanimous vote. When
the Vares saw the handwriting on the wall, during a series of test
votes, they made virtue of a necessity and " turned in. "

How was such a result achieved? There is no doubt among
those most closely in touch with the situation that United States
Senator Boies Penrose was the greatest single factor in securing
the passage of the bill. He brought the weight of his personal
influence and of the state organization to bear at critical times.
It is only fair to say that without his personal help the measure
would have foundered on the rocks. There are those who feel
that his interest was primarily a political one— but as I have said
on another occasion such overlook the fact that he is a long-time
student of city government and that he has long cherished a desire
to give to his native city a charter worthy of the city's need and
opportunities. So active has he been in recent years in federal
affairs and state politics that his fellow-townsmen forget that his
first contribution as a publicist was an account of the government
of the city of Philadelphia, which he prepared in conjunction with

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 329

his then partner (the late Edward P. Allinson) for the Johns Hopkins
University series. This book, a model of concise and accurate
statement, remains to this day as the most satisfactory statement
of Philadelphia's government from the early days of the enactment
of the Bullitt Bill. It is to be hoped that this interesting and
important publication will be brought up to date so as to include
this new charter, which bears the name of Senator Woodward,
who introduced it into the Senate and was its sponsor through the
legislature.

Those in the confidence of Senator Penrose feel, I am told, that
he is not through with his efforts to improve Philadelphia's govern-
mental machinery and that he is studying other ways and means of
giving Philadelphia the most modern and up-to-date form of
government which can be devised. He feels, I believe, like many
others who have given the situation their serious consideration,
that the present charter, while it represents a long step forward,
is only a step, and by no means the last word. The mayor is still
too powerful as an appointing officer and it is out of keeping with
modern efficiency methods to make the chief executive of a great
corporation subject to the winds and whimsies of politics. When
pubKc sentiment is ready for the next step (and we must not
overlook the fact that sound public sentiment is leisurely in its
development), it will be in the direction of a chief administrator
chosen by the council. On several occasions the senior senator
has spoken along these lines and it is to be hoped that he will be
sufficiently free of other obligations in the near future to give the
weight of his personal influence to the active advocacy of these
views.

Accompanying the charter bills and enacted through the same
influences were a series of electoral reform measures designed to
curtail the power of organization control in Philadelphia. Among
them was one gi\Tng effect to the marking of the ballot so that the
voter who marked a straight ticket and a candidate in some other
column will have his vote for that candidate counted. Certainly
a fair and proper thing to do. Another revised the registration
law and opened the door to the reorganization of the Philadelphia
board which had become a mere appendix of the Vare organization
and revised certain of the onerous provisions that had been inserted

330 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in the original bill (see American Journal of Sociology, XIII [1907],
p. 252).

Another act for the preservation and return of all ballots
which may have been soiled, spoiled, mismarked, mutilated, or
rejected for any cause is regarded as an important check on
election oflScers and a preventive of fraud and ballot-box stuffing.
The practice of changing polling places arbitrarily for factional
political reasons, which has obtained in the past, is ended by the
third measure, which requires a petition signed by a majority of
the electors in a division before a polling place can be changed.

In reporting on progress in Philadelphia mention must be
made of certain of its organizations which have been devoting
themselves with ability and public spirit to the city's problems.
Easily chief among these is the Bureau of Municipal Research, to
which reference has already been made. It concerns itself pri-
marily with problems of administration and in the technique or
mechanics of government rather than in ''reform" or political
activities to secure good men in office and to expose and punish
corruption. Bureaus of municipal research are dedicated to the
idea that citizens are ultimately responsible for their governments
regardless of who is in office, and they therefore seek solutions for
problems with as little emphasis as possible on personal or partisan
considerations. The Philadelphia bureau has had a long record of
accomplishment, and is regarded as having met with commendable
success in spite of peculiarly difficult traditions. Like most of
the other bureaus it started out with specific studies of govern-
mental departments, with constructive recommendations as to
their improvements. In the beginning it met with hostile suspicion
on the part of most of the officials, but it gradually established
working relations with a great many of the more important officers,
and for the first six or seven years it submitted a number of care-
fully prepared reports which have led to concrete improvements in
Philadelphia's local government. Among the permanent results
that stand out prominently in this earlier work of the bureau are
the following:

The Board of Education reorganized its bureau of compulsory
education and made it an effective and serviceable part of the
educational system instead of a haven for broken-down henchmen.

PROGRESS IN PHILADELPHIA 331

The greater part of the early activities of the bureau were in
the field of accounting and finance. Prior to 1909 the accounts
of all city departments (including 1:he controller's ofiice) were in
effect merely memoranda of cash transactions. The bureau
co-operated with the controller for several years in installing
modern fund and expense accounts in his ofl&ce and the work was
extended to a number of other bureaus and departments. This
was accomplished through the assistance of Will B. Hadley, then
in the bureau, but subsequently made deputy controller and
finally controller. The bureau also co-operated in the preparation
of the controller's manual of accounting, which was hailed the
country over as a great step forward in municipal accounting.

Budget work has occupied its attention for nearly every year
since its organization, and it is interesting to note that the very
word "budget" was not even used in connection with municipal
finances prior to the bureau's appearance on the scene. Great
advance has been made in budget procedure, although the progress
seems imperceptibly slow at times, the last signal advance having
been made in connection with the financial provisions of the new
city charter.

A piece of work done in the Bureau of Health resulted in great
benefit. It was the compilation of a digest of all the laws and
ordinances pertaining to the public health. These were formerly
scattered through numerous volumes and the health authorities
and their employees were in frequent difficulty for the lack of a
comprehensive guide. Because of the fact that the health officials'
time was already fully taken up with their usual duties, they
found it impossible to give the amoimt of time, as well as energy,
needed for such a job as making a digest, and the proffer of help
from the bureau was heartily welcomed. The work proved so
satisfactory that the department printed the digest— a 250-page
octavo volume.

For seventeen years there had been no revision of the manual
carried by each patrolman for his guidance. A new manual,
up to date in every respect, and containing in compact form the
vast amount of information needed by every policeman, was
drawn up and a copy given to every member of the force. Some
of the work on this manual, as well as most of the installation of

332 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the other plans for improving methods in the department of
public safety, was done by Captain Martin H. Ray (formerly in
the United States Army), who was detailed to serve as special aide
to Director George D, Porter, but who remained on the bureau
staff and pay-roll.

The bureau had an opportvmity for rendering service in a type
of governmental unit in which few bureaus of municipal research
and civic bodies have as a rule done little. In February, 191 5,
the municipal court, which had begun operations only about a
year previously, found that its domestic-relations division was
having difficulty in taking care of its records and social statistics.
President Judge Charles L. Brown realized the difficulty, and invited
the bureau to survey the division with a view to introducing the
Hollerith system of compiling information. The invitation was
accepted with the proviso that it need not confine itself merely to
the problem of tabulation, and it proceeded to make a report on
the organization, methods and procedure of the division. It
devised a new system for keeping case records and installed a
complete system of mechanical tabulation of the social and pro-
cedural data of the domestic-relations cases.

These are illustrations of the bureau's activities and are selected,
primarily, for their diversity, but also to show the permanent
and cumulative value of this kind of work. Some of the later
activities were made possible when the agency had won a place of
greater service in the community, and had established itself as a
definite civic force through the patient and persistent efforts of its
first years.

Reference has already been made to the bureau's interest in
civil service matters to which it has made and is making substantial
contributions. The Civil Service Reform Association is another
organization which has been actively at work along constructive
lines co-operating with the various officials and especially with
the Civil Service Commission. It and the bureau co-operated
in the drafting of the new charter and are now helping Mayor
Moore and his colleagues to give it real force and effect.

By and large Philadelphia is making progress, the rapidity
and extent depending as always on the activity and co-operation
of the citizen.

A PSYCHOANALYTIC INTERPRETATION OF GROUP
FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR

THOMAS D. ELIOT
Northwestern University

I

In 1918, Dr. W. F. Ogbum presented to the American Eco-
nomic Association at Richmond an analysis of the psychological
background of the economic interpretation of history/ His
paper furnishes a starting-point for the statement of some
further social implications of the biogenetic psychology which
may prove new and useful in the interpretation of events and in
the synthesis of political, economic, and psychological theory.

As with Dr. Ogburn's paper, no attempt is made to prove
the points herein made. For the most part, in fact, they are
simply applications of some of the new concepts in psychology
to perfectly familiar events, in a way which links two or three
fields of learning and makes psychology a helpmeet and illuminator
of social science.

Briefly, Dr. Ogburn's thesis was that the frequent apparent
obscurity of economic causes in history is due to the stigma which
civilization, especially Christian civilization, has usually attached
to selfishness in politics, and, one might add, the more immediate
pressure which politicians are always under of winning support
by assurances of common interest in the good of the whole group.
The social disapproval and disadvantage imposed upon the free
expression of greed or self-interest have led to the camouflage of
motives which are basically economic'

Dr. Ogburn recognizes in these political processes certain
common mental tricks or mechanisms which have long been

' American Economic Review, Supplement, March, 1919.

' Interesting parallels of this thesis were ingeniously illustrated by Dr. Patten,
in his Development of English Thought; cf. pp. 15 ff., 108-9, 112 ff., 131-32, 145 ff.,
205-6, 257, 277 ff.

333

334 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

classified by the psychoanalysts in work with individuals. By
followers of Machiavelli and Treitschke, perhaps, the tricks are
consciously employed. Many politicians, however, find it neces-
sary to deceive themselves before they can deceive their public.
The subconscious holds in leash the real wish which gets its ful-
filment or compensation by justifying itself in the name of social
welfare, patriotism, revenge, culture, religion, rescue, necessity,
or self-defense.

According to Dr. Ogburn, however, all these motives are fun-
damentally economic in origin or necessarily become economic
before they are transmuted, rationalized, or re-evaluated by poli-
ticians and historians.

It is at this point that further inquiry is suggested; viz., in
the psychoanalysis of the economic motive itself. It is complex,
built up of various simplex motives rooting in instinctive needs or
mechanisms of behavior for which there is no apparent expression
or release at present except through economic channels. Carleton
Parker's paper of the year previous partially covered this ground.
He stated the well-known economic and psychological causes of
industrial unrest and analyzed the process from cause to effect
in terms of modern psychiatry — impulse, suppression, psychosis.
But he confined his analysis to anti-social groups, especially the
I.W.W. of the Northwest. Similar analysis can, it seems to the
writer, be applied profitably to group motivation in general.
An attempt at such analysis will here be approached through a
brief preliminary description of personality in terms of the "new"'
psychology.

II

The individual may be roughly symbolized for our purposes
(Fig. i) by a circle inclosing arrows representing impulses, wishes,
strivings, "motor sets," as Holt phrases it. At birth we may
assume that these impulses are largely inchoate, being temporary
''amoebic" expressions of the total prenatal biochemical energy
of the individual pushing out to the environment in various instinc-
tive responses, the chief of which are nutritive and "auto-erotic."

These impulses do not tend at first to be introspective. Many
of them are at mutual odds, but they are not even organized

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR

335

enough to realize much mutual conflict. What conflict there is,
is normally not deep seated ; it is easily forgot. The child soon gets
over a cry. But, because the directions of these impulses are widely
distributed, there is an approximate equilibrium, an unstable
equilibrium, such that a stimulus from nearly any quarter will
bring a quick response in that direction, yet diverted with com-
parative ease in another direction by a different stimulus. The
undeveloped personality is suggestible, whether child or savage.

Yet even in undeveloped personalities there is often a "trend"
or "bent" — a predominance of certain strong instincts, or groups
of impulses which, by composition of forces, give the individuality

») ^ lewvpevatQ/dixlf

Fig. I. — Symbol of an undeveloped personality. A general trend to the right
is indicated, but the wishes are unorganized, at cross-purposes. The dark center
represents the original font from which life-energy (soul, libido, elan) wells up and out
at various levels. (Cf . Jelliffe, The Technique of Psychoanalysis, diagrams.)

a certain initial direction. In any case, the equilibrium is soon
broken, whether from within or from without; and certain desires
are subordinated more or less permanently, more or less success-
fully, to others. Crude organic impulses are refined, combined,
recombined into the more complex interests, specific desires and
wishes. The real dynamics of these interests still, however, root
back into primitive, often unconscious, sources.

It used to be the fashion to conceive society as created in the
image of an organism. It may be useful, at least, to reverse the
analogy and to conceive the impulses in the individual as in some
sort a society, proliferating, gradually differentiating into groups,

3S^

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"high-brow" and "low-brow," with its subconscious roughly
corresponding to the inarticulate public, its suppressed complexes
to the "submerged tenth" or "rebel reds," and its focus of con-
sciousness and behavior to society's dominant class activities.
Sanity (a state approximated but never absolute) in the indi-
vidual is comparable to social justice.^ Some individualities
(the idiotic) fail ever to organize. Still others (the neurotic)
organize unsuccessfully or disastrously their warring impulses.
The foregoing analogy will not hold good throughout, but
will make clearer the concept which follows. For the formation

\&6 W\.sY\.es

^ y^ ^Effeclwe

L\fe-Pv;x^pose.

vfe-TxjxjPose

CoTcv pexvsa.X\,oxv,6XO)

Fig. 2 — Symbol of a developed personality. Strong polarization of impulses
into a life-purpose; other impulses (a) expressed as hobbies, (b) modified to serve
main purpose, (c) suppressed, and (d) dodging or delinquent.

of personality may be stated in terms of the organization of its
impulses into a working whole, just as the formation of a state
may be stated in terms of the harmonization of conflicting interests.
(See Fig. 2.) Some impulses are suppressed, some are diverted,
some are sublimated, some are encouraged and draw others to
them. Some outlaw impulses escape, or remain concealed in
respectable company. The whole becomes shot through with a
purpose or design, like the lines of force in a magnetic field. The
more highly organized personalities are recognized by their drawing
or driving power, their concentration, equanimity, and singleness
of purpose, and their elTective relation to their environments.
' Cf. Giddings, "The Ethical Motive," in Democracy and Empire.

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 337

They have acquired "character." In psychological terms, they
have synthesized, organized, and sublimated their total energy in
relation to a reality principle. Their energy is economized by
self-knowledge and conscious control of impulse, and a surplus is
available for definitely influencing the environment. The will
becomes free in the degree that this process is accomplished.

This pattern of personal organization is not, however, deter-
mined merely by competition between impulses within the indi-
vidual. That competition is itself largely set in motion and the
handicaps set by the conditions of the environment.

Relative normaUty of an individual would then consist (to
adapt Dr. Patten's definition) in the harmonious organization of
one's impulses in relation to a given environment; an ideal environ-
ment would make such normality possible for everyone. Under
present conditions such normality is possible for very, very few,
though many can attain it in such measure as to be indifferent or
hostile to social change. Such are our conservative classes. Stand-
patters are not necessarily happy or content, but their problems of
personal adjustment do not seem to them possible of solution
through any change in society at large. They may of course, be
quite as wrong in their judgment as the I.W.W. are in theirs.
They may fantasy a Utopia of the past instead of a Utopia of
the future.

Ill

Conscious thought may be roughly defined in terms of mental
behavior at a point of relation or adjustment between an individual
and his environment. The personality may be conceived as a
bunch of stored and potential behavior of this sort, conforming to
"distribution curves," with modes and variants. Conscious
thought, however, seems in general to follow the point of stimula-
tion ; though stored internal stimuli or reinforced (over-determined)
impulses and interests are often sufficiently powerful to override
immediate sensory stimuli.* Thought occurs as a function of
adjustment, and is most conscious in the actual process of adjust-
ment. Delay often seems to increase the keenness of desire and
of satisfaction, by accumulation of affect.

' An artist fails to notice a mosquito bite when absorbed in his sketching.

338 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

If a given state of affairs thwarts or fails to give an expression
to some native instincts of an individual, we have at once a dam-
ming of flow, a congestion of wishes (affect-laden complexes), and
probably acute consciousness and thought.^ If the given state of
affairs causes a similar conscious want in many people, it is a
social condition causing a social problem. Max Eastman once
wrote, in substance, that in politics the important thing is not what
men think but what men want; the purpose of thought is to teU
them how to get it. This fits in well with the concepts outlined
above, and leads to their application in the field of political and
historical interpretation.

Various processes of socialization may be interpreted in terms
of wish-fulfilment mechanisms, ofttimes unconscious. These will
be discussed here under the general headings of group formation,
maintenance, and growth; group composition and solidarity; group
interrelation, competition, and success; group sovereignty and
control; group conflict, compromise, and amalgamation; and
group secession and decomposition.

GROUP FORMATION, MAINTENANCE, AND GROWTH

Consciousness of resemblance, like consciousness of difference,
develops from biological sources in response to organic (later
economic) needs. It is a socializing factor in that it serves to
release instincts in social behavior and permits their satisfaction
in group activities.

Imitation is not altogether blindly mechanical. It follows
lines of least resistance. Or, rather, stimuli are responded to and
behavior imitated with relation to the adjustment-needs of the
organism. Imitation implies original similarity of behavior
mechanisms which crave exercise. But imitative behavior may
not occur or will not become habitual unless it prove organically
satisfying, i.e., wish-fulfilling.

' Though, occasionally, in the face of unique circumstances the individual (or
group), lacking appropriate behavior mechanisms, fails to react until too late, or only
vaguely "doesn't know what ails him." Just as chemists, lacking radio-sensitive
nerves, were burned by radioactivity before they knew it; and just as savages ascribed
bullets or diseases to devils, or conservatives fail to adjust to a new social order.

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 339

Whenever an environment is such as to stimulate a similar
set of behavior mechanisms with similar affects in a considerable
number of people, group formation has its natural soil. There
seem to result naturally awareness of wants, concomitant reaction
to similar stimuli, like-mindedness, consciousness of kind and of
common interest, and collective behavior or co-operation. There
arises a true social group, possibly an organization or even an
institution, or a social movement, if the co-operation prove per-
manently effective in satisfying needs and wants. Individuals may
join already existing groups for similar reasons. (See Fig. 3, p. 340.)
Further aspects of group growth will be taken up under the heading
of group competition.

GROUP COMPOSITION AND SOLIDARITY

A group may serve interests far different from its ostensible
purpose. Furthermore, the individuals in a group may be in it
from fundamentally widely variant motives. One thinks at once
of examples such as the readers of a given book or newspaper, or
the difference between Senator Lodge and an Alabama darky as
co-members of the Republican Party; but the differences may be
more subtle. The real motives served, or wishes expressed, in
the choice of a college or a club, for example, are far more complex
than is the obvious educational or recreational purpose of the
group, which is merely a net resultant of the behavior through
which the various wishes of individuals find expresson. The
motives of group-joining may not even be conscious. Such is,
perhaps, the condition of neurotics in social work, "purity" work,
or suffrage campaigns.

It is in the motives of group composition that we shall find
the most important phases of socio-analysis suggested by Dr.
Ogburn's paper. For, while the ostensible purpose of a group or
"movement" or campaign is obvious, its growth may have been
fostered by those who consciously and deliberately, or subcon-
sciously and hypocritically, or unconsciously and naively, are
using its collective strength for very different ends, personal or
factional. And, inasmuch as economic motives are admittedly
powerful, especially when backed by wealth, it is natural to find

340

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

S 5 ! !

-^1

Mh (U —

in V

O u c/)

9- 2

u

//

^

i

r

oil* ^ i4>f*r-^^^

>r-

'5 •«

Quo

•35 3 g-

acn bC
<u .
2 bO o

w s .s

1

(o »*" ,9
H

cS

5 s

U3 S Vol
23 O

en "o -^

en CO
<n » •->

C <n «

C > IJ

(« '5 B

:h § g

^ ^5
.5 -9 .g

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 341

those so motivated and backed using, for example, patriotic "drives"
to serve their private interests. This fact does not preclude the
active presence of many, even a majority, of sincere patriots. In
fact it is their presence which leads both to the camouflage which
Dr. Ogburn analyzes and to the usefulness of the group for ulterior
purposes.

I think a concrete illustration will be of value at this point.
(See table, p. 343.)

The example taken is a selection from the membership of an
imaginary church. A similar analysis could be worked out for a
political party, a chamber of commerce, or any other group.

To represent diagrammatically in two dimensions dynamic
conditions which demand at least four dimensions is obviously
impossible. Many complex psycho-social relationships have to
be omitted entirely. Enough cases are given to exemplify the
common psychological mechanisms of combination, compensation,
compromise, substitution, rationalization, transference, and sub-
limation, conscious or unconscious.

The stages of recognition of kind, perception of common
interest, concurrent action, combined volition, organization, and
co-operation are here assumed to have taken place. The group
is a going concern or even a chartered institution, with a definite
ostensible purpose.

In each member certain interests may be consciously dominant.
These interests may or may not root back into more primitive but
less conscious or repressed material — instinctive demands which
the individual unfamiliar with unconscious mechanisms might not
admit even to himself. In each member there may also be sub-
ordinate interests, more or less conscious. The group, in this
case the church, may serve either the dominant or the subordinate
needs of the member. Religion itself (the ostensible purpose of
the group) may be either a dominant or a subordinate interest
in the life of a member. Religious association is indulged in by
many for whom religion is not a dominant wish-harmonizer or
integrator. Religion, being itself highly complex, will serve to
satisfy a variety of instinctive material, much of which is in an
otherwise unexpressed condition. The appeal of the church is to

342 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

all the types just described. Further, with the increasing fulfil-
ment of people's instinctive desires in worldly reality, those con-
trolling the church extend its appeal to include interests not
primarily spiritual, in order to increase or maintain solidarity,
mass, and influence, and thus serve the purpose of the dominant
group. Members joining on the basis of these special appeals,
like those who join from shrewd "ulterior" motives, merely use
the church organization to help fulfil their special interests, whether
dominant or subordinate. Institutional churches extend these
appeals indefinitely.

Such "use" of an organization to fulfil irrelevant desires of its
members is apt to be relatively harmless if it is not exercised by a
subgroup powerful enough to pervert the primary social purpose
of the group and thus betray its members and the general public.
Such factions are often self-deceived. Other factions if disillusioned
may secede individually or collectively.

Church members as typified in the accompanying table therefore
fall into three rather loosely classified groups: (i) those in whom
reUgion is, at least ostensibly, the dominant conscious motive;
(2) those in whom it is a secondary motive, involved in church
membership and activity; and (3) those in whom there is no real
religious interest, the appeal being on irrelevant grounds. Founders
and active members will be apt to be found in the first and second
groups, though a shrewd self-seeker from group three might also
be a founder. Ordinarily they are persons in whose lives religion
serves as a harmonizing, energizing, assimilative principle which
is therefore projected as a dominant interest. Some members,
on the other hand, are mere drifters, who could hardly tell why
they belong. Many, again, are thwarted or secretly disappointed
in life; to them religion is primarily a reconciler, a consolation,
a hope of wish-fulfilment in a future life, or by proxy.

What interest is sincerely dominant in a church member depends
upon the individual and the occasion. The interests indicated
in the schedule (see table) indicate merely general trends, or net
resultants of behavior. The final column gives the formula
of the psychological mechanisms through which various interests
are satisfied by membership. In many cases it is a "substitute

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR

343

COMPOSITION OF IMAGINARY CHURCH

Church
Members

Suppressed Interests,
If Any, Involved in
Church Connection

Conscious
Dominant
Interests

Subordinate Inter-
ests, If Consciously
Served

Mechanisms of
Wish-Fulfilment

Clergyman

May be any of sev-

Religion

Personal ambitions;

Personal tastes and

eral listed for

self-preservation;

demands as well

members in same

family affection

as life-purpose ful-

column

filled by profes-
sion

Clergyman's

Strong father image

Religion

Interest in a young

Waning interest in

daughter

assistant minister

church may be
supported by
loyalty and by a
new "transfer-

ence"

Broad-minded,

Religion

Other interests con-
sciously correlated

Co-ordination of

well-rounded

wishes promoting

layman

to service of (Jod

harmonious satis-
faction

Church

Inferiority complex;

Religion

Social service

High position in

"pillar"

desire for prestige

church will vindi-
cate self-esteem

Mystic

Introverted libido;
fantasies; mother-
fixation

Religion

Aesthetic Tastes

Satisfaction, in sym-
bolic theology, of
longing for escape
and security

Bachelor

Thwarted in love

Religion

Unconscious substi-

long ago

tution

Spinster
(founder)

Strong father image

Religion

Transference to God

image

Woman

Sex interest in min-

Religion

Unconscious fulfilling

(founder)

ister

of suppressed in-
terest

Neurotic

A major suppressed
complex

Religion

Resolution of con-

flict by confi-

dence and conso-

lation

Neurotic

A secret "sin" to be
overcome

Religion

Self-esteem

Acquisition of self-
respect through
imitation and self-
control fostered by
church

Former

Suppressed com-

Reliction

Self-esteem

" Emmanuel Move-

drunkard

plexes causing
dnmkenness

ment " straightened
out suppressed con-
flicts; escape from
reality in religious
symbols

"Misfit"

Various internal con-

Religion

Disappointed hopes

Compensation in

flicts and resis-

reconciled

belief of future

tances

rewards

Negative
personality

None

Herd instinct

Church is the " proper

thing"

Clergyman's

Self-«ssertiveness

Love of husband

Religion

Identification of

wife

and children

interests with
husband's, vicari-
ous ambition,
great family love,
greatly strengthen
attachment to
church; religion
alone insufficient
thereto

Widower

Longing for wife

Religion

Partial compen-

sation by con-

scious substitu-

tion; also hope of

reunion

Childless parent
(founder)

Longing for chil-
dren

Religion

Partial compensation

by conscious sub-

stitution

Mother

Love for chil-
dren

Religion; morality

Sunday school will

conserve children's

morals

344

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY
COMPOSITION OF IMAGINARY CHURCH

Church
Members

Suppressed Interests,

Conscious

Subordinate Inter-

Mechanisms of
Wish-Fulfilment

If Any, Involved in
Church Connection

Dominant
Interests

ests, If Consciously
Served

Soldier

Mother's code against

War; success in

Religion

Church sanctions

fighting

army

fighting

Architect

Desire to display or

Ambition for

Religion; aesthetic

Contacts bring con-

project personal-

creative work

tastes

tracts; church

ity; desire for

group and build-

immortality

ing please tem-
perament

Scholarly

Same as above

Same as above

Religion; intellectual

Brainy sermons and

teacher

appreciation

church forum are
stimulation

Poor author

Instincts for display

Ambition

Religion

Consolation for
thwarted ambition
and lack of fame;
made much of in
the church

Social worker

Interest in suffering

Service

Religion

Religious chal-
lenge to service
and faith in
future; victory
through self-
sacrifice

Unselfish

Power through
finance

Religion; altruism

Stewardship doc-

capitalist

trine reconciles

interests

Professor

Inferiority complex

Ambition for
power

Religion

Church of same de-
nomination as the
college helps pros-
pects

Lonely, enjoys com-

Laborer

Complex of inferiority

Self-preservation

Religion; social

instincts

pany but usually
afraid to come, or
too tired or poor;
projects a grudge

Poet

Aesthetic life

Introvertive imagi-
nation

Ritual, symbol.

atmosphere are

congenial and sug-

gestive

Selfish manu-

Poverty complex;

Money

Love of wife

Family life helps

facturer

self -centered child-
hood; thwarted
altruism

starved instincts;
church attend-
ance keeps wife's
esteem

Young mer-

Business profits

Church brings

chant

trade

Lawyer

Love of wife

Ambition to succeed

Church brings con-

tacts and clients;

wife likes church

Corrupt poli-

Guilty conscience

Politics; ambi-

Self-esteem

Attendance and

ticun

tion

contribution
mask guilt from
others and from
self

Society belle

Display

Social ambition

Sex, self-assertive-
ness

Fashionable contacts
in church

Young man

Sex interest

Shifting interests

Conformity to moral-
ity of parents

Church sanction on
dancing permits in-
dulgence and re-
leases from parent
image

Boy

Domineering temper

Athletics

Family affection

Desire of parents
and chance to
organize church
baseball team

formation" or "compromise" expression for some more original
impulse, which gains a partial or total outlet through the church,
whether or not there be in addition a sincere interest in religion.

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 345

In the case of an ostensibly non-economic group like the church,
there is obviously much complexity of motive underlying its
membership. Even, however, in the case of frankly economic
groups, the motivation may be very complex. They are com-
posed of individuals whose motives if analyzed would prove to be
non-economic in the ordinary material sense. Love of power,
prestige, or display, of comfort, leisure, or pleasure; parental and
sexual instincts; the instincts of workmanship and achievement —
all these may enter as dominant or subordinate motives in
industry.'

In the case of a non-economic organization the appeal to
motives for membership other than the ostensible purpose of the
group seems like bastard social economy. In poHtical economics
the appeal for members on non-economic grounds may be equally
insincere. It may, however, have a legitimate basis, if it be an
appeal through the economic to the real impulses which give rise
to the ''economic motive."

GROUP INTERRELATION, COMPETITION, AND SUCCESS

The same individuals may be aUgned in scores of different
ways, with the same or other individuals, for the fulfilment of
sundry strivings. (See Fig. 3.) They form the interrelating links
between many groups. Some people are habitual "joiners."

A group of any degree of complexity may be, like the organized
personahty of Figure 3, roughly likened for illustrative purposes
to a magnetic field, polarized around the major purpose of the
organization, which is a net resultant of the specific stimuli, the
nature of the units affected, and the general environment; the envi-
ronment would (in the case of the group) include the wishes of
persons and groups external to the immediate group, such as
contributors, prospective members, "pubKc opinion."

Groups are regrouped in larger groups, with less definite bonds
of common interest but interrelated by individuals who belong to
more than one subgroup. (See Fig. 4.)

Whether a purpose is ostensibly or actively dominant in a
group depends upon the general social situation, which therefore

' Cf. Ordway Tead, Instincts in Industry.

346

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SOCIOLOGY

determines which groups "fall off" in membership. Large circles
in the diagram indicate roughly larger groups or classes within
which there are certain common wishes and therefore interlocking
membership. Each smaller group is symbolized by a small circle.
Overlapping circles represent interrelated groups. Infinite dimen-
sions would be needed to represent the actual situation. Net

\_ev.\?ot; Gtowpe>

vests)

Y

PaltxoUstxx.

Fig. 4. — Crude symbol of group interrelation based on wish-fulfilment

resultant purposes of groups are indicated by heavy arrows, lesser
motives by smaller arrows. The direction of arrows represents,
in a crude way, the direction of each interest with relation to the
broad contrasts between social classes.

The analogy is that of composition of forces in physics: the
class purposes are resultants of group purposes; group purposes
are resultants of individual wills; and individual wills are resultants

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 347

of the conscious and unconscious wishes of the individual in relation
to any given situation.

The more thorough and complex the system of interests and
of interrelated wish-fulfilling groups, the more "advanced" the
evolution of the society. Progress, however, of course involves
increasingly harmonious and economical readjustments, rather
than mere complexity.

Most groups in present society require money or work for their
activities; one's "joinings" and the social fulfilment of wishes go,
therefore, according to the principles of comparative marginal
utilities and diminishing returns. Magazines, parties, athletics,
churches, alumni associations, festivals, charities, levels of the
leisure class, come to mind as easy examples. (Cf. Figs. 3, 4.)

When, however, a given group finds a "common interest"
in some unfulfilled wish, it seeks to forward its purpose by increased
membership. If there be two groups with similar ends, there
will be competition for membership in so far as the real wishes
are selfish to each group. Frequently this involves appeal to
different motives in other people, who may thus be persuaded
that the desired result will also fulfil some supposedly legitimate
wish of theirs. This leads to rationaHzation — the writing of
plausible publicity. Witness the range of motives appealed to
in Liberty Loan or prohibition campaigns. For selfish interests,
however, the substitutions and excuses furnished are usually such
as to appeal to some motives which are less intense but more
generally shared than the special interest which primarily motivates
the campaign. The suppressed wish then gets its fulfilment through
some less inhibited wish-channel. The ostensible purpose is true in
a sense, but less dominant or dynamic, and not alone capable
of motivating the behavior demanded by the affect-laden wish.'

Hypocrisy might be defined in terms of such substitution.
Thus, a self-analytic person may feel a sense of guilt (internal
conflict, repression) when perfectly legitimate motives are evenly
balanced or mixed in his conduct. But, on the other hand,

' Cf. Bernard Shaw's criticism of the British Ministry's elaborate justification
of war in contrast with the popular simplicity of motives, or, the defense of tolerated
prostitution by the "best citizens" under the old regime.

348 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the selfish motives may, by these very processes, become sincerely
obscured or secondary in the minds of the "disinterested" or
"indifferent" people whom we call the "public," in relation to a
given issue.

It is in the foregoing way that political and economic and
even moral theories gain currency and power. Some theories
are advanced "before their time": i.e., they do not rationalize
the cravings of an existing group. Even if, in origin, they be
purely "scientific" (a possibility which the extreme psychoanalyst
might deny), theories "prove true" only in so far as they meet
and rationalize the desires of a successful group. Success itself
may be defined in terms of wish-fulfilment or organic wish-harmony.

GROUP SOVEREIGNTY AND CONTROL

A well-organized minority in a group gains a majority by
more or less skilful appeal to the interests of the bulk of the group.
Such behavior implies a previous clear-cut consciousness of common
interest on the part of the dominant minority with respect to some
unfulfilled desires, and especially regarding the means of fulfil-
ment which has been thought out in relation to those desires.
The more fundamentally similar the unfulfilled wishes, the more
permanent and powerful a group or faction is likely to be.

Sovereignty or power rests not so much on physical force as in
the control or potential release of force. Ultimately, dominant
minorities are responsible to the power of their constituency.
They retain control of that power by catering to the wishes of their
followers; by use of the father image or mechanism of author-
ity; by skilfully rationalized theories of wish-fulfilment through
the status quo; by suppressing facts which would release con-
flicting impulses; by offering substitute expressions for anti-
group desires, distractions from thwarted needs, or promises,
compromises, and sops; or, in extremis, preventing new minorities
becoming new majorities by using their existing power to prevent
temporarily, though ultimately to increase, the development of
common interest and collective action among the oppressed vari-
ants. The Prussian Militarist Junkers since 1849 have furnished
examples.

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 349

GROUP CONFLICT, COMPROMISE, AND AMALGAMATION

While competition for membership may reach the point of
conflict when membership becomes an end in itself, group conflicts
are usually due to mutually antagonistic wishes, either with respect
to a common interest (such as hunting-grounds or a doubtful state),
or with respect to some policy or behavior which is doing or will do
violence to the interests of one or the other group (such as trade
relations with Russia).

It may often occur that, without the existence of another group
whose "liberty" (wish-fulfilment) is curtailed by the very existence
of its antagonist, either group would be entirely "normal." That
is why the ideal business man and the ideal socialist are both so
lovable when you take them separately.

When two groups have a grievance or conscious thwart in
common, they will make common cause in their immediate activity,
even though logically at odds in other respects; for the immediate
activity is due to a wish which strives for fulfilment because of
some current stimulus or thwarting, and the other differences,
being less insistent for adjustment or satisfaction, are subordinated
or suppressed into a less conscious sphere. Party and church,
inter-college and sectional rivalries, inter-racial and international
realignments, especially in the recent and present wars, suggest
themselves as examples.

Groups with a similar interest not selfish to each group but
common to both and capable of joint fulfilment will rapidly and
easily amalgamate in the absence of egotistic minorities, or even-
tually in spite of them. The fusing of suffrage organizations, of
parties, and of corrupt interests are examples in politics.

When two groups both have wishes, and their fulfilment is
mutually exclusive, both are thwarted acutely and there is war —
orderly or violent as the case may be. It is a function of civilized
government to make such struggles few and orderly. Court
decisions and arbitration boards attempt to harmonize thwarted
interests — and occasionally succeed. They repress the crude pug-
nacity of injured personalities and, theoretically, give it a channel
for relatively sublimated expression. Legislation and treaties
attempt compromise, reciprocal concession, and substitution, just

3SO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

as a mother does between two quarreling children. Reason is, for
good or ill, secondary to wish-fulfilment. Witness the Peace
Conference.

The so-called "social mind" ordinarily develops more slowly
than that of individuals, because there are infinitely more complex
adjustments and readjustments to be made before internal friction
can be eliminated and a combination or organization of wishes
can be found which will afford a modus vivendi — a psychological
basis for group life,

GROUP SECESSION AND DECOMPOSITION

If a person finds a group to which he belongs committed to
some policy or conduct which would thwart another of his interests
he may have a mental conflict. He must take his choice. He
may try to "swing his group. " He may succeed if he can find or
create a powerful enough faction. He will not often succeed if
there is a real thwart or "grievance" widespread and dominant
among the group. The most plausible arguments will not much
avail, nor will the most logically unanswerable refutations of the
group's "reasons." If he can persuade neither himself nor the
group to reconcile, repress, or gloss over the conflictive wishes he
must then sacrifice his personal wish to his loyalty-wish or herd
instinct; or, he must secede or "get kicked out," and if possible
join another group, whose dominant desires are simUar to his own.*

If a man finds two groups to which he belongs striving for
things which are mutually antagonistic he must make a similar
choice.*

When some unforeseen set of conditions suddenly thwarts in a
large number of people a certain set of desires which were pre-
viously fulfilled and therefore less conscious, new groupings are
likely to develop, old groups are likely to "lose interest," and
alignments shift as attention concentrates on the motives now
thwarted, which thereupon become the dominant motives in all
group activity.* Old grudges now repressed project their cumula-

' The opening years of the war furnished many tragic examples of these gen-
eralizations. In groups where conjugation or fission is in process, whether the con-
flict of interests is considered external as between two groups or internal as between
factions of a single group will depend upon the degree to which consciousness of
conunon interests has waxed or waned in the social mind.

GROUP FORMATION AND BEHAVIOR 351

tive affects into new channels and upon new objects, often over-
determining the new group behavior all unconsciously.

IV

Political consent and "social justice" may be conceived as a
function of the amount of freedom and fulfilment available for the
wishes and interests of a population. For intimidation can only
prevent rebellion or secession by making the instinct of self-
preservation dominant over all thwarted desires. Fear, if it be
the sole sanction of a government, must be increased at an acceler-
ating rate; for thwarted impulses bring concentration of thought
and feeling, and are thereby strengthened even while they are
thwarted. Fear, therefore, has diminishing returns, reaches its
natural limits as a deterrent, and brings revolution or crime.
Justice, on the other hand, is the harmonization of wishes and of
wish-fulfilment.

The unitary or highly centralized state finds it increasingly
difficult to please all of the people all of the time. The "demo-
cratic empire" partly solves the problem through local geographic
autonomy. The so-called pluralistic state of which Laski and
others are wTiting might go farther in the same direction, by a
further distribution of sovereignty and loyalty.

Thought, closer study of the environment, theorizing, point
out to group leaders ways in which the unfulfilled or thwarted
wishes of the given group can be fulfilled, if possible without
thwarting the activities or desires of any other powerful group.
Still closer study and experience may prove a given theory "false,"
i.e., unworkable or provocative of worse maladjustment, but
until such time it serves. It is usually for or against the beliefs
of others, rather than their desires, that the favor or antagonism
of men (at least ostensibly) is directed. The psychoanalyst
might call this process "projection." The Christian attacks
ideas, not men. We cannot often "fight it out," so we attack
each other's theories and try to "argue it out" — a sublimated
kind of fisticufi"s. And for very similar sets of unfulfilled wishes
one man may claim economic remedies, another political, another
religious. The various arguments about slavery and crime and

352 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

freedom of speech are typical. It is true that goods and services
will satisfy most wishes, and many wishes can be satisfied in no
other way. This is the real rock upon which the economic inter-
pretation of history is founded. But all theories, including eco-
nomic theory, are based ultimately upon the wishes themselves*
rather than upon their means of satisfaction, which is itself often
the subject of theorization; and the theories of a group may,
therefore, in some cases be as sincere as any theory can be when
held by a whole group, even though they may not refer to eco-
nomic changes, appropriations, or acquisitions necessary to their
fulfillment.

It may be any one of a dozen groups of impulses in unnumbered
permutations that leads to a social theory and social action, and
these impulses may in origin be entirely non-economic or only
indirectly or secondarily economic. The social hygiene campaign,
the men and religion forward movement, the factory legislation
movement,' are possible examples. An economic basis may, to be
sure, be the indispensable condition for the success of a reform of
which the original motive was sincerely moral. In fact, the
economic motive is frequently used by social workers as a camou-
flage for altruistic motives — witness the Bolshevik bogey and the
economic argimients for playgrounds.

But only where the economic motive is recognized as or accused
of being selfish or wrong does conscience or social censure inhibit
it and give rise to camouflage and h>pocrisy. And for such
social hysterias pubUcity and discussion furnish the salutary
catharsis of the body politic and psychoanalysis of the "public
mind."

' Value might be defined in terms of power to fulfil or thwart wishes — one's own
or others'.

' Certain altruistic wishes, if expressed in some theory which if acted upon would
thwart powerful groups, can seldom find expression except in people who can "afiford
to be radical." The same wishes may be present in others, who can only express the
same wish through some other theory which justifies the wish on some popular
economic grounds.

CO-OPERATIVE INVESTIGATION AUTHORIZED
BY THE
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

We wish to remind you of the investigation described briefly in the
March, 1920, number of the Journal. If you have time for research
work or if you direct investigations by students, we hope you will consider
some aspect of the subjects which many groups will be studying during
the coming year. Dr. Lucile Eaves, the director of this first co-operative
study authorized by the Society, will give assistance by correspondence,
or in personal conference during the sessions of the annual meeting, to any
members of the Society who wish suggestions which will enable them to
prepare material suitable for publication in the final report. She will be
glad to supply the questionnaires used by the full-time workers who are
investigating the subject under her immediate supervision.

Professors of sociology in different colleges or universities will be the
best judges of the abilities of their students and resources of their en-
vironments, but the following topics may prove suggestive when discussing
with students the possibilities of co-operation in this nation-wide investi-
gation:

1. Institutions giving care to aged women.

2. The policies of large employers of women in dealing with older
workers.

3. Study of women who have left positions because of old-age
incapacity.

4. Study of the older female employees to discover their plans for
old-age support.

5. Retired school teachers. Are their pensions adequate? How
are they being cared for?

6. Insurance carried by self-supporting women. Do they buy
annuities ?

7. Women depositers in savings banks.

8. Family relations of self-supporting women.

9. Do the wages of women permit a saving for old-age support ?

10. Interesting plans by which self-supporting women have provided,
or are planning to provide, for their old age.

The final report of this study which will be prepared in Boston under
the direction of Miss Eaves will be a great pooling of experiences for the
purpose of throwing light on this important subject. The studies made
by individual contributors should be limited in scope but should cover
completely and accurately the field chosen.

Address correspondence to Miss Lucile Eaves, 264 Boylston street
Boston 17, Mass.

353

ANNUAL MEETING OF THE AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL

SOCIETY

The following program has been announced by President James
Q. Dealy for the fifteenth annual meeting of the American Socio-
logical Society to be held in Washington, D.C., December 27-29,
1920. At the same time and place the following organizations will
meet: American Historical Association and related organizations,
American PoHtical Science Association.

MAIN TOPIC FOR DISCUSSIONS: "SOME NEWER PROBLEMS,
NATIONAL AND SOCIAL"

(All meetings, except the business session, are open to the public)
Mo>fDAY, December 27

8:15 P.M. Professor Edward A. Ross, University of Wisconsin, presiding.
Address: "Eudemics, a Science of National Welfare." J. Q.
Dealey, President of the .\merican Sociological Society.
Address: "A Theory of Social Interests." Dean Roscoe
Pound of the Harvard Law School.
Members of other Associations are especially invited to be present.

Tuesday, December 28

9:30 a.m. Professor Albion W. Small, presiding.

Address: "The Community Idea in Rural Development."
President Kenyon L. Butterpield, Massachusetts Agricultural
College.

Address: "The Inquiries of Sociology." Professor Franklin
H. Giddings, Columbia University.
11:00 A.M. Reports of Committees, J. Q. Dealey, presiding.

Committee on the Teaching of Social Science in the PubUc and
High Schools. Professor Ross L. Finney, Chairman,
University of Minnesota.

Committee on the Standardization of Research: Professor
J. L. Gillin, Chairman, Um'versity of Wisconsin,
Committee on Social Abstracts: Professor F. Stuart Chapin,
Chairman, Smith College.
Discussion of these reports.
2:00 P.M. Round Table, Professor U. G. Weatherly presiding.

"Sociological Significance of Psychoanalytic Psychology." In
charge of Professors Ernest R. Groves and C. E. Gehlke.

354

ANNUAL MEETING OF THE SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY 355

3:15 P.M. Round Table :

"Essentials of a Social Survey Plan." In charge of Professor

Harold S. Bucklin and Dr. Shelby M. Harrison.
4:30 P.M. Meeting of the Executive Committee.
8:15 P.M. Presidential Addresses: American Historical Association and

American Political Science Association.

Members of the American Sociological Society are cordially

invited to attend.
10:00 P.M. Smoker at Cosmos Club, open to members of all the Associations.

Wednesday, December 29

9:30 a.m. President Kenyon L. Butterfield, presiding.

Address: "Sociological Evaluation of the Interchurch Move-
ment." Professor Edwin L. Earp, Drew Theological Seminary.
Address : ' ' The Mexican Revolution and the Standard of Living. ' '
Professor Max S. Handman, University of Texas.
II :oo a.m. Professor F. W. Blackmar, presiding.

Address: "The Social Significance of Mental Levels." Professor
J. P. Lichtenberger, University of Pennsylvania.
Address: "The New Plan of Education in the Army." Pro-
fessor Scott E. W. Bedford, University of Chicago.

2:15 P.M. Business meeting of the society.

3:00 P.M. Professor Franklin H. Giddings, presiding.

Address: "The Family in Relation to Industry." Professor

Susan M. Kingsbury, Bryn Mawr College.

Address: "Processes of Radicalism." Professor William J.

Kerby, Cathohc University of America.

Address: "The Future of Sociology." Professor Albion W.

Small, University of Chicago.

7:00 P.M. A subscription dinner, under the auspices of the American
Historical Association and the American Political Science
Association, will be opened by courtesy to those members of
the American Sociological Society who desire to attend.

Papers should not exceed 20-25 minutes in length; the time limit for
prepared discussion is 7 minutes; for discussion from the floor 5 minutes.

Local committee of the American Sociological Society: Dr. William J.
Kerby, Catholic University, Chairman; Miss Julia C. Lathrop; Dr. Charles J.
Galpin; Dr. R. R. Kern; Miss Grace Abbott.

Local committee of the Historical Association: Dr. H. B. Learned, Chair-
man; W. B. Bryan; Miss Frances G. Davenport; Rev. Dr. Peter Guilday;
Gaillard Hunt; J. Franklin Jameson; Constantine E. Maguire; Charles Moore;
Helen Nicolay; Ruth Putnam; Admiral Charles H. Stockton; George F. Zook.

Local Committee of the Pohtical Science Association: Dr. L. S. Rowe,
Chairman; Wilbur Morse; Dr. W. M. Collier; Mr. William F. Culbertson;

356 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Mr. Henry James Ford; Rev. Thomas I. Gasson; Dr. Franklin Jameson;
Dr. C. E. Maguire; Dr. Henry Learned; Right Rev. Thomas J. Shahan;
Dr. Charles D. Walcott: Dr. W. F. Willoughby; Dr. James Brown Scott.

The privileges of the National Clubhouse of the Association of Collegiate
Alumnae, 1607 H Street, will be extended to the women of the various associ-
ations for the period of the meetings. Guest cards can be obtained at the
headquarters of each association.

A reception for the members of the various associations will be given at the
National Clubhouse of the Association of Collegiate Alumnae, 1607 H Street,
on Tuesday evening, December 28, beginning at nine-thirty.

Headquarters. — The headquarters of the American Sociological Society
will be The Washington, Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the Treasury.

Cars from the station pass in front of the hotel.

Hotel accommodations may be secured as follows:
Hotel Ehhitt

Single room with bath $3.50 and up; without bath $2.00 and $2.50.
Double room with bath $6 . 00, $7 . 00, and up. Either twin beds or double
beds. Double room without bath, $4 . 00 and $5 . 00.

Hotel New Willard

Single room with bath $5 . 00 and up. Without bath $3 . 00 and up. Double
room without bath $5.00 and $6.00. With bath $7.00 to $12.00. Double
room (twin beds) with bath $8 . 00 to $1 2 . 00.

Hotel Raleigh

Single room with bath $4 . 00 and $5 . 00. Without bath $3 . 00 and $4 . 00.
Double room without bath $4 . 00 and $5 . 00 Without bath (twin beds) $6 . 00.
Double room (twin beds) with bath, $5.00 to $10.00.
Hotel Washington

Single room with bath, $5 . 00 and up. Double room with bath (twin beds)
$8.00 to $10.00. Double bed $7 . 00 .

Franklin Square Hotel

Single Room $2.50; single room with bath $3.50. Double room $3.50;
double room with bath $5.00.
Shoreham Hold

Single room $3.00; single room with bath $5.00. Double room $5.00;
double room with bath $7.00.
Powhatan Hotel

Single room $3.00; single room with bath $4.00. Double room $4.50;
double room with bath $6.00.
Bellvue Hotel

Single room $2.00; single room with bath $3.50. Double room $3.00;
double room with bath $5.00.

NEWS AND NOTES

Notes of interest to the readers of the Journal should be in the hands of the
editor of "News and Notes" not later than the tenth of the month preceding
publication.

International Review of Statistics

Announcement is made of the establishment of an international
review of statistics entitled Metron imder the direction of Professor
Corrado Gini, University of Padua, Italy. The review will be issued
quarterly, each number containing 180-200 pages. It will contain
original articles of statistical methodology and of its application to
various branches of sciences, and reviews of or discussions on the
principal results obtained by statistical methods in the various fields
of science or otherwise interesting statistics. The articles and reviews
may be written in ItaUan, French, English, and German. As this
review is pubhshed in Italy and consequently a majority of the editorial
stafif are Itahans, no doubt the ItaUan language will at first preponderate
in its pages. But the other great international languages are admitted
to its pages on terms of complete equahty. It rests with contributors
from other countries to increase their share in its pages and to cause to
disappear, any such difference. It is the wish of the editors that the
participation of non-ItaHan writers shall become larger and larger.

United States Public Health Service

The PubUc Health Service announces the organization of an insti-
tute on the control of venereal diseases to be held in Washington, D.C.,
beginning November 22 and continuing for two weeks. Among the
courses offered are "the delinquent women and the law," "sex in educa-
tion," "protective work for girls," "sociology and social hygiene,"
"methods of public education," "methods of law enforcement," "sex
psychology," and "clinical social work." Among the forty lecturers and
mstructors are the following, Dr, John A. Fordyce, Dr. John H. Stokes,
Dr. Hugh Young, Dr. Edward L. Keyes, Jr., Dr. Katherine Bement
Davis, Mrs. Martha P. Falconer, Prof. Maurice A. Bigelow, Dr. Thomas
M. Balliot, and Dr. WiUiam A. White.

357

3S8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Survey
The Survey announces that beginning with the issue for October 2,
1920 there will be ofifered a special type of service to teachers and students
of sociology, economics, social ethics, pohtics, and history. This depart-
ment will contain a "Social Research Outline" based on current social
developments, suggesting definite lines of investigations and offering
bibhographical helps from historical and correlated current materials.
This department is in charge of Professor Joseph K. Hart, who has been
professor of education in Reed CoUege and has recently had six months
experience with the War Camp Community Service.

Baylor University
Mr. Guy B. Johnson has been appointed as an assistant in the
department of sociology. Mr. Johnson will have charge of some of the
extra divisions of Sociology i.

Boston University
Professor Ernest R. Groves, head of the department of sociology
and dean of the arts and science faculty of New Hampshire College,
has accepted the appointment to a chair of sociology in the department
of social science.

Brown University

Professor Daniel H. Kulp of Shanghai College will lecture in sociology
at Brown University during the second semester of this year. He will
conduct the classes of Professor Dealey, who plans to spend several
months in China next year.

Professor J. Q. Dealey has rewritten and enlarged his Sociology;
the new edition will be issued in October through Appleton & Co. In
January through the same firm he will pubUsh a work to be entitled
TJie Slate atid Government.

Columbia University
A new book by Professor Franklin H. Giddings, entitled Studies
in the Theory of Human Society has been announced by the Macmillan
Company.

New York State College of Agriculture, Cornell Unr'^ersity

In the department of Rural Social Organization Mr. E. L. Kirk-

patrick, who has recently been doing graduate work in sociology in the

NEWS AND NOTES 359

University of Kansas, has been appointed assistant and Mr. C. W.
Whitney, who has been doing graduate work at the University of Chicago,
and was formerly of the extension staff of this institution, has been
appointed extension instructor. Mr. Whitney will give special attention
to extension work in rural recreation. Professor Dwight Sanderson is
making a study of the rural neighborhoods in Otsego County in co-
operation with the division of Rural Life Studies, Office of Farm
Management and Farm Economics, United States Department of
Agriculture.

Grinnell College

Mr. Jakub Horak, of the University of Chicago, has accepted a
position as instructor in economics and sociology.

Massachusetts Agricultural College

Professor Newell L. Sims, formerly of the University of Florida,
now occupies the chair of rural sociology in this institution, having been
in residence since the first of the year. During the summer Professor
Sims taught courses in sociology in Columbia University, The Journal
has recently received for review a work by Dr. Sims entitled "The
Rural Community," which is a sourcebook in rural sociology.

The Massachusetts Agricultural College is projecting a school for
the training of rural social workers. Announcement of the plan of
work will be made in the near future.

University of Missouri

Mr. Royal G. Hall who was an instructor in the University of Kansas
during the summer term has been appointed assistant professor of
sociology. He will have charge of the work in rural sociology which
for some time was under the direction of Professor C. C. Taylor who
recently resigned.

University of the City of New York

Dr. Maurice Parmelee has been appointed by the Department of
State of the United States as Economic Adviser to the American Com-
mission in Berlin. Dr. Parmelee sailed for Europe October 7. His
address will be, % American Commission, Berlin, Germany.

36o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Ohio State University
Mr. Warner E. Getty s, instructor in sociology, resigned in July 1920
to accept a position in sociology in Tulane University. Dr. F. E. Lumley
of Butler College, Indianapolis, Indiana, was appointed assistant professor
in sociology for the current year. He received his Ph.D. at Yale. Miss
Carrie Wright, A.M. from the University of Chicago, was appointed
an assistant in sociology. Mr. H. M. Scott was also appointed an
assistant in the department of sociology.

RocKFORD College
The social science department has increased its staff by the addition
of Miss Florence E. Janson, A.M., who takes the courses in government
and introductory economics. Professor Seba Eldridge, head of the
department, is giving an extension course in social legislation which has
special reference to the forthcoming session of the state legislature.
Labor conditions, public health, education, housmg, child welfare and
care of the feeble-minded are the principal topics dealt with. It is
expected that the results of the investigations undertaken in connection
with this course will be made available, in printed form, to legislators
social workers, editors, and others who are interested in the problems
considered.

Smith College
The Macmillan Company announces the publication of a book
entitled Democracy and Assimilation: the Blending of Immigrant Heritages
in America by Assistant Professor Julius Drachsler.

University of Southern California

Dr. William C. Smith is offering new courses this semester in the

field of ethnology, race psychology, and eugenics. Mr, M. J. Vincent

has been appointed instructor in sociology. The total enrolment in the

sociology^classes this semester, inclusive of duplicate enrohnents, is 850.

Southwestern University
Professor John C. Granbery has terminated three years of war
work in Europe and the Near East (France, Germany, Old and New
Greece) under the auspices of the Y.M.C.A. He has resumed his
duties in Southwestern University, Georgetown, Texas, where he has
the chair of sociology and economics.

NEWS AND NOTES 361

Washburn College
The department of sociology in Washburn College is in its twentieth
year. It has a department library of slightly over 4,000 volumes, and
nearly 4,000 lantern slides, as illustrative material, including a new acces-
sion of 250 in the field of social pathology, just purchased, or taken from
life, in New York City. Dr. D. M. Fisk has been head of the department
for twenty years. He printed three of his texts the past year — Sociology
I., The Sociology of Jesus, and The Rise of Democracy.

University of Washington
The department of sociology has been reorganized along three lines:
(i) anthropology and ethnology, offering fourteen hours per quarter,
under Dr. Leslie Spier; (2) social problems and methods of reconstruc-
tion, offering fourteen hours per quarter under Associate Professor
McKenzie; and two courses of field work imder Miss Olive McCabe;
(3) social theory and methods of investigation, offering the general
introductory course and eight hours of advanced work under Professor
Woolston, assisted by Mr. Herbert Sturges.

Western Reserve University

Assistant Professor C. E. Gehlke was on leave for a year serving as
educational director of the Southwestern Division of the American Red
Cross. Recently he was made Director of the Division of Statistics of
the Cleveland Foundation. He continues his work in the department
of sociology, but will give half of his time to the supervision of the
statistical work of the Foundation.

Professor J. E. Cutler and Assistant Professor C. W. Coulter gave
courses in the summer session of the Cleveland School of Education
this year. Professor Cutler was also the Director of the Institute of
School Hygiene which was conducted by the Cleveland School of
Education during the summer session.

Dr. M. R. Davie was engaged in research work for the Cleveland
Foundation during the past summer.

Every course offered by the department of sociology is being given
this year. The number of students who have elected some of the more
general courses is so large that less effective methods of instruction are
likely to be necessary. In common with the experience of teachers of
the social sciences in other American universities a more extensive use
of the lecture method seems unavoidable.

362 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

University of Wisconsin

W. Russell Tylor, fellow in sociology last year in the University of
Wisconsin, has been appointed as assistant in sociology to assist
Professor J. L. Gillin in his course in criminology.

Dr. J. O. Hertzler, who received his Doctor's degree in sociology
in the University at the close of the summer session, has been appointed
instructor in economics and sociology and is assistmg Professor Gillin
in his course in social origins. The niunber in both these courses has
become so large that it is impossible for one man to handle the work
properly.

Professor J. L. GUlin is to give a course of lectures to the Officers
of the Wisconsin State Industrial School for Boys at Waukesha during
the coming winter. He is also supervising a series of institutes for the
training of volimteers in coimection with local Associated Charities
at a number of places in Wisconsin. The course will occupy a month
at each place and will be in direct charge of a teacher employed by the
University Extension Division.

Professor J. L. Gilhn expects to have ready for the pubUshers about
March i, a textbook on Poverty and P over ism and Its Treatment.

The American Sociological Society

Since the cost of printing the American Journal of Sociology and
the Proceedings of the Society has risen to almost double that on which
current arrangements were based, and since it was necessary to advise
members in advance, in order that renewals might be made without
interruption of subscriptions, the Advisory Council of the Society has
taken the responsibility of assuming that the annual meeting would
indorse an advance of the membership fee to four dollars a year.

REVIEWS

The Spirit of Russia . Studies in History, Literature, and Philosophy.

By Thomas Garrigue Masaryk. Translated by Eden and

Cedar Paul. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1919.

2 vols. Pp. xxii+480; xix+585. $12.00 net.
This remarkable work by the president of Czecho-Slovakia deserves
the attention of all sociologists. First published in German in 1913,
it is one of the few books which the Great War rendered, not out-of-date,
but prophetic. The title of the work is unfortunate, as it gives Uttle
idea of its sociological character. It is really a history of Russian
social and pohtical thought, though the first half of the first volume
is taken up with a sketch of Russian pohtical history. The develop-
ment of Russian sociology receives especial attention, and the whole
history of Russian social and pohtical theories is sketched in a masterly
way, with a wealth of learning and scholarship which astounds. As
one reads, one is made to reaHze vividly the forces which lay behind
the Russian Revolution. The book is undoubtedly, as one leading
student of Russian affairs remarked to the writer of this notice, the
best work yet produced, though written several years before the event,
for the understanding of the Russian Revolution. It is much more,
therefore, than a work of theoretical and historical interest. Its por-
trayal of the growth of that revolutionary' philosophy, which finally
culminated in bolshevism, and of the political and economic imbecilities
which stimulated it, has a tragic interest for all peoples of Western
civilization. If we would avoid Russia's fate, we surely need to learn
from her mistakes.

The book is noteworthy also because Dr. Masaryk does not hesitate
to discuss questions which are supposed to be of interest only to technical
sociologists. As regards the controversy between subjectivists and
objectivists, for example, he says, " My decision is in favor of a mitigated
subjectivism," meaning by that, of course, that he holds that it is the
social mind, the social tradition, the mores which immediately determine
social behavior. In accordance with this position, though a critic of
existing forms of organized religion, he finds that great importance must
be attributed to religion in the social process as the sustainer of the
mores. "Religion," he says, "constitutes the central ajid centralizing

363

364 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OP SOCIOLOGY

mental force in the life of the individual and of society. The ethical
ideals of mankind are formed by religion ; religion gives rise to the mental
trend, to the life-mood of human beings." (Vol. II, p. 557.)

This is only a slight indication of the sociological interest of this

book.

Charles A. Ellwood
UNTVERsmr OP Missouri

The Skilled Labourer, 1760-1832. By J. L. and Barbara Ham-
mond. London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1919. Pp. ix+397.

$4-5o-

There is a tendency among the newer historians to look for a
broader group of causations than is to be found in governments and
politicians, and to listen to the half -articulate, confused, voices of the
larger groups of the "lower orders" for an explanation of the dominant
element in historical development. Of course the poUtician is no less
really important than before, and so strangely is our world organized
that a generation may show more modification from the quarrel of
a duke with a party leader than from the fall of wages a shilling per
week. Yet there is a growing conviction that if we are really to under-
stand the life-story of a people through the course of a century, we must
learn how things went with the great substratum upon which the more
talkative part of society rests.

It is to this newer class of histories, which form the province almost
equally of the historian, the sociologist, and the economist, that The
Skilled Labourer belongs. It is the last of a trilogy of books dealing
with the intimate history of the British laboring man in the time of
the great flux caused by the Industrial Revolution. The first volume,
The Village Labourer, appeared in 191 1. The present volume has a
general conmiunity of subject-matter with the second of the series,
The Town Labourer, but the aim is here at telling more in detail the
experiences of particular labor groups during the period whose general
characteristics The Town Labourer attempts to treat. It is, in fact, a
series of group case-studies selected where evidence was found fullest,
and covering groups as diverse as pitmen in coal mines, and silk-stocking
weavers.

It has been the plan of the authors to trace the developments in
each of these trades and subgroups as a unit of study. Such a plan
involves obvious difficulties of presentation. Despite the unity of
causes which makes the experience of the different groups very similar,

REVIEWS 365

one feels that the interrelations between them are left hazy. A reading
of The Town Labourer, at least, is presupposed. So, despite the singu-
larly felicitous style which is the endowment of the Hammonds, and
despite the human interest of the book, it will not, probably, prove as
charming to the general reader as The Village Labourer.

The book is written to substantiate a thesis. That thesis is frankly
stated on page four of the Introduction . ' 'For all these classes of workers
it is true that they were more their own masters, that they had a wider
range of initiative, that their homes and their children were happier
in 1760 than they were in 1830." The immediate cause was the intro-
duction of machinery into most lines of industry. Its influence was
felt by those already on the verge of pauperism, but more by the more
skilled whose closed crafts no longer saved them from ruin. The
effect was so similar upon the different groups that it gives a unity
to the story of the period. Into one general class of depression may
be put cotton and woolen workers, spinners and weavers, worsted
workers and stocking knitters, lace makers and the shearmen who
cut the nap from woolen cloth in the finishing process. Each group
has its own story told, but it differs from the others only in the detail
of local circumstance. In each, machines appeared which made the
labor of a few men vastly more productive. As soon as one manu-
facturer adopted such a device his competitors were compelled to do
likewise. With the machinery went what seemed to be a new spirit in
the manufacturing group. It was made manifest by better co-operation
of the manufacturers, and often by shady trade practices, such as
flooded the market with worthless knitted goods about 1810. Volume
of production increased, "time was saved," yet the laborers foimd
themselves working more hours per day for less wages in a factory,
or starving on poor relief in their cottages. No wonder those in the
old domestic industries "no longer had the heart" to do work which
had ceased to be remunerative. In some industries the mechanization
was slower than in others. In some locahties resistance held back
the process for a time. But in general it spread as relentlessly as an
infection.

The resistance was the more hopeless because the period of change
coincided with a period dominated by war psychology. A govern-
ment which was at once the champion of national integrity and class
interest used the power of its position without much scruple. It put
down violence with the iron hand, and it forbade by law the combi-
nations of workers that might have secured redress without resort to
violence.

366 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Desperate, unable to make themselves heard politically, the
North made itself felt in the Luddite riots of 1811 and 181 2, and again
when the close of the war was found only to make miser>' the more
apparent. The insurrectionary tendencies were hopeless. To some
extent they were prompted, as they were betrayed, by government
spies. With their collapse, and the beginnings of a hope that parUa-
mentar>' reform would bring relief, this chapter of the labor Ufe of
England closes.

The case of the coal miners of the Wear and the Tyne is an exception
to the general rule. They faced an impossible situation caused, not
by new machinery, but by improved organization on the part of their
employers. Inexperienced as they were, they seemed for a time likely
to improve their position. But their final defeat is typified by Hepburn,
their best leader, who was driven by hunger to purchase work from his
old foes at the price of a pledge to organize no more.

This exception is important as showing that the real root of evil
was not the introduction of machinery — though the idea is left inchoate
by the Hammonds. The real evil was the concentration of political
power in the hands of the same class which was just realizing its oppor-
tunities for unprecedented economic exploitation. It must be felt that
the authors are too bitter against an innovation whose immediate
effect was blighting, but which compelled men to new experiments in
co-operation for control, which promise to make of the new technique
a means for the attainment of more liberty, a wider range of initiative,
and happier homes and famiUes than were known in 1760, or at any
other time.

Warner F. Woodring
UNivERsrrY OF Chicago

Social Purpose: A Contribution to a Philosophy oj Civic Society.

By H. J. W. Hetherington and J. H. Muirhead. New

York: The Macmillan Company, 1918. Pp.317. $3.50 net.

It is difficult to understand why these lectures, delivered before

the University College of Wales in the summer of 1916, were published

in book form. The avowed purpose of the book is "to restate the

essentials of the classical idealist" of society (p. 10). To this end

Plato and Aristotle are made starting-points for the discussion of present

civic society. While there is much good sense in the discussion, it

seems quite out of touch with the spirit of modern science. It would

be unfair to say that the book ignores the whole development of scientific

REVIEWS 367

psychology and sociology, but it makes little use of their methods of
approach to its problems. Rather its method is still that of "dialectic."
Only one American sociologist receives any attention, Professor Cooley.
Blackmar and Gillin's text is cited once, but the names are given in the
footnote as "Blackmore and Gillen" and in the index as "Blackmore
and Sillers."

The attitude of the book toward objective scientific method seems
to be well indicated by the following quotation from Professor J. A.
Smith, which the authors place just before their own preface: "The
world of fact, artistic or aesthetic, scientific, moral, political, economic,
is what the spirit builds around itself, creating it out of its own sub-
stance, while it itself in creating it, grows within Nothing is or

can be alien, still less hostile to it, 'for in wisdom it has made them all.' "

Uniyersity of Missoxmi Charles A. Ellwood

Personal Beauty and Racial Betterment. By Knight Dunlap.
St. Louis: C. V. Mosby Company, 1920. Pp. 95. $1.00.

The point of view of this book in eugenics is that of an experi-
mentalist in physiological psychology. Personal beauty is defined as
the evidence of fitness for "the function of procreating healthy children
of the highest type of efficiency according to the standards of the race,
and ability to protect these children," The author inadequately
justifies his omission of moral qualities in his description of "the beauti-
ful individual." The chief suggestions in the author's program of racial
betterment are: eliminating the unfit through the use of education
and publicity, insuring that marriages shall be made on the basis of
mutual attraction of "beauty" alone, taking care that the xmions of
the most fit shall be fruitful.

This "personal beauty" treatment of eugenics contains several
generalizations which are open to challenge. For example: All dark
races prefer white skin (p. 20). The basis of power is muscular (p. 25).
In a family one person must control (p. 27). Language is the principal
means of thinking (p. 31).

E. S. BOGARDUS

University of SoxriHERN California

Current Social and Industrial Forces. Edited by Lionel D. Edie.

New York: Boni and Liveright, 1920. Pp. xv+393. $2.50.

This is an interesting and valuable collection of source material

prepared for courses on "Current Historical Forces" in the history

368 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

department of Colgate University, It has distinct value, also, for
courses in sociology and economics.

The book carries an introduction by James Harvey Robinson, who
concludes with the following admirable characterization of Professor
Edie's work: "His anthology forms a really imposing stock-taking of
current speculation upon pressing economic quandaries. It does not
attempt to prove anything or defend anything, except the necessity
of considering the pass in which humanity finds itself with the hope that
with new knowledge and fuller understanding our pohcies of reform may
be more prompt and less bunghng and expensive than they might
otherwise be." Professor Robinson is also represented by a six-page
quotation from his The New History.

About sixty writers are represented, besides numerous reports and
official documents. Hobson leads the field with five quotations, fol-
lowed by Weyl and Croly with four, and Veblen, Bloomfield, King,
Bertrand Russell, Hoxie, Wallas, and Woodrow Wilson, with three
each. The following chapter headings indicate the arrangement of
the material: I. "Forces of Disturbance"; II. " PotentiaUties
of Production"; III. "The Price System"; IV. "The Direction of
Industry"; V. The Funds of Reorganization"; VI. "The Power and
PoUcy of Organized Labor"; VII. "Proposed Plans of Action";
VIII. "Industrial Doctrines in Defense of the Status Quo"; IX.

"The PossibiUties of Social Service."

Robert Fry Clark

Pacific University

A Group-Discussion Syllabus of Sociology. By Daniel B. Leary,
Ph.D. Buffalo: University of Buffalo, Niagara Square, 1920.
Pp. 42. $1.00.

Dr. Leary, professor of psychology in the University of Buffalo,
has contributed to the steadily increasing materials for the teaching
of introductory college courses in sociology by preparing a syllabus
of thirty-two sections, containing five to eight questions each, and
supplemented by reading references. The point of view is "objective,
historical, non-individualistic, dynamic." Social evolution, social con-
trol, and social problems are the main sub-divisions. An extended
bibUography is prefixed. The syllabus is designed for the use of mature
students. The questions, which constitute the chief contribution of
the syllabus are as a rule well phrased. At times they stress philosophic
rather than scientific considerations.

University of SoxnmRN California ^- ^- BOGARDUS

REVIEWS 369

The American Red Cross in the Great War. By Henry B . Davison.
New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920. Pp. xii+303.

$2.00.
* This book by the chairman of the War Council appointed by
President Wilson, also president of the Red Cross, is a clear and fasci-
nating recital of the work of the Red Cross from the outbreak of the
war between the United States and Germany in 1917. It begins with
the story "When the Storm Burst" and closes with an account of the
League of Red Cross Societies.

Sitting at the very center where every move in the development
of the Red Cross from a small society with only six-himdred chapters
and a few thousand members at the outbreak of the war to one with
over thirty-seven hundred chapters and twenty-two miUion members
at the time of the signing of the armistice, Mr. Davison is well equipped
to tell the story of this great organization. He tells it well. As one
reads the first few chapters which describe the expansion of the organi-
zation to meet the obUgations laid upon it by the government in
accordance with its charter, he feels again the breathless haste and
high resolve which moved us all as the nation girded itself for the battle
with its foe. The organization and reorganization which characterized
the first months, the chaos which reigned and withal the order which
finally evolved, the devotion of rich and poor in the various services of
the Red Cross, the building of buildings in camps, the selection of
personnel, crowding upon the organization with a prodigaUty which
created a real problem, and the enhsting of nurses and social workers
for Europe and America — all is here portrayed in vivid and fascinating
form.

Mr. Da\dson divides his work into two parts, the first deahng with
the work of the Red Cross in America — work for the soldier and sailor
at home, home service, the work of the Junior Red Cross, and the care
of the disabled soldier; the second part dealing with the work of the
Red Cross abroad, in Italy, in France, m Great Britain, and in Eastern
Europe. The book is not a critical history; it is a report by one who
was the directing genius in its war organization, the War Council.
It is to be hoped that sooner or later it may be supplemented by a more
critical study of the work of the Red Cross, pointing out not only the
achievements, but, what is of as much value to those who would learn
also from its mistakes, also its errors of judgment, where it failed in
its organization and in its highly centralized control in the division

370 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

ofl5ces, what can be learned from the fact that in the early days, at
least, it was manned by volunteers, and from the fact that the managers
and many of its divisional heads of departments were " big business " men.

J. L. GiLLIN

University of Wisconsin

The Human Costs of the War. By Homer Folks. With illustra-
tions by Lewis W. Hine. New York: Harper Bros., 1920.
Pp. 1-325. $2.25.

BeUeving that only an "infinitesimal fraction of reality" concerning
the suffering of war-stricken Europe has ever found its way into print,
the author assays an adequate appraisal of the damages to humanity
which the war brought.

On the basis of a survey made by himself and staff following the
armistice, a picture of the people of Serbia, Belgium, France, Italy,
and Greece as the war left them is drawn. The results in terms of
childhood, home, and health are then effectively summarized, and a
chapter on "War versus WeKare" concludes the book.

Written for the general reader, the book gives a vivid impression
of the appalling cost of the war in life and suffering. Although mostly
estimates, the data are perhaps as accurate as any we shall ever get.

The survey is somewhat defective, however, because confined

chiefly to the five lands named, and would have been more valuable

had all the belligerent countries been included.

Newell L. Sims
Amherst, Mass.

British Labor Conditions and Legislation During the War. Carnegie

Endowment for International Peace. Division of Economics

and History. "Preliminary Studies of the War, No. 14." By

M. B. Hammond. New York: Oxford University Press,

1919. Pp. v+335. Bound, for $1.00; paper, gratis from

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

This study of labor conditions and labor legislation in Great Britain

during the war gives us in convenient form a great deal of information

regarding the changes in trade unionism, unemployment, wages, hours

of labor, welfare work, relation of the government to labor, and other

labor problems. The author states that it is purposely "a narration

rather than an interpretation" but he presents enough of the historical

background to make the book intelligible to persons not acquainted

REVIEWS 371

with earlier conditions in England. It is a book of importance because
of the significant changes that took place during the war, and also
because the interruption of communication with Europe during the
war made it impossible for us by the ordinary methods to keep up with
the changes in this field of labor problems.

E. H. Sutherland
University of Illinois

Consumers' Co-operation. By Albert Sonnichsen, New York:
The Macmillan Company, 1919. Pp. xix+223. $1.75.

In this Httle volume the author has attempted to write a brief
history of the co-operative movement explaining in detail the relation-
ship between consumers' co-operation and productive co-operation,
farmers' co-operative societies, profit-sharing, labor copartnership,
etc. In part two of the book he discusses consumers' co-operation
and the labor movement and consumers' co-operation and socialism.

In tracing the early history of co-operation he indicates very clearly
his sympathy for consumers' co-operation as against all other forms of
co-operation which must be tolerated as a part of the co-operative
movement however irrational or inconsistent their programs are. Con-
sumers' co-operation will succeed when the Rochdale principles are
followed and when all other factors political, economic, and social are
excluded from the program. The above is another of many attempts
which have been made to explain why consumers' co-operation has
uniformly failed in the United States with the exception of the recent
experiments which have not had time to demonstrate whether they will
endure or not. However much we may wish to see consumers'
co-operative societies succeed, in the light of American experience we
cannot accept his enthusiastic conclusion that consumers' co-operative
societies will always succeed when estabUshed on the Rochdale principles.

In the author's discussion of the Purity Co-operative Bakery of
Paterson, N. J., the author states that the Federal Food Control Board
fixed the price of bread at a point which enabled this society to make
too much money and although the Federal Food authorities were
appealed to they would not change their ruling with reference to the
price. In the interests of accuracy the price of bread in each state
was not fixed by the National Federal Authorities but by the State
Federal Authorities and the prices fixed were usually maximum prices.
Nearly everywhere chain stores and others sold bread at prices below
the maximum fixed by the authorities of the Food Administration.

372 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The author has a keen imagination to conclude that the political
views of Thomas Jefferson are very similar to those of Michael Bakunin
and Lenine.

The book is well written and is a clear exposition of consumer's
co-operation,

J. E. Hagerty

Ohio State University

The Human Factor in Industry. By Lee K. Frankel and
Alexander Fleisher. New York: The Macmillan Com-
pany, 1920. Pp. 366. $3.00.

This work is a sweeping survey of the popular and technological
literature covering selected problems in the field of personnel admin-
istration. The authors have given us very httle that is new, either
in point of view and method of analysis or in subject-matter. The
text is organized around a Ust of subjects including: "Hiring and
Holding"; Education"; "Working Hours"; Working Conditions";
"Medical Care"; "Methods of Remuneration"; Refreshment and
Recreation"; "The Employer and the Community"; "Insurance,
Savings, and Loans " ; "Organization of the Department of Labor Admin-
istration." Each of these subjects is developed by describing the
current industrial practices as revealed in the Uterature of the subject.
There is Uttle searching of these practices to discover and formulate
the fundamental principles and policies that must be developed before
either a satisfactory science or art of personnel administration can be
developed. By definition, the authors exclude some of the most trouble-
some problems and conditions that confront the industrial manager.
Labor administration is defined as "those activities carried on by
employers and employees jointly or separately which benefit both,
have as their unit the industrial plant and are not enforced by law
or by organized labor." There may well be difference of opinion as
to the relations that should be established with organized labor, but
it seems highly artificial to remove, by definition, this problem from the
field of personnel administration. Neither is it correct to assume, as
the authors do, that labor legislation and union activities are merely
negative factors. No small part of the progress made in matters of
labor administration has been the direct result of the activities of these
agencies.

Although there is little in this book to interest the more sophisticated
students of labor administration, it is a valuable survey for the general

REVIEWS 373

reader and for those industrial managers who have not had time to
keep abreast of the developments to date.

R. W. Stone

State University of Iowa

The Science of Labour and Its Organization. By Dr. Josefa
lOTEYKO. New York: E. P. Button & Co., 1919. Pp.
viii+196. $1.60.

In this little volume are collected a series of articles, pubUshed in
certain French journals in 19 16 and 191 7, and the substance of certain
lectures on fatigue, delivered at the College de France. The author
seeks in this collection to throw hght upon certain points in industrial
psycho-physiology. To the results accomplished by research into the
working of the bodily organs with the view to discover their best working
conditions, to detect fatigue, and to lay down a basis for industrial
work, he applies the caption "Science of Labour." The book is a
summary of experiments and researches into the physiological and
psychological aspects of personnel administration.

The discussion is divided into four parts. The first is concerned
with the problems of apprenticeship, the economical methods of working,
and the measurement of industrial fatigue. The second part is an
evaluation and criticism of scientific management. Particular emphasis
is placed upon the shortcomings of the Taylor system in respect to
psycho-physiological factors. The third part presents data bearing
upon the human power and aptitudes for work. The final section is
devoted to an exposition of the Belgian methods of technical education.

The work is by no means a complete or final analysis of the personnel
problems in industry. It is, however, a contribution to the literature
on that subject. Those interested in the scientific study of the human
factors in industry will find much that is new and valuable in this book.

R. W. Stone
Iowa State UNxvERSiry

Lectures on Industrial Psychology. By Bernard Muscio. New
York: Button, 1910. Pp. iv+300. $3.00.
The author defines industrial psychology as a study of methods
for selecting workers on the basis of natural fitness and for obtaining
from any expenditure of energy a maximum product. To these ends
he advocates the establishment of a vocational laboratory in connection
with every educational plant or system. It shall be the duty of the

374 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

advisory committees of these laboratories to give information (i) about
the capacities of the persons who are being examined, (2) about the
capacities required for any kind of labor for which there is a demand,
and (3) about probable demands for various forms of labor.

Mr. Muscio discusses the main objections to scientific management
such as (i) mere speeding up, (2) the increase of production about
300 per cent, and of wages only 30 to 100 per cent, (3) the interference
with collective bargaining, (4) the destruction of craft skill, and (5) the
undemocratic result of throwing undue industrial power into the hands
of "the management." The author advocates the creation of com-
mittees of workers who shall co-operate with the "management" in
putting the principles of scientific management into practice.

The tone of the book is fair-minded, scientific, and constructive.
Although sympathetic with the workers, the author does not point out
the function which industrial psychology may perform in showing how
the personalities of the workers may be developed through their occu-
pational activities and interests.

E. S. BOGARDUS

UmvERSiTY OF Southern Califoknia

Socialism in Thought and Action. By Harry W. Laidler. The
Macmillan Company. Pp. xviii+546. $2.50.

This is an exposition of socialism by the secretary of the Inter-
collegiate Society. The author does not try so much to express his
own views but to give those of the acknowledged spokesmen of that
party; these are expressed in a brief, clear, and direct manner. The
book begins with a criticism of the wastefulness and inefficiency of the
present system as the result of competition in production and dis-
tribution, resulting in waste of human life and energy through unemploy-
ment, industrial accident, and illness. The indictments against the
unequal distribution of wealth, the wage system, and social maladjust-
ment are ably stated and backed up by strong proof.

Chapter iii begins the statement of the socialist theory. This
follows the Marxian theories of economic interpretation of history,
class struggle, surplus value, and the labor theory of value, although
modem limitations and interpretations are placed upon all of these.
He defines the labor theory of value as " the amount of socially necessary
labor contained therein, that is the amount of average human labor
which is necessary for society to expend upon its reproduction, not the

REVIEWS 375

labor which might accidentally be embodied in a particular commodity as
a result of some pecularity under which the laborer worked (p. 117).
By disappearance of the middle class, he explains, is meant especially
the middle-class employer, and the increasing misery as not so much
physical degeneration as the worker's recognition of injustice and his
decreasing share in society's product.

The aims of socialism are defined as the "collective ownership and
democratic management of the socially necessary means of production
and distribution"; that socialism does not advocate the return to a
handicraft stage; that private enterprise should continue where there
is not exploitation and that voluntary co-operation would be encour-
aged, that the state would be controlled by the masses and not by a
few individuals; that socialism does not intend to interfere with
religion or the family.

Syndicalism is recognized as the left wing of the socialist movement
and is frankly treated with its theory of general strikes and sabotage
as striking at the socialist conception of democracy.

Under tendencies toward socialism are included the modern cor-
poration, social reforms, co-operation, public ownership, advances in
education and general health, the growth of the labor union, and the
improvement of working conditions. The author argues rather skilfully
against such objections to socialism as the absence of incentive, the
probable inadequate accumulation of wealth, and pohtical corruption.

Part II takes up the development of the sociaUst movement
beginning with the organization of the different internationals and
extending down to the present day. Here emphasis is placed upon
the development and changes during and after the world-war, especially
in Russia and the Central Empires, although its progress is traced in
all nations. This part of the book contains much detail and is not
nearly as interesting or as well written as Part I, possibly due to
the uncertain material to be dealt with.

Throughout the entire work differences of opinion are given; argu-
ments are sound and the proof offered scientific. In fact it is a splendid
presentation of this movement. An adequate bibliography of the best
books on socialism with their pubUshers and comments is added. Not
only does the book deserve serious attention but it would make an

excellent text.

G. S. Dow

Baylor University

376 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Man or the State? By Waldo R. Browne, compiler and editor.
New York: Huebsch, 1919. Pp. xii+141. $1.00.

Mr. Browne has brought together selected readings from Kropotkin,
Buckle, Emerson, Thoreau, Spenser, Tolstoy, and Oscar Wilde, which
support the thesis that state control is a failure and that social salvation
lies in the deification of "personal liberty," which will culminate in
"a really free society."

I believe that the compiler misses the main problem in his field
today which is not "Man or the State?" but "Man," "the State,"
or "Man and the State." The current problem is to find out how the
individual and government can work together to the best advantage
of all.

E. S. BOGARDUS

University of Southern California

Religion and the New Psychology. By Walter Samuel Swisher,
B.D. Boston: Marshall Jones Co., 1920. Pp. xv+259.
$2.00.

The value of psychoanalysis for the religious worker was demon-
strated some years ago when Pfister brought forth his "Psychoanalytic
Method." Pfister 's book dtew attention to the need of reHgion itself
receiving psychoanalytic interpretation. Such a study of religion is
attempted by Religion and the New Psychology. From a viewpoint
almost exclusively Freudian the book treats such topics as the nature
of the unconscious and its influence on the religious life, determinism
and freewill, mysticism and neurotic states, the problem of evil, patho-
logical religious types, conversion, and attendant phenomena.

Jesus, except for certain masochistic tendencies, is declared free
from neurosis (p. 34). Paul, who had the determining influence in the
early church, was first strongly sadistic, then masochistic, and to the
end neurotic (pp. 35-37). Conversion represents a mind-state "always
and everywhere indicative of a neurosis" (p. 147). The most useful
part of the book deals with religious education and illustrates the baneful
effects of early religious fears. The author is dogmatic in his state-
ments regarding the religious and non-ethical life of primitive people.
Most of the readers, famiUar with psychoanalytic Uterature, will turn
from the book with the conviction that a satisfactory discussion of
religion and the new psychology is hardly to be expected from within
the ministerial profession.

REVIEWS 377

The book would serve a useful purpose were it not unlikely to be
read by those who need it most.

Ernest R. Groves
Boston University

Six Thousand Country Churches. By Charles Otis Gill and
GiFFORD PiNCHOT. New York: Macmillan Co., 1919. Pp.
xiv+237. $2.00.

It would seem from this survey that Ohio in its 1,170 rural townships
is suffering from a plethora of churches and a dearth of religion, and
that this is lamentably true in the eighteen counties composing the
southeast section of the state. Where social decline and degeneracy
are most marked, it is the native born of native parentage that are
involved and where denominational competition has brought Chris-
tianity to a standstill, orgiastic or emotional substitutes, like Holy
Rollerism, thrive. The statistical tables, maps, and faithful treatment
of detail set a high standard for church surveys and represent the pro-
jection on a larger scale of the methods employed by the authors in
their former book, The County Church.

From the few examples given of federated or community church
experiments one may hope that the problem is not insolv^able; while
perhaps the chief value of the work, which was sponsored by the Federal
Council of the Churches of Christ in America through its Commission
on Church and Country Life, lies in its impartial exhibit of the zeal
and stupidity of denominationalism gone to seed.

Allan Hoben

Carleton College

Educatian through Settlements. By Arnold Freeman. London:
Allen & Unwin, Ltd., 1919. Pp. 63.

Education through Settlements is a pamphlet of sixty-three pages
defining education and reUgion, not in the conventional language of
the pedagogue or the preacher.

In the Preface by Arnold S. Rowmtree we are introduced to the
" Settlement Movement " described in these pages as " peculiarly adapted
to present day needs." " It provides," he states, " a method of approach
towards the solving of our many problems along the hnes of local effort,
and seems destined to play a useful part during the next few decades
in the 'intellectual and social emancipation of the people.' "

"The virtue of this Httle book," Mr. Rowntree says, "is that,
while informed from actual experience, it is alight with a healthy and

378 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

refreshing imagination." " It is hoped," he adds, " that what is written
here may not be without its influence upon the future poUcy, both of
the universities and our churches."

The central idea, Mr. Freeman tells us, is expressed in the phrase
"education through fellowship for service." In fancy he brings back
to communities in England the spirits of those civilized men and
women who, if reincarnated, would, after seeing the conditions as they
are after the war, write a manifesto expressing the faith of those who
long to throw off their chains and be spiritually free to serve the com-
munity in which they live.

Their idea of a "settlement" is a place where not the poor but
everybody is to be educated. Rich and poor, elementary school, and
college graduates are to enter this "new university which will set itself
to estabhsh the Kingdom of God by distributing culture among the
mass of the people."

This settlement center of education for service is to be "more
interested in religion than the university, more interested in culture
than the church."

It is stimulating to have a call to such practical, yet such idealistic
service as Mr. Freeman sends to us from England. He beUeves that
in every community there is a group of men and women who will ignore
their religious, poUtical, social, and educational differences if they can
see "beyond the soHd blackness of the present into the golden splendors
of the world that is even now in the making." To educate for this
propaganda of fellowship for service he would have settlements estab-
lished wherever two or three can come together in this faith. It may
be a cottage — a single room that may grow and develop " about a person
with imagination. Even if he begins without a penny in his pocket
or a friend in the locality, he will make an outstanding settlement."

In Part III Mr. Freeman gives methods of sociaUzing "spiritual
treasures." The settlement stands for an education for all citizens
that makes "education used for selfish benefits a torture to the man
himself." "It must stand for an education which turns out not book-
worms, dilettantes, theorists, talkers, but men and women who are
capable workers, responsible heads of households and who are citizens
who love their city too much to be satisfied with it.^'

To further these ideals of education through fellowship for service
the members of this center or "settlement" must be missionaries of
a new kind — they must be prepared to propagandize, "to impress their
ideals, to inform the minds and stimulate the wills and fire the con-

REVIEWS 379

sciences of as many people as they can reach. They need not talk
about the settlement, but in their own persons they must be the settle-
ment."

It is his idea that the "settlement" is to be the "aggregating centei*
for the spiritual and social forces of construction." As one reads these
pages so full of spiritual inspiration one reaUzes that only those who
went through the awful war and kept the faith could have written
these words of idealism that the writer believes may become a reality.

It strengthens one's own faith to have quotations from such as
Arthur Henderson, R. H. Tawney, and our own Jane Addams. Arthur
Henderson, the labor leader, speaking of these settlements where all
who want to serve in fellowship meet together, says " We have to extend
the range of their power, and to develop their activities as a means of
promoting the unity of classes, and of spreading a new conception of
brotherhood amongst all sections of the community."

Mr. Freeman appeals to men and women who are not afraid of
ideals, and not bound by conventionalism. The war and its effect on
the community has brought him face to face with reality; he says
"I do not know if there will be a revolution, but I do know that it
could be avoided."

Social workers, church workers, university men and women of
imagination in America will find here a message if they want it.

Mary E. McDowell

University of Chicago Settlement

New Schools for Old. By Evelyn Dewey. E. P. Button & Co.,
1919. Pp. xi+337. $2.00.

"Sentimental attachment to the 'Little Red Schoolhouse' of yester-
day does not justify the maintenance of an anachronism today. Mrs.
Harvey, by her work in Porter Township, has proved that the plant
and equipment surviving from a formerly prized institution may be
so utilized even in our communities as at present organized that the
school may again touch every interest of old and young."

With this statement Miss Dewey closes her discussion of the Porter
School, located near Kirksville, Missouri. It is an account of the
work done by Mrs. Marie Turner Harvey in the regeneration of an
out-at-the-heels, one-room rural school. It is more than a mere
description, however, being in reality a study of the country-life problem
in the concrete and an interpretation of the regenerative power of a
socialized rural school.

380 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

There can be little doubt that the one-room rural school must be
made over or abandoned. Mrs. Harvey set out to demonstrate that
it can be made into a vital force in the building up from within of an
ordinary rural community, economically, socially, and educationally,
within the present generation. She has so far succeeded that Porter
School has served not only as a sort of national rural-school experiment
station but as a model for thousands of rural teachers. While it would
be foolish to expect the poorly trained young girls in charge of most
of our rural schools to do what a zealous and talented woman has done,
yet Mrs. Harvey, in her seven years' work, has done much to stimulate
general interest in a vital problem and to restore the faith of the expert.

Miss Dewey has shown genuine insight into rural problems and has
given a valuable interpretation of the school approach to their solution.
Her treatment is lacking in concreteness and seems unnecessarily long
drawn out but it is penetrating and sound. Anyone interested in
country-Hfe problems or in the rural school would do well to read it.

Walter R. Smith

University of Kansas

American Marriage Laws. By Fred S. Hall and Elizabeth W.

Brooke. New York: The Russell Sage Foundation. 191 9.

Pp. 132. $1.00.
Those who are interested in the too-much-neglected topic of
marriage legislation will appreciate the convenience of this simplified
and comparative arrangement of our American statutes on the subject.
Part I gives proposals for marriage-law reform, using as its chief author-
ities the Commissioners on Uniform State Laws, George Elliott Howard,
Willystine Goodsell, and Frank Gaylord Cook. Part II summarizes
existing laws by topics, making a comprehensive comparison of the
legislation of all the states on the fundamental points involved.
Part III gives a digest, arranged by states, of the marriage laws in each
state of the Union. In a most striking way are brought out the numer-
ous weaknesses in the diverse regulations of the various states, which
probably constitute the most defective system of any great modern
nation. More important to social welfare than the laws themselves is
the question of their administration, a subject to be treated in a later
volume to be published by the Russell Sage Foundation, to which this
volume is preliminary.

Earle E. Eubank
Y. M. C. A, College, Chicago

RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

The Sociological Method of Durkheim. — Emile Durkheim proposed to make of
sociology a far more strictly empirical science than it had ever before been conceived.
Yet he is as rationalistic in sociology as Descartes was in physics and physiology. He
approaches his subject with a scheme readymade for carrying on the investigation of
facts, and a framework into which the results of his investigation shall fall. The
method is proposed as one that has grown out of the personal experience of the writer,
and Durkheim expressly declares that with the growth of his own and other peoples'
further experience the method doubtless will be revised. But as feature after feature
of the method is expounded he declares for it that it is absolutely indispensable — that
on no other basis is a science of sociology possible. Therefore the main outlines are
fairly to be regarded as permanent. The rules that constitute Durkheim's method
are of two kinds: those belonging to empirical sciences generally, and those peculiar
to sociology. Among the rules of the first kind stands the demand that the objects
of the science shall be studied directly as facts. Even if the objects in question are
ideas, they must be approached in the same direct fashion. However useful science
may be in its applications, it is essentially and fundamentally theoretical. Its ques-
tion is not What ought to be? but What is? The former question belongs to science
only when and in so far as it has been transformed into the latter. But abstractions
must not be substituted for facts. Durkheim declares that no psychological explana-
tion of any phenomenon is ever sufficient. It is what he calls the interned social
emironment that counts. Durkheim's Naews on the relation of psychology will seem
paradoxical or even plainly false to many who sympathize with his general positivistic
position, but the author is inclined to think that the author is here essentially right.
His use of the analogy between society and the organism and his definition of the
normal and the pathological is open to criticism. Despite his announced purpose,
Durkheim's alternative to ideology amoimts to a new ideology. — Theodore de Laguna,
Philosophic Review, May, 1920. O. B.Y.

The Basis of Human Association. — A society is not formed whenever a number
of human individuals under the promptings of the same impulse engage together in
the same pursuit. The division of labor with exchange of products does not con-
stitute genuine association. Nor do the reciprocal activities originating in the sex
and gregarious instincts of themselves constitute a true society. The semblance of
social and political authority may even be exercised and obeyed without really asso-
ciating the individuals involved. The basis of community is communication. Per-
sonal communication in the concrete means discussion, co-operation, and concordant
emotion. In discussion the medium of transmission is language. The essential con-
dition of co-operation is to be found in the ability of the human individual to realize
purposes common to the choice of himself and others through the instrumentality
of bodily movements freely controlled and initiated. Emotional concord becomes a
form of personal conmiunication when it springs from a source that is mutually
understood by the participants. It is more than sympathy or the instinctive reaction
to the visible signs of another's pleasure and pain. Perhaps the first and fundamental
instance of emotional concord as true association is furnished by friendship or love. —
Henry W. Wright, Journal of Philosophy, Psychology, and Scientific Methods, July 29,

192a

O. B.Y.

The Modification of Instinct from the Standpoint of Social Psychology. — Social
Psychology is as interested in the experimental facts concerning instincts as is normal
human adult psychology, but it seeks more insistently to put the data together in a

381

382 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

manner significant to the understanding of human nature so far as this is modified by
its social environs. The social significance of instincts cannot be brought out by
analysis of the nature of specific forms of response, but must come largely from a
consideration of the types of modification that instinctive forms of behavior undergo.
These variations come fundamentally from the influence of habit and other forms of
intelligent behavior. The topic is further elaborated with reference to the following
points: (i) modification of the structural elements, including (c) changes in the
stimulus in its internal and external aspect, {b) changes of the somatic or of the vis-
ceral response, and (c) combinations of these in sublimated behavior; (2) the
temporal position of the modification as it occurs before or after the initial appearance
of the instinct; and (3) modification of the biological purpose or adaptive value of
the response. — Walter S. Hunter, Psychological Review, July, 1920. O. B.Y.

Motives in the Light of Recent Discussion. — There are still psychologists who
believe that pleasure and pain, either experienced or anticipated, are the moving
powers of all human activity. There are others who adhere to the ideo-motor theory
of the intellectualists. Others again seem to feel no need for any theory of action
and are content to regard all human activity as merely chains of complicated mechani-
cal reflexes. This discussion starts from the assumption that the innate constitution
of the human species comprises an array of conative dispositions. These may be
called instincts or (with Mr. Shand) emotional dispositions, or merely conative tend-
encies. In Social Psychology the author has argued that these native tendencies
are the mainspring of all man's activity. Several psychologists have accepted the
author's account of these native tendencies as in the main correct, but some propose
to supplement them by recognizing other springs of thought and action of a different
nature. Professor Woodworth has raised the question in the most defijiite form in
his Dynamic Psychology. He agrees that the instincts furnish motives of much
human activity but he maintains that there are other motive forces in the mind. In
the organism or the mind we may distinguish structure from the activating forces;
and he speaks of the former as "mechanism" and the latter as "drives." He main-
tains that all "mechanisms," whether innate or acquired, contain their own driv-
ing power and are not wholly dependent upon "drive" coming from the instincts.
McDougall holds that the motor habit contains no intrinsic drive. It determines
how we shall execute our purposes, but does not prompt and sustain the doing. The
motor habit is originally acquired in the ser\'^ice of some extrinsic purpose or motive
and then operates only as a part of some larger complex activity, i.e., it has become
a channel through which some impulse finds a ready outlet. — W. McDougall, Mind,
July, 1920. O. B.Y.

Neo-Realism and the Origin of Consciousness. — The close association between
conscious life and neural organization supports the conclusion that consciousness
originated as a method of biological adjustment. Just as the principle of the con-
servation of energy is a regulative principle in physics, so the theory that conscious-
ness is a product of evolution may be regarded as an important regulative principle
in the study of the nature of consciousness. The new realist believes that sense-
perception discloses to the percipient objects as they really are; representationalism
believes that all qualities apprehended by sense are mental versions or symbols of
the realities perceived. Perception may be incomplete, but for new realism it faith-
fully presents reality. A desire to guarantee a possibility of absolute knowledge at
its source is the underlying motive of neo-realism. If consciousness originally adapted
the actions of organisms to their environment, it only secondarily adapted them to
apprehension of reality. Neo-realism must face the prospect of being compelled to
maintain that from the first it was obligatory on consciousness to perceive things as
they really are, however incomplete this perception. The origin of perception as a
mode of adjustment between organism and environment is assumed by many to con-
firm neo-realistic estimates of its direct apprehending power. But if conscious
experiences are habitually used as cues to action or as inducement to it, it is quite
possible that the most original sensation may simply intimate, induce, or prompt
movements that adjust the organism to its surroundings without conveying to it the

RECENT LITERATURE 383

impress of reality. The representationalistic view is that "things-in-themselves" are
represented in consciousness as mental versions or symbolisms. Every conscious
experience may mean, in the final issue, simply pleasure or pain. — Joshua C. Gregory,
Philosophicair Review, May, 1920. O. B.Y.

Some General Aspects of Family Desertion. — The family is the oldest of our
social institutions, and yet the scientific study of the family has until recent years
been sadly neglected. The chaotic condition of our divorce laws has done much to
undermine and disrupt our homes. The reports of social agencies indicate that
12.5 per cent of dependency is due to desertion. The census statistics indicate that
the wife deserts more frequently than the husband. In 1916, 23,082 out of a total
of 74,893 divorces granted to wives, or 36.8 per cent, were for desertion, while 16.908
out of a total of 33, 809 divorces granted to husbands, or 50 per cent, were caused by
desertion. This is only the assigned reason. More reliable statistics refute the fore-
going figures. The causes of desertion are sexual, economic, psychological, psycho-
pathic, and hygienic. The treatment for the determining causes of desertion are:
(i) a federal marriage and divorce statute with concurrent uniform legislation by
the states; (2) the prevention of hasty and ill-considered marriages; (3) proper
ethical and hygienic instruction, both in school and home, as to marital and parental
duties; (4) the establishment of municipal desertion bureaus, in charge of desertion
experts; (5) vigorous enforcement of the law on the part of district attorneys and
public authorities; (6) the creation of "family courts" with full jurisdiction in all
family matters and with properly organized social service and probation depart-
ments, working in conjunction with psychiatric clinics. — ^Walter H. Liebman, Social
Hygiene, April, 1920. C. N.

The Unadjusted Girl. — The child of twelve to fifteen who becomes so socially
"unfit" as to make it necessary for the court to intervene began as a "misfit." Heredity
plays an important r6le in the development of the child. The second factor in mal-
adjustment is the house which the girl is expected to call "home." In Texas it is apt
to be a covered wagon or "shotgun" house, i.e., three rooms in a row opening into
one another with no hallway. She does not fit into such a house because it plays
havoc with modesty, and makes privacy and individuality an impossibility. The
third factor that has a direct bearing on physical degeneracy and consequent delin-
quency is the miserable quality of food that is the sustenance of the average family
representing the class from which delinquents are recruited. It is utterly impossible
to produce a normal physical body on an unbalanced ration. And still another
factor connected with the delinquent girl is the inadequency of the publip school for
proper education. The child whose school life is supplemented by a normal home
life may not suffer; but the unfortunate whose only chance of culture is the doubtful
one of the American public school ceases to receive the useless solicitude of orators
on "Americanization," and becomes instead the very definite responsibility of the
local tax-payers. — Carrie Weaver Smith, Social Hygiene, July, 1920. C. N.

Colonies for Mental Defectives. — For some years there has been a growing
interest in the plan of caring for mental defectives in groups apart from the parent
institution for economic and social reasons. There are three tj^es of colonies: (i) the
farm colonies which are situated on state or private land, either rented or purchased.
The grade of labor utilized varies from that of imbecile to the high-grade moron.
According to the figures given out by Dr. Berstein the farm colonies have been self-
supporting institutions in the state of New York. (2) The industrial colonies where
only high-grade cases of either sex live under supervision and work in a factory,
shop, or other industry. This type of colony is best illustrated by one established
at Oriskany Falls, New York, by Dr. Berstein. The chief claims for the industrial
colony are: (c) it provides employment for the class of border-line defectives; (6) it
meets a demand for labor which is especially emergent at this time; (c) it constitutes
one method of making remuneration to the state for public wards. (3) The domestic
colony, the first one of its kind, was opened in the city of Rome in 1914. The inmates
are girls who go out by the day or week for domestic service in private homes. Wages

384 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

are paid through a collector into the colony fund. Colonies can be made to solve
the problem of removing the feeble-minded prostitute from the community and
defectives can be made law-abiding, self-respecting, and self-suppK)rting members of
society. — Ethel Anderson Prince. — Social Hygiene, July, 1920. C. N.

MalnutritioD and Health Education. — In such a study of malnutrition and
health education, ignorance both on the part of the parent and of the child as to
desirable conditions under which food should be taken was assumed as a causal factor.
First-hand experience and opportunities for self-expression are as valuable in nutrition
as in other fields, so a system was worked out which embodied these features in the
study. Two open-air classes, of which the children should as far as possible be
those who had been in the nutrition classes the previous year and who were still
underweight, were selected for one part of the tests, while the fifth-grade pupils —
226 children, as compared with 48 in the other group — were chosen for the other
part. In some instances children made progress when they failed to obey the instruc-
tions given; on the other hand, those who most faithfully lived up to the instructions
failed to gain weight. Both of these situations created difficult problems of explana-
tion to the children, who watched their charts each day. It was found that the
psychology of failure was quite as important as the psychology of success. We must
know the amount of food not only necessary to maintain life but also to supply the
energy used up in various life-activities. It is also necessary to consider the attitude
of the child toward food and the emotional characteristics of children and their asso-
ciates. People have thought they were starving because the type of food was changed,
even though the caloric value of the new diet was superior to the old. Certain emo-
tional factors such as rage and fear have a marked effect upon nutrition processes.
We are in approximately the same condition in respect to the problem of the mental
development of undernourished children as we are in considering the causal factors
of undernourishment. A frank confession of ignorance is all that can be made. We
do not know why many children fail to gain in weight, neither do we know that
between the failure to gain in weight and school progress there is any clear connection.
It may be that biological variations shown in decreased weight may be compensated
for by greater ability and adaptation, i.e., by greater readiness and response to the
stimuli of new situations. An answer to these questions will require much more
extended and at the same time intensive investigations. We may not cure mal-
nutrition by education but we can develop habits and methods of living which will
have a decided influence for good with our next generation. — David Mitchell and
Harriet Forbes, Pedagogical Seminary, May, 1920. W. F. B.

A Program for Organizing and Co-ordinating Industrial Clinics. — The industrial
world faces the problem of how to offset a decreased labor supply and how to lower
the costs of production. In some industries where plant medical and surgical depart-
ments have been established, the workers have developed a strong dislike for the
physical examination, claiming it is used as a basis for discrimination between union
and non-union men on the one hand and against the employment of the handicapped
on the other. Irrespective of the accuracy of the contention, the suspicion forces the
need of a neutral agency such as the industrial clinic. The present determination of
occupational poi.sons is absolutely unreliable and we must have accurate information
before legislation dealing with the matter is enacted. The industrial clinic should be
able to collect a vast mass of information which, when analyzed, would uncover
occupational diseases and hazards as well as the diagnostic character and therapeutic
and prophylactic technique pertaining thereto. They would also permit of engineer-
ing research to eliminate or reduce to a minimum the hazards discovered. The most
thoroughly organized and equipped clinic with the most comprehensive program is
located in Milan, Italy, while less elaborate but unique is the clinic of the Joint Board
of Sanitary Control, New York City, organized in 1910 for the benefit of the Garment
Workers' Union. However, there has been no concerted or general movement to
open clinics in industrial centers throughout the country. Discretion must be shown
in its organization and management. It must be a neutral ground where dominance
is neither with the employer nor the employee. Both will have to pull together with

RECENT LITERATURE 385

the records of the physical examination treated confidentially, except in special cases.
The community should benefit through the preservation of the health of its citizens;
industry should benefit through increased regularity and efl&ciency, while the wage-
earners should benefit through the knowledge furnished them about their health and
the advice given as to proper treatment of the ailments discovered. Of great impor-
tance to the nation will be a system of well co-ordinated industrial clinics, for they
will be invaluable in the discovery of hazardous processes and methods to be adopted
in dealing with them. — Bernard J. Newman, American Journal of Public Health,
August, 1920. W. F. B.

Community Medicine and Public Health. — Something is known concerning the
extent of sickness in this country as a result of surveys made by the Metropolitan
Life Insurance Company and the New York City Department of Health, the "Report
on Disability according to Age and Occupation" by Dr. Boris Emmett, and several
other studies made in the same field of investigation. Obtaining in their censuses
certain "round number figures which must of course be taken with a grain of salt,"
it was estimated that at any one time in the United States there are two and one-half
million sick persons, and of the seriously ill at least one-fourth are without doctor's
aid. Further, a considerable portion of those who do come in contact with a doctor
in private practice or through a hospital receive inadequate care. There seem^ to
be no dearth of doctors, and the chief reason why such large numbers receive nor
attention is the failure of the public to appeal for medical service. The solution of
the problem lies in the reorganization of medicine. Community medicine is cheaper
and more efiicient than is medical service rendered by private practitioners, and it
wiU stimulate the movement for health insurance. The pay clinic would meet the
need of the great middle class with ability to pay something but unable or unwilling
under existing conditions to pay for medical ser\ace in terms ofifered by private prac-
ticing physicians. Free medical supervision at the University of Wisconsin has
brought about a great reduction in sickness and absenteeism from classes. Com-
munity medicine, by decreasing sickness and death, signally increases productive
capacity, actual production, and total net savings. It will be of exceptional value
to the local health administration in its efforts to control communicable diseases. It
will decrease the need of hospital service, reduce the amount of self-administration
of medical service, and cut down the enormous consumption of patent medicines.
There is, of course, opposition from some branches of the medical profession. The
spirit of individualism is in conflict with the spirit of co-operation, but the world
appears to be moving on to the new phase of co-operation where community interests
largely take the place of individual interests. Thi^ change would seem to be evolu-
tionary and, being evolutionary, quite irresistible. — Ernst Christopher Meyer,
American Journal Public Health, June, 1920. W. F. B.

Government Housing in Canada. — The Canadian government decided to inaugu-
rate a loan of $25,000,000 for the purpose of national housing. This money was to
be distributed among the mine provinces, pro rata to the population, at 5 per cent
interest, and the provinces were to accept the responsibility of administration of the
loan. The legitimacy of municipal housing has been established in Canada through
the logic of an urgent human need. The housing act has been in operation for over
a year. With the aid of the federal grant, about 1,600 houses have been built and
these houses are expected to pay for their construction. The province of Ontario
has raised a loan of $2,000,000 in addition \o the federal loan of $8,753,291 and has
completed 1,184 houses. New housing acts have been adopted by the provinces of
Ontario and of Nova Scotia. In the province of New Brunswick fifty houses have
been built; in Quebec, twenty houses; in Manitoba, over seventy houses, and about
twice that number are in course of construction; in British Columbia about fifty
houses have been built and ninety are under construction. Through the application
of town-planning principles to the problem of housing, the home can be made attract-
ive and pleasant. Town planning gives to the humblest resident the chance of out-
door home life, and this is a part of the Canadian policy. — Alfred Buckley, National
Municipal Review, August, 1920. C. N.

386

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

La Societe des Nations et la Religion de I'Humanite. — Universal peace can be
guaranteed only by the League of Nations, and the League of Nations can only be
founded on justice. But true justice which one considers as a privilege to recognize,
as an obligation to fulfil, is already something infinitely superior to general interest
and to the sound knowledge of the advantages which will accrue to all through uni-
versal harmony. It is the recognition of the rights of all, as a respectable and sacred
thing, and therefore a religious object in itself, as well as moral and human. Such a
notion of justice implies a universal brotherhood of man, which is therefore religious
in nature, since this is the ideal which religion strives to realize. It is, therefore, that
we do not hesitate to say that the League of Nations demands a religion of humanity,
and that this will be supplied when the League becomes fully conscious of its unity,
in the same way that the people, united under the Roman Empire, acquired religious
and moral consciousness of their unity in Catholic Christianity. This wiU not be the
work of a day. It will be the work of a new era just commencing under the League
of Nations. But it presupposes among aU people a certain capacity for putting uni-
versal and spiritual things above selfish, material, and transitory interests. — Alfred
Loizy, La Paix par le Droit, March-April, 1920. C. V. R.

Psychology and the War. — When students of psychology turned their attention
to the mental processes which underlie social activity they found that they were
helped but little by the systems of the academic psychologists, for they found that
reason and the intellect take but a secondary place in determining the behavior of
man in his social relations, and that collective conduct is determined by a mass of
preferences and prejudices which can only be explained with reference to instincts,
desires, and conative trends. StiU more important and far reaching is the study of
man's behavior when afflicted by disease. The psychoneuroses can be brought into
an orderly and intelligible system when we regard them to be due to the loss or weaken-
ing of certain mental functions, or to the reawakening of other functions which are
normally held in abeyance as the result of suppression and control. The war has
shown that human behavior iji the mass is determined by sentiments reacting upon
instinctive trends and traditions based on such trends. The sexual instinct in times
of peace provides the most potent agent in the mental conflicts upon which disorders
of the mind depend. The war brought into action the instinct of self-preservation.
The danger of the destruction of the social framework in each person acted as the
stimulus to re-awaken tendencies connected with the instinct of self-preservation.
The re-awakening of danger-instincts produces a state which may be regarded as a
universal psychoneurosis, which explains much that is now happening in human
society. The social disorder is taki^ig various forms in different countries. We
hope that America and Great Britain are suffering from nothing worse than the
fatigue and exhaustion. There are, however, some national symptoms in Great
Britain which suggest the danger of a more definitely morbid state. — W. H. R. Rivers,
Scribner's, August, 1920. C. N.

America's Troubled Hour. — America is the country in which are to be studied
the most startling revelations of what is called, more or less accurately, the mass
mind. It is also the country in which, above all others, external uniformity of con-
duct and expression is not only imposed and enforced but is, in the popular view,
harmonized without difficulty with the cardinal doctrine of the Republic. English
people should realize that there are reasons lying deep in the social structure and
tradition which go far to account for the great difference that exists between the
British and American attitude toward individual heresy and a dissentient minority.
No country has ever been called upon to grapple with so huge and baffling a social
problem as the one under which America is staggering today. Considered in the
complex terms of immigrant communities, of capitalist power, of labor and social
organization, of city life and the cost of living, of the Negro and the swiftly changing
South, of a stupendous population moving irresistibly toward a higher material
standard than has ever been touched by any people, and finally of a great nation
puzzled and shocked by the convulsions of the Old World, we have the most over-
powering prospect ever offered to the mind of man. — S. K. Ratcliffe, Contemporary
Review, June, 1920. O. B. Y.

RECENT LITERATURE 387

Die Unzufriedenheit als Massenerscheinung eine sozial-psychologische Studie. —
The history of man shows how important a function discontent has played ifi his
evolution. It was the foundation of every impulse to progress and cultural advance.
In class conflict, too, discontent has played an important r61e; the class consciousness
of the proletariat is the result of its dissatisfaction with the existing order. The
laissez faire philosophy of capitalism under which economic inequality increased,
accompanied by the despair of the masses, gave rise to the theory that the diseased
social body could be cured by nothing less stringent than a revolution. Graduallj',
as governments began to exert wholesome influence through economic and social
legislation, there came the realization that improvement might be gained by reforms
rather than by revolution. The agitation of radicals had no effect; the masses real-
ized that they had made gains, and that these gains were at stake. In August, i9i4>
it was this realization which determined German labor to stand together for the
defense of the fatherland — not war-psychosis. During the course of the war, how-
ever, this attitude gradually changed. While profiteers flourished, the economic
struggle of the lower classes grew more unfavorable. Conditions at the front were
similar. Comparisons between the conditions under which the common soldier
lived with those of the officers back of the lines gradually produced resentment and
rage. Letters from home which told how the profiteers reveled in their spoils while
the families of the common soldiers at the front were suffering but added fuel to the
flame. Prussian discipline no longer sufficed to hold in check the wave of discontent;
militarism collapsed of itself, at the front. It was the military revolt at the front and
in the garrisons, uninfluenced by socialism or socialistic demands, which resulted in
the political revolution in Germany. A social-democratic republic was established.
Unfortunately, the economic freedom of the masses could not keep pace with the
political, for unconquerable difficulties had to be met. Dissension among the pro-
letariat itself made impossible as thoroughgoing a reform as was desirable. There
was the agitation of the radicals to overcome. Even the desire for constructive
measures is met with such difficulties as the low monetary value, the lack of raw
materials, the inferiority of our means of production and transportation and the
scarcity of food. Reactionaries pointed out to the discontented masses that they
were better off under the monarchy, as if existing conditions were due to the revolu-
tion alone, instead of the war. The masses want immediate relief; but the problem
of democratization and socialization cannot be solved so rapidly. The power of the
proletariat to make reforms under present conditions is over-estimated, while the
resistance power of capitalism is under-estimated. The increasing discontent of
the masses is utilized by the enemies of social democracy. It should be used posi-
tively, not negatively; its actions should be guided by insight and the will to assist
in the process of reconstruction. — Franz Laufkotter, Die Neue Zeit, May 28 and
June 4, 1920. L- M. S.

The Formation of Public Opinion through Motion Pictures. — According to state-
ments by prominent film men, in 1914 there were 12,000 conamerical motion picture
theaters in the United States. A recent newspaper estimate places the number at
16,200; but 12,000 to 15,000 is probably more nearly correct. Some have reckoned
that one-third to one-half the population of the United States enter motion picture
theaters weekly; others as high as ten million each day. The vast majority look to
the screen for amusement, but the number who are instructed is constantly growing.
Professor Ernest W. Burgess of the University of Chicago summarized observations
by 237 teachers of over 100,000 schoolchildren, and concluded that 50 per cent of
the children were vitally affected by the motion picture and that in relative influence
on their lives the home stood first, the school second, the movies third, and the church
fourth. An examination of the list of 840 feature films produced between September i,
1918, and September i, 1919, reveals only 15, or 1.7 per cent, suspected of specific
propaganda purpose. Motion pictures may serve as propaganda by showing only
the things wished to be emphasized. The use of the caption also furnishes oppor-
tunity for "coloring" news films. The use of educational films by governmental
agencies is on the increase. The religious film is stiU in its infancy, but the adoption
of the motion picture by religious organizations has been slow but apparently sure.
The motion picture is finding a use in industrial and commercial life. Big business

388 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

interests have used the motion picture to great advantage in solving internal problems
of accident, wastage, and holding employees. According to an article in the Edwch
tional Film Magazine, August, 1918, some 34,821 men saw the Safety Film at the
Ford plant, and there was a resulting 27 per cent decrease in the number of lost-time
accidents. Films produced for specific propaganda purpose, not commercial, play
an important part in the formation of public opinion. This was shown during the
war. — Harold A. Larrabee, Religious Education, June, 1920. R. G. H.

Private Rights and Civic Beauty. — No city planning can get anywhere imless
directed to the constructive character of the buildings of which the city is made up.
Without municipal control public-spirited effort merely wastes itself against a massed
ignorance and selfishness falsely dignified with the name of rights. The American
city stands impotent before "the paramountcy of private rights." In continental
countries cities have adopted regulations regarding street lines, balconies, height, the
style, material, and other matters of appearance of the building. In America city
planners confront the blank wall of the Constitution, i.e., no person shall be deprived
of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, and that private property
shall not be taken for public use without just compensation. The courts have inter-
preted these provisions in favor of individual cases. No survey of civic aesthetics
in this country would be complete without taking cognizance of the individualistic
and decentralized character of Anglo-Saxon democracy. The antagonism encountered
in this field will already have shown itself to involve sociological first principles. Back
of court and constitution lies the Anglo-Saxon's highly developed sense of freedom.
So jealous is our love of liberty that we have made individual rights the comer stone of
our constitutional structure. E pluribus tmum is with us a political rather than a
socia^l maxim. — Stephen Berrien Stanton, The Unpartizan Renew, July-September,
1920. C. N.

L'ldeal Democratique et La Chambre Nouvelle. — The word "democracy" still
frightens some individuals, and to them a democratic regime has been synonymous
with a regime where the ideal was that of a dupe. The Great War has largely caused
this presumption to fall, but one of the biggest problems to face any democracy is
the problem of competence, that is, to see that public affairs are efficiently managed
and at the same time in a democratic manner. The means by which the democratic
ideal is attained is summed up in four points. First, democracy has to appeal to
the co-operation of all the people. The first appeal is made to the simple citizen
whose means of co-operation is his vote. Hence, to deprive any class of citizens of
the right to vote is to work against the interests of the country. A system of plural
voting based on differences of ability, education, etc., while it may have much in its
favor, is not the best for democracy. Instead, the single vote system combined with
the device of proportional representation is to be recommended. Secondly, if the
democratic ideal is to be achieved, it will require the election to office of those most
competent. They should have the skill of technicians and jurists, but judging from
past parliaments this has not always been the case. Thirdly, the democratic ideal
rests on the loyal and upright aims of the official representing authority, the states-
man, the minister. That France has not always had such men in power is also but a
matter of history. Lastly, associated in the direction of the government, but not
elected, is the official or fonctionnaire. Under the present system he is often nameless
and his responsibility is lost in that of his minister. This has often resulted in grave
errors being covered up. To remedy this condition, only such persons should be
appointed who are manifestly fitted for the work, and they should be allowed to put
their own personality into prominent relief. The question now is, "Has the new
Chamber the ability to carry out tliese reforms without friction and without check?"
— M. L'Abb6 Siguret, La Rcforme Socialc, June, 1920. C. V. R.

Der wirtschaftliche Wiederaufbau Deutschlands. — In spite of the many achieve-
ments which the revolution has brought, the new Germany has not been able to
cope successfully with all the demands which the consequences of a defeat have
made upon it. Germany is not only suffering from grave errors in the diplomatic
and political policies pursued by its leaders during the war but also from a lack of

RECENT LITERATURE 389

raw materials. The low exchange value has made it difficult to procure raw materials
and has forced many industries to idleness, in spite of heavy contracts; only those
establishments which, owing to their participation in war production, were enabled
to lay in a supply of raw materials are able to meet the high demand for production.
The scarcity of goods has resulted in an enormous rise in prices. The high cost of
li\'ing has caused strikes for higher wages, which permanently hinder production.
The desire to profit at the expense of the consumer controls the capitalist of today
more than ever, and the consumer is more and more at the mercy of large combi-
nations. In spite of a trend toward industrial democracy, capitalism has never
flourished more than today. The measures which the government is adopting to
cope with the situation are utter failures, because they are derived from the old
capitalistic regime. The most important problem for Germany today is that con-
cerning coal. The production of coal has been diminished owing to the prolonged
war, and the unfavorable attitude of the workers, who object to working for a capital-
istic clique. In spite of governmental control and distribution, no relief can be found,
especially since the necessity of delivering immense amounts to the entente reduces
the supply at the disposal of Germany. If Germany is to be brought out of economic
chaos, a change in the management of production of the mines must be undertaken.
No other branch of industry has been developed to a stage so highly favorable to the
transference of the means of production to society as this. A private monopoly
exists; competition is at a standstill. The ownership has become so removed from
the productive process that, in many cases, it is not known who the stockholders
are. The director of the "Harpener Bergwerksaktiengesellschaft" declared that
last year thirteen million marks of dividends had not been collected, and that this
stock is probably in the hands of foreign capitalists. Why not abolish absent owner-
ship altogether? Similarly, other branches of industry must be brought under more
rigid control. — Theodor August Schmidt, Die Neure Zeit, June 4, 1920. L. M. S.

Russian Co-operative Movement. — Russia is over twice as large as the United
States, with fully 93 per cent of its population rural and only about 7 per cent urban.
Due to the strenuous climate and lack of means of transportation, the people have
lived in small communities and the spirit of co-operation has always been present.
There are four modern types of co-operative enterprise in Russia: consumers',
producers', savings or credit, and insurance co-operative societies. The local con-
sumers' societies are united into regional unions, some of which build and conduct
their own factories. The regional unions unite into an All Russian Central Union
of Consumers' Societies. In 1918 its membership consisted of 500 federations,
comprising 40,000 local societies, and about 12,000,000 individual members. The
producers' societies are organized for the marketing of eggs, butter, flax, hemp, etc.
These local societies are members of central bodies organized according to their general
specialties. Credit societies exist that the farmers may have a place to deposit their
savings, or that they may obtain credit to make improvements on their homesteads.
The various co-operative societies also make use of the credit societies to carry on
their business. These credit societies are also organized on the regional union and
central head plan. The Moscow People's Bank is thus owned and controlled by the
unions and local societies. Co-operative insurance came into existence during the war,
and has already been managed on a large scale by co-operative societies. The
educational activities of the co-operatives include courses of instruction to prepare
young people to become instructors, lecturers, bookkeepers, etc., while the peasant
universities teach agriculture, home economics, and civics. The success of the
Russian co-operatives seems assured and permanent, since even during 1918 over
$5,000,000,000 (par) worth of goods were handled. The movement is deeply rooted
in the history of the country, and is not hostile to any political system which will
simply leave it alone. — A. J. Zelenko, Monthly Labor Review, June, 1920. C.V. R.

The Trend toward Industrial Democracy. — This trend, which is analogous to
the political movement toward democracy, can best be studied in England. A
hundred years ago England was controlled by a political aristocracy. At the same
time the indutrial life of the nation was dominated by a small circle. The new inven-
tions of the industrial revolution went into the hands of a few, which gave them a

390 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

great advantage, ^^^len the workmen began to organize, the employers app)ealed to
an aristocratic and therefore sympathetic legislature, and a great body of class legis-
lation favorable to the industrial aristocracy resulted. The capitalists were credited
with being the producers of wealth and with making England rich; but she was
becoming rich only at the top, while at the bottom there was poverty to the extent
of absolute destitution. The effect of the introduction of machinery and large amounts
of capital and the adoption of a new industrial organization was, under the influence of
laissez faire, deleterious to the masses. By a series of parliamentary acts the
suffrage has been extended so that since 1918 England stands out in form the most
complete democracy of any large nation. There have been breaks also in the indus-
trial aristocracy, but this is a more complex process. The first Factory Act was
passed in 1802 and since then the government has gradually narrowed the field of
the old aristocratic control. The government has also entered industry by taking
over the telegraphs, parcel post, etc. Since 1844 the co-operative movement has
been gaijaing power and, in combination with the rising Labor party and the trade
union movement, tlie political potentialities in the future are great. This great
democratic system of industry is being built up to take the place of the capitalistic
management when it fails to function satisfactorily. The trade union movement
has been growing for more than a century until the old aristocracy of economic life
has come to an end. At the present time no employer can carry on his industry with-
out dealing with a union. This trend is a continuous one. There has beefl no period
of twenty years, during the last hundred years, in which the old control by the employers
was not intruded upon by a more socially controlled treatment of industrial conditions.
Such a continuous movement, so wide in its extent, cannot be expected to stop short
of some great epoch-making change. It obviously has all the characteristics of evolu-
tion in human society. This same spirit of democracy is coming into the public
attitude toward industry in other countries as well as in England. It is a movement
which has aU the characteristics of long continuance, of wide application, of continuity,
and of rising force as the years have gone on. — E. P. Chej-ney, Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, }\x\y, 1920. W. C. S.

Employees Representation in Standard Oil. — A few years ago the strikes affecting
the Standard Oil Company, and also the Colorado Fuel and Iron Company, chal-
lenged the attention of the whole country. Managers of labor began to look for the
causes of Industrial strife and found that before the introduction of power machinery
the workman kept his identity, but that since then the trend is to take it away from
him. The principle of employee representation was introduced to restore this identity
to him again. Men are to feel that they are individuals and not check numbers, and
that the right of appeal is open to them for the just settlement of all grievances. On
April I, 19 18, representatives of employees and management of the Standard Oil
Company met and adopted a joint agreement in all matters in which the employees
and management were mutually concerned. The agreement created an employment
department which outlined the acts for which discharge without notice might be the
penalty, and protected employees from immediate discharge for other acts requiring
disciplinary measures. All wage adjustments are made in joint conferences, subject
to the approval of the board of directors. Everything concerning working conditions
can be brought up before a joint conference, and if any man has a grievance he can
have it settled by the conference, with the privilege always of appealing to the higher
executives, up to the president of the company. Some of the topics which have
come up for discussion in which adjustments have been made are wage adjustments,
hours, working conditions, the representation plan itself, etc. The results of the plan
show first that the employees are learning some of the difficulties of management.
They are more broad minded and they see the other side of the business. Secondly,
they are not continually grabbing for themselves. In certain instances the employee
representatives actually voted against wage increases asked by their constituents.
Thirdly, the workmen have learned that it is no longer necessary to strike in order
to attract attention to a grievance, but that adequate machinery exists for its orderly
settlement. Finally, in proof of the above contention, the company has eliminated
every strike of importance for the past two years. — Burton Kline, Industrial Manage-
ment, May and June, 1920. C. V. R.

RECENT LITERATURE

391

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Adams, Edwin W. A Community

Civics: A textbook in loyal citizenship.

New York: Scribner. Pp. vi+sSs.

$1.32.
Alexander, William H. College and

Religion. Boston: Badger. Pp. 107.

$1.50-

Aubert, E., et Letort, J. Pour que la
France vive. L'Alcoolisation de la
France. Paris: Bossard. Pp. 190.
Fr. 3 . 60.

Ayusawa, Iwao F. International Labor
Legislation. New York: Longmans.
(Studies in History, Economics, and
Public Law, Whole No. 208.) Pp.
258. $2.00.

Baker, R. S. New Industrial Unrest:
Reasons and Remedies. New York:
Doubleday. Pp.231. $2.00.

Barnes, M. C. Neighboring New Ameri-
cans. New York: Revell. Pp. 68.
$0.60.

Baroja y Nessi, Pio. Youth and Egolatry.
Tr. from the Spanish by Jacob S..
Fasset, Jr., and Frances L. Phillips.
New York: Knopf. Pp.265. $i.7S-

Beard, Mary. Short History of the
American Labor Movement. New
York: Harcourt. Pp. 174- $iSo-

Beck, Herbert Mains. Aliens' Text-book
on Citizenship : Laws of Naturalization
of the United States. Philadelphia:
McKay. Pp.100. Si .00, paper $0.50.

Becker, Carl Lotus. The United States;
an E-xperiment in Democracy. New
York: Harper. Pp.332. $2.50.

Beer, M. A History of British Socialism.
London: Bell. Pp. 424- ^5S-

Beimett, G. Martin and Margaret. The
First Five Years of a Child's Life.
London: Harrap. Pp. 127. 2s.

Bergson, Henri L. Mind Energy. New
York: Holt. Pp. x+262. $2.50.

Bertram, Arthur. In Darkest Christen-
dom and a Way Out of the Darkness.
London: Allen. Pp.256. 3s. gd.

Bishop, Ernest S. Narcotic Drug Prob-
lem. London: Macmillan. 8s.

Bjerre, Poul Carl. History and Prac-
tice of Psychoanalysis. Auth. tr. by
Elizabeth N. Barrow. New ed. Bos-
ton: Badger. Pp. 294. $4.00.
Bland, J. O. P. Men, Manners and
Morals in South America. New York:
Scribner. Pp. viii+319. $4.50.

Blyth, M. E. The Passing of the Poor.
London: Society for Promoting Chris-
tian Knowledge. Pp. 126. 3s. 6d.

Bosanquet, Bernard. What Religion Is.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. xii-f-8i.
$1.40.

Briggs, Thomas H. The Junior High
School. Boston: Houghton. Pp. x-j-
350. $2.00.

Brooks, J. G. Labor's Challenge to the
Social Order: Democracy its Own
Critic and Educator. New York:
Macmillan. Pp.441. $0.75.

Brown, A. J. Mastery of the Far East.
The story of Korea's transformation
and Japan's rise to supremacy in the
Orient. New York: Scribner. Pp.
671. $6.00.

Broz, Alexander. First Year of the
Czecho-Slovak Republic. London:
Twentieth Century Press Ltd. Pp. 80.

Brunhes, Jean. Human Geography. An
attempt at a positive classification,
principles, and examples. Tr. by T. C.
La Compte; ed. by Isaiah Bowman and
Richard Elwood Dodge; illus. with 77
maps and diagrs. and 146 half-tones.
Chicago: Rand McNally. Pp. i6-f
648. $5.00.

Bureau, Paul. L'Indiscipline des moeurs.
fitude de science sociale. Paris: Bloud
et Gay. Pp. 608. Fr. 15.

Buriin, Natalie Curtis (Mrs. H. Paul
Burlin). Songs and Tales from the
Dark Continent. New York: Schir-
mer. $4 . 00.

Bury, John Bagnell. The Idea of
Progress: an Inquiry into Its Origin
and Growth. New York: Macmillan.
Pp- 15+377. $5-50.

Cantaouzene, Princess. Russian People:
Revolutionary Recollections. New
York: Scribner. Pp.321. $3.00.

Cecile, Marie, and Chomel, Anselm. A
Red Cross Chapter at Work. Indi-
anapolis: Chapter of American Red
Cross. Pp.374. $2.00.

Charles Chapin's Story: Written in
Sing Sing Prison. New York: Put-
nam. Pp. xxiii+334. $2.50.

Cofi6n, Henry S. A More Christian In-
dustrial Order. London: Macmillan.
5s. 6d.
Cohen, J. H. American Labor Policy.
London: Macmillan. 5s. 6d.

392

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Cole, G. D. K. Chaos and Order in
Industry. London: Methuen. Pp. 300.
7J. bd.

Courtney, Janet E. Free Thinkers of
the Nineteenth Century. New York:
Button. Pp. 260. $6.00.

Clark, Thomas .\rkle. The High School
Boy and His Problems. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. 7 + 194. $1.20.

Crane, Thomas Frederick. Italian Social
Customs of the Sixteenth Century and
Their Influence on the Literature of
Europe. (Cornell Studies in English,
Vol. 5). New Haven, Conn.: Yale
Univ. Press. Pp.689. $6.00.

Cromie, William J. Group Contests for
Playground and School. London:
Macmillan. 85.

Dangennes, B. La Femme moderne.
Les Formes nouvelles des elans du
coeur. Paris: Nilsson. Fr. 3.50.

Diers, Marie. Die deutsche Frauenfrage
inihremBusammenhang m. Geschichte,
Volkswirtschaft u. Politik. Potsdam:
Stiftungsverlag. Pp. 188.

Diffendorfer, Ralph Eugene. The
Church and the Community. New
York: Interchurch World Movement
of North America. Pp. 12 + 177 (3 P-
bibl.), il. plan diagrs. $0.75; paper,
$0.50.

Dreyer, Georges, and Hanson, George F.
The Assessment of Physical Fitness by
Correlation of Vital Capacity and
Certain Measurements of the Body.
London: Cassell. Pp. 115. 105.

Drysdale, Bessie Ingman. Labour
Troubles and Birth Control. Lon-
don: Heinemann. Pp. 96. 35. 6d.

Dullberg, J. Sterile Marriages. Lon-
don: T. W. Laurie. Pp. 264, 6s.

Duprat, G. L. La Psychologie sociale.
Sa nature et ses principales. Paris:
G. Doin. Pp. 375. Fr. 8.50.

Ellinger, A. Sozialisierung d. Bau- u.
Wohnungswesens. Hrsg. vom deut-
schen Bauarbeiterverband. Hamburg :
F. Paeplow. Pp. 160.

Emerson, Guy. The New Frontier. A
study of the American liberal spirit, its
frontier, origin, and its application to
modern problems. New York: Holt.
Pp. 12+314. $2.00.

Fay, C. R. Life and Labour in the
Nineteenth Century. London: Cam-
bridge University Press. Pp. 328. 20s.

Findlay, J. J. An Introduction to
Sociology. For social workers and
general readers. London: Longmans.
Pp. 315. 6s.

Foster, William Z. The Great Steel
Strike and Its Lessons. New York:
Huebsch. Pp.ix+265. $1.75; paper
$1 .00.

Frankel, Lee Kaufer, and Fleisher,
Alexander. The Human Factor in In-
dustry. Written with the co-operation
of Laura S. Seymour. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. Q+366. S3. 00.

Freud, Sigmund. A General Introduc-
tion to Psychoanalysis. Introd. by
G. Stanley Hall. New York: Boni &
Liveright. Pp.406. $4.50.

Gallagher, Patrick. America's Aims and
Asia's Aspirations. New York: Cen-
tury. Pp.xiii+499. $3.50.

Gallicahan, Walter M. Letters to a
Young Man on Love and Health.
New York: Stokes. Pp.119. Si. 00.

. Youth and Maidenhood: Sex

knowledge for young people. London :
Health Promotion. Pp. 90. 2s. 6d.

Gilchrist, R. N. Indian Nationality.
New York: Longmans. Pp. 246.
$2.75.

Glasier, John B. The Meaning of
Socialism. New York: T. Seltzer.
Pp. 249. $2.00.

Gompers, Samuel. Labor and the Em-
ployer. Comp. and ed. by Hayes
Robbins. New York: Button. Pp.
7+320. $3.50.

Grossmann, Max G. Freie Sozialisier-
ung! Bie prakt. Form d. Betriebs-
sozialisierung. Jena: W. Gensch.
Pp. 71.

Hall, Granville Stanley. Morale; the
Supreme Standard of Life and Conduct.
New York: Appleton. Pp. 9+377.
$3- 00.

Halliburton, William B., Ed. Physi-
ology and the National Needs. New
York: Button. Pp. 162. $4.00.

Hanifan, L. J. Community Center.
(Teacher Training Series.) New York :
Silver. Pp. 214.

Hasbach, W. A History of the English
Agricultural Labourer. London: King.
Pp. 481. 125. 6d.

Heath, Emily. The Romance of Home
Life. London: Gardner, Barton. Pp.
213- 5^-

Herbert, Sydney. Nationality and Its
Problems. London: Methuen. Pp.
182. ss.

Hericourt, J. The Social Biseases:
Tuberculosis, Syphilis, Alcoholism,
Sterility. London: Routledge. Pp.
246. Ts. 6d.

RECENT LITERATURE

393

Hicks, Frederick Charles. The New
World Order. International Organiza-
tion, International Law, International
Co-operation. Garden City, N.Y.:
Doubleday, Page. Pp. 8+496. (31 p.
bibl.) $3.00.

Hill, David S. Introduction to Voca-
tional Education. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. xvii+483. $1.60.

Hindus, Maurice G. The Russian Peas-
ant and the Revolution. New York:
Holt. Pp. 12+327. $2.00.

Hoher, Dr. Ernst. Sanitats-u. Sozial-
gesetzgebung. Prag: J. G. Calve.

Pp. 75-

Hollingworth, Leta A. Stetter (Mrs.
Harry Levi Hollingworth). The Psy-
chology of Subnormal Children. New
York: Macmillan. Pp.19+288. $1.80.

Imle, Dr. Fanny. Die Frau in Politik.
Eine Einfiihrung in d. Staats-u.
Wirtschaftsleben f. Frauen u. Jung-
frauen. Freiburg: Herder & Co.
Pp. iii+198.

Interchurch World Movement. World
Survey, by the Interchurch World
Movement of North America. Re-
vised preliminary statement and bud-
get. Vol. I, American volume; Vol. 2,
foreign volume and a statistical mirror.
Library ed. 2 vols. New York:
Interchurch World Movement. Pp.
316; 221. Bds. $2.00.

Jahrbuch d. Bundes deutscher Frauen-
vereine. 1920. (Die Frau im neuen
Deutschland) Leipzig: B. G, Teubner.
Pp. xvi+59-}-i43-

Jones, David Boardman. Amethysts.
A series of social ajid ethical essays.
London: E, Mathews. Pp. 241.
75. 6d.

Jones, Earnest, Treatment of the Neu-
roses. London: Bailliere. Pp. 241.
los. 6d.

Jones, T. Harry. Social Economics.
London: Methuen. Pp. 250. 6s.

Jope-Slade, Christine. The Bread and
Butter Marriage. London: Hodder
& Stoughton. Pp. 243. 2s.

Kellog, Laura C. Our Democracy and
the American Indian. A comprehen-
sive presentation of the Indian situa-
tion as it is today. Kansas City:
Burton. Pp. xx+is2. $2.00.

Kenealy, Arabella. Feminism and Sex-
Extinction. New York: Dutton. Pp.
X+313. $5.00.

Kerlin, Robert Thomas, comp. The
Voice of the Negro. 1919. New
York: Dutton. Pp. 12+188. $2.50.

Kidd, Benjamin. Social Evolution.
New ed. London: Methuen. Pp.
391. 85. 6d.

Lane-Claypon, Janet E. The Child
Welfare Movement. London: Bell.
Pp. 341. 7s.

Lewis, Ida Belle. The Education of
Girls in China. New York: Teachers
Coll., Columbia Univ. Pp. 92 (3 p.
bib!.), tabs, diagrs., fold., map. $1 . 60.

Long, B. K., Ed. The Framework of
Union. A comparison of some union
constitutions; with a sketch of the
development of union in Canada,
Australia and Germany; and the text
of the Constitutions of the United
States, Canada, Germany, Switzer-
land, and Australia. New York:
Oxford University Press. Pp. viii+
208. $3.40.

Lovett, Sir Verney (Sir Harrington Ver-
ney). A History of the Indian
Nationalist Movement. New York:
Stokes. Pp. 285. $4.00.

Maciver, R. M. Community. A socio-
logical study. London: Macmillan.
Pp._4S5. 15^.

Mackinnon, James. The Social and
Industrial History of Scotland. From
the earliest times to the union. Glas-
gow: Blackie. Pp. 191. 9^.

Mansbridge, Albert. An Adventure in
Working-Class Education. The story
of the Workers' Educational Associa-
tion, 1903-15. London: Longmans.
Pp. 93. _ 6s.

Marchionini, Karl. Der Bankrott d.
Reformsozialismus. Leipzig: Leipzi-
ger Buchdr. A-G.

Marett, R. R. Psychology and Folk-
lore. London: Methuen. Pp. 285.
75. 6d.

Massachusetts. Bureau of Statistics.
Labor Legislation in Massachusetts
19x5 to 1919, Inclusive, with Index to
Bills Affecting Labor Introduced during
the Session of 19 19 and Other Matter
Bearing on the Labor Legislation of
the Year 1919. Boston. Pp. 221.

Maugham, R. C. F. The Republic of
Liberia. New York: Scribner. Pp.
293. $6.50.

McDougall, William. Anthropology and
History, being the Robert Boyle Lec-
ture. Milford. 2s.

. The Group Mind. London:

Cambridge University Press. Pp.
320. 2IS.

Mead, El wood. Helping Men Own
Farms. A practical discussion of

394

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

government aid in land settlement.
New York: M&cmillan. Pp. 228.
$2.25.

Mead, G.W. Great Menace: American-
ism or Bolshevism? New York:
Dodd. Pp. 153. $1.25.

Mees, Charles Edward Kenneth. The
Organization of Industrial Scientific
Research. New York: Mc Gray-Hill.
Pp. 170. $2.00.

Miller, Arthur H. Leadership. Lon-
don: Putnam. 75. dd.

Moore, Edward C. West and East.
The expansion of Christendom and
the naturalization of Christianity in
the Orient in the sLxth centur>'. New
York: Scribner. Pp.xii-l-421. $4.00.

Moore, Justin Hartley, comp. The
World Beyond. Passages from Orien-
tal and primitive religions. New
York: Crowell. Pp. 143. $1.50.

Murray, John M. The Evolution of
an Intellectual New York: Ejiopf.
Pp. 224. $3.00.

Neve, Frederick W. The Church of
the Living Waters. Boston: Badger.
Pp. 60. $1.50.

O'Brien, George. An Essay on Mediae-
val Economic Teaching. New York:
Longmans. Pp. 84-242. $4.75.

Owen, Dorothy Tudor. The Child
Vision. A study in mental develop-
ment and expression. London: Long-
mans. Pp. 196. 6^. 6d.

Owen, Robert. The Life of Robert
Owen by Himself. With an introd.
by M. Beer. New York: Knopf.
Pp- 13+352. $1.50.

Paine, William. A New Aristocracy of
Comradeship. London: L. Parsons.
Pp. 190. 4J. 6d.

Palgrave, Robert H. I., ed. Dictionary
of Political Economy. New York:
Macmillan. New Edition, 3 vols.
Pp. 2500. $30.00.

Paterson, Marcus. The Shibboleths of
Tuberculosis. London: Murray. Pp.
239, los. 6d.

Paul, Eden and Cedar. Creative Revo-
lution: A study of communist ergatoc-
racy. London: Allen & Unwin. Pp.
224. &s. 6d.

Pratt, James Bissett. The Religious
Consciousness. A psychological study.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. 8-I-488.
$4.00.

Queen, Stuart Alfred. The Passing of
the County Jail. Individualism of
misdemeanants through a unified cor-

rectional system. Menasha, Wis.: G.
Banta Pub. Pp. 13 -|- 156. $1.50.

Radice, Shelia. The New Children.
Talks with Dr. Maria Montessori.
New York: Stokes. Pp.168. $1.50.

Rees, J. F. A Social and Industrial His-
tory of England, 1815-1918. London:
Methuen. Pp. 204. 55.

Richardson, Clemont, ed. The National
Cyclopedia of the Colored Race.
Montgomery, Ala.: National Pub. Co.
Pp. 640. $15.00.

Roe, Alfred S. Chance and Change in
China. New York: Doran. Pp. 298.
$3 • 00.

Ross, Edward Alsworth. The Principles
of Sociology. New York: Century.
Pp. 700. $4.00.

Sanger, Margaret H. Woman and the
New Race. New York: Brentano's.
Pp. xii-l-234. $2.00.

Sanlaville, F. Socialisme et Propri6t6.
Paris: F. Alcan. Pp. 258. Fr. 6.

Schneider, Herbert Wallace. Science
and Social Progress. A philosophical
introduction to moral science. New
York: Lemcke & Buechner. Pp.
10-I-65. Paper $1 . 25.

Sechrist, F. K. Educadon and the
General Welfare. A textbook of
school law, hygiene, and management.
New York: Macmillan. Pp.443. $i.6o.

Snedden, David Samuel. Vocational
Education. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. 11+587- $2.25.

Stevinson, E. Pictures of Social Life.
From earliest times to the fourteenth
century. London: Harrap. Pp. 153.
35. 6d.

Studensky, Paul. Teacher's Pension
Systems in the United States. Lon-
don: Appleton. 155.

Siirsen, Dr. Elisab. Die Frau im
deutschen Reichs u. Landesstaats-
dienst. Mannheim: J. Bensheimer,
Verl. Pp. X-I-122.

Sweet, William E., ed. The Rise of
Methodism in the West. Cincirmati:
Methodist Book Concern. Pp. 207.
$1.25.

Swisher, Walter Samuel. Religion and
the New Psychology. A psycho-
analytic study of religion. Boston:
Jones. Pp. 15 + 261. $2.00.

Tansley, A. J. The New Psychology and
Its Relation to Life. London: Allen
& Unwin. Pp. 283. 10s. 6d.

Tead, Ordway, and Metcalf, Henry C.
Personnel Administration. New York :
McGray-Hill. Pp.520. $5.00.

RECENT LITERATURE

395

Thomas, Edward. Industty, Emotion,
and Unrest. New York: Harcourt.

Pp. 4+255- Si.75-
Todd, A. J. Scientific Spirit ^nd Social
Work. London: Macmillan. los.Gd.
Trabue, M. R. and Stockbridge, F. P.
Measure Your Mind : The Mentimeter
and How to Use It. New York:
Doubleday. Pp.349. $3.00.

Ulianov, V. I. (N. Lenin). State and
Revolution. Marxist teaching on the
state and the task of the proletariat in
the revolution. London: Allen &
Unwin. Pp. 123. 2s.

U.S. Bureau of Education. Library.
List of References on Education for
Citizenship. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office.

U.S. House Com. on Immigration and
Naturalization. Temporary Admis-
sion of Illiterate Mexican Laborers.
Hearings on H. J. res. 271, relating to
the temporary admission of illiterate
Mexican laborers, January 26-30, and
February 2, 1920. Apply to Congress-
man. Pp. 375.

Walling, William English. Sovietism.
The A B C of Russian bolshevism —
according to the bolshevists. New
York: Button. Pp. 9+220. $2.00.

Wame, F. J. Chartography in Ten
Lessons. Washington, D.C.: The
Author, Southern Bldg. Pp. 159.
$5 00.

Watts, Frank. Education for Self-
Realisation and Social Service. Lon-
don: University of London Press.
Pp. 275. 75. 6d.

Weeks, R. M. Socializing the Three
R's. London: Macmillan. 65.

White, William A. The Mental Hygiene
of Childhood. London: Heinemann.
Pp. 208. 6s.

Williams, Fred V. The Hop-heads.
Personal experiences among the users
of "dope" in the San Francisco under-

world; with articles on drug habits by
Dr. Wm. C. Hassler and John J.
O'Meara. San Francisco: W. N.
Brunt, 766 Mission St. Pp. 133.
$1.50; paper, $0.75.
Wright, H. P. Young Man and Teach- '
ing. New York: Macmillan. Pp.
211. $1.50,

The altention of our readers is especially
called to the following very excellent studies:

Methodist Episcopal Church South. A
Social Survey of North Madison Ward
Richmond, Virginia. Conducted unde
the Direction of the Survey Secretary
of the Home Department. Richmond,
Va. Pp. 54.

U.S. Department of Labor. Children's
Bureau. Courts in the United States
Hearing Children's Cases. Results of
a Questionnaire Study Covering* the
Yeari9i8. By Evelina Belden. (De-
pendent, Defective, and Delinquent
Classes Series No. 8, Pub. No. 65.)
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.

115.

U.S. Department of Labor. Children's
Bureau. Infant Mortality. Results
of a Field Study in Saginaw, Mich.
Based on Births in One Year. By Nila
F. Allen. (Infant Mortality Series
No. 9, Pub. No. 52). Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 91. Charts.

U.S. Department of Labor. Children's
Bureau. Laws Relating to "Mothers'
Pensions" in the United States,
Canada, Denmark and New Zealand.
By Laura A. Thompson. (Legal
Series No. 4, Pub. No. 63). Washing-
ton: Govt. Rg. Office. Pp. 316.

U.S. Department of Labor. Children's
Bureau. Maternity Benefit Systems
in Certain Foreign Countries. By
Henry J. Harris. (Legal Series No. 3,
Pub. No. 57.) Washington: Govt.
Pt|. Office. Pp. 206.

ARTICLES

Ahem, John M. An Inquiry into the
Mentality of Juvenile and Adult De-
linquents. Lancet 199: 107-9, July '20.

Bridges, Horace J. The Revival of Spirit-
ualism. Standard 7:14-22, July '20.

Buckley, A. Government Housing in
Canada. Nat. Mun. Rev. 9:481-84,
August '20.

Bumham, William. The Hygiene of
Sleep. Pedag. Sem. 27: 1-34, March '20.

Carruthers, V. T. Instinct and Hysteria.
Brit. Med. Jour. 792-93, June i2,'20.

Chasles, Pierre. La Vie Politique et

ficonomique en Theco-Slovaquie Rev.

pol. et parlem. 103:415-23, June '20.
Cheyney, E. P. The Trend toward

Industrial Democracy. Ann. Amer.

Acad. Pol. and Soc. Sci. 90:1-9,

July '20.
Covington, J. Harry. The Preservation

of Industrial Peace. Ann. Amer. Acad.

Pol. and Soc. Sci. 90:159-64, July '20.
Cox, Harold. War and Population.

Edinb. Rev. 232:192-208, July '20.

396

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Degouy, Centre- Amiral. La Belgique,

L'Escant et Le Rhin. Rev. de deux

mon. 58:146-64, July i, '20.
de Lapradelle, G. Les Consequences

ficonomiques de la Paix de Versailles.

Rev. pol. et parlem. 103:309-29,

June '20.
de Nouvion, Georges. La Crise du

Logement. Jour, des 6con. 66: 320-29,

June '20.
Dowling, Oscar. The Sociological Aspect

of the Hookworm Disease. Amer.

Jour. Pub. Health 10:595-98, July '20.
Drouineau, Dr. G. Le Conseil Suplrieur

et les Commissions D6partementales

de la natality. Rev. philan. 41:169-

72, May '20.
Ely, Richard T. Land Speculation.

Jour. Farm Econ. 2:121-35, July '20.
Farnell, F. J. The Detective versus the

Psychopath. Jour. Crim. Law and

Crim. 11:198-208, August '20.
Fellows, A. Divorce Reform. Fortn.

Rev. 107:143-54, July '20.
Firth, J. B. England and the European

System. Fortn. Rev. 107: i7-3oJuly'2o.
Fish, E. H. What Are We Likely to Do

about Labor Unions ? Indus. Manag,

60:109-12, August '20.
Girard, Joseph. L'fivolution Actuelle de

la Legislation Francaise des Pensions

Civiles et Militaires. Jour, des econ.

66:304-19, June '20.
Hunter, Walter S. The Modification of

Instinct from the Standpoint of Social

Psychology. Psych. Rev. 27:247-69,

July '20.
Klopstock, Paul. Poland Today: Its

Problems, Opportunities, and Progress.

Econ. World 106:151-55, July '20.
. La Propriety et L'Etat. Jour.

des. econ. 66:345-46, June '20.
. La Question de la Socialisation

aux Pays-Bas. Rev. du travail. 21:

798-808, June 15, '20.
Lecelletier, F. Le Mouvement fiCono-

mique et Social en France. R^f. soc.

79:388-95, June '20.
L^vy, Raphael- Georges. La Juste Paix.

— Les Finances des Allies. Rev. de

deux mon. 57:834-62, June 15, '20.
. La Juste Paix. — IV. La Capacity

de Paiement de L'Allemagne. Rev. de

deux mon. 58:165-90, July i, '20.
Liebman, W. H. Some General Aspects

of Family Desertion. Soc. Hyg. 6:

197-212, April '20.
Lindsay, James. The Ethical Value of

Individuality. Intern. Jour. Ethics

30:423-49, July '20.

Litchfield, P. W. The Industrial Rep-
resentation Plan in the Akron Fac-
tories of the Goodyear Tire and
Rubbei; Company. Ann. Amer. Acad.
Pol. and Soc. Sci. 90:27-31, July '20.

Lyon, L. S. A Funtional Approach to
Social-Economic Data. Jour. Pol.
Econ. 28:529-64, July '20.

Mangin, General. Comment Finit La
Guerre. V. Les Causes de la Victoire.
Rev. de deux mon. 57:774-815, June
15, '20.

. Comment Finit La Guerre. VI.

Les Consequences de la Victoire. Rev.
de deux mon. 58:74-101, July 1, '20.

Marett, R. R. Primitive Relationships.
Quar. Rev. 234:161-76, July '20.

Meeker, Royal. Analysis of Some
Effects of Increased Cost of Living
on Family Budgets. Mo. Lab. Rev.
11: i-io, July '20.

Melcher, W. A. Dual Personality in
Handwriting. Jour. Crim. Law and
Crim. 11:209-16, August '20.

Merrill, Maud A. A Study in Tempera-
ment of a Social Misfit. Jour. Delinq.
5:95-116, July '20.

Meyer, Ernst Christopher. Community
Medicine and Public Health. Amer.
Jour. Pub. -Health 10:489-97, June '20.

. Minimum Quantity Budget

Necessary to Maintain a Worker's
Family of Five in Health and Decency.
Mo. Lab. Rev. 10:1-18, June '20.

Mitchell, David, and Forbes, Harriet.
Malnutrition and Health Education.
Pedag. Sem. 27:36-66, May '20.

Muller, H. G. Are the Factors of
Heredity Arranged in a Line ? Amer.
Naturalist 54:97-121, March- April '20.

Newman, Bernard J. A Program for
Organizing and Co-ordinating Indus-
trial Clinics. Amer. Jour. Pub. Health
10:637-47, August '20.

Northcott, Clarence H. What the
British Worker Is Thinking. Indus.
Manag. 60:96-99, August '20.

Parker, Florence E. Aims and Possi-
bilities of the Consumers, Co-operative
Movement. Mo. Lab. Rev. 10:117-
22, June '20.

. Elements of Success and Possi-
bilities of Saving in Co-operative
Stores. Mo. Lab. Rev. 11:136-42,
July '20.

Parkhurst, Helen H. The Evolution
of Mastery. Intern. Jour. Ethics
30:404-22, July '20.

Pearson, F. A. Social Significance of
Hired Labor, Small Holdings, and

RECENT LITERATURE

397

Small Farms. Jour. Farm Econ. 2:

163-68, July '20.
Prince, E. A. Colonies for Mental Defect-
ives. Soc. Hyg. 6:357-64, July '20.
Raflalovich, Arthur. Le Bolchevisme.

Jour, des econ. 66:358-66, June '20.
Riegel, Vernon M. A Study of Rural

School Conditions in Ohio. Amer.

Jour. Sch. Hyg. 4:26-27, June '20.
Rivers, W. H. R. Psychology and the

War. Scribner's 68: 161-66, August '20.
Rolofif, B. C. The "Eugenic" Marriage

Laws of Wisconsin, Michigan, and

Indiana. Soc.Hyg. 6: 227-54, Aprirao.
Schaub, Edward L. A Sociological

Theory of Knowledge. Phil. Rev.

29:319-39, July '20.
Siguret, M. I'abbe. LTdeal D6mo-

cratique et la Chambre Nouvelle.

Ref. soc. 79:359-/4, June '20.
Smith, C. W. The Unadjusted Girl.

Soc. Hyg. 6:401-6, July '20.
Stevens, N. E. Radicalism and Re-
search in America. Science 52:25-

30, July '20.
Stevenson, J. A. Agrarian Movement

in Canada. Edinb. Rev. 232:96-113,

July '20.
Theroude, Dr. Femand. Sachons filever

NosEnfants. Rev. philan. 41: 173-76,

May '20.

Timmis, Henry. Canada and the United

States: Their Common Interests and

Interdependence. Econ. World 106:

189-90, Aug. 7, '20.
Tynan, Katharine. Mother's Pensions.

The Child 10:433-37, July '20.
Val^ry, Jean. La Vie Politique aux

fitats-Unis. Rev. pol. et parlem.

103:424-31, June '20.
Veiller, L. Slumless America. Nat.

Mun. Rev. 9:493-508, August '20.
Vermeil, Edmond. L'Allemagne Poli-
tique. I, La Nouvelle Forme du

Pangermanisme. Rev. de deux mon.

58:347-73, July '20.
Westrup, C. W. Af Egteskabets His-

torie. Tilskueren : 53-66, July 20.
Wild, Robert B. Some Racial Problems,

Social Evils, and Modern Crusades.

Lancet 199:52-54, July '20.
Wright, H. W. Rational Self-Interest

and the Social Adjustment. Intern.

Jour. Ethics. 30:394-403, July '20.
Wright, Henry W. The Basis of Human

Association. Jour. Phil., Sci. Methods

17:421-30, August '20.
Zelenko, A. J. The Russian Co-operative

Movement. Mo. Lab. Rev. 10:122-

30, June '20-

PAMPHLETS

American Association for Organizing
Family Social Work. Directory of
Family Social Work Societies in the
United States and Canada, together
with a Selected List of Foreign Soci-
eties. New York: The Association.
Pp. 32. $0.50.

Anthony, A. W. Movement toward
church Unity in Local Communities.
A summar>' of experience in the field
of co-operation. 156 5th Ave., New
York: Home Mission Council. Pp.
20. $0.05.

Basset, W. R. Common Sense of
Workers' Representation. New York:
Miller, Franklin, Basset & Co. Pp. 1 5 •

Bayley, B. D. Survey of Shop Com-
mittee Plans. Rochester, N.Y.: The
Underwriters. Pp. 6.

Benas, B. B. Zionism: The Jewish
National Movement with Appendices
of Diplomatic Documents and Con-
temporary Articles and Reports. Lon-
don: Zionist Organization. Pp.86.

Bloedel Donovan Shop Committee Or-
ganization. Timberman. Pp. 35.

Bowser, S. F., & Co., inc. Bowser Plan
of Shop Control by Joint Representa-
tion, in Effect June 4, 1919. Fort
Wayne, Ind. : The Company. Pp. 40-

Brewer, D. C. Americanization: What
does the Word Signify? Boston:
Order and Liberty Alliance, Grace
Boothby, Sec. Pp. 16.

Callarman, C. W. Community Organi-
zation. Stillwater, Okla.: Agriculture
and Mechanical College. Pp. 20.

Church and Social Service, Being the
Report of a Committee Appointed by
the Archbishop of Canterbury. Lon-
don: Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge. Pp. 70. is.

Committee of Fourteen in New York
City. Annual Report, 1918-19. New
York: The Committee. Pp. 48.

Cooley, E. J. Needs of Probation in the
Magistrates' Courts, City of New
York. New York, 300 Mulberry St.:
The Author. Pp. 12.

Delevingne, Malcolm. International
Regulation of Labor under the Peace

398

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Treaty. Manchester: College of
Technology. Pp. 21.

Farley, J. W. Statistics and Politics.
Memphis, Tenn.: The Author. Pp.
31. $1.00.

Gest, W. P. Modernization of Charity.
An explanation of Philadelphia founda-
tion. Philadelphia: Fidelity Trust
Co. Pp. 31.

Great Britain. Home Oflfice. Employ-
ment of Children. London: H. M.
Stationery Office. Pp.12. 2d.

Great Britain. Home Office. Labour
Administration in America. Notes of
inquiries made by home office repre-
sentatives attending the Washington
labor conference. London: H. M.
Stationery Office. Pp. 16. id.

Great Britain. Ministry of Health.
Outline of the Practice of Preventive
Medicine. A memorandum addressed
to the Minister of Health. George
Newman. London: H. M. Stationery
Office. Pp. 124. 6d.

Great Britain. Ministry of Labour. In-
dustrial Councils. (Industrial Reports
No. 4) London: H. M. Stationery
Office. Pp. 32. 3<f.

Great Britain. Ministry of Labour.
Minutes of Evidence Taken before the
Committee of Inquiry into the Scheme
of Out-of-work Donation. London:
H. M. Stationery Office. Pp. 202.
15. gd.

Great Britain. Overseas Settlement
Committee. Report for the Year
Ended 31st December, 1919. London:
H. M. Stationery Office. Pp. 19. t,s.

Henderson, Arthur. International La-
bour Standards. London: Weslyan
Methodist Social Welfare Department.
Pp. 16. 2d.

Howe, F. C. Lynch Law and the
Immigrant Alien. New York: Peoples
of America Society. Pp. 8.

Inoculating against Bolshevism. How
two emploj'ers profited when they gave
their workers a voice in the manage-
ment. New York: Miller, Franklin,
Basset & Co. Pp. 15.

Jenkins, E. C. B. Crime: Its Cause and
Cure. Kansas City, Mo.: E. C. B.
Jenkins, Sec, Board Police Com-
missioners. Pp. 31.

Johnston, T. B. Industrial Councils
and their Possibilities. Manchester:
College of Technology. Pp. 25.

Johnston, T. B. Industrial Peace: Capi-
tal, Labour and Consumer, a Basis of

Co-operation. Bristol: Arrowsmith.
Pp. 21. 6d.

Kansas University Extension Division.
Armourdale: A City within a City.
The report of a social survey of
Armourdale, a community of 12,000
people living in the industrial district
of Kansas City, Kansas. Lawrence,
Kan.: The University. Pp. 91.

Keith, Arthur. Nationality and Race
from an Anthropologist's Point of
View. Oxford University. Pp. 39.

25.

Labor Temple Evening High School.
Progress: 1919 Annual. Los Angeles:
The High School. Pp. 46.

Litchfield, P. W. Industrial Republic:
A Study in Industrial Economics.
Boston: Houghton. Pp. 95. $1.20.

Loomis, F. D. .\mericanization in Chi-
cago. The report of a survey made
bj^ authority and under direction of
the Chicago community trust. Chi-
cago: Chicago Community Trust.
Pp. 40.

Lunacharski, A. Self-Education of the
Workers. .\ cultural task of the
struggling proletariat; educational
work of the Russian Soviets. Lon-
don: Workers Socialist Federation.
Pp. 7. 2d.

Lyon, L. S. Survey of Commercial
Education in the Public High Schools
of the United States. Chicago: Uni-
versity of Chicago. Pp. 59. $0.65.

Mayo, Elton. Democracy and Freedom.
An essay in social logic. (W.E..\. Ser.
No. i) New York: Macmillan. Pp.

74-

McKinstry, Helen. Healthof the Worker.
NewYork: H. L. Doherty&Co. Pp.
12.

Moss, W. R., and Mortenson, P. A.
Making Americans: How and Why.
Chicago: Association of Commerce.
Pp. II.

Nash, A. M., and Porteus, S. D. Edu-
cational Treatment of Defectives.
Vineland, N. J.: Department of
Research, Training School. Pp. 19.
$0.25.

National Child Welfare Association.
Brief List of Books on Child Welfare.
New York: The Association. Pp. 3.

National Consumers' League. Preven-
tive Measures for Industrial Unrest.
The record of the National Consumers'
League. New York: The League.
Pp.7.

RECENT LITERATURE

399

National Information Bureau. Bulletin
of National and Interstate Organiza-
tions Engaged in Social, Civic and
Philanthropic Work, Approved as
Worthy of the Support of those
Interested in their Aims and Purposes.
New York: The Bureau. Pp. 20.

National Urban League. Idea Made
Practical. A record of co-operation;
annual report, 1919. New York: The
League. Pp. 25.

Parmoor, Lord, and Others. Famine in
Europe. The facts and suggested
remedies, being a report of the Inter-
national Economic Conference called by
the Fight the Famine Council. Lon-
don: Swarthmore. Pp. 126. 45. 6d.

Pedersen, Sverre. Example of Town
Plaiming in Nonvay. Notes on the
development of Trondhjem. London:
International Garden Cities and Town
Planning Association. Pp. 11. ^d.

Playne, C. E. German Pacifism during
the War. London: National Peace
Council, 75 Avenue Chambers, South-
ampton Row. Pp. II. ^d.

Pope, R. A. Solution of the Housing
Problem in the United States. Wash-
ington: American Institute of Archi-
tects. Pp. 12.

Porteus, S. D. Cephalometry of Feeble-
minded. Vineland, N. J.: Training
School. Pp.24. $0.15.

Pray, K. L. M. Brief on State Aid to
Private Social Agencies in Pennsyl-
vania. Harrisburg: Committee on
Constitutional Amendment and Re-
vision. Pp. 65.

Provisions of the German Works Councils
Act. Commerce Repts. No. 124. Pp.
ii54~5S- May 26, 1920.

Rushmore, Elsie Mitchell. A Bibliog-
raphy for Social Workers among
Foreign-Born Residents of the United
States. New York: Y.W.C.A. Na-
tional Bd., Div. of Works for Foreign-
Born Women. Pp. 38. Paper gratis.

Russian Soviet Government Bureau.
Code of Labor Laws of Soviet Russia,
with an Answer to a Criticism by Mr.
William C. Redfield. (Soviet Russia
Pamphlet No. i.) no W. 40th St.,
New York. Pp.48. So. 10.

Scott, E. J. Negro Migration during the
War. Washington: Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace. Pp.

Sims, E. W. Fighting Crime in Chicago:
the Crime Commission. Chicago:
Chicago Crime Commission. Pp. 8.

U.S. Bureau of Education. Education
for the Establishment of Democracy
in the World. By P. P. Claxton.
Washington. Pp. 22.

. Class Extension Work in the

Universities and Colleges of the United
States. ByA. J. Klein. Washington.
Pp. 48.

. Library. List of References on

Consolidation of Schools. Washing-
ton: Gov. Ptg. Office. Pp. 8. Paper.

. Public Discussion and Information

Service of University Extension. By
W. S. Bittner. Washington. Pp. 54.

U.S. Council of National Defense.
Women in Industry Com. New Orleans
Div. Conditions of Women's Labor
in Louisiana: New Orleans and
Louisiana Industrial Survey. New
Orleans: State Com. of Labor. Pp.
139. Postage $0.05.

U.S. Department of Agriculture. Beau-
tifying the Farmstead. By F. J.
Mulford. Washington. Pp. 65.

U.S. Department of State. Memo-
randum on Certain Aspects of the
Bolshevist Movement in Russia:
Character of Bolshevist Rule, Economic
Results of Bolshevist Control, Bolshe-
vist Program of World Revolution.
Washington. Pp. 55.

. Report on International Action

and Machiner>' Regulating Labor and
International Labor Opinion as to
Peace Terms. Washington. Pp. 20.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Australia. Washington. Pp. 8.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Belgium. Washington. Pp. 22.

. Report on Labor Situation in

Canada. Washington. Pp. 40.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Denmark. Washington. Pp. 20.

. Report on Labor Situation of

France. Washington. Pp. 36.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Germany. Washington. Pp. 16.

. Report on Labor Situation in

Great Britain. Washington. Pp. 43.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Italy. Washington. Pp. 31.

. Report on Labor Situation of the

Netherlands. Washington. Pp. 44.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Norway. Washington. Pp. 12.

. Report on Labor Situation of

Sweden. Washington. Pp. 18.

U.S. House. Com. on Immigration and
Naturalization. Communist and an-
archist deportation cases; hearings

400

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

before a subcommittee, April 21-24,
1920; statement of W. A. Blackwood;
decisions; digest of cases deported on
U.S. transport "Buford." Apply to
Congressman. Pp. 158.

U.S. House. Naturalization and Citizen
ship: Report. Apply to Congressman.
Pp.4.

. Percentage Plans for Restriction

of Immigration: Hearings, Jime 12-14,
18-20, and Sept. 25, 1919. Apply to
Congressman. Pp. 296.

U.S. House. Com. on Rules. Attorney
General A. Mitchell Palmer on Charges
Made Against Department of Justice
by Louis F. Post and Others: Hearings,
June 1-2, 1920. Apply to Congress-
man. Pp. 209.

U.S. Library of Congress. List of
References on Intermarriage of Races
with Special Emphasis on Immigrants.
Washington. Pp. 4 (Mim.).

. List of References on Labor

Questions in tlie United States and
Foreign Countries, 1700 to 1850. Pp.
10. (Typew.) $0.60.

U.S. Library of Congress. List of
References on Married Women in
Industry Exclusive of Home Work.

To be obtained only through P. A. I. S.

Pp. II. (Typew.) $0.65.

. List of References on the Origin

and Development of the Present
Unrest. Pp. 3. (Tj^jew.) $0.25.

U.S. Senate. Committee on Foreign
Relations. Russian Propaganda: Re-
port. Apply to Congressman. Pp. 15.

U.S. Women's Bureau. Hours and
Conditions of Work for Women in
Industry in Virginia. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 32.

Voluntary Parenthood League. Some
Comment on the Famous "loi Neediest
Cases" of the New York Times. New
York: The League. Pp.14.

Wallin, J. E. Problem of Mental Sub-
normality. St. Louis, Mo.: Central
Council of Social Agencies. Pp. 8.

Whitley, J. R. Works Committee and
Industrial Councils: Their Beginnings
and PossibUiries. Manchester: Col-
lege of Technology. Pp. 25.

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

VOLDME XXVI JANUARY I92I NUMBER4

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES

ROBERT E. PARK
University of Chicago

I. SOCIOLOGY AND SCIENTIFIC HISTORY

Sociology first gained recognition as an independent science
with the publication, between 1830 and 1842, of Auguste Comte's
Cours de Philosophie Positive. Comte did not, to be sure, create
sociology. He did give it a name, a program, and a place among
the sciences.

Comte's program for the new science proposed an extension to
politics and to history of the positive methods of the natural
sciences. Its practical aim was to establish government on the
secure foundation of an exact science and give to the predictions
of history something of the precision of mathematical formulae.

We have to contemplate social phenomena as susceptible of prevision,
like all other classes, within the limits of exactness compatible with their
higher complexity. Comprehending the three characteristics of political
science which wc have been examining, prevision of social phenomena sup-
poses, first, that we have abandoned the region of metaphysical idealities,
to assume the ground of observed realities by a systematic subordination
of imagination to observation; secondly, that poUtical conceptions have
ceased to be absolute, and have become relative to the variable state of civili-
zation, so that theories, following the natural course of facts, may admit of
our foreseeing them; and, thirdly, that permanent political action is limited

401

402 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

by determinate laws, since, if social events were always exposed to disturbance
by the accidental intervention of the legislator, human or divine, no scientific
prevision of them would be possible. Thus, we may concentrate the condi-
tions of the spirit of positive social philosophy on this one great attribute
of scientific prevision. ^

Comte proposed, in short, to make government a technical
science and politics a profession. He looked forward to a time
when legislation, based on a scientific study of human nature, would
assume the character of natural law. The earlier and more ele-
mentary sciences, particularly physics and chemistry, had given
man control over external nature; the last science, sociology', was
to give man control over himself.

Men were long in learning that Man's power of modifying phenomena
can result only from his knowledge of their natural laws; and in the infancy
of each science, they believed themselves able to exert an unbounded influence

over the phenomena of that science Social phenomena are, of course,

from their extreme complexity, the last to be freed from this pretension:
but it is therefore only the more necessary to remember that the pretension
existed with regard to all the rest, in their earhest stage, and to anticipate
therefore that social science wlQ, in its turn, be emancipated from the delusion.
.... It [the existing social science] represents the social action of Man
to be indefinite and arbitrary, as was once thought in regard to biological,
chemical, physical, and even astronomical phenomena, in the earlier stages

of their respective sciences The human race finds itself delivered

over, without logical protection, to the iU-regulated experimentation of the
various poUtical schools, each one of which strives to set up, for all future
time, its own immutable type of government. We have seen what are the
chaotic results of such a strife; and we shall find that there is no chance of
order and agreement but in subjecting social phenomena, like all others, to
invariable natural laws, which shall, as a whole, prescribe for each period,
with entire certainty, the limits and character of political action: in other
words, introducing into the study of social phenomena the same positive
spirit which has regenerated every other branch of human speculation.^^

In the present anarchy of political opinion and parties, changes
in the existing social order inevitably assume, he urged, the char-
acter, at the best, of a mere groping empiricism; at the worst, of a
social convulsion Uke that of the French Revolution. Under the

* Harriet Martineau, llie Positive Philosophy of Augiisle Comte, freely translated
and condensed (London, 1893), II, 61.

* Harriet Martineau, op. cil., II, 59-60.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 403

direction of a positive, in place of a speculative or, as Comte would
have said, metaphysical science of society, progress must assume
the character of an orderly march.

It was to be expected, with the extension of exact methods of
investigation to other fields of knowledge, that the study of man
and of society would become, or seek to become, scientific in the
sense in which that word is used in the natural sciences. It is
interesting, in this connection, that Comte's first name for sociology
was social physics. It was not until he had reached the fourth
volume of his Positive Philosophy that the word sociological is used
for the first time.

Comte, if he was foremost, was not first in the search for a
positive science of society, which would give man that control over
men that he had over external nature. Montesquieu, in his Spirit
of the Laws, first published in 1747, had distinguished in the organi-
zation of society, between form, ''the particular structure," and
the forces, "the human passions which set it in motion." In his
preface to this first epoch-making essay in what Freeman calls
"comparative politics," Montesquieu suggests that the uniformi-
ties, which he discovered beneath the wide variety of positive law,
were contributions not merely to a science of law, but to a science
of mankind.

I have first of all considered mankind; and the result of my thoughts
has been, that amidst such an infinite diversity of laws and manners, they
are not solely conducted by the caprice of fancy.^

Hume, Hkewise, put politics among the natural sciences.^ Con-
dorcet wanted to make history positive.^ But there were, in the
period between 1815 and 1840 in France, conditions which made
the need of a new science of poHtics peculiarly urgent. The Revo-
lution had failed and the political philosophy, which had directed
and justified it, was bankrupt. France between 1789 and 1815

^ Montesquieu, Baron M. de Sccondat, The Spirit of the Laws, translated by
Thomas Nugent (Cincinnati, 1873), I, .\xxi.

* David Hume, Inquiry Concerning Human Understanding, Part II, sec. 7.

' Condorcet, Esquisse d'un tableau historique des progrh de V esprit humain (1795),
292. See Barth, Die Philosophie des Geschichle als Sociologie (Leipzig, 1897), Part I,
pp. 21-23.

404 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

had adopted, tried, and rejected no less than ten different con-
stitutions. But during this period, as Saint-Simon noted, society,
and the human beings who compose society, had not changed. It
was evident that government was not, in any such sense as the
philosophers had assumed, a mere artifact and legislative con-
struction. Civilization, as Saint-Simon conceived it, was a part of
nature. Social change was part of the whole cosmic process. He
proposed, therefore, to make politics a science as positive as
physics. The subject-matter of political science, as he conceived
it, was not so much poHtical forms as social conditions. History
had been literature. It was destined to become a science.^

Comte called himself Saint-Simon's pupil. It is perhaps more
correct to say Saint-Simon formulated the problem for which
Comte, in his Positive Philosophy, sought a solution. It was
Comte's notion that with the arrival of sociology the distinction
which had so long existed, and still exists, between philosophy, in
which men define their wishes, and natural science, in which they
describe the existing order of nature, would disappear. In that
case ideals would be defined in terms of reality, and the tragic
difference between what men want and what is possible would be
effaced. Comte's error was to mistake a theory of progress for
progress itself. It is certainly true that as men learn what is, they
will adjust their ideals to what is possible. But knowledge grows
slowly.

Man's knowledge of mankind has increased greatly since 1842.
Sociology, "the positive science of humanity," has moved
steadily forward in the direction that Comte's program indicated,
but it has not yet replaced history. Historians are still looking
for methods of investigation which will make history *'sciencific."

No one who has watched the course of history during the last generation
can have felt doubt of its tendency. Those of us who read Buckle's first
volume when it appeared in 1857, and almost immediately afterwards, in
1859, read the Origin of Species and felt the violent impulse which Darwin
gave to the study of natural laws, never doubted that historians would follow
until they had exhausted every possible hypothesis to create a science of
history. Year after year passed, and little progress has been made. Perhaps

» Oeuvres de Saint-Simon ei d'Enfantin (Paris, 1865-78), XVII, 228. Paul Barth,
op. cil., Part I, p. 23.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 405

the mass of students are more skeptical now than they were thirty years ago
of the possibility that such a science can be created. Yet almost every suc-
cessful historian has been busy with it, adding here a new analysis, a new
generalization there; a clear and definite connection where before the rupture
of idea was absolute; and, above all, extending the field of study until it
shall include all races, all countries, and all times. Like other branches of
science, history is now encumbered and hampered by its own mass, but its
tendency is always the same, and cannot be other than what it is. That
the effort to make history a science may fail is possible, and perhaps probable;
but that it should cease, unless for reasons that would cause all science to
cease, is not within the range of experience. Historians will not, and even
if they would they can not, abandon the attempt. Science itself would admit
its own failure if it admitted that man, the most important of all its subjects,
could not be brought within its range.^

Since Comte gave the new science of humanity a name and a
point of view, the area of historical investigation has vastly widened
and a number of new social sciences have come into existence —
ethnology, archaeology, folklore, the comparative studies of cul-
tural materials, i.e., language, mythology, rehgion, and law, and in
connection with and closely related with these, folk-psychology,
social psychology, and the psychology of crowds, which latter is,
perhaps, the forerunner of a wider and more elaborate political
psychology. The historians have been very much concerned with
these new bodies of materials and with the new points of view which
they have introduced into the study of man and of society. Under
the influences of these sciences, history itself, as James Harvey
Robinson has pointed out, has had a history. But with the inno-
vations which the new history has introduced or attempted to
introduce, it does not appear that there have been any funda-
mental changes in method or ideology in the science itself.

Fifty years have elapsed since Buckle's book appeared, and I know of
no historian who would venture to maintain that we had made any consid-
erable advance toward the goal he set for himself. A systematic persecution
of the various branches of social science, especially political economy, sociology,
anthropology, and psychology, is succeeding in explaining many things;
but history must always remain, from the standpoint of the astronomer,
physicist, or chemist, a highly inexact and fragmentary body of knowledge.
.... History can no doubt be pursued in a strictly scientific spirit, but

'Henry Adams, The Degradation of the Democratic Dogma (New York, 1919),
p. 126.

4o6 TUE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the data we possess in regard to the past of mankind are not of a nature to
lend themselves to organization into an exact science, although, as we shall
see, they may yield truths of vital importance.^

History has not become, as Comte believed it must, an exact
science, and sociology has not taken its place in the social sciences.
It is important, however, for understanding the mutations which
have taken place in sociology since Comte to remember that it had
its origin in an effort to make history exact. This, with, to be sure,
considerable modifications, is still, as we shall see, an ambition of
the science.

II. HISTORICAL AND SOCIOLOGICAL FACTS

Sociology, as Comte conceived it, was not, as it has been char-
acterized, "a highly important point of view," but a fundamental
science, i.e., a method of investigation and "a body of discoveries
about mankind. "2 In the hierarchy of the sciences, sociology, the
last in time, was first in importance. The order was as follows:
mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, including
psychology, sociology. This order represented a progression from
the more elementary to the more complex. It was because history
and politics were concerned with the most complex of natural
phenomena that they were the last to achieve what Comte called
the positive character. They did this in sociology.

Many attempts have been made before and since Comte to
find a satisfactory classification of the sciences. The order and
relation of the sciences is still, in fact, one of the cardinal problems
of philosophy. In recent years the notion has gained recognition
that the difference between history and the natural sciences is not
one of degree, but of kind; not of subject-matter merely, but of
method. This difference in method is, however, fundamental. It
is a difference not merely in the interpretation but in the logical
character of facts.

Every historical fact, it is pointed out, is concerned with a
unique event. History never repeats itself. If nothing else, the
mere circumstance that every event has a date and location would

' James Harvey Robinson, The New History, Essays Illustrating the Modern
Historical Outlook (New York, 1912), pp. 54-55.
•James Harvey Robinson, op. cit., p. 83.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 407

give historical facts an individuality that facts of the abstract
science do not possess. Because historical facts always are located
and dated, and cannot therefore be repeated, they are not subject
to experiment and verification. On the other hand, a fact not
subject to verification is not a fact for natural science. History,
as distinguished from natural history, deals with individuals, i.e.,
individual events, persons, institutions. Natural science is con-
cerned, not with individuals, but with classes, types, species. All
the assertions that are vahd for natural science concern classes.
An illustration will make this distinction clear.

Sometime in October, 1838, Charles Darwin happened to pick
up and read Malthus' book on Population. The facts of "the
struggle for existence," so strikingly presented in that now cele-
brated volume, suggested an explanation of a problem which had
long interested and puzzled him, namely the origin of species.

This is a statement of a historical fact, and the point is that
it is not subject to empirical verification. It cannot be stated, in
other words, in the form of a hypothesis, which further observation
of other men of the same type will either verify or discredit.

On the other hand, in his Descent of Man, Darwin, discussing
the role of sexual selection in evolution of the species, makes this
observation: ''Naturahsts are much divided with respect to the
object of the singing of birds. Few more careful observers ever
Uved than Montagu, and he maintained that the 'males of song-
birds and of many others do not in general search for the female,
but, on the contrary, their business in spring is to perch on some
conspicuous spot, breathing out their full and amorous notes, which,
by instinct, the female knows and repairs to the spot to choose her
mate.' "

This is a typical statement of a fact of natural history. It is
not, however, the rather vague generahty of the statement that
makes it scientific. It is its representative character, the character
which makes it possible of verification by further observation which
makes it a scientific fact.

It is from facts of this kind, collected, compared, and classified,
irrespective of time or place, that the more general conclusions are
drawn, upon which Darwin based his theory of the "descent of

408 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

man." This theory, as Darwin conceived it, was not an inter-
pretation of the facts but an explanation.

The relation between history and sociology, as well as the
manner in which the more abstract social sciences have risen out of
the more concrete, may be illustrated by a comparison between
history and geography. Geography as a science is concerned with
the visible world, the earth, its location in space, the distribution
of the land masses, and of the plants, animals, and peoples upon
its surface. The order, at least the fundamental order, which it
seeks and finds among the objects it investigates is spatial. As
soon as the geographer begins to compare and classify the plants,
the animals, and the peoples with which he comes in contact,
geography passes over into the special sciences, i.e., botany,
zoology, and anthropology.

History, on the other hand, is concerned with a world of events.
Not everything that happened, to be sure, is history, but every
event that ever was or ever will be significant is history.

Geography attempts to reproduce for us the visible world as
it exists in space; history, on the contrary, seeks to re-create for us
in the present the significance of the past. As soon as historians
seek to take events out of their historical setting, that is to say,
out of their time and space relations, in order to compare them and
classify them; as soon as historians begin to emphasize the typical
and representative rather than the unique character of events,
history ceases to be history and becomes sociology.

The differences here indicated between history and sociology
are based upon a more fundamental distinction between the his-
torical and the natural sciences first clearly defined by Windel-
band, the historian of philosophy, in an address to the faculty of
the University of Strassburg in 1894.

The distinction between natural science and history begins at the point
where we seek to convert facts into knowledge. Here again we observe that
the one (natural science) seeks to formulate laws, the other (history) to portray
events. In the one case thought proceeds from the description of particulars
to the general relations. In the other case it cUngs to a genial depiction of the
individual object or event. For the natural scientist the object of investiga-
tion which cannot be repeated never has, as such, scientific value. It serves
his purpose only so far as it may be regarded as a type or as a special instance

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 409

of a class from which the type may be deduced. The natural scientist con-
siders the single case only so far as he can see in it the features which serve
to throw hght upon a general law. For the historian the problem is to revive
and call up into the present, in all its particularity, an event in the past. His
aim is to do for an actual event precisely what the artist seeks to do for the
object of his imagination. It is just here that we discern the kinship between
history and art, between the historian and the writer of literature. It is for
this reason that natural science emphasized the abstract; the historian, on the
other hand, is interested mainly in the concrete.

The fact that natural science emphasizes the abstract and history the con-
crete wUl become clearer if we compare the results of the researches of the
two sciences. However finespun the conceptions may be which the historical
critic uses in working over his materials, the final goal of such study is always
to create out of the mass of events a vivid portrait of the past. And what
history offers us is pictures of men and of human life, with all the wealth of
their individuality, reproduced in all their characteristic vivacity. Thus do
the peoples and languages of the past, their forms and beliefs, their struggles
for power and freedom, speak to us through the mouth of history.

How different it is with the world which the natural sciences have created
for us! However concrete the materials with which they started, the goal of
these sciences is theories, eventually mathematical formulations of laws of
change. Treating the individual, sensuous, changing objects as mere xmsub-
stantial appearances (phenomena), scientific investigation becomes a search
for the universal laws which rule the timeless changes of events. Out of this
colorful world of the senses, science creates a system of abstract concepts, in
which the true nature of things is conceived to exist — a world of colorless and
soundless atoms, despoiled of all their earthly sensuous qualities. Such is the
triumph of thought over perception. Indifferent to change, science casts her
anchor in the eternal and unchangeable. Not the change as such but the
unchanging form of change is what she seeks.

This raises the question: What is the more valuable for the purposes of
knowledge in general, a knowledge of law or' a knowledge of events? As far
as that is concerned, both scientific procedures may be equally justified. The
knowledge of the universal laws has everywhere a practical value in so far as
they make possible man's purposeful intervention in the natural processes.
That is quite as true of the movements of the inner as of the outer world. In
the latter case knowledge of nature's laws has made it possible to create those
tools through which the control of mankind over external nature is steadily
being extended.

Not less for the purposes of the common life are we dependent upon the
results of historical knowledge. Man is, to change the ancient form of the
expression, the animal who has a history. His cultural life rests on the trans-
mission from generation to generation of a constantly increasing body of
historical memories. Whoever proposes to take an active part in this cultural

4IO TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

process must have an understanding of history. Wherever the thread is once
broken — as history itself proves — it must be painfully gathered up and knitted
again into the historical fabric.

It is, to be sure, true that it is an economy for human understanding to be
able to reduce to a formula or a general concept the common characteristics
of individuals. But the more man seeks to reduce facts to concepts and laws,
the more he is obliged to sacrifice and neglect the individual. Men have, to
be sure, sought, in characteristic modern fashion, "to make of history a natural
science." This was the case with the so-called philosophy of history of posi-
tivism. What has been the net result of the laws of history which it has given
us? A few trivial generalities which justify themselves only by most careful
consideration of their nimierous exceptions.

On the other hand it is certain that all interest and values of life are con-
cerned with what is unique in men and events. Consider how quickly our
appreciation is deadened as some object is multiplied or is regarded as one case
in a thousand. " She is not the first " is one of the cruel passages in Faust. It
is in the individuality and the uniqueness of an object that all our sense of
value has its roots. It is upon this fact that Spinoza's doctrine of the conquest
of the passions by knowledge rests, since for him knowledge is the submergence
of the individual in the universal, the "once for all" into the eternal.

The fact that all our livelier appreciations rest upon the imique character
of the object is illustrated above all in our relations to persons. Is it not an
imendurable thought, that a loved object, an adored person, should have
existed at some other time in just the form in which it now exists for us? Is it
not horrible and unthinkable that one of us, with just this same individuality,
should actually have existed in a second edition?

What is true of the individual man is quite as true of the whole historical
process: it has value only when it is unique. This is the principle which the
Christian doctrine successfully maintained, as over against Hellenism in the
Patristic philosophy. The middle point of their conception of the world was
the fall and the salvation of mankind as a unique event. That was the first and
great perception of the inalienable metaphysical right of the historian to pre-
serve for the memory of mankind, in all their uniqueness and individuality,
the actual events of life.^

Like every other species of animal, man has a natural history.
Anthropology is the science of man considered as one of the am'mal

' Wilhelm Windclband, Geschichle nnd Natunvisscnschaft, Rede zum Aittritl des
Rectorats der Kaiser-Wilhelms-Universitdl Strasshurg (Strassburg, 1900). The logical
principle outlined by Windclband has been further elaborated by Heinrich Rickcrt in
Die Grenzen der naturwissenschafllichen Begriffshildung, einc logische Eijilcituug in die
historische \V issenschafl (Tubingen u. Leipzig, 1902). See also Georg Simrael, Die
Frobleme der Geschic/Usphilosophie, cine erkeniUnislheorelische Sludie (2d ed., Leipzig,
1915).

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 411

species, Homo sapiens. History and sociology, on the other hand,
are concerned with man as a person, as a "political animal,"
participating with his fellows in a common fund of social traditions
and cultural ideals. Freeman, the English historian, said that
history was "past politics" and pohtics "present history." Free-
man uses the word politics in the large and liberal sense in which
it was first used by Aristotle. In that broad sense of the word,
the poHtical process, by which men are controlled and states
governed, and the cultural process, by which man has been domes-
ticated and human nature formed, are not, as we ordinarily assume,
different, but identical, procedures.

All this suggests the intimate relations which exist between
history, politics, and sociology. The important thing, however, is
not the identities but the distinctions. For, however much the
various discipHnes may, in practice, overlap, it is necessary for the
sake of clear thinking to have their limits defined. As far as
sociology and history are concerned the differences may be summed
up in a word. Both history and sociology are concerned with the
life of man as man. History, however, seeks to reproduce and
interpret concrete events as they actually occurred in time and
space. Sociology, on the other hand, seeks to arrive at natural
laws and generalizations in regard to human nature and society,
irrespective of time and of place.

In other words, history seeks to find out what actually happened
and how it all came about. Sociology, on the other hand, seeks to
explain, on the basis of a study of other instances, the nature of
the process involved.

By nature we mean just that aspect and character of things
in regard to which it is possible to make general statements and
formulate laws. If we say, in explanation of the peculiar behavior
of some individual, that it is natural or that it is after all "simply
human nature," we are simply saying that this behavior is what we
have learned to expect of this individual or of human beings in
general. It is, in other words, a law.

Natural law, as the term is used here, is any statement which
describes the behavior of a class of objects or the character of a
class of acts. For example, the classic illustration of the so-called

412 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

"universal proposition" familiar to students of formal logic, "all
men are mortal," is an assertion in regard to a class of objects we
call men. This is, of course, simply a more formal way of saying
that ' ' men die. " Such general statements and ' ' laws ' ' get meaning
only when they are applied to particular cases, or, to speak again
the terms of formal logic, when they find a place in a syllogism,
thus: "Men are mortal. This is a man." But such syllogisms
may always be stated in the form of a h}^othesis. If this is a
man, he is mortal. If a is 6, a is also c. This statement, "Human
nature is a product of social contact," is a general assertion familiar
to students of sociology. This law or, more correctly, hypothesis,
applied to an individual case explains the so-called feral man.
Wild men, in the proper sense of the word, are not the so-called
savages, but the men who have never been domesticated, of which
an individual example is now and then discovered.

To state a law in the form of a hypothesis serves to emphasize
the fact that laws — what we have called natural laws at any rate — -
are subject to verification and restatement. Under these circum-
stances the exceptional instance, which compels a restatement of
the hypothesis, is more important for the purposes of science than
other instances which merely confirm it.

Any science which operates with h>^otheses and seeks to state
facts in such a way that they can be compared and verified by
further observation and experiment is, so far as method is con-
cerned, a natural science.

III. HUMAN NATURE AND LAW

One thing that makes the conception of natural history and
natural law important to the student of sociology is that in the
field of the social sciences the distinction between natural and moral
law has from the first been confused. Comte and the social phi-
losophers in France after the Revolution set out with the deliberate
purpose of superseding legislative enactments by laws of human
nature, laws which were to be positive and "scientific." As a
matter of fact, sociology, in becoming positive, so far from effacing,
has rather emphasized the distinctions that Comte sought to
abolish. Natural law may be distinguished from all other forms

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 413

of law by the fact that it aims at nothing more than a description
of the behavior of certain types or classes of objects. A description
of the way in which a class, i.e., men, plants, animals, or physical
objects, may be expected under ordinary circumstances to behave,
tells us what we may in a general way expect of any individual
member of that class. If natural science seeks to predict, it is able
to do so simply because it operates with concepts or class names
instead, as is the case with history, with concrete facts and, to use a
logical phrase, "existential propositions."

That the chief end of science is descriptive formulation has probably
been clear to keen analytic minds since the time of Galileo, especially to the
great discoverers in astronomy, mechanics, and dynamics. But as a definitely
stated conception, corrective of misunderstandings, the view of science as
essentially descriptive began to make itself felt about the beginning of the
last quarter of the nineteenth century, and may be associated with the names
of Kirchhoff and Mach. It was in 1876 that Kirchhoflf defined the task of
mechanics as that of "describing completely and in the simplest manner the
motions which take place in nature." Widening this a little, we may say
that the aim of science is to describe natural phenomena and occurrences as
exactly as possible, as simply as possible, as completely as possible, as con-
sistently as possible, and always in terms which are communicable and veri-
fiable. This is a very different r61e from that of solving the riddles of the
universe, and it is well expressed in what Newton said in regard to the law
of gravitation: "So far I have accounted for the phenomena presented to
us by the heavens and the sea by means of the force of gravity, but I have

as yet assigned no cause to this gravity I have not been able to deduce

from phenomena the raison d'etre of the properties of gravity and I have not
set up hypotheses."^

"We must confess," said Prof. J. H. Poynting (1900, p. 616), "that
physical laws have greatly fallen off in dignity. No long time ago they were
quite commonly described as the Fixed Laws of Nature, and were supposed
suflScient in themselves to govern the universe. Now we can only assign
to them the humble rank of mere descriptions, often erroneous, of similarities

which we believe we have observed A law of nature explains nothing,

it has no governing power, it is but a descriptive formula which the careless
have sometimes personified." It used to be said that "the laws of Nature
are the thoughts of God"; now we say that they are the investigator's formulae
summing up regularities of recurrence.^

' Newton, Philosophia naluralls principia mathemalica, 1687.

* J. Arthur Thomson, The System of Animate Nature (New York, 1920), pp. 8-9.
See also Karl Pearson, The Grammar 0} Science (2d ed.; London, 1900), chap iii,
The Scientific Law.

414 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

If natural law aims at prediction it tells us what we can do.
Moral laws, on the other hand, tell us, not what we can, but what
we ought to do. The civil or municipal law, finally, tells us not
what we can, nor what we ought, but what we must do. It is very-
evident that these three types of law may be very intimately
related. We do not know what we ought to do until we know
what we can do; and we certainly should consider what men can
do before we pass laws prescribing what they must do. There is,
moreover, no likehhood that these distinctions will ever be com-
pletely abolished. As long as the words "can," "ought," and
"must" continue to have any meaning for us the distinctions that
they represent will persist in science as well as in common sense.

The immense prestige which the methods of the natural sciences
have gained, particularly in their application to the phenomena of
the physical universe, has undoubtedly led scientific men to over-
estimate the importance of mere conceptual and abstract knowledge.
It has led them to assume that history also must eventually become
"scientific" in the sense of the natural sciences. In the meantime
the vast collections of historical facts which the industry of his-
torical students has accumulated are regarded, sometimes even by
historians themselves, as a sort of raw material, the value of which
can only be reahzed after it has been worked over into some sort
of historical generalization which has the general character of
scientific and, ultimately, mathematical formula.

"History," says Karl Pearson, "can never become science, can
never be anything but a catalogue of facts rehearsed in a more or
less pleasing language until these facts are seen to fall into sequences
which can be briefly resumed in scientific formulae."^ And Henry
Adams, in a letter to the American Historical Association already
referred to, confesses that history has thus far been a fruitless quest
for "the secret which would transform these odds and ends of
philosophy into one self-evident, harmonious, and complete
system."

You may be sure that four out of five serious students of history who
are living today have, in the course of their work, felt that they stood on the
brink of a great generalization that would reduce all history under a law as

' Karl Pearson, op. cit., p. 359.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 415

clear as the laws which govern the material world. As the great writers of
our time have touched one by one the separate fragments of admitted law
by which society betrays its character as a subject for science, not one of them
can have failed to feel an instant's hope that he might find the secret which
would transform these odds and ends of philosophy into one self-evident,
harmonious, and complete system. He has seemed to have it, as the Spanish
say, in his inkstand. Scores of times he must have dropped his pen to think
how one short step, one sudden inspiration, would show all human knowledge;
how, in these thickset forests of history, one corner turned, one faint trail
struck, would bring him on the highroad of science. Every professor who
has tried to teach the doubtful facts which we now call history must have
felt that sooner or later he or another would put order in the chaos and bring
light into darkness. Not so much genius or favor was needed as patience
and good luck. The law was certainly there, and as certainly was in places
actually visible, to be touched and handled, as though it were a law of chemistry
or physics. No teacher with a spark of imagination or with an idea of scien-
tific method can have helped dreaming of the immortality that would be
achieved by the man who should successfully apply Darwin's method to
the facts of human history.^

The truth is, however, that the concrete facts, in which history
and geography have sought to preserve the visible, tangible, and,
generally speaking, the experiential aspects of human Hfe and the
visible universe, have a value irrespective of any generalization or
ideal constructions which may be inferred from or built up out of
them. Just as none of the investigations or generalizations of
individual psychology are ever Hkely to take the place of biography
and autobiography, so none of the conceptions of an abstract
sociology, no scientific descriptions of the social and cultural pro-
cesses, and no laws of progress are likely, in the near future at any
rate, to supersede the more concrete facts of history in which are
preserved those records of those unique and never fully compre-
hended aspects of Hfe which we call events.

It has been the dream of philosophers that theoretical and
abstract science could and some day perhaps would succeed in
putting into formulae and into general terms all that was significant
in the concrete facts of life. It has been the tragic mistake of the
so-called intellectuals, who have gained their knowledge from text-
books rather than from observation and research, to assume that

1 Henry Adams, op. cit., p. 127.

4i6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

science had already realized its dream. But there is no indication
that science has begun to exhaust the sources or significance of
concrete experience. The infinite variety of external nature and
the inexhaustible wealth of personal experience have thus far
defied, and no doubt will continue to defy, the industry of scientific
classification, while, on the other hand, the discoveries of science
are constantly making accessible to us new and larger areas of
experience.

What has been said simply serves to emphasize the instrumental
character of the abstract sciences. History and geography, all of
the concrete sciences, can and do measurably enlarge our experience
of life. Their very purpose is to arouse new interests and create
new sympathies; to give mankind, in short, an environment so
vast and varied as will call out and activate all his instincts and
capacities.

The more abstract sciences, just to the extent which they are
abstract and exact, Hke mathematics and logic, are merely methods
and tools for converting experience into knowledge and applying
the knowledge so gained to practical uses.

IV. HISTORY, NATURAL HISTORY, AND SOCIOLOGY

Although it is possible to draw clear distinctions in theory be-
tween the purpose and methods of history and sociology, in prac-
tice the two forms of knowledge pass over into one another by
almost imperceptible gradations.

The sociological point of view makes its appearance in historical
investigation as soon as the historian turns from the study of
"periods" to the study of institutions. The history of institutions,
that is to say, the family, the church, economic institutions, poUti-
cal institutions, etc., leads inevitably to comparison, classification,
the formation of class names or concepts, and eventually to the
formulation of law. In the process, history becomes natural his-
tory, and natural history passes over into natural science. In
short, history becomes sociology.

Westermarck's History of Human Marriage is one of the earliest
attempts to write the natural history of a social institution. It is
based upon a comparison and classification of marriage customs

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 417

of widely scattered peoples, living under varied physical and social
conditions. What one gets from a survey of this kind is not so
much history as a study of human behavior. The history of
marriage, as of any other institution, is, in other words, not so
much an account of what certain individuals or groups of individuals
did at certain times and certain places, as it is a description of the
responses of few fundamental human instincts to a variety of social
situations. Westermarck calls this kind of history sociology.^

It is in the firm conviction that the history of human civilization should
be made an object of as scientific a treatment as the history of organic nature
that I write this book. Like the phenomena of physical and psychical life
those of social life should be classified into certain groups and each group
investigated with regard to its origin and development. Only when treated
in this way can history lay claim to the rank and honour of a science in the
highest sense of the term, as forming an important part of Sociology, the
youngest of the principal branches of learning.

Descriptive historiography has no higher object than that of o£fering
materials to this science.*

Westermarck refers to the facts which he has collected in his
history of marriage as phenomena. For the explanation of these
phenomena, however, he looks to the more abstract sciences.

The causes on which social phenomena are dependent fall within the
domain of different sciences — Biology, Psychology, or Sociology. The reader
will find that I put particular stress upon the psychological causes, which
have often been deplorably overlooked, or only imperfectly touched upon.
And more especially do I believe that the mere instincts have played a very
important part in the origin of social institutions and rules.'

1 Prof. Robertson Smith {Nature, XLIV, 270), criticizing Westermarck's History
of Human Marriage, complains that the author has confused history with natural
history. "The history of an institution," he writes, "which is controlled by public
opinion and regulated by law is not natural history. The true history of marriage
begins where the natural history of pairing ends To treat these topics (poly-
andry, kinship through the female only, infanticide, exogamy) as essentially a part of
the natural history of pairing involves a tacit assumption that the laws of society are
at bottom mere formulated instincts, and this assumption really underlies all our
author's theories. His fundamental position compels him, if he will be consistent
with himself, to hold that every institution connected with marriage that has universal
validity, or forms an integral part of the main line of development, is rooted in instinct,
and that institutions which are not based on instinct are necessarily exceptional and
unimportant for scientific historj'."

'Edward Westermarck, TIte History of Human Marriage (London, 1901), p. 1.

* E. Westermarck, op. cU., p. 5.

4i8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Westermarck derived most of his materials for the study of
marriage from ethnological materials. Ethnologists, students of
folklore (German Volkcrkunde), and archaeology are less certain
than the historians of institutions whether their investigations are
historical or sociological.

Jane Harrison, although she disclaims the title of sociologist,
bases her conception of the origin of Greek religion on a sociological
theory, the theory namely that "among primitive peoples rehgion
reflects collective feeling and collective thinking." Dionysius, the
god of the Greek mysteries, is according to her interpretation a
product of the group consciousness.

The mystery-god arises out of those instincts, emotions, desires which
attend and express life; but these emotions, desires, instincts, in so far as
they are religious, are at the outset rather of a group than of individual con-
sciousness It is a necessary and most important corollary to this

doctrine, that the form taken by the divinity reflects the social structure of
the group to which the divinity belongs. Dionysius is the Son of his Mother
because he issues from a matrilinear group. ^

This whole study is, in fact, merely an appHcation of Durk-
heim's conception of "collective representations."

Robert H. Lowie, in his recent volume. Primitive Society, refers
to "ethnologists and other historians," but at the same time asks:
"What kind of an historian shall the ethnologist be?"

He answers the question by saying that, "If there are laws of
social evolution, he [the ethnologist] must assuredly discover them,"
but at any rate, and first of all, "his duty is to ascertain the course

civilization has actually followed To strive for the ideals

of another branch of knowledge may be positively pernicious, for
it can easily lead to that factitious simphfication which means
falsification."

In other words, ethnology, like history, seeks to tell what
actually happened. It is bound to avoid abstraction, "over-
simplification," and formulae, and these are the ideals of another
kind of scientific procedure. As a matter of fact, however, eth-
nology, even when it has attempted nothing more than a description

1 Jane Ellen Harrison, Themis, A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion
(Cambridge, 1912), p. ix.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 419

of the existing cultures of primitive peoples, their present distribu-
tion and the order of their succession, has not freed itself wholly
from the influence of abstract considerations. Theoretical prob-
lems inevitably arise for the solution of which it is necessary to go
to psychology and sociology. One of the questions that has arisen
in the study, particularly the comparative study, of cultures is:
how far any existing cultural trait is borrowed and how far it is
to be regarded as of independent origin.

In the historical reconstruction of culture the phenomena of distribution
play, indeed, an extraordinary part. If a trait occurs everywhere, it might
veritably be the product of some universally operative social law. If it is
found in a restricted number of cases, it may still have evolved through some
such instrumentality acting under specific conditions that would then remain
to be determined by analysis of the cultures in which the feature is embedded.
.... Finally, the sharers of a cultural trait may be of distinct lineage but
through contact and borrowing have come to hold in common a portion of
their cultures

Since, as a matter of fact, cultural resemblances aboimd between peoples
of diverse stock, their interpretation commonly narrows to a choice between
two alternatives. Either they are due to like causes, whether these can be
determined or not; or they are the result of borrowing. A predilection for
one or the other explanation has lain at the bottom of much ethnological
discussion in the past; and at present influential schools both in England and
in continental Europe clamorously insist that all cultural parallels are due
to diffusion from a single center. It is inevitable to envisage this moot-
problem at the start, since uncompromising championship of either alternative
has far-reaching practical consequences. For if every parallel is due to bor-
rowing, then sociological laws, which can be inferred only from independently
developing likenesses, are barred. Then the history of religion or social life
or technology consists exclusively in a statement of the place of origin of
beliefs, customs and implements, and a recital of their travels to different
parts of the globe. On the other hand, if borrowing covers only part of the
observed parallels, an explanation from like causes becomes at least the ideal
goal in an investigation of the remainder. ^

An illustration will exhibit the manner in which problems
originally historical become psychological and sociological. Tyler
in his Early History of Mankind has pointed out that the bellows
used by the negro blacksmiths of continental Africa are of a quite
different type from those used by natives of Madagascar. The

' Robert H. Lowic, Primitive Society (New York, 1920), pp. 7-8.

420 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

bellows used by the Madagascar blacksmiths, on the other hand,
are exactly like those in use by the Malays of Sumatra and in
other parts of the Malay Archipelago. This indication that the
natives of Madagascar are of Malay origin is in accordance with
other anthropological and ethnological data in regard to these
peoples, which prove the fact, now well estabhshed, that they are
not of African origin.

Similarly Boas' study of the Raven cycle of American Indian
mythology indicated that these stories originated in the northern
part of British Columbia and traveled southward along the coast.
One of the evidences of the direction of this progress is the gradual
diminution of complexity in the stories as they traveled into
regions farther removed from the point of origin.

All this, in so far as it seeks to determine the point of origin,
direction, speed, and character of changes that take place in cul-
tural materials in the process of diffusion, is clearly history and
ethnology.

Other questions, however, force themselves inevitably upon the
attention of the inquiring student. Why is it that certain cultural
materials are more widely and more rapidly diffused than others?
Under what conditions does this diffusion take place and why does
it take place at all? Finally, what is the ultimate source of cus-
toms, beHefs, languages, religious practices, and all the varied tech-
nical devices which compose the cultures of different peoples?
What are the circumstances and what are the processes by which
cultural traits are independently created? Under what condi-
tions do cultural fusions take place and what is the nature of this
process?

These are all fundamentally problems of human nature, and as
human nature itself is now regarded as a product of social inter-
course, they are problems of sociology.

The cultural processes by which languages, myth, and reUgion
have come into existence among primitive peoples has given rise in
Germany to a special science. Folk-psychology {Volkerpsycholo-
gie) had its origin in an attempt to answer in psychological terms
the problems to which a comparative study of cultural materials
has given rise.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 421

From two different directions ideas of folk-psychology have found their
way into modern science. First of all there was a demand from the different
social sciences [Geistcswisse?ischaften] for a psychological explanation of the
phenomena of social life and history, so far as they were products of social
[geisliger] interaction. In the second place, psychology itself required, in order
to escape the uncertainties and ambiguities of pure introspection, a body of
objective materials.

Among the social sciences the need for psychological interpretation first
manifested itself in the studies of language and mythology. Both of these
had already found outside the circle of the philological studies independent
fields of investigation. As soon as they assumed the character of comparative
sciences it was inevitable that they should be driven to recognize that in
addition to the historical conditions, which everjrwhere determines the concrete
form of these phenomena, there had been certain fundamental psychical forces
at work in the development of language and myth.^

The aim of folk-psychology has been, on the whole, to explain
the genesis and development of certain cultural forms, i.e., lan-
guage, myth, and reHgion. The whole matter may, however, be
regarded from a quite different point of view. Gabriel Tarde, for
example, has sought to explain, not the genesis, but the transmission
and diffusion of these same cultural forms. For Tarde, communi-
cation (transmission of cultural forms and traits) is the one central
and significant fact of social hfe. "Social" is just what can be
transmitted by imitation. Social groups are merely the centers
from which new ideas and inventions are transmitted. Imitation
is the social process.

There is not a word that you say, which is not the reproduction, now un-
conscious, but formerly conscious and voluntary, of verbal articulations reach-
ing back to the most distant past, with some special accent due to your imme-
diate surroundings. There is not a religious rite that you ful&l, such as praying,
kissing the icon, or making the sign of the cross, which does not reproduce
certain traditional gestures and expressions, established through imitation of
your ancestors. There is not a miUtary or civil requirement that you obey,
nor an act that you perform in your business, which has not been taught you,
and which you have not copied from some living model. There is not a stroke
of the brush that you make, if you are a painter, nor a verse that you write,

1 Wilhelm Wundt, Volkerpsychologie, eine Unlerstichiing der Entwicklnngsgeselze
von Sprache, Mythus und Sitte. Erster Band, Die Sprache, Erster Theii (Leipzig,
1900), p. 13. The name folk-psychology was first used by Lazarus and Steinthal,
Zeitschrift fUr Volkerpsychologie und S prachwissenschaft, I, 1860. Wundt's folk-
psychology is a continuation of the tradition of these earlier writers.

422 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

if you are a poet, which does not conform to the customs or the prosody of your
school, and even your very originality itself is made up of accumulated common-
places, and aspires to become common-place in its turn.

Thus, the unvarj'ing characteristic of every social fact whatsoever is that
it is imitative. And this characteristic belongs exclusively to social facts. ^

Tarde's theory of transmission by imitation may be regarded,
in some sense, as complementary, if not supplementary, to Wundt's
theory of origins, since he puts the emphasis on the fact of trans-
mission rather than upon genesis. In a paper, "Tendencies in
Comparative Philology," read at the Congress of Arts and Sciences
at the St. Louis Exposition in 1904, Professor Hanns Oertel, of
Yale University, refers to Tarde's theory of imitation as an alter-
native explanation to that offered by Wundt for "the striking
uniformity of sound changes" w^hich students of language have
discovered in the course of their investigation of phonetic changes
in widely different forms of speech.

It seems hard to maintain that the change in a syntactical construction
or in the meaning of a word owes its universality to a simultaneous and inde-
pendent primary change in all the members of a speech-commimity. By
adopting the theory of imitative spread, all linguistic changes may be viewed
as one homogeneous whole. In the second place, the latter view seems to
bring linguistic changes into line with the other social changes, such as modi-
fications in institutions, beliefs, and customs. For is it not an essential char-
acteristic of a social group that its members are not co-operative in the sense
that each member actively participates in the production of every single ele-
ment which goes to make up either language, or belief, or customs? Distin-
guishing thus between primary and secondary changes and between the origin
of a change and its spread, it behooves us to examine carefully into the causes
which make the members of a social unit, either consciously or unconsciously,
willing to accept an innovation. What is it that determines acceptance or
rejection of a particular change? What limits one change to a small area,
while it extends the area of another? Before a final decision can be reached in
favor of the second theory of imitative spread it will be necessary to follow out
in minute detail the mechanism of this process in a number of concrete in-
stances; in other words to fill out the picture of which Tarde {Les lots de
rimitalion) sketched the bare outlines. If his assumptions prove true, then
we should have here a uniformity resting upon other causes than the physical
uniformity that appears in the objects with which the natural sciences deal.

• G. Tarde, Social Laws, An Outline of Sociology, translated from the French by
Howard C. Warren (New York, 1899), pp. 40-41.

SOCIOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES 423

It would enable us to establish a second group of uniform phenomena which
is psycho-physical in its character and rests upon the basis of social suggestion.
The uniformities in speech, belief, and institutions would belong to this second
group.*

What is true of the comparative study of languages is true in
every other field in which a comparative study of cultural materials
has been made. As soon as these materials are studied from the
point of view of their similarities rather than from the point of view
of their historical connections, problems arise which can only be
explained by the more abstract sciences of psychology or sociology.
Freeman begins his lectures on Comparative Politics with the state-
ment that

the comparative method of study has been the greatest intellectual achievement
of our time. It has carried light and order into whole branches of human
knowledge which before were shrouded in darkxiess and confusion. It has
brought a line of argiunent which reaches moral certainty into a region which
before was given over to random guess-work. Into matters which are for the
most part incapable of strictly external proof it has brought a form of strictly
internal proof which is more convincing, more unerring.

Wherever the historian supplements external by internal proof,
he is in a way to substitute a sociological explanation for historical
interpretation. It is the very essence of the sociological method to
be comparative. When, therefore, Freeman uses, in speaking of
comparative politics, the following language he is speaking in
sociological rather than historical terms:

For the purposes then of the study of Comparative Politics, a political
constitution is a specimen to be studied, classified, and labelled, as a building
or an animal is studied, classified, and labelled by those to whom building or
animals are objects of study. We have to note the likenesses, striking and
unexpected as those likenesses often are, between the political constitutions
of remote times and places; and we have, as far as we can, to classify our
specimens according to the probable causes of those likenesses.^

Historically sociology has had its origin in history. It owes its
existence as a science to the attempt to apply exact methods to the

»Hanns Oertel, "Some Present Problems and Tendencies in Comparative Phi-
lology," Congress of Arts and Sciences, Universal Exposition, St. Louis, 1904 (Boston,
1906), III, 59.

^ Edward A. Freeman, Comparative Politics with the Unity oj History (London,
1873), p. 23.

424 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

explanation of historical facts. In the attempt to achieve this,
however, it has become something quite different from history. It
has become Uke psychology with which it is most intimately related,
a natural and relatively abstract science, and auxiliary to the
study of history, but not a substitute for it. The whole matter may
be summed up in this general statement: history interprets,
natural science explains. It is upon the interpretation of the facts
of experience that we formulate our creeds and found our faiths.
Our explanations of phenomena, on the other hand, are the basis
for technique and practical devices for controlhng nature and human
nature, man and the physical world.

THE COMPARATIVE ROLE OF THE GROUP CONCEPT
IN WARD'S DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY AND CONTEM-
PORARY AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY

WALTER B. BODENHAFER

Washington University

III. THE GROUP CONCEPT AS USED BY SOME CONTEMPORARY
SOCIOLOGISTS

This chapter will endeavor to present the uses of the group
concept as they are displayed by some scholars who have become
distinguished as writers of sociology in America. The sociological
field is too wide for any pretense of giving attention to all to whom
reference might be made. The selection is purely arbitrary and
personal, but the reviews presented are fairly representative of
different standpoints. The rule has been adhered to of selecting
for extended discussion only those who have become known as
sociologists, and who have definitely been aligned with that division
of labor.^ This does violence, in particular, to one group of social
scientists which has been particularly prominent in developing the
view which is set forth throughout the paper. That group is the
social psychologists, such as Baldwin, Mead, and others who have
performed an indispensable work in changing the whole bent of
thought in social science. In this case also the selection is arbitrary,
and has no justification except the limitations of space and the
recognition of a division of labor. No effort will be made to review
the whole system of sociology that might be found in all the writings
of a given author, but only those selections will be made which seem
to be appropriate for the purpose in hand. A steady effort will
be made to adopt a policy of liberal rather than strict construction
in all cases. The order in which the reviews come is partly chrono-
logical and partly that of the importance which is given to the
use of the group concept.

' One exception is mentioned later.

42s

426 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

As a point of departure for the consideration of Giddings' use
of the group concept, it will be well to give his conception of his
task as a sociologist. He believes the purpose of sociology to be
that of conceiving society in its unity and attempting to explain
it in terms of cosmic cause and law.' In order to accompHsh its
purpose it seeks to work out a subjective explanation in terms of
some fact of consciousness or motive, and an objective interpreta-
tion in terms of a physical process. This does not mean a philo-
sophical dualism, but two ways of viewing reality.^ The central
fact of motive or consciousness is, of course, the consciousness of
kind. Around this the whole subjective explanation revolves:

Accordingly, the sociologist has three main quests. First, he must try
to discover the conditions that determine aggregation and concourse. Sec-
ondly, he must try to discover the law that governs social choices, the law that
is of the subjective process. Thirdly, he must try to discover also the law
that governs the natural selection and the survival of choices, the law that is
of the objective process.^

With this brief summary of the general point of view and pur-
pose of sociology we may consider in further detail how far Giddings
makes use of the group in gaining the ends he has devined for his
subject. In setting out upon the descriptive analysis of society,
one must begin with the study of population, since the physical
population is the basis for all society. In such a study the first
fact to claim attention is the fact of aggregation or grouping. In
other words, the group is assumed as the starting point for any
study whatever. " Some degree of aggregation is the indispensable
condition to the evolution of society." As will be shown later on in
the review, this position is carried through the whole sociological
discussion which occupies our attention. The importance of the
group factor, as the initial condition of the explanation of all origins,
will appear more clearly when we come to the study of the origin
and evolution of society. In support of his contention the author
cites examples of group life among animals and the fact that human

' Principles of Sociology, p. i6.

' Ibid. Giddings expressly disclaims any dualistic conception by his use of
these two interpretations, but passages throughout tlie book seem to indicate that he
does not escape a psychological dualism as will be suggested later on.

J Ibid., p. 20.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 427

beings are always found in groups. "The conception of nature as
'red in tooth and claw' is very dear to moralists and politicians,
but, unhappily, moralists and pohticians do not know nature inti-
mately. A world of living creatures that fear and hate, shun and
attack one another without restraint, is not a fact of observation.
It is a pure a priori creation of the 'pure' reason."*

The term aggregation as used has a special meaning which is
intended to distinguish it from association. Aggregation is the
physical foundation of society. It is the mere physical concourse
of propinquity. Association, on the other hand, has reference to
the psychic process which begins in simple phases of feeling and
perception, and develops into activities that ultimately call forth
the highest powers of the mind. Aggregation is always supple-
mented by association if the assembled individuals are not too
unlike.* While one might easily question whether any forms of
higher animals or the ancestors of man ever represent mere aggre-
gation as thus defined, yet the fact that is being emphasized by
Giddings is sound, namely, that the first assumption from which
a sociological study must start is the group, that is forms of life in
some sort of " togetherness." Some of the discussion of the process
of aggregation seems to lay him open to the charge of having after
all to desert his social hypothesis and proceed to aggregate or gather
together his individuals, but a careful reading of the whole book
with this query in mind must acquit him of the charge. The
emphasis is on the fact of being in a group rather than on the active
stage of aggregation. The choice of terms is a bad one on account
of the active connotation to which the term "aggregation" so easily
lends itself. Giddings starts with an association or group, and does
not conceive of the individuals as coming together out of nothingness
with varying degrees of isolated evolution.

All human beings, from the lowest savages to civilized men, live
in family groups.^ These family groups range in size from the
simplest family unions up to the larger groups found among polyga-
mous peoples. Himian societies are composed of famihes which are
combined to form larger aggregates. These aggregates are of two
types, the ethnical and the demotic. Ethnical societies are genetic

' Ibid., p. 79. ' Ibid., p. 100. i Ibid., p. 155.

428 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

aggregations in which the chief bond is blood-kinship. Demotic
societies, on the other hand, are those associations which are bound
together by habitual intercourse, mutual interests, and co-operation,
with httle or no regard to origins or genetic relations/ The demotic
society is the later development, although the family group is found
in it as well as in the ethnic type. A more detailed consideration
of Giddings' development of the nature and formation of these
two types of societies will bring out in a number of ways the part
which the group plays in his thinking.

Ethnic societies are divided into three great classes according
to the degree of development they have reached. The first class
• is the horde which is composed of a few famihes, usually not more
than a hundred persons in all. These small groups are not found
permanently isolated from other similar groups, consequently there
results not only an internal group life, but also an intergroup com-
munication. They do not permanently combine, however, so as
to become a single group. The next larger group is the tribe,
which is an aggregate of several hordes or a differentiated horde
which has become very large. Such groups have one language,
occupy one territory, and are pretty thoroughly organized unities.
The third class of ethnic societies is the still larger group which is
a confederation of tribes into an ethnic nation or a folk. Such
groups have not yet developed along commercial, industrial, or
intellectual lines to a degree sufiQcient to make them into the modern
states.^ Whatever the class of ethnic society, it may be organized
on either the metronymic or patronymic basis. It will be seen
from the above summary of Giddings' discussion of the primitive
forms of human life that some kind of group life is alwa}'s in evi-
dence. Whatever the size or form of the life may be, there is the
constant factor of the group which makes possible a more or less
active social life.

As before indicated, the demotic societies are defined as being
those which have attained a civil basis; the blood bond has largely
disappeared. In this class are found all the more highly developed
states, including the present civilized nations. The latter represent
a higher type of social evolution. The family, however, remains

' Principles of Sociology, p. 157. ' Ibid., pp. 157-58.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 429

the unitary group. Families are combined into neighborhoods,
hamlets, villages ; the latter compose the town and so on up to the
highest unit, the state.' From the lowest to the highest type of
organization in groups, the central subjective factor is the
consciousness of kind.

The organization of the different members of society into vol-
untary groups for specified ends is what is called the constitution
of a society. These voluntary organizations are on the basis of
the consciousness of kind, that is, those that are in sympathetic
agreement as to the purposes of the organization. Those that are
not of "kind" are generally refused entrance to the special group.
These voluntary organizations are numerous, and increase with
the development of society. The most important of all voluntary
organizations are the political organizations. In addition to the
pohtical are the religious organizations, secret societies, cultural
groups, labor organizations, in fact, all voluntary groupings which
are found to exist in contemporary society. Giddings does not
adequately explain the significance of these groups in the life of
the individual nor attempt to explain the processes by which the
relation of the individual to the group becomes so important. He
does not possess the means to do this, and relies on the principle of
the consciousness of kind for whatever explanation is given. In
other words, he has no social psychology to interpret the significance
of the situation he describes. In spite of these limitations, however,
it is of interest to this investigation to note the degree to which
emphasis is placed on the presence of numerous groups in the
actual life of society. The importance of the groups is implied,
but the details of the way in which the groups, particularly the
" primary groups," are so important in the creation of the individual,
are lacking. It remained for later sociological thought to bring
out this point more explicitly. The fact of the group, however,
as a central fact in human society is consistently kept in view
in the discussion with which we are dealing.

Thus far the discussion has largely concerned existing societies,
primitive and civilized. In order to show up more clearly the
extent to which the group concept plays a part in Giddings' thought,

• Ibid., pp. 168 flf.

430 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

it will be of value to consider that part of his sociology which has
to do with the evolution of society. The development of society is
traced through four stages of association: zoogenic, anthropogenic,
ethnogenic, and demogenic. We shall observe the same order in
seeking to find out to what extent he has used the group as a factor
in the evolutionary process which he attempts to follow.

The term "zoogenic association" suggests that the author con-
ceives association, or the group life, to have been a factor among ani-
mals and the precursors of man. We shall try to point out the wide
use which is made of this conception in the course of a few pages. The
principle upon which he proceeds is stated in this manner: "If
animal life in the primeval ages was not wholly different from the
animal life now, association had been quietly working its trans-
forming results for millions of years before mankind appeared upon
the earth. "^ In other words, the group life began long before man
appeared, and not only that, it had also been a vital factor in pre-
paring for his advent. How this had been done will appear as we
proceed with the review. First of all, the group life or association
had certain direct effects on the mental life of the associated forms. ^

These effects were, first, an original development of native
susceptibilities and powers, such as susceptibilities to suggestion,
capability of imitation, antipathies, sympathies, power of discrimi-
nation and co-ordination; secondly, a considerable accumulation
of knowledge; and thirdly, a further development of all powers
and susceptibilities. Association thus reacted on the whole organ-
ism. It gave the social animal an advantage in securing a more
adequate food supply, afforded a wider range of sexual selection
within the group, and gave the group a greater advantage in
struggles with hostile or unfavorable surrounding flora or fauna.

Giddings carries the group value still further and maintains
that the group has been a factor in the origin of species. The
extent to which the social factor is carried may be seen from the
following quotations: "Association was one of the great co-operating
causes of the origin of species";'' "It is not possible to doubt that

' Principles, p. 199; Elements of Sociology, p. 232.
' Elements of Sociology, p. 237.
^ Principles, p. 202.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 431

for thousands of years before man existed, natural selection was
everywhere supplemented by conscious choice, a direct product of
association"; "Association, in short, was a chief cause of variation
and of characterization. It created new varieties, and in them it
reproduced, in ever-increasing strength, the instinct to associate."'
In commenting upon the strictly biological approach to the evo-
lutionary problem he demands: ''Is there not a fatal lack in the
biological philosophy that ignores the social factor and attempts
to account for variation through physiological processes only ?
Was not animal intelligence a selective agency that combined and
recombined the factors of evolution? And was not association a
factor in the development of intelligence?""^ After citing many
examples from Kropotkin {Mutual Aid), he resumes, ''On the whole,
we may accept M. Kropotkin's conclusion that society has been a
more powerful aid than any other in the struggle for existence.
But it has been so, not because of any mysterious power in itself,
but because it has acted directly on the characters of the associated
individuals, transforming them gradually, and by degrees develop-
ing mental power. "^ With the defects in the analysis made, we
are not concerned. It is immaterial for our purpose whether, from
the side of biology, the details of the plan are sound or not. What
the passages do show is, that Giddings had in mind the group as a
very important factor in the actual life of the animal forms and of
the precursors of man, and that the group played a very important
part, not only in the development of the subsequent group life,
but also was a factor in the development of the individual forms.
The whole of Giddings' view on this point is summarized in this way :

Thus throughout the ages before man, association was zoogenic. It was
causing variation and was determining survival. It was differentiating
animal life into kinds, and was bringing to a high state of perfection the kinds
that were best equipped with a social nature, with habits of mutual aid, and with
elementary forms of social organization. In achieving all this, association

was preparing the way for man and for human society Thousands of

years, perhaps millions of years, before man was born, the foundations of his
empire were being laid in the zoogenic associations of the humblest forms of
conscious life.<

^ Ibid., p. 203. ilbid., pp. 206-7.

'Ibid., p. 201. ^ Ibid., p. 207.

432 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

In other words, human society has its roots in the group life
of the distant past, and in order to analyze the evolutionary basis
of society and of man, one must have recourse to the fundamental
fact of the group.

Under the term anthropogenic association, Giddings discusses
the fact of association among prehistoric peoples and its relation
to the development of human beings. It is the next stage above
animal, or zoogenic, association described above. No existing
societies can be found which are in this stage, but there are enough
similarities revealed by the study of primitive tribes to suggest
some parallels. These are supplemented by the discoveries of
archaeologists which have revealed a good deal of the nature of
prehistoric life.

In this type of association, as in the former, the group plays a
central part. All evidence points to the conclusion that the pre-
historic peoples lived in groups, as did their animal ancestors, and
as do their descendants. There is no evidence of a hiatus of a
non-group life between the social animals and social man.

All the remains of primitive man show that they lived as savage men live,
in groups. The ape-like ancestor of man must have been a social animal. Is
there any reason to suppose that between the social anthropoid and the social
primitive man there was intercalated a pair living out of social relations and
so far diflfering mentally and physically from all the other creatures that any
society with them was impossible ? If there is, it would be just as well to go
back to the hypothesis of special creation; for the mental and physical differ-
ences that mark me off from other creatures are those that are created by social
intercourse, and without society they could not have had a natural genesis.''

The group, then, is the sine qua non of the evolution of human
society and man. It is the group with its interrelations that has
produced those qualities which distinguish man from other forms
of animal life and has given him his pre-eminence. "If the
conclusions hitherto reached in this work are true, it is necessary
to believe that association, more extended, more intimate, more
varied in its phases, than the association practiced by inferior
species, was the chief cause of the mental and moral development,
and of the anatomical modifications that transformed a sub-human
species into man."^

' Principles, p. 208. ' Ibid., p. 221.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 433

In his analysis of the nature, origin, and function of language,
Giddings displays, in a very clear fashion, the group factor as a
part of the social process in evolution. Of the importance of speech
in the development of society and of human beings he says : "Speech
is the specific attainment that separates man from the brute and is
the means to the development of his higher intellectual qualities."^
As will be shown later, this peculiar achievement is a social product,
and therefore is a result of group relations.

Language is defined broadly:

Language, the system of signs by wliich simple ideas, recepts, and concepts
are expressed, may consist of gestures, grimaces and tones, of inarticulate
utterances, of articulate sounds, or of articulate sounds, tones and gestures in
combination. The language of gesture and tone is the language of recepts;
It is weU developed among animals and is the natural language of children,
mentally deficient adults and savages. Articulation is a secondary language
of recepts and the only language of concepts.^

Giddings adopts Romanes' classifications of the signs that constitute
language, whether such signs are gestures, tones, or articulate
sounds, namely: (i) indicative; (2) denotative; (3) connotative;
(4) denominative; (5) predicative. These represent an advancing
gradation from the simplest expression of sensations up to the
expression of concepts. Animals cannot ascend above the third
class of signs, and only rarely as far as the third. The fourth and
fifth classes of signs are employed only by man. In other words,
animals below man have language, but not speech.^

The "crucial question in the problem of the origin of human
faculty" is, How was the transition made from the lower type of
language to the higher type? In tr>'ing to answer this crucial
question, Giddings follows Donovan in looking for the solution in
the intimate relation between speech, on the one hand, and ideation,

I Ibid., p. 209. ' Ibid., p. 223.

3 Giddings properly includes gesture as the beginning of language of the higher
type. His discussion reveals a psychology which is atomistic and indiWduahstic
and does not fit in with his group hypothesis. His psychological dualism is open to
criticism from several points of view, but we are not concerned so much with this
defect as with the problem of finding out to what extent he makes use of the group
factor in evolving that most vital factor in human evolution, language. His psychol-
ogy is inadequate but he does attempt to follow out the social hy-pothesis. In other
words, he makes bad use of the group concept, but he makes the attempt.

434 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

with choral music, on the other. Under the stimulus of excitement
which occurs at festal occasions and celebrations, with their intense
emotion, social interest, and rhythm, "signs were first distinguished
in thought from the things signified, and so conventionalized as
names, movable types of speech."^ The inadequacy of this explana-
tion of the problem is quite apparent, but the important point
to be noted is not its inadequacy but that it brings in the essential
fact of the group, and the emotional tension arising in group life,
as the starting-point for all attempts to explain the problem of the
origin of language in its higher forms. It was the group which
gave the human being a language which enabled him to lift himself
above the other forms of life.

The effect of language upon the nature of the developing forms
was to develop what Giddings calls human nature.

From the moment that the hominine species began to practice speech,
however feebly, however awkwardly, it began to develop a human nature.
The term "human nature" has so long been associated with economic motives
and with individualism, that it has acquired a perverted meaning. Human
nature is not the unsocial egoistic nature. Self-interest is not the distinctively
human trait; it is a primordial animal trait, which man, an animal after all,
still possesses and must cultivate if he would continue to live. Human nature
is the pre-eminently social nature.*

The thought contained here has been developed by other sociolo-
gists and is sound.^ Human nature is a group product and is essen-
tially a human characteristic. The instincts have their roots in the
distant past of the physical organism, but the mind or self is created
by the group and is a social product; it is human nature.

Giddings criticizes the traditional view of the order of evolution
as being unsound in that it reverses the true order. He describes
the traditional view as follows: "In the conceptions of evolution
that became current after the publication of the Descent of Man,
the development of man was pictured as beginning in a physical
transformation, continuing in a mental and moral development,
and completing itself in an evolution of social relations."'' Such a
view, according to Giddings, reverses the true order of cause and

' Principles, p. 225. ' Ibid.

J Cooley, Social Organization; Park, Principles of Human Behavior; Todd,
Theories of Social Progress; et al.
* Principles, p. 228.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 435

effect. ** Social life enlarged and stimulated the mental life until
it created speech and conceptual thought. With the aid of speech
and conceptual thought, association continued to develop the
mental activity at an ever-accelerating rate until it became the
supreme activity and dominant interest of man."^ By reason of
the fact of association in group life there developed language
and the resulting power of thought. "To create the human mind
was the great work of anthropogenic association."^

Enough has been given to show the central position which in Gid-
dings' view the group occupies in human evolution. As has been
suggested, there is an absence of an adequate process to explain the
origin of speech and the human mind, but they are properly considered
as results of a group mode of life extending back into the dim animal
past. Giddings' psychological point of view is that of an intellectual-
istic dualist, which, from the standpoint of a behaviorist or function-
aHst, is open to serious criticism, but, for the present, that is outside
the purpose of this review. That purpose is to indicate some of the
ways in which Giddings used the group as a fact in constructing
his sociology. It is hoped that the purpose has been accomplished.

Concerning the relation of the individual to the group in
present societies, Giddings says: "The individual, therefore, is
not prior to society, or society to the individual. Community is
not precedent to competition, or competition to community. From
the first, competition and community, society and the individual,
have been co-ordinate. Society and the individual have always
been acting and reacting upon each other. "^ This passage suggests
the thesis which Cooley followed, "* and which expresses the starting-
point for modern social psychology, namely, the individual and
the group are but two phases of the larger whole. The final end
of the whole social process is not, however, the ultimate exaltation
of the group at the expense of the individual, as implied by Plato
and actually carried out in the German state, but rather the reverse :
"The function of society is to develop conscious life and to create
human personality. "^

' Ibid., p. 229. * Ibid., p. 255. 3 Ibid., p. 399.

* Human Nature and the Social Order; Social Organization.
' Principles, p. 420.

436 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Professor Ross has made his particular contribution to American
sociology in the field of what he has defined as social psychology
and its subordinate branch, social control. This investigation will,
therefore, endeavor to find in his writings bearing on those subjects
to what extent he makes use of the group as a tool of thought in
the solution of the problems arising in those fields.' In doing so,
we shall seek out those phases of his discussion which seem to bear
upon certain points that may be of aid, rather than attempting
to give a resume of his whole sociological contribution. In order
to derive a perspective for the summary it will be well to present
Ross's conception of the whole sociological field and of the particu-
lar place of each branch in the whole scheme.

In his Foundations of Sociology Ross attempts to define the
scope and function of sociology and to give it its place among the
social sciences. The first task he sets himself is to define the
subject-matter of the science. The "social organism" will not do
because, look where we will, we find no "social body complete with
head, limbs, periphery, and viscera." The study of the relation
between groups, and between the group and the individual, is not
broad enough to constitute the subject-matter of the science,
because it must embrace the genesis of the groups and there are
many relations between individuals that do not involve the groups.
If we turn to the modes or forms of association into groups, after
Simmel's notion, we have only one of the provinces of sociology,
namely social morphology. Human achievement, which was
Ward's subject-matter for the science, is again but one volume of
a treatise on sociology. Much of the field of human interaction
is not embraced within the subject of achievement. Ross's con-
ception of sociology as the science of association is extended
by Ross himself. Sociologists are eager to investigate the
"springs of human progress," to find the causes of social trans-
formations, to trace the influence of environment on humanity;
but these do not belong to the problem of association. " Social
psychology, social morphology, social mechanics .... all of them

' This summary is based on his three works, Social Control (1901), Foundations of
Sociology (1905), Social Psychology (1Q08). His subsequent writings do not indicate
a material departure from the views elaborated in the books named, and for the purpose
of this discussion may be ignored.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 437

are, it seems to me, but convenient segments of a science, the subject-
matter of which is social phenomena. I say 'phenomena' in prefer-
ence to ' activities,' because it embraces beliefs and feelings as well
as action.'" In defining what are "social phenomena," he says:
"All phenomena which we cannot explain without bringing in
the action of one human being on another.^

The science which has social phenomena for its subject-matter
is necessarily the master-science; it aspires to the suzerainty of
the special social sciences. ^ The justification for such a claim is
found in the interrelatedness of society.

Although there are several facets to human nature, although each aspect
of social life has some sort of psychic basis of its own, still, the deeper we pene-
trate into the causes of human affairs, the more impressed are we with the
cross relations between social phenomena of different orders.''

.... The fuller our knowledge, the more impressed we are with the rela-
tivity of each class of social phenomena to other classes. Society no longer
falls apart into neat segments like a peeled orange. State, law, religion, art,
morals, industry, instead of presenting so many parallel streams of development,
are studied rather as different aspects of one social evolution.^

Although one might dissent from the claim for sociology inferred
from this statement, still the latter indicates a clear conception of
the fact that human life is a social process, a group, and that the
group conception must be held in mind in all attempts to study
this thing that we call society in any of its multifarious forms.
What is the unit of investigation with which sociology has to
deal ? Is it the group ? Is it the individual ? Is it something else ?
To these questions Ross returns very definite answers. There is
no use to look for a single elementary social fact: "When the assay
is completed, at the bottom of the crucible will probably be found
several ultimates."^ The individual must be rejected as the unit
because that is the unit of anthropology. Furthermore, only the
spiritual part of man is molded by association, and not everyone
is drawn in between the social rollers. ^ The functional group will

^Foundations of Sociology, p. 6. * Ibid., p. 12.

^ Ibid. i Ibid., pp. 13-14.

i Ibid., pp. 8-9. « Ibid., p. 85.

''Ibid. This statement is very significant in showing the individualistic pre-
conceptions underlying his analj'sis.

438 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

not do for the social unit; since many groups are antagonistic to
society, they have no part in the division of labor. Groups are
temporary and shifting, and while a study of groups and group rela-
tions is of very great value, it is not the unit of social investigation.
Nor can the institution be considered the social unit. It leaves
out of account those social relations and those groupings which
are temporary and do not become institutions. All these things
are products; they have arisen out of the actions and interactions
of men. To understand them, "we must ascend to that
primordial fact known as the social process."^ This is the basic
unit. It is not single, however, but manifold, social processes.

Leaving the larger sociological field, it is of value to place in
that field the particular subjects of study, social psychology and
social control. It is in these lines that Ross shows his thinking
most clearly, and they will, therefore, merit closer examination.
Social psychology, as Ross conceives it. "studies the psychic planes
and currents that come into existence among men in consequence
of their association."^ It has to do with psychic uniformities,
that is, with uniformities due to social causes. It is distinguished
from sociology proper in that the latter deals with groups and struc-
tures. It is distinguished from psychological sociology by the fact
that it omits the psychology of groups.^ The problem of social con-
trol is but one phase of social psychology, namely, conscious social
ascendancy.'' These differentiations of definition are necessary
in order to preserve an honest criticism of Ross's work, and enable
us to escape misinterpretation of varying terminologies. With
this introduction we pass on to a more concrete study of his use
of the group concept in his analysis. In doing so we shall take up
several illustrative problems that are especially fitted to display
the use to which he puts such a conception, and the failures to use
it, if such there be.

In order to see what use is made of the group concept, we may
examine the crucial question of the relation of the individual to

' Foundations of Sociology, p. 91.

' Social Psychology, p. i. ^ Ibid., p. 2.

* Social Control, Preface, p. vii.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 439

the group, as Ross sees it. With reference to the problem of order
in society, Ross says:

I began the work six years ago with the idea that nearly all the goodness
and conscientiousness by which a social group is enabled to hold together can
be traced to such influences [social influences]. It seemed to me then that
the individual contributed very little to social order, while society
contributed almost everything. Further investigation, however, appears
to show that the personality freely unfolding under conditions of
healthy fellowship may arrive at a goodness all its own, and that order is
explained partly by this streak in human nature and partly by the influence
of social surroundings.'

In attempting to state the reciprocal relation between the individual
and the group, Ross adopts uncritically the thought of Baldwin : "In
other words, the ego and the alter are only the same thought with
different connotations. I use the same notion of personality, now
in thinking of ego, now in thinking of alter. HencC; I must read
into the other person the same desires and interests I feel in myself."^
Upon this basis Ross builds his conception of the sense of justice
as one of the agencies of control. The use made of Baldwin's
thought in a few such discrete passages indicates that Ross did
not grasp the significance of either the process or the implications
of the theory which Baldwin was trying to develop. The concep-
tion of the self and the alter as being twin phases of a total social
situation, which is the basis of all social psychology, was never
utilized by Ross. His references in such statements as the above
were merely perfunctory. They do show, however, a reaching
after the heart of the social process and a consciousness that it is
in the group-individual relation that a sound sociological unit must
be found. Though lacking in many particulars, the writer of
Social Control was getting at the heart of the sociological problem ;
it was an attempt to interpret the process and signifi.cance of the
relation of the group to the individual, in so far as the social influences
mold and shape the individual into its own likeness. Of the essen-
tial part of the group in the formation of the various attitudes of
the individual, Ross was well conscious. Thus, for example:

The fact is, every group of men exhibits a morality corresponding to
its place in the hierarchy of groups Many nepotists, sectaries, and

* Ibid., Preface, ' Ibid., p. 3.

440 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

partisans are simply victims of one of these unscrupulous group moralities.
Adherents of sects — anarchists, Jesuits, Jacobins, emigres — are induced by
the sect ego to commit crimes they would not commit for themselves.'

Again, the influence of smaller groups on the individuals in them
is powerful :

Every party, labor union, guild, lodge, surveying corps, or athletic team will,
in the course of time, develop for its special purposes appropriate types of
character or observance, which exert on its members an individual pressiure
subordinating them to the welfare or aims of the association.*

These quotations indicate the place which Ross gives to the group
in the influencing of the actions of the members of those groups.
He does not, however, grasp fully the essentially social nature of
the origin of moral codes and moral attitudes. His individual is
largely given and, once given, the group has a powerful effect upon
him. He does not utilize adequately the place of the group in the
creation of moral attitudes arising out of group crises. In fact
the individual is the source of all ethical improvements.

Ross does not enter into a study of social origins to any length.
He takes society as it is and deals with the problems of association as
he finds them. Occasional references, however, disclose his hypothe-
sis as to some of the problems of social origins. He inclines to
adopt the view of Ward and Comte that the altruistic attitude
is relatively a late development in social evolution: "In the light
of the facts collected by many workers, it is no longer difficult
to trace the slender stem of altruism rising from the lower levels
of mammalian life side by side with the thicker and rougher trunk
of egoism. "•* To bridge the chasm he exploits the role of sympathy.
In addition to sympathy there are certain gregarious instincts that
facilitate harmony in social relations, but

we do not yet know whether our simian ancestor was most akin to the solitary
ape, or to the sociable chimpanzee, but it is safe to say that man was never so
thoroughly sociable as the horse, the prairie dog, or the grass-eating animals
generally. With even the best of strains of man, the gregarious instincts do
not seem to have very long roots. His social union comes late and is not easy

to maintain Those enthusiasts, then, who draw charming lessons from

the study of gregarious animals and of social insects not only fail to give us

' Social Control, p. 71.

' Ibid., p. 232. 3 Ihid., p. 7.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 441

the clew to human association, but are very apt to lead us quite astray as to
the real causes of social order.^

Ross recognizes, however, that the studies of anthropologists
among the primitive communities that exist show a natural com-
munity life with a relatively peaceful nature. This is one of the
paradoxes of anthropology." How this paradox is to be reconciled
with his theory of the origin of altruism and social impulses is not
adequately explained. Since primitive times, he continues, the
present civilized peoples have gone through a process of evolution
which destroyed the primitive attitudes of sociability and replaced
them with individualistic ones. Still more recently there is a rever-
sion, through the selective process, to the more sociable type,
resulting from the disappearance of the frontier and the creation
of an industrial stable life. The older primitive association was
a natural one, while the latter is a more rational one following upon
the perception of the advantages of association.^ Ross also finds
racial difference when it comes to the matter of sociability. The
superior dolichocephalic blond race of North Europe is "mediocre
in power of sympathy and weak in sociability" but it has a pre-
eminent sense of justice. It is the protestant race, the race which
achieves dominion over others and individual liberty.'*

In connection with the place of the group or social factor in
the explanation of the social process, it is of interest to note that
Ross recognizes the fact of the transition from an individualistic
type of psychology to a social psychology:

The older psychology was individualistic in its interpretations. The con-
tents of the mind were looked upon as elaborations out of personal experience.
It sought to show how from the primary sense-perceptions are built up ideas,
at first simple, then more and more complex — ideas of space, time, number,
cause, etc. The upper stories of f)ersonality, framed on beUefs, standards,
valuations and ideals, were comparatively neglected. The psychologists failed
to note that for these highly elaborated products we are more indebted to our
fellowmen than to our individual experience, that they are wrought out, as it

' Ibid., p. 14. ' Ibid., p. 15. ^ Ibid., p. 17.

* Ibid., pp. 32 ff., 439 ff.; Social Psychology, pp. 6 ff. One wonders what the effect
of the experiences of the war may be upon this naive conception. If there is one thing
that contemporary social psychology is a unit in, it is that such pseudo-racial deduc-
tions are of decreasing value.

442 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

were, collectively, and not by each for himself. The newer psychology, in
accounting for the contents of the mind, gives great prominence to the social
factor. It insists that without interaction with other minds the psychic devel-
opment of the child would be arrested at a stage not far from idiocy.'

This criticism of the older psychology is certainly sound. It is
also true that there has been going on a swing to the social inter-
pretation of the origin of the mind both phylogenetically and onto-
genetically. The shift which Ross mentions here is the most
significant shift in the social sciences. It is essentially the shift
to the group as the center of thought and investigation.

In attempting to apply the newer psychology, which he expressly
adopts, Ross follows in the path of Tarde and Baldwin. To the
former particularly is he indebted for his thought. If one were
to find in his whole sociological system a central thought, it is the
explanation of social life in terms of the planes and currents of
uniformity which are achieved by means of suggestion and imita-
tion. The role of the individual is that of the inventor. The
innovator's products are made the possession of the group by the
process of imitation or suggestion. Aside from imitation Ross
has no clue to explain the social process. Its inadequacy is not
recognized, and the tendency is for it to be used uncritically without
any attempt to enter into its psychological limitations.^

In dealing with that most interesting part of contemporary
social psychology, the nature and origin of the self, Ross does not
go much farther than to refer with approval occasionally to Baldwin,
as suggested above. Such references, however, do not penetrate
to the center of Ross's thinking, and they are essentially foreign
to his general argument. For all practical purposes, he assumes
the self as given, the individual as already formed. His problem
is then the rather futile one of attempting to mold and shape this
complete individual into social conformity, to bend the individual
will into some sort of social order. Such is the central thesis one

' Social Psychology, p. 1 1 .

' Ross shaped his thinking at the time when the imitation theory was at its height.
Its place in psychology has materially waned since then and it occupies a relatively
small place in genetic psychology now. Trenchant criticisms of the imitation theory
are suggested by Mead, Psychological Bulletin, December 15, 1909; Dewey, Monroe's
Cyclopedia of Education.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 443

finds in the books to which we have referred. Had he mastered
the significance of Baldwin's contributions to the problem of social
psychology, to say nothing of the advances that have been made
upon Baldwin's work, he must have realized that he was neglecting
the most fertile field for the utilization of the group concept in the
field of social psychology. Underneath the planes and currents
of uniformity which we see on the surface of society are vast depths
to which he does not apply himself. Professor Mead has put his
finger on the weakness just noted, in these words: "Sociality is
for Professor Ross no fundamental feature of human consciousness,
no determining form of its structure."^ In other words, he has
made only a partial, though stimulating, use of his group concept.
His thinking is essentially individualistic. He stands as a transition
point in the development of the recognition of the essentially
fundamental importance of sociality, of the group, in social
interpretations.

Ellwood defines sociology as the science of the origin, develop-
ment, structure, and function of the reciprocal relations of indi-
viduals.^ As will be found out in later discussion, he makes special
mention of the psychic interaction which, in his opinion, is the
essence of the social process. In other words, his definition of
the subject implies a group relation to start with. In so far as the
social origins are to be treated, they must be treated with
the primary assumption of a group of social beings in more
or less of psychic interaction. "In a psychological interpreta-
tion of society, therefore, we must begin with concerted or
co-ordinated activity, with the group acting together in some
particular way, for it is this which constitutes the group a
functional unity, and which is the first psychic manifesta-
tion of group Hfe."^ For Ellwood, this interacting relationship,
this psychic stimulus and response, is the central factor in sociologi-
cal study. In looking for a concrete object which may be adopted
as the unit or object of investigation he finds it in the group. "So

' Mead, " Social Psychology as Counterpart to Physical Psychology," Psychological
Bulletin, December 15, 1909.

' Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects, p. 15. ^ Ibid., pp. 146-47-

444 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

far as there is a concrete object of the sociologist's attention, it is
the group of associated individuals.'" As soon as the investigator
shifts his attention from interactions to the individuals concerned
in the associational process or mental interaction, he becomes a
psychologist or biologist and loses the end of the sociologist's quest.
We thus see that in Ellwood's general introduction to the socio-
logical problem he has the group in the foreground as the sine qua
non of his search. Whether used adequately or not, it is the basic
assumption in all his thinking. How it is used in the various prob-
lems he meets will appear in later pages of this review.

To bring out more clearly the central place which the group
occupies in Ellwood's thought it will be worth while to refer to his
discussion of the nature and origm of society. After reviewing
several conceptions of society which have been suggested by differ-
ent writers, he adopts as a tentative definition of society," any group
of psychically interacting individuals."^ "The only criterion by
which we may decide whether any group constitutes a society or
not is its possession or non-possession of the essential mark of a
society, namely, the functional interdependence of its members on the
psychical side."^ Applying this criterion to various groups such
as a family, a nation, a debating club, a civilization, he finds that
they are all within the given category. The term society as he
uses it is a very broad one, and would come within the meaning of
the term group where that term is used to cover social situations
in which the actions of one form of life answer to and stimulate
activities in another form. The definition given above indicates
the bent of Ellwood's thinking along the psychological line of
approach to the sociological problem. He does not ignore the
biological approach, but feels that the psychological is the more
important as the basis for an adequate sociology. Some of the
possible criticisms of his stressing of the "psychical" interactions
will be mentioned later.

With this view of the nature and definition of society we may
proceed to the problem of the origin of society. To begin with,
EUwood points out that the life-process is essentially social. It

' Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects, p. 22,
' Ibid., p. 13. ^ Ibid., p. 14.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 445

involves interaction from the start. This interaction goes through
an evolution from a physical to a psychical basis. He expressly
repudiates the individualistic approach to the problem of the origin
of society and adopts the group as his starting-point.

Life is not, and cannot be, an affair of individual organisms. The processes
of both nutrition and reproduction of all higher forms of life involve a necessary-
interdependence among organisms of the same species, which, except under
unfavorable conditions, gives rise to group life and psychical interaction.
Society is no more the result of the coming together of individuals in isolation
than the multicellular organism is the restdt of the coming together of cells
so developed. Society, that is, the psychical interaction of individuals, is an
expression of the original and continuing xmity of the life-process of the asso-
ciating organisms.'

We have here then an avowed adoption of what has been called the
social hypothesis, or, in other words, the group concept, as the
fundamental starting-point in the discussion of the much-discussed
problem of the origin of society. The contrast with the position
of Ward and much of the earlier sociological thought is abrupt and
definite. Ellwood states that the "most serious errors in sociology
have been introduced through the assumption of primitive isolation
or separateness."''

In carrying out in more detail the development of society,
Ellwood shows how social life is a function of the food and repro-
ductive processes. Under ordinary conditions the food process is
essentially a social matter or group matter. It is of fundamental
importance both to the individual and to the group. The social
factor has selective value in the food process.

Now, control over the food process can be more easily established by groups
of co-operating individuals than by isolated individuals. Natural selection
operates, therefore, from the first in favor of such groups, and toward the elimi-
nation of individuals living relatively isolated. It must especially favor those
groups in which the interactions between individual units are quick and
sure — that is, those groups in which the power of psychic inter-stimulation and
reponse is fully estabUshed and in which intelligent co-operation and orderly
relations between individuals are highly developed. It is not an accident that
the most successful, and, in general, the higher animals live in groups with
well-ordered relations and highly developed means of inter-stimulation and
co-operation. •^

^ lUd., p. 125. 'Ibid., p. 126. ilbid., p. 127.

446 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

However important the food process may be in the group life,
the reproductory process is still more important as a group factor
in the evolution of the higher types of association or society. The
presence of the young implies a social situation in which there are
at least two persons. The most important of the relations growing
out of the reproductive process is not the relation of the male to
the female, but of the parent to the child, particularly the relation
of the mother and the child. This becomes increasingly important
as the period of infancy is prolonged :

In the relationship of the mother to the child we have the beginnings of
that sympathetic social life of which the family has remained the highest type,
and which has become the conscious goal of civilized human society. Society
in the sympathetic sense then has had its beginnings in the family, that is,
in the relation of the child form to the mother form.*

Human society is but an evolution of animal societies. In other
words, the group life was characteristic of the ancestors of man;
"animal society is the precursor of human society," and human
society is "but a form of animal society." The "whole difference
between the two .... is in the forms and definiteness of the
psychical interaction between individuals."'' The chief charac-
teristic distinguishing human from animal society is the possession,
by the former, of language and abstract reasoning. All other
differences can be reduced to these two.^ Whatever degree of
difference may exist between the two types of society, human
society is an inheritance from animal society and may be regarded
as a form of animal society. The origin of society has been afifected
and modified by the intellectual factors that have developed, but
"human society is not in any sense an intellectual construction
due to the perceptions of the utilities of association."^ In other
words, the intellectual factors are a result of the group life, and their
presence assumes the priority of the group as a necessary precedent.
This is an exact reversal of the position taken by Ward. The
group is thus conceived, in Ellwood's thinking, as the fundamental
concept in the explanation of the origin of contemporary social life.

' Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects, p. 129.

'Ibid., p. 131.

i Ibid., p. 132. *Ibid., pp. 137-38.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 447

In order to show further the place of the group concept, it is
interesting to discover what answer Ellwood gives to the question
as to whether man was primitively a social animal. The foregoing
discussion implies the emphatic affirmative answer he gives to the
question :

There is not the sUghtest evidence that man was ever a solitary creature,
or even that he hved in solitary family groups. The evidence from the highest
animals, from prehistoric archaeology, from the lowest existing savages, from
human instincts, from language and other sources, points to the conclusion that
primitive man hved in hordes of several related families.'

This, it will be remembered, is contrary to the argument of Ward.
The distinction between the two is that Ellwood maintains the group
concept in his theory of origins. With reference to the much-
elaborated "anti-social" characteristics, which led Ward and others
to predicate a non-social primitive ancestor of man, Ellwood points
out that these qualities are a later development, due to the changes
in the group life:

The answer is that while man was primitively social, his sociality was
narrow, confined largely to the family and to the kindred group, and that
consequently he is not as yet well adapted to wider social relations. It is
interesting to note, however, that these so-called anti-social traits of man are
not found most fuUy developed among the lowest savages. Rather they
characterize peoples that are somewhat advanced in culture, particularly those

in the stage of barbarism The lowest peoples in point of culture even

at the present time we find again to be essentially peaceful. War with its feroci-
ties, cannibalism, and slavery are relatively late products, then, in social evolu-
tion, and incident to man's adjustment to a wide and more complex social
environment. It is, therefore, quite within the truth to say that it is the struggle
and conflict that have been developed with the species in its more complex stages
of evolution that have called forth, sometimes in exaggerated forms, the preda-
tory and anti-social tendencies which we see more or less in human society
at present.^

In so far then as there is a problem of socialization, it is one of
making the individual a factor in the larger and more complex life
of the community so as to extend his habitual small group attitudes
to the larger groups also. EUwood's use of the group as the tool
for the interpretation of the origin of society and for the explanation
of the so-called anti-social characteristics, particularly the latter,

' Ibid., pp. 137-38. ' Ibid., pp. 138-39.

448 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

is a real advance over the position of Ward. It displays an adequate
grasp of the place of the group as the fundamental starting-point
for sociology and for all social sciences as well. The group concept
marks the most significant step in sociological thought since Ward's
Dynamic Sociology.

Professor Ellwood emphasizes the importance of the "primary
groups" as they are conceived by Cooley. These face-to-face
groups constitute the most significant agencies by which social
unity is created and continued:

Now, these small primary groups, the family, the neighborhood community,
and other groups which involve face-to-face association, are manifestly the
natural environment for the development of the social traits of the individual.
They are, in other words, the natural medium for the development of our social
Hfe; they preserve its unity in time, and hence we shall have to consider them
at length when we consider the problem of social continuity.'

These groups are the particular carriers of tradition. It is
through them more than through our schools, churches, etc., that
the social life, the social inheritance, is transmitted from generation
to generation. "So important is tradition in human society that
in practically all stages of civilization we find certain institutions
whose special work is to be carriers of tradition. In modern civili-
zation these institutions are especially schools, churches, libraries,
and the like. However, the real carriers of tradition are not these
specialized institutions, but the primary groups of which we have
already spoken, especially the family and the neighborhood groups.
If human society had to rely upon schools and libraries to conserve
its mental life, its continuity on the psychic side would be very
imperfectly developed."'

The great importance attached to the family group is char-
acteristic of all of Ellwood 's writings.

The family is perhaps the chief institutional vehicle of tradition in human
society. It has been such in all stages of civilization, and as long as it continues
to be the chief environment of children of tender years, it will doubtless con-
tinue to be so. In the family the child learns his language, and in learning it
he gets with it the fundamental knowledge, behefs, and standards contained
in the tradition of his civilization, or at least of his class. So much does the

' Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects, p. 119.
' Introdnclion lo Social Psychology, p. 135.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 449

child get his essential social traditions from his family life that many educators
claim that moral instruction can never be given adequately in our public schools,
but that the real foundation of the moral tradition must be gotten while the
child is yet of tender age from his family circle.'

This small family group with its close association is the source of
the primary ideals. From this smaller group life these ideals are
carried into the larger groups.

It is from the family group that we get, in the main, our notions of love,
service and self-sacrifice; and we learn these ideals in the farmly the more
effectively, because the life of the normal family group usually illustrates the
practices which these ideals stand for. Taking these primary ideals from the
family life, we apply them to the social life generally, and even to humam'ty at
large. The family then, we may say, is the natural medium for the develop-
ment and transmission of the ideals and standards of the social hfe. It has
been the cradle of civilization in the past, and something like its organization
seems to be the normal goal which men set up for society at large to reahze.
Two traditional ideals which are potent in our civilization, for example the
fatherhood of God and the brotherhood of man, are quite sufficient in themselves
to illustrate the importance of the family as a maker and conserver of social
ideals.*

From the neighborhood groups certain ideals are gathered by
the child which are fundamental for its participation in any social
group.

In the same way, we have received from our neighborhood group the ideals
of freedom, fair play, justice and good citizenship. The very ideal of social
soUdarity itself comes, as Professor Cooley shows, from the unity experiences
in these small primary groups. Inasmuch as these groups have certain traits
which are found in all stages of civilization, there is certainly much to be said
for Professor Cooley's idea that what we ordinarily call "hxmian nature "is
largely acquired there.^

The reason why those groups are so important and powerful
in engrafting the fundamental social traditions on the growing gen-
eration is that the meanings of these traditions are accompanied,
to a large extent, by actual behavior. They are thus a part of the
activity of the child rather than being merely precepts.

The meaning of essential traditions is clearer in these groups to the young
because they are accompanied, to a large extent, by actual behavoir correlated
with the tradition. In other words, these groups are also the carriers of custom,

' Ibid., p. 135. =■ Ibid., pp. 136-37. J Ibid., p. 137.

450 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in the sense of definite habits of social behavior. The child therefore can get
the meaning of a certain tradition regarding government, religion or morality,
for example, from the family Ufe, better than he can from the printed page or
even the spoken word. He can get the meaning, too, better in the close and
intimate relations of the family group than he can in the more partial and uncer-
tain associations of the school or the neighborhood.'

Professor Ellwood might have carried this suggestion of his func-
tional psychology further. It is a logical explanation coming from
one whose express psychological point of view is that the act is the
proper unit of thought.

The use of the primary group in tracing so large a part of social
evolution thus constitutes one of the most important uses of the
group concept possible. In emphasizing these small groups,
Ellwood is recognizing in social theory one of the striking develop-
ments in contemporary practical life, namely, the growing con-
sciousness of the small local group as the center of so many phases
of social activity.^

One of the interesting and fruitful ways in which Ellwood
applies his psychology to group situations is shown in his discussion
of the problem of the origin and function of social consciousness.
Applying the analogy of the role of consciousness in individual
life, he finds that social consciousness arises when a group
crisis arises, that is, when the old and hitherto useful habits
have broken down and are no longer able to meet the situation.
In such cases social consciousness enters, and like indi\ddual con-
sciousness, its role is to create a new adjustment in a conflict
situation. He describes the process in this manner :

One can say, in a general way, perhaps, and be approximately near the
truth, that all social changes start in an unconscious way; that they are then
brought to consciousness, and later conscious eflforts are made to guide and
control them. In other words, social changes start, as a rule, with some change
in the environment or in the inner make-up of the group, which makes old
social habits and institutions no longer well adjusted, or even altogether
unworkable. Thus, changes in the mere numbers of a group may make some
social custom, adapted to a smaller group, unworkable. In some cases where
the new adjustments to be made are slight, or take place very slowly, they may
not come vividly into the consciousness of the members of a group. But when

' Introduction to Sociol Psychology, pp. 135-36.
' See introductory chapter.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 451

the changes are great, rapid, or complex, they come into the consciousness of
the members of the group, and some attempt to control them usually takes
place.'

Now it is evident that what is called social consciousness in human groups
has to do with the adaptation of the group as a whole to some situation, just as
individual consciousness has to do with adaptation. It is only by developing
such a state that the activities of the members of a group can be accurately
co-ordinated in the way required by a complex social life. The more complex
groups, therefore, show more social consciousness. The city group shows more
than the rural group, and the civilized group more than the uncivilized.^

Some light for our discussion may be gained in considering
EUwood's conception of the nature and function of the mind. This
is one of the crucial points in the problems of social origins and is
significant for our purposes, since it reveals pretty clearly just what
the point of view of a particular writer under discussion may be.
In any given case it displays whether the group conception is the
fundamental one, or whether the author has recourse to an indi-
vidualistic explanation for the difficult problem he faces. The
significance of this for social control and for social theory will be
pointed out later. The mind, according to Ellwood, is a part of
the life-process and a part of the general evolutionary stream. ^
Its function is that of control over complex adaptive processes.''
Consciousness arises where new adjustments or adaptations to a
complex situation are made necessary by the failure or inadequacy
of pre-existing co-ordinations.^ Mind thus comes to be a thing
having distinct survival value, and as such giving hvmian beings
an enormous advantage.*^ From the very first, since it is selective,
it assumes a teleological or purposeful role.^ This purposive activity
increases in scope and importance until at the present complex
stage of the higher civilizations, it may be said to be the dominant
type.^

This resiune of EUwood's discussion is sufficient to show that
his effort is to follow the general lines of a functional psychology.
His footnote acknowledgments express his definite nominal adher-
ence to that point of view. His adherence to a consistent func-
tional psychology is apparent, rather than real. The mind, with

^ Ibid., p. 147. *Ibid. 1 1bid.

' Ibid., pp. 152-53. ^Ibid. * Ibid., p. 33.

J Ibid., pp. 30-33. ^ Ibid.

452 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

him, is still a thing in itself. Consciousness "comes in" to mediate
difl&cult conflict situations. Both mind and consciousness remain
entities which are unexplained, and, except when making an effort
to cIeiss himself as a functionalist, he is using a structural point of
view. His writing exhibits an interesting halfway station between
an earlier structural-metaphysical point of view and a later func-
tional point of view, with the former predominating.'

As a supplementary fact to this criticism one may add the more
or less recurring dualism running through that part of Ellwood's
discussion dealing with social psychology. This probably is a
natural result of his conception of mind or consciousness as an entity.
He carefully distinguishes between physical interaction and psychic
interaction.^ ''Each mind is, so far as we know, wholly unconnected
with other minds except through the intervention of physical
media. "^ This uncoilscious dualism pervades both of Ellwood's
major works, and is never unified. Just why the glance of the eye,
the movement of the body of one form, and the reciprocal gestures
and cries of another form, are not as much a part of the psychical
as any other part of the total activity circuit is hard to see.'* To
take the act and not an isolated segment called psychic as the
unit seems the only way out of the dualism. The act is social,
and in so far as it has significance for sociology it involves the group.
To segment the act is to make an inadequate use of the group con-
cept in approaching the very interesting and difficult problem of
the "mind."s

' Professor Ellwood follows the error of so many functional psychologists in bring-
ing in a "consciousness" to mediate conflict crises, without explaining the new factor.
Nothing is gained by substituting a new metaphysical entity for the "soul " or " mind "
of earlier psychologists. The functionalist must reduce his consciousness to terms
of behavior, to activity, to escape. Weiss distinguishes between functional and
behavioristic psychology: "Perhaps the distinguishing difference between the
functionalist and the behaviorist lies in the fact that the behaviorist disregards the
entity which the functionalist calls consciousness" ("Relation between Functional
and Behavior Psychology," Psychological Review, XXIV', 367). On such a basis
Ellwood would be classed as a functionalist.

* Introduction to Social Psychology, pp. 5, 6, 8, 9. ^ Ibid., p. 79.

* Dewey, Reflex A re Concept.

s Attention should be called to Ellwood's article, "Objectivism in Sociology,"
American Journal of Sociology, XXII (1916), 289, in which he attacks the extreme

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 453

Before leaving this phase of the discussion it should be noted
that Ellwood recognizes and emphasizes the fact that the mind is
a social product:

We cannot doubt the social character of the individual mind. While
consciousness exists only in the individual, every aspect of consciousness has
been socially conditioned. This is true even of the racially inherited aspects
of consciousness, the instincts, emotions, and practically all native impulses.
The higher human instincts and emotions, especially, show very plainly their
reference to the social life, and function quite as much with reference to the
life of the group as they do with reference to the life of the individual. The
acquired traits of consciousness practically all come to us through our social
environment. From it we get not only our knowledge, our beliefs, our ideals,
but even our precepts and concepts, in the strict sense of these terms. It is
in the "give and take" of the social life that we learn and develop practically
all of the phases of the consciousness of adult life. In a word, mind has been
developed through interaction of mind with mind in the carrying on and con-
trolhng of common life processes. Mental life belongs, therefore, quite as
much to the group as to the individual.^

This point of view, which one might denominate the prevailing one
in contemporary sociology in America, is adhered to pretty con-
sistently throughout Ellwood's writings. He does not, however,
furnish any sufficient process whereby the result arrived at in the
group relation, namely, the development of the mind, the self, or
consciousness, is explained. Just what the process is, in terms of
functional psychology, whereby language, meaning, and mind have
been created by the group is not set forth. Imitation is stressed,
but it cannot suffice.^ Until this gap is filled, it would seem there
can be no complete social psychology. It is the missing link in
the application of the group concept to the problems of sociology.
On the whole, Ellwood has made one of the distinguished con-
tributions to sociological thought in America. The group concept is

claims of objectivism, or " physiological sociology." He feels that both the subjective
and the objective methods may be of value to the sociologist. In answer to Ellwood's
article, see Bernard's, "The Objective Viewpoint in Sociology," American Journal of
Sociology, XXV, 298.

' Introduction to Social Psychology, p. 73.

^ The lack of a process is sho\vn clearly in Ellwood's treatment of imitation in
both his larger works. It is outside our province to do more than call attention to
it here.

454 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

one of his fundamental concepts. One is struck by the frequency
with which the word recurs on aknost every page of his writings.
He has gone a long distance in attempting to bring to sociology the
results and methods of a newer type of psychology. That he left
some gaps and unexplored corners, or that he failed to apply his tools
in the proper way at all times, is not surprising. The chief criticism
that might be made is that he did not go far enough. What he lacks
may be ascribed to the mixture of an older psychology with his
functional superstructure, or "the endeavor to adapt the rubrics
of introspective psychology to the facts of objective associated
life."'

Cooley's writings have given him rank as one of the real con-
tributors to sociological thought in America. The three books
under consideration may all be ranked as studies in social psychol-
ogy rather than in general sociology or social origins.^ The subject
which formed the problem of investigation for his first book, society
and the individual, may be looked upon as the subject of his writings
in general. The situation before him is always one invohong a
group. This summary will not attempt to present a review of his
whole system, but will select out saHent parts which seem to display
most clearly the use of the group concept in his analysis of the vari-
ous problems that he attempts to treat. Such problems, for
example, as the relation of society to the individual; the nature of
the mind in so far as it is both social and individual, the nature and
formation of the self, the nature and origin and importance of
primary groups, freedom, pecuniary valuation, will give a fairly
good insight into the use made of the group concept.

We may begin, as he does in his first book, with the long-debated
problem of the relation of the individual to the group, or society
and the individual. Of the fundamental nature of his conception

' Dewey has thus characterized some of the attempts at a social psychology and
attributes to it the main responsibility for the backward state of social pyschology. In
his opinion the behaviorist approach is an entirely new attack upon the problem and
one offering hope of success. — "The Need for Social Psychology," Psychological
Review, XXIV (1917), 271.

■ The books referred to are Human Nature and the Social Order (1902), Social
Organization (1909), and Social Process (1918).

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 455

of this relation he does not leave one long in doubt, although the
whole book is but an elaboration of the principles laid down in the
first chapter.

A separate individual is an abstraction unknown to experience, and so
likewise is society when regarded as something apart from individuals. The
real thing is Human Life, which may be considered either in an individual aspect
or in a social, that is to say, a general, aspect; but is always, as a matter of
fact, both individual and general. In other words, "society" and "individuals"
do not denote separable phenomena, but are simply collective and distributive
aspects of the same thing, the relation between them being hke that between
other expressions, one of which denotes a group as a whole, and the other the
members of the group, such as the army and the soldiers, the class and the
students, and so on.'

The point of view suggested is so thoroughly a part of Cooley's
general thought that it will be well to cite further statements
explaining and elucidating it. Each will serve of itself to show the
prominent place which the group occupies in the assumptions from
which he starts his discussions. Continuing the thought that the
individual and society are one, he says still more emphatically:
And just as there is no society or group that is not a collective view of
persons, so there is no individual who may not be regarded as a particular view
of social groups. He has no separate existence; through both the hereditary
and the social factors in his life a man is bovmd into the whole of which he is a
member; and to consider him apart from it is quite as artificial as to consider
society apart from individuals.^

Consequently any view which sets society over against the indi-
vidual, or vice versa, as its fundamental assumption is false to the
facts.

I think, then, that the antithesis, society versus the individual, is false and
hollow whenever used as a general or philosophical statement of human rela-
tions. Whatever ideas may be in the minds of those who set these words and
their derivatives over against each other, the notion conveyed is that of two
separable entities or forces; and certainly such a notion is untrue to fact.'

In order to clarify his conception of the indissoluble relationship
which he has described, Cooley expressly repudiates four traditional
conceptions that have prevailed or do prevail in current thought.
The first of these is what he calls "mere individualism," m which the

' Human Nature and the Social Order, pp. 1-2.

' Ibid., p. 3. » Ibid., p. 7.

456 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

collective aspect is as nearly as possible ignored: "Each person is
held to be a separate agent, and all social phenomena are thought
of as originating in the action of such agents. The individual is
the source, the independent, the only human source, of events."^
This view enters into the current thought of the day, being con-
genial to the "ordinary material view of things and corroborated
by theological and other traditions." The second view which he
repudiates is the "double causation," in which society and the
individual are thought of as separate causes with a division of
power between them. This is the view "ordinarily met with in
social and ethical discussion." It is not advance, philosophically,
upon the one first mentioned :

There is the same premise of the individual as a separate unrelated agent;
but over against him is set a vaguely conceived general or collective interest
and force. It seems that people are so accustomed to thinking of themselves
as imcaused causes, special creators on a small scale, that when the existence
of general phenomena is forced upon their notice they are likely to regard these
as something additional, separate, and more or less antithetical.^

Another view which is inadequate, according to Cooley, is "the
social faculty view." This view regards the social as including
a part only of the individual. "Human nature is thus divided
into individualistic or non-social tendencies or faculties, and those
that are social. Thus, certain emotions, such as love, are social,
others, as fear, or anger, are unsocial or individualistic."^ In
contrast to this particular-faculty view, Cooley presents the thesis
that "man's psychical outfit is not divisible into the social and the
non-social; but that he is all social in a large sense, is all a part
of the common human life."'' A fourth view which must be dis-
carded is "primitive individualism":

This expression has been used to describe the view that sociality follows
individuality in time, is a later and additional product of development. This
view is a variety of the preceding and is, perhaps, formed by a mingling of
individualistic preconceptions with a somewhat crude evolutionary philosophy.
.... Man was a mere individual, mankind a mere aggregation of such ; but
he has gradually become socialized, he is progressively merging into a social
whole. Morally speaking, the individual is bad, the social the good, and we must
push on the work of putting down the former and bringing in the latter.s

' Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 8.

* Ibid., p. 9. i Ibid., pp. 11-12. *Ibid., p. 12. ^ Ibid., p. 10.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 457

In contrast to this view of the priority of the individual in point
of time, Cooley asserts that

individuality is neither prior in time nor lower in moral rank than sociality;
but that the two have always existed side by side as complementary aspects of
the same thing, and that the line of progress is from a lower to a higher tj^e

of both, not from the one to the other If we go back to a time when the

state of our remote ancestors was such that we are not willing to call it social,
then it must have been equally undeserving to be described as individual or
personal.'

If the person is thought of primarily as a separate material form, inhabited
by thoughts and feelings conceived by analogy to be equally separate, then the
only way of getting a society is by adding on a new principle of socialism,
social faculty, altruism, of the hfe. But if you start with the idea that the social
person is primarily a fact in the mind, and observe him there, you find at once
that he has no existence apart from a mental whole of which all personal ideas
are members, and which is a particular aspect of society.'

The foregoing statements are sufficient to show the nature of
Cooley's point of view in his approach to the social problem. The
unit which he has in mind is always a group, of which one may
take either an indi\ddual aspect or a total or collective aspect.
The group and the individual are but two phases of the same or
total social situation. To attempt to approach the study of society,
as Ward did for instance, from the standpoint of the individual,
and then attempt to create a social superstructure on the basis
of that individual approach is an abstraction that the facts do not
warrant. From the beginning, according to Cooley, there must
have been a group situation. It is the fundamental hypothesis
upon which he constructs his whole subsequent thought. The
further points of inquiry which we shall pursue are in reality but
amplifications of this fundamental one, but they will serve to illus-
trate and clarify it and will, to some extent, show the process which
is found to exist in them all. We may begin with the closely
related discussion of the individual and social aspects of the mind
and of the nature of the mind in general.

In defining the term mind in its social and individual aspects,
Cooley carries his synthetic view, elaborated above, into every part

^ Ibid., p. II.

' Ibid., pp. 89-90. Cooley acknowledges his deep indebtedness to both James and
Baldwin for the view he holds.

458 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of the discussion. To understand his discussion we must discover
his definition of the mind. This he gives in the following words:
Mind is an organic whole made up of co-ordinating individualities, in some-
what the same way that the music of an orchestra is made up of divergent but
related sounds. No one would think it necessary or reasonable to divide the
music into two kinds, that made by the whole and that of the particular
instruments; and no more are there two kinds of mind, the social mind and the
individual mind. When we study the social mind we merely fix our attention
on larger aspects and relations rather than on the narrower one of ordinary
psychology.'

In other words, the conception of a separate and isolated individual
entity, which can be called the mind, is an abstraction which has
no real existence. The point will become clearer as we go on to
discuss Cooley's treatment of the problem of consciousness and the
self. It will be noted that the group relation is kept consistently
in view throughout.

Consciousness, whether one is treating of social consciousness
or self-consciousness, is invariably a product of a group relation.
Neither can arise without the other.

Social consciousness or awareness of society is inseparable from self-
consciousness, because we can hardly think of ourselves excepting mth
reference to a social group of some sort, or of the group except vdth.
reference to ourselves. The two things go together, and what we are
reaUy aware of is a more or less complex personal or social whole, of which now
the particular, now the general, aspect is emphasized. In general then most
of our reflective consciousness, of our wide-awake state of mind, is social con-
sciousness, because a sense of our relation to other persons, or of other persons
to one another, can hardly fail to be a part of it. Self and society are twin-born,
we know one as immediately as we know the other, and the notion of a separate
and independent ego is an illusion. This view, which seems to me quite simple
and in accord with common-sense, is not the one most commonly held, for
psychologists and even sociologists are still much infected with the idea that
self-consciousness is in some way primary, and antecedent to social conscious-
ness, which must be derived by some recondite process of combination or
eUmination.*

The view here enunciated is so vitally a part of all Cooley's thinking
that it will bear repetition in different forms. It would be difficult
to find a more complete statement of the growing view of social

' Social Organization, p. 3.
» Ibid., p. 5.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 459

psychology as to the essentially social nature of the individual and
of the self.

Cooley criticizes Descartes' well-known maxim, Cogito, ergo sum,
upon the ground that it is an abstraction of the individual aspect
of a social situation and a positing of that as the primary fact, to
the neglect of the other pole of the dialectic. It is "one-sided or
' individualistic' in asserting the personal or ' I ' aspect to the exclu-
sion of the social or 'we' aspect, which is equally original with it."*
Descartes' error was a result of a too narrow introspection. A
broader introspection reveals the fact "that the 'I '-consciousness
does not expHcitly appear until the child is, say, about two years
old, and that when it does appear it comes in inseparable conjunc-
tion with the consciousness of other persons and of those relations
which make up a social group. "^ In other words, Descartes lacked
an adequate conception of the group as a fact in mental develop-
ment. The consciousness of self implies the consciousness of others
and vice versa. "Self and society go together, as phases of a com-
mon whole. I am aware of the social groups in which I Hve as
immediately and authentically as I am aware of myself."^

Closely connected with the social nature of the self and of
consciousness, is the problem of thought as a social process.
Thought, according to Cooley's explanation, is essentially an impli-
cation of the group process. In other words, thought is a social
process. "Our thoughts are always, in some sort, imaginary
conversations; and when vividly felt they are likely to become
quite distinctly so."'' Thought has grown up out of the interrela-
tions of living forms. Whether we view it as it develops in the
case of the child, or in the most highly developed t>^e of reflection,
thinking always implies the other forms of Hfe. Thought is essen-
tially internal conversation, internal dialogue. That is, it is a
group product, and always implies a group both for its inception
and for its development. It is true of adults as it is of children that
"the mind Uves in perpetual conversation." "The fact is that
language, developed by the race through personal intercourse and

' Ibid., pp. 5-6. ' Ibid., p. 7. * Ibid., pp. 8-9.

* Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 328.

46o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

imparted to the individual in the same way, can never be dis-
sociated from personal intercourse in the mind; and since higher
thought involves language, it is always a kind of imaginary con-
versation. The word and the interlocutor are correlative ideas."*
This impHcation of the fundamental relation of the group to both
language and thought, and the very close relation, one might say
identity, between language and thought, is one of the most impor-
tant implications of the group concept which modern social psychol-
ogy has developed. Cooley has performed a real service in pointing
out some suggestive ways in which the problem may be followed up.
The radical contrast that this view presents to that of Ward, in
which thought was assumed to antedate group or social life, is
quite apparent. It symbolizes one of the most important differ-
ences in the role of the group concept and its implications. It
is true, of course, that Cooley does not discover any process whereby
self-consciousness arises and functions, nor does he show the process
by which the self is created or by which the social product, language,
becomes reflective thought. He does, however, by calling attention
to the essentially social nature of self, language, and thought,
establish the basis for his sociological approach to the problems
which he discusses. Some such presumption, it would seem, is
necessary for the founding of a real claim for sociology as a social
technique.

Two very significant appUcations of the group concept remain
to be pointed out. They constitute two very significant and impor-
tant contributions to social theory in general. They are Cooley's
elaboration of the nature and importance of "primary groups" and
his group or social approach to the problem of pecuniary valuation.
The meaning and significance of the term "primary groups" as
developed by Cooley are so well recognized that it is hardly neces-
sary to do more than to call attention to the point. The impor-
tance of the family, the playground, the neighborhood was not
unknown before his treatment of them, but their real importance
could be pointed out only on the basis of an adequate social psy-
chology. So long as the self, the individual, was looked upon as a
datum rather than as a creation of social or group life, the intimate

' Human Nature and the Social Order, p. 56.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 461

face-to-face groups, while more or less important as secondary
factors, could not assume a primary role. Once, however, the
newer social psychology has taken upon itself to regard the self,
thought, and the individual as products of a group relation, then
the intimate associational groups become primary in importance.
In other words, the significance of Cooley's contribution in this
respect is not in calling attention to certain universal forms of
group Hfe, but in reinterpreting that group life in terms of a social
psychology. The degree to which the local group life is coming
to have a recrudescence of emphasis in various fields of thought is,
to some extent at least, influenced by Cooley's able use of the group
concept in this part of his thinking.

With reference to the other point mentioned, the discussion of
the problem of value, it is not within the province of this paper
to attempt to present a resume of the argument presented. The
relevant point for us is that, in taking up the problem of pecuniary
valuation, Cooley approaches it from the social point of view
rather than from the individual point of view as is common in
economic theory. In other words, it is an effort to deal with the
problem of pecuniary valuation in particular from the group point
of view. In carrying out his purpose, Cooley makes use of the
fundamental social psychology which runs through all his work.
In doing this he is making a contribution to the, as yet, young
attempt to apply the group concept, the social point of view, to
the province of valuation in economic theory, which has for so long
been the preserve of the individualist. The usual treatment of
the problem in economic theory, according to Cooley,

starts with demand as a datum, assuming that each individual has made up
his mind what he wants and how much he wants it. There is seldom, I beheve,
any serious attempt to go back of this, it being assumed, apparently, that these
wants spring from the inscrutable depths of the private mind. At any rate
it has not been customary to recognize that they are the expression of an
institutional development.*

What Cooley attempts to do is to go back of these individual wants,
as found in the individual minds of economic theory, and show
that the minds themselves, as well as the wants or demands, are

' Social Process, p. 297.

462 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

socially created ; that the group has formed and made them as they
are. A treatment of value which ignores this fundamental part
of the valuation process as at best a half-truth. The market is an
institution and as such creates its values and demands, shapes the
types of wants and tends, like any institution, to preserve itself
and its wants from changes and modifications. The result of the
individualistic treatment of valuation which has been current is to
saddle the whole institution of the market on human nature:

The accepted economic treatment would seem to be equivalent to a renun-
ciation of any attempt to understand the relation of value to society at large;
or, in other words, of any attempt to understand value itself, since to understand
a thing is to perceive its more important relations.'

The truth of the situation is that the problem is a social one,
valuation is a social process rather than an individual one. The
market itself is the main factor in creating values. This does not
mean merely

that pre-existing individual estimates are summed up and equilibrated in
accordance with the formulas of economic science; though this is one phase
of the matter, but also that the individual estimates themselves are moulded
by the market, at first in a general way and then, in the process of price making,
drawn toward mechanical uniformity. The individual and the system act
and react upon each other until, in most cases, they agree, somewhat as in
fashion, in religious belief and the like. The influence of the market is not
secondary either in time or importance to that of the person; it is a continuous
institution in which the individual lives and which is ever forming his ideas. ^

From these quotations one may see that what Cooley is attempting
to do is to apply his psychology of the relation of the individual
and the group to the particular social problem of valuation. It is
merely, by way of summary, an application of the newer social
psychology to the province of economic theory in so far as it has
to do with valuation. We are not concerned witli the further
details of the application. It is enough to point out that the
overwhelming number of writers in political economic theory are
individualistic in their thinking, but that, in his latest book,
Cooley is attempting to proceed logically from the prevailing point
of view in contemporary social psychology. In a word, it is an
effort to approach the heart of economic theory from the group

» Social Process, p. 298. ' Ibid., pp. 298-99.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 463

standpoint. That this has not been done with any degree of
success by economists themselves is but an illustration of the way
in which sciences fix the attitudes and values of the workers in
their respective fields.^ The individualistic prepossessions which
were woven into economic theory early in the formation of eco-
nomics as a separate science will tend to survive long after new
points of view have become commonplaces in social psychology.

Miss Follett's book, The New State, is the most important
analysis of the group concept and its significance for social practice
that has recently appeared.^ Like some of the other books that
have been noted in the discussions of this chapter, the group concept
forms such a large part of the text that to attempt to show in any
adequate way the details of its treatment would involve a repetition
of almost the whole of the work. The effort will be confined, there-
fore, to an attempt to select out those parts of the discussion which
show most clearly the prominence of the group in the author's,
mind, and the uses to which the concept is put. Such a plan
necessarily will do violence to a book which is so thoroughly per-
meated with the group idea that it merits bodily inclusion in this
essay. We shall have occasion to refer to it again in the next
chapter.^

In order properly to approach the point of view with which
Miss Follett sets about her task, it will be well to inquire into the
psychological point of view with which she begins. That is, we
must find out what is meant by the "new psychology " as contrasted
with the discarded "old psychology." The key to the former is,

' Acknowledgment should be made, of course, of the work of Anderson (Social
Value) which attempts to reconstruct economic theory from within the ranks of the
economists. In general, however, the newer view is still in its infancy. Cooley's
contribution to this view is the most valuable and significant part of his latest book.
Social Process.

* Apparently a book in political science, The New State is so thoroughly a socio-
logical study that it must be included here, although the steady policy has been followed
of confining the discussion to writers who are definitely known to be at work in the
division of labor called sociolog>'.

3 The outline for this paper was completed before this book came to hand. The
similarity in thought is a coincidence with no causal relationship.

464 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

that it refuses to recognize the legitimacy of the separation of the
individual from the group:

We have long been trying to understand the relation of the individual to
society; we are only just beginning to see that there is no "individual," and
that there is no "society." It is not strange, therefore, that our efforts have
gone astray, that our thinking yields small returns for politics. The old
psychology was based on the isolated individual as the unit, on the assumption
that a man thinks, feels, and judges independently. Now that we know that
there is no such thing as a separate ego, that individuals are created by recip-
rocal interplay, our whole study of psychology is being transformed.^

In other words, the new psychology is a social psychology which
recognizes the interacting socii in a total social situation as the
unit. Such a psychology must be more than an "application of
individual psychology to a number of people."^ The new psy-
chology, on the, other hand, "must take people with their inher-
itance, their 'tendencies,' their environment, and then focus its
attention on their interrelatings."^ Again, we must distinguish
a proper social psychology from that so-called social psychology
which makes "socially minded" tendencies on the part of indi-
viduals the subject of its study. "Such tendencies still belong to
the field of individual psychology."'' "A social action is not an
individual initiative with a social appHcation, neither is social
psychology the determination of how far social factors determine
individual consciousness. Social psychology must concern itself
primarily with the interaction of minds. "^ In other words, it is
group psychology.

Still another distinction is to be made between the latter and
what has sometimes passed for group psychology, namely, crowd
psychology. "Social psychology may include both group psychol-
ogy and crowd psychology, but of these two group psychology is
much the more important."^ This distinction between the group
and the crowd is conceived to be fundamental. The crowd and
the group "represent entirely different modes of association."
"Crowd action is the outcome of agreement based on concurrence
of emotion rather than of thought, or if on the latter, then on a

' The New Stale, p. 19.

* Ibid.

' Ibid., p. 20.

ilbid.

3 Ibid., p. 21.

6 Ibid.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 465

concurrence of emotion produced by becoming aware of similarities,
not by a slow and gradual creating of unity."* The process by
which this creation of unity is secured will be explained later.
The point to be noted here is that a crowd psychology, while it
has received more study, is to be distinguished from a group
psychology or social psychology as used by the author. The latter
is the more important, not only for present analysis of group life, but
for a constructive program in a democracy. In a word, the essence
of the theme of the book is that the group process must be
substituted for the "crowd fallacy." With these preliminary
remarks on the general psychological point of view we may pass
to other matters which will serve to illustrate and ampUfy the
suggestions contained in the foregoing quotations.

In order to understand the further references to the group
as the fundamental concept with which the book deals, it is
necessary to sketch briefly what is meant by the term "the group
process" as it is used. The group process is the heart of the group
psychology, and is represented as the only solution of the problem
of democracy. In its essence it is a stimulus-and-response situation
in a group, whereby a real group mind is created out of integration
of the attitudes of the co-operating persons. This process is not
one of mere addition or subtraction of individual attitudes. The
attitudes are not fixed. The result of group discussion and activity
is a composite whole which is something new. It is not secured
by the acquiescence of the member of the group but by his contribu-
tion. It is not compromise or a striking of averages. It is not
suppression of one part by the other members. The group process
is found only when there is an integration of differences and agree-
ments into a new whole. "It is an acting and reacting, a single
and identical process which brings out differences and integrates
them into a unity. The complex reciprocal action, the intri-
cate interweavings of the members of the group, is the social
process."*

^Ibid.

' Ibid. The point of view set forth in this summary of the author's analysis of
the group process suggests Cooley's analysis of the formation of public opinion (Social
Organization, chap, xii), and Aristotle's still earlier statement of the advantages of
giving supreme power in the state to the many rather than to the few (Politics iii. 11).

466 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

In contrast to the group process as thus sketched, two theories
of the group process are criticized, namely, "the imitation theory
and the like-response-to-like- stimuH theory."^ Imitation is a part
of our social life but it is only a part, and a "part that has been
fatally over-emphasized."^ It has been made the bridge to span
the gap "between the individual and society, but we now see that
there is no gap, therefore no bridge is necessary. "^ The chief error
in making imitation the basis of a social psychology is that it
stresses likenesses to the neglect of the other very important factor,
difference:

The core of the social process is not likeness, but of harmonizing difference
through interpenetration. But to be more accurate, similarity and difference
cannot be opposed in this external way — they have a vital connection. Simi-
larities and differences make up the differentiated reactions of the group; that
is what constitutes importance, not their likeness or unlikeness as such. I react
to a stimulus; that reaction may represent a likeness or an unlikeness. Society

is the unity of these differentiated reactions Unity is brought about

by the reciprocal adaptings of the reactions of individuals, and this reciprocal
adapting is based on both agreement and difference.''

This does not mean that there is not uniformity. The distinction
to be made is between uniformity as given, and the unity which
we achieve. Uniformity means stagnation. Similarity is a doc-
trine of degeneration. "Unity, not uniformity, must be our aim.
We attain unity only through variety. Differences must be inte-
grated, not annihilated, nor absorbed."^ "The unifying of
difference is the eternal process of life — the creative synthesis, the
highest act of creation, the at-onement."^

Closely connected with the unification of thought through what
has been described as the group process of integration is the unifica-
tion of feeling, or "collective" feehng as it is called. It is recognized
by Miss Follett that the unification of thought which she has
described is only part of the group process. Here again, it is
pointed out, the older individuahstic psychology is inadequate to
give a true explanation of the origin and nature of sympathy:

Particularistic psychology, which gave us ego and alter, gave us sympathy
going across from one isolate being to another. Now we begin with the group.

» The New State, p. 21. ^Ibid. s Ibid., p. 39.

^Ibid., p. 34. * Ibid., pp. 34-35- * J^id-, p. 40.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 467

We see in the self-unifying of the group process, and all the myriad unfoldings
involved the central and all-germinating activity of life. The group creates.
In the group, we have seen, is formed the collective idea, "similarity" is there
achieved, sympathy also is born within the group — it springs forever from inter-
relation. The emotions I feel when apart belong to the phantom ego; only
from the group comes the genuine feeling with — the true sympathy, the vital
sympathy, the just and balanced sympathy.*

We have here an excellent statement of the relation of the group
to the feelmg of sympathy, as well as a clear conception of the
central position of the group as opposed to the older separation
of one independent individual from another, with the consequent
necessity of getting them together through the invention of a bond
of feeling. The necessity of the assumption of the priority of the
group as the basis for the appearance of sympathy is clearly set
forth in the following passage :

It has been thought until recently by many writers that sympathy came
before the social process. Evidences were collected among animals of the
"desire to help " other members of the same species and the conclusion drawn
that sympathy exists and that the result is "mutual aid." But s>Tnpathy
cannot antedate activity. We do not, however, now say that there is an
"instinct" to help and then sympathy is the result of the helping; the feehng
and the activity are involved one in the other.^

The reason why we have had difficulties in trying to find out whether
self-interest or love for one's fellows is the chief motor force in
society has been because ''we have thought of egoistic or altruistic
feelings as pre-existing; we have studied action to see what prece-
dent characteristics it indicated. But when we begin to see that
men possess no characteristics apart from the unifying process,
then it is the process we shall study."^ The recognition of the
group life as the center and starting-point for social analysis is
quite apparent from the older views criticized. This emphasis
which Miss Follett places upon activity as the key to the inter-
pretation of the group process, is one of the cardinal characteristics
of functional psychology. One of the significant suggestions, in a
practical apphcation of the point of view that has been presented,
is contained in the following words:

This means that we must live the group life. This is the solution of our
problems, national and international. Employers and employed cannot be

* Ibid., p. 44. ' Ibid., p. 45. J Ibid.

468 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

exhorted to feel sympathy for one another; true sympathy will come only by
creating a community or group of employers and employed. Through the
group you find the details, the filling out of Kant's universal law. Kant's
categorical imperative is general, it is empty; it is only a blank check. But
through the life of the group we learn the content of universal law.'

This recognition of the importance of the implications of the relation
of group activity to the formation of the feehng of sympathy and
all other moral qualities can hardly be exaggerated. The empty
attempts to form moral character by the repetition of moral pre-
cepts, which has been the common theory of educational and
religious leaders and institutions, find in the above statement a
much-needed corrective. The educational application of the theory
that the group activity is the center from which education must
proceed will be pointed out later. Attention is called to it here to
show the significance of the group concept as a basis for the analysis
of the feelings of sympathy as suggested by the passage last quoted
above.

Although the author's point of view has been suggested, it will
be well to take up in some specific details her conception of the
relation of the individual to society. We shall have occasion to
jx)int out that a distinction is made between the old individualism
and the new individuaHsm ; we shall take up the former first and
deal with it and the category "society" at the same time. The
key to Miss Follett's position is given in these words: "A man is
a point in the social process rather than a unit in that process, a
point where forming forces meet straightway to disentangle them-
selves and stream forth again. In the language of the day, 'man
is at the same time a social factor and a social product. ' "* The sun-
dering of the individual from the larger whole is as ''artificial and
late an act as the sundering of consciousness into subject and
object." The same view of the group as the reaUty is set forth
more fully in the following statement of it:

The individual is the unification of a multiplied variety of reactions. But
the individual does not react to society. The interplay constitutes both society
on the one hand and individuality on the other; individuality and society
are evolving together from this constant and complex action and reaction.
Or, more accurately, the relation of the individual to society is not action and
reaction, but infinite interactions by which both individual and society are

' The New State, p. 60. ' Ibid., p. 60.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 469

forever a-making; we cannot say, if we would be exact, that the individual
acts upon and is acted upon, because that way of expressing it implies that he
is a definite, given, finished entity, and would keep him apart merely as an
agent of the acting and being acted on. We cannot put the individual on one
side and society on the other, we must understand the complete interrelation
of the two. Each has no value, no existence without the other.'

The above summary of the view of the relation of the individual
to the group and its condemnation of the older individualistic
viewpoint suggests the author's conception of the "new individual-
ism," or the proper and sound individualism. Individualism, in
this latter sense, is a late social product. It consists in the develop-
ment of the individual to the highest power in a collective or intense
group life. The development of a true social life is not antagonistic
to the development of an individual, but is a part of the same
process. In other words, the two develop together. The new
view of individualism does not destroy the individual, as has been
charged. Those who advocate the newer view are giving "the
fullest value to the individual that has ever been given, are preach-
ing individual value as the basis of democracy, individual affirma-
tion as its process, and individual responsibility as its motor force. "^
This conception of individualism suggests a criticism of the older
conception of freedom or liberty. That conception was that the
"solitary man was the free man, that the man outside society
possessed freedom but that in society he had to sacrifice as much
of his liberty as interfered with the liberty of others."^ Such a
conception of freedom involves the fallacies of the older psychology
with its assumption of the priority of the individual. The true
idea of freedom, the argument runs, is found only in that view
which conceives of the individual and the group developing together;
a man "gains his freedom through perfectly complete relationship
because thereby he achieves his whole nature. "•♦ Freedom is found
in what has been described as the group process, in the integration
process whereby a social unity is created out of differences and
agreements. One becomes free as one enters into the intense social
life and becomes an actual part of it :

That we are free only through the social order, only as fast as we identify
ourselves with the whole, implies practically that to gain our freedom we must

' Ibid., p. 61. » Ibid., p. 74. J Ibid., p. 69. ■• Ibid.

470 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

take part in all the social life around us; join groups, enter into many social
relations, and begin to win freedom for ourselves. When we are the group in
feeling, thought and will we are free.'

We see, then, that the group is the central concept in the working
out of the ideas of freedom and of individuahsm. Freedom and
individualism, in the proper sense of the term, are not opposed
to the group, but are impUed in the group conception of life. It is
only in a group that individuality and freedom are possible. They
are corollaries of a group conception of the human process. Both
are achievements.

Before leaving the discussion of the relation of the individual
to the group or to society, it may be well to notice briefly Miss
Follett's view of the concept "society," and her criticism of the
social-organism theory. With reference to the first, she very
properly observes that there is no such thing as society en masse.
In that sense the term is a misnomer. The reality is a niunber
of groups to which one is more or less intimately attached:

I am always in relation not to "society," but to some concrete group

Practically, "society" is for every one of us a number of groups. The recog-
nition of this constitutes a new step in sociology, analogous to the contribu-
tion William James made in regard to the individual The vital relation

of the individual to the world is through his groups; they are the potent factors
in shaping our lives.^

In other words, the study of society becomes the study of groups.

With reference to the organic conception of society. Miss Follett
takes the position that it is inadequate, although containing one
essential truth. That truth is that it attempts to stress the funda-
mental unity of the thing it is describing. The term is valuable
as a metaphor but is lacking in psychological accuracy.^ The
criticisms made of the analogy set forth nothing that has not been
brought forth by other writers in attacking the theory. Most of
the defects have been acknowledged even by the sponsors for the
theory in American sociolog>^ They need not be repeated here.

In order to bring out more clearly the position of the writer
we are now reviewing, it will be helpful to summarize the application
of her view to the theory of hmnan progress. Two of the older

' The New Slate, p. 70. ' Ibid., p. 20. » Ibid., p. 76.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 471

theories of progress are examined; first, that progress depends on
individual invention and crowd imitation; and second, that prog-
ress is the result of struggle and survival of the fittest. Taking
up the first of these theories, it is pointed out that the second half
of it has been disposed of above in connection with the criticism
of the theory of imitation as the process of social psychology. The
first half of the theory, individual invention, is briefly treated.
The individual does not invent or originate in the older sense of the
terms. The older view committed the error of ignoring the fact
that the individual is himself a group product. Conceding all that
may be true of inborn ability, still, according to Miss FoUett, the
** individual" idea one brings to a given group "is not really an
'individual' idea; it is the result of the process of interpenetration,
but by bringing it to a new group and soaking it in that the inter-
penetration becomes more complex."^ "There wells up in the
individual a fountain of power, but this fountain has risen under-
ground, and is richly fed by all the streams of the common life."^
The place of the group in invention, though not generally a part
of the common thought, has been so fully elaborated by other
writers that it is hardly necessary to suggest the soundness of
Miss Follett's application of the group view to the invention theory.
The second theory of progress, struggle and survival, is subjected
to several criticisms. In the first place, it has been placed upon
an individualistic basis, pictured as a struggle between individuals.
The equally important fact of co-operation and group life was
ignored. Not only among men, but in the animal world as well,
"biologists tell us that 'mutual aid' has from the first been a strong
factor in evolution,"-' giving to those animals which exhibit it an
advantage over the solitary type. Assmning correction of the
indi\'idualistic conception of struggle, does the conception of group
struggle suffice as an adequate process of progress ? To this question
a negative answer is given because group struggle implies a subjec-
tion of one group by the other; it violates the principle that progress
is achieved by the integration of differences, by the extension of
membership in ever higher groups. Even if the struggle idea is
extended no further than the intellectual world it is invahd, because

» Ibid., p. 94. » Ibid., p. 95. 3 Ibid.

472 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the true way to progress is not through argument or struggle but
through the process of group integration of differences, that is,
through what has been called the ' ' group process. ' ' True discussion
is not struggle, but "an experiment in co-operation."' "We must
learn co-operative thinking, intellectual team-work. There is a
secret here which is going to revolutionize the world. "^

The failure to take into account the group process is the error
in both the older notions of progress which have just been criticized.
The true approach, according to Miss Follett, to an adequate theory
of progress is to be found in the group process: "Progress then
must be through the group process. Progress impHes respect for
the creative process, not the created thing; the created thing is
forever and forever being left behind us."^ Out of the group life
alone comes the creative power. "No individual can change the
disorder or the iniquity of this world. No chaotic mass of men and
women can do it. Conscious group creation is to be the social and
political force of the future. Our aun is to live consciously in more
and more group relations and to make each group a means of
creating. It is the group which will teach us that we are not pup-
pets of fate.""* Progress, in other words, is to be secured by the
application of the group conception to our whole life. Thus will it
"revolutionize the world."

Thus far in the summary, attention has been directed to the
problem of setting forth the fundamental notions of the writer
under discussion, of clarifying the meaning of the concept "group,"
and showing some of its implications. From now on it will be well
to point out some of the ways in which the group concept that has
been developed may be used in practical problems. Lack of space
necessitates doing violence to the constructive side of Miss Follett's
discussion. It may be summarized in the following words: "We
have said, 'The people must rule.' We now ask, 'How are they
to rule ? ' It is the technique of democracy which we are seeking.
We shall find it in group organization. "^ That is, the "new state"

' The New State, p. 95. ' Ibid. ■» Ibid., p. 98.

* Ibid., p. loi. This statement gives the thesis of the book. The new state
is to arise out of the recognition of the group principle and its application, in place
of the older political theories based on the older psychologies.

5 Ibid., p. 155.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 473

is to be secured by discarding the older conceptions and perfecting
the organization of groups as the only workable democratic method.
At the bottom of a sound democratic group method is placed the
neighborhood group. This small "primary" group, as Cooley calls
it, is the foundation stone upon which Miss Follett erects her edi-
fice. It is here that, for political purposes, the group process works
out. It is here that public opinion is formed and made effective.
It is here that the individual is discovered and conserved and en-
larged. Neighborhood organization is the destroyer of the boss and
the crowd, supplanting them with real leadership and a real group:

Neighborhood organization must then take the place of party organization.
.... The rigid formaUty of the party means stultification, annihilation.
But group politics, made of the very stuff of Ufe, of the people of the groups,
will express the inner, intimate ardent desires of spontaneous human beings,
and wiU contain within its circumference the possibility of the fullest satisfac-
tion of those desires. Group organization gives a living, pulsing unity made
up of the minds and hearts and seasoned judgments of vital men and women.'

With the neighborhood organized, Miss Follett extends the prin-
ciple of group organization on up to the highest groupings known.
To carry the principle of group organization from "neighborhood
to nation' ' there must be

two changes in our state first, the state must be the actual integration of living,
local groups, thereby finding ways of dealing directly with its individual
members. Secondly, other groups than the neighborhood groups must be rep-
resented in the state; the ever-increasing multiple group hfe of today must be
recognized and given a responsible place in politics.^

As suggested by this statement. Miss Follett accepts the theory
of the unified state as opposed to political pluralism which discredits
the state. Her discussion of the principles and inferences involved
in the different point of view is a very interesting elaboration of
the group-process theory, but we cannot go into it further than to
point out that she holds consistently to the view, which seems to
be sound, that the organization of larger and more inclusive groups
does not destroy the smaller groups, but, on the contrary, demands
them as essential to the larger group organization. Through the
process of integration, it is pointed out, it is possible to build

» Ibid., pp. 242-43. » Ibid., p. 245.

474 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

up a group organization from neighborhood to nation, and even to
internation or world-organization. Through it all, however, the
group method is the only sound basis of modern pohtical organiza-
tion. In reply to the contention of those who favor occupational
representation as the proper method of representation, it is pointed
out that no one group can be chosen to the exclusion of all other
groups. Important as the occupational group is, it does not take
in the whole of one's interests. One is a member of many and
various groups which must be integrated into the true neighborhood
group as the fundamental group in pohtical activity. ' ' To sum up :
no one group can enfold me, because of my multiple nature. This
is the blow to the theory of occupational representation."'

The foregoing brief summary has not attempted to do more
than to present the point of view of the author with respect to the
group conception of society, and to suggest the application which
is made of the concept once it has been developed. The book
contains one of the most suggestive applications of the group
concept as a tool of analysis that has appeared. It represents
a point of view which sociology has had a large share in developing;
a view which is characteristic of contemporary sociological thought
in this country.

[To be continued]

' The New State, p. 295. Part III and Part IV are devoted to an elaboration of
group organization as the true democratic method. We are not interested so much
in the details as in the attempt to apply the group concept to such an important field.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK

JESSE F. STEINER
Director of Educational Service, American Red Cross, Washington, D.C.

I. THE NATURE OF SOCIAL WORK

The term social work which has come to be the accepted designa-
tion for a large group of specialized activities in the field of social
betterment was not in general use at the opening of the present
century. Two or three decades ago such terms as philanthropy,
charity, correction, outdoor rehef, care of dependents, defectives,
and dehnquents, were commonly employed by those at work in
these fields. This is at once evident in the names of leading organi-
zations estabhshed during those early years — the Charity Organi-
zation Society, Association for Improving the Condition of the Poor,
National Conference of Charities and Correction. When Miss
Mary E. Richmond, in 1897, made her plea for professional training
she urged the establishment of a "Training School in Applied Phil-
anthropy." The training class which was organized in New York
the following year developed later into the New York School of
Philanthropy, and this name persisted until very recently when it
was changed to the New York School of Social Work.

This early terminology is significant, for it indicates clearly the
nature of the field from which modern social work has developed.
The social workers of a generation ago were frankly engaged in the
work of charity or philanthropy. Their efforts were concentrated
upon the disadvantaged and handicapped and represented a grow-
ing attempt to understand their problems and solve them through
the application of scientific methods. Just because their work was
permeated with the scientific spirit it was inevitable that their
attention should be increasingly directed to the forces that were
dragging men down and making the work of relief such a difficult
task.

Thus there developed very naturally a keen interest in what is
frequently called the preventive side of social work. Those whose

475

476 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

work was commonly thought of as being in the field of rehef began
to interest themselves in social legislation and in the improvement of
social and industrial conditions. From the ranks of philanthropic
workers there arose those who took up the fight against the adverse
conditions of Hfe instead of in behalf of the unfortunate who were
disabled by those conditions. Investigations of the standards of
living and housing conditions, social surveys of various kinds, pro-
motion of recreational activities, organization of communities for the
purposes of social betterment, arousing pubhc sentiment against
the evils of child labor, and organized efforts to give the general
public a social point of view— all these and many other activities
of a similar nature became a recognized part of the field of social
work.

This change of emphasis in social work from remedial meas-
ures to those that strike at the root of social problems caused
the whole field under consideration to lose its early definiteness of
boundary lines. As long as social work was regarded as the
adjustment of the dependent and handicapped to their environ-
ment, its activities could be grouped together in a field that
was pecuhar to itself. Just as soon, however, as it attempted to
accomplish its purpose by bringing about modifications of the en-
vironment, it allied itself with forward looking movements in many
lines of work. In this sense, social work may be regarded as almost
identical with the promotion of common welfare and the social
worker is the individual of any occupation or profession whose life
is actuated by a definite social purpose. Devine's Spirit of Social
Work is dedicated

to social workers, that is to say, to every man and woman, who, in any relation
of life, professional, industrial, political, educational or domestic; whether on
salary or as a volunteer; whether on his own individual account or as part of
an organized movement, is working consciously, according to his light intelli-
gently, and according to his strength persistently, for the promotion of the
common welfare— the common welfare as distinct from that of a party or a
class or a sect or a business interest or a particular institution or a family or
an individual.

It is at once evident that while such a broad conception of social
work may be logical, it leads us far beyond its distinctively tech-
nical aspects. An analogy may be found in education which has

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 477

both its popular and its professional sides. In one sense a large
part of our activities may be looked upon as educational, but never-
theless it is well understood that there is a very clearly defined
field for those who have to do with formal education. Social work,
because it touches life in so many intimate ways and includes
activities that are commonplace and informal in nature, must have
its popular side that can be participated in by people of every vo-
cation. This is in fact the purpose of that part of social work which
lays emphasis upon the spread of socialized intelligence. The
more intelligent people become about social duties and problems,
the more active will they be in the promotion of the common wel-
fare. One of the most hopeful signs of the times is the active
interest of such agencies and institutions as the school, the church,
chambers of commerce, farmers' organizations, etc., in social pro-
grams designed to bring about a solution of social problems.

But, however legitimate it maybe to speak of social work in this
broad sense as merging into many different fields, there is without
doubt a point beyond which popular effort cannot go and main-
tain a high efficiency. It is evident, for instance, that social inves-
tigation involves processes for which is required a technique of its
own. It is even more clear that technical equipment is needed to
deal with the situations that arise in connection with the care of the
dependent and handicapped. No one can doubt that the adjust-
ment of the social forces of communities requires the sure touch of
a hand trained for its task. These and other similar activities in
the general field of social welfare stand out in a well-defined group,
not primarily because of what they attempt to do, but because they
can be carried on successfully only by those who possess the proper
technical training and experience. The social worker may be work-
ing hand in hand with many people interested in the same general
problems but he is distinguished from them because he is qualified
through special training to accomplish well certain tasks that only
incidentally come to the attention of those in other fields. Social
work defined in this way loses something of the indefiniteness that
comes from its close relation to efforts to improve the common
welfare. While its results are accomphshed through the aid of
many allies, it has its distinctively technical aspects which, taken

478 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

together, form a group of highly specialized activities that may
very well be regarded as the beginning of a new profession.

But the confusion in regard to the proper limits of the field of
social work has not resulted entirely from its far-reaching ten-
dencies. Complications also arise from the domination of certain
types of social work which more or less consciously regard themselves
as occupying a fundamental position in the field of social welfare.
This is especially true of the Charity Organization Society move-
ment which must be recognized as the beginning of scientific social
work in this country and which has maintained its place of leader-
ship ever since its establishment more than a generation ago.
Within this movement has been developed the technique of family
case-work which was one of the first examples of the appUcation of
scientific methods to social work. The family welfare group have
long been prominent in state and national conferences of social
workers, and have made very significant contributions to the litera-
ture dealing with social problems. It is not surprising, therefore,
that family case-work should sometimes be used as synonymous
with social work, and that there should be a tendency in some
quarters to judge the standing of social workers by training and
skill in this particular field.

The natural confusion that results from this point of view can be
easily seen. Social work is frequently identified with social pathol-
ogy in spite of the efforts, led in many instances by family case-
workers themselves, in the wider fields of social investigation and
community work. There is no clear recognition that social work
has progressed to the point where remedial work represents only
a part of its field. Instead of placing family case-work in its
legitimate position as one of the most important of the special
activities of social work, there is a tendency to continue to regard
it as the center from which all phases of social work naturally
develop.

A scientific interpretation of social work, upon which can be
based an adequate plan for professional education, must place in the
right perspective the activities that make up its technical field.
Unquestionably its remedial and ameUorative activities come first
in importance. The problem of dealing with the subnormal and

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 479

handicapped presses upon us from all sides. Many generations of
social neglect, of toleration of indecent conditions of life, of wilful
choice of the things that degrade, have produced their evil results.
The proper care of dependent families, of orphaned and neglected
children, of anti-social and subnormal individuals, requires skill, and
no social worker, whatever his specialized form of work, dare be
ignorant of the technique needed in this field.

On the other hand due importance must be given to methods of
social investigation, analysis of community life, construction of
community programs, the technique of organized recreation, and
problems of social work administration. These are aspects of social
work that are now demanding many skilled leaders and unfor-
tunately there is no general agreement as to the technique involved
or as to the way workers in these fields should be prepared. No
system of education for social work can be regarded as adequate
until the methods of training in social investigation and social
organization are as carefully worked out as is the technique of
instruction for the remedial side of social work.

II. HOW PREPARATION FOR SOCIAL WORK HAS BEEN SECURED

It is a matter of common knowledge that the professional schools
of law, medicine, teaching, and engineering began as a supplement
to the apprenticeship system which was the original method of
preparation for technical tasks. The difl&culties these schools ex-
perienced in establishing themselves in competition with what were
regarded as more practical methods of training can be understood
without detailed reference to the past, for in some of these fields,
at least, the apprenticeship system is still an active competitor and
exerts a restraining influence upon efforts to raise standards of
professional education.

A study of the methods of preparation for social work shows no
exception to this experience of the well-established professions.
The only difference worthy of mention is that social work is a more
recent development, and therefore the apprenticeship system is still
in vogue to an extent that would hardly be permitted today in other
professions.

48o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The apprentice method as it has been developed in the social-
work field has been simply a means employed by organizations to
train their new workers. The employee in training sometimes re-
ceives formal instruction from his superior through assigned read-
ings and conferences, but the training consists chiefly of practical
work carried on under supervision. Such an apprenticeship there-
fore cannot be called training for social work for it gives the worker
no well-rounded view of the whole field but prepares him merely
for specific tasks within a single organization.

The organization that conducts the training often safeguards
its own interests by requiring the new worker to remain in its em-
ploy for a stated period of time. In 1898 the Boston Associated
Charities requested its agents in training to agree in advance to
remain for three years in the service of that Society. The United
Charities of Chicago in 1915 demanded a two-year period of service
of those whom it undertook to train. This rule, which was quite
generally followed, makes it clear that the well-established social
work organizations in the larger cities have not desired to accept
responsibility for the training of workers not in their employ. In a
report read at the National Conference of Charities and Correction
at Topeka, Kansas, in 1900, it was stated that

there is but one Society which is making a special effort to train agents
and secretaries for positions in newly organized societies and so spreading the
gospel of organized charities in other cities. This has no reference to the
New York Society which is conducting an excellent six weeks' mid-summer
course for those who wish to take advanced work.

Eight years later Mrs. John M. Glenn discussed this same
subject in a paper read at the National Conference of Charities
and Correction in Richmond, and quoted a field secretary as follows :

I do not know whether large societies feel a responsibility toward small
societies or not. The engagement of a field secretary for Charities and the
Commons would seem to be an indirect evidence that they do. I don't think
we are ready to train workers sent us from other cities, expecting them to go
back to work in other cities.

An apprenticeship system that was limited to the large organi-
zations of a few cities, and admitted to training only a number
sufficient to take care of their labor turnover, could never meet the

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 481

demand for trained workers in a line of work that was constantly
expanding. The first public evidence of recognition of this fact in
this country was a paper read by Miss Anna Dawes, in 1893, at
the International Congress of Charities in Chicago. In this paper,
which had as its subject "The Need of Training Schools for a New
Profession," Miss Dawes pointed out the desperate situation in
which the Charity Organization Society found itself because new
societies were springing up more rapidly than trained workers could
be supplied. As a result of this lack of skilled leadership an undue
proportion of these organizations were either faihng utterly or were
carrying on their work in a feeble and inefficient manner. In com-
menting on this situation. Miss Dawes said:

I am convinced that it is not so much lack of willing individuals as entire
lack of opportunity for training that is the real trouble. For no matter how
much a man may wish to go into this work there is no place where he can learn

its duties What is needed, it seems to me, is some course of study where

an intelligent young person can add to an ordinary education such branches
as may be necessary for this purpose, with a general view of those special
studies in political and social science which are most closely connected with
the problem of poverty, and where both he and his associate already learned
in the study of books can be taught what is now the alphabet of charitable
science — some knowledge of its underlying ideas, its tried and trusted methods,
and some acquaintance with the various devices employed for the upbuilding
of the needy, so that no philanthropic undertaking, from a model tenement
house to a kindergarten or a sand heap, will be altogether strange to his mind.
.... It seems to me that the time has come when either through a course
in some established institution or in an institution by itself, or by the old-
fashioned method never yet improved upon for actual development — the
method of experimental training as the personal assistant of some skilled
worker — it ought to be possible for those who would take up this work to find
some place for studying it as a profession ^

This appeal for a training school did not lead to immediate
action. However clearly a few leaders might see the need of trained
workers, there was very little recognition of this need on the part
of the pubUc. The ninety-two charity organization societies in
existence at that time represented an important and growing move-
ment, but they were supported by a Umited cUentele, and their
methods were not fully understood or approved. Even when we

» Charities Review, III, 49-51.

482 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

add to this list of charity organization societies the organizations
that were springing up in related kinds of social work, the field was
still too limited in scope to offer many inducements to trained
workers. It must not be forgotten also that the pubHc did not
regard philanthropic work as a technical activity that required
special skill and so quite readily employed as workers in this field
those who lacked proper training and experience. This was brought
out very strikingly by Miss Mary E. Richmond in an address made
at Philadelphia, in 1897, in the course of which she cited the fol-
lowing incidents:

"You ask me," wrote a clergyman, "what qualifications Miss has

for the position of agent in the Charity Organization Society. She is a most
estimable lady and the sole support of a widowed mother. It would be a real
charity to give her the place." Another applicant for the same position when
asked whether she had any experience in charity work, replied that she had
had a good deal— she had sold tickets for church fairs. Though those par-
ticular ladies were not employed, is it not still a very common thing to find
charity agents who have been engaged for no better reason? — like the one who
was employed to distribute relief because he had failed in the grocery business.'

The National Conference of Charities and Correction, which had
been bringing together the leading social workers of the country in
annual conference since 1873, gave its first extended consideration
to the problem of professional training at its session in Toronto in
1897. At that meeting Miss Richmond read a paper on the sub-
ject "The Need of a Training School in Applied Philanthropy," in
which she stated her belief that professional standards could not be
attained until a training school had been provided. With admir-
able clearness she pointed out the confusion that existed because
the different types of philanthropic workers were not familiar with
the common ground of knowledge that underhes all charitable work.
She says.

If an agent of a relief society has occasion to confer with the head of a
foundling asylum, is it not likely that the ends they have in view, that the
prinqiples underlying their work, that the very meanings which they attach to
our technical terms, will prove to be quite at variance? What an incalculable
gain to humanity when those who are doctoring social diseases in many depart-
ments of charitable work shall have found a common ground of agreement and

' Charities Review (June, 1897), p. 308.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 483

be forced to recognize certain established principles as xinderlying all effectiv
service! Not immediately, of course, but strongly and steadily such a common
ground could be e^ablished, I believe, by a training school for our professional
workers.

Miss Richmond's plan for the school did not go into details, but
included recommendations that it be located in a large city where
students could have direct access to the work of public and private
charitable agencies, that its affiliation with an educational institu-
tion should not prevent the placing of emphasis upon practical work
rather than upon academic requirements, and that a considerable
part of the instruction be given by specialists in the different fields
who could be engaged to give their lectures during the less busy
months of the year.

At the same meeting another plan was brought forward by
Miss Frances R. Morse, which contemplated the development of
co-operative normal-training by the larger charity organization
centers. In the opinion of Miss Morse, satisfactory training could
be provided by setting up a responsible group of advisers who
would assign students in training to different organizations for
definite periods and exercise general supervision over the students'
instruction so as to make sure that it would cover a wider field
than that of a single agency. It was in fact a sort of centrally
directed apprenticeship system whereby a new worker would be
assigned at successive periods to different agencies, thus making it
possible to secure a well-rounded experience.

Miss Morse's plan did not meet with general favor and the time
did not seem ripe for the establishment of a training school. The
following year, however, in the summer of 1898, the New York
Charity Organization Society took the first steps in the direction
of a professional school by holding a six weeks' training course. In
a lengthy editorial on the subject, "A Training School in Charities
and Correction," the Charities Review of May, 1898, gave the fol-
lowing description of the course to be held that summer:

The main feature of this course is that no tuition is charged, but members
of the course are expected to enter the service of the society for six weeks.
District work, care of one or more families, investigation of special subjects
with one major and one minor report of the results of such investigation are

484 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

to be required. There will be daily sessions for lectures and discussions. An
attractive program has been arranged under the following general plan.

During the first week the subject of charity organization and general
philanthropic work will be considered with visits to the offices in the charities
building, industrial agencies of New York and Brooklyn, and other private
charitable institutions. The second week will be devoted to the care of
dependent and delinquent children and the philanthropic side of mission enter-
prise. In the third week, study will be made of the public charitable insti-
tutions with addresses from the several superintendents and from the President
of the Board of Charities Commissioners. Attention will be given to the work
of the state Charities Aid Association and the state Board of Charities. The
fourth week will be devoted to the study of the care of the dependent sick.
Visits will be made to various hospitals, dispensaries, etc. Consideration will
be given to the care for the aged, and fresh air work. The fifth week will
include some study of general sanitary improvements, the divisions of the
health departments and visits to the improved tenements in New York and
Brooklyn. The first part of the sixth week will be given to the care of delin-
quents with visits to the workhouse and penitentiary; the second half to a
review of the work of the class, with further study into the functions of charity
organization societies in developing the several branches of philanthropic and
reform work into unity and precision.

It is not expected that a thorough training will be imparted in this period.
No diploma or degrees are to be conferred and no promises made concerning
future employment of those who avail themselves of the opportunity offered.
As an experimental contribution toward the end in view, the results of the
present training class will be watched with interest.

Dr. Philip W. Ayres was placed in charge of the training class
which was attended by twenty-seven students representing fourteen
colleges and universities and eleven states. According to the report
of the New York Charity Organization Society for 1897-98, this
course was carried on along the Hnes indicated in a highly satis-
factory manner. The report says,

The immediate results of this experimental course are all that was antici-
pated. Permanent positions have been secured by some, others have gained
valuable material for the university class room, while still others have entered
upon special lines of inquiry which will be prosecuted in the future. It is hoped
that from this beginning a plan of professional training in applied philanthropy
may be developed which will raise the standards of qualifications and of use-
fulness throughout the entire field of charitable work.

This Summer School in Philanthropic Work, as it was called,
filled such a real need that it became for a period of seven years a

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 485

regular feature of the work of the New York Charity Organization
Society. Until the year 1903, this summer course represented prac-
tically the only organized effort to provide systematic training in
the philanthropic field. As its purpose was primarily to increase
the efficiency of active workers, its attendance was largely limited
to those who had at least one year's experience in social work. New
workers were supposed to serve a period of apprenticeship with a
social agency before becoming eligible to register for the course.
The desire for training was so great that it was not difficult to secure
students of high grade. Two hundred and fifteen students were
enrolled during the period 1898-1904, an average of thirty for each
session, which was as large a class as their limited facihties at that
time made practicable. Among those who took this six weeks'
course are many well-known teachers and specialists in the social-
work field. The list of graduates includes: Dr. U. G. Weatherly,
professor of sociology, University of Indiana; C. C. Carstens, gen-
eral secretary, Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
to Children; Kate H. Claghorn, instructor in social research, New
York School of Social Work; Dr. Carl Kelsey, professor of sociology,
University of Pennsylvania; Dr. E. W. Capen, professor of soci-
ology, Hartford Theological Seminary; Eugene T. Lies, formerly
general superintendent. United Charities of Chicago; W. Frank
Persons, formerly director general, CiviKan Relief, American Red
Cross; Alexander M. Wilson, formerly director. Civilian Rehef,
Atlantic Division, American Red Cross; Lilhan Brandt, formerly
statistician, New York Charity Organization Society; Mrs. Alice
Higgins Lothrop, formerly director. Civilian Rehef, New England
Division, American Red Cross; Paul U. Kellogg, editor of Survey;
Frances A. Keller, well-known writer and authority on unemploy-
ment; Porter R. Lee, director, New York School of Social Work; and
Howard S. Braucher, general secretary of Community Service,
Incorporated.

In 1903 the training program of the New York Charity Organi-
zation Society was extended to include a six months' winter session
which provided weekly lectures at a late afternoon hour so that the
course would be available for social workers employed in the city.
One hundred and forty-seven registered for this course, but the

486 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

attendance was irregular on account of the heavy work of the
charitable societies caused by an unusually severe winter.

The following year these experimental training classes developed
into the New York School of Philanthropy under the direction of the
Committee on Philanthropic Education of the New York Charity
Organization Society. The first director of the school was Dr.
Edward T. Devine, who served in this capacity in connection with
his duties as general secretary of the New York Charity Organiza-
tion Society. A full year's course of training was established which
was planned primarily for students without experience in social
work. The first year fifty-seven students registered, twelve of
whom completed the year's work and received the certificate of
the school.

In the fall of the same year, 1904, a similar school was estab-
lished in Boston under the title "School for Social Workers, Main-
tained by Simmons College and Harvard University." Its first
published announcement stated that it was

a school for the study of charity, correction, neighborhood upUft, and kindred
forms of social service, whether under private management or pubUc adminis-
tration. Its purpose is to give opportunities to men and women to study social
problems by practical methods, particularly to those who would become
officials of institutions and agencies or would prepare themselves for service
as volunteers in this field of work.

The school opened with one classroom and a small ofl&ce in
Hamilton Place, Boston, with an enrolment of twenty-six students.
Dr. Jeffrey R. Brackett, the President of the Department of
Charities and Correction of Baltimore, was appointed director
and remained in active charge of the school for a period of sixteen
years.

This demand for trained social workers which resulted in the
estabHshment of these schools in New York and Boston was felt
also in other cities of the country where social work was being
carried on aggressively. In Chicago the movement to secure
trained workers was led by Graham Taylor of Chicago Commons,
who took a prominent part in the development of the Chicago
Institute of Social Science which was established in 1903 as a part
of the Extension Division of the University of Chicago. In the

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 487

January, 1904, issue of The Commons Graham Taylor wrote as
follows concerning this new training course:

At the initiative of a settlement worker, heartily supported by the repre-
sentatives of practically all the private and public charity and correctional
institutions of the city, the University of Chicago will furnish the great facilities
of its Extension Department for the establishment of training centers and
correspondence courses.

Dr. Taylor was appointed director of the Institute which held its
first sessions in the rooms of the University College in the Fine Arts
Building on Michigan Avenue. The students were enrolled chiefly
from the ranks of those employed by the Chicago social agencies
and institutions. The new training course proved so successful
that the Russell Sage Foundation, which was one of the most active
supporters of the movement to develop professional training for
social work, enlarged the Institute by estabhshing in 1907 a depart-
ment of Research, with Juha C. Lathrop and Sophonisba P. Breck-
inridge in charge. The following year the Trustees of Chicago
Commons Association, which had, since 1906, assumed responsi-
bility for the administrative expenses of the Institute, transferred
the management of the school to a new board organized for that
purpose. Steps were immediately taken to establish the school
on an independent basis and it was incorporated in 1908 under the
name of the Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy. The
object of the school as stated at that time was "to promote through
instruction, training, investigation, and pubHcation, the efficiency
of civic, philanthropic and social work and the improvement of
living and working conditions." Graham Taylor still continued
to hold his place of leadership in the school and had among
his co-workers, Sophonisba P. Breckenridge, Edith Abbott and
Allen T. Bums.

Still farther west, in the city of St. Louis, this movement to
provide formal instruction in social work appeared almost con-
temporaneously with its rise in the eastern cities. The interest in
social work training in St. Louis first found expression, in the
winter of 1901-2, in a series of round-table meetings of the workers
in the St. Louis Provident Association under the direction of the
General Manager, W. H. McClain. From this beginning there

488 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

developed a series of fortnightly conferences of the social workers
in the city, followed a little later by fortnightly public lectures
given by persons prominent in different fields of social work.
Regular classroom work was not begun until 1907, when a course
was held in the Y.M.C.A. building, for a period of fiiteen weeks,
at which twenty- three regular students were enrolled. The first
full year's course was begun in the autumn of 1908. While the
school was started by the social workers in the city in order to
provide training facilities for themselves, it was not developed on
an independent basis. Through the efforts of Professor C. A. Ell-
wood, of the department of sociology of the University of Missouri,
and Mr. W. H. McClain, manager of the St. Louis Provident
Association, the school was in 1906 closely affiliated with the Uni-
versity of Missouri. In accordance with the plan agreed upon
Dr. Thomas J. Riley of the department of sociology in the uni-
versity became the first director of the school, thus insuring a
vital relationship with the university in spite of the latter's loca-
tion at a considerable distance from St, Louis. As first organized
the school was known as the St. Louis School of Philanthropy,
In 1909 its name was changed to the St. Louis School of Social
Economy, which remained its title until 1916 when it was re-
christened the Missouri School of Social Economy.

The success of the schools of social work in New York and
Boston stimulated the social agencies in Philadelphia to provide a
training course in that city for the training of their own workers.
In 1908 a special training class was held, which was organized the
following year as the Philadelphia Training School for Social Work.
In the 1910 report of the Philadelphia Society for Organizing
Charity, its general secretary. Porter R. Lee, made the following
statement in regard to the origin of this school :

In many ways the most important step to which the Society has lent its
influence has been the estabhshment of the Philadelphia Training School for
Social Work. Believing that it would be a distinct service to the community
to offer training in social work in Philadelphia to Philadelphia people who
might thereby be encouraged to remain in the city for their permanent work,
the Children's Bureau two years ago established a course of lectures on the
practical problems and methods of social work, a large number of which were
given by experts from outside the city. The lack of opportunities for field

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 489

work in connection with the lectures and the difficulty of holding the students
to definite requirements were obstacles to the success of the plan as a training
school.

This course has now been expanded into a definitely organized school with
a curriculum providing for both class work and field work and for definite
tests for graduations. This has been made p)ossible through the co-operation
of a large number of the city's agencies for social work of which this Society
is one.

The enrolment of the school for the first year was fifty-two,.
Mr. W. O. Easton, director of instruction of the Philadelphia
Y.M.C.A., had personal charge of the administration of the school
in the capacity of executive secretary, during the first few years
of its existence. The teaching staff was composed of leading
specialists in social work in that city. In 1916 the school was
incorporated as the Pennsylvania School for Social Service, and
under the direction of Dr. Bernard J. Newman, and later of Dr.
Frank D. Watson, developed an extensive course of study designed
to prepare students for all the more important types of social work.

This movement to develop training centers for social work
made its first ventures in the South in 1916 with the establishment
of the Richmond School of Social Economy at Richmond, Virginia,
and the Texas School of Civics and Philanthropy at Houston,
Texas. The former is now known as the Richmond School of
Social Work and Public Health and has as its director, Dr. H. H.
Hibbs, Jr., under whose leadership the school was organized. The
Texas School of Civics and Philanthropy, which was organized by
the social agencies of Houston as an independent school, was taken
over by Rice Institute in 1918, when its director. Dr. Stuart A.
Queen, resigned to enter the military service.

These seven schools fall very conveniently into one group, not
merely because they represent similar methods of instruction, but
because they are to a large extent the outcome of the efforts of
social workers to provide training facilities and have been built up
in accordance with the ideals of practical workers rather than with
those of university teachers. The schools in this group are usually
spoken of as the independent schools, to distinguish them from the
departments and schools of social work that have been established
within recent years by colleges and universities. As a matter of

49© THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

fact, only one of these seven schools enjoys the distinction of having
been entirely free from academic connections during its entire
history.

The New York School of Social Work has from its earliest be-
ginnings been under the direction of the Charity Organization So-
ciety of New York and affihated with Columbia University. In a
communication of John S. Kennedy to the president of the New
York Charity Organization Society in October, 1904, notifying
them of his gift to that organization of securities yielding an annual
income of $10,000 for this new school, he said:

I have also considered the possible desirability of establishing the School
as a department of some university, but have decided it should preferably be
connected directly with the practical charity work of the city in analogy
rather to training schools for nurses which are connected with hospitals, than
to any separate university department.

He desired, however, the school to be affiliated with Columbia
University and arranged for the president of the university to be a
member of the committee in charge of the school. What this
affiliation with Columbia involved is stated in the Handbook of the
New York School of Philanthropy for the year 1905-6 as follows:

The students of the School of Philanthropy are admitted to any course in
Columbia for which they may be qualified without charge of tuition fees, the
selection of courses being subject in each instance to the approval of the
Director of the School and of the instructor in the University whose course is
chosen. Students of Columbia University are given reciprocal privileges in
the School of Philanthropy and the work of the School is accepted by the
University as the equivalent of one minor subject for an advanced degree.

During the early years of the school's existence this affiliation
was strengthened by the fact that Dr. Edward T. Devine and Dr.
Samuel M. Lindsay, the first directors of the school, were also mem-
bers of the faculty of Columbia University. Within the past two
years the relation of the school to the university has been modified
by a discontinuance of the plan of reciprocal fee privileges.

The School for Social Workers in Boston was organized in
response to the requests of the social workers in that city, but
was from the first maintained by Simmons College and Harvard
University. Later the connection with Harvard was discontinued

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 491

and at present this school is conducted as a regular department of
Simmons College.

The Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy grew out of the
Chicago Institute of Social Science which was conducted under the
auspices of the Extension Department of the University of Chicago.
In 1908 the school became an independent corporation and main-
tained that status until 1920, when its work was taken over by
the University of Chicago.

The Missouri School of Social Economy was afl&liated with the
University of Missouri at the time of its first organization. In
1909 this affiliation was transferred to Washington University at
St. Louis and the school was conducted as one of the University de-
partments until 1915, when the University severed its relationship
with the school because of the withdrawal of the financial support
of the Russell Sage Foundation. For one year the school was con-
ducted as an independent enterprise and then was taken over by
the University of Missouri which still conducts it under the direc-
tion of its Extension Department.

The Pennsylvania School for Social Service has maintained its
independent status from its first organization until the present
time. The Richmond School of Social Work and Public Health was
established independently, but in 1920 was affiliated with William
and Mary College.

While all but one of these schools have had at some time in
their history, college or university connections, none of their affilia-
tions, prior to the transfer of the Chicago School to the University
of Chicago, has been of such a nature that the university has had
an active part in determining the policies and standards of the
professional school. These schools, whatever their academic affilia-
tions, have been largely under the control of social workers and
throughout their whole development have laid their emphasis upon
practical training for specific kinds of social work.

Another characteristic of this group of professional schools is the
striking similarity in their curricula and methods of instruction.
The terminology used in the announcement of courses may vary in
different schools but there is Httle variation in the field they
attempt to cover. During the first years of the New York School of

492 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Philanthropy, its courses of instruction were arranged under the fol-
lowing groups: (1) survey of the field, principles, theories and
methods of general appKcation; (2) the state in relation to charity;
(3) racial traits in the population; (4) constructive social work; (5)
the care of needy famihes in their homes; (6) child-helping agencies;
(7) treatment of the criminal. In the announcement of the Boston
School in 1905, the topics included in the course of studies were (1)
aim of social service; (2) improvement of general conditions of liv-
ing; (3) neighborhood improvement in city and country; (4) scope
of charity; (5) the needy family; (6) persons out of their own fami-
lies; (7) the criminal. At about the same time the Chicago school
announced courses in (1) introduction to the study of philanthropic
and social work; (2) personal, institutional, and pubhc effort for
dependents; (3) preoccupying and preventive poHcy, agencies, and
methods.

The course of study during those early years was centered around
the problem of poverty and methods of work with the handicapped
and dependent. This was still further emphasized by the require-
ment of field work which was carried on largely under the direction
of agencies doing case-work with families. This emphasis, which
may now seem somewhat one-sided, was then entirely natural and
proper because the students' best opportunities for employment
were in the case-work field, and few other agencies were prepared
to give field work training of any value. This situation, which
influenced the early development of these schools, still persists,
although to a lesser degree. We are not surprised therefore to
find that while the courses of study have been widened to include
social investigation, community organization, industrial welfare,
mental hygiene, etc., the plan of field-work training has experienced
great difiiculty in keeping pace with all the newer developments
in the field of social work. However much this group of profes-
sional schools may differ as to particular courses they otTer, they
find a common bond of agreement in their emphasis upon their
case-work departments and in their insistence that case-work must
form a very considerable part of the training of all their students,
no matter in which field they intend to specialize.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 493

It thus appears that professional training for social work owes
its origin and early development to the initiative of groups of social
workers rather than to any leadership given to it by the universities.
Even in those instances where university affihations were made,
the movement was led by the social workers and the curriculum
was shaped to meet the needs of social agencies rather than made
to conform to the usual requirements of a graduate school. It is
difl&cult to conceive how this could have been otherwise when we
recall that at the time of the establishment of the first summer
course in New York for philanthropic workers, sociology had made
a very small beginning as a university study, and that for the next
ten or fifteen years sociologists were occupied so largely with debates
about method, that their work seemed very remote from the
problems in which social workers were interested.

Nevertheless the sociologists were not altogether indifferent to
their opportunities in the practical field and in some instances took
active steps to correlate their work with that of social agencies.
One of the earliest efforts of this kind was a co-operative plan of
study worked out in 1894 between the University of Wisconsin
and the Associated Charities of Cincinnati. As a result of a series
of lectures given the preceding year at the University of Wisconsin
by Dr. P. W. Ayers, secretary of the Cincinnati Associated Chari-
ties, and another series given at Cincinnati by Dr. Richard T, Ely,
of the University of Wisconsin, on "Socialism and Social Reform,"
two scholarships in the University of Wisconsin in practical soci-
ology were established which entitled the holders to spend the
summer vacation in Cincinnati in practical social work under the
direction of Dr. Ayers. These two scholarship holders were joined
the first summer by eight other college students interested in social
science and formed probably the first group of college students
supplementing their university studies by supervised field work with
social agencies. Mr. C. M. Hubbard, writing in the Charities Review
of December, 1894, called attention to the fact that this experi-
ment demonstrated the value to universities of this type of labora-
tory work. The arrangement, however, proved to be only a
temporary one, and did not lead at that time to the establishment

494 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of regular courses of instruction in applied sociology at the Uni-
versity of Wisconsin.

Another effort to bring about a vital relation between the study
of sociology and the work of social agencies was made during that
same year (1894) by the new School of Sociology established in
connection with the Hartford Theological Seminary. This school
planned a three-year course leading to the degree of Bachelor of
Sociology. Specialists from the field of social work were brought
in as lecturers and the course included practical field work with
social agencies.

As early as 1893, the University of Chicago announced courses
in practical sociology to be given by Professor C. R. Henderson,
which, if properly correlated with field work, would have afforded
perhaps the best opportunity for social work training to be found
at that time.

One of the first significant efforts in the university field to give
the courses in practical sociology a vocational trend was made in
1910 by Dr. J. E. Hagerty, Professor of Economics and Sociology
at Ohio State University. In a bulletin issued that year by the
university announcing courses for the training of students in busi-
ness administration and social science, the following statement was
made:

The Social Science group of courses has been arranged for the training of
professional and volunteer social workers. The state of Ohio has thousands
of paid and volunteer social workers, most of whom are untrained for their
work. If it is the duty of the state university to train its students for efficient
citizenship, it should offer facilities for the trainmg of professional and volun-
teer social workers. The new ideas of philanthropy, if put in practice, would
reduce the number of dependents and criminals, and make more efficient the
state and county institutions and the private charities.

The curriculum, which was primarily designed for the last
two years of the undergraduate course, included such subjects as
charities, criminology, accounting, psychology, labor organization,
labor legislation, races, poverty and preventive philanthropy,
animal psychology, abnormal psychology, folk psychology, a
seminar in social research, and field work under supervision run-
ning throughout the last year. The university had already been
conducting courses in applied sociology for a period of five years

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 495

and was well equipped to give the required instruction in this
field.

This training course differed from the usual courses offered by
the independent schools of social work in that it was planned to
fit into the undergraduate curriculum, laid a great deal of emphasis
upon knowledge of fundamental subjects, and did not give the
customary amount of time to field work experience. The demand
for training of this kind was sufficient to justify its continuance,
and in 1916 social service training became a regular activity of the
newly organized College of Commerce and Journalism. This move-
ment at Ohio State University was in a measure typical of what
was undertaken in a few other colleges and universities, but in
general the technical courses in applied sociology offered by uni-
versities prior to the world-war could not be regarded as con-
stituting much more than an excellent background for professional
study.

The need of active university participation in education for
social work was set forth in a striking manner by Professor Felix
Frankfurter of the Harvard Law School at the National Conference
of Charities and Correction at Baltimore in 1915. After pointing
out the successive steps in the development of medical and legal
education in this country, Dr. Frankfurter said:

I submit that what has been found necessary for adequate training for
those social activities which we call the profession of law and medicine, is
needed for the very definite, if undefined, profession we call social work. I
can not beUeve that the preliminary training of a lawyer, most of his life spent
in the adjustment of controversies between individuals, requires less of a
background, less of an understanding of what has gone before in life, less
of a rigorous critical discipline, than is needed by those of you who go out to
pass judgment on the social conditions of whole communities; by those of you
who administer laws like the minimum-wage laws, and the other social legis-
lation now administered in great numbers by social workers. Secondly, I can
not beUeve that a training fit to discipline people who shall guide and deal with
the social forces of the day, can be done in less time than the time found
necessary for the training of lawyers. Thirdly, I can not believe that the
experience of medicine and law as to the quality of teachers to train men in
those professions, applies less in regard to teachers of social work. I beheve
social workers, to reach the professional level, must be guided by teachers who
give their whole time and thought to it. The time has gone by when the

496 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

teaching of any profession can be entrusted to persons who from their exacting
outside work of practice or administration, give to teaching their tired leavings.
Finally, and at the center of it all, is complete association with a university.
The schools for social work have sprung up, of course, in our large industrial
cities. Is not their evolution destined to become an integral part of the uni-
versities in those cities to which they are now, in most cases, somewhat platoni-
cally attached? For the university is the workshop of our democracy. If it
is not that, it has no excuse for being. The university should be the laboratory
of this great new mass of scientific and social facts, and the co-ordinator of these
facts for legislation, for administration, for courts, for public opinion. The
nineteenth century necessarily was a period of specialization, even over-
speciaUzation. Our task is to unify and correct the partial facts of the all too
scattered social sciences. Mr. Flexner truly pictured the character of social
work in showing its close interrelation with medicine and law, and sanitation,
and the other applied social sciences. In a scattered way these professional
studies are now pursued by the university. The function of the university,
however, is to accommodate these various social sciences, to unite in a whole
all these facts of life. The schools for social work must be intimate parts of
the university, because they must have contact with the other branches of the
university's work. I suspect that by a careful scheme of co-ordination our
great universities could establish schools of applied social science with very
little addition to their existing plant or personnel. These schools need the
iiniversity. But the university needs the school for social work. Just as
the medical school can not do its job well without a connected hospital, so the
medical school, and the law school, and other branches of the university, need
the experience and the experimentation which a school for social work should
produce. These various aspects, necessarily specializations of one common
endeavor, should be parts of a single intellectual community.

At the time when this statement was made, only a few of the
universities were at all conscious of the important ser^ace they
could render in this field of professional education. The social
workers on their part were not inchned to urge universities to
develop their curricula in this direction. As a matter of fact, the
behef was quite generally held among social workers that training
could be given much more advantageously in an independent school
unhampered by academic traditions. The university courses, it
was felt, would give an inadequate place to field work and would
turn out theorists instead of persons equipped along practical
lines.

Without doubt, the prevailing type of instruction in university
departments of sociology gave considerable ground for the attitude

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 497

of the social workers. Graduate students in sociology preparing
for teaching positions were seldom required to supplement their
university instruction with clinical experience in the social work
field. Their acquaintance with social agencies was usually Umited
to what could be gained through observational visits or assignment
for research based on the data available in their files. It was not
uncommon for sociologists equipped in this way to underestimate
what is involved in learning the technique of social work. Their
attitude toward the social agency was not similar to that of the
medical instructor toward the hospital cKnic. They were not
accustomed to regard participation in the work of a social agency
as a valuable means of acquiring scientific knowledge of social
problems.

To the extent that the foregoing justly characterized the usual
attitude of sociological instructors, it is clear that they were not
fitted for leadership in training for social work. But \yhat must
not be overlooked was the growing tendency in all the social
sciences toward active participation in practical affairs. The
psychologists and economists as well as the sociologists were rapidly
making a place for themselves outside their customary academic
roles.

Undoubtedly this movement which had been gaining momentum
for a considerable time was greatly accelerated during the world-
war. Men in academic positions suddenly found themselves
called upon to aid in organizing and conducting the network of
industrial and social agencies that sprang into activity because of
the military situation. The experience gained in this way could not
fail to have a profound effect upon their attitude toward practical
work.

Moreover, the experience of the universities in modifying their
courses of study so as to provide practical training along Hues of
war work must not be forgotten. Of special significance for depart-
ments of sociology were the emergency training courses in home
service, which these departments were asked to give in co-operation
with the American Red Cross. These training courses were held
during and immediately following the war in fifteen universities
where, previously, practical training for social work had not been

498 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

undertaken. In order that these courses might be as nearly as
possible uniform in quahty and content, the Red Cross outlined
the subject-matter, prescribed the standards of the course, supple-
mented the teaching personnel of the university and usually as-
sumed responsibility for the field work of the students. Through
these home service institutes there was demonstrated the need of
training faciUties for social work in wide sections of the country
where schools of that kind had not existed. By actual experience
the university men who participated in these courses came to a
proper appreciation of the requirements in this field of professional
education. Without doubt the efforts of the Red Cross to estabhsh
these training courses were an important factor in stimulating the
interest of universities in education for social work.

At the time of the organization of the Association of Training
Schools for Professional Social Work in 1919, it was found that nine
colleges and universities were doing work of a sufficiently high grade
in this field to warrant their enrolment as members of this Associa-
tion. This list comprised Bryn Mawr College, Carnegie Institute of
Technology, Smith College, University of Chicago, University of
Minnesota, Ohio State University, University of Pittsburgh, Univer-
sity of Toronto, and Western Reserve University. This group by
no means includes all the colleges and universities now actively at
work in this field. Other institutions that are offering this year pro-
fessional courses in social work are the following: Berea College,
Kentucky, University of California, Harvard University, Johns
Hopkins University, University of Indiana, University of North
Carolina, University of Oklahoma, University of Oregon, Uni-
versity of Washington, McGill University, Tulane University, and
University of Wisconsin. In addition to these, brief training
courses were given during the past year in Cornell University, New
Jersey State College of Agriculture, University of West Virginia,
University of Virginia, Converse College, University of Kentucky,
University of Iowa, University of Texas, University of Colorado,
Syracuse University, University of Nebraska, University of Missouri,
and Iowa State College of Agriculture.

While the experience of these institutions in this field of pro-
fessional education has covered a very brief period, there are

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 499

already evident certain outstanding tendencies that are exercising
a profound influence upon methods of education for social work.

In the first place their curriculum is built up to meet the needs
of college students and graduates. The usual university standards
of admission discourage the attendance of those whose qualifications
are based on practical experience rather than upon attainments
along academic Hnes. Students with inadequate academic prepara-
tion may gain admission as special students but their inability to
get university credit tends to restrict attendance to people of college
grade. It is reasonable to expect that the university schools of
social work will follow the example of the older professional schools
in the universities and gradually raise the entrance requirements
until students ineligible to work for a degree will be denied ad-
mission.

A second characteristic of their work is their insistence on pre-
requisite studies in the social sciences as a basis for professional
instruction. This of course does not represent so much a new
departure as a change of emphasis. The older schools of social work
have always recognized the value of knowledge of the social sciences,
but with few exceptions they have not insisted upon a thorough-
going study in this field as preliminary to a professional course.
The attitude of the universities, on the other hand, is seen in their
attempt to build up a four or five-year course in which students
would, from the beginning of their undergraduate work, specialize
in the social sciences.

Again a majority of the university schools of social work have
given chief emphasis to courses in small town and rural community
problems. The universities have been stimulated to enter this
field of community organization largely because of the recent wide-
spread demand on the part of the Red Cross for community workers.
The location also of many of these university schools in compara-
tively small towns has made it natural for them to study the social
problems nearest at hand. At present courses in community
studies, community organization, recreation, and similar courses
dealing with preventive and constructive rather than remedial social
work, are receiving increasing attention in most of the universities'
schools of social work.

500 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

In order to provide suitable field work for these courses dealing
with small town and open country problems, it has been necessary
to depart widely from the usual methods. Instead of turning
students over to a well-equipped agency for practical training, it
has been necessary to give them much of their experience in com-
munities where social work had not been well organized. Family
case-work has not been neglected but in adapting its methods to
small towns and rural situations, the university schools of social
work have faced a difficult problem. Of equal importance with
this family work is field work with communities and with groups
within these communities. This involves experience in com-
munity studies, development of community programs, community
recreation, and the building up of a public interest in social prob-
lems. The university schools of social work located in small towns
have had to concentrate their efforts on the development of training
facilities in unorganized communities, instead of relying upon social
agencies to provide practical training for their students.

The colleges and universities therefore have not only entered
the field of education for social work but are already beginning to
place their stamp upon standards and methods of instruction. At
least twenty-one colleges and universities in this country and in
Canada have definitely undertaken to develop schools of social
work as a reguJar part of their activities. The effect of this in
taking the control of instruction in social work away from the
practical workers and placing it in the hands of educational special-
ists is already being seen.

ni. THE PROPER BASIS OF EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK

The history of professional education reveals a long struggle to
determine the proper basis upon which technical instruction should
build. As long as professional standards were low and of httle
influence, not much importance was attached to the problem of the
proper relationship of general to professional education. During
the early stages of the development of professional schools of law,
education, and medicine, the student entered upon his professional
studies without very serious consideration of his previous prepara-
tion for that particular field.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 501

Within recent years marked changes have occurred in the stand-
ards of admission to professional schools. In 1904 there were only
four medical schools in this country that required any college work
for admission; in 1917 the number that required one or two years
of such work had increased to eighty-three, which was 92 per cent
of the total number of medical schools. This same tendency to
lay greater stress upon a high standard of general education char-
acterizes also the schools of law, education, and engineering. The
inadvisability of specialization without a broad foundation is now
generally recognized. In all the well-established professions it is
taken for granted that general culture, breadth of view, and a
common knowledge of fundamental subjects must go along with
technical skill and knowledge, if high professional standing is to be
attained.

But even more significant is the growing insistence upon pre-
professional studies as a prerequisite to vocational courses. A
general education as represented by a high-school or college course
has a varying content and therefore cannot be regarded as pos-
sessing uniform value as a preparation for the professional schools.
Each profession has its fundamental sciences upon which its tech-
nical instruction must be based. The student of medicine is soon
out of his depth imless he is well grounded in biology and chemistry
and is familiar with the laboratory technique of the natural sciences.
The engineering student's task is hopeless without an adequate
knowledge of mathematics and physics. The legal student should
bring to his professional studies a mind well-informed along lines
of poKtical and economic science. The instructor in a school of
education ought to be able to take for granted that his students are
famihar with the principles of psychology and sociology.

As a matter of fact there is as yet no uniform agreement on the
part of these professions as to the amount and quality of the strictly
preprofessional studies that should be made a requirement of ad-
mission to their professional schools. The schools of medicine and
engineering which must look to the natural sciences as a basis for
their work, have, as might be expected, taken the greatest strides
forward in their insistence upon prerequisite studies. On the other
hand the professions that find their basis in the broad field of the

502 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

social sciences find difficulty in setting up similar standards for
prerequisites in that field. Social science from its very nature
cannot be as exact as natural science and seems less indispensable
perhaps because it is so intimately connected with facts and prin-
ciples that are more or less matters of common knowledge.

But in spite of the lack of uniform insistence by all the pro-
fessions on prerequisite studies the tendency in that direction is
clear and its correctness unquestioned. Professional schools can-
not attain a high standard unless they can assume that their
students are properly equipped for technical instruction. The best
medical schools recognize this by their encouragement of pre-
medical courses designed for the college student who desires a college
degree, and at the same time is endeavoring to prepare himself for
the study of medicine. While it may be a long time before pro-
fessional schools are placed on a thoroughgoing graduate basis, the
nature of their task and the increasing demands that are made upon
them are steadily raising their standards of admission.

In the newer field of professional education for social work
efforts to approximate the standards set up by the best professional
schools have been hampered by the undeveloped state of social
work itself and by the failure of the public to appreciate the value
of thoroughly trained workers. Much more than in other profes-
sions the apprenticeship system of training for social work is an
active competitor with the professional school. Such a large num-
ber of people still find employment in social work without the
technical equipment that a professional school is expected to furnish
that insistence upon high standards of professional education does
not yet seem very practicable. For this reason professional schools
of social work have usually followed the custom of admitting stu-
dents to their courses without rigid insistence upon academic
requirements. Even though high standards of admission may seem-
ingly be set up, these are Ukely to be offset by qualifying phrases
or alternatives which result in the admission of any student who
would be passed upon favorably by a social agency seeking an ap-
prentice worker.

That this is not an overstatement seems evident from the pub-
lished statements of the entrance requirements of the professional

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 503

schools of social work. The New York School of Social Work,
which stands among the first in its teaching equipment and high
standards of work, states that

the standard of instruction is that of a graduate school. A college edu-
cation, therefore, or equivalent preparation is essential in order to do the work
of the school satisfactorily and profitably. Familiarity with the following
subjects is recommended as a foundation for the course: Economics, Biology,
History (Industrial and Social), Psychology and Political Science.

The School for Social Workers in Boston requires its applicants
to have had either a college education or a high-school education
supplemented by sufficient subsequent experience. Their Bulletin
states :

As a desirable preparation for the school and social work, students in col-
leges are advised to study the following subjects: physiology bearing on
hygiene, psychology, economics, the structure of society, the family, state and
local government, one laboratory course in science.

The Chicago School of Civics and Philanthropy gave in its last
Bulletin the following as its entrance requirements:

All candidates for admission must have a general education equivalent to
that of a good secondary school and in addition, either, (a) must have taken a
considerable part of a college or vmiversity course, or {b) must have shown
ability in practical work. Satisfactory evidence of good health, good character,
capacity for practical work and earnestness of endeavor must be presented.

Students who are graduates of colleges and universities of recognized
standing will be admitted to the regular second year courses of the School as
candidates for the diploma of the School. Such students must, however, show
during the first quarter of the School, ability to do work of a high grade.
Otherwise they will be required with the opening of the second quarter to
register in the first year courses.

The first year course is offered to meet the need of a large group of persons
who wish training for social work, but who have not had the advantage of the
pre-professional courses now offered in colleges and universities. It is assumed
that those who complete satisfactorily this introductory course will remain a
second year. To those who remain and complete a curriculum composed of
second year courses arranged by the Registrar and approved by the Dean, a
certificate of the School wiU be granted.

Mature persons who have had practical experience testing in some measure
their fitness for social work, trained nurses, teachers, church workers, and
others who feel that it is too late for them now to undertake college or univer-
sity work, will be admitted to this introductory course. Younger persons

504 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

applying for admission are advised to prepare themselves for the second year
at a good college or university.

In the Bulletin of the Pennsylvania School for Social Service it is
stated that

candidates for admission to the School must have sufficient intelligence
and maturity to deal with social problems. They must be able to express
themselves in oral and written EngUsh. They must also have studied sys-
tematically some of those branches on which a knowledge of society is based,
such as history, economics, biology, psychology and sociology. Some labora-
tory training is deemed essential to insure a scientific approach to social
problems.

The Missouri School of Social Economy states that its candi-
dates for admission must fulfill one of the following requirements:

(1) The completion of a college course. (2) Graduation from a recognized
secondary school. (3) Definite social service experience in which they have
shown special aptitude. Among the general subjects in which proficiency is
desirable are economics, sociology, psychology and English.

The Richmond School of Social Work and Public Health re-
quires a high-school education or its equivalent for admission to its
courses.

The standards of admission as quoted above indicate the unwill-
ingness of these schools to place themselves on a thoroughgoing
graduate basis. Even if it is granted, as they maintain, that their
standard of instruction is that of a graduate school, students are
admitted to their courses who according to the usual tests would
not be eligible for graduate work. The Pennsylvania school makes
no academic requirements that can be definitely measured in terms
of secondary school or college work. The Missouri school gives
three alternatives arranged in descending scale from the point of
view of academic standards.

The Chicago school opened its first-year course to those who
have a general education equivalent to that of a secondary school,
while college graduates were admitted at once to their second-year
courses. The Richmond school sets up a similar standard with the
exception that the way is left open for mature persons of practical
experience to enter the second-year course along with college gradu-
ates. The New York school modifies its requirements of a college

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 505

education with the statement that it will accept "equivalent prepa-
ration" the nature of which is not defined. The Boston school
sets up practically the same alternative but defines its "equiva-
lent" to mean secondary school education supplemented by prac-
tical experience.

When these entrance requirements ?re subjected to another test
of a graduate school, namely, insistence upon preprofessional studies
that would give the students a knowledge of the sciences related to
their field of work, an equally unsatisfactory showing is made. In
general the value of preliminary instruction in the social sciences is
recognized but such instruction is not made an absolute require-
ment. In their references to these subjects the Bulletins usually
adopt such phrases as "famiHarity is recommended" or a "desira-
ble preparation," instead of a recognizing that technical instruction
in social work must be based on a knowledge of the social sciences.
Even the Pennsylvania school, which requires candidates to have
"studied systematically some of these branches on which a knowl-
edge of society is based," does not enforce this rigidly, for it offers a
course called "Scientific Bases of Social Work" which is intended
"to provide a background of certain fundamental concepts in biol-
ogy, psycholog}^, economics, and sociology for those who have not
had these subjects in college."

The Richmond school makes no reference at all to the desir-
abihty of knowledge of the social sciences. It is worthy of mention
that the New York, Boston, and Chicago schools do not include
sociology in the list of studies mentioned as desirable preparation
for their training courses.

Lack of uniform agreement in standards of admission is found
also in the departments of social work maintained by the nine
colleges and universities that have membership in the Association of
Training Schools for Professional Social Work, but in the case of these
institutions, the differences are of another nature. These colleges
and universities may be conveniently divided into two groups, each
representing a distinct point of view in its methods of providing
professional training. The first group includes the institutions that
place their departments of social work on a graduate basis and
limit attendance to those who hold a bachelor's degree. Strong

5o6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

emphasis is placed on the satisfactory completion of undergraduate
courses in the social sciences and in most cases such courses are an
absolute requirement for admission to the technical courses of in-
struction. This group includes Bryn Mawr College, Smith College,
Western Reserve University, and University of Toronto.

In the second group are those institutions that place their chief
emphasis upon a four-year undergraduate course of instruction in
social work leading to a Bachelor's degree. A year or more of
graduate work is also provided but even this, it is urged, should
follow the specialized undergraduate course instead of being re-
garded as giving adequate professional training to any college
graduate. It is obvious that the requirements of a secondary-school
education for admission to a four-year undergraduate course spe-
cializing in preparation for social work cannot be compared with a
similar requirement for admission to a so-called graduate school of
social work. The institutions that make up this group are the
University of Chicago, University of Minnesota, Ohio State Uni-
versity, University of Pittsburgh, and the Carnegie Institute of
Technology.

The foregoing analysis of the present actual basis of education
for social work as is shown by the standards of admission of pro-
fessional schools indicates the wide divergence of opinion among
those at work in this field. It reveals on the one hand the tendency
of the independent schools to distrust the value of college courses
in the social sciences and to make concessions to candidates for ad-
mission who have had approved kinds of practical experience. On
the other hand the movement in the universities to set up a course
of instruction that would begin early in the undergraduate school
and cover a period of four to five years, has grown out of their
feehng that the social-work student needs a more thorough founda-
tion in the social sciences than is usually obtained in the college
course.

In the field of education for social work we find therefore not
merely varying standards of admission to the professional schools
but important differences in regard to what should constitute the
basis of their technical instruction. Should a college education be
made a requirement of admission to a school of social work regard-

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 507

less of the subjects included in the college course? In view of the
varying content of the subject-matter of the courses in the social
sciences in different institutions, as well as the differences in the
quality of instruction, is it practicable at the present time to set up
a high standard of attainment in these sciences as a prerequisite to
a professional school? Since social work from its very nature makes
such heavy demands upon soundness of judgment, strong person-
ality, and practical experience, should not factors of this kind rather
than academic requirements be given chief consideration? Is it
wise at this stage of development of social work to set up academic
standards of admission to professional schools that cannot be at-
tained by many who otherwise seem admirably fitted to become
useful social workers?

It is of help in trying to answer these questions to remind our-
selves that the heart of the difficulty lies, in the last analysis, in the
chaotic state of social work itself. As long as there is in the wide
field of social work no professional organization that concerns itself
with standards and gives real unity to the profession it is to be ex-
pected that each type of social work will set up its own standards
based upon its own experience and point of view. In such a stage
of development of social work, science has no assured place. Scien-
tific studies seem far removed from practical work and therefore any
alHance with them that places restrictions upon the entrance to
social work is regarded as inconsistent with its proper development.
It is nothing more or less than the age-long misunderstanding be-
tween the practical worker and the man of science. The former
was first in the field and is incKned to regard the scientist as an
intruder until science has outstripped practice and gained the right
of leadership.

In the medical profession the confusion between medical prac-
tice and medical science existed until the latter was able in com-
paratively recent years to demonstrate its proper place in the
determination of professional standards. While the social sciences
have not advanced as far as the natural sciences they are sufficiently
well developed to justify their claim that they must be taken into
account in efforts to solve social problems. Any difference of opin-
ion about this must be regarded as due to ignorance of the present

5o8 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

status of the social sciences or failure to appreciate the place of
science in modern progress.

If technical instruction in social work is to be based on the
social sciences, what is the extent of the foundation that should be
required? Certainly the minimum requirement would seem to be
the usual undergraduate courses in sociology, economics, history,
political science, psychology, and biolog>^ It is difficult to see how
anything less could give the student a scientific equipment com-
parable to that which is expected of the medical student. In the
four-year undergraduate course in social work offered by several of
the universities this equipment in social sciences comes as a matter
of course. The graduate schools of social work, however, will not
fiind it easy to require their candidates for admission to be thor-
oughly famihar with the social sciences. Taking the country as a
whole the majority of those seeking training in social work are
deficient in these subjects. Maybe the graduate schools could
meet the situation by establishing a preHminary year for the benefit
of students who need a better foundation for their technical studies,
A better solution perhaps would be to increase the number of
universities that give an undergraduate course in social work. The
graduate schools then could maintain a real graduate status and
would no longer need to give their attention to elementary courses
of instruction.

During a period of adjustment it might be necessary to make
provision for special courses to meet the extraordinary demand for
social workers. This would be especially true in those sections of
the country where few colleges and universities give adequate
attention to the social sciences. But in a reasonably brief time a
sufficient number of students could be found properly prepared for
their professional studies. The number that would be lost by the
setting of higher standards would be at least partially offset by those
who would not have been attracted to the professional school under
its present system of instruction.

This emphasis upon academic attainments as a basis of educa-
tion for social work must not force unduly into the background the
personal qualifications that should be possessed by those seeldng
training in this particular field. While in all the professions the

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 509

highest success cannot be won unless technical equipment is sup-
plemented by a high grade of personal qualities, in social work
this is pre-eminently true. The social worker's stock in trade
seems much less tangible than that of the engineer, physician,
lawyer, or teacher. His services to individuals and communities
may be vital and based on expert knowledge, but they do not
always stand out in such a clear-cut and definite manner that they
are easily understood and readily acceptable. For this reason
technical knowledge alone is not sufi&cient. The social worker must
be a salesman, a promoter, an organizer. His personaUty should
be such as would command respect and win confidence. He must
be a community leader and at the same time possess those qualities
of tact, and sympathy, and common sense, and power of will that
give him personal influence over those whom he is trying to help.

Personal qualifications, therefore, must also be regarded as
necessary prerequisites for technical training in social work. Ac-
curate means of measuring these quaHties in appHcants for admis-
sion to a professional school do not exist. A careful study of a
candidate's references often proves insufiicient. In order to arrive
at a correct judgment, this should be supplemented by personal
observation of the student during his period of training. In the
undergraduate school of social work a decision about the student's
quaHfications can be made after the first two years' work before
the specialization has gone far enough to make it difl&cult for the
student to change his line of study. In the graduate school, an
accurate decision ought to be made about the student's personal
qualifications before he enters upon the course. Efforts to raise
the standards of education for social work must include due atten-
tion to an accurate measurement of personal qualities as well as of
academic attainments.

IV. TECHNICAL COURSES OF INSTRUCTION

In the discussion of the historical development of schools of
social work it has already been pointed out that their courses of
instruction were from the beginning of a most practical nature.
The instructors in almost all instances were persons engaged in
social work who were more interested in imparting to their students

5IO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

their technique than in following the usual academic type of
instruction. Just because the schools of social work were organized
in this way they escaped some of the shortcomings that have
hampered the progress of other fields of professional education.
The first engineering schools were manned by university instructors
who carried their university teaching methods into the professional
school and as a consequence failed for a long time to adjust them-
selves to the real needs of engineering students. Medical educa-
tion also passed through its didactic method of instruction and only
gradually built up courses growing out of a scientific handhng of
experience.

The schools of social work on the other hand began with training
classes held by social work organizations for the benefit of their
own employees. They were interested in technique rather than in
research and sought their teaching material in daily experience
instead of in textbooks. The graduates of these schools there-
fore were usually acceptable to the social agencies, and fitted into
available positions without the necessity of making radical adjust-
ments. But while these results were fortunate it must not be
overlooked that schools of this kind have a tendency to place
emphasis upon immediate needs rather than upon the thorough-
going scientific foundation demanded by the best professional
standards. It thus happened that the schools of social work, in
avoiding the mistakes of academic instruction, went to the opposite
extreme of depreciating the value of the scientific studies carried
on by the universities. As a natural result the professional schools
lost in academic standing and were generally given the same rating
as normal schools of the older type. The universities on their part
failed for many years to receive the impetus to the development
of their work in the social sciences which would have resulted from
a frank recognition of the value of laboratory and clinical work in
this field.

Within the past few years this traditional gulf between the social
scientist in the university and the social worker seems in a fair way
of being bridged. Both are finding that they have much to learn
from each other and that through a union of effort their common
goal can more easily be attained. The social worker is not merely

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 511

a practitioner but is also a social scientist. He must therefore be
equipped in the use of scientific methods as well as in the practical
technique of his daily work.

This new attitude cannot fail to have a marked effect upon the
curriculum of the schools of social work. It at once makes it
evident as has already been pointed out that this curriculum must
be built upon the foundation of scientific studies rather than upon
the foundation of general education and practical experience. It
is difficult to see how instruction in schools of social work can be of
graduate quality if their curriculum is adapted equally well to the
needs of college graduates who have speciaHzed in the social sciences
and of other students with either less or a different type of pre-
hminary education. As long as students are permitted to plunge
into technical courses of social work, as is now frequently the case,
without careful study of those sciences that deal with the social
order, it is useless to attempt to standardize these courses and
maintain them at the high level required in other professions. But
while this insistence upon a proper scientific foundation represents a
real step forward, it would be unfortunate if the social scientists in
the universities attempted to make radical changes in the courses
of instruction in social work without an appreciation of the value
of the methods that have been followed.

In working out the curricula of schools of social work the
custom has generally been to have the courses follow very closely
the different t}^es of work carried on by the various agencies. For
example the courses given by the New York School of Social Work
are grouped under eight departments: case- work, child welfare,
industry, social research, community work, mental hygiene, crimi-
nology, and medical social service. In some of the courses certain
processes characteristic of the different kinds of social work are
singled out and the technique of carrying on these processes is
made the subject of instruction. Examples of such courses are
those dealing with the technique of case-work, the technique of
social research, the technique of community organization, and the
technique of record keeping. Other courses deal directly with types
of social work carried on by the more important social agencies.
In this group we find such courses as family welfare, child welfare,

512 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

recreation, juvenile delinquency, housing investigation, psychiatric
social work, and medical social service.

While some of these courses are similar in title to those offered
by a well-equipped university department of apphed sociology,
their distinguishing characteristic is their emphasis upon technique.
The point of view is action, not contemplation and reflection. The
students do not stand off and study the problem in a detached
manner but are made to feel that they are actively participating in
all the processes connected with its solution. They find them-
selves surrounded by the atmosphere of social work rather than
that of social research. As a result they do not learn merely about
social problems; they learn how to deal with them. A typical
university course in the administration of charities may make quite
clear the problems in this field A student in such a course may
with great profit to himself make a study of different types of
administration and secure results of value as social research. It is
an entirely different matter to present this course in such a way
that the student assumes the attitude of the participator rather
than that of the observer and thus is made to feel as living reaHties
the different methods and points of view of those at work in this
field.

This type of technical instruction represents one of the great
contributions of the schools of social work to the field of applied
sociology. Without courses of this nature a high type of profes-
sional instruction cannot be given. A great mistake will be made
by the universities that have recently become interested in edu-
cation for social work if they believe that the addition of a field-
work course to their traditional courses in social science will equip
them for professional instruction. Nothing will more quickly
discredit the recent efforts of universities to enter this field. It
would represent a backward step in professional education in which
the social scientist will have failed to take advantage of the painful
experiences through which the technical schools of other profes-
sions have passed.

If the universities are to succeed in this field of instruction it is
essential that they clearly recognize the difference between the
course that lays emphasis upon knowledge through research and the

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 513

course that is interested in technique. At present the tendency in
a few universities is to combine these two types of courses under
the direction of an instructor who may know something about
technique, but has himself never mastered it. Such a situation
would not be tolerated in a medical school for there it is taken for
granted that an instructor in therapeutics must himself at some
time have acquired experience in that field through successful
practice. Just here is the great difficulty the universities face in
developing professional instruction in social work. Men of aca-
demic standing with experience in practical work are not easily
available for teaching purposes. The bearing of this fact upon the
problem under discussion should be recognized. Nothing can be
more fatal to the influence of the university in this field of pro-
fessional education than to assume that courses can be made voca-
tional by a change in name and a slight modification of content.
Vocational courses worthy of consideration in professional circles
must be conducted by instructors whose minimum participation
in practical work is sufficient to enable them to create the atmos-
phere of the social agency under discussion and to impart to the
students its point of view.

The influence therefore of the university on the curriculum of
schools of social work may not necessarily be in the fine of progress.
Their methods of instruction and attitude toward practical work
will in many instances need considerable modification before they
are equipped for effective leadership in this field. If, however, the
necessary adjustments are successfully made, there is reason to
believe that the universities' entrance into professional education
for social work will exert an influence upon its standards similar
to that brought about by their participation in other fields of pro-
fessional education.

Where their influence is particularly needed is in giving greater
emphasis to intellectual standards. The curriculum of schools of
social work has been built up almost entirely by practical workers
whose emphasis has chiefly been laid on the side of experience.
The courses of study have been designed to teach how particular
processes should be carried on and definite situations met. Along
with this emphasis upon the value of training by doing there has

514 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

grown up, if not a distrust of intellectual studies, at least a failure
to appreciate their proper place in a scheme of professional educa-
tion. This tendency is by no means new for it has characterized
the early stages of legal, engineering, and medical education. It is
an inheritance from the apprenticeship system of training and must
be outgrown as standards of education are raised.

It would be imfair to leave the impression that present courses
of instruction in schools of social work pay no attention to academic
standards. Much progress has been made during the past two
decades since the organization of the first training classes. Courses
of instruction usually incorporate the best results of social research
and carry with them the customary quota of assigned readings.
The chief difficulty is that the requirements in practical work are
placed first throughout the whole course and are in some cases so
heavy that time for study is reduced to a minimum. In one in-
stance, the students in a school of social work spent their mornings
in practical work with a social agency, their afternoons in classes
at the school, and their evenings in participating in the varied
activities of social settlements. The usual amount of readings
supplementary to the courses were assigned to the students but it
was manifestly impossible to insist upon the outside study necessary
to make these courses comparable to a graduate school. While
this may be an unusual instance it is fairly typical of the prevailing
tendency. What is needed is not merely a recognition of the value
of study but an arrangement of the curriculum that would make a
proper amount of study possible. It is to be expected that the
influence of the universities will be in the direction of increased
time for study. Indeed, unless they modify to a certain extent
their traditional point of view, they may go too far in their intel-
lectual requirements and fail to build up a well-balanced cur-
riculum.

Another serious problem of the curriculum has to do with the
organization of the courses of instruction. What principles shall de-
termine the arrangement of the subject-matter? Can these courses
be made to give a better historical perspective and a wider knowledge
of general principles without detracting from the interest that is
always aroused by the immediately practical? Here is a problem

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 515

that is vital to the success of the professional school. If the inde-
pendent schools of social work have erred in concentrating too great
attention upon practical problems and immediate situations, the
university courses in this field have usually gone to the opposite
extreme. Will it be possible to build up courses that will avoid
the shortcomings of both?

It would seem that the solution of this problem does not demand
a radical change in the general type of professional course that
has become most common. In so far as these courses are built
up around a study of the problems with which social work has to
deal they are essentially right in principle. Courses dealing with
problems of the family, the community, child welfare, juvenile
delinquency, immigration, housing, recreation, and similar problems,
not only cover subjects with which social workers must be familiar
but represent the best pedagogical method of approach.

Where they frequently need strengthening is in an increased
emphasis upon the more general facts and principles that give a
comprehensive understanding of the whole situation rather than a
definite solution of the immediate problem. The problem itself
should continue to be the point of departure and should lead in a
natural way to a study of the historical facts bearing upon it. By
beginning with the problem instead of the historical introduction
so common in university courses, the interest necessary for con-
centrated effort is aroused and the interpretative value of the his-
torical elements stand out more clearly. But the point where the
usual professional course lays itself open to criticism is in its
tendency to lead directly toward a consideration of methods and
technique. The failure to give sufficient emphasis to the complex
factors that enter into the problem under discussion and the causes
that underhe it bring about a concentration upon mechanical pro-
cesses and an overrefinement of technique, that may be useful to
speciahsts who are to deal with particular situations but does not
make them professionally educated in the broadest sense. The
ideal in technical courses of instruction is to make everything con-
tribute to a thorough knowledge of the whole problem which will
as a matter of course include attention to the most approved
technique.

5i6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

If the technical courses of instruction deal in this way with
specific problems there would seem to be less necessity for courses
in which the entire emphasis is upon technique. The technique of
family case-work would not need to be taught as a distinct process
because it would be a natural part of the courses dealing with prob-
lems of the family, child welfare, juvenile delinquency, etc. In the
same way the technique of community organization would be taught
in connection with courses in community problems. Such subjects,
also, as methods of pubUcity, financing of social agencies, office
management and routine, and other aspects of social-work admin-
istration, might be considered more effectively in their immediate
application to specific problems than in courses dealing exclusively
with the technique of executive management and administration.

In this connection it ought to be stated that methods of social-
work administration have never been given adequate attention by
the professional schools. Courses in social work have usually been
designed to prepare technicians rather than executives. Since the
graduates of schools of social work have found their most available
opportunities of employment with social agencies in large cities
where they must serve for a considerable time in a subordinate
capacity before being given executive responsibihty, there has not
been much demand for instruction in administrative methods. But
with the recent development of social work in small towns and
communities the graduates of a professional school will frequently
be called upon to take a position where both executive ability and
social-work technique are needed. Even if the executive positions
in social agencies in the large cities can be successfully filled by per-
sons who have come up through the ranks, this plan will not always
be found practicable in the smaller communities. The new situa-
tion can only be met by an adjustment of the curriculum of the
training schools which will provide the needed instruction along
administrative lines. A recent effort to meet this need was the
special course the past summer at Ohio State University for organi-
zers and executives in social work. This course which was given
by the university in co-operation with the Association for Com-
munity Organization and the American Red Cross was designed
primarily for persons of social-work experience who gave promise of

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 517

capacity for executive leadership. During the eight weeks' sum-
mer session the attention of the students was concentrated upon
the principles and methods of community organization and the
problems connected with the administration of social agencies.
This work was carried on through classroom lectures and discus-
sions, assigned readings, and a limited amount of observation of
the methods of local and state organizations. The remainder of the
course, which covered a period of eight months, is being spent by the
students as employees of organizations doing community work
where under the supervision of skilled workers they are gaining
experience in dealing with actual administrative problems. A
course of this kind has real value for a picked group preparing for
executive positions of considerable responsibility. Its chief present
significance, however, is in calHng attention to the value of specific
instruction in administrative methods and in demonstrating one
way in which this may be given with a fair degree of success. The
course will have met more than an immediate need if it results in a
greater emphasis by the professional schools upon instruction along
administrative hnes. Such a strengthening of the curricula of
schools of social work will represent an important step forward in
building up a well-balanced professional course of study.

This addition to the courses of study, together with the in-
creasing number of courses that must be added to the curriculum
to keep pace with the rapid development of the many different
types of social work, has brought professional schools to the point
where they must group their courses under separate departments
and direct their students to speciaKze in certain lines of work. The
time is past when students can take a general course of training in
social work and then be equipped for a position with any agency
they may select. The New York School of Social Work is attempt-
ing to meet the situation by devoting the first year to fundamental
courses that may be regarded as common to all forms of social work,
while vocational training in one department makes up the work of
tljie second year. This selection of fundamental courses that should
serve as a general introduction to the more highly specialized voca-
tional work is a step in the right direction. Too early specialization
has been one of the tendencies of the schools of social work which

5i8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

has had the unfortunate result of turning out graduates incapable
of seeing beyond their own particular field.

Just what should constitute the fundamental courses that should
precede the highly specialized vocational studies is doubtless a mat-
ter about which general agreement cannot now be reached. It
depends to a certain extent upon what is included in the prepro-
fessional studies that have been completed before entering the pro-
fessional school. Among the first-year courses hsted by the New
York School of Social Work are courses in immigration, labor prob-
lems, crime and punishment, methods of social research, American
government and administration — topics which are ordinarily cov-
ered in a university curriculum. The difficulty is that with the
present lack of uniform standards in college requirements in the
social sciences it is practically impossible to know where to begin in
a course of professional education for social work. Certainly no
one would be so bold as to claim that the average college graduate
has made such a study of the social sciences as would definitely pre-
pare him for the technical studies in this field. The fact that he has
taken certain courses may not be of any real significance. The
content of the courses and the way they are presented must de-
termine whether they are of preprofessional value.

The undergraduate course in social work given by a few univer-
sities would seem to be better adapted to meet this situation. In a
training school of this kind it is not only possible to provide the
proper number of preprofessional courses but also to see that they
are properly correlated and conducted in such a way as to fit into
the whole scheme of social-work education. Under this plan the
preprofessional courses of the first three years would be followed
in the Senior year by the more fundamental technical courses that
would give a general knowledge of the field of social work. If then
this is followed by one graduate year of specialized vocational
training a standard of professional education would have been at-
tained which under present conditions cannot generally be realized
by the usual two-year graduate course.

[To he continued\

NEWS AND NOTES

Notes of interest to the readers of the Journal should be in the hands of the
editor of "News and Notes" not later than the tenth of the month preceding
publication.

The American Sociological Society

The fifteenth annual meeting of the American Sociological Society
was held December 27-29 in Washington, D.C., at the Washington
Hotel. The main topic for discussion was "Some Newer Problems,
National and Social." At the first meeting on Monday night Professor
James Q. Dealey gave the presidential address on the subject " Eudemics,
a Science of National Welfare." Dean Roscoe Pound of the Harvard
Law School also gave an address entitled "A Theory of Social Interests."

President Dealey declined re-election for a second term. Profes-
sor Scott E. W. Bedford, secretary-treasurer since 191 2, also declined
renomination. Professor Edward C. Hayes, of the University of Illinois,
was elected president. The other officers for the year 192 1 are: first
vice-president, John P. Lichtenberger, University of Pennsylvania;
second vice-president, U. G. Weatherly, Indiana University; secretary-
treasurer, Ernest W. Burgess, University of Chicago; members of the
executive committee, E. L. Earp, Grace Abbott, A. B. Wolfe, Susan M.
Kingsbury, Emory S. Bogardus, and John O'Grady.

The report of the Committee on Standardization of Research was
given by the chairman, Professor J. L. Gillin. Professor F. Stuart
Chapin, chairman, presented a report for the Committee on Social
Abstracts. These reports were accepted and the committees continued.
Professor E. C. Hayes, chairman of a committee to consider the advisa-
bility of a new publication for the Society made an adverse report,
which was accepted and the committee was discontinued.

A motion by the Rev. S. Z. Batten for the dissemination of sociologi-
cal knowledge was referred to the executive committee for action. A
motion was adopted that in the preparation of the program for next
year, subjects suggested by the members of the Society should receive
consideration.

Group on Social Research
Two informal meetings on social research were held in connection
with the meeting of the American Sociological Society in Washington.

519

520 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Reports of research in progress were made by Shelby Harrison, Russell
Sage Foundation; C. J. Galpin, U.S. Department of Agriculture;
Robert E, Park, University of Chicago; Lucile Eaves, Women's Educa-
tional and Industrial Union and Simmons College; J. J. Gillin, Univer-
sity of Wisconsin; J. E. Cutler, Western Reserve University; J. P.
Lichtenberger, University of Pennsylvania; F. Stuart Chapin, Smith
College; John O'Grady, Catholic War Council; Franklin Johnson,
Grinnell College; U. G. Weatherly, Indiana University; Agnes M. H.
Byrnes, Carnegie Institute of Technology; Bessie B. Wessel, Connecticut
College; Harry Viteles, Kirkwood, N.J.; Milton Fairchild, National
Institution for Moral Instruction; G. S. Dow, Baylor University; and
R. H. Leavell, Washington. Plans are being made to have meetings in
connection with the National Conference of Social Work in Milwaukee
in June. Communications should be addressed to Professor J. J. Gillin,
University of Wisconsin.

The Sociological Society of London

The formal opening of Leplay House took place on June 29, when
two meetings were held. Mr. Branford gave an address on "The Main
Traditions of Sociology." A symposium on "The War-Mind" was
held during the meeting of the summer term.

Mr. W. Mann was Organizing Secretary of the Society for six
months, resigning on his appointment to the International Reparations
Commission in Berlin as assistant to Dr. Marcel Hardy, who was selected
to organize the Agricultural Section of the Commission.

The Society announces that although only two numbers of the
Review could be published during 1919 and 1920, owing to the high cost
of production, that the quarterly issue will be resumed in 192 1, a sepa-
rate fund having been raised for this purpose. The Society secured the
services of Mr. Lewis Mumford, formerly associate editor of the Dial,
New York, as acting editor of the Review during the summer term.

Bureau of Social Hygiene

The Bureau has announced the pubUcation of American Police
Systems by Raymond B. Fosdick.

The book is based upon personal study of the police in practically
every city in the United States with a population exceeding 100,000,
and in many of lesser size. In all, seventy-two cities were visited, and
the investigation covered a period of more than three years. The book

NEWS AND NOTES 521

will appear as a companion study to Mr. Fosdick's previous volume
entitled European Police Systems, published in 191 5.

Mr. Fosdick was once Commissioner of Accounts of New York
City, and during the war was chairman of the Commission on Training
Camp Activities. Later he served as undersecretary-general of the
League of Nations.

"The Indian Journal of Sociology"

The first two numbers of the Indian Journal of Sociology have been
received. They contain, among other contributions, an article by the
editor, Alban G. Widgery, on "Sociology, Its Nature and Scope, Aims
and Methods," and two papers on "Indian Womanhood" by Maganlal
A. Buch. The Journal announces that it is a quarterly for the scientific
consideration of the facts and ideals of social life and organization,
especially Indian, and of the principles and methods of social advance.
The Journal is published with the sanction and support of the govern-
ment of his highness the Maharaja Gaekwas of Baroda. Communica-
tions, contributions, and book reviews should be sent to the Editor,
The Indian Journal of Sociology, Baroda, India.

The University of Bombay Department of Sociology and Civics

The University of Bombay is to be congratulated on obtaining
Professor Patrick Geddes as its first professor of sociology. Professor
Geddes is a scientist of considerable reputation, as his several works
with Professor J. A. Thomson show. For many years he has been
actively engaged in the planning and direction of city and other improve-
ments. We trust that his association with Bombay will not only lead,
in the university and beyond, to a spread of his civic conceptions, but
also of his enthusiasm and to practical effects on the civic life of Bombay.

Temporary accommodation for the new department has been
obtained in the Royal Institute of Science, not far from the university
and the beginnings of the library, and facilities for students' work at
all times of the day, are thus arranged, over and above the daily lectures,
which largely take conversational and " seminar " form. A public course
on the "Elements of Sociology" is also given three afternoons weekly,
and is followed by discussion. A traveling scholarship to Europe will
be awarded.

An assistant professor of sociology has also been appointed.
Mr. S. N. Pherwani, B.A., late university librarian, who will conduct

522 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the course during Professor Geddes' absence in the Summer term. —
The Indian Journal of Sociology.

New York Committee on Atter-Care of Infantile
Paralysis Cases

This committee has published a report of "The Survey of Cripples
in New York City." The committee desires to send the report to those
in a position of responsibility in agencies for cripples and to all those
who might have a general interest in cripples and in plans for their aid.
Requests for copies of the report and suggestions for further possible
distribution of the report should be sent to Robert Stuart, director of
the New York Committee on After-Care of Infantile Paralysis Cases,
69 Schermerhorn Street, Brooklyn, N.Y.

Bryn Mawr College

Miss Gladys Boone has been elected instructor on the Grace H.
Dodge Foundation in the Carola Woerishoffer Graduate Department of
Social Economy and Social Research, Bryn Mawr College. Miss Boone
held the Rose Sidgwick Fellowship at Columbia University last year,
where she devoted her time to the study of labor movements with special
attention to the most recent American methods in personnel administra-
tion throughout the country.

Miss Boone received the degrees of Bachelor of Arts and Master of
Arts from Birmingham University, England, and was for some time
associated with the Cadbury Chocolate Works in its instruction of
employees. She has also been associated with the Birmingham Labor
Exchanges and investigation work under the trade unions in England
and with the Workers Educational Association movement.

Last spring Mr. John D. Rockefeller, Jr., contributed to Bryn Mawr
College the sum of $100,000 toward the instruction in Industrial Rela-
tions under the Carola Woerishoffer Graduate Department of Social
Economy and Social Research. This contribution, together with an
additional endowment which is being raised, will establish the Grace H.
Dodge Foundation, affording training in Industrial Relations and offer-
ing ten scholarships and fellowships of the value of $300 and S500 each,
and will also maintain the expenses of field work and supervision for
this training. In this way, the work which was undertaken by the
college in co-operation with the War Council of the National Board of
the Young Women's Christian Association, has been made permanent.
Ab-eady forty-two women have been given training for positions as
employment managers and work with personnel in industry or with

NEWS AND NOTES 523

industrial groups, and are holding important positions in industry in
various sections of the United States from California to Massachusetts.
Ten students are now registered for seminaries and courses preparing
directly for personnel administration. These courses, as do others in
the Carola Woerishoffer department, lead to the degrees of A.M. and of
Ph.D. In the five years during which the department has existed at
Bryn Mawr College, two women have received the degree of doctor of
philosophy, four have completed the work in residence for the degree,
and three are now pursuing courses leading to the degree.

University of the City of New York

A course of twenty lectures on sociology and modern social problems
is being given by Professor John E. Oster at the Mount Morris Baptist

Church.

University of North Carolina

Dr. Frances Sage Bradley has been assigned by the Children's
Bureau to work out some special projects and plans for the study and
care of children in rural communities in connection with the School of
Public Welfare of the University of North Carolina. She will begin
these plans on January 3, and will work in conjunction with the faculty
of the university and with the students who are doing field work.

IMiss Evelyn Buchan has accepted a position in the School of PubUc
Welfare of the University of North Carolina as Supervisor of Field
Work, and will go from the University of Chicago after January i to
her work in Carolina. The new work to which she goes will offer
unusual opportunity for making definite contributions to practical
laboratory and field work in field districts.

The University of North Carohna, through its School of PubUc
Welfare, has been holding a series of district conferences on public
welfare. Each conference is planned to include approximately ten
counties. The state commissioner, Mr. R. F. Beasley, members of the
American Red Cross, and other volunteer agencies have joined in these
conferences, the purpose of which is to co-ordinate all social work being
done in the counties. Conferences have been held so far at Salisbury,
Fayetteville, and New Bern.

Smith College
The Century Company announces the publication of a book Field
Work and Social Research by Dr. F. Stuart Chapin. With the increas-
ing interest in social research among sociologists and social workers, this
volume is certain to secure immediate attention and use.

REVIEWS

Labor^s Challenge to the Social Order. By John Graham Brooks.
New York: The Macmillan Co., 1920. Pp. 441. $2.75

Once more we are indebted to this pioneer sociologist for a sane and
wonderfully clear-eyed analysis of our present perplexing industrial
confusion. It is a rich and ripe product, somewhat autobiographical,
which might be entitled (to borrow from the great dean of American
sociologists), "GHmpses of the Industrial Cosmos." Its chief object is
"if possible to throw some light on democracy as its own educator with
the promise this holds out to us." The author, although recognizing
the general world-wide drift toward some form of socialism, at the same
time preserves a balanced attitude of justice to both sides and both
principles involved. "As a principle, individualism is as persisting a
reality as socialism. As the former tends to anarchy, the latter tends
to communism, and we shall stand out against the excesses of both."
A further hint of his judicial-mindedness is his frank confession of facts
that he does not like, but to which he gives proper publicity in order, as
he says, "to avoid all pleasant lying." For example, in the chapters
on "Government Ownership," "the Employer's Case Against the
Union," and "Syndicahsm," both sides of the case are stated with ad-
mirable fairness and real critical judgment. He recognizes frankly that
both employers and employees have used tactics of violence, that both
have sometimes played crooked games, that both are avid of power.
However, he believes that labor learned tactics of violence from its
masters and also that the legislative corruption and the use of spies by
employers are grosser evils than anything labor has yet perpetrated.
He is strongly against the use of force, for example in the settlement
of strikes, whether by government or by private employers; and he is
very positive on the analogy between international war and the civ'il
war of industrial armed conflict. On the other hand, he recognizes the
dangers of weak concessions made by employers out of ignorance or
sentimentality. Incidentally he does not include welfare-work in this
category but pays it a respectful tribute as "capital on its good behavior."

Out of all the turmoil two facts emerge. First, the union-smashing
attitude of the employers as a class. Second, labor's challenge to in-
dustrial domination. On the analogy of war and peace between nations

524

REVIEWS 525

and the apparent inevitability of some form of international organiza-
tion for peace, the author argues that the only way to eliminate mili-
tancy in the industrial situation is through co-operation and education.
We have recognized in him an able student of the co-operative move-
ment, but never before has he come out so strongly on this point. He
now looks upon industrial co-operation as industrial democracy at its
best, largely because it tends to spread "the ache of responsibility,"
and because responsibility always tends toward stability and real
conservatism. On the other hand, he recognizes in the trades-union
constitution-building and administration a much misunderstood but very
real and vital education in industrial citizenship. While the employer's
case against the union is stated with the utmost frankness and without
condonation, and while it is admitted that labor wears no saint's halo
and needs housecleaning just like medicine, law, and capitalism, and
while the attitude of employers does not excuse but simply explains
labor's sins, yet the way out is not through suppression, deportation,
or bludgeoning, but through encouragement to any labor organization
willing and able to discipline itself.

While the author holds that war has created the communistic revo-
lution and while he appreciates the moral ideahsm of the communist
movement, yet he holds that "in every progressive stage man has
eventually got the better of it as he will in the present instance if labor
be given a fair chance." As to socialism he concludes, "I have never
seen good ground to doubt that though the socialistic function is certain
to extend, the individualistic and voluntary forms will also extend."
Of government ownership he is frankly critical and insists that both
sides present their proofs and cease indulging themselves in a mere battle
of feelings. To guild socialism he directs very serious attention, not
because it is an attractive name, but because the rapid growth of shop
committees, the Plumb Plan, and union concern over scientific produc-
tion all evidence the trend toward it. As a remedy to all the welter of
feelings, uninformed idealism, baseless dreams, self-seeking violence,
bad faith, and ineptitudes on both sides of industrial conflict, the author
demands that our legal house shall be cleaned of its present discrimina-
tions; that the safety valve of free speech and criticism be kept open;
that we get away from the witch-baiting attitude which now marks
much of the press and many employers; that employers particularly
dare to stand up to new ideas, to face them squarely like one of the
greatest modern English employers, Charles Booth; that we all learn
to forsake force and to encourage self-discipline and self-education;

526 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

that we encourage experiment; that we avoid the one-track solution,
and that we approach every problem in a large and liberal spirit.

In a brief review, it is impossible to hint even at the wealth of wide
reading and rich personal experience which this book reveals. At the
risk of appearing captious the reviewer offers the suggestion that in
future editions some mention be made of the development of trade-union
colleges and of the achievement of the Workers' Educational Associa-
tions as factors in workingmen's education.

The book is marked by humor aplenty, but at least in one place some
unconscious humor has crept in, as, for example, page 388, where as a
reference The Survey, "Act 4," is cited.

A note of solemn appeal weighted with fact closes the study. "War
has left the dwelling places of men foul with vindictive passions, but it
has also left there such hungers, as were never felt, for the ways of peace,
andgood will among men." The best augury we have for the appeasing
of those hungers is such men as John Graham Brooks and his writings.

Arthur J, Todd

Der Nationalismus Westeuropas. By Waldemar Mitscherlich
[Professor in the University of Breslau]. Leipzig: Hirsch-
feld, 1920. Pp. 373. $8.50.

This book commands attention in a double way. It is the widest
and most comprehensive attempt made hitherto at investigating
nationalism, i. e., a phenomenon which, besides socialism and capitalism,
most deeply stimulates and most enduringly dominates our social life.
The book intends to trace nationalism back to its remotest connections
and is based on a synthetic spirit. And the author has not only first
conceived the problem but also the method of his research.

In his opinion, social life is not in a state of evolution: the present
may not be called an "organic" development from the past. The
author abandons the theory of evolution and puts in its place that of
plurality. His theory regards every social phenomenon as something
that is at rest and secluded in itself, something peculiar, living a life
of its own on its special conditions. This theory of plurality is, perhaps,
a most valuable gift to the whole domain of science, for it gives a chance
to regard and investigate all human existence from an altogether new
point of view, and it will thus afford quite new insights and prospects.

The book shows that the nationalistic idea had no chance of life
in the Middle Ages, that it was then utterly foreign to the structure

REVIEWS 527

and essence of society and state. In the stage of early nationalism
the structure of society and state had undergone a fundamental change.
The modern state, based on unity and on law, lays the foundation to
nationalism; besides this, several causes in social life and culture help
to bring it forth; a great influence may here also be conceded to indi-
vidualism. They all create nationalism, which, however, does not
gain importance as a creative idea until toward the end of the eighteenth
century. In the nationalistic period the expansion, the essence, and
the intensity of nationalism become visible, with their relations to
state and economic life.

Of especial importance at the present hour may be considered the
last section of the book, which deals with the currents of thought opposed
to nationalism. Rival ideas are rising at its side, ideas which strive
to go beyond its aims and to lay stronger claims on states and nations.
Imperialism and state unionism may be mentioned here — the latter
being a voluntary coalescence of sovereign states into one political
structure, without, however, giving up their individuaUty and full
independence.

These few words do not suffice to give an idea of the wealth of
Professor Mitscherlich's book. Especially his theory of plurality lifts
it above the level of a scientific publication of the day and gives it a
personal note. The whole work abounds with valuable sociological
insights. The calm, purely scientific tenor of it, standing above all
party dispute, will be enjoyed by all those who desire an objective,
clear view of this important and exciting subject.

E. SCHWIEDLAND

University of Vienna

The Casual Laborer and Other Essays. By Carleton H. Parker.

With Introduction (26 pages) by Cornelia Stratton Parker.

New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Howe, 1920. Pp. 199.

(Published posthumously.) $1.75.
Carleton H. Parker plunged into first-hand studies of laboring
conditions, especially at their worst. Unshackled by traditional eco-
nomic theories and fired by dynamic humanitarian purposes, Parker
in his relatively few years penetrated close to the heart of the conditions
which produce the casual laborer, the I.W.W., the economically defeated.
Parker's approach to industrial problems was through the avenues
of behavioristic psychology and is subject to the criticisms which are
befalHng that type of psychological theory. The chief criticism of

528 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Parker's point of view is that individual responsibility and individual
selfishness are both seriously underrated. Further, Parker professed
a so-called scientific unwillingness to give full recognition to the intangible
but nevertheless highly influential forces of moral motivation.

In the essay on "Understanding Labor Unrest," Parker makes
plain how unjust laboring conditions supported by abstract and harsh
economic theories have suppressed the normal and healthy instincts
of many laborers and created the spirit of radicalism. The essay on
"The I.W.W." is the best available analysis of the type of mental
attitude which is common among the defeated strata of American
labor. In "Motives in Economic Life," Parker observes that "the
domination of society by one economic class has for its chief evil the
thwarting of the instinct life of the subordinate class and the perversion
of the upper class." While this conclusion is correct as far as it goes,
it overrates the importance of the instinct life. It fails to provide for
the defeat of that virulent selfishness which is now so outspoken in
both parties of the class struggle. It does not bespeak a socialization
of the purposes of all classes.

E. S. BOGARDUS

University of Southern C.'Vlifornia

Broken Homes, By Joanna C. Colcord. New York: The
Russel Sage Foundation, 1919. Pp. 208. $1.00.
Statistics indicate that 10 per cent of the demands made upon
organized charity come from family desertion. The proportion of
time and money spent in dealing with such cases is in excess of that
figure. For years it has been one of the most expensive and baffling
of the problems faced by relief societies, and one productive of extensive
harmful effects upon society at large. To professional charity workers,
especially, this little volume of Miss Colcord's should prove of real
value and serviceability, for it contains the most thoroughgoing and
practical plan of dealing with desertion which has yet appeared. The
writer is herself a specialist within this field, and she is able to supple-
ment her own extensive experience and observation with first-hand
knowledge of the methods and judgments of many of the ablest workers
in the country. The book must be regarded as the authority to date
on the important question of how to deal with cases of this type. Details
of immediate treatment are supplemented by practical suggestions as
to " next steps in corrective treatment." The closing chapter is devoted

REVIEWS 529

to "next steps in preventive treatment," a topic of still greater concern;
but with the exception of a suggested domestic consultation bureau
to be established in connection with organized family agencies, it fails
to afford as much practical assistance as the preceding chapters. Since
the volume deals entirely with desertion and non-support, which con-
stitute only one type of broken homes, the title is too broad, and some-
what misleading.

Earle E. Eubank
Y.M.C.A. College, Chicago

The Social Interpretation of History. A Refutation of tJie Marxian
Economic Interpretation of History. By Maurice William.
Brookl>Ti, 1920. Pp. 222.

Aroused by the disorganization and disintegration resultant from
the Great War, Mr, William, a disciple of Marxian Socialism for more
than a quarter of a century, investigated for himseK and came to the
conclusion that Marx was mistaken in his claim to have discovered
the laws of social evolution. Mr. William repudiates the class struggle
as anti-social and says that co-operation and harmonizing the interests
of mankind is the true method of progress, hence the title of his book.

If this is an indication of what is going on in the minds of enough
sociahsts to leaven the mass, if they begin to doubt the absolute
reUability of the Marxian formulations and are willing to search for
fresh guidance, it augurs well for a broadening and deepening of the
socialist movement. Undoubtedly the greatest obstacle to that develop-
ment has been and is the absolutely unquestioning faith in Marxian
principles and failure to accept the scientific method that is emerging
in the social sciences.

Victor E. Helleberg

University of Kansas

The Modern Household. By Marion Talbot and Sophonisba

Preston Breckinridge. Boston: Whitcomb and Barrows,

1919. Pp. 1-93. $1.00.

This volume is a revision of the 191 2 edition. There is little change

in the text except the inclusion of a page or two setting forth concisely

the effect of the war upon fashions in dress. The suggestive questions

at the end of each chapter have been carefully revised and the bibUog-

raphies accompanying the several chapters have been enriched by the

addition of new titles, especially those dealing with food, clothing, and

household management.

S30 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

^More revision of the text might have been desirable. The effects
of the very general instruction of housewives during the war in dietetics
and in modern canning methods might have been noted. It seems
hardly true at present that "only here and there traces remain" of
household processes of food preservation. Then, too, various community
and co-operative movements affecting the household would seem to
be of suflScient significance to deserve notice in so suggestive a volume.

Mary Louise Mark
Ohio State University

Defective Housing and the Growth of Children. By J. Lawsen
Dick, M.D., F.R.C.S. London: George Allen and Unwin,
Ltd., 1919. Pp. 94.

This is a most disappointing book. It is neither about defective
housing nor about growth of children. It is merely a study of the
prevalence and the effects of rickets upon child health, but at no time
does the author indicate the actual relation between the physical and
mental growth of the child and specific conditions of health, stature,
scholarship, physical strength, or any other condition of growth. The
only instances of evidence regarding the actual housing conditions in
their relation to health were obtained from sources other than Dr.
Dick's investigations.

As a study of rickets in schools the work is no doubt valuable,
but it lacks adequate consideration of those factors in housing upon
which a classification of child growth could be based without danger of
attributing to housing results which might as easily be attributed to
other causes, such as nutrition, methods of living rather than housing
conditions, and such habits and traditions of child care as may be due
to racial characters or the industrial life of the mother.

Carol Aronovici
S.\N FRANasco, Cal.

RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

La Raison et le Progres Moral. — The fact of a practical judgment seems to con-
stitute the initial impulse to conduct; we acquire the sentiment of rationality which
reinforces this impulse; the principal function and the raison d'etre of reason is to
discover occasions of action for the other tendencies and the methods of assuring their
success. Intelligence can be the instrument of the satisfaction of any desire, good or
bad, but the intellectual desire itself is clearly on the side of virtue, because it searches
for the significance of our acts as they actually are. Though individuals may blind
themselves, in the long run society conspires with intelligence and will not let us escape
the facts. The mind predicts the future consequences of our acts, and if the ordinary
man refuses to recognize the facts, his mind cannot always be debauched to the point
of not seeing them, because they will be pointed out to him by others who share neither
his prejudices nor his particular interests which warped his vision. Pride and the
social motives can be transported to the side of virtue, but the need to know the truth
is always on that side. Virtue is nothing but the adaptation of life to the facts which
intelligence discovers. Thus reason, which alone permits social control to define
its exigencies and to elaborate its own methods for satisfying them, in a way that
creates a situation in which it is ordinarily recognized as disadvantageous if not
stubborn to do wrong, becomes also the principal factor in the development of codes
of conscience and an effective stimulant for individual virtue. — Edward Gary Hayes,
Revue de L'Institute de Sociologie, July, 1920. V. M. A.

Psycho-Pathologie Individuelle et Sociale. — Not only has a comparison between
individual morbid states and collective morbid states been established, but as far
as possible it has been attempted to give positive explanations, that is, to attach the
observed facts to laws. The same laws have been invoked for collectivity as for the
individual, after being assured that there is nothing more in the "collective conscious-
ness" than the psychic states modified by the solidarity of beings, by intellectual
interdependence, affective and practical. It has been shown that the reciprocal actions
between the indiv-idual and the collective consciousness, bind up the fate of each, from
the psychical point of view, with that of all, and that of all with the influence of each.
It was thus legitimate to study how the great social troubles are causes of individual
psychic pathology: statistics have indicated the quantitative relationships; but it has
taken extended development to establish that great social upheavals have an
accelerative influence upon the psychoses, which demand a bio-psychic predisposition,
and which are not really causes but less serious troubles, more or less lasting, attaining
above all fitness for personal control, for the domination of self, for deliberate and
voluntary action, for strength of character, for regular development of personality.
It was not less legitimate to study how individual psychopathies are causes of social
troubles, or at least of the aggravation of many of the pathological processes. Social
psycho-pathology thus affirms its rights to take its place among the studies destined
to enable us to more fully know human nature. It does not forget that man lives
necessarily in a social milieu which is also natural, that is to say is subject to laws
as the physical milieu; the social conditions of health and of psychic malady have
their importance in the same rank as biological conditions; the concrete being is
bio-psycho-sociological, and whoever neglects to study in the light of factor and
product, cause and effect, the collective psychical life, puts himself beyond under-
standing or explaining many of the aspects of normal or morbid life. — G. L. Duprat,
Revue Internationale de Sociologie, July-August, 1920. V. M. A.

Mysticism and Art. — Western civilization is many-sided and its problems are
difficult to handle. Each aspect of life makes a demand often compatible only with
the oblivion of all the rest. Science often gives the sense of mastery without

531

532 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

recognition of the alienation which is its price. One of the most interesting modes
of the reaction of the mind against itself is that from thinking to the enjoyment of
beauty in art. It is perhaps so interesting because of the conviction that things of
beauty differ loto coelo from the process and results of thinking. Thus to many
severely scientific thinkers music seems to offer refuge from the dispeace of thought.
Thought is forever inadequate to achieve the perfect comprehension that it desires
of the world which it sets out to know. Yet there is actually an experience by which
in some sense this wish is achieved. The point is reached when thought can no
longer take refuge from its ov\ti dissatisfaction with itself by passing outside of itself,
as, for example, into art. It is now compelled to transform itself while yet maintaining
itself. This is the experience of mysticism. As opposed to the movement by which
thought abandons itself and seeks refuge in the emotional and sensuous, mj'sticism
is the demand which thought makes upon itself to reconcile its aim with its method. —
M. Thorbum, The Monist, October, 1920. O. B. Y.

La Guerre et la Paix d'apres les Previsions des Sociologues. — What verifications
or what challenges has the European catastrophe brought to bear upon sociology
as regards the presumed certitude of its assumptions? Sociology has for its object
the unraveling of the immense chaos of events, of discovering the necessary laws
of the constitution of human societies, in order to deduce therefrom the science of
government. The first law which it has formulated is that of progress, but one
sociological school sees the causes of progress in the development of right, founded
upon justice and reason, and considers peace to be the principal factor of social
amelioration; the other regards war as the most precious form of national solidarity
and discipline, recognizing no other right than the right of force. The essential
traits of the latter school, propagated in Germany for half a century, have been
admirably exposed during the recent hostilities, while the pacifist sociology, widespread
in France, England, Italy and Russia, has not been studied, either in its detail or
entirety. Saint-Simon and Comte felt that war no longer had a place in Europe,
probably reflecting the ambient opinion in favor of disarmament at the time. The
revolution of 1848 exalted to a paroxism the sentiments of international fraternity,
and at the Congress of Paris in 1849 Victor Hugo announced the creation of the
United States of Europe. England, in insular isolation, provided with flourishing
colonies, and enriched by her commerce and industry, offered fertile soil for pacifist
ideas. Spencer, inspired by Darwin, felt that the industrial t>'pe tends to supplant
the miUtary type and to gradually replace the forced collaboration of earlier ages
by voluntary co-operation in the exploitation of nature. The war of 1870 awoke
France to rude reality, but thirty years later a new generation arose, forgetful of
the past, and the proselytism of pacifism in France, Italy, England, and Russia
became more intense as the war clouds gathered. Ferrero believed that the industrial
civilization had created new conditions of peace, that the predominance of nations
loving justice and right was assured, and was struck with astonishment by the
European war. The science of economics has erred in thinking that sentiments and
ideas follow economic facts like their shadows. The national sentiment, overlooked
by pacifists in sociology and economics, has rebelled against foreign domination all
over the world, and being satisfied seemingly in the unification of Germany, it was
changed under the domination of Prussia into invading militarism. The war registered
the fallacy of pacifist sociology which had concluded that war was impossible among
the great European states. Such a profound error in the assumptions of sociologists
puts us on guard against those that we may make in the future. The crowds of
laborers striving for social democracy do not signal the triumph of reason in the
conduct of society. The irrational is still dominant in history. Science lays aside
the search for final causes which relate to metaphysics, but sociology, whether inclined
toward materialism or idealism, has always been fmalistic. Its assumptions have
been dictated by feeling, long laefore the field of the social sciences was classified
and delimited. To pretend to the character of science, remarks Durkheim, sociology
must enter the era of specialism. Even then prediction far into the future will be
denied it. The course of history reveals itself to us as an evolution at once destructive
and creative, which means that it is not predictable. We must limit ourselves, for
the present, to an attempt to sense tendencies. — Jean Bourdeau, Rcviic Politique el
Parlcmcntaire, July, 1920. V^ M. A.

RECENT LITERATURE

533

The Motives of the Soldier. — This article is an attempt based upon the author's
experience in the British army to estimate the part played by each factor in the
complex of motives which actuated the soldier. Specifically, the questions are: What
made men join up? What sustained them during the long war? What is the effect
of the war upon the soldier? The motives for enlisting were (i) submoral impulses
— the love of fighting, the element of romance, the hatred of the enemy and mass
excitement; (2) moral motives, the cases in which action depended upon some "ought"
or other. This class includes both those who believed in the Tightness of the war
and many who did not; (3) compulsion by some external agency. Social compulsion
was just as much a force as was conscription and during the second year of the war
reached an extraordinary intensity. At close quarters war imposes such a strain
upon human nature that the motives that animate the recruit are not always sufficient
to sustain him throughout the course of the war. The army cares very little for the
motives which make men join up. It relies upon its power to make men over again
by its own process-discipline. The personality of the army soon becomes more real
to the soldier than his own soul. The whole army discipline is for the purpose of
merging the individual into the mass. Discipline is a very different thing from leader-
ship. Leadership acknowledges the individual's will and seeks to enlist its co-opera-
tion. Discipline makes no such acknowledgment. The negative side of discipline
is fear. The positive element is esprit de corps. In a long-drawn-out war, belief in
the cause will sustain a soldier when other motives fail. The business of war is to
kiU and for this reason hatred of the enemy is deliberately inculcated. Warfare is
brutalizing, it reduces the soldier to the primitive. The benefits of army life, if any,
are only incidental. — J. H. Procter, The International Journal of Ethics, October, 1920.

O. B. Y.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Adams, Edwin W. A Commvmity Civics.
A textbook in loyal citizenship. New
York: Scribner. Pp. vi-|-385.

Adler, Betty. Within a Year After.
Letters from Europe regarding the
reconstruction of the devastated areas.
Chicago: M. A. Donobue. Pp. 416.
$2 .00.

American Red Cross. Annotated Sub-
ject, Index and Order List of Books
and Pamphlets on Maternity and
Child Welfare in England and Scot-
land. W^ashington: American Red
Cross. Pp. 181.

American Social Science Association.
Leadership in a Democracy. Jounial
of the National Institute of Social
Sciences. Boston: F. W. Faxon Co.,
83 Francis St. Pp. 192. $2 . 25.

Andrews, J. B. Anthrax as an Occupa-
tional Disease. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office.

Anthony, Katharine S. Margaret Fuller;
a psychological biography . New York :
Harcourt. Pp. 223. $2.25.

Appelt, Alfred. The Real Cause of
Stammering and Its Permanent Cure.
A treatise in psycho-analytical lines,
ad. ed. Chicago: Chicago Medical
Book Co. Pp. 234. $2 . 50.

Ayrinhac, H. A. Penal Legislation
in the New Code of Canon Law.
New York: Benziger Bros. Pp. 392.

$3 • oo-

Babson, R. W. Fundamentals of Pros-
perity: What They Are and Whence
They Come. New York: Revell.
Pp. 95. $1.00.

Baker, Ernest. The Life and Explora-
tions of Frederick Stanley Amot. The
authorized biography of a missionary,
and explorer amongst the natives of
Africa. New York: Dutton. Pp.330.
$5.00.

Bakewell, Chas. M. The Story of
the American Red Cross in Italy,
New York: Macmillan. Pp. viii-f-
253. $2.00.

Barker, J. Ellis. Modern Germany.
Its Rise, Growth, Downfall, and
Future. 6th ed. entirely re-written
and very greatly enlarged. New
York: Dutton. Pp. ix-f-496. $6.00.

Bauer, Otto. Bolschewismus oder
Sozialdemokratie ? 6-10. Tausend.
Wien, '20, Wiener Volksbuchh.

Beck, J. M. Passing of the New Free-
dom. New York: Doran. Pp. 169.
$2 . 00.

534

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Behan, Richard J. Pain, Its Origin, Con-
duction, Perception, and Diagnostic
Significance. With 191 illustrations
in the text and many diagnostic
charts. New York: Appleton.
Pp. xxviii+920. $8.00.

Belloc, Hilaire. Europe and the Faith.
New York: The Paulist Press.
Pp. 261. $2.25.

Below, Georg v. Probleme der Wirt-
schaftsgeschichte. Tubingen, 20,
J. C. B. Mohr.

Benedict, Elsie L. Practical Psychology.
Los Angeles, Cal. : J. F. Rowny Press.
Pp. xi+318. $1.00.

Bennett, Arnold. Our Women, chapters
on sex discord. New York: Doran.
Pp. 264. $2.50.

Bernays, Marie. Die deutsche Frauen-
bewegung. Leipzig, '20. B. G. Teub-
ner.

Binder, Rudolph M. Major Social Prob-
lems. New York: Prentice-Hall Inc.
Pp. 324.

Bishop, Joseph B. Theodore Roosevelt
and His Time. Shown in His Own
Letters. 2 v. New York: Scribner.
Pp. xii-l-505. $10.00.

Blatch, Mrs. Harriot S. A Woman's
Point of View. Some Roads to Peace.
New York: Woman's Press. Pp. 179.
$1.25.

Bohm, Adolf. Die zionistische Beweg-
ung. Die Bewegung bis zum Tode
Th. Herzl's. Berlin: Welt- Verlag, '20.

Bok, Edward. The Americanization
of Edward Bok. The autobiography
of a Dutch boy fifty years after.
New York: Scribner. Pp. xx'iii-f-46i.
$5.00.

Briefs, Gdtz, D. Untergang des Abend-
landes. Christentum und Sozialismus.
Eine Auseinandersetzung ra. Oswald
Spengler. Freiburg i. B. '20. Herder
&Co.

Brormer, Gottfried, Dr. Die Demokratie
im Staatsleben. Berlin-Steglitz o. J.,
o, Evang. Preszverband f. Deutsch-
land.

Brown, Edwin A. "Broke"; The Man
Without the Dime. Boston: The
Four Seas Co. Pp. xviii+370. $2.00.

Biilow, Friedrich. Die Entwicklung der
Hegelschen Sozialphilosophic. Leip-
zig: Verlag von Felix Meiner, 1920.
Pp. 156.

Burgess, W. R. Trends of School Costs.
New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Pp. 142. $1.00,

Bushnell, George E. A Study in the
Epidemiology of Tuberculosis. With
especial reference to tuberculosis of the
Tropics and of the Negro race. New
York: Wood. Pp. 221. S2.75.

Buttree, J. Edmund. The Despoilers.
Stories of the North Dakota grain
fields. Boston: Christopher Publish-
ing House. Pp.314. $2.00.

Cause (The) of the World's Unrest.
With an introduction by the editor of
the Morning Post, of London. New
York: Putnam. Pp. \t-|-464. $2.50.

Charles E. Chapin's Story. Written
in Sing Sing Prison. New York:
Knickerbocker Press. Pp. xxiii-l-334.
$2.50.

Chellew, Henry. Human and Indus-
trial EflBciency. New York: Putnam.
Pp. xviii+149. $2.00.

Church and Social Service, the report
of a committee appointed by the
Archbishop of Canterbury. London:
Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge. Pp. 70. 15.

Clark, Francis E. Our Italian Fellow
Citizens. In Their Old Homes and
Their New. Boston: Small, May-
nard & Co. Pp. ix-f-217. $1.50.

Cole, G. D. H. Chaos and Order
in Industry. New York: Stokes.
Pp. viii-t-292. $2.75.

Commission on the Church and Social
Service of Federal Council of Churches,
and others. What is the Christian
View of Work and Wealth? New
York: Association Press. Pp. v-f-94.
Paper $0.85.

Committee on the W^ar and the Religious
Outlook. The Church and Industrial
Reconstruction. New York: Asso-
ciation Press. Pp.308. $2.00.

Commons, John R. and Andrews, John B.
Principles of Labor Legislation. Rev.
ed. New York: Harper. Pp. xi-|-ss9.
$2.75.

Conrad, J., Dr. Grundriss z. Studium
d. polit. Oekonomie, 2. H. Jena: G.
Fischer.

Cook County (111.) Coroner. Race Riots.
Chicago: Coroner. Pp. 135.

Cope, Henry F. The School in the
Modern Church. New York: Doran.
Pp. x-f290. $1.50.

Crozat, Henry. La Cit6 id6ale. Paris:
Besson. Pp.96. Fr. 4.50.

Dewey, John. Reconstruction in Phi-
losophy. New York: Holt. Pp. vii-|-
224. $r.6o.

RECENT LITERATURE

535

Diehl, Karl. Die Diktatur d. Prole-
tariats u. d. Ratesystem. Jena, 20,
G. Fischer.

Dilze. Stolypinsche Agrar-Reform und
Feldgemeinschaft. Leipzig, 20, B. G.
Teubner.

Donovan, Frances. The Woman Who
Waits. An investigation of city res-
taurants and of the waitresses who are
employed in them. Boston: Gorham
Press. Pp. 228. $2.50.

Drummond, Margaret. Five Years Old
or Thereabouts. Some chapters on
the psychology and training of little
children. New York: Longmans.
Pp. 180. $1.80.

Duprat, G. L. La Psychologie sociale:
sa nature et ses principales lois.
Paris: Doin. Pp. 375; 8 fr. 50.

Edman, Ir^Nin. Human Traits and Their
Social Significance. Boston: Hough-
ton. Pp. xi-l-467. $3.00.

Estoumelle de Constant (d') Que devient
la Societe des nations? Paris: Gras-
set. Pp. 64. Fr. 1 . 50.

E.^ner, Franz, Dr. tlber Gerechtigkeit
im Strafmasz. Wien, 20, Manz'sche
Verlagsb.

FehMnger, H. Das Geschlechtsleben d.
Naturvolker. Leipzig: C. Kabitzsch.

Fendrich, Anton. Der Judenhasz imd
der SoziaUsmus. i. -50. Taus.
Freiburg i. B. '20. E. Guenther.

FUng, Fred M. The Writing of History.
An introduction to historical method.
New Haven: Yale University Press.
Pp. 195. $2.00.

Foster, Wm. Z. The Great Steel
Strike and Its Lessons. New York:
Huebsch. Pp. ix-f-265. Paper $1,
Cloth $1.75.

Freytagh-Loringhoven, A.xel, Frhr. v.
Dr. Die Gesetzgebung der russ.
Revolution. Halle, 20, M. Niemeyer.

Fuchs, Wilh., Dr. Logische Studien im
Gebiete d. Jurisprudenz Hanover,
20, Hehvingsche Verlagsb.

Gaultier, Paul. Notre e.xamen de con-
science. Paris: Cres et Cie. Pp. 208.
Fr. 5.

Glagau, Hans. Weltrevolution und na-
tional Machtpolitik. Greifswalder
Universitatsreden, in Gruppe i.

Gobell, Otto. Die Rechtsnatur des
Verlobnisses. Gottingen, A. E. Huth,
'20.

Great Britain Ministry of Health.
Administration of the Poor Law, the
Unemployed Workmen Act, and the

Old Age Pension Acts. London: The
Ministry. Pp. 163. is. 6d.
Great Britain Ministry of Health and
Housing. London: The Ministry.

Pp. 127. IS.

Grothe, Hugo. Auswanderung u.
deutsche Volkswohlfahrt. In Schrif-
ten d. Instituts flir Auslandskunde
in Gruppe i.

Guenther, Konrad, Prof. Dr. Heimat-
lehre als Grundlage aller Volksent-
wicklung. Freiburg i. B., 20, Th.
Fisher.

Guild, Roy B. Ed. Community Pro-
grams for Co-operating Churches. A
manual of principles and methods.
New York: Association Press.
Pp. xiii+253. $1.90.

Hackmack, Hans. Arbeiterjugend u.
sexuelle Frage. Berlin, '20, Ver-
lagsgenossenschaft " Freiheit."

Hapgood, Norman. The Advancing
Hour. New York: Boni. Pp. 262.
$1.75-

Ha>Ties, E. S. P. The Case for Liberty.
New York : Dutton. Pp.128. $2.50.

Heifer, Helmut. Menschen u. Gesetz-
verbesserung. Leipzig: W. Hartel &
Co. Nachf.

Heyman, Hans, Dr. Die soziale Sach-
werterhaltung auf d. Wege d. Ver-
sicherung. Berlin: Julius Springer, 20.

Hofmann, Friedrich. Wohngenossen-
schaften. Berlin: 1920, Carl Hey-
mann.

Interchurch World Movement, Com-
mission of Inquiry. The Report on
the Steel Strike of 1919. New York:
Harcourt. Pp. viii4-277. $1.50,
Paper. S2 . 50.

Jones, Rufus M. A Service of Love in
War Time. American Friends Relief
Work in Europe, 1917-1919. New
York: Macmillan. Pp. xv-i-284.
$2.50.

Judge Baker Foundation. Harvey
Humphrey Baker: Upbuilder of the
Juvenile Court. Boston: The Foun-
dation. Pp. 133.

Kaskel, Walter, Dr. Das neue Arbeits-
recht. Systemat. Einfiihrung. Ber-
lin, 20, Julius Springer.

Kautsky, Karl. Die Internationale.
Wien 20, Wiener Volksbuchhdlg.

Keynes, John Maynard. Die wirt-
schaftlichen Folgen des Friedensver-
trages, iibers. aus dem EngUschen v.
M. J. Bonn u. C. Brinkmann. Mun-
chen, 20, Duncker u. Humblot.

536

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Klores, Hans. Weltwahnsinn — Welt-
wende. Zuriick z. Vernunft! Berlin,
20, Hans Rob. Engelmann.

Knight, M. M., Peters, I. L., and
Blanchard, P. Taboo and Genetics.
A study of biological, sociological, and
psychological foundation of the family.
New York: Moffat. Pp. xiv+soi.
$3.00.

Knowles, Morris. Industrial Housing.
With discussion of accompanying
activities, such as: town planning,
street systems, development of utility
services, and related engineering and
construction features. New York:
McGraw. Pp. xxv+408.

Kreibich, Karl. Tabor. Eine Halb-
jahrtausand-Feier d. Kommimismus.
Reichenberg 20, Volksbuchhdlg. Runge
&Co.

Laidler, H. W. Socialism in Thought
and Action. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. 546.

Laudynowa, Stefanja. A World Prob-
lem. Jews — Poland — Humanity. A
Psychological and Historical Study.
Translated from the Polish by A. J.
Zielienski, C. Sypniewski and others.
Pittsburgh: The Author, ii8 South
i8th St. $2.25.

Lay, Wilfrid. Man's unconscious pas-
sions. New York: Dodd, Mead.
Pp. vii & 246.

Leibrock, Otto. Arbeitsgemeinschaft
(N. F. 2. Heft) in " Grundbegriffe
der PoUtik." Herausg. v. M. H.
Boehm. Leipzig, K. F. Kohler.

Lenin, N. Die grosse Initiative. Ber-
lin: 20, A. Seehof & Co.

Liebert, Arthur, Dr. Vom Geist der
Revolutionen (1-3 Aufl.) Berlin: Ver-
lagsanstalt A. Collignon, '20.

Liepman, W. Psychologic d. Frau.
Berlin & Wien, 20, Urban und Schwar-
zenberg.

Litman, Simon. Prices and Price Con-
trol in Great Britain and the United
States During the World War. New
York: Oxford University Press.
Pp. ix-l-331.

Little, Esther L., and Cotton, Wm. J. H.
Budgets of Families and Individuals of
Kensington, Philadelphia. Lancaster,
Pa.: New Era. Pp. vi+273.

Loeb, S. I. Everyman's Child. New
York: Century. Pp. 286. $2.00.

Love, A. G., and Davenport, C. B.
Defects Found in Drafted Men.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office.
Pp. 1663.

McDougall, Wm. The Group Mind.

New York : Knickerbocker. Pp. xxii-|-

413. $5.00.
Marchant, James, Ed. The Control of

Parenthood. New York: Putnam.

Pp. xi-|-222. $2.50.

Marett, Robert R. Psychology and

Folk-lore. New York: Macmillan.

Pp. ix -1-275. $2.75.
Meiklejohn, Alexander. The Liberal

College. Boston: Marshall Jones,

212 Summer St. Pp. 165. $2.50.
Mendelsohn, S. Labor's Crisis. An

Emploj-^er's View of Labor Problems.

New York: Macmillan. Pp. xii-f-

171.
Metzger, Edmund. Sein u. SoUen im

Recht. Tubingen, 20, J. C. B. Mohr.
Milner, Duncan C. Lincoln and Liquor.

New York: Neale Pub. Co. Pp. 155.

$1.00.
Mink, Frdr. M. Wirtschafts-Sozial-

ismus. Leipzig, 20, F. Volkmar.
Miiller, E. R. Der junge Arbeiter.

Jungvolk Biicherei in Gruppe i.
NiebergaU, Frdr. Evangelischer Sozial-

ismus. Tubingen, J. C. B. Mohr.
Nordau, Max, Dr. Die Tragodie der

Assimilation in "Die Wiedergeburt

an der Schwelle," hrsg. von David

Erdtracht, Wien, 20, A. Schonfeld in

Komm. auck Palestina, d. Land d.

jiid. Gegenwart und Zukunft.
Notzel, Karl. Der russische mid der

deutsche Geist. Berlin, 20, Furche-

Verlag.
Nussbaum, Arthur. Das neue deutsche

Wirtschaftsrecht. Berlin, 20, Julius

Springer.
Odencrantz, Louise C. Italian Women

in Industry. A study of conditions in

New York City. New York: Russell

Sage Foundation 1919. Pp. v-f-345-

$1.50.
Oldenberg, Herm. Buddha. SeinLeben,

seine Lehre, seine Gemeinde. 7.

Aufl., Stuttgart, J. G. Cottasche

Buchl. Nachf. '20.
Oppeln-Bronikowski, Frdr. v. Anti-

semitismus? Eine unparteische Priif-

ung des Problems. Charlottenburg,

20, Deutsche Verlagsges. f iir Politik u.

Geschichte.
Patrick, G. T. W. Psychology of Social

Reconstruction. New York: Hough-
ton. Pp. 273. $2.00.
Phillipovich, Eugen V., Dr. Grundriss

d. polit. Oekonomie. Tubingen, '20,

J. C. B. Mohr.

RECENT LITERATURE

537

Placzek. Das Geschlechtsleben der Hy-

sterischen. Eine medizinische, soziolo-

gische und forensische Studie. Bonn:

A. Marcus & E. Weber's Verlag. Pp.

264. M. 15.
Postgate, R. W. The Bolshevik Theory.

New York: Dodd, Mead. Pp. 240.

$2.00.
Radek, Karl. Anarchismus und Sowiet-

regierung. Wien, 20 (Wien VIII,

Alserstr 69. Arbeiter-Buchh.).
. Programm d. Sozialist. Wirt-

schaftsbaues. Wien (VII, Alserstr

69), '20, Arbeiterbuchhdlg.
Rathenau, Walter. Demokratische Ent-

wicklung. Berlin, S. Fischer Verl.

('20?)
. Was wird werden? Berlin, 20,

S. Fischer, Verl.
Repplier, Agnes. Points of Friction.

Boston: Houghton, Mifflin. Pp. 275.

Si-75-

Roscher, Wilhelm. Economie Indus-
trielle. Paris: M. Girard et E. Briere.
1920. Pp. xx+472. Fr. 18.

Routzahn, Mary S. Traveling Publicity
Campaigns. Educational tours of rail-
road trains and motor vehicles. New
York: Russell Sage Foundation. Pp.
xi+151. $1.50.

Ruckhaber, Erich. Die richtige Bewer-
tung d. Korper-u. Geistes-Arbeit. 3.
Aufl. '20, Verlag d. "Neuen Weltan-
schauung."

Schmitt, Ernst. Die Wiederaufrichtung
Europas. Jena, 20, E. Diederichs.

Scott, Emmett J. Negro Migration
during the War. New York: O.xford
University Press. Pp. v+189.

Sheffield, Ada E. The Social Case His-
tor>'. Its Construction and Content.
New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Pp. 227. $1 .00.

Sims, Newell S. The Rural Community,
Ancient and Modem. New York:
Scribner. Pp. xxiii-j-916. S4.50.

Spargo, Jolin. The Greatest Failure in
all Histor)'. A critical examination
of the actual workings of Bolshevism
in Russia. New York: Harper. Pp.
xvii+486. $2.50.

Stern, William, Dr. Die Intelligenz
d. Kinder und Jugendlichen u. d.
Methoden ihrer Untersuchung. Leip-
zig, 20, J. H. Barth.

. Die Psychologic u. d. Schiiler-

auflese. Leipzig, '20, J. H. Barth.

Sternberg, Kurt, Dr. Moderne Gedan-
ken iiber Staat und Erziehung bei
Plato. Berlin, A. CoUignan, '20.

Stevens, Doris. Jailed for Freedom.

New York: Boni. Pp. xii+388.

$3.00.
Stieve, Frdr. Gedanken iiber Deutsch-

land. Jena, 20, E. Diederichs.
Stone, Lee Alexander, M.D. The

W'oman of the Streets. Kansas City:

Burton. Pp.112. $1.50.
Storey, Moorfield. Problems of Today.

Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co. Pp.

258. $1.50.
Sweetser, A. The League of Nations at

Work. New York: Macmillan. Pp.

215. $1.75-
Tansley, A. G. New Psychology and

Its Relation to Life. New York:

Dodd, Mead. Pp. 283.
Taut, Bruno. Die Auflosung d. Stadte.

Hagen, 20, Folkwang- Verlag.
Thalbitzer, S., Dr. Stimmvmgen, Ge-

fuhle und Gemiitsbewegungen. Ins

Deutsche iibersetzt von E. Magnus,

Kopenhagen, 20, Neuer Nord. Verlag.
Thompson, Frank V. Schooling of

the Immigrant (Americanization

studies). New York: Harper. Pp.

403-
. Schooling of the Immigrant.

New York: Harper. Pp. xxi+408.

$2.00.
Thorsch, Berth. Sozialisierung u. Gesell-

schaftsverfassung. Wien, 20, Manz'-

sche Verlh.
Tridon, Andr€. Psychoanalysis. Its

Histor)% Theory, and Practice. New

York: Huebsch. Pp. vii+252. $2.00.
Turner, Frederick J. The Frontier in

American History. New York: Holt.

Pp- 375- $2.50.
United States Department of Labor.

Proceedings of the First Industrial

Conference (called by the President).

U.S. Dept. of Labor. Pp. 285.
United States House Committee on Rules.

Investigation of Administration of

Louis F. Post, Assistant Secretary of

Labor, in the Matter of Deportation

of Aliens. Apply to Congressman.

Pp. 269.
Van Wesep, H. B. The Control of

Ideals. A contribution to the study

of ethics. New York: Knopf. Pp.

154. $2. 00.
Vrba, Rud. Der Kapitalismus im Welt-

krieg. Prag, 20, F. Riondc in Komm.
Waldo, FuUerton L. With Grenfell on

the Labrador. New York: Revell.

Pp.189. $i-7S-

538

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Webb, Sidney, and Webb, Beatrice P.
A Constitution for the Socialist Com-
monwealth of Great Britain. New
York: Longmans. Pp. x\iii-f364.
$4-25-

Weltsch, Felix. Nationalismus und
Judentum. Berlin, 1920, Welt Verlag.

Williams, James M. The Foundations of
Social Science. New York: Knopf.
Pp. x\'i-|-494. $6.00.

Williams, Mary W. Social Scandinavia
in the Viking Age. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. x-}-45i. $6.00.

Williams, Whiting. What's on the
Worker's Mind. By one who put on
overalls to find out. New York:
Scribner. Pp.329. $2.50.

Wilutzky, Konrad. Die Liebe. Wissen-
schaftliche Gnmdlegung der Ethik.
Jena, 20, E. Diederichs.

Wissler, Clark. The American Indian:
An Introduction to the Anthropology
of the New World. New York:
McMurtrie. Pp.435. S3. 00.

Women Physicians, Proceedings of Inter-
national Conference of. 6 vols. New
York: The Woman's Press, 600 Lex-
ington Ave. Pp. 1 150. $3.50.

Yealland, Lewis R. Hysterical Dis-
orders of Warfare. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. viii+252.

Yerkes, Robert M. (Ed.) The New
World of Science. Its Development
during the War. New York: Cen-
tury Co. Pp. xix+443. $3 00.

PAMPHLETS

American School Hygiene Association.
School Children's Health: What
Mothers Should and Can Do about
It. Pittsburgh: The Association, no i
Fulton Bldg. Pp. 47.

Anthony, Katharine (Ed.). The Endow-
ment of Motherhood. New York:
Huebsch. Pp. xii+76. Price $0.50.

Associated Industries of Seattle. Indus-
trial Court of Kansas. Seattle: Public
Library. Pp. 38.

Australia. Population and Vital Statis-
tics. Bulletin No. 36 Common-
wealth Demography, 1918 and
previous years. G. H. Knibbs, Com-
monwealth Statistician. Melbourne:
Albert J. MuUett, Govt. Printer.
Pp. 253. 65. id.

Bernard, L. L. The Function of Generali-
zation. Chicago: Open Court Pub.
Co. Pp. 7.

Bernstein, Charles. Colony and Extra-
Institutional Care for the Feeble-
Minded. 50 Union Sq., New York:
National Committee for Mental Hy-
giene. Pp. 28.

Bowley, A. L. The Division of the
Product of Industry. An analysis of
national income before the War.
New York: Oxford University Press.
PP- SS-

. The Change in the Distribution

of the National Income, 1 880-1913.
New York: Oxford University Press.
Pp. 27.

Breckinridge, S. P., and Jeter, H. R.
Summary of Juvenile Court Legisla-
tion in the U.S. Washington: U.S.
Children's Bureau. Pp. no.

Bureau of Applied Economics, Inc.,
Washington. Wages in Various In-
dustries and Occupations. A sum-
mary of wage movements 1914-1920.
Washington: The Bureau. Pp. 60.

Bumight, Ralph F. The Japanese in
Rural Los Angeles County. Los
Angeles: University of Southern Cali-
fornia. Pp. 16.

Canada Department of Labor. Informa-
tion Respecting the Russian Soviet
System and Its Propaganda in North
America. Ottawa: The Department.
Pp. 18.

Children's Aid Society. Bovs' Work.
105 E. 22d St., New York: The
Society. Pp. 16.

Chinese National W^elfare Society in
America. Shantung Question and
Other Claims as OflQcially Presented
to the Peace Conference in Paris.
San Francisco: The Societ}', 519 Cali-
fornia St. Pp. 95.

Committee of Fifteen, Chicago. Annual
Report for the Year Ended April 30,
1920. Chicago: The Committee. Pp.
19.

Committee of Fire Prevention and Engi-
neering Standards. Report on the
City of Columbus, Ohio. New York:
National Board of Fire Underwriters.
Pp- 33-

Cooley, E. J. Progress of Probation.
New York: 300 Mulberry St., Board
of City Magistrates. Pp. 36.

Davison, Henry P. A Plan to Meet
Europe's Need. New York: The
Author, 690 Park Ave. Pp. 5.

RECENT LITERATURE

539

Davison, Henry P. Europe's Need, A
Report. New York: The Author, 690
Park Ave. Pp. 40.

Demartial, Georges. Patriotism and
Responsibility for the War. New York :
Huebsch. Pp.57. $0.50.

Freund, Ernst. Illegitimacy Laws of the
United States and Certain Foreign
Countries. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 260.

GilFillan, S. C. The Coldward Course
of Progress. New York: Academy of
Political Science, Columbia Univer-
sity. Pp. 17.

Gilkey, C. W. The Local Church after
the War. New York: Committee on
the War and the Religious Outlook,
Association Press. Pp. 22.

Great Britain Departmental Committee
on Workmen's Compensation. Report
of the Committee to Inquire into the
System of Compensation for Injuries
to Workmen. London: The Depart-
ment. Pp. 86. TS.

Great Britain Ministry of Health.
Housing and Town Planning. Lon-
don: The Ministry. Pp. 56. <)d.

Griinberg, Carl. Archiv fiir die Ge-
schichte des Sozialismus imd der
Arbeiterbewegung. Leipzig: C. L.
Hirschfeld, TSubchenweg 21. Pp. 167.

Haberman, J. Victor. The Measures
of Intelligence Diagnostically Remeas-
ured. New York: Wood. Pp. 60.

Haines, George G. The Movement for
the Reorganization of State Adminis-
tration. Austin, Tex.: University of
Texas. Pp. 80.

Hardy, C. O. The Negro Question in
the French Revolution. Menasha,
Wis.: Banta. Pp. 91.

Harper, Roland M. Some Relations
between Soil, Climate and Civiliza-
tion in the Southern Red Hills of
Alabama. Durham, N.C.: South At-
lantic Quarterly. Pp. 14.

Hay, J. H. Investigation of the Produc-
tion, Distribution and Prices of Milk.
St. Paul: Minnesota Department of
Agriculture. Pp. 14.

Hillquit, Morris. Present-day Social-
ism. New York : The Rand School of
Social Science. Pp. 84. $0.50.

Hoffman, F. L. Is Leprosy Increasing ?
Newark: Prudential Insurance Co,

Pp- 53-
. Malaria Eradication and Mos-
quito Control. Newark: Prudential
Insurance Co. Pp. 8.

. Mortality from Respiratory Dis-
eases in the Glass Industry. Newark:
Prudential Insurance Co. Pp. 5.

. Occupational Diseases and Their

Compensation. With Special Refer-
ence to Anthrax and Miner's Lung
Diseases. Newark: Prudential Insur-
ance Co. Pp. 42.

. Progress of the Safety Move-
ment in Great Britain. Newark:
Prudential Insurance Co. Pp. 9.

Holmes, J. H. Collapse of Civilization:
Can Humanity be Saved ? New York:
Commimity Church, Park Ave. and
34th St. Pp. 22.

Holyoke National Bank. "Holyoke Na-
tional Way" of Solving the Housing
Problem. Holyoke, Mass.: J. H.
Fifield. Pp. 29.

Hubbard, S. D. Industrial Medicine.
New York: N.Y. City Department of
Health. Pp. 10.

. Some Fallacies Regarding Nar-
cotic Drug Addiction. New York:
N.Y. (city) Department of Health.
Pp. 12.

Indiana Department of Public Instruc-
tion. School as the Center of
Community Life. Indianapolis: De-
partment of Public Instruction. Pp.
31-

Janes, George M. Robert Owen — Social
Dreamer. University, N.D.: The
University of North Dakota. Pp. 5.

Johnson, Wm. E. Prohibition in Kansas.
Westerville, Ohio: American Issue
Publishing Co. Pp. 86.

. The South Carolina Liquor Dis-
pensary. Westerville, Ohio: Ameri-
can Issue Publishing Co. Pp. 28.

Kahn, Otto H. Some Suggestions on
Tax Revision. New York: The
Author, 52 William St. Pp. 75.

Kelley, Florence. Wage-Earning Women
in War Time, the Textile Industry.
New Y'ork: National Consumers
League, 44 E. 23d S. Pp. 23.

Lagarrigue, Luis. Question Sociale.
Santiago de Chili: Soc. Imprenta y
Litografia. Universe, Galerio Ales-
sandri 20. Pp. 25.

Lloj'd, E. F. Closed Union Shop versus
the Open Shop. New York: Nat'i
Industrial Conference Bd., 10 E.
39th St. Pp.27. So.75-

McCaustland, E. J. Water Supply and
Sewage Disposal for Country Homes.
Columbia, Mo.: Missouri Univ. Eng.
E.xp. Sta. Pp. 36.

540

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

MacDonald, Arthur. Anthropology of
Modern Civilized Man. Denver,
Colo.: Western Medical Times. Pp.

12.

Magistrates' Courts of New York. The
Progress of Probation. New York:
Board of City Magistrates. Pp. 36.

Maine Charities and Corporations. Pub-
lic (state) Appropriation to Institu-
tions Not Owned or Controlled by the
State. Augusta: The Charities. Pp. 2.

Massachusetts Bureau of Immigration.
Immigrant Races in Massachusetts:
The Greeks. Boston: The Bureau.
Pp. 6.

McSweeney, E. F. De-Americanizing
Young America. Boston : The Author,
55 Congress St. Pp. 16.

Minnesota Bureau of Women and Chil-
dren. Women in Industry in Min-
nesota in 19 18: Field Investigation.
St. Paul: The Bureau. Pp. 36.

National Board of Review for Motion
Pictures. Partial list of film subjects
on health, disease, nursing, and allied
topics. 70 Fifth Ave., New York.
Pp. 3. $0.10.

. Pictures Boys Want and Grown-
ups Endorse. New York: The Board.
Pp. 3. $0.10.

. Objections to State Censorship of

Motion Pictures. New York: The
Board. Pp. 5.

. A Motion Picture Problem Solved :

Constructive Community Programs for
Young People. New York: The Board.
Pp.4. $0.05.

. Best Motion Pictures for Church

and Semi-Religious Entertainments.
New York: The Board. Pp.5. $0.10.

National Safety Council. Blast Fur-
naces. Chicago: National Safety
Council. Pp. 16. $0.25.

National Women's Trade Union League
of America. Strike of the Steel
Workers: A Few Facts in the Ninth
Week of the Strike. New York:
The League, 129 E. S2d St. Pp. 8.

Nearing, Scott. A Nation Divided, or
Plutocracy vs. Democracy. Chicago:
Socialist Party of the U.S., 220
S. Ashland Blvd. Pp. 32.

Newman, Bernard J. Joint Industrial
Relations Plan for Small Industries.
Chicago: Modern Hospital Pub. Co.

New York Community Trust. New
York Community Trust. New York:
The Trust, 55 Cedar St. Pp. 16.

New York State Probation Commission.
Thirteenth Annual Report. Albany:
The Commission. Pp. 560.

New York State Industrial Commission,
Bureau of Women in Industry. Report
of the Telephone Industry. Albany:
The Commission. Pp. 95.

Odell, J. H. Demonstrations in the
Reality of Democracy. Wilmington:
Service Citizens of Delaware. Pp. 37.

Odum, Howard W. Constructive Ven-
tures in Government. A Manual of
Discussion and Study of Woman's New
Part in the Newer Ideals of Citizenship.
Chapel Hill, N.C.: The Bureau of Ex-
tension, Univeristy of North Carolina.

Pp- 95-

Office de Statistique de la Republique
Tch6coslovaque. Manuel Statistique
de la R6publique Tch^coslovaque.
Prague: 25 couronnes tchecoslovaques.
Pp. iv-fio5.

O'Hare, K. R. In Prison. Box 1033,
St. Louis: The Author. Pp. 64.
$0.25.

Patton, Cornelius D. Christian America

in the New World: An Interpretation

of the Interchurch World Movement.

New York: Interchurch World Move-

, ment, 45 W. i8th St. Pp. 27.

People's Freedom Union. The Truth
about the Lusk Committee. New
York: Nation Press. Pp.29. $0.25.

Proceedings of International Confer-
ence of Women Physicians. New
York: The Woman's Press, 600 Lex-
ington Ave. Pp. 6.

Real Estate Board of New York. Recom-
mendations on Legislation to Relieve
the Housing Shortage. New York:
The Board. 217 Broadwaj'. Pp. 11.

Rhein, L. J. Peace in Industry. Two
Rivers, Wis.: The Author. Pp. 57.

Rockefeller Foundation. A Review for
1919. Public Health and Medical
Education in Many Lands. New
York: The Foundation. Pp. 44.

Roundy, R. W. The Negro: An Asset of
the American Nation. New York:
Home Missions Council. Pp. 16.

Russell Sage Foundation Library. Juve-
nile Delinquency. New York: The
Library. Pp.4. $0.10.

Russell, George W. The Economics of
Ireland and the Policy of the British
Government. New York: Huebsch.
Pp.32. $0.25.

Salmon, T. W. Future of Psychiatry
in the Army. New York: National
Committee for Mental Hygiene. Pp.

34.

. Psychiatric Lessons from the

War. New York: National Com-
mittee for Mental Hygiene. Pp. 3.

RECENT LITERATURE

541

Salmon, T. W. Some New Problems
for Psyciatric Research in Delinquency.
New York: National Committee for
Mental Hygiene. Pp. 14.

Service Citizens of Delaware, Bulletin.
Americanization in Delaware 19 19-
1920. Wilmington: The Citizens.
Pp. 77.

Shideler, Ernest H. A Course in Modern
Social Problems for the High School.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Pp. II.

Sioux City, Iowa, Public Library.
Hospital Library Service: A New
Department of Public Library Work.
SioiLx City: The Librar}'. Pp. 7.

Social Service Commission of Los
Angeles. Annual Report, July i,
1918, to July I, 1919. Pp. 40.

South Carolina State Board of Public
Welfare. Functions and Relations of
the Board of Public Welfare. Colum-
bia: The Board. Pp. 28.

Southard, E. E. Fimctions of a Psycho-
pathic Hospital. New York: Nat'l
Com. for Mental Hygiene. Pp. 16.

. Movement for a Mental Hygiene

for Industr>-. New York: National
Committee for Mental Hygiene. Pp.
22.

Spaulding, E. R. Three Cases of Lar-
ceny in Which the Antisocial Behavior
Appeared to Represent an Effort to
Compensate for Emotional Repression.
New York: National Committee for
National Hygiene. Pp. 21.

Stillman, Gladys. Hot Lunches in Rural
Schools. Madison, Wis.: Wis. Uni-
versity College of Agriculture Exten-
sion Service. Pp. 16.

Stone, L. A. Are Children Getting a
Square Deal ? Chicago : The Author,
1208 Montrose Blvd. Pp. 15.

Texas Board of Health. How to Build
and Maintain Approved T>'pes of
Improved Privies for Rural Districts
and Towns without Sewer Connec-
tions. Austin: The Board. Pp. 12.

Tolstoy, Leo. A Great Iniquity.
Translated by V. Tchertkoff and
I. F. Mayo. New York: Huebsch.
Pp.38. $0.25.

Torlai, Ubaldo. La Misura Interna-
zionale. Bologna: Coop. Tipografica
Azzoguidi. 1919. Pp. 31.

United States Bureau of Education.
Community Americanization : A Hand-
book for Workers. By F. C. Butler.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 77.

. Motion Picture Films of Educa-
tional Value in the Possession of

Associations and Commercial and
Manufacturing Companies: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 12.

. State Americanization: The Part

of the State in the Education and
Assimilation of the Immigrant. By
F. C. Butler. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. 26.

United States Bureau of Industrial Hous-
ing and Transportation. Report of
the United States Housing Corpora-
tion. Vol. I. Organization, Policies,
Transactions. Washington : Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. x-j-391.

United States Bureau of Labor Statistics.
Decisions of Courts and Opinions
Affecting Labor, 1918. By L. D.
Clarke and M. C. Frincke, Jr. Wash-
ington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 236.

. Historical Survey of International

Action Affecting Labor. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. V-I-291. $0.25.

. Wages and Hours of Labor in

Woolen and Worsted Goods Manufac-
turing, 1918. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office.

United States Children's Bureau. Chil-
dren's Year. A brief sunmiary of work
done and suggestions for follow-up
work. Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office.
Pp. 15.

. Child-Welfare Programs. Study

outlines for the use of clubs and classes.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.
32.

. State Commissions for the Study

and Revision of Child Welfare Laws.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.

43-

United States Department of Agricul-
ture. Home Laundering. Washing-
ton: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 29.

United States Department of State.
Memorandum on the Bolshevist or
Communist Party in Russia and Its
Relation to the Third or Conmaunist
International and to the Russian So-
viets. Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office.
Pp. 46.

United States House Committee on Im-
migration and Naturalization. De-
portation cases of William T. and Amy
Colyer. Apply to Congressman. Pp.
58.

United States Public Health Ser\dce.
Case against the Red Light District.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.8.

. Control of Communicable Dis-
eases. Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office.
Pp. 32.

542

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

United States Public Health Service.

Keeping Tab on Sickness in the

Plant. Washington: Govt. Ptg. OflSce.

Pp.8.
United States Women's Bureau. Night

Work Laws in the United States.

Washington : Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 4.
Wadsworth, Elliot. Economic Chaos in

Mid- Eastern Europe. New York:

The New York Times. Pp. 42.

White, J. D. Is There an Eighteenth
Amendment? Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell
University. Pp. 15.

Willett, Allan H. Industrial Survey in
Selected Industries in the United
States, 1919. Preliminary Report.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 509.

Woodbur>% R. M. Industrial Insta-
bility of Child Workers. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 86.

ARTICLES

Abelson, A. R. The Psychology of the
Delinquent Child. The Child 10:529,
Sept. '20.

Allen, W. E. D. Armenios: su pasado
y su porvenir. La ref. soc. 17:151-
158 June '20.

Andrews, Hazel M. Vocational and
Moral Guidance through Dramatics.
Education 41 : 123, Oct. '20.

A Phase of the Racial Problem in South
Africa; Transition from Tribalism to
Individualism. Geog. Rev. 10:346,
Nov. '20,

Attitude of Medical Society of the State
of New York toward Compulsory
Health Insurance. Mo. Lab. Rev.
10:255-58, Jan. '20.

Aurousseau, M. Arrangement of Rural
Populations. Geog. Rev. 10:223,
Oct. '20.

BarroU, Jessie L. Americanization.
Am. Ed. 24:70, Oct. '20.

Bellini, Luigi. II contratto di lavoro e la
sua legge. Riv. inteml. de sci. soc.
82:33-70, Jan. '20.

Belot, Gustave. Les territoires a plebis-
cite. La paix par le droit. 88,
Mar.-Apr. '20.

Below, G. V. Romantik u. realistische
Geschichtsforshung. Vierteljahrsschrift
f . Sozial- u. Wirtschaftsgesch. i. Sept.,
1919, S. 82.

Benton, Guy Potter. What the War Has
Contributed towards Teaching Citi-
zenship. Journal of Education 92:143
Aug. 26, '20.

Bernard, L. L. The Function of Gener-
alization. Monist 30: 623-31, Oct. '20.

Bierling, Ernst. Der Staat als Lcbens-
form. Z. f. d. ges. Staatswiss. i.
& 2. Heft, 1920.

Bottcher, Oberr.-R. Berufsberatung fUr

gsychopathische Jugendliche 167.
eiheft z. "Zeitschrift fiir Kinder-
forsch." Langensalza. H. Beyer &
Sohnc.

Bouasse, H. De la formation des
theories et de leur transformation prag-
matique. Scientia 28:253-69, Oct.'2o.

Brinkmann, Carl. Begriff u. Aufgabe
einer gesch. Staatenkimde. Schmol-
ler's Jahrbuch, i. Heft, 1920. S. 191.

Burchenal, E. Folk Dancing as Social
Recreation. Playground. 14:404-
16, Oct. '20.

Coote, C. R. Is Industrial Peace Pos-
sible? 19th Cent, and After 88:450-
61, Sept. '20.

Cox, Harold. Population and Progress.
Edinb. Rev. 232:396-408, Oct. '20.

Curtis, Winterton C. Unionization from
the Standpoint of a University Teacher.
Ed. Rev. 60:91, Sept. '20.

Dietrich, Oberreg.-R., Dr. Beobach-
tungsheime fiir jugendliche Psycho-
pathen. 165. Beiheft z. "Zeitschrift
fiir Kinderforschung." Langensalza.
H. Bej^er & Sohne.

Dupr6-Fagman, Dr. Inspection Femi-
nine. Rev. philan. 41 : 95-96, Mar. 15,
'20.

E. B. La journ6e de huit heures. — Les
salaires et la production. Jour, des
6con. 66: 213-16, May '20.

Eustace, Percy. Les bases nationales de
rinternationalisme. Rev. pol. internl.
13-32. Jan. '20.

Fehlinger, Hans. Die Kriminalitat in
den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika,
Arch. f. Krim. Band 71, 2 & 3. Heft,
S. 170.

. Der Familiengerichtshof. Z. f.

Sexualwiss., Sept. '20.

Feld, W. Vom Altersabstand der Ehe-
gatten. Z. f. Sozialwiss. July, 1920. _

Fess, Simeon D. Government and Citi-
zenship; Individual Responsibility and
Americanization. Journal of Educa-
tion 92:285, Sept. 30, '20.

Fisher, V. Labour Evolution and Social
Revolution. 19th Cent, and After
88:595-606, Oct. '20.

RECENT LITERATURE

543

Foreign-born and Negro Population of

the United States; Distribution of the

Population by Age and Sex. Sci. Mo.

11:284, Sept. '20.
Foster, W. H. Values of Motion

Pictures. Sch. & Home Ed. 40:43,

Oct. '20.
Fox, J. Tylor, M.D. The Care of the

Epileptic Child. The Child 10:492,

Aug. '20.
Fry, C. Luther. Migratory Workers of

Our Industries. World's Work 40: 600,

Oct. '20.
Fryer, Mrs. Claud. Girl Guides and the

Welfare of the Defective Girl. The

Child 11: 1, Oct. '20.
Garner, R. L. The Religion of Afri-
can Cannibals. Forum 64:305-14,

Nov. '20.
GilFillan, S. C. The Coldward Course of

Progress. Pol. Sci. Quar. 3S:393-4io>

Sept. '20.
Gompers, Samuel. Collective Bargain-
ing. Am. Federationist. 27:258-61,

Mar. '20.
Gonnard, Ren6. La Hongrie de demain.

Rev. pol. et parlem. 102:389-97,

Mar. 10, '20.
Gordon, Ruth M. Has Mysticism a

Moral Value? Internl. Jour. Ethics

31:66-87, Oct. '20.
Grannattasio, Francesco. II sistema

della proprieta nella legislazione com-

munistica della Russia. Riv. internl.

de sci. sec. 83:145-56, July '20.
Gregor, Adalb., Dr. Zur Bestimmimg d.

Intelligenzalters mittels der Defini-

tionsmethode. 169 Beiheft. z. "Zeit-

schrift fur Kinderforsche. " Langen-

salza, H. Berger imd Sohne.
GriUi, Carlo. Scienza sociale e lettera-

tura. Riv. internl. de sci. soc. 828:

169-80, '20.
Grumbine, H. C. Reaction of a Lay-
man to Psychoanalysis. Scribner's

68:602-61, Nov. '20.
Harris, D. Eraser, Dr. The Medical

and Allied Professions as a State

Service. Scien. Mo. 11:235, Sept. '20.
Horch, Geh. Justizrat, Dr. Zur Frage der

sexuellen Verwahrlosung im Kriege.

Zeitschr. f. Sexualwiss., July '20.
Hoyt, Homer. The Housing Shortage

and the Supply of Building Materials.

Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. Soc. Sci. 89 : 76-73,

May '20.
Jenny, FrM6ric. Comment "mobiliser"

la dette allemande? rev. pol. et

parlem. io3:i7c>-79, May 10, '20.
Jorgensen, Hakon, Dr. Die Zentral-

polizeischule in Danemark. Archiv

fiir Kriminologie. Bd. 71, 2. & 3. Heft,
S. 127.

Kelsen, Hans. Vom Wesen u. Wert d.
Demokratie. Archiv d. Sozialwiss. u.
Sozialpolitik. 47 B., i. Heft, S. 50.

Kiesel, W., Dr. Das Ausdrucksproblem
in der Kriminahstik. Band 72, i.
Heft, S. i. Archiv fUr Kriminologie.

Koehne, Karl. Studien z. Geschichte
d. blauen Montags. Zeitschr. fiir Sozi-
alwissenschaft, July and Aug. '20.

Kohler, Joseph, Dr. Der Zwang zum
Fingerabdruck. Archiv fiir Krimi-
nologie. Band 71, i. Heft S. '19.

Kohs, S. C. The School as an Agency
in Preventing Social Liabilities. Sch.
and Society 12:325-30, Oct. '20.

Kramer, Dr. Psychopathische Veran-
lagung und StraSalligkeit im Jugend-
alter. 162. Beiheft z. " Zeitschrif t f iir
Kinderforschung." Langensalza, H.
Beyer und Sohne.

Le Conte, Rene. Congregations pro-
testantes et soci^tes communistes alle-
mandes aux Etats-Unis. Rev. internl.
sociol. 28:358-73, July '20.

Le Faivre, Paul. De quelques grands
interets franjais dans le pays rhe-
nans. Ref. Soc. 9:273-99, May '20.

Leonard, Eugenie Anduers. A Parent's
Study of Children's Lies. Ped. Sem.
27:105, June '20.

Lescure, Jean. Faut-il detruire la
Turquie ? Rev. pol. et parlem. 103 :
42-48, Apr. 10, '20.

Levinson, A. Infant Welfare Affected
by Class Distinction and National
Traits. Mod. Med. 2:650-53, Oct.
'20.

Lewisohn, S. A. Industrial Leadership
and the Manager. Atlantic 126:414-
18, Sept. '20.

Lichtenberger, Andr6. La Pologne eco-
nomique et sociale. Le Musee soc.
103-30, May '20.

Lichtenberger, Henri. L'Allemagne nou-
velle. Scientia 27:145-58, Feb. '20.

Lichtheim, Richard. Die Heimkehr der
Juden. Die Zukunft 7. Aug. '20,
S. 163.

Lindsey, Hon. Ben B. Recommenda-
tions and Report of Chairman Juve-
nile Court, Dept. of National Congress
of Mothers and Parent-Teacher Asso-
ciation. Child Wei. Mag. 15:26,
Oct. '20.

London's Children. Annual Report of
the County Medical Officer of Health.
The Child 11:18, Oct. '20.

544

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Lathrop, Julia C. Child Welfare Stand-
ards. The Child 10:502, Aug. '20.

Lovejoy, Arthur O. Pragmatism as
Interactionism. Jour. Phil. Psy. and
Sci. Methods 17:589-96, Oct. 21,
'20.

. Teachers and Trade-Unions. Ed.

Rev. 60: 106, Sept. '20.

Lowrie, S. G. The Social Unit — An
Experiment in Politics. Nat. Mun.
Rev. 9:553-66, Sept. '20.

Lyman, Eugene W. The Ethics of the
Wages and Profits System. Internl.
Jour. Ethics 31:93-108, Oct. '20.

Macassey, L. The Labour Party and Its
Policy. Quar. Rev. 234:317-37, Oct.
'20.

MacBride, E. W. The Method of Evo-
lution. Scientia 28: 23-34, July '20.

Mangin, General. Comment finit la
Guerre III, 191 7. Rev. de deux
Mon. 57:241-85, May 15, '20.

Mann, A. R. Co-operative Commimity
Building. So. Workman 49:364-77,
Aug. '20.

Meuge, Edward J. Darwinism, Mili-
tarism, Socialism, and Bolshevism in
the Universities. Education 4i:73>
Oct. '20.

Michels, Roberto. La sociologie de
Venise dans I'apres-guerre. Rev.
internl. sociol. 28:124-31, Mar. '20.

Miller, S. The Prison as an Asset.
Survey 45:157-59. Oct. '20.

Moult, Thomas. Labor and Culture.
Eng. Rev. 31:77-80, July '20.

Myers, G. C. Some Pioneer Problems
Worked Out with Illiterates. Educa-
tion 41: 29, Sept. '20.

Parsons, Helen T. New York Child
Health Conference: Impressions and
Reactions. Journal of Home Eco-
nomics 12:354, Aug. '20.

Paton, Stewart, Dr. Democracy's Op-
portunity. Scien. Mo. 11:254, Sept.
'20.

Pearson, Karl. The Problems of An-
thropology. Sci. Mo. 11:451, Nov.
'20.

Phillips, Daniel E. The School as a
Community Force. Am. Ed. 24:60,
Oct. '20.

PickcU. Training

through Practice,

Sept. '20.
Piloty, Robt., Dr.

schaft. Arch, f

schaftsphil. 13. Bd., Heft 2 & 3, S. 98.
Population of the United States in 1920;

Distribution of Population. Sci. Mo.

11:474, Nov. '20.

for Citizenship
Sch. Rev. 28:518,

Politik als Wissen-
Rechts- u. Wirt-

Princess Cantacuzene. Relief for Rus-
sian Children. Child Welf. Mag. 15:7,

Sept. '20.
Pritchard, Erie, M.D. The Care of the

Blind Baby. The Child 10:537, Sept.

'20.
Proctor, T. H. The Motives of the

Soldier. Intern. Jour. Ethics 31:26-

50, Oct. '20.
Reymert, Martin L. Questionnaire for

the Observation of a Young Child

from Birth to Two Years of Age.

Ped. Sem. 27:200, June '20.
Russell, Bertrand. Bolshevik Theory.

New Rep. 24:296-98, Nov. 17, '20.
Russell, James E. Organization of

Teachers. Ed. Rev. 60: 129, Sept. '20.
Salomon, A. Social Service in Germany

Today. Survey 44:664-67, Sept. '20.
Sato, K. Changing Status of Japanese

Women. Jap. Rev. 5:316, Sept. '20,
. Labor Conditions in Japan. Jap.

Rev. 5:289, Aug. '20.
Schumacher, Hermann. Gegenwartsfra-

gen des Sozialismus. Schmoller's

Jahrbuch. i. Heft, 1920, S. i.
Simmons, D. R. Labor Unions Help in

Japanese Industrial Problems. Am.

Federationist 27:244-45, Mar. '20.
Stem, Erich. Probleme der Kulturpsy-

chologie, Z. d. ges. Staatswiss. 3.

Heft, '20.
Strachey, J. S. L. The Mechanism of

Revolution. 19th Cent, and After

88:582-92,' Oct. '20.
Strobl, K. H. Der Tscheche. Eine

volkerpsychologische Betrachtung.

Deutsche Revue, July and Aug. '20.
Trigg, Ernest T. Housing and Building

Conditions. Ann. Am. Acad. Pol. Soc.

Sci. 89:74-77, May '20.
Van Gaasbeek, Richard M. An Exaniple

of Efficient Vocational Education.

Industrial Arts Magazine 9:389, Oct.

'20.

Walton, Dorothy.

tion Has Its Say.

88-91, Mar. '20.
Wiese, v., Leopold.

Vocational Educa-
Life and Labor 10:

Soziolozie als Ein-

zelwissenschaft. Schmoller's Jahrbuch.

2. Heft, '20, S. 31.
Wilbois, J. Introduction i la sociologie.

Rev. de m^taphys. et de morale 27:

471-94, Oct. '20.
Wilson, Woodrow. James Monroe, pr6-

sident des Etats-Unis d'Am<!rique.

Rev. internl. sociol. 28:1-22, Jan. '20.
Yves-Guyot. Les rapports de la Chine

et des 6trangers. Rev. 6con. internl.

3:27-57, Aug. '20.

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Volume XXVI MARCH I92O Nitmber 5

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN ''DEMOCRACY"

HERBERT L. STEWART
Dalhousie University-

Sir John Seeley once remarked about the word "liberty" that
a political speaker must use it at least once in each address, because
otherwise the audience would not know when to applaud, A
different stimulant for the lethargic Hstener is now employed.
A different talisman serves the purpose of platform conjuring.
*' Democracy" bids fair to succeed to the almost vacant place of
"Hberty" as the most hackneyed, the most ill-defined, and hence
the most meaningless term of pubHc debate. The less famihar
watchwords at least commit one to something. But an election
candidate in search of an elastic label beneath which any attitude
under the sun may find shelter had best ring the changes upon
*' democratic."

One reason why this epithet has come to mean so little is that
we have struggled to make it mean so much. The Greeks, who
invented it, were not bothered with its present ambiguities, for
they knew what they had chosen it to stand for, and they adhered
to this. But we of the modern age, in our zeal to have a single
word as the most convenient weapon to brandish, have forced into
this word every aim which our own side has promoted and the other
side has opposed in the great conflict of ideals. To prove a thing
evil we assume as sufficient that we should prove it undemocratic.
In defending what has been so stigmatized we feel that the case is

545

546 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

hopeless if we cannot remove this initial objection, so that by
hook or by crook, though we should burst the English language in
our effort, we must prove the damnatory adjective to have been
misappUed. If we want to reform anything, we place our chief
reliance on the argument that our plan will still further democra-
tize what we have set out to mend. Thus we have become almost
afraid even to raise the question whether this purpose in state-
craft is not, like all other purposes, a thing of limited scope, whose
special advantage may be missed by our having too much of it
not less surely than by our having too little. Our experience of
the Bolsheviki has indeed opened the eyes of a few. But even
this is being explained away. Enthusiasts are emphasizing the
difference between "true" and "false" democracy, just as they
used to split hairs about "liberty" and "license," for they are
pledged to exhibit the system they idealize as free from all imper-
fections whatever. They therefore contend that, while its plausible
counterfeit may be bad, the real brand will bring unmLxed bless-
ings. It is thus spoken of as if it were not merely good govern-
ment, not merely the best government, but the just goverimient
made perfect, and the implication is that if we seek democracy all
other things will be added unto us. Yet it is surely plain that such
unqualified panegyric can be deserved by no human arrangement.
As Dr. P. T. Forsyth would say, the purpose of the universe is not
definable in a formula which undergraduates can easily remember.

How many senses of this term can we distinguish in current
usage ? At least three. They are not, indeed, independent senses,
and we may find that they rest on a common basis of principle.
But they are sufficiently different to make it worth while for us to
distinguish them,

a) The first is the sense of equality. When Martin Chuzzlewit
landed in New York one of the earliest things impressed upon him
was that no such relation as "master and servant" was there
recognized. A mere matter of names is, of course, of little impor-
tance. What is important is the determination in the New World,
both in the United States and in Canada, to allow nothing that has
the shape of birth privilege, and to insist as far as possible that all
men shall have the same civic opportunity. One saw an example

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN "DEMOCRACY'' 547

of this lately in Canada when the rumor of a large consignment of
decorative titles, some of them transmissible from father to son,
called forth in the House of Commons a very fierce and probably
a very decisive protest. Whatever else the man in the street means
when he calls himself democratic, he at least means to avow a
mood of permanent irritability toward all social or caste arrogance.
But this meaning is negative rather than positive. It states a posi-
tion in terms not of what one approves but of what one condemns.

b) Again, a democratic order is thought of as one in which
individual preferences must yield to the collective will. What
the nation has clearly purposed each citizen is called upon to
promote. Majority rule means minority submissiveness. Thus a
bill may be opposed at every stage in the American Congress by
every constitutional weapon, but once it has become the law of the
land it is undemocratic to obstruct the enforcement. Words and
acts that were permissible before the entry of the United States
into the war became treason to the American democracy the
moment that step had been taken. The draft law ceased to be a
legitimate subject for debate as soon as it had been signed by the
President, for to question its propriety was to imperil its effective-
ness. It is but the extreme statement of this principle when one
hears the jest that all sides in a presidential election are expected
when the result is known to agree that the best man has been
chosen. Imbued with this spirit we hear with amazement of a
Home-Rule Act for Ireland, duly passed after ample discussion in
the Imperial Parliament, yet allowed to remain a dead letter because
three or four counties have sworn to resist it unto blood. For the
insurgent few declare in the same breath that they look upon the
wisdom of king, lords, and commons as the one authority which
should claim their allegiance ! Many of us feel that the deplorable
resolve of other Irish counties to resist unto blood this effort at
defrauding them of their hard-won constitutional gain was to be
expected under the circumstances. For we see "Ulster" and Sinn
Fein as alike rebels against democracy.

c) But when we speak of the war as a democratic crusade, and
as an effort to "make the world safe for democracy," it is clear
that neither of the foregoing senses can be intended. What, for

548 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

example, is meant by the view that Germany must be "democra-
tized"? None of us cared with what degree of servility the Ger-
mans might choose to prostrate themselves before their All Highest,
or in how complex a system of h>^hened prefixes they might struggle
to express the fine shades of their noble rank. Still less can we
desire to intensify that subordination of the individual to the civic
whole of which Germany beyond doubt has had too much rather
than too Httle. It is their cast-iron "patriotism" which, more than
any other cause which could be named, made possible their out-
rage upon the world. We would rather instil, if we could, that
wholesome individual rebelliousness by which alone a collective
purpose of brigandage may be effectively balked.

What we do mean, then, by a democratized Germany is a Ger-
many in which pubHc affairs shall no longer be made the tool of
dynastic intrigue or military ambition. For this purpose we would
see the great body of the people taking government into their own
hands. For we trust, despite much appearance to the contrary-,
that they will prove far better than the oligarchs who have misled
them. No mere depreciation of hereditary rank will be of the
slightest use until there is an active and intelHgent participation
in politics, especially in the control of foreign policy, by the great
mass of the citizens.

The three sorts of civic quality which have been distinguished
above, and to which the same name has somehow been applied,
are so far from mutually implying one another that each of them
has often been found, and is still often found, in the absence of
one or both of the others. A man may be vociferously resentful
about caste but have little public spirit and less desire to take a
hand in public business. The new countries have known many
such men, hot in pursuit of a private fortune, and disdainfully
avowing their disregard of "mere politics." A few generations
ago the patriotism of merry England was warm in the breast of
multitudes who were at the same time thoroughly obsequious to
the duke and the baron, quite content to leave every public matter
to such wise or unwise guidance. And today the militant British
"Liberal" is often acquiescent in what he looks upon as the
empty form of rank and very determined to maintain his individual

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN "DEMOCRACY" 549

freedom against majorities not less than against kings, yet eager
to interfere by every privilege which the constitution gives him
for shaping national policy.

IMoreover, the word "democratic" is so far from covering all
that we seek in a sound social order that to each of the foregoing
senses a special danger corresponds. The passion for equality is
a constant menace to legitimate leadership and to wholesome
direction by the expert. The Pilgrim in The Ordeal of Richard
Feverel spoke of that horrible future when science should have
produced an intellectual aristocracy; "for what despotism is so
black as one which the mind cannot challenge?" And yet, if we
were not just so enthusiastic in our belief that one man's opinion
is as good as another's, the poor dupe of the patent medicine
advertisement might not be so cruelly robbed and tortured in
defiance of published advice against quackery by our medical
associations. It has been well said that a plebiscite a hundred
years ago would have forbidden the threshing-machine, the power
loom, the spinning-jenny, perhaps even the steam engine, and
that in England at an earlier date a wide franchise would have
prevented the reform of the calendar, preserved the penal laws
against dissenters, and restored the House of Stuart. We may,
indeed, plume ourselves on the thought that since then the school-
master has been abroad. But there must always be a great gulf
between the best thought and the average thought of any age.
Nor can the activity of all the schoolmasters abolish it, any more
than the hind legs of a stag can be trained to overtake the front
ones. "We may say generally," wrote the pessimistic Sir Henry
Maine, "that the gradual establishment of the masses in power is
of the blackest omen for all legislation founded on scientific opinion,
which requires tension of mind to understand it and self-denial to
submit to it." The masses, thank God, have done much better
than Maine expected. But we know what he meant. The present
writer has seen, for example, many a passionate effort to diffuse
belief in vaccination among those who still cling to their own
ignorant judgment against it. Perhaps they prefer a democratic
subjection to smallpox rather than immunity through a servile
submissiveness to ohgarchic science.

5SO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The danger of becoming over-democratic in the sense of coercing
the individual will under a tyrant majority has been displayed to
us on an appalling scale by the case of the German professors.
That class above any other should have been pledged to truth,
and not merely to truth when popular and victorious, but to truth
when overborne by clamor and threatened by authority. But
these men were brought up in an atmosphere where truth had to
play into the hands of power. They lived where an academic
teacher must at his peril say, on matters of state, no more and no
less than was prescribed to him, where he must pretend an enthu-
siasm for national purposes that he might personally hate, where,
in short, he was a mere literary propagandist for court and public
on every subject which touched "patriotism." His academic
future depended on his complaisance. This hiring and intimidating
of the learned class, this poisoning of the stream at its very source,
is a chief count in our indictment against the enemies of civilization.
There they stood, those wretched German Gelehrter, issuing pamphlet
after pamphlet to suit the mood of the Wilhelmstrasse, reinforcing
the infamous unanimity of an uninstructed public with the still more
infamous, because so dishonest, unanimity of the erudite and the
able. Their best excuse is perhaps that of the trembling senators
of Tiberius, that they were forced to "balance terror against mutual
shame." The thoughtless folk among ourselves, who mock at
"academic freedom," little know whose language they have
borrowed, whence comes the seed they are trying to scatter, and
what sort of fruit it has been proved likely to bear.

It is less needful to point out the risks of democracy in the
third sense that we have distinguished, for they have been insisted
on with tiresome iteration by every critic from Plato down to Lecky
and Carlyle. How can the masses legislate for themselves when
they understand their own good so poorly, when so few have the
leisure that is needed for so complex a study as government,
when the crowd is such a helpless prey to the demagogue and the
"machine," when class passions are so readily exasperated, short
views are so much easier than long ones, and sacrifice of immediate
personal interest for remote social benefit is so difficult a demand
upon the average man? To some of these objections democracy

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN "DEMOCRACY" 551

has given such an answer in the ordeal of the war that we need
not expect them to present themselves again with quite the old
arrogance. We have proved how deep was the truth of John
Stuart JMill's judgment fifty years ago: "There is a capacity of
exertion and self-denial in the masses of mankind, which is never
known but on the rare occasions on which it is appealed to in the
name of some great idea or elevated sentiment." One thing,
however, we are certain to hear again, that the vast and intricate
field of foreign affairs cannot be "democratized" but that decisions
there must be left to "those who know." Some men to whom
this last phrase can, in the light of the world-war, be applied only
with ironic facetiousness do not hesitate still to put forward the
claims of that secret diplomacy which conducted the world to
disaster. And, although they belong to an order that is vanishing,
they will be made to vanish all the sooner if the real democrat will
acknowledge the grain of truth in what they say, and will prepare
himself with a democratic scheme that can turn the edge of their
criticisms.

The prevailing definition of democracy is "government by the
will of the people." It has the advantage of making the idea of
governme7it central, so that social equality, individual submissive-
ness, and a common interest in common affairs follow by way of
inference. But it has the defect of including poHties which can be
called democratic only by a non-natural use of the word. Every
government which holds its place, if we exclude mere military
tyrannies, may be said to rest upon the will of the people. For
any nation that chooses to act as a whole can at its pleasure remove
rulers from their post. If it refrains from doing so, this must be
because either from deliberate preference or from mere dislike of
change it acquiesces in the wielding of authority by those in power.
When Louis Napoleon made himself emperor it is very probable,
indeed, that a plebiscite among the French would have approved the
step. Would such a plebiscite have made Napoleon's government
"democratic" ? It was one of the quaint statements of Bismarck
that the throne of the king of Prussia was broad based on a people's
will. And it is by no means certain that a numerical majority
would not have borne Bismarck out. Mr. Bertrand Russell has

552 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

told us that it would be undemocratic to depose the Hohenzollerns
at the end of the war unless the German people expressed a wish
for the change! The use of words in this way is enough to make
one's head go round. Yet it is certainly true that whether we
think of rule by king and parliament, or of rule by president and
congress, or of rule by sultan and grand vizier, or of rule by a
Manchu dynasty, it is the public which by its overt action or by
its tacit approval is responsible for the status quo. Every people,
as the old proverb says, has just that sort of government which it
deserves. But surely not every people may be said to govern
itself democratically.

Granted that the public is the ultimate king-maker, a sharp
difference will still exist between that state in which the decisive
voice of the pubhc is provided with an acknowledged organ of
expression and a state where no such organ is available. For in
the one case popular action must needs be revolutionary; in the
other it is constitutional. Having raised to power a certain group
of rulers, you may either submit without criticism to whatever
they choose to do, or you may watch them at every important
turn to make sure that they continue to execute your will. And
as a country cannot be governed by continual convulsions, the only
method, if you mean to be masters in your own house, is to estab-
lish a convenient channel through which pubhc opinion may be
constantly brought to bear.

Let us put this negatively. There are two ways in which,
with equal deadhness, the principle of democracy may be denied.
It may be repudiated in form, or it may be nullified in practice.
Formal repudiation has been exemplified by the Germans. They
have had no genuine right of free speech and free assembly, no
unfettered press, no power of removing the executive from office
at the pubhc will. Thus, however true it may be that the people
are in the end the source of authority, they remain at crucial
moments without real influence. But one can also suppose a
state in which the channels of popular action are provided but are
left unused in practice. Each man may be so absorbed in his
individual fortunes that he neglects his share in guiding the common
affairs. Everybody's business has become nobody's business. A
handful of bureaucrats is allowed to work its will. That state

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN ''DEMOCRACY" 553

has the form of democracy but lacks its power, and he who is con-
tent with it is no democrat except in name.

Thus we must apply a twofold test. Mr. Asquith once said of
the British House of Commons: "There is not a wave, there is
scarcely even a ripple of public opinion which is not reflected in our
debates." This means that the formal test is there answered in a
high degree, and no doubt a similar statement could be made of
Congress. But in each case there must he a genuine public opin-
ion, not the opinion of a few newspapers or a few noisy agitators,
but that of the people as a whole, informing itself on matters of
state, and exerting itself this way or that as the social conscience
may direct. No Englishman and no American will argue that either
country has risen in this respect to the level at which we should aim.
Judged so, there have been formal democracies which we should
call morally autocratic and formal autocracies that were morally
democratic. We need, then, a national self-consciousness, not in
the sense of a Kiplingesque jingoism, but in the sense of a wide-
spread resolve on the part of the common man to know what his
rulers are doing in foreign policy, and to know it before it has been
unalterably done. Our advance in this direction has been notable,
as anyone can see who compares the thrashing out of the terms of
peace today in the public forum with the method of the Holy
AlUance or of the Congress of Berlin. But if secret diplomacy is
discredited, and if the public is to play an altogether new part in
world-statesmanship, how much is needed to make the change
effectual and to secure that it shall be a benefit ?

It is safe to say that the new regime will demand a tremendous
reform of public education. Citizenship must no longer be a side
aspect of our school teaching, a thing ''referred to" on Fourths of
July and Empire Days to the accompaniment of a flag, the recita-
tion of war poetry by the senior class, and the performance of
action songs by the primary division before a crowd of admiring
parents. Nor must the teaching of citizenship be a mere systematic
drilling in submissiveness to the powers that be. What we want
is to make our children more fit than we have been, not simply to
execute public policies but to determine them. How lamentable it
is that such prolonged propaganda should have been needed in the
United States, in Canada, in Great Britain, to make our people

554 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

know what militarism is, what German imperialism is, what
rights are safeguarded in the public law of nations, why peace at
any price is an ignoble ideal, where the limits must be set which
mark off legitimate national spirit from inhuman national aggres-
siveness ! We ought not to have required so many tons of pamphlets
and so many months of popular lecturing before these elements of
citizenship were adequately realized. If democracy is to be efifect-
ive in ruling the world such delay must never be imposed upon
our action again. It may be said that the school cannot impart
such compHcated ideas to an immature mind. It would be nearer
the truth to say that the mind of an intelligent boy or girl has just
the elasticity and the receptiveness that are absent in the average
adult. Try to explain the heinousness of selling votes before the
senior class in a public school, and you will meet with less dishonest
casuistry than would be put forward by these children's parents.
It is not less absurd to say that international morals cannot be
taught to the young because of the complex thinking it involves
than to suggest that Sunday schools must be a failure because the
Athanasian Creed is so very metaphysical. We should of course
have to change many things: qualification of teachers, type of
curriculum, character of textbooks, and much more. But this is
part of the burden and the challenge of a new time.

Again, the democratic citizen of the future must be educated
not only for civic self-expression but for civic self-control. It
is not more important that he should learn to fulfil the func-
tions which belong to him than that he should learn to recognize
what functions do 7tot belong to him. The war has brought
home to us in its own brutal fashion a new regard for science.
Not very long ago the scientific expert was having an uphill
fight for his due place in our British and American communities.
And until his due place is conceded we must expect that the
expert will be much rarer than he might be and should be. Take,
for example, an election campaign which involves some serious
issue regarding public health. Does the party agent on one
side feel very greatly strengthened, or the party agent on the
other very much discouraged, by an "overwhelming" manifesto
of the medical profession? Such a document can, as a rule, be
tremendously counteracted by artful propaganda, by appeals to

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN "DEMOCRACY" 555

prejudice, by insinuation of personal designs on the part of the
doctors, by a skilful use of such terms of reproach as "theorist"
and "faddist." So far the very mildest eugenic proposals have
made little headway. Most of us know cities in which a suggested
law of compulsory vaccination would meet with a perfect tornado
of resentment at the polls. We have allowed a sort of myth to
grow up that the "practical" man must keep a watch upon the
"dreamer," and that business experience, native common sense,
are the great sources of wise legislation. But the myth has been
pricked by the war. We have learned how unmanageable by
mere common sense are the explosives that are made in a laboratory,
the new mechanical designs of the aerial and marine engineer, nay
even the expansive ideas conceived by men of literature and set
afloat upon the world through the press. The power of dollars,
of business aptitude, of "great executive ability," has been thrust
into the background by the power of thought. If this has been
the case even amid that clash of arms by which the voice of reason
is supposed to be overborne, how much more should it be so when
the world has to be reorganized not for war but for peace ?

What we must set before ourselves then is the task of making
our elective system far more productive than it has ever yet been
of rulers who shall deserve our trust not merely by their upright-
ness but by their insight. The Herculean work before us must not
be laid upon the very un-Herculean shoulders of such men as we
have had. Thinking on a vast and world-transforming scale has
to be done, and we have to choose those who will do a great deal
of it for us. For, however much we may speak of mandates and
plebiscites and referendums, we know that the more complex our
affairs become the greater must be the responsibility for decisions
that we cast upon our parliamentary representatives. The ver-
dict at the polls is on an issue of principle; the details, often of
immense difficulty and importance, must be settled by our dele-
gates, and it is the quite sufficiently arduous task of the common
voter to determine who those delegates shall be.

It is not by making democracy prevail in the sense of enthroning
average opinion; it is rather by securing for average opinion the
best possible enlightenment from the brain and will of the most
competent, that the next great step forward shall have been taken.

556 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Surely, then, one of the measures most clearly indicated for the
improvement of our education is an organized advance in the sub-
ject of "political science" at our universities and colleges. This
very term still sounds a little odd to the man in the street, who has
been accustomed to think of politics and science in quite different
moods of mind. But if our universities are to be a real center
from which the light of knowledge will shine abroad, can we afford
to neglect as we have done so immensely important a field as the
problems of government ? Will anyone contend that our seats of
learning have contributed even a fraction of the help that might
have been expected of them to make the common voter more
intelligent in the use of the franchise ? And can we conceive any
other province which calls for "university extension" work more
urgently ? Yet a word must here be said about the danger which
seems to dog such academic teaching in "poHtics." No maledic-
tion can be adequate upon those who seem to advise that we
should herein take our model from Germany. What we seek to
promote is political science. The first requisite of science is free-
dom, and the first essential in its professors is fearless independence of
popular prejudice. To say this is by no means to question the need
at the most extraordinary crisis of the Great War for exceptional
restraint by the state on the expression of opinions dangerous to
public safety. But the need and legitimacy of restraint at all times
upon social teaching that is uncongenial to the teacher's miheu
are being shamelessly proclaimed. In one college after another
social science has thus been burlesqued. No scientific man can too
strongly insist that the principle of unfettered investigation and
uncensored publication shall at the earliest safe moment be restored.
It touches the very life of a progressive democracy.

Those who would limit the teaching in government or in eco-
nomics by the tone of prevalent opinion are the lineal descendants
of those who interdicted Galileo from saying what he thought about
the stars. Those who think that a heretical sociologist should
"seek the endowment of his chair from those who agree with hun"
would have bidden Copernicus expect no further countenance until
he loyally and democratically adhered to the view that the sun
goes round the earth. It is just at this point that the strain upon

SOME AMBIGUITIES IN "DEMOCRACY'' 557

popular institutions has become most intense, and that those who
understand the vital need for protecting unpopular sincerity are
separating themselves from the charlatans who flatter the unin-
structed and toot for profit among the vulgar. President Wilson's
ringing denunciation of the mob violence that masquerades as
patriotism should be taken to heart by every college trustee who
is in danger of mistaking loyalty to his own ignorances for loyalty
to the state, and by every college head who cannot distinguish
between enthusiasm for the American flag and enthusiasm for
increased salary from a board of regents. The manifold questions
about property, about labor, about trusts, about trade, about
national equipment, about eugenics, which must be settled in the
coming time of peace, cannot be dealt with in that poisoned atmos-
phere of restraint with which not a few who should know better
would seek to surround us. They fear, forsooth, that the simple
may be misled, and the national will may be impeded! Theories
that are false and tendencies that are retrograde will be exposed in
due time in the only way in which they can ever be exposed with
effect, not by persecution, but by frank and tolerant criticism. To
bear such criticism when it is distasteful is just what democracy must
learn. And to those who would dole out " truth " under precautions
we must reply that truth has so far proved capable of looking after
itself with Httle help or profit from their trembling solicitudes.

If any ingenious devotee of words can prove that the educa-
tional requirements I have tried to indicate for the democracy of
the future are all deducible from the meaning of that very elusive
word itself, by all means let him do so. Others will think it prefer-
able to attempt no such linguistic manipulations, but to speak
rather of those checks and balances by which democracy is made
safe. One thing in any case is clear, that he is no friend but rather
an enemy of the democratic system who would see it estabHshed
without those conditions under which alone it can yield its best.
Nothing is easier than to demand it in those shrill tones of com-
pliment to "the people" which the people love to hear. But the
democrat who, as Lord Morley has well said, prefers using his
mind to merely exercising his tongue on the people's behalf is
their true servant for the future.

PUBLIC SERVICE THROUGH CHAJVIBERS OF COMMERCE

W. J. DONALD

New York City

There are nearly a thousand American cities with a population
of over eight thousand. Each of these cities has a problem or a
group of problems sufficient to warrant the present existence of at
least one community organization. Many cities have been growing
so rapidly that their range of problems covers everything from
city planning and housing to a new form of city government, a
new railroad freight and passenger terminal, a new franchise for
a street railway or the financing of a new hotel. Occasionally —
but rarely — one finds a city that is so dead that it has no housing
problem or any other problem except deadness.

This means that there are at least one thousand cities in which
there is a chamber of commerce or other civic organization which
someone of ample training and high purpose may serve as
community leader.'

THE CHALLENGE OF A PROGRAM OF WORK

Being fully aware that many socially minded civic and social
workers are inclined to look with disdain on the chamber of com-
merce and to doubt the possibility of constructive community
service through the chamber of commerce, I venture to present
the program of work of the Bridge ton. New Jersey, chamber of
commerce as a sample. The statement of this program of work,
as it appears in a report of one of the field secretaries of the American
City Bureau, is printed herewith in full as follows:

PROGRAM OF WORK

INTRODUCTION

The following is the result of a thorough survey of the membership of
the Bridgeton Chamber of Commerce, as obtained through a series of group

' For an extended discussion of chamber of commerce ideals and methods see
Community Leadership — The New Profession, by Lucius E. Wilson, vice-president of
American City Bureau, Civic Press, New York, 1919.

558

PUBLIC SERVICE THROUGH CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE 559

meetings. They are an expression of the most urgent and obvious needs of
the community at the present time. In the natural course of events, other
projects will demand the consideration and decisive action of the Chamber.
Accomplishment of the projects included in these programs is dependent
upon intelligent leadership on the part of officers and directors and enthusiastic
co-operation on the part of the membership. The programs present a broad
and comprehensive field for organized comxnunity endeavor, giving promise
of actual accomplishment because derived from the united thought of the
membership.

MAJOR PROGRAM OF WORK

A general demand already exists for the accomplishment of subjects
placed under this heading. The Chamber of Commerce is, therefore, in a
position to find immediate and wide support in its activities directed along
these lines.

1 . Streets. — Co-operate with City Council to secure improvement of streets
and extension of the present pavement system.

2. Education. — ^\Vork for an improved public-school system, advocating
the erection of a new high school and endeavoring to raise local educational
standards.

3. Good roads. — Inaugurate movement to improve all highways leading
into Bridgeton and endeavor to obtain hard surface road for trucking produce
to big marketing centers.

4. Health. — Advocate the estabUshment of a garbage collection and disposal
system, extension of the sewerage system and adequate enforcement of the
sanitation laws.

5. Transportation. — Take steps to secure improvement of local train and
trolley service.

6. Housing. — Encourage the building of homes as a solution of the housing
situation.

7. Comfort station.— Tiovide public restroom and comfort station for the
convenience of out-of-town people who make Bridgeton their trading center.

8. Industrial development.— Develop Bridgeton industrially by fostering
the industries already located here and endeavoring to secure new ones.

9. Publicity.— Advertise the advantages of Bridgeton as a good place in
which to live and work.

10. Civic co-operation. — Bring the general public to an understanding and
appreciation of the aims and purposes of the Chamber of Conunerce in an
effort to unite the entire citizenship into an effective force for promoting the
best interests of Bridgeton.

11. Street lighting. — Urge City Council to improve the present street
lighting system.

12. Community building. — Undertake campaign to secure erection of a
community building as a memorial to Bridgeton's ex-service men.

560 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

FORUM AND DISCUSSIONAL PROGRAM

Certain projects will require discussion and the winnings of a larger interest
and support before they are undertaken, if efforts are to be successful.

A single meeting of the Membership Forum may indicate a degree of
interest in a topic that will justify its immediate transference to the Major
Program by the Board of Directors, and the appointment of a committee to
begin work.

1. Traffic regulations. — Consider ways and means for the parking of
automobiles and the elimination of traffic congestion.

2. Agricultural development. — Study the need of and develop plans for the
assistance of farmers in the marketing of their products.

3. Recreation. — Focus public attention upon the necessity for adequately
equipped and properly supervised parks, plaj^grounds, dance halls, theaters,
and recreational centers where Bridgeton's young people can enjoy themselves
under wholesome social surroundings.

4. Fire prevention. — ^Stimulate public interest in the care of property so as
to eliminate the dangers of fire.

5. City beautification. — Promote a sense of pride in the appearance of the
city, encouraging general participation in all "clean-up movements," and
urging rigid enforcement of existing ordinances.

6. Taxation. — Arrange for the presentation of arguments favorable to a
readjustment of taxable valuation and rate with a view to an increase in city
and county income which will take care of needed improvements.

7. City planning. — Advance as a subject for early discussion a feasible plan
which will provide for the future growth and development of the city.

8. Retail trade. — Awaken interest among merchants in a plan to improve
store service, thereby strengthening the position of the city as a mercantile
trading center.

SUPPLEMENTARY PROGRAM OF ACTIVITIES

The following subjects were presented, but do not appear to have sufficient
support to warrant their being placed in the Major or Forum Programs.
They may be introduced into the activities of the organization as public
attention is attracted to them and as there is opportunity to carry them out.

Bring before the public the necessity for more adequate accommodations
for visitors.

Unite with the other Chambers of Commerce in this district to secure a
satisfactory proportion of state expenditures in South Jersey.

3. Urge City Council to enact an ordinance providing for milk inspection.

4. Co-operate with local ministers to increase interest in church activities.

5. Suggest to the banks the advisability of remaining open one evening a
week instead of Saturday afternoon.

6. Establish a public forum for the discussion of important municipal
questions.

PUBLIC SERVICE THROUGH CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE 561

7. Educate the people of the city to appreciate and support the Bridgeton
Hospital.

8. Develop a sentiment favorable to the proper marking of streets and
renumbering of houses.

9. Advocate erection of a municipal abattoir.

10. Discuss the possibilities of an improved form of city government.

11. Consider advisability of conducting a campaign to secure a Y.M.C.A.

INTERRELATION OF CIVICS AND COMMERCE

It has been a common sport for socially trained "civic" workers
to assume a superior and self-righteous attitude toward the chamber
of commerce and the chamber of commerce secretary. This pose
is bred of a false philosophy of life which assumes that social and
economic points of view are separate and distinct, and that,
therefore, civics and commerce should be kept in thought-tight
compartments.

Actual experience of the chamber of commerce secretary has
served to demonstrate the oneness of the community problem.
In secretarial literature it finds its expression in more than one
paper on "The Interrelation of Civics and Commerce." Thus
one finds that health and education, city planning and zoning,
municipal administration, language and religion, politics and race,
are intertwined with the business of making a living. A few
illustrations quoted from a Manual on City Planning Procedure'-
will serve to illustrate more in detail:

Street traffic. — Is retail trade handicapped by the inadequacy of parking
areas for automobiles, and by the consequent parking in front of store windows
furnished for display ? Does the trade avoid congested streets, and can
shoppers approach store fronts by automobiles ? Is the time of business men
and workmen wasted by traffic delays caused by a congestion of street cars,
horse-drawn vehicles, motor busses, and automobiles ? Must trucks take
"the long way around" in dehvering industrial products or merchandise to
railroad terminals ? One could elaborate on the economic significance of the
street traffic problem at length.

Zoning. — Real estate men everywhere are anxious for zoning, in the
interests of their property or the property of their cHents. Does it mean

' Manual on City Planning Procedure, by W. J. Donald, American City Bureau,
1920.

562 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

anything to mortgage companies that homes are protected from the encroach-
ment of stores, from the shadows of apartments, and smoke and fumes of
industry ? Does the dry goods merchant want proximity to a garage or does
the manufacturer of sUks seek a chemical plant as his neighbor? Retail
business men succeed best where business men "most do congregate." The
retail "comer grocery" was ever a precarious financial adventure.

Grade crossings. — Consider the time lost to business by delays caused by
grade crossings. Street cars, automobiles, pedestrians, trucks and delivery
wagons are kept standing, and workmen and clerks are late for work. Life
that can be valued only inadequately in money terms is destroyed by grade
crossing accidents. Retail business districts are damaged and residential
sections are blighted, until the obstruction is removed.

The principle suggested by these illustrations is one which the
business man understands more or less in its concrete applications.
It is a principle so well understood by a large percentage of chamber
of commerce secretaries that their years are being devoted to
teaching it to business men and to applying it in the solution of
practical problems. Indeed the chamber of commerce secretary
who thinks only in terms of one of the special social sciences will
fail to solve the problems of the community, and sooner or later
will destroy the chamber of commerce by undermining the only
philosophy on which it can live. This statement is not only
theory — it is also tried and proven practice.

THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE SECRETARY

To understand the nature and scope of the program of work of a
chamber of commerce is a challenge to the man who would serve
the public. The opportunity of the chamber of commerce secretary
invites men of the very best of training in the social sciences
together with executive ability. One's knowledge of the sources
of information is likely to be taxed to the utmost in the course of a
week's work.

What level the profession has reached is indicated by a "Code
of Ethics" prepared by a committee of experienced secretaries and
adopted by the Students Association at the American City Bureau
School for Chamber of Commerce Secretaries held at Madison,
Wisconsin, in August of 1920. The "code," which might well be
emulated by other professions, is as follows:

PUBLIC SERVICE THROUGH CHAMBERS OF COMMERCE 563
COMMUNITY LEADERSHIP IS A PROFESSION

I BELIEVE

That it offers an exceptional opportunity for constructive and substantial
community service.

That as a member of this profession I should strive to improve my knowl-
edge, widen my mental and spiritual horizon, and arrive at an imderstanding
of the forces which move men to united action for the public weal.

That I should be at all times sincere, considerate, unprejudiced and fearless.

That my morals should be above reproach.

That I should apply myself to my work with a diligence and industry
consistent with my physical and social eflficiency.

That I should scrupulously administer the finances and affairs of my
office in accordance with the best business practice.

That I should be honest and accurate in the dissemination of information
regarding the community which I represent.

That I should hold in strictest confidence all information given in the same
spirit.

That I should take no advantage for personal gain of private information
received through the activities of the organization which I serve.

That a greater field for service rather than a higher salary should be the
actuating motive in any future advancement in my profession.

That I should make no tender of my services to another community unless
certain that the position desired is to be vacated.

That I should not accept a salary greater than commercial organization
experience shows my organization is justified in paying.

That I should accept no remuneration for my services as a commercial
organization executive apart from the regular salary for the position, except
with the full approval of the Board of Directors.

That I should refrain from attempting to increase my salary by playing
one organization against another.

That to make a change of position after only a few months of service or
while in the midst of important incompleted activities is wrong in principle
and detrimental to the profession.

That the ethics of my profession are best served by giving credit for
accomplishments to the organization, rather than to the secretary.

That I should have the courage to admit my mistakes and thereon build
for future success.

That I should so conduct myself and the affairs of my organization that
others in the profession may find it wise and profitable to follow my example.

That I should be willing at all times, when requested, to assist my fellow
secretaries in the solution of their problems and in securing a better under-
standing of the principles of the profession.

564 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

That my acceptance of a position as secretary should be founded upon
implicit faith in my community, in my organization, in my profession and in
myself.

That above all I should be loyal to my community and to my organization.

That I should exemplify the principles of unselfish community idealism
and urge the responsibility and privilege of community service.

THE OPPORTUNITY

There is a constantly growing demand for well-trained men
for chamber of commerce secretaryships. Moreover, standards of
quality are constantly and rapidly rising.

The problems which the secretary must help to solve call for
adequate training, executive ability, the impulse for public service,
and a philosophy of society which sees the community problem as
fundamentally one rather than diverse.

the aftermath of the black death and the
after:math of the great war

JAMES WESTFALL THOMPSON
University of Chicago

Ever since the Great War terminated and the world lapsed
into the condition — physical, moral, economic, social — in which it
now finds itself, historians and students of social pathology have
been searching if possibly they might discover a precedent in the
past for the present order (or rather disorder) of things. The
years immediately following the close of the Napoleonic Wars have
been the favorite epoch for examination. But the conditions of
the period after Waterloo have been found to bear little resemblance
to conditions today. The differences in degree between things
as they were then and things as they now are is so great that
analogies fail. The old maxims, "We understand the present
by the past," and "History is philosophy teaching by example,"
are broken shibboleths. There seems to have been nothing in the
past comparable or applicable to the present.

And yet, though it is true that history never repeats itself, there
is one epoch of the past the study of which casts remarkable light
upon things as they are today; whose conditions afford phenomenal
parallels in many particulars to present conditions; which furnishes
not merely analogies but real identities with existing economic,
social, and moral circumstances. That period is the years immedi-
ately succeeding the Great Plague or the Black Death of 1348-49
in Europe. The turmoil of the world today serves to visualize
for us what the state of Europe was in the middle of the fourteenth
century far more distinctly than ever was perceived before. It is
surprising to see how similar are the complaints then and now:
economic chaos, social unrest, high prices, profiteering, depravation
of morals, lack of production, industrial indolence, frenetic gaiety,
wild expenditure, luxury, debauchery, social and religious hysteria,
greed, avarice, maladministration, decay of manners.

565

566 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Let us consider the first and most immediate effect — the loss
of man-power owing to the great mortality. While it is true that
the population of Europe is much greater now than in the fourteenth
century, and the mortality far higher then than in the past five
years, nevertheless, as everyone knows, the working efficiency of
Europe has been seriously reduced owing to the death of large
numbers of men in battle or of disease, to which must be added
some millions of the civilian population from starvation, privation,
and disease. And many of those who survive are shaken in body
or in mind. The nerves of these people are so shattered that it
will be a long time before they can go back to work; many of them
never will. The same was true of the people of Europe in 1349^
when the Black Death had passed. The psycho-physical shock
to them had been so great that restoration of their former vitality
and initiative was impossible, or very slow.

The economic effect of the Black Death also was not unsimilar
to the effect of the Great War, though the immediate results of
the plague were very different. The moment the war began
prices soared. This was not so in 1349. The immediate effect
of the Black Death was to lower prices and to glut the market with
commodities. The reason is not far to seek. Every civilized
society possesses a certain accumulated surplus of goods or produce,
enough to last it for some months at least, even if production cease.
Now the mortality due to the Black Death was very high, at least
35 per cent of the population. The consequence was that when
the plague had spent its force the surviving population found itself
in possession of these accumulated stores, produce, goods, in
addition to movable and real property which had once belonged to
those now dead.

Men woke up to find themselves rich who had formerly been
poor, inasmuch as they were the only surviving heirs. Land,
houses, furniture, goods, farm products, cattle, horses, sheep, were
without owners, and most of it was immediately appropriated by
the survivors. Everything movable or which could be driven
away on four feet was seized; even landed property was occupied
since there was no one to protest and the very courts of law were
stopped. "There were small prices for everything," records

AFTERMATH OF BLACK DEATH AND GREAT WAR 567

Henry Knighton, the medieval chronicler. "A man could have a
horse, which before was worth 40s. for 65. Sd.; a fat ox for 45.;
a cow for i2d.; a heifer for 2d. ; a big pig for $d. ; a fat wether for 4d. ;
a sheep for 36?.; a lamb for 2d.; a stone of wool for gd. Sheep
and cattle went wandering over fields and through crops, and there
was no one to go and drive or gather them. "

The direct result of all this suddenly acquired wealth was a
wild orgy of expenditure and debauchery on the part of many.
Furs, silks, tapestries, rich furniture, expensive food, jewels, plate,
fell within the purchasing power of the poor. Men spent lavishly,
luxuriously, insanely. Poor workmen and poorer cotters, living in
wretched hovels, who formerly, like Margery Daw, had slept on
straw, now lolled on beds of down and ate from plate that once had
decorated the sideboards of nobles. Often, too, they removed from
their ancient quarters into the vacant houses. The landlord class
was hit hard by the plague. "Magnates and lesser lords of the
realm who had tenants made abatements of rent in order to keep
their tenantry; some half the rent, some more, some less, some for
two years, some for three, some for one year, according as they
could agree with them. "

But this condition of luxury soon passed. Those who survived
found themselves personally richer than before; but Europe was
immeasurably poorer, for production absolutely ceased for months,
even a whole year, and when it was renewed the productive capacity
of Europe was found to be much impaired, while the waste had been
terrific. When all the accumulated surplus had been consumed or
wasted, prices soared and the cost of living, both of commodities
and of service, rose enormously. Farm laborers, guild workmen,
domestic servants, clerks, even priests, struck for higher wages.
"In the following autumn no one could get a reaper for less than
Sd. with his food ; a mower for less than 1 2d. with his food. Where-
fore many crops perished in the fields for want of some one to garner
them. But in the pestilence year there was such abundance of

all kinds of corn that no one troubled about it A man

could scarcely get a chaplain under ten pounds or ten marks to
minister to a church. There was scarcely any one now who was
willing to accept a vicarage for twenty pounds." Even rents

568 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

soon went up. Abandoned buildings lapsed into ruin, occupied
buildings naturally deteriorated under wear and tear, and the
wages of carpenters and other artisans were often so high as to
prohibit repairs.

The high prices of staple commodities and the exorbitant
demands of the wage-earning class soon reached a pinnacle under
the stimulus of profiteering. Accordingly the governments had
resort to maximum laws both for commodities and wages. France
passed a Statute of Laborers in 1350, England a similar law in 1351.

The social effects of the Black Death were manifold. In the
first place, then as now, there was enormous displacement of popu-
lation. The plague had the effect of an invasion; it either killed
or drove out the population. Thousands fled to other places
Infected districts were left deserted. In after-years one finds
evidence of this in interesting ways. New place-names, new faces,
even unfamiliar speech in various regions, attest it. One finds
evidence of Italian colonies in south German and south French
cities ; French and Germans in north Italy ; Flemings in Normandy ;
Normans in Picardy, etc. Under the stress of fear men were mad
to get out of an infected region, and fled, often into another quite as
dangerous. We find other evidence of this movement of population
in the outcropping of technical industries and crafts, once peculiar
to a certain country, in quite another place owing to the flight of
workmen from the former to the latter locahty.

The texture of society, too, was profoundly modified by the
Black Death. In addition to a large class of nouveaux riches,
the plague opened the door of opportunity to many to get into new
lines of employment, or to establish themselves in new kinds of
business. Clerks became merchants, former workmen became
employers and contractors, farm laborers became gentlemen
farmers. The old nobiUty of Europe, which derived its lineage
from the Norman Conquest and the Crusades, largely passed away,
leaving their titles and their lands to the kings who gave them out to
new favorites, so that a new noblesse arose in Europe, a parvenu
nobility without the accomplishment, the pride, or the manners of
the old noblesse. The titles survived, but the blood of the peerage
was new, not old ; parvenu, not aristocratic. With the passing of

AFTERMATH OF BLACK DEATH AND GREAT WAR 569

the aristocracy passed also the chivalry and courtesy that had
distinguished it. The decay of manners in the last half of the
fourteenth century is an astonishing fact. The old-fashioned
gentility was gone; manners were uncouth, rough, brutal. Famil-
iar speech became rude, lewd, even obscene. Every student of the
literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries has observed
this. This explains the paradox that books on courtesy were so
much in demand in these centuries. The new high society was
ignorant of good manners and needed to know. Even fashions
reflected the decadent conditions of the age. Refinement and
decorum in dress, which marked the distinguished lady and gentle-
man in the thirteenth century, disappeared. The nouveaux riches
had a passion for display, for garish colors, for excessive dress,
for the wearing of many jewels. Dressmakers and milliners
reaped a harvest from this class. The costumes were fabrications
to wonder at, but not to admire.

Another characteristic of the late fourteenth century which
strikes a familiar note is the protest against political corruption
and administrative inefficiency. The cry for reform was wide-
spread and not to be wondered at. The Black Death hit the
governments of Europe hard. For two hundred years these
governments had been slowly and painfully developing their
administrative machinery and training up a skilled class of officials
in their employ. Now of a sudden thousands of this technically
trained class were cut down, so much so that the governments were
crippled beyond what we may imagine; police protection, courts,
law-making, the hundred and one everyday activities of an ordered
society were arrested. The machinery of the governments nearly
stopped. In this emergency two things happened: the offices
had to be filled, the government kept running at all cost, so that
thousands of ignorant, incompetent, dishonest men were hastily
thrust into public offices; moreover, the thousands of vacant
offices tempted the job-hunter, the placeman, the professional
office-seeker, and this class swarmed into the vacancies with the
selfish motive of feathering their own nests and plundering the
public. The result was appalling waste, great maladministration,
peculation, etc., with the natural protest of society against these
abuses.

570 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The church was no better oflf than the state in this particular.
Every student of medieval history knows the outcry that arose in
Europe in the last half of the fourteenth century against the abuses
and corruption in the church. But the church is not to be blamed
too severely for this condition. It, too, had to keep functioning,
and to do so impressed into service all sorts and conditions of men;
in the universal terror it could not be over-careful in those whom it
selected. And again, church offices were lucrative and influential
appointments, and many intruded themselves into church Hvings
for the sake of the material nature of the preferment.

Complaints against political and administrative corruption,
the prevalence and increase of crime, lightness of mind, and looseness
of morals, high prices, profiteering, industrial and farm strikes,
extravagance, indolence, or refusal to go to work are common
and widespread today. So they were in the fourteenth century.
The Black Death wrought a universal upheaval and transformation
of society to which nothing else in history is comparable except
the influence of the Great War.

Even in the field of psychology this analogy holds true. Not
only those who actually fought in the late war, but the whole
population is suffering from "shell shock," from frayed nerves.
It is this condition which explains the semi-hysterical state of mind
of millions in Europe, which accounts for their fevered or morbid
emotionalism. The old barriers are down, the old inhibitions
removed. The superficial yet fevered gaiety, the proneness to
debauchery, the wild wave of extravagance, the flamboyant
luxury, the gluttony in restaurant and cafe— all these phenomena
are readily explicable by the student used to making psycho-social
analyses. And as always at such seasons, the phenomena of the
Freudian complex are vividly presented. A book could be written
solely upon the strange, intense, morbid sex manifestations abroad
in the world at present.

It was so after the Black Death. The so-called Flagellant
movement was a mixture of religious morbidity and sex stimuli, so
widespread in its influence that it reduced thousands to a state of
frenzy. Not since the Crusades had Europe witnessed so tremen-
dous a manifestation of mob psychology. In the lapse of all the

AFTERMATH OF BLACK DEATH AND GREAT WAR 571

accustomed inhibitions of church, of state, of society, the thought
and conduct of men went off on eccentric tangents. The failure of
old authorities gave room for new and self-constituted authorities
to establish themselves. Charlatans, mind-readers, sorcerers,
witch-doctors, drug-vendors, sprang up like mushrooms, along with
perfervid crossroads preachers and soap-box orators denouncing
society and the wrongs around them, and offering each his panacea
or remedy. A golden opportunity was afforded to the ama-
teur preacher, the amateur reformer, the pseudo-scientist, the
grafter.

The literature of the late Middle Ages is rich in the possession
of this kind of psycho-social phenomena, which has not yet been
studied. Few even know of it. It may surprise the reader to
learn that probably the well-known legend about the Pied Piper
of Hamelin is attached to the time of the Black Death. Grotesque
and amusing as Browning's famous ballad is, there is yet a tragic
pathos underneath the tale, which he failed to divine. Browning,
as all his readers, regarded the story as a mere legend. But
undeniably there is a basis of real history below the surface.

In the first place it is a well-known historical fact that the Black
Death was accompanied by a great plague of rats in Europe.
Now the rat has been a symbol of pestilence since remote antiquity.
One need go no farther than the Old Testament for evidence of
this, and the s}Tnbolism is attested by ancient art. What probably
happened at Hamelin was this: the town was infested by rats;
the Pied Piper made his appearance (whether a charlatan or a
lunatic cannot be said) and offered to charm the rats away. The
rats probably stayed, but the Piper's strange costume and stranger
power which he declared that he possessed, united with the intense,
even hysterical emotionalism of the people, working upon the
natural curiosity of children at sight of such a wondrous spectacle
as the Piper in their streets, lured the children after him and they
were scattered, never to return. The poor children were swept
away on a wave of crowd psychology, of emotional excitement, to
the point of hysteria. They suffered the fate of those who went
on the Children's Crusade, many of whom we know fell into the
hands of professional kidnapers and slavers.

572 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

A book might be written upon these peculiar and eccentric
effects of the Black Death, as many will write books in the near
future upon the social psychology of Europe since the war. The
parallel which I have made is not a perfect one, of course, but there
is sufficient analogy between the aftermath of the Black Death
and the aftermath of the Great War to enlist the serious considera-
tion of the student of history.

A NORMAL-SCHOOL COURSE IN SOCIOLOGY

INTRODUCTORY TO WORK IN THE

SOCIAL STUDIES

WILLARD W. BEATTY
State Normal School, San Francisco, California

As stated by Mr. Clow in his report on "Sociology in Normal
Schools" in the March, 1920, Journal of Sociology, the California
State Board of Education has within the last few years made certain
minimum requirements in sociology as part of the professional
work in normal schools. In expressing these requirements, one of
the units of work specifically called for is "Civic Sociology." It is
doubtful whether the educators responsible for this requirement
possessed any clear definition for "Civic Sociology" in their own
minds. It is assuredly true that no two of the Cahfornia normal
schools have interpreted the term in the same way. It may be of
some value to outline a tentative course which has been utilized in
one such school during the past year in an endeavor to realize the
intention of the state board.

The aims of the course, as seen at San Francisco, were three-
fold: first, the supplying of a background of science and broad
general interest as an introduction to the social studies; second,
an attempt to stimulate interest in an understanding and inter-
pretation of the place of the individual in the present social organi-
zation; third, and, with us, most important, the preparation of the
individual student to meet the social problem of the teacher in the
discipline of the school in a manner calculated to help her in han-
dUng it as a problem in citizenship training. The time allowed for
this course was approximately sixty hours during one semester.

A glance at the outline of the material as presented in the
succeeding pages shows that the actual classroom time was utterly
inadequate to more than touch upon a majority of the topics pre-
sented, and that the ultimate value of the work must have depended
upon the outside reading done in following up the assignments.

S73

574 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Although no specified amount of reading was required, a fairly-
automatic check of whether or not the reading was being done was
offered by the quality of each day's discussion, which, in every case,
was based upon previously assigned references. In actual fact,
the reading in a majority of cases exceeded what would have been
considered a reasonable requirement and in many instances exceeded
the actual references.

Before discussing the method of presentation and different
phases of the course in detail, the following general outline of the
work is presented:

A COURSE OUTLINE IN CIVIC SOCIOLOGY
I. The Idea of Space, and the Stellar Relationships

A. The Immense Magnitude of Space

a) Understanding of the terms "star," "planet," "nebula," etc.,
with their relationships

h) Extent of space; distances

c) Appreciation of the fact that the universe responds to "law" —
some dehberate attempt to develop a sense of inspiration and awe
at the works of creation, based upon scientific appreciation

B. A Brief Study of the Myths of Creation. Conceptions of primitive
peoples, with some reference to their points of unity in explaining
natural phenomena

C. The Birth of the World

a) Some understanding of the conceptions of Laplace, Herschel, and

Kant, and the Chamberlain-Moulton hypothesis
h) The soundness of observational conclusions — inductive reasoning
c) Some of the astronomical observations upon which the explanations
of solar origin rest
II. The Dawn of Life — The Evolutionary Idea

A. The Geologic Evidence of the Earth's Development. The structure ot
the earth's surface and its organic content

a) The development of life-forms from simple to complex, as revealed
by geologic investigation

B. The Comparative Data Substantiating the Evolutionary Theory

a) Data and conclusions of Darwin

b) Data and conclusions of DeVries, etc.

C. The Embryonic Evidence of Recapitulation

a) Fertilization and ontogeny

b) Chromosomes as the bearers of "unit characters," etc.
III. Primitive Man

A. Apparent Age of the Race from Geologic Evidence; the Java, Nean-
derthal, Cro-Magnon, etc., Men

A NORMAL-SCHOOL COURSE IN SOCIOLOGY 575

B. Apparent Distribution. From Java to England, swinging through
Southern India, Mesopotamia, Mediterranean Basin, Central Europe
to British Isles

a) On a basis of geologic evidence, see previous section

b) On a basis of ethnic relationship, see succeeding section

C. Race Types. A study of the Aryan-Caucasian distribution and the
apparent Africo-Asiatic offshoots

a) Head shape, facial index, etc., in determining racial similarity

b) Influence of geography upon race development. See "C" below,
further

IV. Societal Evolution

A. The "Ages of Man"

a) Paleolithic, NeoUthic, Bronze, Iron. Are they chronological or
coexistent ?

b) Hunter, herder, agriculturist, industrialist. Are they chronological
or coexistent ?

c) Individual, family, clan, tribe, city-state, nation. 'Chronological
or coexistent ?

B. Prerequisites to the Development of Civilization

a) Climatic

b) Geographic

c) Activity

C. Influences of Geographic Environment on Civilization

a) Geographic "paths." Their influence on the spread of culture

b) Geographic "situation" and its influence; isolation vs. central
location; India contrasted to Greece; Alpine race vs. inhabitants
of Rhine valley; Britain vs. Russia

c) Situation and world-conflict; Babylon and Persia; Persia and
Greece; Rome and Carthage; France and Germany

d) Discovery of New World and results of consequent population
movements

D. Study of the Tigris-Euphrates States. "The Cradle of CiviHzation"

a) Social development, customs, laws, education, culture, "Code of
Hammurabi"

b) Economic development, use of slave labor, lack of mechanical help

c) Comparison and contrast with modern civilization

d) Increasing integration of social units

E. Cycles of Civilization — Growth of the Known World

a) Independent rise of cultural groups: Egypt, Chaldea, Crete, India,
Mexico, China, etc.

b) Evidence of prior civilizations to these: archaeological data

c) Rise and fall of Babylon, of Greece, of Rome. Replacement by
"barbarian tribes." The steppes as origins of racial migrations

d) Disappearance of industrial secrets, etc.; forgotten monuments

576 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

e) For the first time a civilization has annihilated time and space and
explored the entire globe; possibilities of the future; Malthusian
theories

F. Influence of Instincts and Emotions on Societal Evolution
a) Social psychology — McDougall

h) Studies in the unconscious — Freud

c) Satisfactions and inhibitions of instincts in social development

d) Influence of the mores working through instincts to conserve the
existing order and inhibit progress

e) In-group and out-group

/) What determines right and wrong (study of classroom case prob-
lems)

G. ReUgion and Social Development

a) Comparative social virtues as presented by Confucius, Buddha,
Christ, and Mahommet

b) Religious martyrdom and violation of the mores

c) Rise of science and philosophy, occupying part of the intellectual
sphere once reserved to religion

V. Cycles of History — A Brief Study of Recurring Social Phe-
nomena. (No attempt to be exhaustive, simply to illustrate again
through a few typical historical instances, the cycle form of the develop-
ment of civilization)

A. Appearance of written law. (Codes of Hammurabi, Draco, etc., in
Babylon, Greece, Rome, feudal Europe, etc.)

B. Attempt to equalize voting privileges; the evolution of the "geo-
graphical tribe" in Greece, Rome, down to our modern precinct and
district

C. Land problem; the reiterated attempt to break up the landed estates;
Greece, Rome, feudal Europe, modern Mexico, and Russia; the
reclamation work of the United States and the colonization schemes of
the California Land Settlement Board in adaptation of the Australian
system

VI. Topic Reports on Modern Social and Industrial Problems

The approximate time allotment was about as follows: one-
sixth of the total to Sections I, II, and III; one-third to Section
IV; one-sixth to Section V ; one- third to Section VI.

No general textbook was possible because of the great range of
topics. Chapin's Introduction to the Study of Social Evolution
came the nearest to paralleling the first part of the course, and was
therefore used by practically everyone for the work of the first
four sections. Lull, Evolution of the Earth, was found to be a little

A NORMAL-SCHOOL COURSE IN SOCIOLOGY 577

more difficult reading, but was of general use. The Book of Knowl-
edge and Our Wonder World offered material of equal diversity
and were much used. Other than these, a wide list of suggested
references was offered, some better than others, and some more
difficult than others. This list follows:

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF REFERENCES

SECTION I

C. W. Washburne, The Story of the Earth
R. S. Ball, The Earth's Beginning

, Starland

A. M. M. Griffith, The Stars and Their Stories

J. R. Kippax, The Call of the Stars

G. P. Serviss, Astronomy with the Naked Eye

E. S. Holden, The Family of the Sun

E. Hawks, Boys' Book of Astronomy

H. H. Turner, A Voyage in Space

Chamberlain and Salisbury, Geology

H. W. Mabie, Norse Myths

C. M. Gay ley, Classic Myths
Thomas Bulfinch, Age of Fable
, Otir Wonder World, Vol. I.

SECTION n

H. F. Osbom, Origin and Evolution of Life

, Age of Mammals

J. W. Dawson, Story of the Earth and Man
H. N. Hutchinson, Extinct Monsters
Margaret Morley, The Song of Life
J. A. Thomson, The Wonder of Life

, The Bible of Nature

, Darwinism and Human Life

Wm. A. Locy, Biology and Its Makers

D. S. Jordan, Animal Studies

C. R. Gibson, The Great Ball on Which We Live

J. I. Mix, Mighty Animals

Michael Guyer, Being Well Born

M. M. Metcalf, Organic Evolution

A. Dendy, Outlines of Evolutionary Biology

Rolt-Wheeler, The Motister Hunters

Stanley Waterloo, The Story of Ab

C. W. Washburne, The Story of the Earth

578 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

E. S. Grew, The Romance of Modern Geology
Agnes Giberne, The Romance of the Mighty Deep
Chamberlain and Salisbury, Geology

W. D. Mathews, Dinaiisaurs (Amer. Museum of Natural History)

SECTION m

J. P. True, The Iron Star

Theodore Roosevelt, "How Old Is Man?" (National Geographic Magazine, Feb-
ruary, 1916)

F. Ratzel, The History of Mankind

. Osborn, Men of the Old Stone Age
F. A. Lucas, Animals of the Past

, Animals Before Man in North America

Stanley Waterloo, The Story of Ab
, Son of the Ages

Many of the books previously noted, especially Chapin's Social Evolution

SECTION IV

James Baikie, "The Cradle of Civilization" (National Geographic Magazine, ,

February, 19 16) I

A. T. Clay, "Pushing Back History's Horizon" (National Geographic Maga-
zine, February, 1916)

H. G. F. Spurrell, Modern Man and His Forerunners

W. H. Prcscott, Conquest of Mexico — Conquest of Peru

E. C. Semple, Influence of Geographic Environment

, American History and Its Geographic Conditions

E. Huntington, Climate and Civilization

, The Pulse of Asia

, Palestine and Its Transformation

Perry Brigham, Geographic Influences in American History
W. I. Thomas, Source Book of Social Origins
W. G. Sumner, Folkways

F. S. Chapin, Education and the Mores
L. F. Ward, Applied Sociology
H. P. Fairchild, Applied Sociology
J. K. Hart, Democracy in Education
Franklin Bobbitt, The Curriculum
W. Trotter, Instinct of the Herd in Peace and War
Gustav LeBon, The Crowd
E. A. Ross, Social Psychology

, Sin and Society

W. McDougall, Social Psychology
Hitschmann-Payne, Freud's Theory of the Neuroses

A NORMAL-SCHOOL COURSE IN SOCIOLOGY 579

Wilfrid Lay, Man's Unconscious Conflict
Wm. Healy, Mental Conflicts and Misconduct

, The Child's Unconscious Mind

, The Individual Delinquent

C. A. Ellwood, Sociology in Its Psychological Aspects
Great Religions of the World (Harper), Collected Papers
Allan Menzies, History of Religion
Lord Dunsany, A Dreamer's Tale — The Sword and the Idol

For Section V references were made to any one of a number of

high-school history texts, as well as other historical material. The
following monthly and weekly periodicals, in addition to specific
pubHcations, were used in connection with the current reports:
Review of Reviews, World's Work, Current Opinion, Current History,
Outlook, Literary Digest, New Republic, Nation, Harvey's Weekly,
Leslie's Weekly, Survey, Manchester Guardian Weekly Edition.

Throughout the course it was attempted to keep the discussion
on a Socratic basis wherever possible, the instructor attempting to
arouse the questioning attitude and avoid direct statement. In
the first part of the work this was rather difficult because the
students lacked the informational background to sustain discussion.
The method proved successful in stimulating reading, and as the
reading increased the discussions naturally improved.

One of the chief handicaps from the informational standpoint
was due to the small amount of current newspaper and periodical
reading done by the average normal student. The topics assigned
for individual report were given out about eight weeks before due,
and in many instances stimulated this type of reading, with results
which became increasingly evident in the course of the later dis-
cussions.

Throughout the discussions it was constantly kept before the
students that the type of material introduced was of three kinds:
facts, experimentally established and accepted; generally accepted
theories based upon many proved facts; opinions. All material
discussed was classified accordingly, and of course every attempt
was made to consider various theories and many opinions. The
instructor carefully avoided any tendency to emphasize "pet"
theories, and it is probable that at the close of the course each

58o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

theory had its adherents, and a variety of opinions were held by
different members of the class.

The course was given in both the fall and spring semesters.
One group of students took the work while assigned to classroom
teaching, and the other group while doing nothing but preparatory
work. The first group was in every way more alive to the possi-
bilities of the course, and during the discussion of instincts and
emotions, which were illustrated by classroom cases and examples,
saw and profited much more by the applications to their current
experience.

Although an experiment, attempting in almost kaleidoscopic
fashion to survey many fields, a judgment formed sometime after
the product had passed on to other experiences is that the work
was successful in realizing the aims laid out. It is not to be thought
that any pretense of thorough or complete study of any one of the
topics enumerated was made. Following this course, each student
prepared in greater detail the material included in the courses of
history, geography, general science, and life-science — it is hoped
and believed with a better realization of the natural correlation
existing.

Of course the question remains. Is this civic sociology? I
submit that this answer is as good as the next, and in aim and
realization justifies the assertion that it is.

INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY

JEROME DOWD
Norman, Oklahoma

Now that the world-war for democracy is terminated and
autocracy forever banished, at least from Europe, the most amaz-
ing fact which emerges for our reflection is that this achievement
had to be brought about at a cost of life and property beyond
that of any other achievement in the history of mankind. Indeed,
it is inexpressibly amazing that the object aimed at and gained
could not have been reached through the exercise of human reason
in applying to the situation those fundamental principles which
have been observed to be characteristic of the whole progress of
civilization. If there is one fact of social evolution standing out
more clearly than another it is that the trend of all institutions
in the Western World has been away from autocracy and pater-
naHsm and toward freedom and democracy. This trend has
been conspicuous in industry, in the family, in religion, and in
government. The world-war had to be fought out simply because
some of the nations of the earth were blind to this universal trend.
It will always stand out as one of the most remarkable discord-
ances of history that a people so profoundly learned as the
Germans should have remained totally blind to the most obvious
facts of human history, and should have perpetuated in their
social organization those paternal aspects of industry, the family,
rehgion, and government which have been against the whole trend
of civilization. How much better it would have been for the
world if Emperor William and his military aristocracy had per-
ceived the trend of civilization and had sought to guide it toward
its destination. But such seems to be the aberration of a privi-
leged class everywhere that, owl-like, the more Hght they have the
darker their vision, and they always incumber the path of progress
and have to be ejected by violence.

581

582 TUE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Let us hope that the last great battle has been fought for
political freedom; that the world is now safe for all democratic
nations, and that the few remaining monarchies will soon undergo
a peaceful evolution into self-governing states.

In the meantime, before the smoke of battle of the world-war
has quite cleared away, we see the horizon in every direction
ablaze with another revolution of far greater extent and impor-
tance than the one we are rejoicing to have brought to an end.
This new revolution, now flaring up in every country, is merely a
logical consequence of the one just ended. It is a revolution in
the direction of democracy in industry; and it will go on, like the
political revolution of the past, in spite of all opposition, until it
is everywhere an accompHshed fact.

The peace of the world now hinges upon the attitude which the
capitalists and all enlightened citizens will manifest toward this
new revolution. WiU they have the vision to perceive the inev-
itable trend of industrial evolution, and seek to guide it toward
its destination, or will they, like the German aristocracy in the
political revolution, remain blind and set themselves as incum-
brances in the path of progress? Their attitude toward this
movement will determine whether it shall move on peacefully or
become a flame, as in Russia. When this revolution has run its
triumphant course, will the historian look back with amazement at
the same blindness and imbecility of the capitaKsts that character-
ized the Germans in their attitude toward the political revolution ?

In the industrial world we see labor and capital divided into
hostile camps, wasting their strength and resources in warfare
and inflicting manifold sufferings upon the non-combatant popula-
tion. Will these contending forces ever sign an armistice and
form a league to enforce future peace, or will the war go on until
the social structure collapses and crushes both of them ?

I believe that it is entirely feasible to bring about a permanent
peace between labor and capital through the application of demo-
cratic principles to industry; and, in the interest of that peace,
I will venture to indicate the fundamental wrong in the present
relationship of labor and capital and the kind of reconstruction
needed to adjust industry to a democratic basis.

INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 583

At the outset of this problem we should recall that the regime
of labor and capital has certain inherent disadvantages, generally
recognized by economists and sociologists, which render it incom-
patible with industrial efficiency. The French economist Charles
Gide, for instance, says:

Leaving the high ground of justice, and using the criterion of social util-
ity, the contract of wages is seen to have a vice which absolutely condemns
it. As soon as the laborer surrenders his interest in the product of his labor,
he loses all stimulus to production; nay, it is obviously to his advantage to
do as little work as possible in return for the price the master pays for his
labor. He can only be made to act otherwise by the sentiment of duty or the
sentiment of fear; fear not of the whip, as the slave feels, but of dismissal,
and of the loss of his livelihood. The first of these motives can only influence
minds of a higher stamp, and, moreover, grows weaker as the antagonism
between masters and workmen becomes more pronounced. The second
motive — and human nature may boast of the fact — has never wrung any
good result from man.

Further, the interests of masters and workmen inevitably clash, and the
wage system does not become more bearable for its fatal offspring — the strike.
No one denies that the contract of wages is advantageous in certain cases;
but what is contrary to nature is that this form of contract should become the
general law of present society, so that, of their own free wiU or not, the labor-
ing masses are dispossessed of all rights over the produce of their labor, and
are deprived of all interest in the work of production. Such a state of things
can scarcely be regarded as final.

The modern laborer, in contrast to the slave, has a theoretical
liberty, but in reality he has often only the choice of deciding
under what master he will spend the greater part of his life, with
no more interest in the outcome of his labor than a slave has,
with no opportunity for individual initiative or self-reahzation,
and no certainty in the tenure of his employment. Carlyle says:

The Uberty especially which has to purchase itself by social isolation,
and each man standing separate from the other, having no business with him
but a cash account: this is such liberty as the earth seldom saw — as the earth
will not long put up with, recommend it as you may. This liberty turns
out, before it has long continued in action, with ail men throwing up their
caps around it, to be, for the Working MiUions, a liberty to die for want of
food; for the Idle Thousands and Units, also, a still more fatal Uberty to
live in want of work: to have no earnest duty to do in this God's World any
more. What becomes of a man in such predicament ? Earth's laws are silent,

584 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and Heaven's speak in a voice which is not heard. No work, and the ineradi-
cable need of work, give rise to new very wondrous life-philosophies, life-
practices. Brethren, we know but imperfectly yet, after ages of constitutional
government, what Liberty and Slavery are.

Even so arch an enemy of everything socialistic as Herbert
Spencer could see nothing durable in the regime of labor and
capital. In his judgment it was only a transitional stage between
the coercive system of the past and some freer form of associa-
tion of the future.

The laborer in modern times does not have a proper incentive
to self-realization. Because he lacks this incentive he finds his
work uninteresting, monotonous, and often very irksome, and he
seeks to limit it to as few hours as possible. On the other hand,
professional men, such as artists, scientists, lawyers, and doctors,
often find their work so interesting that they cannot do as much
of it as they would willingly do within the limited years of their
lifetime. If we analyze the two classes of workers we shall find
that the difference in their attitude toward work is due not so
much to the difference in the character of the work as in the con-
ditions under which it is performed. The painter, sculptor, scien-
tist, and professional men generally, work under conditions that
bring into play certain fundamental instincts which always awaken
interest and a feeling of exhilaration. For instance, the instinct
of pugnacity which comes into play whenever man is inspired to
overcome anything; the instinct of curiosity which comes into
play whenever man is inspired to investigate or pry into anything;
the instinct of self-assertion which comes into play whenever man
is inspired to excel another or win any triumph over nature; and
the constructive instinct which comes into play whenever man is
inspired to invent, organize, or combine anything for a definite
object. The secret of keeping a child amused, and out of mischief,
consists in supplying it with playthings that keep these instincts
busy.

The reason that work is generally repellent to the average
wageworker is that it affords no opportunity for the employment
of these life-sustaining instincts. A man who is merely paid for
his time, and who has no share in the control of the business in

INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 585

which he works, is necessarily deprived of those stimulations
which are essential to a normal and satisfied human being. Unless
the laborer feels responsibility for the fate of the industry in which
he works, he cannot, like the capitaUst or professional man, enjoy
the exhilaration of putting his whole soul and body into a hfe-
career with the hope of reaping the fruits of his labor. Under
present conditions only the capitalist class and the professional
class have any individual initiative.

The more labor is specialized the more the laborer is degraded
by being reduced to play a purely mechanical part in production.
"It is a sad confession for a man to make," says Lemontey, "that
during his whole life he has constructed nothing more than the
eighteenth part of a pin."

Also, the more specialized the work the more helpless is the
worker when turned off or when industrial fluctuations force him
to seek a new master. Carlyle says:

A man willing to work and unable to find work, is perhaps the saddest
sight that Fortune exhibits under this Sun. Burns expresses feeUngly what
thoughts it gave him: A poor man seeking to work, seeking to toil that he
might be fed and sheltered, that he might be put on a level with the four-
footed workers of the Planet which is his. There is not a horse willing to
work but can get food in requital, a thing this two-footed worker has to seek
for, to soUcit occasionally in vain.

Some of our progressive capitalists, realizing the shortcomings
of the wage system, seek to encourage initiative among their
workmen by offering prizes for any inventions or innovations that
they may originate and reveal to the management. For example,
a certain workman suggested to his employer a device whereby
the employer added one thousand dollars annually to his profits,
and the employer was magnanimous enough to hand over to the
author a check for thirty dollars.' Again some of our capitaHsts
are now offering to sell stock to their employees, and are doing a
great amount of welfare work for them with a view to securing a
more permanent tenure of service. At a recent meeting of
employment managers in Philadelphia deep-laid plans were for-
mulated for making the laborer's job more permanent. The fact
was brought out that the hiring and firing of employees, due to

' Galloway's Organization and Management, p. 381.

586 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the shifting of labor, cost the manufacturers of the country
$172,000,000 annually; and it was proposed to reduce this labor
turnover by inaugurating a highly paid employing executive to
winnow the grain from the chaff of applicants by making the
conditions of the worker more sanitary, less wearisome, and the
home surroundings more attractive. The fact was brought out
that one company allowed its employees a rest period of three to
five minutes in every hour; that another company allowed a
rest period in the forenoon at which it reheved the fatigue of its
employees by selling them five hundred bottles of milk at three
cents each, three crackers and a straw going with each bottle.
Finally, some of our capitalists have done wonders in developing
scientific efficiency methods whereby laborers may greatly increase
their hourly product and daily wage.

Strange to say, however, the laborers have not appreciated
these efforts of the capitalists in their behalf. They have not
warmed up to the science of intensifying their energies, and,
indeed, if their efficiency could be multiplied tenfold and their
wages in like proportion, they would be just as dissatisfied as
ever. Who ever heard of increased wages satisfying the working
classes ? Have not wages doubled in the past century, and, in
some industries, since the beginning of the world-war ?

The fact is that everything which has been done for the wage
class has been in a direction exactly opposite to that which leads
out of our industrial warfare. The wage class are entirely luke-
warm on all schemes of profit-sharing, scientific labor efficiency,
prizes for valuable innovations, and philanthropic oversight of
their health and community environment. The working people
feel an indifference or antagonism to these things because they are
all paternalistic and reduce the worker more and more to the
condition of clay in the hands of the potter. They offer him no
adequate expression of his personality, of his instinct of self-
assertion, no incentive to invest his whole vital force in the
industry in which he works, no share in the responsibility of the
enterprise in which he spends his life, and no share in the fellow-
ship which is so inspiring a characteristic of all co-operation among
men who have the power of initiative.

INDUSTRIAL DEMOCRACY 587

The problem of industrial reconstruction is, therefore, simply
this: to restore to the laborer the liberty of self-direction. As
every man should have a vote in the political group to which he
belongs, so every laborer should have a voice in the conduct of
the industry in which he works. As autocracy and paternahsm
have been banished from the political world, so should they be
banished from the industrial world. All incorporated industries
should constitute a real or approximate partnership of labor and
capital.

It is very gratifying to note that a large group of British capi-
talists have a vision of the inevitable trend toward freedom and
initiative for the wage class, and have formulated a program which
provides henceforward for a share in the control and responsi-
bihty of every industry by those who compose its working force.
The details of this program may be found in the Monthly Labor
Review, United States Bureau of Labor Statistics, October, 1918.
Such a program insures the elimination of strikes and lockouts,
and interests every employee in the efficiency of the industry in
which he works. It restores to him the power of self-direction,
and gives him that sense of responsibility and fellowship in collec-
tive undertakings which aU free peoples should have and without
which no people can be efficient or contented. This program
calls for nothing revolutionary nor entirely new. It is susceptible
of being worked out in graduated stages, and is already a success
in a number of industries in this country and in England.

It remains to be seen whether our modern capitalists wiU
have the vision of the coming democracy in industry, or whether
they will foregather to strengthen the old paternalism and devise
schemes for making the laborer more impotent and submissive,
and less full of Hfe and aspiration. Shall we have self-direction,
democracy, and fellowship in the industrial world, or shall we have
bolshevism ? One or the other is coming.

THE COMPARATIVE ROLE OF THE GROUP CONCEPT
IN WARD'S DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY AND CONTEM-
PORARY AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY

WALTER B. BODENHAFER
Washington University

Small approaches the study of sociology from the methodological
side. His writings cover a period of more than a quarter of a cen-
tury, and in themselves offer an opportunity to show the changes
in part which have taken place in sociological thought in that
period. His thinking is rare in that it shows a growing tendency
and an ability to assimilate the modifying trends and movements
in the general field. Since we are not attempting to trace the whole
of his system of sociology, we shall not attempt to show those
changes which may appear, but shall rely on the later points of
view in so far as they bear upon the subject in hand. We may,
however, point out an impression which a reading of the various
publications has left, and that is, a growing emphasis upon the
group concept as a tool of thought and explanation. Not that his
thinking was ever individualistic, in the proper sense of the term,
but that the group concept has become more sharply defined and
hsis gradually assumed a more central and commanding position
in his thinking. As will be pointed out later. Small's use of the
organic concept in his earlier writings shows that the facts of group
solidarity and social continuity, interdependence and unity, were
in his thought from the beginning. But the explicit use of the
group concept, as such, and its implications for sociology in par-
ticular, are increasingly apparent as one pursues a study of the
writing in a chronological order. We shall have some hesitancy,
therefore, in placing too much reliance on exact statements in
General Sociology in so far as this particular problem concerns us.
In other words, the effort will be to present Small's present views
in regard to the group concept, rather than to trace a historical
development of them.'

' Reliance will be placed to some extent upon unpublished lectures as recalled from
iectur e notes and conversations.

5S8

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 589

We may approach the study of Small's use of the group concept
by first indicating his conception of the nature of sociology and its
place among the various social sciences. According to SmaU,
sociology is one of the variant techniques that have been developed
in the "drive toward objectivity" in the field of social science.
It is a natural outgrowth of the effort to see and understand the
social life as it actually is, rather than from any abstract meta-
physical or a priori standpoint. He has defined or described the
place of sociology in various recent pubHcations. These may be
cited as the mature expression of his thinking on the problem,
''Sociology is that variety of study of the common subject-matter
of social science which trains attention primarily upon the forms
and processes of groups."^ A little more amplified statement of
the same thought is contained in the following definition:

The sociological technique is that variant among the social science tech-
niques which proceeds from the perception that, after allowing for their purely
physical relations, all human phenomena are functions not only of persons,
but of persons whose personaUty on the one hand expresses itself in part through
the formation of groups, and on the other hand, is in part produced through the
influence of groups. In brief, sociology is that technique which approaches
the knowledge of human experience as a whole through investigation of group-
aspects of the phenomena.*

The sociological technique is that variant among the social science tech-
niques which proceeds from the perception that all human phenomena are
functions of groups.^

These citations are suflScient to show that in Small's view, the
group is the fundamental concept in constructing a sociology. The
analysis of group relations is the distinct contribution of sociology.
This seems to be the only reason for its claim to rank as one among
several techniques which seek to arrive at knowledge of the social
process. It is the one thing which justifies sociology and puts it
on a par with other social sciences or techniques.'* In other words,
it is the group approach to the common field of the various social
techniques, the social process, which constitutes the reason for

» "Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal of Sociology,
XXI, 825.

' Encyclopaedia Americana, article on "Sociology," 1919.
3 Lecture notes. * Ibid.

590 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

sociology as a method of investigation and thought. In so far as
any social science can be said to have a field, the group is the meth-
odological preserve of the sociologist. The aspects of experience
which come within the range of the sociological way of thinking
are " all incidents of this universal group destiny." The sociologist,
as such, is concerned only with relations of men in groups and the
results of such relationships.^ His center of attention is the group.
The importance of the group has not been adequately kept in
view in the social sciences in general, but both in academic circles
and in popular opinion there is an increasing recognition of the
group.'

This emphasis upon the group concept, as the key to the claims
of the sociologist for standing among the social sciences, is one of
the important contributions to fundamental sociological concep-
tions. It will be noted, of course, that Small's point of view
involves a departure from the extravagant notions of Ward, Gid-
dings, and Small himself, with most of the other sociologists of two
decades ago, when the claim of sociology as the master among the
social sciences was more prevalent than it is today. Small does
not leave his repudiation of the "master science" claim to be
inferred only; he expressly confesses that the older conception
among sociologists is no longer adequate :

Before we fully find ourselves in the ranks of social science, we shall have
to make very clear, first to ourselves and then to others, that we have a clue
to a particular quest, and we shall, meanwhile, have called in our juvenile
pretension to be the masters of everything while we are giving proof that we
can discover something. We used to compare the relation of general sociology
to the whole range of human activities with the relation of general biology
to all the phenomena of organic life. Most of the sociologists at one time
made assertions to that effect without a suspicion that they were comical.
In fact, neither term of the comparison was conceived in accordance with reality.
Biologists today do not recognize a science of general biology, except in the
sense of co-of>eration of many divisions of labor in a field designated generally
as biology. No more is there such a possibiUty as general sociology which is
not a division of labor upon a reality common to all the social sciences.^

* Lecture notes.

i " Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal oj Sociology,
XXI, 849.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 591

We have here expressed the point of view which is elaborated at
great length in Small's Meaning of Social Science. We shall not
pursue farther the conception of the division of labor among the
social sciences and its implications for social science in general.
It is brought in here for the purpose of showing that, in Small's
opinion, the older conception of the place of sociology is no longer
tenable. In place of that conception he places his methodological
plan of the co-ordinated techniques at work upon a common object,
the social process. Among these various methodological variants
the sociological takes its place by virtue of its particular methodo-
logical tool, the group concept. This concept, then, in such an
arrangement, is of the most fundamental and vital importance in
the whole of that part of the division of labor called sociology.
With this introductory survey in mind, we may proceed to some
more particular parts of his treatment, showing the use made of
the group concept.

Mention has been made of the term "social process." A study
of Small's use of this concept confirms what was said in the begin-
ning, that the group approach is not a recent or sudden turn in his
thinking. His increasing emphasis and clarity of expression of
the group conception are but the normal growth of a thought which
was prevalent in his thinking from the beginning. The very con-
ception of a social process which has played so large a part in his
thought and which, as explained by him and elaborated by his
followers, forms a contribution to sociology, is an implication of a
group conception of social reality. What he has done in later
years is to make more clear the implications and logical results of
his earher central conception. In this respect he has typified, as
well as influenced, the general trend in sociological thought. By
the process conception he means the opposite of Spencer's static
conception of groups and group relations. The process conception
emphasizes a ceaseless interaction in which there is constant change
of the group from moment to moment, leaving it different from
time to time. A process is a ''collection of occurrences each of
which has a meaning for every other, the whole of which consti-
tutes some sort of becoming."^ The social-process view emphasizes

» Lecture notes.

592 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the ongoing, changing, moving character of groups. It is a dynamic
view of group relations. It emphasizes the essentially group
nature of life as an ongoing stream. It is this suggested and
implied conception of the solidarity of group life that is so impor-
tant in all of the more modern developments of social science.

Small's use of the social-process category, connoting as it does
the solidarity of the ongoing human stream as one of the funda-
mental approaches to the understanding of social life, suggests
Comte's method which he called the vue d'ensemble as contrasted
with the atomizing and dissecting method. The essence of Comte's
method, like Small's, consists in the habit of looking at things not
in their isolation but in their "together" both in space and time.
Merz has characterized this method of thought as one of the most
significant achievements of the last half of the nineteenth century.
He has given to it the name synoptic method or view, in contrast
with the process of analysis and synthesis, "the former taking in
at a glance the totality of a complex subject, the latter dissecting
the same into its parts and then attempting to bring them together
again to a united whole."'' The tendency to look at the problem
of social life as a whole, as a plexus of group relations, is so central
in Small's thought that it may be well worth while to cite Merz
again as he applies the synoptic view to the problem of society:

Formerly all the sciences which have to do with this subject started from
the study of the individual organism or the individual mind, frequently dis-
regarding altogether the environment or collective life of man, or reaching
this only by slow and uncertain steps. Latterly, however, not only has the
collective Hfe of man attracted more attention than the ndividual it has become
rather the fashion to place society in some form or other in the foreground,
to start with some definition of the social "Together," of the collective life of
human beings, and to approach in this way not only the study of humanity
or mankind at large, but also, through it, to get a better understanding of the
nature and hfe of the individual mind itself.^

Small's thinking, from the beginning, displays this tendency, but
it has become more explicit and detailed with his maturer thought.
In substantiation of the statement that the group view has been

« Merz, History of European Thought in the Nineteenth Century, IV, 431.
» Ibid., p. 436.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 593

central from the beginning of his writings, one might point to the
use of the organic concept which flourished in the earlier develop-
ment of thought in sociology in this country. Small has repudi-
ated the organic theory in its extravagant forms, but he insists
that it never, in the minds of those who made use of it, was more
than a tool of interpretation with considerable limitation. It did
have this much that was sound, the conception of the interrelated-
ness and unity of the human stream. The kernel of truth in it
was the thought which is illustrated in Merz's statement and
which is more adequately expressed in the social-process concept.
The starting-point for the view which led to the biological analogy
was the sociological axiom: "All men are functions of each other."
Stripped of the fantastic verbiage and details of some of its spon-
sors, or imputed to it by its critics, the biological analogy or
organic concept expressed the essential idea that ** everything some-
how hangs together with everything else."* It is this thought,
which is essentially a group conception, or group approach to the
social problem, which one finds running through all of Small's
writings. Its significance for our purpose is quite apparent.

As a corollary of the point that has just been discussed, one may
note the conception which Small has of the nature and place of
social psychology in the recent development of sociological thought.
Space does not permit, nor does our purpose warrant us in attempt-
ing even, to summarize his social psychology. What is important
here is to point out that Small recognizes in social psychology an
attempt to give an adequate basis, in the analysis of group psy-
chology, for the final explanation of the social process. He looks
for the solution in both a functional and behavioristic social
psychology.' By the general term "social psychology" he refers
to the fact that, since the beginning of the present century, soci-
ologists in this country have become

increasingly attentive to the states of mind which characterize people in groups,
and to the connections between these states of mind and all the activities
which the respective groups perform. To express it in terms which seem most
convenient to some of us, we are more and more seeing our distinctive vocation

» Small, General Sociology, pp. 74-80.
'Ibid., pp. 637-49.

594 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in trying to find out what interests are actually effective in the members of
selected groups, and in what ways they shape the group fortunes.'

With the details of his suggestions for the solution of this important
work we need not concern ourselves here. What is necessary is
to point out that Small recognizes the essential group problem
which lies at the heart of the social process. To seek out and dis-
cover the essential process which constitutes the center of the
group life is for him the task of social psychology. It is, in short,
an application of the group concept to the study of life.

It will be worth while to consider some further concepts which
afford an opportunity for further investigation of the use made of
the group concept. First of all, it will be necessary to refer to
the concept group itself, in so far as it is recognized as one of the
leading sociological categories. Concerning this concept, Small
says:

The fact of social groups is so obvious, and it is so significant, that the
concept has been in constant use in the foregoing discussion. The term
"group" serves as a convenient sociological designation for any number of
people, larger or smaller, between whom such relations are discovered that
they must be thought of together. The "group" is the most general and

colorless term used in sociology for combinations of persons Thus a

"group" for sociology is a number of persons whose relations to each other
are safficiently impressive to demand attention. The term is merely a com-
monplace tool. It contains no mystery. It is only a handle with which to
grasp the innumerable varieties of arrangements into which people are drawn
by their variations of interest. The universal condition of association may be
expressed in the same commonplace way; people always live in groups, and the
same persons are likely to be members of many groups.*

With this introductory definition of the term group, as he under-
stands it, we may pass on in the discussion to the general problem
of the relation of the individual to the group or of the relation
between the two concepts, the group and the individual. It is
here, of course, that the crucial point of view appears in all our
investigations.

' "Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal of Sociology,
XXI, 817.

' General Sociology, p. 495.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 595

We may begin the discussion of the problem with Small's
statement of the rival theories:

Social philosophy, as hinted in the beginning of this chapter, has always
vibrated between theories of individuals, regarded as independent, seK-sufl5cient
existences, and theories of society, regarded as an entity which has its existence
either altogether independent of individuals, or at least by and through the
submerging of individuals. Accordingly, the question has been debated from
time immemorial: "Does society exist for the individual or the individual for
society ?" or more specifically: "Does the State exist for the individual or the
individual for the State ? "'

The fallacy in this, Small points out, is the assumption of a dis-
junctive, exclusive relation between the two. Whether the soci-
ologists or psychologists have had most to do with pointing out
this fallacy,

the formulation of life in terms of activity has brought psychologists and sociol-
ogists to the point of view that individuals and societies are not means to each
other, but phases of each other. A society is a combining of the activities of
persons. A person is a center of conscious impulses which realize themselves in
full only in realizing a society. '^

With reference to the discussion of Aristotle's dictum that man is
a social animal, Small observes that there is a very important sense
in which the dictum is one of the primary sociological data.

Man cannot be man without acting and reacting with man. The presence

of others is necessary in order that I may be myself A person ....

cannot come into physical existence except through the co-operation of parent
persons; he cannot become a self-sustaining animal unless protected for sev-
eral years by other persons; and he cannot find out and exercise his capabili-
ties unless stimulated to countless forms of action by contact with other
persons. 3

Human Hfe, in his view, is "always and necessarily social life; i.e.,
life in groups, the members of which influence each other. "'» To
speak of individuals first coming into existence and subsequently
forming groups is probably a distortion of the facts; "it is probably
nearer the truth to suppose that originally individuals were dif-
ferentiations of groups, than to suppose that groups were synthesis

* Ihid., pp. 473-74- * ■^^•

» Ihid., p. 476. * Ihid., p. 208.

596 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of individuals."' "Actual persons always live and move and have
their being in groups."'

Following Baldwin, Small calls attention to the fact that self-
consciousness is a group product rather than an individual datum.
He says:

Consciousness in itself, or at least self-consciousness, is not an individual
but a social phenomenon. We do not arrive at self-consciousness except by-
coming into circuit with other persons, with whom we achieve awareness of
ourselves. For sociological purposes this degree of refinement is unnecessary.
We need to know simply that persons do not enlarge and equip and enrich and
exercise their personality except by maintaining relations with other persons.
Even Robinson Crusoe retained a one-sided connection with society. If, when
he walked out of the surf to the shore, he had left behind him the mental habits,
the language, the ideas which he had amassed in contact with other persons,
not enough available means of correlating his actions would have remained to
provide him with his first meal.^

Carrying this thought still farther to some of its implications, he
suggests that the category "individual" is inaccurate as an expres-
sion of reality.-* It is not a tool of precision in the sense indicated
above: that there is no separate individual as implied in the older
sense of the term. The term is used uncritically in popular speech
and usually carries the meaning of a separate, discrete, unrelated
entity.s Such a view is tending to disappear in social science.'^
If sociology and psychology were to accept the position usually
implied by the term individual in its baldest sense they would dis-
appear.7 These sciences stress the group as the reality and the
individual, in the older sense, appears as a fiction.^ This does not
mean, of course, that sociology does not recognize the force of per-
sonality in social relations.' A personalized factor in the social
whole is a reality. Persons are real though socially created; they
are more important and powerful than in the older view which

^General Sociology, p. 218. 'Ibid., p. 495.

* Ibid., p. 476. It should be noted, however, that Small does not follow Baldwin
in relying on imitation as the sole process of self-development. Chapter xxxix pre-
sents a very effective criticism of the imitation theory.

*Ii General Sociology were to be re-written. Small would substitute "human
personality" for "individual" as the title of chapter xxxii.

» Lecture notes. 7 Jbid. > jf^j^

*Ibid. ^Ibid.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 597

made them separate entities.* One of the distinct contributions
of modern sociology is to aid in clearing the term ''individual" of
the confusion with which it has been surrounded. It is because
of these confusions that Small suggests the value of a substitute
category for the term individual. Among the possible substitutes
he suggests the tenn socius? The advantages and significance of
this term he sets forth in the following language: "The socius is
that literal factor within the human whole which we now find in
the place occupied by that discredited hypothesis the individual.
It is the sociological conception of the term individual, freed from
former misconceptions."^

Before leaving the discussion of this part of the review, it should
be pointed out that Small recognizes a division of labor between
the sociologist and the psychologist. That is, he accepts the
individual as ready-made. The making of the individual is the
field of study of the psychologist. It is the function of the psy-
chologist and not of the sociologist to take up this more individual
problem. The sociologist is primarily concerned with groups:

In any given inquiry the psychologist, as such, takes association as the
known and fixed factor, in order to pursue investigation of his undetermined
subject-matter — the mechanism of the individual actor. The sociologist, as
such, on the contrary, takes the individual for granted, and pursues investi-
gation of his undetermined subject-matter, viz., associations.*

In reply to a criticism of his view of the separation of psychology
and sociology in this manner, Small acknowledges that no hard-
and-fast line can be drawn but feels that, for purposes of division
of labor, the primary work of accounting for the individual may
be left to the psychologist, who is better fitted for the work than
the sociologist.^ The significance of the problem here involved
will appear in the next chapter. In passing, it may be observed
that to take the individual for granted, as already constituted, as
the starting-point for sociological study is an abstraction which
has serious consequences both for social theory and social control.

' Following the suggestion of Baldwin and Giddings.

J Lecture notes.

* General Sociology, p. 447. ^Ibid.

598 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

In other words, it would seem that there can be no valid sociology
unless based on a valid social psychology, and thus far the psycholo-
gists have not as a whole presented that valid basis. One of the
implications of the group concept is, as Small himself points out,
the impossibility of making a valid separation of the individual
from the group or vice versa.

In connection with the criticism referred to, it may be noted
that Small's discussion of interests as the ultimate sociological
terms of calculation presents a possible opening for attack in its
failure to use fully the group concept, which forms such a large
part of his thinking. We cannot hope to go into the discussion of
interests in any detail. Following Ratzenhofer's suggestion. Small
makes interests the basis of his General Sociology. Around the
concept "interests" he builds up his social psychology as a basis
for his sociological argument. The relation of the interests to
groups is clearly set forth. The concepts ''group" and "interests"
form the center of his system. With the psychology of interests,
and the use of the concept in social analysis, we are not concerned.
What is important to point out at this place is, that the assumption
of the priority of interests leaves an impression that the place of
the group in the formation of interests has not been adequately
stressed. In other words, the group concept has not served as
well as it might. The argument implies, of course, that the group
must be brought in to explain the interests, but the total impres-
sion is one of undue emphasis on the interests, rather than on the
group's place in the formation of the interests. The point may be
illustrated by citing the criticism made against economic theory in
its treatment of the problem of value. As Cooley and Anderson
and others have pointed out, the fundamental error in the theory
of value has been in the assumption of certain wants as the starting-
points for discussion and then building up a theory of the market
and its values upon the basis of these assumed prior wants. ^ To do
so leaves out the very important fact that the market creates the
wants as much as it is created by them.' So in the case of interests,

' Cooley, Social Process; Anderson, Social Value.

' The thought is expressed in the inverted statement of an old saying, "Invention
is the mother of necessity."

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 599

we cannot start with these initial assumptions and neglect the fact
that the group itself creates the interests as well as it is created
by them. The process is a reciprocal one and the group approach
to it is as essential at least as the interest approach. Interests are
group products as well as group creators. In analyzing the social
process the group concept is as fundamental as interests.

Two very important illustrations of the use of the group con-
cept remain to be pointed out, namely, the ethical problem and the
application of the group concept to property relations. With
reference to the first of these problems we may note, first of all,
that Small places the ethical problem as the final one in a com-
plete sociological study. For the solution of the ethical problem
sociology is fundamental. There can be no valid ethical prin-
ciples or ethical criteria except those furnished by a valid sociology.
"Every ethical judgment with an actual content has at least
tacitly presupposed a sociology. Every individual or social esti-
mate of good and bad, of right and wrong, current today assumes
a sociology. No code of morals can be adopted in the future with-
out implying a sociology as part of its premises."* In place of an
individualistic treatment of the problem, sociology must furnish a
process conception as the basis for a valid ethical structure. This
implies that both the codes and the criteria are social. They are
results of social situations. "That is good, for me or for the world
around me, which promotes the on-going of the social process.
That is bad, for me or for the world around me, which retards the
on-going of the social process."^ This is the nearest we can get to
an absolute system of ethics. It involves a shifting code and shift-
ing criteria-contents, but it becomes more and more stable and
refined as human experience evolves. The absolute system of
ethics must give way to a functional conception; the static sys-
tems must give way to a process conception :

At all events the net result of psychological and sociological analysis for
ethical purposes up to date is a certain quantum of detail in specification of
this insight that the main situation is incessant movement, having no quality
of rest, but consisting of a constant process, not in a straight line, but, taking

* General Sociology, p. 633.
' Ibid., p. 676.

6oo THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

large periods of time into the field of view, consistently toward something
more of the process, which to our ken is interminable.'

On the whole, then, we may summarize Small's position by defining
it as an effort to substitute a pragmatic social theory of ethics for
the discarded metaphysical, individualistic systems of Kant and
his followers. It is a logical application of the conception of life
which has the group as its way of approach.
' General Sociology, p. 689.

[To he continued]

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK

JESSE F. STEINER
Director of Educational Service, American Red Cross, Washington, D.C.

V. THE CASE METHOD OF INSTRUCTION

The case method of instruction as it has been developed espe-
cially in schools of law and social work stands out as an important
contribution to methods of professional education. The case
method considered in its broadest sense is of course by no means
limited to these two fields. Its underlying principles have long
been the dominant factor in all scientific instruction. It is, in fact,
simply the method of science which begins with the concrete fact
instead of the general principle. In the field of the natural sciences,
no other method would now be given serious consideration. With-
out the laboratory and the microscope and an opportunity for
patient study of specimens and cases, the work of the scientist could
not be successfully done. In the social sciences also, this inductive
method of instruction has come to be regarded as a matter of course.
There must first be the careful study of actual facts and conditions
before generalization can begin. In this sense the case method is
nothing more or less than the method of induction and as such takes
its place in the wider movement of educational reform which in
recent years has been so rapidly overthrowing traditional methods
of instruction.

But in the more specific meaning of this term the case method
appHes more particularly to the type of instruction most common in
schools of law and social work where the point of departure and the
chief content of the course consist in the study and analysis of sep-
arate cases. Its origin as far as law schools are concerned goes back
to the Harvard Law School in 1871, when Langdell threw aside the
traditional textbooks and endeavored to teach the principles of law
through a study of selected cases. This method, which at the time
seemed so revolutionary, was based on the conviction that law is a
science with its own data and body of experience which must be

6oi

6o2 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

studied as we do the material of any other science as it develops in
concrete situations. In Langdell's opinion the student could be
given a more systematic view of the principles of law and a clearer
comprehension of their historical development by a study of cases,
carefully selected and arranged, than by the customary deductive
study of the principles themselves. The central feature of this
method of instruction in law is the analysis of separate cases by the
students for the purpose of disentangling the facts and bringing out
the point of law involved. This task, whether performed inde-
pendently by the students or carried out under the guidance of the
teacher in classroom discussion, results not merely in giving a
practical knowledge of law but trains the mind in methods of legal
thinking.

The success of the case method of teaching law can be judged
by the fact that it has become the general mode of instruction in
the more prominent law schools in this country. It is indeed largely
due to this method of instruction that the study of law in American
universities has been placed upon a scientific basis comparable to
that of other important fields of professional education.

In the schools of social work the case method is less widely
known but is of equal importance. Its use in this field has been
largely in connection with the teaching of the technique of case
work. The apprentice in a case-work agency receives his first
initiation to his duties through a study and analysis of case records
taken from the files of the organization employing him. This study
under the direction of a competent district secretary or supervisor
and accompanied by actual work in the field under supervision has
long been the central feature of the apprenticeship system of train-
ing in this type of social work.

The case method of instruction in schools of social work follows
essentially the same lines. Carefully selected case histories rather
than textbooks are relied upon for teaching material. The in-
structor of case work usually selects and edits or secures from some
outside source a few records suitable for teaching purposes and
builds up his course around a class discussion of the facts contained
in these records and the points of technique illustrated by them.
These records are not usually placed in the hands of the students,

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 603

at least in the beginning of the course of study. A common method
is for the instructor to read them, paragraph by paragraph, in the
classroom for the purpose of enabling the students to reconstruct
in imagination the actual situation faced by the worker who handled
the case and then decide between the alternative courses of action
that present themselves at critical points of the record. By thus
living through, as it were, the experience of the case worker and
step by step working out the proper procedure to be followed, the
student not only becomes famiHar with the technique of case work,
but obtains a real knowledge of the nature of social problems and
of the social forces in the community that may be utilized in work-
ing out their solution.

The advantages of this method over that of a general discussion
of social problems are obvious. The stu'dent who has thought
through the experiences of a worker in his efforts over a period of
months or years to re-establish a dependent family has an intimate
insight into the problems of dependency that could not be obtained
by any amount of general reading. When this class discussion of a
case record under the guidance of a competent instructor is supple-
mented by a sufl&cient amount of field work to give the student
actual experience in dealing with the problems under discussion in
the classroom, it is difl&cult to conceive of a method of instruction
better adapted to the needs of students preparing for professional
work in this field.

One of the problems in the successful use of this method of in-
struction is that of securing the proper kind of teaching material.
Case records, as has already been pointed out by Porter R. Lee,^
have been prepared by organizations for their own use and not with
the needs of students in mind. Their chief concern is with the actual
steps that were taken and the results secured, whereas the student
is interested primarily in how a particular course of action was de-
cided upon and why it was chosen in preference to other alternatives.
This calls for an analysis of the processes involved in handling the
case which cannot easily be done because of the lack of sufficient
data of the right kind in the record itself. Instructors using the

1 "Preparation of Teaching Material," New Orleans Conference of Social Work,
1920.

6o4 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

case method sometimes overcome this difficulty by depending upon
case records with which they have personal knowledge. Another
plan is to secure the needed data through a personal conference with
the person who handled the case and wrote the record.

As long, however, as lack of teaching material compels each
instructor to be responsible for finding and editing the case records
for his own use, the case method of instruction in social work must
be regarded as far behind the achievements of the case method in
law which for many years has had available a large number of care-
fully selected and well-edited cases. If the case method of teaching
social work is to occupy its proper place as a method of professional
education, it is of the utmost importance that teaching material of
the right kind be made easily accessible.

Until very recently little attention had been paid to the prep-
aration of teaching records for general use. One of the first and
most significant attempts to meet this need was made by Miss
Mary E. Richmond of the Charity Organization Department of the
Russell Sage Foundation. The records prepared under her direc-
tion were edited with great care and have proved invaluable to
schools of social work and to supervisors of case work in charity
organization societies. It is unfortunate that the records issued
under these auspices have been few in number and that the re-
strictions placed upon their circulation have made them available
to only a limited circle.

Another effort to supply this teaching material is being made by
the American Red Cross. In order to provide case records suitable
for use in its training courses, it has undertaken the preparation of
a series of records designed to illustrate the most typical problems
met with in dealing with disadvantaged individuals and famihes.
Records are being secured from small towns and rural communities
as well as from large cities and as far as possible from all sections
of the country so that they may be fairly representative of general
social conditions. A new feature of these records is the inclusion
of all notes and suggestions for the teacher in a separate teacher's
manual. In this manual the various steps taken in handling the
case are analyzed and every effort is made to supply the data that
would be of use to the teacher in classroom work.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 605

The great need of teaching material of this kind would seem
to justify the preparation of case books in social work that would
be comparable to those that have been prepared for the use of law
schools. There should be included in these case books not only
the customary type of record designed chiefly for use in teaching
the technique of case work; there should also be case histories
intended to illustrate types of problems and results of treatment.
Teachers of social work could very profitably use case records
patterned somewhat after medical case histories, that give briefly
the facts of diagnosis and treatment; or legal case records, that are
used to illustrate principles of law rather than methods of legal
procedure. Social case records of this kind may very well take
the form of a summary of the history of the case. The essential
thing is to have the facts stated in sufficient detail to give the stu-
dent a clear understanding of the problem in its relation to the
particular situation in which it occurs. Sufficient attention has
not yet been given to the teaching value of such case summaries.
Instructors usually rely upon detailed chronological records,
one of which may be made the subject of class discussion for
a considerable period of time. One of the dangers in a prolonged
study of a few cases is that students may come to look upon
them as pointing out the definite way in which particular problems
should be handled. This danger could be largely overcome if a
study of a detailed record dealing for example with the problem
of desertion could be followed by a brief discussion of a number of
case summaries illustrating the varied forms this problem assumed
under different situations, and the kind of treatment given. It
would be hard to find a better way in which to give the student
a comprehensive grasp of the complex and ever-changing factors
involved in social work.

Another type of case record for which there is a real need is that
which would embody the experiences of those actively engaged in
the various aspects of community organization. It is becoming
increasingly evident that social workers must understand the tech-
nique of dealing with communities as well as with individuals and
famihes. The adjustment of the social forces of a community so
that the largest possible contribution will be made to the welfare

6o6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

of all its members is a task which requires the services of a skilled
leader. If training for this kind of community work is to be carried
on effectively it ought to be possible to profit by the experience of
community workers just as the experiences of case workers have
been made use of in training for family work. Community case
records (if we may use that term) should be as valuable in a
course in community organization as are family case records in
a course in methods of family case work. But here, also, the com-
munity record to be of real value for instruction in technique must
be more than a chronological statement of work undertaken and
results secured; it must analyze the steps that were taken at sig-
nificant stages of the community work and indicate why any par-
ticular course has been chosen in preference to another. The
underlying and not always easily recognized factors that deter-
mined the Hne of action must be given due attention. The usual
type of survey report contains the information necessary to give a
picture of the conditions that were studied but it throws only inci-
dental light on the processes involved in making the survey. The
student of social conditions is satisfied with the report if facts are
secured ; the student learning how to make a survey must have a
supplemental statement dealing with the machinery that was used
in getting the facts and preparing them for presentation. In a simi-
lar manner the student of the technique of community organization
is interested not merely in the fact that a certain agency was
established in a community; he wants to know why this agency in
preference to any other was decided upon and the different steps
by which its organization was accomplished.

The great difficulty at the present time is that few community
records of this kind have been prepared and as a consequence it
is not possible to compare methods and determine whether the
technique in this field can be standardized as it has been in other
lines of social work. Until more progress has been made in securing
this type of community record, teaching material for courses in
the technique of community organization must be regarded as
entirely inadequate.

The case method of instruction in social work is pedagogically
sound, and when a proper amount of teaching material is made

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 607

available it will doubtless come into still wider use. There is now a
tendency in some schools of social work to demand a great deal of
class discussion of different types of case records before permitting
the students to engage in any field work except that of the simplest
type. While this method of instruction can never take the place
of field work, it may be possible when a sufficient amount of
teaching material is available to have the study and discussion
of written records supplement in a much larger way than is now
customary the actual work of the students in the field.

VI. THE PLACE OF FIELD WORK IN THE COURSE OF STUDY

Education for social work, unlike engineering and medical
education, has never passed through a didactic stage of instruction
with chief emphasis upon theoretical studies. On the contrary,
as might be expected in training schools that developed out of the
apprentice system, field-work training has always been given a
prominent place in the curriculum.

Because of the close relationship between the first schools of
social work and the social agencies, the latter as a matter of course
assumed responsibihty for the field work of the students. While
this plan involved the delegation of an important part of the
instruction to persons not directly under control of the school it
was felt that this was the most practical way of providing this
training. Experience soon demonstrated, however, that field work
carried on in this way could with great difficulty be made an
integral part of the course. Too often it tended to become a
kind of extra-mural requirement dominated more by the condi-
tions existing in the agency than by the ideals of the school. The
pressure of the work in the agency, coupled with the fact that those
actually in charge of the practice work of the students were not
always skilled or interested in teaching, frequently caused the
students' practice to be hmited to meaningless errand-running
or to other detached tasks of very Httle educational value.

The existence of this difficulty has long been recognized and
many efforts have been made to find a satisfactory solution. In
some cases, the social agencies that have been co-operating with
schools of social work set aside teaching districts in which they

6o8 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

make an effort to have workers specially qualified to supervise
the field work of the students. The schools of social work on
their part frequently give the field-work supervisors a nominal
position on their faculty and by periodical conferences with these
supervisors endeavor to bring about the proper correlation of the
practical work with classroom instruction. In many instances
the relationship between the schools of social work and the social
agencies has been so close and cordial that the problem has been
much simpUfied. The results attained by the schools of social
work indicate that this traditional method of providing field-
work training has in a considerable degree been successful. What-
ever its failures, they have not been due to any lack of appreciation
of educational ideals on the part of the executive heads of the
social agencies. The chief difficulty has been to find members
of their staff that have teaching ability and to arrange their work
in such a way that they would have sufficient time to give careful
supervision to the students.

This problem of the proper measure of control over field-work
facilities is by no means peculiar to schools of social work. It is a
fundamental problem in the whole field of professional education
and has been met by the professional schools in different ways. In
the field of medical education it is generally agreed that cHnical
experience cannot be provided in the most satisfactory way by a
hospital or dispensary that is entirely detached from the medical
school. If the hospital has the right to limit the wards or the types
of cases to which the students may have access, or to determine the
hours when cHnical instruction may be given, or to set up any other
restrictions that would interfere with a sound teaching poHcy, the
medical school cannot build up a well-balanced curriculum that
will meet the needs of the students. Experience has demonstrated
that the school should have educational control of its clinical
facilities, a control that involves not only the decision about
teaching arrangements in the hospital, but the power to appoint
the hospital staff.

Engineering schools, on the other hand, are finding it imprac-
ticable to depend upon their own schools for the practice work of
their students. With their limited equipment it is impossible to

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 609

duplicate the varied processes carried on in industry and familiarize
the students with actual working conditions. To instal and keep
up-to-date the vast and compUcated machinery of the engineering
worid and develop shops that would approximate the conditions
as they exist in the varied Hnes of industry would mean a tremen-
dous expense. The solution of their field-work problem that seems
to be most successful is the so-called co-operative plan which sends
the students into industrial plants on a paid basis for their prac-
tical work. This shopwork which alternates with classroom
instruction is carefully graded and plaimed so as to fit into the
curriculum, but it is real work that is not only of value to the
students but to their employers as well. In order to make sure that
the shopwork assigned to the students is being done in a way that
would have educational value, shop co-ordinators are sent by the
school to the shop where they inspect the work of the students and
confer with those in charge of their work. The industrial world
thus becomes the students' laboratory while the school assumes the
function of interpreting this practical experience in terms of the
theories and principles that underKe successful engineering practice.
Schools of law have never seriously grappled with the problem
of field-work training. Their course of study is intended to
acquaint students with the principles of law rather than with the
technique of legal practice. Some attention is given to the latter
in the moot courts common in some law schools, and law students
are sometimes encouraged to get practice work with legal-aid
societies or in law offices, but in general the acquirement of skill in
the practice of law is regarded as something that should follow
instead of form a part of the law course.

In the training of teachers, opportunities for students to teach
under supervision have come to be regarded as a necessity. In
some cases this is carried on by special arrangements with the
pubHc schools where the students have the advantage of famiHar-
izing themselves with the routine of the schoolroom under actual
working conditions. Another plan usually preferred by profes-
sional schools of education is to have these practice schools under
the direct control of those responsible for the training of the
teachers. It is very evident that this gives greater freedom in

6io THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

working out experimental methods and makes it possible to have
the proper control over those who supervise the practice work.

The experience, therefore, of professional schools in providing
practical training facilities for their students has by no means
followed the same lines. The administrative problems vary with
the type of field work to such an extent that it may never be
possible to work out uniform methods of procedure that would be
applicable to all professional schools.

The important thing as far as schools of social work are con-
cerned, is to keep clearly in mind the educational requirements of
field-work training and then recognize that methods of fulfilling
these requirements must be determined by local conditions and
circumstances. The minimum requirements of field work stand
out clearly in the definition formulated by the Committee on Field
Work of the Association of Urban Universities at the annual meeting
of this Association in New York in 1917. According to this com-
mittee, field work "includes the activities of students in the perform-
ance of tasks of everyday life under actual conditions which may
be accepted and directly related to concurrent class work." The
two most fundamental things that determine the educational value
of field work are the participation in tasks under actual working
conditions and the proper correlation of these tasks so that they fit
into a systematic course of training. It is conceivable that these
two requirements may be met by different methods of field-work
administration. There is no inherent reason why a social agency
that has been requested to furnish field-work training for students
should not do this in a satisfactory manner. The acceptance of
such responsibiUty is by no means incompatible with a sound admin-
istration of their work. As a matter of fact the giving of such
training must be regarded as one of the regular duties of a well-
equipped organization. If their personnel is sufficient and willing to
co-operate with the school, students working under their direction
ought to receive training of high quality.

On the other hand it should be possible for the schools of social
work to build up training facilities under their own management
and direction. A school properly equipped with field-work super-
visors might very well choose suitably located communities where

EDUCA TION FOR SOCIA L WORK 6 1 1

some phase of social work was needed and develop in those com-
munities activities in which the students could participate. The
university schools of social work that are located in places where
social agencies of high grade do not exist may find that the estab-
lishment of these training centers is the best method of providing
certain kinds of field work for their students. Under the direction
of a field-work supervisor a small group of students could make the
first beginning of a training center in an unorganized community
by making a study of its social needs and resources preparatory to
a determination of the program of work that is to be undertaken.
The different projects determined upon would then furnish training
opportunities for succeeding classes working under the field super-
visor who would accept responsibility for the work that was done.
In order to avoid the gaps in the work caused by school vacations
and to give the field supervisor necessary assistance in training the
students, graduate fellowships could be provided which would carry
with them the obligation to serve as assistants in the training
center. It is probable that as this community work develops and
the interest of the people is aroused the time will come when the
community will desire to carry on its activities independent of
the university. When this occurs, the university will have lost
control of its training center, but will have available a social agency
which will still offer opportunities to students for practice work.

Such university training centers would only in exceptional
instances provide all the field-work training of students. In
order to provide a well-rounded training the schools of social work
ought to make it possible for students to familiarize themselves
with the work of the best-equipped social agencies both public
and private. The various social agencies would still be needed
by the school, but they could be used as supplementary to the
university training center. Much of the prehminary and funda-
mental training could be given by the school directly under its
own auspices, while the different agencies would still be called
upon to provide students with experience in specific types of work.

At the present time the development of these training centers
under the direction of schools of social work is still in the
experimental stage. The experience of the Red Cross in its

112 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

home-service institutes during and especially since the war is a
good example of one of the attempts that has been made to give
the school control over its field-work training. In several of the
institutes held in the largest cities the home-service section pro-
vided the institute supervisors with a separate office and permitted
them to choose from among the active cases those that seemed most
desirable, from a teaching point of view, for the students to handle.
For these cases the institute supervisors were given the same
responsibihty that would be given a district secretary and, since
they had power to choose suitable cases and to limit the number
they would attempt to handle, it was possible to give careful
instruction in technique and to insist upon thoroughgoing work
in a way that could hardly have been done by the Home Service
Section itself with its heavy pressure of work and frequently
inadequate staff. In those sections of the country where high
social-work standards had not yet been attained a modification
of this same method made it possible to give the students good
field-work training. During the period of the Institute, the Insti-
tute supervisors would be placed practically in charge of one or
more Home Service offices in small cities or towns, thus giving
them an opportunity personally to give the students good instruc-
tion in case work and office routine regardless of what may have
been the standards of those offices prior to the holding of the
training course.

While this plan for Home Service training involved obvious
administrative problems and owed a considerable measure of its
success to the co-operative spirit growing out of the war situation
it at least indicates how the school's control of its training facihties
lielps to overcome the handicap of lack of access to well-equipped
rsocial agencies. If schools of social work are located near com-
munities where social problems exist in sufficient variety, and
maintain a staff of competent field-work supervisors, there is no
reason why they should not be able to develop the training facihties
they need. This assumption by the school of social work of
greater responsibihty for the students' field-work training is in
accord with sound teaching policy and marks out a method of pro-
cedure which seems likely to be more generally followed in the future .

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 615

Another important problem of field-work training is how to
bring about its proper correlation with the classroom instruction.
At what time in the course should field work begin? Can field
work be carried on satisfactorily by students whose time is partly
occupied by classroom lectures and study? Is it possible to plan
the practice work with the social agencies so that it will run parallel
with the courses of instruction given at the school?

The general attitude of the schools of social work to this
fundamental problem has been that field work must be carried on
concurrently with classroom instruction. The first important chal-
lenge to this point of view was made by the Smith College Train-
ing School for Social Work which was established in 1918. In a
recent bulletin of this School its position in regard to the place
of field work in the curriculum is set forth and defended as follows:

The Smith College Training School for Social Work is a graduate profes-
sional school offering work that falls into three divisions : a summer session of
eight weeks of theoretical instruction, combined with clinical observation; a
training period of nine months' practical instruction carried on in co-operation
with hospitals and settlements; and a concluding summer session of eight
weeks of advanced study

The method of continuous practice is believed by the sponsors of the school
to afiford the best practical training. To become completely assimilated into
the organization, the student must give full time to the work. To obtain the
richest possible experience, the student should be on duty regularly and with-
out interruption. In our opinion, practice work with social cases and social
conditions can not be carried on satisfactorily with intensive instruction, since
it is not possible to regulate human problems, sO that experience will nm parallel
with theoretical instruction. Thjere is great value for drill and discipline as
well as depth of experience in the uninterrupted practice and in the continuity
of theoretical study which the present plan provides.

While this abrupt departure from traditional methods was
doubtless influenced somewhat by the fact that the location of
the school in a small town made the usual type of field work not
readily accessible, the experiment is of sufficient significance to
deserve careful attention. Whatever one may think of the solu-
tion arrived at, it represents an effort to escape the difficulties
faced by those who insist that field-work and classroom instruction
must always go hand in hand. Because of the complex nature of

6 14 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the social problems dealt with, it is by no means easy to assign
the students definite tasks that will illustrate step by step the
subjects discussed in the different courses. And unless correlation
of the field work and classroom work is achieved to this extent
there is a tendency to regard them as two separate activities, each
invaluable but only in a limited measure fitting into a unified
program. As a matter of fact, since field work brings the students
face to face with social problems of absorbing interest that demand
an immediate solution and that direct attention to methods appli-
cable to a particular situation, students are more likely to under-
estimate the value of wider study of the whole problem than to
regard this field work as an interpretation of the problems that
have already been discussed in the classroom.

Furthermore, the ten or fifteen hours a week that it is possible
to give to field work when carried on concurrently with class work
are hardly sufiicient to enable the student to do much constructive
work. The agency in which the student is working is compelled
to assign tasks that can be completed in the limited time available.
Very important types of field work may need to be omitted entirely
because they require consecutive effort which the student cannot
give. When the student's time is divided between field work
and classroom lectures and assigned readings, it becomes a diffi-
cult problem for him to feel himself a part of the social agency
to which he is assigned and to have a sense of responsibility for the
work undertaken.

The existence of these difficulties in the way of concurrent
field and class work has been recognized by the schools of social
work, but thus far the Smith College Training School is the only
one that has attempted such a radical solution. Several schools of
social work have gone to the length of marking out definite blocks
of time covering one or more weeks which are devoted to uninter-
rupted field work. Such an arrangement is of real value in learn-
ing technique, and provision ought always to be made for such
practice periods during the course of study. The Smith College
plan, however, goes much farther than this and is open to the
serious criticism that it places classroom instruction and field
work in separate compartments which have only in a remote

I

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 615

way any vital relation to each other. Field work of certain kinds
may be incompatible with class instruction and intensive study
if carried on concurrently, and field work designed for certain pur-
poses may very well be segregated in a way that will give an
opportunity for continuous practice, but this does not justify
the failure to accompany the class instruction with appropriate
kinds of field work that would give the students first-hand knowl-
edge of social problems and of the methods most commonly used
in dealing with them.

It will probably take a great deal more careful study and
experimentation before a satisfactory decision is reached in regard
to these fundamental field-work problems. Doubtless consider-
able confusion has been caused by the tendency to regard field
work as primarily practice work with a social agency for the
purpose of learning technique, instead of thinking of it in its
broader meaning as including, in addition to the practice work,
participation in social research and investigation and working
on problems designed to illustrate the principles discussed in the
classroom.

Technical courses of instruction ought always to be accompanied
by their appropriate field work, regarded as an inseparable part of
the course and supervised by those who are famihar with the con-
tent of the class instruction. Field work of this kind carried on
concurrently with class instruction need not have as its chief pur-
pose the acquirement of skill through work experience. It may
even be questioned whether students ought to be expected to gain
their technique in this piecemeal fashion. This part of their train-
ing may possibly be carried out more satisfactorily by uninterrupted
practice work under conditions that would familiarize them with
office routine and compel them to accept responsibility for the work
assigned them. The field work that should accompany class instruc-
tion should be planned with direct reference to the content of the
course. Its purpose is similar to that of the field work in a course
in botany or geology or any other scientific study. To be of edu-
cational value it must fit step by step into the subject-matter of the
course and for this reason cannot readily be relegated to a social
agency. It has been the failure to work out this close correlation

6i6 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

between the class instruction and the field work that has brought
about the unfortunate and illogical distinction between theoretical
courses and practical work.

Courses of study worthy of a place in a professional school ought
to be theoretical only in the sense that all work whether done in
class or in the field seeks to test out theories and formulate princi-
ples and devise methods for the purpose of attaining increasingly
better results. Field work is one part of the process by which these
results are achieved. Its contribution, however, cannot be best
made by simply delegating to it the burden of providing the prac-
tical side of the training of social workers. As long as we hold to
this idea of field work, we have made little progress beyond the
apprenticeship stage of training. Education for social work should
be carried on by means of courses that include field work designed
to make their subject-matter vital and concrete and of such a
nature that this field work is not inconsistent with intensive and
thorough study.

In this connection it is well to remind ourselves that the grad-
uates of a school for social work cannot be expected to have ac-
quired the technical skill that comes only through long practice.
Much of the confusion in regard to the place of field work in the
curriculum has been caused by the tendency to give technique an
emphasis inconsistent with adequate attention to other aspects of
professional training. A study of the curriculum of schools of social
work leaves the impression that in spite of the advance made within
recent years, they still follow out closely the methods of apprentice
training. The field work that is given a central place in the cur-
riculum from the beginning to the end of the course of study is
primarily practice work with social agencies for the purpose of
gaining familiarity with their technique and methods of work.

In arriving at a critical estimate of this method of training, help
can be gained by reference to the procedure in medical education
which has so much in common with education for social work. The
medical school arranges its courses of study in four main divisions
and gives them in the following order: (1) physiology, (2) pa-
thology, (3) therapeutics, (4) hospital experience. In the first part
of the course emphasis is placed upon a knowledge of the structure

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 617

and functions of the human body, followed by a study of its dis-
eases and abnormalities. In order to do this adequately, the appro-
priate sciences are called into requisition and the laboratory is exten-
sively used. It is only in the latter part of the course that the
student is expected to devote much time to clinical experience. By
means of this clinical study and practice the student gains famili-
arity with the methods followed in the diagnosis and treatment of
disease and with the procedure of the operating room, but this is
not regarded as sufficient equipment for successful practice. His
graduation from the medical school is supposed to be followed by a
year of hospital experience where, under the most favorable aus-
pices, he can devote his whole time to the practice of his profession.
Education in social work should also proceed in this orderly and
logical way. Beginning with a study of the structure and functions
of society, with emphasis upon social research, the students should
be led gradually into the field of social pathology, where they will
study the methods of dealing with problems arising out of social
maladjustments and abnormal conditions. Here the clinical field
work may well begin, and no more should be expected of it than is
expected of the clinics attended by the medical student. Famili-
arity should be gained with methods of social diagnosis and treat-
ment and there should be opportunity for a limited amount of
practice with the routine work of different kinds of social agencies.
But the acquirement of skill that comes through considerable work
experience must be left to the social-work interneship that should
follow the course of study offered by a school of social work. Only
in exceptional cases should the graduate of a school of social work
be considered ready for a position of independent responsibility. It
should become as common as it now is in the medical profession for
the social-work graduate to undergo an apprenticeship of varying
length in his chosen field where under favorable conditions he can
acquire professional skill. When this comes to be regarded as the
accepted procedure to follow, it will be possible to give field work
its proper place in the course of study and to plan a more thor-
oughgoing training course than can now be done.

[To be continued]

COMMUNICATION FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE
AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL SOCIETY

The purpose of this organization is to secure effective co-
operation and mutual helpfulness in their distinctive work among
all its members. To this end the annual meetings of the Society
should not be confined to expressing the ideas of a few but should
bring to common knowledge the most significant ideas that are
developing anywhere among its membership.

An invitation and a request is therefore extended to all mem-
bers of the Society to notify the Secretary of their opinions as to the
general theme and plan of the next annual meeting and especially
to inform the Secretary of any topics upon which they have results
from their own work already matured or maturing, which they
wish to present at the annual meeting.

The general subject of the next annual meeting of the Society
will be selected with regard for any common trend of interest
revealed by the replies to this request, and the program will be
arranged as far as possible to utilize the results of the work spon-
taneously undertaken by the members.

If such an opportunity is desired at least one half-day during
the annual meeting will be set aside for sectional meetings devoted
to topics which are of special interest to separate divisions of our
membership. The members of the Society are invited to propose
topics to which they wish to have a sectional meeting devoted.
If the response to these requests is as general as is hoped, it will
of course be impossible to act upon all the suggestions received,
but they all will be given the most hospitable consideration, and
they will aflord to the officers of the Society the most valued
guidance.

In order to serve the purpose effectively, replies should be
received within a month after this communication is published.

Edward Caey Hayes

6i8

NEWS AND NOTES

Notes of interest to the readers of the Journal should be in the hands of the
editor of "News and Notes" not later than the tenth of the month preceding
publication.

Second International Congress of Eugenics
The Journal has received the preliminary announcement of the
Second International Congress of Eugenics to be held in New York City
September 22-28, 1921. The First International Congress was held in
London, August, 191 2, under the auspices of the Eugenics Education
Society and the presidency of Major Leonard Darwin. According to
present plans, the Congress will be organized into four sections. The
first will deal with the results of research in the domain of pure eugenics
in animals and plants, and in studies in human heredity. The second
section will consider factors which influence the human family, and their
control. The third section will concern itself with the topic of human
racial differences in relation to immigration, racial admixture, and
national and cultural groups. The fourth section will discuss eugenics
in relation to the state, to society, and to education.

The honorary president of the Congress is Alexander Graham Bell.
The president is Henry Fairchild Osborn. All papers for presentation
at the Congress should be submitted to the Secretary-General, who will
see that they are received and considered by the proper section of the
program committee. All communications should be addressed to
Dr. C. C. Little, Secretary-General, American Museum of Natural
History, 77th Street and Central Park, West, New York City.

The Sociological Society of London
The Sociological Review reports that during January there was an
Exhibition of Civic and Regional Surveys at Leplay House. The
exhibit included surveys of Westminster, Oxford, Chelsea, Saffron
Walden, Ludlow, and Newbury.

Among the several groups of the Society for the study of special
problems, the most active at present are the group in social psychology,
the group formed for the study of "La science sociale," and the group
engaged in studying rural problems.

619

620 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Institut International de Sociologie
The International Institute of Sociology announces the election as
associates of Professor John P. Lichtenberger, of the University of
Pennsylvania, first vice-president of the American Sociological Society*
and Professor Scott E. W. Bedford, of the University of Chicago, former
secretary of the American Sociological Society.

Revue de lTnstitut de Sociologie
The Archives Sociologiques published by the Institut Solvay of
Brussels, which was suspended for six years because of the war, has made
its reappearance under the title Revue de VInstitut de Sociologie. The
Revue will appear in six numbers during the year, each issue containing
about 140 pages. The editors are G. Barnich and G. Hostelet. Over
one-third the space of the Revue is devoted to bibUographies, book
reviews, and abstracts. The first number, issued last July, contained
an article, "La raison et le progres moral," by Professor Edward Gary
Hayes, of the University of Illinois. Communications should be
addressed to Institut Solvay, Pare Leopold, Brussels.

Chicago Commission on Race Relations
The Chicago Commission on Race Relations was appointed by
Governor Lowden of Illinois to inquire into the causes leading up to
and culminating in the riot of July, 1919, which resulted in the death of
twenty-three negroes and fifteen white persons. This Commission has
been engaged since February, 1920, in a thorough and comprehensive
inquiry into race relations in general with special inquiry into : housing,
industry, crime and police administration, racial clashes, race contacts,
and public opinion. Throughout this study the emphasis has been
placed upon the social and psychological aspects of the relations of the
white and negro groups. The material is now in process of compilation.
The executive secretary of the Commission is Mr. Graham Romeyn
Taylor; the associate secretary is Mr. Charles S. Johnson, formerly of
the Chicago Urban League.

An Employment Service Study
A study of public employment in the United States has been under-
taken by the Russell Sage Foundation. The general purpose is to
gather the experience of this country in planning, organizing, and
administering pubUc employment work. The work undertaken groups

NEWS AND NOTES 621

itself into three main parts. First, are the questions which have to do
with the general organization and administration of the service. They
include, among others, questions as to federal, federal-state, or some
other unit of administration ; the organization and function of the service
from the federal center to the local ends; the status of the service in the
federal, state, or local government organization; and the distribution of
ofl&ces.

Second, are the questions relating to the administration of the local
ofl&ces, and the technique of the local service. They include office
layout; the placement process; practice in receiving, registering, inter-
viewing, and referring applicants; forms and blanks in use; and so on.

And third, there are questions as to the place and function of the
service in our industrial life, local and national. What are the obstacles
which the public employment service must meet and overcome if it is
to have a healthy and reasonably rapid development? etc.

The investigations have been made by Mary LaDame, Leslie E.
Woodcock, J. B. Buell, Fred A. King, and Helen B. Russell, nearly all
of whom have been employed at one time or another in public or private
employment work. Their experience has been gathered in several
different sections of the country. The study is under the general
direction of Shelby M. Harrison.

Study of Women Delinquents

The Bureau of Social Hygiene announces the publication of a book
entitled "A Study of Women Delinquents in New York State." The
authors of the book are Dr. Mabel R. Fernald, assistant professor of
psychology. University of Minnesota, formerly director, Laboratory of
Social Hygiene; Dr. Mary H. S. Hayes, formerly psychologist, and
Ahnena Dawley, formerly sociologist of the Bureau of Social Hygiene
and now of the Pennsylvania School of Social Work. The book includes
a statistical chapter by Beardsley Ruml.

Six groups of women were studied: (i) Women committed to the
State Reformatory at Bedford Hills. This group include felons, mis-
demeanants, and women convicted of such offenses as soliciting on the
public streets, frequenting disorderly houses, loitering, etc. (2) A group
of felons committed to the State Prison at Auburn. (3) Misdemeanants
and felons committed to the New York Penitentiary. (4) A group of
minor offenders committed to the New York City Workhouse. (5) A
group committed to the Magdalen Home, now Inward House. (6) A
group of women convicted in the night court and placed on probation.

622 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Students' Dissertations in Sociology
The next issue of the Journal will contain a list of doctoral disser-
tations and Masters' theses now in preparation in American universities
and colleges. Letters have been sent to departments which last year re-
ported graduate work in sociology. If any department with candidates
for higher degrees in sociology has been omitted, information will be
appreciated upon the following points: names of candidates, present
degrees with institutions conferring them, title of thesis with probable
year of completion.

RocKFORD College
Professor Seba Eldridge, head of the department of the social sciences,
announces the inception of a new social-science series under his editor-
ship, and bearing the imprint of Thomas Y. Crowell Company. Arrange-
ments have already been made for books on the following topics:
economics considered as a social science, by Professor Lionel Edie ; history
of socialism, by Dr. Harry W. Laidler; international government, by
Dr. Jessie Wallace Hughan; labor problems, by Professor Gordon S.
Watkins; crime and punishment, by Clarence Darrow. It is expected
that all these contributions to the series, with the exception of Professor
Watkins' treatise on labor problems, will appear during the present
year. The series is to be broad in scope, and will include books on
government and economics as well as on sociology proper.

Wittenberg College
Professor Paul H. Heisey, of the University of Dubuque, Dubuque,
Iowa, has accepted a call to the chair of rehgious education and Sunday-
school work at Wittenberg College, Springfield, Ohio. He goes to the
new position in September, 192 1.

REVIEWS

Der Untergang des Ahendlandes. Umrisse einer Morphologic der
Weltgeschichte. Von Oswald Spengler. Band I: Gestalt
und Wirklichkeit. Pp. xv+615. Miinchen: Beck, 1921.
(American price, $6.00.) Band II. W elthistorische Perspek-
tiven. (Not yet received.)

The title-page of the copy before us carries the statement that it is
one of the "51st to 53d thousand." This is an index of the amount of
notice which the book has attracted in Germany. It has even started
discussion of the question, " What will be its effect on religion ?" Enough
copies have already reached this country to give it extended publicity.
Responsibility to our constituency demands then that space enough be
given to the volume to assure our professional readers that they may
safely dismiss all suspicion of obligation to analyze it for themselves.
As it is negligible from the standpoint of technical social science, it also
contains nothing over which there is the slightest occasion for a rehgious
or theological flutter.

In brief, the book is the latest attempt to cast the horoscope
of the world's history. On page 65 the author naively gives away
the situation which the first Une of his Preface had led the writer
to suspect. He frankly states that in 191 1 he felt a call to "take
a broad view of certain poHtical phenomena." He impKes, though
he does not directly state, that at this time not only was "the
world-war as the already inevitable external form of the historical
crisis immediately impending," but that he had detected this immedi-
acy. Thereupon he felt called upon to discover the reasons for it

"in the spirit of the previous — not years but — centuries." He goes on to say
that in pursuit of his originally limited task he came to the realization "that
for actual understanding of the epoch the circumference of the bases must be
more widely drawn; that it is wholly impossible to confine an investigation
of this sort to a single period and to its group of political events, to hold it
within the frame of pragmatic considerations, and even to inhibit purely
metaphysical, highly transcendental speculations — all of which is necessary
in order to arrive at results that will have the attestation of profound necessity.
It became apparent that a political problem cannot be understood from
within politics itself; that essential currents which work in the depths come
into intelligibility only in the realm of art, and indeed only in the form of far

623

624 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

removed scientific and purely philosophical ideas At last it was per-
fectly clear that no fragment of history can be completely illuminated until the
secret of world history in general, or more precisely that of the higher stratum of
humanity as an organic unity or orderly structure, is completely clarified."

Ergo, the author's mission to reveal that which has remained hidden
from the wise and prudent from the foundation of the world!

No more delicious specimen of the "echt deutsch" in thinking could
be desired. It dawns upon an earnest and talented man that the every-
day is a manifestation of the All. Thereupon he feels himself delegated
of destiny to extemporize a philosophy of the All. He has been trained
as a mathematician. He has not been trained as a social scientist.
He has only the faintest conception of the struggles of social philosophers,
time out of mind, to produce credible interpretations of the All. He
does not know a thousandth part of the searchings that have resulted
in nothing but demonstration of the futility of the proposed techniques
of research. He has not assimilated what has become instinctive with
conventionally trained students of social science, about the false starts
which have been made, particularly within the latest two hundred
years, in attempting to fathom the mysteries of human experience.
An auto-intoxicated Quixote, he fares forth into a labyrinth which,
over and over again, has been partially plotted by many sorts of pioneers.
He shows comparatively Uttle sense of the economy of assembling the
lessons of their experience. Accordingly every step of his course falls
within the footprints of some predecessor, and the tendency of each
direction which he takes reveals itself in advance to everyone who is
at all familiar with the history of social philosophizing.

Returning to page 5 we find the author revealing the secret of his
presumed prognosticating power as follows: "The means of under-
standing living forms is analogy." Sociologists have had saddening
experiences with analogy. They will think twice before putting their
trust in it again. The sort of analogy which the author has in mind
may be inferred from a sentence a little later (p. 8) :

Who is aware that a profound connection of form exists between differential
calculation and the dynastic state principle of the period of Louis XIV; between
the antique civic form of the polls and the Euclidian geometry; between the
space-perspective of occidental painting and the conquest of space by roads,
telephones, and long-distance weapons; between counterpoint instrumental
music and the economic credit system ?

That is, the author offers an aesthetic key to interpretation of history.
In short, as against prevailing psychological approaches to the problem,

REVIEWS 625

to be typified, let us say, by the method of Professor Hobhouse, he
advocates a plan of approach more like that of Professor Patrick Geddes,

As the exhibit unreels it turns out that the author's "analogy" is
not only a symbolism which is invisible to the uninitiated, but that the
symbols pass into a cipher code which by comparison makes the alleged
Baconian scheme look obvious and simple.

The fundamental assumption of the book is that civilization is what
goes on in the most esoteric cells of the brains of the intellectually and
artistically elect (p. 8). (Cf . pp. 523-24.) This hypothesis has never been
less plausible than since the German war. No civilization can be known
by its intelligentsia without discount for its inarticulates. Moreover, it is
highly improbable that the ratio of the intellectual to the non-intellectual
factors is identical in any two civilizations. Indeed, a better selhng
proposition, as the phrase goes, would be that the intelligentsia and the
individually negligible factors have meaning for the civilization of a
period in a ratio similar to that which the wakes of all the ships that sail
the seven seas, on the one hand, and the ocean depths, on the other, have
to its commerce. Not consistently, but as a rule, Spengler abstracts
this "highbrow" factor from the total of human experience, arid essays
a philosophy of that alone. He thereby throws up the attempt to
interpret history, by confining himself to a single strand in history. If
he really intends to seek out an interpretation of history, in the sense of
the totaUty of men's past experience, the supposition that the explana-
tion is to be found in this single thread in the tapestry is too naive for
consideration by responsible social scientists.

Spengler's assault upon the conventionalities of historians is spicy
reading. By comparison it makes Nordau's heresies look orthodox.
The criticism goes over ground, however, which sociologists have
traversed for a generation in debate with the historians. It is vigorous
argument as to the inconclusiveness of the conceptions which have
furnished the background for most historical writing, but it does not
help the author's case as proposer of a substitute. Spengler's method
of divination reaches the dictum (p. 20) that European civilization
(Kultur) is "a precisely definable phenomenon between the years 1000
and 2000 A.D." Moreover (p. 36), ''The period 1800-2000 in occidental
KuUur is identical with Hellenism. Particularly is the end of the war
identical with the transition from the Hellenistic to the Roman period."
The prospectus of the destiny which Spengler declares is in brief this:
On or about the year 2000, the world is to resolve itself into a few prov-
inces, each subject to a metropoHs, where a Super-Cecil-Rhodes is to

626 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

reign. This may or may not turn out to have been a good guess. Mean-
while, in spite of its attendant parade of learning, it remains a guess,
nothing more. As a sheer betting proposition, which is all the guess
amounts to, the odds would favor any decently restrained formula of
denatured sovietism. Then the author proceeds (p. 55):

Hitherto everyone has been free to hope for whatever sort of future one
wished. Where there are no facts the feelings govern. In the future it will
be everyone's duty to learn of the impending what can and will occur, with
the unalterable necessity of a destiny, and quite independent of our personal
ideals or those of the age. If we use the questionable word freedom, at all
events it is not within our hberty to realize this or that, but merely that which
is necessary.

Waiving the trifle that there is nothing whatever in the book which
is established as a foundation for this dogmatism, we may be able to
imagine ourselves reduced to the belief that the future of the world is
fixed in detail by inexorable fate. We cannot, however, imagine our-
selves accepting the claim of any visionary who offers himself that he is
authorized to reveal the terms of that fate.

At the end of his Introduction the author reduces his apocalypse to
conspectus form in three ingenious tables. They dutifully correspond
with his own term "morphology." They are verbal-visual symbols
of the "soul" of various civilizations as he reacts to them. There is
no pretense of making out an evolutionary nexus. Analogy, naked and
unashamed, is all the sanction claimed.

With this showing of the author's plan, everyone competent to
evaluate method will know whether it is worth while to follow him in
detail. No matter what opinions a writer may set forth if his procedure
is intrinsically incompetent to validate any opinion whatsoever.

In brief, the book is exactly what one might expect from an excep-
tionally gifted writer who is as to vocation a mathematician, as to
proclivity a mystic, as to ambition a cosmic philosopher. It is spangled
thick with pearls of impression, but, with certain notable exceptions,
they are wondrously wrought from messy paste. Varying the figure,
almost any paragraph chosen at random might act as a mental cocktail,
but therewith the whole story is told, so far as the methodological
verdict is at issue. Intellectual nutrition is conspicuously absent. The
escapade has substantially the same relation to social science which
Jules Verne's writings have to physical science. It kaleidoscopes a large
amount of knowledge into a historical extravaganza.

One can hardly believe that the author had ever heard of Earth's
Philosophie der Geschichte als Sociologie, or of Robert Flint's Philosophy

REVIEWS 627

of History, first edition. Either work might have suggested enough sober
second thoughts to deter a reasonably cautious amateur from adding to
the long list of futile attempts to accompUsh the impossible.

Albion W. Small

The Grand Strategy of Evolution. The Social Philosophy of a Biolo-
gist. By William Patten, Professor of Biology in Dartmouth
College. Boston: Richard G. Badger, 1920. Pp. xviii+412.

$5.00.

The universal end, or purpose in life, and in nature, is to construct, to
create, or grow. The ways and means of accomplishing that end are mutual
service, or co-operative action, and Tightness.

Two reciprocal processes are always manifest in this co-operative nature-
action: construction and destruction; organization and disorganization. We
may also call these universal processes of give and take, good and evil, anabolism
and cataboUsm, egoism and altruism. But as this nature-metabohsm, as a
whole, is cumulative and progressive, there is but one all-pervading attribute
of nature, namely Tightness, which becomes manifest to us as constructive,
or creative action, or growth.

I shall speak, not as a scientist in the conventions of science I

have thrown the small verbal cash and other impedimenta of my native
province into the melting pot, using wherever possible the irreducible sovereign
terms current in all mental exchange. And if you who read will also, for the
moment, lay aside your own trappings, coming foot-free with me over some
neglected trails, it may be that we shall see more clearly from our new point
of view — and perhaps more convincingly because of its scientific setting — that
elemental truth which governs aUke all the institutions of man and of nature.
The right to exist and the obligation to serve are one and inseparable; for to exist
is to give, and to give is to receive.

The foregoing sentences are the substance of the Preface of a book
which it is an inspuration to read and a duty to recommend. It is the
sort of book which carries not the burr or the shell or the boxes or burlaps
in which nature or man has packed the makings of knowledge and
wisdom; but reaUty in shape to be converted into immediate under-
standing. It is a book of the kind which epitomizes an intellectual and
moral epoch. It brings forth things new and old in a manner which
dramatizes the contrast between the thought-world of its era and that
of the era when men reflected the actual world in the latest previous
tentative picture. It is the kind of book which is a liberal education in
itself. It should take the blur out of eyes that can see in the world of

628 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

experience at most nothing better than chaos camouflaged by con-
vention; contradiction contradicted by classification; a darkness and
light, good and bad at perpetual war, censored by dogma into a con-
ceptual peace. It is a book fit to emancipate people who have been
taught that nature is bad, grace is good, and God a shock-absorber
between the two. It is a book to shame the type of pseudo-scientist
who has learned no more about the ways of nature than that it is a
dog-eat-dog economy, with Bemhardi, Tirpitz, and Hindenburg as its
prophets. It is a book for every preacher who is still preaching that
evolutionist and Christian are mutually exclusive terms. It is a book
for every teacher who hopes there is a continuity and consistency of
cosmic processes, including the social realm, but is not quite able to
make them out. It is a book for every student of school, or post-
school, age who wants to know the best that is known about the ground
plan on which mundane affairs proceed.

In the first 280 pages the author epitomizes the ways in which the
evolutionary method works in nature. It is the most lucid presentation
of the subject to the lay mind that we have seen. The remaining 150
pages indicate how the evolutionary method develops after "man's
mental imagery (as) a prime creative factor" begins to be the differ-
entiating element.

The guiding idea in this part of the agreement is formulated as
follows (p. 277):

All constructive problems in social life may be resolved into secondary
problems of ways and means of extending the principles of co-operative action
to larger and larger groups, or conditions, for longer and longer periods. To
that end, correspondingly larger experience, more comprehensive vision, and
greater tenacity or purpose are essential. But the constructive method will
always remain the same.

It would not be surprising if the charge should be brought against
the social philosophy of the book that it is merely a revival of the dis-
credited "biological sociology" of a generation ago. On the contrary,
even Karl Menger, who subjected that crude technique to the most
damaging criticism, would probably admit that the method of this
exposition is guiltless of the errors he exposed. The obsolete "biological
sociology" started with a fanciful morphological conception of "society"
as a body analogous with a physiological organism. The method of
this book makes no a priori assumptions. It simply recognizes growth
functions as they follow one another out of the physical into the social
realm, and it shows how understanding of physical functions may help

RJEVIEWS 629

to understanding of social functions. It does not arbitrarily super-
impose anything biological upon the social. It shows how vision trained
by acquaintance with methods of growth on the physical levels may the
better detect growth methods on the social levels.

It may be said, too, that the book overworks the structural aspects
both of nature and of human relations. The word "architecture" has
a prominence out of proportion to the functional aspects of the growth
reality which it is supposed to be expounding. In the reviewer's judg-
ment the fault is real, but it is more in appearance than in actual effect.
The author's whole emphasis is so obviously upon growth that the
statical connotations of the term "architecture" do not obscure the
functional process which it is used to clarify.

On the whole, no book in the entire post-Darwinian literature equals
this volume as a guide to the congruity between the constructive pro-
cesses of nature and the moral economics of "the psychic factors," as
Lester F. Ward taught us to call them. In spirit it may well remind
us of Drummond's Natural Law in the Spiritual World. The later
writer, however, is more sure-footed than the earlier author, both on
the physical and the spiritual plane, and his book deserves larger and
more permanent influence. It would be diflScult to overstate the
service which Professor Patten has performed in teaching the lesson
that the problem of life, personal and pubUc, is not to be solved by
"fighting the cosmic process," but by "accepting nature's constructive
Tightness as the ethical standard, and by adopting her constructive

methods as the moral code."

Albion W. Small

Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications. By Fred-
erick R. Clow. New York: The Macmillan Company,
1920. Pp. xiv+436. $1.00.
The phenomenal increase in the popularity of sociology as a study is
shown by the demand for its apphcation in institutional fields. This
is especially true in education as evidenced by the desire of publishers to
get a textbook in educational sociology. The Century Company used
that title for W. E. Chancellor's book, when, by no stretch of the imagi-
nation, could it be rightfully so named. It devotes only one very
sketchy chapter out of thirty-seven to the school and in general pays
much less attention to education than does the average textbook on
general sociology.

630 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

It is to the everlasting credit of Dr. Clow that in his text he has used
its proper title, Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications y
even though his publishers did print on its back Principles of Educational
Sociology. It is a simply worded, well-organized, and thoroughly-
suggestive textbook in general sociology written especially for teachers.
Most of the illustrative material is such as would appeal to them and
would be particularly applicable to their problems. It is divided into
three parts, ''Factors of Society," "Social Organization," and "Social
Progress. " Part II is the longest and most effective of the three divi-
sions. At the close of each chapter is a series of topics and problems and
an ample list of specific readings for classroom use.

One feature of Dr. Clow's book is unique. Long quotations are
embodied in the text, either at the end or in the midst of each topic.
It thus becomes a sort of combined text and book of readings. This
arrangement has both merits and defects. Its value lies in the fact that
students must perforce become acquainted with a variety of authors and
realize something of the nature and wealth of sociological literature.
Also, it buttresses the author's statements with accepted authorities and
brings into immediate juxtaposition the social principle and its prac-
tical appHcation. Its weakness lies in breaking the continuity of thought
and scattering the student's psychic energy. Likewise the efifort to
combine textual discussion with topical readings requires unnecessary
brevity for each. Dr. Clow's treatment of each topic would be more
convincing if he had used the whole space for his own discussion and
embodied the readings, equally enlarged, in another book, or, perhaps
better, had doubled the size of the book. Is it not time for sociologists
to demand more time for an elementary course and to use more elaborate
textbooks, or if a manual or brief text is used to guarantee that enough
laboratory work is done to avoid the imputation, too frequently justified,
that it is a "snap" course ?

Dr. Clow has given us a thoughtful and much-needed textbook in
general sociology for teachers, and it is certain to be widely used, particu-
larly in normal schools.

Walter R. Smith
University or Kansas

A Digest of Educational Sociology. By David Snedden. New
York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 1920. Pp.
ix+264. (Paper.)
The materials in this volume were evidently assembled as a syllabus

and guide for the author's students in his courses in educational sociology.

REVIEWS 631

In the first hundred pages there is a digest of the fundamentals of soci-
ological theory — or, more accurately, a statement of problems dealt with
in this theory; and along with this are presented our major educational
problems from the sociological point of view. While the latter half of
the volume continues these problems by breaking them up into greater
detail in connection with school subjects and grade levels, in much larger
measure it becomes an outline of topics, problems, actual and hypotheti-
cal cases, etc., for the guidance of students taking the course.

It is probable that there is no other volume yet published which
states, suggests, and contains reference to so wide and well-chosen
an array of fundamental educational problems. Herein lies its great
value. Rarely, however, are the problems discussed, explained, or made
clear to the novice in the field. For the discussion he must go to the
collateral readings. The latter, however, in the present condition of the
literature, rather inadequately treat most of the educational problems.
In large measure the student must draw on his professional experiences
and observations. The syllabus is therefore best for mature students
who have had practical educational experience.

It is not a book to be read; it is a reference book for guidance of
research and study. It is primarily a book on education rather than
sociology — except as education is itself one of the major fields of sociology.

Franklin Bobbitt
University of Chicago

A General Introduction to Psychoanalysis. By Professor Sigmund
Freud, LL.D. New York: Boni and Liveright, 1920. Pp.
viH-406. $4.50.

Sociologists will welcome this book, for it gives briefly, clearly,
and with authority the Freudian system of psychology. The layman
has waited for a complete, up-to-date, lucid treatment of this difficult
subject; and here it is by the master himself. Its presentation is strate-
gically divided in three parts: the psychology of errors, the dream, and
the general theory of the neurosis. The book contains much material
of value to the sociologists without regard to the reader's attitude toward
the Freudian hypothesis. Examples of this are the author's discussion
of the sublimating value of art and the sociological significance of fear
in childhood.

Although, as Stanley Hall suggests, one may find himself in opposi-
tion to Freud's exaggerated emphasis upon the instinct of sex, neverthe-
less the general reader will regard the book as a whole as less extreme

632 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in this respect than are the works of many of Freud's disciples. The
presentation is free from that attitude of " force-it-down- the-public's-
throat-to-see-it-squirm," the presence of which in some Freudian Utera-
ture has repelled the unbeliever and distorted Freud's teaching. The
ego instinct is given recognition, although the value of Adler's contribu-
tion is not justly appreciated. The book aims to be constructive rather
than controversial; and taking into account the subject-matter, it largely
succeeds. The Preface, much too brief, gives the reader a favorable but
discriminating entree.

Ernest R. Groves
Boston University

Social Scandinavia in the Viking Age. By Mary Wilhelmine
Williams. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1920.
Pp. X+451. $5.00.

Virile Scandinavia, during the most spectacular, romantic, and
dominant period of its career, is brought intimately before the reader in
this book. Other students of peoples might well follow Dr. Williams'
example in her presentation of a people during the formative period of
its development.

The book has the virtue of presenting a well-rounded picture of the
life of the people studied. It is as complete as the university student
or instructor would require who did not need to go to the original sources.

In every page the book bears evidence of thorough and painstaking
study. The sources from which Dr. Williams has gathered her data seem
to be as complete as one could reasonably expect, and I would say she
has not neglected any source open to her use. A long bibliography
follows the text of the book. In order to test the value of the book as a
source I several times sought information in chapters I had not then read.
In each case what I sought was found and in its proper place.

The following subject headings show the scope of the book: the land
and the people; the ties of kinship and nationality; classes of society; in-
fancy, childhood, and youth; dress and ornament; marriage and divorce;
position of women; homesteads and houses; house-furnishings and food;
agriculture and the routine of farm life; hunting, fowling, and fishing;
transportation; trade and commerce; markets and towns; the career of
the Viking; government; system of justice; social gatherings; language
and literature; learning in general; religion; superstition; and death and
burial.

REVIEWS 633

The study is thoroughly and consistently objective. In fact, I fear
it is too much so to hold a reader who has not either a definite need of
the data or a kinship interest in the people presented. In one way, how-
ever, Dr. Williams puts herself into every few pages by suggesting higher
phases of culture than her sources seem to allow. The pages of the book
are sprinkled with the words "probably," "doubtless," and "perhaps."
I failed to analyze the reason for these words, unless it was an unconscious
zeal for, "probably" a pride in, the Scandinavian people themselves. I
criticize the too frequent use of these guess words, because they will
waylay the judgment of even the careful reader; he cannot always be
sure whether certain statements of the book present real conditions as
revealed by the sources, or reasonably justified conclusions of the author,
or desirable conditions with which she quite unconsciously wishes to
impress her readers.

This study will be of great value to students of peoples in America.
The individualistic old-line American will see certain of his own traits
and characteristics in the individualistic old Teuton of Scandinavia.

The quotations from the sagas placed at the opening of each chapter
are not the least interesting part of the book.

Albert Ernest Jenks

University of Minnesota

Klasserna och Samhallet. By Pontus Fahlbeck. Stockholm:
P. A. Norstedt & Soners Forlag, 1920. Pp. viii+413. Kr. 18.

The author of this book has been a teacher of political science and
statistics at Lund University in Sweden. He is known as the editor of
Statsvetenskaplig Tidsskrift and as the author of several books on sociolo-
gical subjects. In 1892 Fahlbeck published a book on Stand och Klasser,
and judging from the list of his published writings his chief interest
during the last thirty years has been along the line which furnishes the
subject-matter of "Classes and Society." The work of this seventy-
year-old author therefore presumably represents the results of ample
investigation and mature thought and should be of some value to other
students of society.

The present volume is the first of a series of three which the author
intends to publish on the subject of "Classes and Society." In this
volume the author attempts to trace the origin of classes in primitive
society and the development of class systems up through the historical
age of antiquity. As the author says in his Introduction, the presenta-
tion is less historical than typological, and the main topic is the etiology

634 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and morphology of classes. He accepts the results of historical and
ethnological research and is concerned chiefly with the sociological
interpretation of these data.

Various theories of the origin of classes which have been put forth
are weighed and found wanting. The writer agrees with Durkheim that
the social division of labor should be regarded as the most important
"driving force" of culture and of social differentiation:

But it is so, not merely as a technical specialization and monopolization,
and still less as a purposeful division of economic production. Rather it is
such as the result of an unequal evaluation of objects and the consequent

grouping of the persons who occupy themselves with these objects This

evaluation receives one of its strongest expressions in the class system. For
it is this .... which is the raison d'etre of the social division of labor and the
hierarchy of higher and lower classes based thereon.

This psychological factor of evaluation is emphasized throughout
the whole treatment of "Classes and Society." The function of early
religions in originating and fixing social values and in maintaining class
distinctions is traced with some care. Subjection through war or un-
equal distribution of wealth would have failed to maintain class dis-
tinctions were it not for the creation of higher sanctions such as those of
religion.

While in its individual aspect classes appear merely as unequal
stations in life, in its broader social aspect "class systems are simply
human organizations of cultural enterprise." Despite many apparent
differences the class system of every society in the same cultural stage
is held to be essentially the same. On the other hand it is not held that
culture progresses indefinitely with the rising degree of class differentia-
tion. The apex of the rising trend of class distinctions has been reached
in the feudal and caste systems, while modern culture societies have
tended toward a gradual weakening of sharp class distinctions.

The full treatment of classes in modern society is deferred to a later
volume. But although this volume aims to treat specifically only the
class systems of primitive and ancient societies it is written with a con-
stant reference to modern conditions and current movements which
makes it a book of present interest. One senses through its pages the
reality of the problem of classes in Europe and elsewhere in the world
of today.

What the relative value of this contribution to sociological literature
may be I shall leave to more competent critics to decide.

Oscar B. Ytrehus

REVIEWS 635

Woman and the New Race. By Margaret Sanger. New York:
Brentano, 1920. Pp. 234. $2.00.

It is hard to see how Havelock ElHs could have written such a ful-
some preface for an inferior and poorly titled presentation of the subject
of birth-control. As Beecher said, speaking after the tirade of a man-
hating war-horse of a suffragette, "Nevertheless, we believe in Women's
Rights." Fearless dogmatism rather than scientific judgment has
produced the notoriety through which Mrs. Sanger has unfortunately
become known as American protagonist of this movement. It is this
conspicuous position which alone seems to justify a full review of this
bit of unscientific propaganda.

The general argument is sound and obvious: overpopulation causes
many evils. Woman is both victim and cause, and is largely ignorant
of results and remedies. Birth-control, when freed from stupid laws,
will doubtless help, as is shown by conditions in Holland and in Aus-
traha. Sound medical research is wisely urged and predicted. Many
of the facts which the author marshals in support also seem reliable.
They are rendered weak, however, by frequent emotional or special
pleading and by questionable and extreme statements. The reviewers
find themselves asking what unconscious background must motivate
such opinions.

Among her statements or implications are the following:

1. That only the married woman who has been constantly loved
by the most understanding and considerate of husbands has escaped
[certain] horrors.

2. That feeble-minded children result from alcoholic or insane
parents, or from too frequent child-bearing. (Cause and effect are
perhaps reversed here.)

3. That infanticide has, in the past, improved the position of women.

4. That a woman is physically fittest for marriage at twenty-five.
(Bertillon to the contrary.)

5. That a preliminary period of childless marriage improves family
life.

6. That women conceive more easily after an abortion, and that
a "cold" woman conceives more easily than does a passionate one.

7. That the average mother of a baby every year or two has been
forced into unwilling motherhood, so far as the later arrivals are con-
cerned.

8. That progressive variations in evolution are due to the female
rather than the male.

636 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

9. That there is a beneficial exchange of magnetism between the
sexes in Shaker marriage.

10. That nursing a child after twelve months tends to produce
brain disease in the child and deafness and blindness in the mother.

11. That midwives, as well as physicians, should be permitted to
impart contraceptive information.

12. That Christianity has set back the progress of women by a
thousand years.

For many of these statements she oflfers no authority other than her
own. Even where plausible evidence is offered, her cause is not helped
by attacking Christianity and the male sex. Whether or not Mrs.
Sanger wants their co-operation, the support of men and of the churches
is very essential to the new morality of parenthood.

She ignores those arguments — like those from immigration or in-
dustry— which have also been used with some plausibility by the advo-
cates of larger families. Hofifman (the "prudential" statistician)
would turn in his gravity to find anything he wrote used to support
birth-control!

Her general fallacy is the common one of confusing an indispensable
cause with an exclusive cause. She follows the chain of causation in
each problem only until she finds her pet link.

But, most fundamental, her entire point of view (insufliciently offset
by two or three scattered pages) seems essentially selfish. She em-
phasizes the emancipation of women rather than the welfare of the
family or of the child, which she calls a more selfish interest. The
"feminine spirit" for which she pleads, is but a projection of her own
protest against economic, political, and other domination. To the
reviewers, it would appear that what she is striving for in this respect
is the basic rights of human nature rather than of specifically feminine
nature.

A more constructive and positive approach to this problem is being
worked out from the standard of organic welfare, including both sexes,
family and society, worthy childhood, and voluntary parenthood. Men,
also, have been degraded, kept ignorant. Why not develop fathers
as fathers, quite as much as develop mothers, whether as mothers, as
women, or as humans?

It is hard to blame Mrs. Sanger for the shortcomings of this book:
we might feel as she, were we to read as many letters like those she
publishes. Doubtless, however, she does not hear nor see so much of
the happily married. To understand and pardon does not, however.

REVIEWS 637

warrant approval: the cause is so fundamental and worthy that it must
be defended even from its friends. One may admire the courage and
value the sacrifice of a pioneer and yet refuse to recognize her as a wise
leader. Sensationalism may already have seriously handicapped the
movement by associating it in the public mind with the oidre and morbid.
Possibly a reading of Aristophanes' marriage-strike might restore a
sense of humor to the subject.

S. W. AND T. D. Eliot
Northwestern University

What the Workers Want — A Study of British Labor. By Arthur
Gleason. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Howe. Pp.518.
$4.00.

A panorama of the contending and thinking forces affecting or being
affected by the labor movement in Great Britain is presented by the
writer in all its human aspects. There is a sincerity and lack of artistry
in this book that gives the reader a much clearer portrayal of the
situation than would be possible had the author set out to give a
systematic analysis of conditions instead of presenting facts and opinions
■2LS they are at work in the labor movement.

One is particularly impressed by the personalities that lead the labor
movement as portrayed by Mr. Gleason, and to supplement his own
descriptions the author makes the leaders speak for themselves. That
the special chapters written by the various labor leaders fail to corre-
spond to the descriptions given of them is only reasonable, but in present-
ing one's moving ideas and ideals the interpreter does well to step aside
and let the subject make his own plea.

The reports of the various labor conferences appended to the book
.are of immense value, as they give the trend of the labor thought and
movement in the clearest possible outline and without them the book
would be incomplete or even misleading.

Mr. Gleason has a keen eye for essentials and a sense of perspective
that makes this seemingly bulky volume teem with human interest,
without losing sight of the fact that nothing is final and that all is still
in a formative and progressive stage. There are no positive predictions,
although we are not left in the dark as to the direction in which things
are moving. There is no effort to give the impression that the masses
of English labor are more intelligent or farseeing than American labor;
but that leadership is evidently more keenly alive to the possibilities of

638 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

economic reconstruction and the mass of workers is more willing to listen
to those whose social ideals are grounded in the more complex philosophy
of the state than is generally conceded to the ordinary labor leader in
this country is made clear.

Mr. Gleason's style is vitalized by a deep interest in his subject and
his direct contact with the movement and the leaders with whom he
deals. A short chapter on old England is of particular interest because
of its quaint charm and its masterful description of peaceful England
in contrast with the contending forces of labor and capital.

No one interested in the labor movement can afford to forego the
advantage of examining this work. The English labor program that
came into being during the war and which attracted so much attention
in the United States was indicative of the influence that the labor move-
ment abroad must have upon conditions in this country. Whatever
the future of the movement in England, it is bound to have its efifect
upon American labor.

Carol Aronovici

Belvedere, Cal.

Readings in Rural Sociology. By John Phelan. New York:
The Macmillan Co., 1920. Pp. xiv+632. $4.00.

In a volume of more than six hundred pages the author has brought
together under twenty chapter headings almost 150 brief articles,
addresses, and excerpts or abridgments from writings which bear upon
this subject. The first four chapters furnish an excellent historical
perspective for an understanding of present-day rural problems. Then
follow chapters devoted to the various aspects of the rural life of today.
The place of farming in our national life, the economic, the mental and
moral, the health and the recreational aspects of country life, transporta-
tion, police protection, the home, the school, miscellaneous educational
agencies, the church, the village, the rural survey, rural organization,
rural leadership, and rural sociology suggest the plan of organization
under which this vast amount of material has been brought together.

Those who use this volume will wish that the author had arranged
the chapters in a dififerent order, or, better still, that he had grouped
them under larger divisional headings. The first four chapters are
largely historical; chapters v, vi, x, and xviii treat of the various eco-
nomic aspects of rural life; chapters vii, xi, and xv have to do with
health, recreation, and education; while the remaining chapters deal
with the important social issues. Some five or six well-chosen divisional

REVIEWS 639

titles would no doubt have had some influence on the particular selec-
tions to be included in the book. As one runs through the titles, how-
ever, he finds little that even the busy student would wish to
exclude.

A second criticism which one is tempted to suggest, even though the
volume purports to be only a book of readings, is the absence of intro-
ductory and interpretative discussion by the author. Nothing in rural
education and rural sociology is more needed just now, after a full decade
of popular enthusiasm, and educational, social, economic, and religious
propaganda in behalf of rural life, with the flood of investigation, re-
search, and legislation, and the greater flood of every type of literature
that has accompanied the movement, than a clear interpretation of
just what it has all been about. In this connection the author's prin-
cipal contribution is his chapter and subchapter headings, together with
well-chosen chapter bibliographies. After reading, selecting, and
classifying such a mass of material as the author must have handled,
the reader will regret the absence of this feature which would have added
a total of only twenty or thirty pages at most.

The book is a pioneer attempt, however, to bring some order out of
the chaos of material in this field, and even with the absence of the
features above suggested leaves one with the impression that the rural
problem is a very real problem in American life, and that as a field for
careful and scientific study it is not entirely adrift. One is pleased to
find the names of Thomas Nixon Carver, Frederick J. Turner, Booker
T. Washington, Eugene Davenport, Charles W. Eliot, Sir Horace
Plunkett, James Bryce, and Theodore Roosevelt associated with the
names of the few men who have made it their principal life business to
mine out this field of rural sociology.

The book has made available, in good form, a valuable body of
literature, which, previous to this, no one person could hope to find,
and by so doing will add impetus to the movement for a better rural
America. Almost everybody has read some portion of the book as it
appeared in magazines or books, but few have realized the amount of
substantial study that has been devoted to the subject. To this end the
book will be very informing, to say nothing of the important need it
will fill in the university and normal-school classrooms and in the
hundreds of circulating county libraries and school libraries throughout
the country.

J. B. Se.\rs

University of Minnesota

640 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Woman Who Waits. By Frances Donovan. Boston:
Badger, 1920. Pp. 228. $2.50.

The Woman Who Waits is an interesting account of Mrs. Donovan's
nine months' experience as a waitress in the restaurants of Chicago.
It is a book which at the same time that it provides an evening's enter-
tainment offers a great deal of information of undoubted value to the
student of social conditions. The very readable style in which it is
written adds to the vividness of the picture which Mrs. Donovan aims
to draw and in no way detracts from the scientific worth of the work.

The most striking feature of The Woman Who Waits is the intimate
knowledge of all the details of the waitress' life which it conveys to
the reader. The process of getting a job and being fired, the necessity
of "jollying along" the guests for the much-desired tip, the making of
dates with patrons, the advantages of belonging to the Waitress' Alliance
or the Waitress' Union — these and other phases of the waitress' existence
are described from a sympathetic point of view which lends more than
a semblance of reality to the printed page. It is this very humanistic
point of view which enables Mrs. Donovan to enter so completely into
the joys and sorrows of her companions and to describe them so vividly
and accurately.

It must not be inferred, however, that Mrs. Donovan's keenness
for details and sympathy for human problems blinds her to the more
general aspects of her investigation. While she understands the wait-
ress' love of pretty clothes, her vulgar conversation, and the freedom
of her sex relationships, she also evaluates these from the social view-
point. She concludes that the waitress is typical of the great mass
of women wage-earners who, in spite of their lack of educational advan-
tages, etc., are becoming an increasingly important factor in shaping
the affairs of society. Their economic independence has brought them
an equality with men which has given them the same freedom even in
the sphere of sex relationships. In addition, it has brought them new
responsibilities which with the aid of their organizations they are
training themselves to meet.

Phyllis Blanchard

New York City

Wealth From Waste: Elimination of Waste a World Problem. By
Henry J. Spooner. London: George Routeledge and Sons,
1918. Pp. xvH-316. $2.50.
The engineering profession has long been impatient with the exces-
sive wastes of contemporary social conditions. Since the Great War,

REVIEWS 641

especially, appeals for saner economy and efficiency have been meeting
with a better understanding and response on the part of the public —
in spite of certain tendencies to the contrary during the past year.

Mr. Spooner, as director and professor of mechanical and civil
engineering in the Polytechnic School of Engineering in London, wrote
the above book toward the end of the war, as a statement of existing,
extensive, social wastes, and of certain known and tried methods of
correcting them. He divides the work into two general parts: the
book proper, and a glossary giving further data and individual instances
of successful and profitable economies. In the first chapter he says:
"We are beginning to realize that wicked waste is occurring everywhere,
far and wide; waste of money, waste of food, waste of materials, labor,
fuel, energy and time, waste of human strength and thought, waste
of health and waste of life itself." These are the main points he con-
siders. His spirit is practical, straightforward; his style is interesting.
He says (p. 5), ''The doctrine of waste-prevention should be handled
in a broad spirit, for there are justifiable wastes and dangerous
economies" — the implied standard of proper economy being the need
of society. On this point, however, Mr. Spooner does not explain his
contradictory term "justifiable wastes," nor does he attempt to define
exactly what, theoretically, must be meant by waste, contenting him-
self with the consideration of concrete conditions which would be
commonly recognized as wasteful. But while he does not enter upon
any extended philosophy of waste, he gives us a searching, intelligent,
and authoritative statement of admittedly wasteful conditions, chiefly
in Great Britain, and particularly in the basic interests of sustenance
and production. He does not examine thoroughly the higher pro-
fessional fields of education, religion, government, art, etc., touching
upon them rather incidentally.

Lord Leverhulme, the "enlightened employer," writes the foreword.

Some of the author's conclusions are interesting. He says (p. 90)
the English people were spending as a nation for their living in normal
times before the war an equivalent of about $10,000,000,000 a year;
they were wasting outright (or culpably failing to secure) about
$3,000,000,000, in which, as waste, he reckons one-half of the nation's
annual drink bill, or $400,000,000. (The whole of it is now, perhaps,
over $1,000,000,000, but he says "there are welcome signs that the
drink evil is on the wane.") Mr. Spooner says (p. 11) that adultera-
tions of food and other goods exist to a serious extent and are appar-
ently increasing. In chapter viii he enumerates specific methods of

642 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

adulteration. The uses of coal and land are extensively and interest-
ingly treated with figures to show need of conservation. In connection
with the question of fatigue and general industrial efl&ciency he advo-
cates a continued shortening of the work-day (p. 71):

We may well hope that, with a general adoption of shorter hours, with
improved methods of working, and with restricted output, the time will not
be far distant when still further reductions in the working-hours will be pos-
sible, until the six-hour day is reached — with all its beneficial advantages —
that has been so powerfully advocated by Lord Leverhulme as an ideal.

The book is important, scholarly, hopeful, and well worth serious
consideration by all citizens of America as well as of Britain.

C. J. BUSHXELL
Toledo U^rrv'ERSITY

The Limits of Socialism. By O. Fred Boucke. New York: The
Macmillan Co., 1920. Pp. 256. $1.50.

The interesting thing about this book is to see a professor of economics
advocate a knowledge of biology, psychology, philosophy, and sociology
as necessary to really understand an economic theory and the social
process.

The broadening vision of the late Carleton H. Parker and Robert F.
Hoxie is getting adherents and the unity of the social sciences is steadily
being recognized more widely.

The author's grasp of psychology is rather inadequate as he fails to
mention or use social psychology and labors over his presentation un-
necessarily. The book nearest like the present one is Roy W. Sellars'
The Next Step in Democracy written some four years ago by a professor
of philosophy. Sellars' book is more thoroughly unified, his use of the
auxiliary sciences is less paraded, and the whole presentation is smoother.

However, it is very refreshing to have an economist acknowledge
that a logical refutation of Marxian economic theories by no means dis-
poses of the socialist movement.

Victor E. Helleberg

Lawrence, Kan.

America and the New Era. By E. M. Friedman, Editor. New
York: E. P. Button & Co., 1920. Pp. xxx+500. $6.00.
This comprehensive volume — too comprehensive, if the reader is
critical — presents a symposium on social reconstruction that is a com-
panion to America?i Problems oj Reconstruction, Labor and Reconstruction ,

REVIEWS 643

and International Commerce and Reconstruction, by the same editor.
These are economic and financial in emphasis; the new compilation is
sociological in tone.

In recognition of the truth that the war influence extended beyond
the economic superstructure of modern society and made necessary a
revaluation of the fundamental values of our national life, the sym-
posium was arranged to crystallize thought on broader issues. The
problems of political and social adjustment, and of the conservation of
human resources, are discussed "for the purpose of intelligently con-
trolling social forces."

The faults of this "reconstruction" adventure in the sociological field
are perhaps inevitable — lengthiness, wide diversity of material, extreme
unevenness, and contradiction in viewpoint. The effort at synthesis is
at times bewildering. For instance, it is difficult to see how the papers
in Part II quite fit into the heading "Social Progress versus Cycles of
Change." Between Professor Ell wood's evolutionary discussion of war
and Horace M. Kallen's penetrating and dynamic analysis of "The
International Mind," and Professor Hollander's forceful little economic
essay on "War and Want," are sandwiched static and rather conven-
tional articles on "The International Mind" and "Individualism."

Again, in Part IV, on "The New Nationalism," the reader — after
following with interest Dr. Fitzpatrick's statement of the need for effec-
tive "Public Administration" and Professor West's realistic discussion of
"The Constitution and PoHtical Parties" (ending with the daring plea
for a cabinet chosen from and functioning in Congress) — drifts help-
lessly into the fogs of "The American Spirit" and "The Spiritual Tra-
dition in American Life," to be saved, it is true, though almost too late, by
the intellectual clarity of Edward S. Ames's "Religion in the New Age."
A few of the writers, to say the least, go far toward violating Herbert
Hoover's splendid dictum of the Foreword: "Terms must not be con-
fused with reahties, or labels with conditions. We must face concrete
facts, rather than attempt to apply doctrinaire generalizations."

Part III, on "Economic Aspects of Social Problems," is most tangible
and constructive, containing, as it does. Professor Ely's "An American
Land Policy" and Professor Hibbard's "The Drift Toward the City,"
which give reassuring scientific treatment of the agricultural situation
and serve to counteract the effects of much groundless alarmism. Here
also are Frederick C. Howe's informed discussion on "The Immigrant
and American" and Mary Van Kleek's competent survey of "Women
in Industry."

644 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Part V, "The Conservation of Human Resources," which comprises
about two-fifths of this large volume, should undoubtedly have received
separate publication, in justice to the valuable material that it contains.
Certainly the editor did not plan merely a reference volume, but rather
a readable and popular book. And there are limits to the powers of
attention and concentration, even of the trained mind! In the section
are able monographs, written by distinguished specialists, on " Heredity,"
"Child Welfare," "Vocational Education," "Health," "Food," "In-
dustrial Hygiene," "Delinquency and Crime," "Venereal Disease,"
" Recreation and Play," and " Mental Hygiene." All are timely, penned
in the light of the war and in terms of reconstruction policy.

The editor's two introductory chapters are quite adequate, if mani-
fold and in places labored. Mr. Friedman is to be admired for his
tireless work of selection and integration in so vast a field. Herbert
Hoover's Foreword, as brilliant a little gem as the whole volume con-
tains, reveals this great American as a true liberal and an exceedingly
well-balanced social scientist.

Francis Tyson

University of Pittsburgh

A Philosophy of Play. By Luther Halsey Gulick. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920. Pp. 291. $1.60.

This book was posthumously published from a manuscript that was
practically completed before the death of Dr. Gulick. Miss Anna L.
von der Osten who had assisted him in the preparation of the manu-
script had charge of the editing.

In a brief foreword, Joseph Lee refers to it as the "last message of
the master," to those interested in the recreation movement, and as a
"legacy of an American pioneer in the vitally important field of edu-
cation." Mr. Lee probably does not overestimate the place that Dr.
Gulick occupied in the field of public recreation. He was in fact a
pioneer in a field that even yet has extremely few scientific students.
And his actual accomplishments as a practical leader and teacher of play
gave him a place of authority among recreation workers.

The book is the first whole volume of play theory published in
America, and the most important published anywhere since the volumes
of Groos on The Play of Animals and The Play of Man. It comes as a
welcome boon to a field extremely lacking in theoretical foundation.
The recreation movement of the past quarter-century has been chiefly
an elaboration of a few popular ideas on the need for more play space
and for the need for supervision of play. There has been no consistent

EJEVIEWS 645

body of principles, and in fact no real understanding of the physical and
mental processes involved in play.

This small volume of Dr. Gulick's does not attempt to supply this
entire want. The writer was not equipped for technical psychological
or pedagogical or sociological analysis. He is guilty, as Mr. Lee points
out in the Foreword, of misinterpreting the foundation of Frobel's edu-
cational methods. His remark (p. xiii) that "the origin and develop-
ment of gangs and team games among boys similarly present facts that
do not seem to harmonize with the views of contemporary sociologists,"
also leads one to wonder what modern sociological writings he had read
or not read. He does express a preference for the theories of Gum-
plowitz. In the chapter on the "Play of Animals" (p. Ill) he says that
"it is also evident that tradition and example are necessary parts of
animal play." The ascribing of tradition to animal society is based upon
a misconception of animal psychology, and the evidence he cites for the
notion that animals are taught how to play and hunt and fight is far
from convincing.

In spite of these limitations on his technical equipment, he has given
us the most complete treatment we yet have of the psychic foundations
of play and the principles which should guide its organization and
direction. What he lacked in technical equipment for theoretical dis-
cussion he more than made up in the breadth of his observation of actual
play activities and in the sanity of judgment and keenness of insight
that he brought to this observation. The book is the fruit of twenty
years of careful observation.

The fundamental point of view maintained throughout is the instinc-
tive theory of Groos, but he does not carry as far as did Groos the notion
that play in children or animals is the practice of instincts for the pur-
pose of perfecting their later expression. He emphasizes rather the
survival value, for life in the earlier history of the race, of the instincts
that are active in play, and the fundamental necessity for our giving
these instincts opportunity for an expression that is adapted to modern
conditions. He did not seem to be aware that his point, that tradition
molds the form of play while instinct drives it, is a fundamental of
modern sociological thought. He records some excellent examples of
this complementary relation of instinct and tradition.

The final chapters, on the practical aspects of provision for play and
control and utilization of the instinctive tendencies for social welfare,
contain no new theory but are excellently put and sanely proportioned.

Cecil C. North
Ohio State Unfversity

646 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Social Evolution of Religion. By George Willis Cooke.
Boston: The Stratford Co., 1920. Pp. xxiv+416. $3.50.

This book is devoted mainly to the proposition that all of the dif-
ferent religions are products of social evolution, but that religion is a
permanent and essential part of the life of humanity. Similarly one
may say that all languages are products of social evolution, but com-
munication is an essential element of human life, or that all political
institutions are products of social evolution but that government, as
the methodical organization of life, is indispensable. The secondary
proposition of the book is that every religion which developed in pre-
scientific times has a mythology, that these various mythologies show
striking resemblances, and that to this statement Christianity is no
exception.

The statement that every religion developed in prescientific ages
is provided with a mythology, says the author, applies not only to the
folklore of the Hebrew Old Testament but also to the incarnation,
virgin birth, and resurrection of Christ. To attribute supernatural
birth to the most exalted personages, he says, was as common as is
now the attribution of genius. In the ancient world the idea "was
one of daily occurrence as an interpretation of every form of genius
and authority." And "the conception of incarnation is nearly, if
not quite, as widespread as that of virgin birth." "The idea of incar-
nation was introduced into Christianity because it was essentially
known to all the religions to be found in the civilized world when
Christianity came into existence" (p. 265). G. Stanley Hall is quoted
as presenting evidence to indicate "that there would have been no
Christian doctrine of the resurrection had not this doctrine had a large
place in earUer religions." And the author refers, for example, to the
resurrection in Egyptian mythology and quotes the Egyptian saying,
"As surely as Osiris lives I shall live."

"The doctrine of atonement or expiation is also found in all religions
which have passed beyond the most primitive stages of development."
"Even such a people as the Iroquois believed in a cosmic being who
gave his own life that the world might come into existence, and that
his life might nourish the life of man." "The Christian idea of it is
somewhat more advanced than those which preceded it and it is itself
undergoing a rapid process of change." "The god or gods demanding
such reconciliation are reflections of human kings, who make similar
demands." And the resulting standard of salvation is "metaphysical
and not practical." What characterizes it is "disregard for human

REVIEWS 647

welfare and an absence of the humanitarian spirit." Such "holiness is
selfishness in disguise."

Throughout the book emphasis is placed upon the character of
religion as a social evolution in distinction from the more familiar
emphasis upon the creative work of individual religious leaders. This
is illustrated by the chapter headings: (i) "The Social Transmission
of Human Experience"; (ii) "The Creative Genius of Social Man";
(iii) "Communal and Tribal Religion"; (iv) "Feudal Religion";
(v) "National Religion"; (vi) "International Religion"; (vii) "Uni-
versal Religion"; (viii) "Religion as Cosmic and Human Motive."

Folk religions in their older forms, says the author, were always
conservative, reactionary, and faced toward the past. In its newer
manifestations religion is becoming forward-looking and progressive.
" Religion is becoming emancipated from its superstitions, its credulities
and its orthodoxies." Religion in the recent past has become indi-
vidualistic and lost its capacity to direct and stimulate the communal
or the national life. Indeed, from the communal life, the life of marts
and of legislatures, the broader ethical conceptions and the primary
principles of justice appear largely to have been banished, except as a
hypocritical pretense, and there is the broadest possible contrast between
the justice of the New Testament and the teaching of the creeds and
theologists. The author further believes that we are in a period of
transition in which the word religion will not stand primarily for a body
of beliefs which have become largely untenable in our age, but rather
for the universal principles of religiousness and aspirations for the
continuing life of man.

In his last chapter the author supplements and interprets his own
conception by quoting the views of numerous modern illuminati includ-
ing, among others, Edward Caird, William James, Henry Bosanquet,
H. G. Wells, Francis Younghusband, Emile Durkheim, and Eugenio
Rignano.

More and more it is borne in upon the minds of instructed men that
the absorption of religion in the salvation of the individual soul in
another world than this is a catastrophe. The task of rescuing religion
from neglect by men who have been touched by the scientific spirit
and restoring it to a commanding place as the guide and inspiration
of life is a double one: first, that of rescuing it from superstition or
supernaturalism and incredibility; and second, the task of rescuing
it from individualism and making it messianic. The religion that will
furnish an adjustment of all life's powers, and inspiration, guidance,

648 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and joy, that will deliver men from boredom and degeneracy and
summon a devotion like that of Christ, will be inspired by aspiration
to realize the unfulfilled possibilities of good in the continuing life of
mankind. Other men will give their lives as Christ gave his only
because they "so love the world." Only in thus giving life will they
find it. To discard hypocrisy, to live for genuineness, not so much
in good works as in good work, to discard the selfishness of individualism,
and of party, class, and nation, to look upon one's deeds and character
as part of the fulfilment of a common task, this alone can raise us to
our true nobility as the Sons of Man. Universal and permanent religion
must have its mainspring in a purpose, not in a creed nor a ritual:
the social purpose to which humanity has never set itself, and which
must wait for realization until it does become the common religion of
right-minded men.

E. C. Hayes
University of Illinois

The Making of Humanity. By Robert Briffault. New York:
The Macmillan Co., 1919. Pp. 371. $4.00.

This is a remarkable book — the most passionate exposition of the
intellectualist concept of progress that we have in English. While the
author dismisses too cavalierly earlier attempts to formulate the idea
of progress and while he admits that progress is still a controversial idea,
yet he asserts with almost mathematical definiteness that progress is
undeniable, inevitable in fact, even if we do not know the goal. More-
over he declares the cause of human progress from the very beginning
to be "rational thought."

His argument proceeds somewhat as follows: Rational thought is
man's means of adaptation; even though not always or often purposive,
frequently only shown in the method of trial and error, yet in the long
run rationality prevails and truth triumphs. Reason is necessarily
progressive because inexorably logical. Human society is essentially
psychological and improvements pass through the social heredity as
ideas, not through germinal changes. Progress along rational lines is
a battle against the hindrances set up by non-rational custom-thought
and power-thought. These fetters are broken sometimes by wise heads
or by "dim horse sdnse of the mob," but usually they are broken in only
two ways: by material discovery and by cross-fertilization of culture.
Progress is therefore exceptional and is never possible in an isolated
people or a social class; but since it is always present it is therefore the

REVIEWS 649

rule! Oriental history illustrates how religious power- thought hindered
the rise and flowering of an intellectual impulse. In a brilliant but
somewhat superficial chapter the author shows how Greece broke this
vicious spell. Later he analyzes the contribution of Rome and describes
how Rome succumbed to oriental religion and her own fallacies; how
Byzantium only added to the barbarian wreckage and how civilization
was rekindled by the Saracens. One of the most brilliant sections in the
book is the analysis of power-thought; another is an eloquent apologetic
for Moslem civilization. Scarcely less so is the acid criticism of the so-
called Renaissance, which is shown to be a distinct setback.

The author distinguishes four broad stages in human evolution.
First, the period of tribal or custom-thought. Second, the period of
great oriental civilization wholly dominated by theocratic power-thought.
Third, the Greek liberation from custom- and power-thought. Fourth,
the age in which we live. Only rational thought, he argues, could have
made development and progress possible out of the welter of conflicting
power and barbarities of the last five hundred years of European history ;
just as only rational thought could break the crust of oriental theocracy.
The key to this development may be summarized as a compound of
Arab culture, Protestantism, critical philosophy, and physical science
as summed up in the French Revolution.

The author meets squarely the two inevitable criticisms of the
intellectualist theory. First, he argues that decadence or corruption
such as obtained in Rome and in the Renaissance is not the result of
intellectual culture but is the effect of power or is itself not genuine.
Second, he contends that intellectual development means moral develop-
ment. Progress is ethical, for it concerns humanity; and moral con-
siderations are paramount with the idea of humanity since the moral
law is the law of nature. Moral nature does progress and its progress
is directly associated with diffusion of rational thought and is the direct
outcome of it. The essence of moral progress is a refinement of the idea
of justice; therefore, while democracy is the clumsiest and most in-
efl&cient form of government, it is the most moral because the most
just. Since morality, the mores, rests upon opinions and not abstract
ethics, it is essential for moral progress that opinion be cleared by rational
thought. Hence the author's emphasis upon social ethics rather than
personal righteousness as a moral dynamic. The main body of the
book closes with the new categorical imperative in these words: "A
new ethical sense, the true and natural ethical spirit whose vaguely
conscious operation has created mankind, is inevitably developing. To

650 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

be with the forces of human growth, to be truly a living part, and
not a mere dead excretion, of the creative impulse of the race, that is
the obligation which if we have indeed apprehended our real relation,
is inevitably laid upon us." This categorical imperative has not yet
been attained, for specific human evolution has only just begun. We
can control and direct this evolution by organizing the "reproductive
mechanism"; this is not education as it is now generally practiced, but
the imparting of rational thought by whatsoever means and methods,
by building up the mental equipment of humanity. And it is under-
stood that this rational thought is primarily critical and not con-
structive.

While accepting in general the magnificent gesture of the book, it is
perfectly possible to question some of its details. The reviewer is in
doubt, for example, as to what is absolute social right and justice of which
the author makes so much. There seems to be nothing absolute about
it except its general direction. Again, we cannot but feel that it is an
exaggeration to assert that the great modern vice is the toleration of all
opinions as Equally good and valid. Our recent war experience and the
social commotions of a century hardly bear out this criticism. Exag-
gerated also is the author's dogmatic insistence that there has been no
evolution in sexual morality. This would seem to be a denial of his
own thesis.

The author makes little parade of scholarship, he offers the reader
no bibliography, very few footnotes, and no index. Written largely in
the trenches of Gallipoli and France it is nevertheless not slapdash, but
the summation of long previous research. His style is lyric, verging
toward purple in spots. His chapter titles are vivid; for ex-
ample, "The Discovery of Man," "Morals as Comfort," "Morals on
the March," "The Hopefulness of Pessimism." He gives no hint as
to his own personality, yet he shows unmistakably the influence of Comte,
in his intellectualism, but is strong where Comte was weakest, namely
in historical interpretation. This book is to be welcomed as another
straw indicating how the problem of progress is commanding the atten-
tion of the world of scholarship and statesmanship, particularly since
the world-war. It is moreover a convincing proof that scholarship need
not be dull, for as a matter of fact it has all the verve and imaginative
thrill of high romance.

Arthur J. Todd
Chicago

REVIEWS 651

The Principles of Sociology. By Edward Alsworth Ross. New
York: The Century Co., 1920. Pp. xviii + 708. $4.00.

The following observations are supplementary to a review of this
work published by Dr. Small in the July number of the Journal. Pro-
fessor Ross's book, so vivid and epigrammatic in style, so mature in
its conclusions, so brilliant, so interesting, so original, must appeal to
sociologists everywhere, as well those who study social structures as
those who study social forces and processes. In this seven-hundred-
page treatise, however, the author scarcely touches on anthropological
topics, except in the chapters on the "Race Factor" and the "Influence
of the Geographic Environment." If there is little anthropology in
the volume, there is equally little history, i.e., historical summation
setting forth the actual line of development followed by some custom,
belief, or institution. Professor Ross, to be sure, has entire right to be
more interested in present things than in past things; his work would
not be so uniquely valuable if it were not so strictly "up-to-date." But
no one must expect to find in it any such detailed exposition of the
genesis and historical development of society as is contained in Spencer's
three volumes or in Professor Gidding's Principles.

There are many opportunities for expansion along anthropological
lines, in case Professor Ross decides to add to the bulk of his book in
future editions. The two chapters above noted are very brief and
sketchy; yet it would be hard to mention any others equally important
for the right understanding of human society. Especially does this
seem true of racial subjects, which are likely to assume an ever larger
place among contemporary questions. Very much more might be said,
also, on the geographic background of social life, particularly to show
how occupations and customs are afifected by environmental conditions.
A wide field of inquiry upon which Professor Ross does not enter is that
of culture — criteria, classification, transmission, and development.
Anthropologists just now seem to be more interested in this subject than
in anything else, to judge from the stream of discussion in technical
journals and from recent books by Professor Elliott Smith, Dr. W. H. R.
Rivers, Dr. R. H. Lowie, and others. Some topics which might profit-
ably be expanded include: the discussion of the roots of the religious
interest (pp. 54-55); social grouping (pp. 77-78); suicide (pp. 104-15),
to present the evidence from primitive society; the r6le of the festival
(pp. 398-400), about which sociologists have had far too little to say;
and the origin of the state (pp. 617-19).

652 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

It may also be worth while to note here certain points which appear
open to anthropological criticism. Professor Ross (pp. 59 ff.) uses the
word "race" far too loosely, applying it now to the primary divisions
of mankind, now to peoples, such as Frenchmen, Germans, etc., and now
to the divisions of peoples, such as North Italians and South Italians.
Again, does he not speak too assuredly (p. 60) concerning "veritable
differences in race mind"? Compare pages 132 f., where national char-
acteristics of Hindus, Greeks, Armenians, and other peoples are ac-
counted for by purely social considerations. He accepts without ques-
tion (pp. 77, 122) the time-honored theory of the universal priority of
maternal kinship over paternal kinship in the evolution of the family;
many anthropologists in good repute now definitely reject such a theory.
The discussion (pp. 77-78) of the earliest social groupings might have
profited by some consideration of the Lang-Atkinson hypothesis (now
adopted by Mr. H. G. Wells), which resolves truly "primitive" society
into isolated groups of females dominated in each case by an old male,
much as herds of cattle are ruled. In the chapter on the " Genesis of
Society" (pp. 86 ff.) the author has not sufficiently emphasized the
distinction between the origin of various historic societies, concerning
which fairly definite information is available, and the more general
and more theoretical question of the origin of human society. The
whole subject of human gregariousness and association needs to be
thoroughly treated in the light of our present knowledge of anthropology.

When Professor Ross has given us so much, it is somewhat un-
gracious to dwell on the lapses and lacunae almost inevitable in such a
work of synthesis. The reviewer has read it with great interest and
enjoyment, and he cordially acquiesces in Dr. Small's judgment that in
this book sociology "has at last arrived." He would also express his
approval of Professor Ross's thoroughly pragmatic and even utilitarian
point of view, which was that of the founder of economics and socialized
ethics — Adam Smith. It seems to the author of Principles of Sociology,
as it seemed to the author of the Wealth of Nations, that social science
should more and more influence the legislator, the reformer, the human-
itarian, and the common man himself.

HuxTON Webster

UNTVERSriY OF NEBRASKA

Health and Social Progress. By Rudolph M. Binder. New York:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1920. Pp. xi-f295. $3.00.
We have grown familiar with attempts to explain history in terms
of some one factor such as "race," "religion," and "climate." It

REVIEWS 653

has remained for the present author, who is professor of sociology at
New York University, to emphasize health as the cornerstone of social
welfare. This he has done, and done well, in this "A Non-Medical
Book, Dedicated to the Medical Profession."

Regardless of the reader's acceptance of the author's thesis he will
be glad to have so many interesting and important facts put in conven-
ient form.

The volume opens with a general discussion of the relation of
health to civilization in which the conclusion is reached that inasmuch as
"progress is possible only with a surplus of vitality over the immediately
necessary activities of Ufe, " we may state as a law of general develop-
ment: "Individuals and societies develop in proportion to their growth
in self-reliance; and this depends upon their abiUty to attain health with
the resultant confidence in their ability to control nature and their own
destiny."

Then follows "Specific Cases of Health in Relation to Society,"
in which ancient Greece, Rome, and the Tropics are considered. Under
the caption "Health and World-Progress" the author marshals his facts
to show the necessity of attaining and maintaining health if civilization
is to progress. In the last chapter, " Results and Prospects, " the author
describes the health program of The United Fruit Company and the
Rockefeller Sanitary Commission.

While all students have glimpsed the importance of health Dr. Binder

has done a real service in stressing it and the volume will repay careful

reading.

Carl Kelsey

University of Pennsylvania

The College and the New America. By Jay William Hudson,
Ph.D. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1920.
Pp. xi+202. $2.00.

This book is a trumpet call to college and university teachers to
recognize more fully their social obUgations; and, as President Burton
of Michigan has said, it should be read by every professor in America.
The logical implication of the book would seem to be that all who enter
the profession of college and university teaching should be trained in the
social sciences, though the writer is careful to point out that speciaUsts
in these very sciences are not always fully alive to their social responsi-
bilities. The speciaUsts in the social sciences, he points out, cannot
continue to hand over their responsibiUties to a special group of men

654 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

other than themselves — a special group of "applied" social scientists.
" If the body of knowledge embraced in the social sciences is to be ren-
dered most of value to the world of concrete life, the experts themselves
are best equipped to transform it into that value." The only reason
why they do not do so is owing to that peculiar tradition which has
grown up among college and university teachers which we call the
"academic mind." That is the real source of the divorce between
thought and practice, between the academic world and the actual social
order, which we so often find. The remedy, of course, lies in the fuller
recognition by academic men of their responsibility to the social order
in which they live.

The book is decidedly worth while, and it is to be hoped that it will
be followed by many other studies of the relation of our system of higher
education to our social life. It is to be regretted that Professor Hudson
does not take up in detail certain vital points in this relation. It would
have added to the value of the book, for example, if there had been a
chapter discussing the responsibility of colleges and universities in train-
ing social and political leaders. Unfortunately, too, Professor Hudson
seems to hold to a very narrow conception of what "education for
citizenship" would mean and its place in our whole scheme of education.
He speaks of it as a "limited ideal," though its leading exponents would
hold it to be synonymous with that education for social efficiency, for
general social and poUtical intelligence, which the book seems to urge
as the main function of the American college. In spite of such minor
defects the book will be welcomed by all who are interested in the pro-
motion of the social sciences in our colleges and in the socialization of
our higher education, and especially because it is written, not by a
professional social scientist, but by a philosopher.

Charles A. Ellwood

University of Missouri

The Principles of Education. By Jesse H. Coursault, Ph.D. New
York: Silver, Burdett& Company, 1920. Pp xii4-468. $3.00.
Dean Coursault has succeeded in producing a text in the philosophy
of education which not only breaks with the conventional treatment of
the subject, but which will be of interest to sociologists as well as educa-
tors. The book undertakes to synthesize the psychological and sociolo-
gical approaches to the principles of education. It discusses, accordingly,
first "the individual process," then "the social process," and finally

REVIEWS 655

"the educational process." Under the section on the social process
there is a chapter devoted to the analysis of the social process, another to
the function of social studies, and still another to social development. The
point of view maintained is, moreover, that of control over the individual
and social life-processes. Students of sociology will be especially inter-
ested in this attempt to rewrite the philosophy of education from the
standpoint of social development.

The book is well organized and the main principles are so simply
and clearly developed that it should find a large use in colleges and
normal schools as a text. If it does, it will certainly aid in the develop-
ment of a socialized education.

Charles A. Ellwood
University of Missouri

Schooling of the Immigrant. By Frank V. Thompson. New York :
Harper & Brothers, 1920. Pp. 408. $2.00.

Now that immigration has risen to its pre-war rate of a million a
year, quite obviously serious and nation-wide measures need to be taken
for the social assimilation of the immigrant. The problem has long been
recognized, and particularly since 1914, but nowhere has it been solved.
Even the best attempts at solution are not yet very promising.

This volume, prepared under the auspices of the Carnegie Corpora-
tion, presents in systematic form the more suggestive attempts at solu-
tion which have been made throughout the country. There is attempt
to discover the positive suggestions of value in these experiments, which
may be incorporated in some ultimate successful composite plan; and
also the shortcomings and failures of various attempts by way of making
clear the nature of difficulties to be overcome. Pubhc and private
institutions of all kinds are carefully and critically analyzed by way of
discovering their strengths and weaknesses in preparing for citizenship.
There is also systematic treatment of specific matters such as methods
of teaching English, the training of teachers, legislative enactments, the
need of individualizing the training, the problems involved in training
for citizenship, etc.

Americanization workers will find in this volume innumerable facts

and suggestions of value to them in planning and directing practical

educational activities. It is specially effective in making clear the nature

of the problems.

Franklin Bobbitt
University of Chicago

656 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The Nonpartisan League. By Herbert E. Gaston. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920. Pp. viii+325. $1.75.

The Story of the Nonpartisan League. By Charles Edward
Russell. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1920. Pp. 332.
$2.00

The Despoilers. By J. Edmund Buttree. Boston: The Christo-
pher Publishing House, 1920. Pp. 314. $2.00.
The Nonpartisan League. By William Lancer, Attorney-General
of North Dakota. Mandan, N.D.: Morton County Farmers'
Press, 1920. Pp. 240. (Paper.)

Mr. Gaston was formerly an editorial writer for the Nonpartisan
League, but he endeavors to give a fair and accurate account of its
history and development, though frankly favoring it. His book is
much the best of the four reviewed. The author recognizes some of the
League's weaknesses, but gives a clear picture of its point of view.

Over half of Mr. Russell's book is a history of the abuses of the grain
trade and the farmers' grievances against the Minneapolis dealers. He
outhnes the League's program and eulogizes its accomplishments, but
the account is somewhat fragmentary and decidedly partisan.

The Despoilers is chiefly a collection of anti-league pamphlets, con-
taining a deal of preachment on the values of individualism, interspersed
with anathemas against the League. There is an obvious efifort to
impress the reader with the author's knowledge of Scripture,
Shakespeare, and classical authors, more loquacious than convincing.
The book is a good example of the sort of hterature to which the League
has given rise, but adds nothing to one's understanding of the situation.

Mr. Langer's book is unique, coming from the attorney-general of
the state and "pubHshed under penalty of the anti-liar law of North
Dakota providing for one year in the penitentiary. " He challenges the
League to disprove his indictments of its incapacity and to bring him
into court under this law. Though vitriohc in style, Mr. Langer's
pamphlet presents facts against the League which are not satisfactorily
answered by either Mr. Gaston or Mr. Russell, and which the League
must clearly refute if it is to make its case with even a friendly pubhc.

One cannot but be impressed that here is a movement which fur-
nishes unusual material for the sociologist and social psychologist, but
that as yet we have no serious study of it. Mr. Gaston clearly recognizes
the weakness of Mr. Townley's domination of the organization, but
claims that has been necessary to win the fight. Irrespective of the

REVIEWS 657

theoretical aspects of a more democratic form of organization, one
cannot but wonder what might be the outcome of the movement if
its leader should be stricken. Whether such a movement for democracy
can succeed permanently will largely depend upon ability to develop
leadership which is loyal and efficient but independent.

DwiGHT Sanderson
Cornell University

Democratic Industry: A Practical Study in Social History. By
Joseph Husslein, S.J., Ph.D. New York: P. J. Kennedy
& Sons, 1920. Pp. 362. $1.50.

The viewpoint: "The Catholic writers, whose doctrines dated back
to the IMiddle Ages .... were clearly the originators of modern
democracy. Its entire structure, in so far as it is true and sound,
rests upon the work of the Catholic schoolmen " — P. 277.

The aim of the new Catholic guild system: "The full possibiUties of

increased production will not be reaUzed so long as the majority of the

workers remain mere wage earners. The majority must somehow become

owners, or at least in part, of the means of production. They can be

enabled to reach this stage gradually through co-operative productive

societies and copartnership arrangements. In the former the workers

own and manage the industries themselves; in the latter they own a

substantial part of the corporate stock and exercise a reasonable share

in the management. However slow the attainment of these ends they

will have to be reached before we can have a thoroughly efficient system

of production, or an industrial social order that will be secure from the

danger of revolution." — P. 292, quoted from Reconstruction Pamphlets,

No. I, p. 22.

Victor E. Helleberg
University of Kansas

Italian Women in Industry. By Louise C. Odencrantz. New
York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1919. Pp. V4-345. $1.50.
This is an intensive study of living and working conditions of 1,095
young Italian women, representing 61 industries, in that section of
New York City which lies below Fourteenth Street. While the investi-
gation deals with pre-war conditions, it contains information valuable
to those who are now trying to dovetail our immigrant groups into an
American citizenry. Wages are higher today, and expenditures greater,
but it is doubtful if conditions are otherwise much changed.

658 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Miss Odencrantz has given us a sympathetic and scholarly study.
Such studies must always present a somewhat blurred picture of the life
they undertake to portray. We have the interview, the visit to home
and work place, the questionnaire, a few budgets, and a book, while the
women go on working with feathers, candy, crackers, corsets, petticoats,
cigars, boxes, stationery, cereals, olives, and what not, with an over-
powering weariness and unutterably barren lives. But the book is not
futile if it leads to even a limited understanding of the problems of some
foreign individuals enmeshed in our industrial system.

Annie Marion MacLean
Chicago, III.

The Social Case History: Its Construction and Content. By Ada
Eliot Sheffield, Director, Boston Bureau on Illegitimacy.
New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1920. Pp.227. Si 00.

The author proposes that the social-case history include only those
facts which make effective treatment possible. Successful use of this
test, she believes, involves the development of larger and clearer concepts.
Many devices are suggested for accomplishing these aims.

This book is the result of much practical experience and will appeal
to those who are interested in higher standards of record-keeping,
though administrators will probably think that confusion will result
from any attempt to make everyday use of larger concepts not previously
clearly defined. Further, treatment as a measure of the record- value
of a social fact is a useful yardstick (i) when workers are uniformly
trained to use and provided with adequate standardized administrative
devices; (2) when the appearance of new methods of treatment need not
be anticipated during the Hfe of the record; and (3) when social-service
policies have been generally agreed upon. Until these conditions
obtain, if treatment-value be the test of the relative significance of
social facts to the recorder, records must be re-written with changes in
the personnel, policy, or procedure of the agency and with every
advance in the social sciences.

Erle Fiske Young

University of Chicago

Housing and the Housing Problem. By Carol Aronovici. Chi-
cago: McClurg & Co., 1920 Pp. 163. $0.75.

This is a brief statement of the principles involved in a housing
program. An attempt is made to point out the fundamental social

REVIEWS 659

and economic conditions connected with the housing problem. The
housing situation will not be materially relieved by philanthropic build-
ing projects, such as the well-known Port Sunlight and Octavia Hill
enterprises. The problem must be approached by a careful study of
the economic factors involved, such as costs of land, labor, and mate-
rials. Up to date our attention has been largely centered upon the ques-
tion of sanitation, and to this end we have framed a great deal of housing
legislation, much of which is purely arbitrary and complicates the
economic side of the question. The author shows that housing is essen-
tially a community problem. The forces at work in our laissez faire
system of community Ufe make it increasingly difficult for the individual
family to build or own its own home, also make it a hazardous under-
taking for private capital to build homes for rent. The community
must look upon the housing of its citizens as an essential part of its
corporate existence and safeguard the residential areas by a scientific
system of community-planning.

Laymen in the field of housing reform will find this a brief but
comprehensive statement of the housing problem from the pen of a
well-known authority in the field. Unfortunately the author is not
always clear in his statements. Sentences are frequently long and
involved; sometimes they are meaningless, as for example the follow-
ing: " Going a little further into the statistics of land we find that one-
third of the population of the country. Going a little further into the
statistics of the total area of these cities is only o. 123 of the total area of
the United States" (pp. 79-80).

The book conUins no index, but a selected bibliography is appended.

R. D. McKenzie

University of Washington

Organization of Public Health Nursing. By Annie M. Brainard.
New York: The Macmillan Co., 1919. Pp.144. $1.35.
This is a handbook designed especially for the use of the public-
health nurse. It discusses the fundamental principles of the organiza-
tion of public-health nursing as gleaned from experience in many different
types of communities. Among the points emphasized are: (x) the need
of efficient organization to support the work of the public-health nurse;
(2) ways and means of financing the work in small communities; (3)
methods of selecting supervisory committees and boards of directors in
order to obtain the most efficient type of local representation and team

66o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

work; (4) the sort of technical training required by the public-health
nurse. In this respect it might be noted that no mention is made of
the need of training in social case work and community organization.
It is generally conceded now that the pubHc-health nurse should also
be a trained social worker inasmuch as her work brings her into contact
with situations requiring for their solution considerable knowledge of
community forces and agencies. It is not enough that her professional
skill should merely enable her "to interpret the physician's orders
correctly."

The book will be found useful by all who are interested in this par-
ticular line of social service.

R. D. McKenzie

UNrVERSITY OF WASHINGTON

Industrial Housing. With discussion of accompanying activities,
such as Town Planning, Street Systems, Development of Utility
Services, and Related Engineering and Construction Features.
By Morris Knowles. McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.,
1920. Pp. XV -f 314. $5.00.

From the point of view of technical treatment of the housing problem
as affecting industrial housing this is one of the first works in America to
recognize the "interdependence of many agencies and the need of the
co-ordination of several professions in the development of a successful
town plan and in the up-building of a contented industrial community. "

Approaching industrial housing from this broad point of view Mr.
Knowles does not neglect a single aspect of the problem of construction,
community development, public service, and administration that may
affect the economic, sanitary, and aesthetic aspects of the home. While
some questions may be raised regarding the adequacy of the standards
propounded by the author and the acceptance without discussion of
practices of city planning and housing which are still without thorough
scientific foundation, the book is so full of suggestive thought and so
devoid of dogmatism that it would make a most excellent classroom
text in schools for the training of engineers, architects, social workers,
and public-health officials.

The chapters dealing with the engineering aspects of housing and
town-planning are especially valuable because of the information regard-
ing the experience of various communities and the guides for procedure
in dealing with such problems as lighting, water supply, sewerage, waste
disposal, etc.

REVIEWS 66 1

The author has kept clear of any controverted aspect of the subject
and thereby has accomplished a task in systematization that has not
been attempted by any other writer in this country.

Carol Aronovici
Belvedere, Cal.

Bolshevism at Work. By William T. Goode. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920. Pp. 143.
An interesting inside view of the processes of life, labor, and education
in Bolshevist Russia.

The Political Philosophy of Robert M. La Follette. Compiled by
Ellen Torelle. Madison, Wis.: The Robert M. La Foliate
Co., 1920. Pp. 426.
Short extracts from the public addresses and writings of La Follette.

They throw an interesting side light on the Progressive movement in

American politics from 1900 to 1920.

Essays on Vocation. Edited by Basil Matthews. London:
Oxford University Press, 1919. Pp. 128.

A stimulating and helpful series of essays by English scholars,
intended to point the way to various vocations in post-war Britain.

The Community Health Problem. By Athel C. Burnham. New
York: The Macmillan Co., 1920. Pp. 149.
A scientific survey of the pubUc-health movement in the United
States. Contains valuable vital statistics.

Labor's Crisis. An Employer's View of Labor Problems. By
SiGMUND Mendelsohn. New York: The Macmillan Co.,
1920. Pp. xii+iyi. $1.50.
Interesting as revealing the attitudes of a type of employer emerging

in the present labor struggle in the United States.

Labor in Politics, or Class versus Country. By Charles Norman
Fay. Privately printed. Cambridge, Mass. : The University
Press, 1920. Pp. xii+284.
Reveals the attitudes of a representative of capitalism. Also

contains valuable statistics of the labor movement in America.

662 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

A Living Wage. Its Ethical and Economic Aspects. By John A.

Ryan. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1920. Pp. ix+182.

$2.00.

Revised and abridged edition of Ryan's larger book of the same title.
Interesting as revealing the most recent ofl5cial attitudes of the Catholic
church upon the problems of capital and labor.

The Opium Monopoly. By Ellen N. La Motte. New York:
The Macmillan Co., 1920. Pp. xvii+84. $1.00.
A brief statement of the main facts of the opium traffic as fostered
and developed under British colonial policy. Contains tables of statistics
concerning the traffic compiled from the most recent official records of
the colonies concerned.

The Industrial Republic. By Paul W. Litchfield. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co., 1920. Pp. 95. $1.00.
A brief description of the co-operative plan recently introduced by
the Goodyear Rubber Company into the operation of their plant at
Akron, Ohio.

Modern Germany. Its Rise, Growth, Downfall, and Future. By
J. Ellis Barker. New York: E. P. Button & Co., 1919.
Pp. ix-l-496. $6.00.
A new and enlarged edition of the author's Modern Germany with

much new material based on post-war conditions and situations.

Italy and the World War. By Thomas Nelson Page. New York:
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920. Pp. xii+422. $5.00.
A historical review of the diplomatic relations of modern Italy.
Valuable as revealing the diplomatic attitudes of many European nations.

The New World Order. By Frederick Charles Hicks. New
York: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1920, Pp. viii-l-496.
A critical discussion of the problems of world-organization, co-
operation, and order following the world-war. Pertinent analyses of
the Versailles treaties and the League of Nations. Appendices contain
valuable excerpts from the various recent post-war treaties.

REVIEWS 663

Sex and Sex Worship; A Scientific Treatise on Sex, Its Nature and
Function, and Its Influence on Art, Science, Architecture, and
Religion — mth Special Reference to Sex Worship and Sym-
bolism. By 0. A. Wall, M.D., Ph.G., Ph.M. St. Louis:
C. V. Mosby Co., 1919. Pp. xv+607. $7.50.
This book is written by an old gentleman who read a great many
books on religion and sex. Unfortunately he lost his notes. The book
represents what he remembers of his reading. It is a large book, hand-
somely bound and well printed, but, in spite of its title, it is not scientific.

Robert E. Park

UNrVERSITY OF CHICAGO

Pool, Billiards and Bowling Alleys as a Phase of Commercialized

Amusements in Toledo, Ohio. By Rev. John J. Pedelan, M.A.

Toledo: Little Book Press, 1919. Pp. 292. $2.00.

This is an essay on commercialized amusements based on a survey of

the pool rooms in Toledo. It contains, in addition to the facts gathered

in Toledo, a copy of the schedule used in the survey, a questionnaire for

high schools, a digest of Ohio laws as to minors, and of the Ohio laws

concerning recreation, the pool-room ordinances of sixty-two cities, a

reproduction of the social and industrial creeds of the churches, and a

portrait of the author. It is a useful book but its tone is hortatory.

Robert E. Park
University of Chicago

Letters to a Young Man on Love and Health. By Walter M.

Gallichan. New York: F. A. Stokes Co., 1920. Pp. 119.

$1.00.

An excellent handbook in sex education for young men. The twelve

letters are refreshingly frank, direct, and complete, as might be expected

from the author of The Psychology of Marriage.

RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

A Theory of History. — Historical theories of history are nearly as numerous as
historians. Paradoxically, their historicity lies almost wholly in the fact that they
are facts of record. So far as intellectual content goes they are philosophy rather than
history and the outstanding ones have been evolved by philosophers, not brought
forth by historians. Histor>' primarily is factual detail and altogether concrete.
Secondarily, it ventures timorously upon generalizations. It depicts "situations,"
"general aspects," and "trends." In so doing it becomes in modest measure phi-
losophy or sociology. From Plato to Comte and from Comte to the Adams brothers
one encounters five distinct type groups of theories of history. The first group
comprises the predestinal philosophies of the metaphysicians, the logicians, and
others. In the second group fall the philosophies of social self-determination. A
third group of interpretations goes back to the geographical or "environmental"
influence. The writings of Montesquieu remain the classical example, but the
researches of Ellen C. Semple and Ellsworth Huntington are of a more substantial
value. Theories of the fourth group e.xplain history in the terms of heritage. Heritage
is the total product of human activity hitherto which we now enjoy. It includes our
acquired habits, our art-:, our knowledge, and our property. The working hypotheses
which make up the fifth group of philosophies of history accoimt for the stream of
human experience as the solar system or a thunderstorm is accounted for, as a case
of equilibration. Herbert Spencer and Brooks Adams resolve it into a degradation of
physical energy. Indi\idual biologists and bio-anthropologists see historj' as heredity
and natural selection. Taking physics and biology both for granted, the author
defends the thesis that human history is a psychological or behavioristic equilibration.
The premise from which the argument proceeds is that men are not bom equal.
Behavioristic reaction to stimulation, whether it is instinctive or rational reaction, is
more adaptive and vigorous on the part of some aggregations of men than it is on the
part of other aggregations. The practical activities of more vigorous groups and
classes overflow into those of more sluggish groups and classes. Histor>' is adventure
and the urge to adventure is the cause of history-. — Franklin H. Giddings, Political
Science Quarterly, December, 1920. O. B. Y.

Sociology: Its Nature and Scope, Aims and Methods. — (i) Sociology' is the
science of society in which the interactions of human beings are expressed through
physical bodies and have relation to physical surroundings. Sociology is one of the
mental and moral sciences, as the Germans say Geisteswissenschajtcn, sciences of the
mind. Human society is essentially living, subject to growth and decay, and its
scientific consideration will pay particular attention to the genetic features. Though
sociology is based on a survey of social facts, it is almost equally concerned with ideals.
(2) The chief subject-matter of sociology is social organism as wholes functioning
wholes. It will be well to distinguish in sociology an empirical, a philosophical, and a
practical part. The empirical study may concern itself first with a survey of present
social facts based on analytic methods. With the consideration of historical social
life the genetic character predominates. The material and conclusions need the
comparative study of social systems and ideals as they exist at the present time or
have existed in the course of history. The comparative study depends for its material
on the analytic and the genetic studies of social facts. This leads to the critical
consideration of the facts assembled in comparative study of social systems. From
the outset of such criticism a constructive conception is almost inevitably implied,
even though only tentatively accepted. (3) The aim of sociology is to make clear
the nature of social ideals and forces and the conditions in which these are related.

664

RECENT LITEILiTURE 665

Sociology aims at the scientific co-ordination of social facts. (4) The methods
appropriate in sociology are analytic, genetic, comparative, critical, and synthetic.
They are psjxhological and historical, empirical and philosophical. — Alban G. Widgery,
The Indian Journal of Sociology, January, 1920. C. N.

The Character of Primitive Human Progress. — The most remarkable thing
aniong natural processes is the unfolding of the intellect and moral nature of man.
Since his emergence from the animal state he has possessed powers comparable to
those which he now manifests. In the earliest stages the individual man or the small
group had to approach the problems of life and environment without any effective
tradition to guide or sympathetic collaboration with others to inspire. This called
for a measure of independence unlike anything manifested by individuals today except
in the labors of men of dominating genius. The first fundamental step forward in
the control of nature, whether taken by the individual or the collective mind, was the
most novel mental event occurring after the appearance of life in the process of evolu-
tion. INIan's environment, both that which he has found in the external world and
that which he himself has created, has served to release the powers inherent in his
nature. The external world has no power in itself by which it can project a force from
itself into the mind of man and create there a new character. There is no reason to
suppose that the release of man's energies was sudden, like that of a coiled spring;
it is far more probable that the process was a gradual one. And now it is more probable
that the race is still in its infancy than that it has come to old age. In our present state the
greatest inspiration to an intellectual life, and hence to an increase of power, comes
from the interactions of mind with mind. To the development of language, the prime
means of the communication of mind with mind, has been given the honor of initiating
the marvelous release of the powers of man. Language was a product of the collective
rather than of the individual mind. In view of this first magnificent creation of the
primitive mind, we cannot refuse to recognize that early man possessed powers which
do not suffer in comparison with those manifested today. — R. D. Carmichael, Scientific
Monthly, January, 1921. K. E. B.

The Problem of the American Negro. — The degree of variability of physical and
mental qualities in each race is very great. In every population we find persons who
are stupid and intelligent, weak and strong, moral and immoral. But when we turn
to racial types that are fundamentally distinct the biological question seems simpler.
Such traits of the negro as the pigmentation of the skin, the form of the hair, the
nose, etc., are so characteristic that they are not duplicated among the whites. Yet
we cannot follow out the racial differences in the same detail in regard to internal
organs. It has been pointed out that the liver, the spleen, and the brain of the negro
are on the average smaller than those of the white. Whether or not there is a difference
in the number of cells and connective fibers in the brains of the two races is an open
question. The problem of heredity is also connected with the negro problem. The
army tests have indicated the negro to be inferior to the white and that northern
negroes were very much superior to southern negroes. But when we keep in mind
the abject fear of southern negroes under the white oflncer and the limitations of
early childhood and of general upbringing of the negroes in the South, we will decline
to accept these mental tests as a convincing proof of the hereditary inferiority of the
negro race. On the contrary, the highly developed native arts, weaving, carving,
pottery-, metal casting, etc., done by the black races in Africa, give a proof of the
negro's mental ability. The same biological inferiority also is ascribed to the mulattoes
who are almost all descended from white fathers and negro mothers. Besides biological
and psychological justifications for the inferiority of the negro race there is the social
basis of the race prejudice which is founded on the tendency to emerge the indi\idual in
the class to which he belongs, and to ascribe to him all the characteristics of his class. The
consciousness that the negro belongs to a class by himself is kept alive by the contrast
presented by his physical appearance with that of the whites. Intermixture of blood
will decrease the contrast between the extreme racial forms and this will lead to a
lessening of the consciousness of race distinction. The negro problem will not dis-
appear in America until the negro blood has been so much diluted that it will no longer

666 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

be recognized, just as anti-Semitism will not disappear until the last vestige of the Jew
as a Jew has disappeared. — Franz Boas, The Yale Review, January, 192 1. C. N.

The Aaland Question. — Geographically, ethnographically, and culturally the
Aalanders belong to the Swedish nationality in Finland. The Swedish Finlanders
of the mainland are as determined as the Aalanders to preserve their nationality for
all future. It is among them that the Swedish national movement in Finland
originated. They maintain that the preservation of the Swedish nationality in
Finland is a right which belongs to them and is also a duty to the country which they
share with the Finns, because their language forms the cultural bridge with Sweden
and the other Scandinavian countries with their old civilization. They beUeve that
just as the French-speaking inhabitants of Switzerland can preserve their nationality
without becoming subjects of France, so the Swedish-speaking Finlanders can preserve
theirs without becoming subjects of Sw-eden. Finland's constitution of 1Q19 recognizes
both Finnish and Swedish as the national languages and it recognizes in theory that
the cultural interests of the Swedish-speaking population shall be supported by the
state in accordance with the same principles as those applied to the Finnish-speaking
population. These stipulations presuppose as their supplement special legislation
regulating detail. The various Swedish-speaking districts desire autonomy within
the state and the establishment of a higher administrative unit comprising the whole
Swedish-speaking Finland. Through their delegates they have expressed the hope
that the Council of the League of Nations will postpone its recommendations with
regard to the Aaland Islands until the diet of the repubUc has regulated the position
of that nationality as a whole. — Edward Westermarck, Contemporary Review,
December, 1920. O. B. Y.

Social Reform in Missouri 1820-1920. — This treatise is a survey of social reform
and social legislation, showing the work of the numerous agencies which have con-
tributed to the social program. The subjects treated are crime and punishment,
poverty and disease, the insane and feeble-minded, child welfare, boards of supervision,
and welfare. These subjects are treated scientifically with especial emphasis on
child welfare and education of the negro since the Civil War. — George B. Mangold
(Pamphlet). Columbia, Mo. : Missouri State Historical Society. R. D. G.

The Indianization of Christianity. — In India it has been traditional to confine
the chief cultural advantages to those belonging to the higher castes. The majority
of the converts to the Christian faith have been from the depressed and backward
classes, for Hinduism has very little to offer the non-caste man. When the claims
of Christianity are presented he has to choose between the traditional religion which
proposes to perpetuate his disadvantages and the new faith which promises ameliora-
tion of his wrongs and a democracy of spiritual privilege. These lower classes were
not in a position to make much of a contribution to the task of rendering an Indian
interpretation of their new faith. Now that the third and fourth generations are
appearing in some localities this situation is rapidly changing. Many of these have
received the advantages of college training. Christians from caste communities
bring with them to their adopted faith the heritage of an ancient civilization. The
imagery with which the thought-processes of the Indian people proceed is so different
from that of Westerners that we do not realize its significance without years of observa-
tion and study and even then not fully, (i) The Indian mind responds more readily
to parables than to syllogisms. Even the philosophic arguments abound in similes
and metaphors. (2) The Indian mind responds more readily to the idealistic than
the empirical method of thought. (3) The Indian religious consciousness is inclined
to be mystical and contemplative. Its ideal is a life of ineffable communion or
union with God. An example of this mystical element is that e.xpressed in the con-
cepts of yoga mdrga or way of asceticism. The Christian Sadhu movement is an
attempt to link the Christian life to the yoga ideal. The Christianizing of India will
involve an Indianization of Christianity as surely as the Christianizing of the Graeco-
Roman world involved the Hellenizing of Christianity. — Angus Stewart Woodbume,
Journal of Religion, January, 192 1. O. B. Y.

RECENT LITERATURE 667

What Are the Japanese Doing toward Americanization? — The Japanese are
helping to Americanize themselves in four ways: (i) through the means of Japanese
Christian churches, seventy-five of which now have more or less definite programs for
social work, including such things as teaching of English, instruction in home economics
and sanitation, and other social activities that are definitely contributory to the
spiritual and physical assimilation of the Japanese; (2) through the Japanese press,
consisting of fifteen dailies and twenty-five periodicals, that are meeting the needs
of those who, because of lack of education and advanced age, are unable to read the
English papers, by having the bulk of news contents deal with some subject related to
the Americanization of the Japanese; (3) through the Japanese-language schools,
which are purely supplementary in nature, giving instruction only in the Japanese
language which is at present still the dominant language of the home; (4) through
Japanese associations in America, organized voluntarily among the Japanese residents
in various localities solely for the purpose of promoting the welfare of their members
and the friendship both among themselves and with Americans, and not, as many
Americans are inclined to regard, agencies supported by the government in Tokyo.
One of the recent and important additions to the administrative ofl&cers of the associa-
tions is the Americanization Committee whose prime duty is to send lecturers on
Americanization to various Japanese centers, to distribute suitable literature on
Americanization, and to assist and give advice in adopting respectable American
customs and spirit. — Junzo Sasamori, Japan Review, December, 1920. K. E. B.

Great Cities and Social Settlements. — The Chicago Federation of Settlements,
composed of twenty-five groups covering a wide range of work done by settlements
of Chicago, has for its object fellowship and co-operation. It endeavors as a unit
to further public and private measures intended to accomplish its ends. A statement
just issued from the ofl5ce of the secretary of the National Federation of Settlements
sets forth clearly and concisely the motives and methods of settlement work, (i) The
democratization of culture among settlement motives continues to be of first impor-
tance. The method of promoting culture through the interchange of experience is of
proved validity. (2) Residence has demonstrated itself more than a motive and a
method: it is a spiritual experience. (3) Residence provides an important means of
knowing the conditions of the people's life, and of assisting them to develop new forms
of group expression. (4) Residence is among the best forms of preparation for
participation in civic affairs. (5) Definite and thorough instruction in the principles,
ideas, and methods of settlement work should be assured all residents and associate
workers, that they may be capable of seeing the universal in the particular. (6) Settle-
ment organization should be kept flexible enough to permit ready response to
opportunities for securing individuals and groups not included in the established
routine. (7) The formation of an international federation of settlements, with
provisions to keep members in touch with one another through correspondence,
exchange of workers, and conferences, is a logical next step in settlement organization.
— R. E. Hieronymous, School and Home Education, November, 1920. K. E. B.

Survey of Cripples in New York City. — This survey reveals the status of the
cripples of that city through a study of 3,600 cases. Graphical representations show
how the cases have been analyzed and classified for treatment by the social agencies.
A lack of necessary funds and social workers in various lines has greatly impeded
the work. With better organization and co-operation greater results are being
accomplished. The great problem is vocational training which will function in
earning a livelihood for these unfortunates. — Henry C. Wright, Director of Survey
(Pamphlet). New York: Committee on After-Care of Infantile Paralysis Cases.

R. D. G.

Industrial Morale. — Industrial morale refers to the degree of co-operation extended
by the employees of an enterprise to the management in the course of their work.
Fatigue, ill health, nervous strain, the belief that workmen will work themselves out
of their jobs, dissatisfaction of the workers with the management, and the belief
among the workers that the burdens and benefits in society are too unevenly dis-
tributed, create low industrial morale. Industrial unrest is also due to the "getting"

668 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

rather than "gi\-ing" philosophy. Business men frankly admit that they are in
business not primarily to render service, but to make money. The workmen's low
morale equally results from fear and resentment inspired among the workers by certain
managerial policies. The feeling of unimportance fostered among workmen by their
submergence in the vastness of industrial establishments and the policy pursued by
many managements in building up in the men the feeling that they are of little impor-
tance, prevent the workmen from appreciating the importance of their work. In
addition, failure of managements to recognize merit and good service and the lack of
material rewards for merit naturally lead workmen to feel that the management
does not appreciate good service. The transitory and precarious nature of employ-
ment and the impersonal relation that exists between the workmen and industry tend
also to create a gulf between the men and the owners of capital. Labor cannot be
expected to give its best effort to industry until industry, instead of being the servant
of capital and the master of labor, is the joint servant of them both, devoted equally
to the advancement of the interests of each. — Sumner H. Slichter, The Quarterly
Journal of Economics, November, 1920. C. N.

Social Control of Industrial Strife. — The objective of society should be to eliminate

premature, unnecessary, and unjust strikes and lockouts without closing the door to
the usefulness of the strike in appropriate cases as a last resort. The following classes
of strikes should be considered as illegitimate: (i) strikes against democracy in order
to control or influence political action, as such acts are revolutionarj' and lay the ax
at the very root of self-government; (2) strikes which unduly injure the public, such
as a general railroad strike which can paralyze industry, commerce, and many
of the functions of government in times of peace and war, and make millions of inno-
cent people suffer from such antisocial action; (3) strikes against liberty seeking to
curtail the rights of an employee to work regardless of imion membership; (4) strikes
against neutrals or sympathetic strikes which directly injure those against whom the
strikers have no grievance; (5) strikes before presenting grievances, for to call strikes
in advance of negotiations may be the wanton and malicious infliction of injury;
(6) strikes in violation of reasonable agreements; (7) strikes in violation of an arbitra-
tion award; and (8) strikes where arbitration is available by a disinterested tribunal.
Public opinion would certainly be united on the proposition that strikes in violation
of the eight fimdamental principles we have pointed out are in violation of sound
public policy and should be generally discouraged. — Walter G. Merritt, The Unpartizan
Review, January and March, 192 1. C. N.

L'Enseignement du Bolchevisme dans le Monde. — The influence of bolshevism
outside Russia is exercised not only on adults, for in London the Socialists have
organized socialist Sunday schools where the children are taught that the regeneration
of humanity requires a "bath of blood." The Young Socialist League boasts nine
branches in London. The International School Movement (British section) is showing
the young "how to bring about the inauguration of the Social Industrial Republic
by the Dictatorship of the Proletariat." Social reforms are regarded as playthings
like the congresses of the trade unions. The ideal is revolution in the Russian manner.
According to the Journal of Commerce of New York of July i, there are in the United
States seventy-one colleges and universities where the teaching of bolshevism has
penetrated. In France many teachers are impregnated with bolshevism. Article 23
of the constitution of the League of Nations has been inserted in the peace treaty,
ad majorem Marxi gloriam. Fully a third of the treaty is a consecration of socialistic
dogmas, denying economic truths, and calling for the organization of an international
policy of labor which will give the laborers privileges permitting them to despoil their
fellow-citizens with the help of foreigners. One should not look in Russia for the
dictatorship of the proletariat: it has been instituted in the treaty of peace. —
N. Mondet, Journal des Economisles, December, 1920. V. M. A.

Le Mouvement Economique et Social. — It seems that a wave of pessimism is
sweeping over Germany today. Many laborers think that the leaders of socialism
are much more occupied with their own interests than with the general interests of
the country. The government is further embarrassed because there is a widespread

RECENT LITERATURE 669

temptation to render it responsible for the great financial difliculties of the present.
The Germans will not understand that the situation is the consequence of the stub-
bornness with which they prolonged a struggle which could not end to their advantage.
The financial situation fortunately paralj'zes the bellicose desires of the German
people. Relying on the book of Keynes, which has had a great popularity in Germany,
they insist upon the economic interdependence of peoples, that in the weakened
condition of Europe all must save reciprocally as much as possible. France is accused
of wishing to strangle Germany. It is with the neutral countries that Germany hopes
to re-estabhsh commercial relations. The Germans also have to create a whole
constitutional organization, and to the difliculties involved in internal reorganization
are added those of exterior politics. — Georges Blondel, La Rejorme Sociale,
September-October, 1920. V. M. A.

Population and Progress. — The most persistent cause of war is the overgrowth
of population. That consideration alone is sufficient reason for urging that it is the
duty of all nations deliberately to control their inherent capacity for increase. A
stronger consideration is this: that in any large population a low birth-rate is a
necessary condition of racial progress. This proposition holds for plant and animal
life as well as for human beings. High birth-rates may be desirable for small popula-
tions with limitless opportunities for expansion but are impossible for large populations
already short of elbow-room, except on the condition that a high infantile mortality
shall keep pace with the high birth-rate. Weeds and insects have no lack of offspring
but the survival rate is one-hundredth or one-thousandth of the birth-rate. A similar
consideration applies to many of the races of mankind and notably to the Chinese.
In China "infanticide, rebellions, and disease, swift slaying famine, or slow starva-
tion," keep the population within the limits of subsistence. The western countries
of Europe with their relatively low birth-rates have much lower rates of infantile
mortality than India, China, or Russia. It is urban overcrowding which creates the
gravest of England's problems today. For various practical reasons the problem
cannot be solved either by transference of industries to the country or by immigration
within the empire. The numbers are too vast to be dealt with by these methods.
Unless these numbers are reduced by deliberate birth control there can be no wide-
spread racial improvement and no appreciable betterment of the general conditions
of life. — Harold Cox, Edinburgh Review, October, 1920. O. B. Y.

Labor Evolution and Social Revolution. — From the hour of the Armistice, class
sentiment and national disunion have reasserted their sinister sway with redoubled
force. Labor believes that it can exercise the dominating power in the state. Other
classes feel that their actual existence is threatened by the claims set up by labor.
To accomplish their purpose the manual workers have built up the trade-union move-
ment in which the temperamental and intellectual characteristics of their leaders
are reflected. Trade unionism thrives (i) under the leadership of a conservative,
Victorian tvpe of leader who always takes a specific line at conferences and congresses
when he knows that it is a safe line for his own interests; (2) the Marxian type of
leader who stands for industrial unionism and who points with a triumphant finger
to the giant amalgamations of the miners, railway ser\-ants, and the transport workers
as instruments for the realization of his dreams of Soviet rule; (3) the leader of the
All-Red Doctrinaire Communists. This group has openly repudiated its former
adhesion to the democratic faith, for this party stands for the dictatorship of the
proletariat. The aftermaths of the war on British temperament, the profiteering of
profit-mongers, and constant prolongation of the peace negotiations — all these have
prepared the social fuel for a vast conflagration. So long as trade unionism was used
as a weapon of defense against profiteering, or as machinery for improving the working
conditions, it was a legitimate instrument of industrial progress. But when the same
implement is used against the state to coerce the government in regard to political
questions, it becomes not only illegal but treasonable. — Victor Fisher, The Nineteenth
Century and After, October, 1920. C. N.

Is Industrial Peace Possible? — The world-war has resulted in an intensification
■of that class hatred which was first analyzed by Marx. Labor is beating no longer

670 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

against the introduction of machinery, but against the institution of profit. As the
worker is a wage-slave he is constantly spurred by the fear of unemployment and
he therefore will not continue to produce for private profit. The present industrial
system has only one possible development, namely, the gradual formation of gigantic
trusts on the one hand, and the trade unions with universal membership upon the
other. The whole situation presents the conflict of a sullen revolt and of desperate,
nervous resistance. The present system stands condemned and it can be abolished
by the substitution of a system which will allow present wage-earners to share in
the prosperity of their industry to a far greater extent, and which >ivill eliminate the
objectionable features of fixed wages, possible unemployment, profiteering, and the
sleeping partnership of labor in industrial control. This objective would result in
improvement in status and improvement in income. The right understanding of
the industrial situation and economic education are necessary for the workers and
employers to achieve these ends. The system of co-partnership is the only practi-
cable working out of the gospel of the identity of the interests of all those engaged
in industry. — Colin R. Coote, The Nifieteenth Century and After, September, 1920.

C.N.

Der Familiengerichtshof. — Dr. Fehlinger discusses W. H. Liebman's paper on
"Domestic Relations Courts," read before the conference of Jewish Social Workers in
Atlantic City, 1919. These courts should have complete jurisdiction in the following
cases: (i) desertion and non-support; (2) parental responsibility; (3) juvenile
delinquency as well as all cases of contribution toward it; (4) adoption and guardian-
ship; (5) divorce and alimony. The courts should have full advantage of all medical,
social, psychological, and other expert advice; should maintain their own psychological
stations and should conduct all familial problems in private. Society and not the
individual should be the unit of welfare interest. And the whole atmosphere of the
court should be as little official and as tactfully intimate as possible, using its judicial
authority, even its probation powers, only as a last resort. — Dr. H. Fehlinger,
Zeitschrift fiir Sexualwissenschaft, September, 1920. R. S.

Co-operative Community Building. — The things in which farmers have a common
interest and which every farmer and community ought to foster are: (i) good farming
which lies at the root of good living and of good community building. Every farmer
has a right to expect that his neighbor shall not rob posterity by a soil-depleting
system; (2) good schools are a matter of common interest. Community effort is
necessary to educate public opinion to the needs of rural schools; (3) the betterment
of roads, for they are important for the transit of commodities, persons, and the
exchange of ideas. Communication is the first requisite of any form of social organiza-
tion; (4) good churches are necessary, for good country life depends on well-supported
and ably ministered churches; (5) good recreational facilities for young people and
grown-ups alike. The open country has little organized recreation; (6) the production
of good farm products and of disposing of them honestly adds to personal, social,
and business values alike; (7) the protection of rural government and rural legislation
from the incumbrances which so easily attach themselves to governmental activities;
(8) the dissemination of hygienic and sanitary knowledge. The purpose of rural
organization is so to relate and adjust the forces, organized and unorganized, that
the best economic and social standards of that unit shall be maintained. — Albert
R. Mann, The Southern Workman, August, 1920. C. N.

Infant Welfare Affected by Class Distinctions and National Traits. — The
economic and social status of the mother has a great deal to do with infant welfare.
The rich mother is unwilling to nurse her baby, because it interferes with her social
duties. She can, however, get possible substitutes in place of breast milk. The
poor mother who is anxious to nurse her baby presents the biggest problem. For
financial reasons she must go out of the home to add to the family livelihood. .Accord-
ing to the degree of co-operation they give the physician and nurse the mothers may
be classified into three classes: (i) the American (white) mother who does not present
special problems in connection with infant-welfare work, except those peculiar to
social conditions; (2) the colored mother who presents the problems of extreme

RECENT LITERATURE 671

youthfulness, many of whom are only sixteen or seventeen years of age and the
problem of illegitimacy of children. Besides, from 95 to 98 per cent of colored infants
suffer from rickets in one form or another. Furthermore, the matter of tradition
and superstitution may to a certain extent interfere with good hygiene; (3) the mother
of foreign birth who does not see the necessity of going to see a doctor or nurse with
a well baby. Many foreign mothers have to assist in the earning of a livelihood and
they cannot devote their entire time to their children. Besides the large number of
children among the foreign-born makes their economic problem more acute. — A.
Levinson, Modern Medicine, October, 1920. C. N.

The School as an Agency in Preventing Social Liabilities. — For the purposes
of our discussion we shall divide our problem into five distinctive fields: (i) the
problem of the feeble-minded of whom some states handle only one-tenth of the
known defectives at large. To provide for this group of social defectives the state
program should include a criterion for identification of the feeble-minded, efBcient
state registration, some standard of education, segregation and colonziation, and
public education as regards financial and moral support to limit the drain upon state
resources; (2) the delinquent who presents a complex of environmental conditions,
heredity, mental make-up, and general disposition which makes for anti-social con-
duct. Physiological investigation and research should be used to determine personal
manifestations which are delinquent; (3) the dependent — our public schools have
failed to develop those aptitudes and potentialities which might have made for
efficient living; (4) the psjxhopathic surveys reveal that five out of every one hundred
children present some symptoms of mental maladjustment and yet mental-hygiene
me£isures find no place in our routine handling of children. Preventive mental-
hygiene program should include methods through which defectives can be adequately
studied and encouragement of free activity should replace repressive tendencies;
(5) the gifted child should receive special attention so that there would be no wastage
of human and economic resources. — S. C. Kohs, School mid Society, October, 1920.

C. N.

Rassenbiologie. — Our worship of mechanical and industrial civilization and
the rampant individualism of our age with its complex corollary of immoralities has
a physiologically definitely deteriorating effect upon modern man. To this deteriora-
tion the "policy of the empty cradle" heavilj^ contributes. The author also deplores
the bad eugenic effects of race mixture. He considers the "pure Nordic races" of
a much higher variety than the Balkan race mixture and, especially, than the "blood
chaos" of Middle and South America. Hybridization, industrialization, and also
the "proletarization of the rural stock" are, in his eyes, the causes of race degeneration.
As a remedy he suggests biological research institutes whose eugenic findings should
be given the wide publicity of an educative campaign. — H. Lundberg, Die Umschau,
9. Heft, 1920. B. S.

Reaching the Immigrant through Books. — The extent of the problem of Ameri-
canization can be seen from the following statistics: from July i, 1900, to June i, 1918,
more than 14,000,000 immigrants came into this country. Approximately 75 per
cent of the workers employed in American industries are either foreign-bom or the
children of foreign-born parents. In refining of sugar 85 per cent of wage-earners
are foreign-born; in manufacture of clothing, 72 per cent; in manufacture of agri-
cultural implements, 6 per cent; in iron and steel industries, 58 per cent. We are
agreed that this vast population of alien origin should be imbued as thoroughly as
possible with the best traditions and ideals of America. How shall these men know
what America means to us and what it may mean to themselves and to their children,
unless there is placed before them the story of the first European immigrants and
their struggles with untamed savages and wild beasts and with nature's elementary
forces? This knowledge that is so fundamental can be best acquired through the
medium of books. The interpretation of American institutions and ideals to the
immigrant must involve a somewhat extensive publication of books interpreting
those institutions and ideals in foreign languages. Just as I would not suppress the
foreign-language newspapers, as so many people who seem to me to be misguided

672 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in their patriotism want to do, so I would not discourage the extensive publication
in foreign languages of books which will help to make America understood and beloved
by those who are able only to read those languages. A popular history of America
has recently come oflf the press, printed in Italian and English text on alternate pages.
This idea should be applied extensively to the publication of books intended for
immigrants, at once interpreting America and facilitating their acquisition of America's
language. At least the experiment should be made upon a large enough scale to
determine its value beyond question. Finally, such books should be printed on
cheap paper with paper covers so as to make the price of such books within the
financial reach of the poor immigrant. — John Spargo, American Journal of Education,
September 2, 1920. K. E. B.

Child-Welfare Standards. — A new standard has been proposed by the Children's
Bureau, which goes into some detail. An outline covers the following topics: (i)
Minimum standards for children entering employment: (a) mhiimum age — sixteen
years in all occupations; eighteen years in mines and quarries; twenty-one years
for girls as telephone or telegraph messengers; twenty-one years for special-delivery
service of United States Post-office; prohibition of minors in dangerous, unhealthy,
or hazardous occupations; {b) minwium education — compulsory education for ail
seven to sixteen years for nine months per year. Between sbcteen and eighteen
those legally and regularly employed, compulsory attendance at continuation schools
at least eight hours per week; (c) physical minimum — annual examination of all
working children under eighteen years of age; prohibition from work unless found to
be of normal development for a child of his age and physicallj^ fit for the work at
which he is to be employed; {d) hours — minors not more than eight hours a day
or forty-four hours a week. Time at continuation school to count as part of working
day. Prohibition of night work for minors between 6 p.m. and 7 a.m.; (e) 'u;age
— minimum necessary for "cost of proper living," as determined by a minimum-wage
commission or other similar official board; (/) placement and employment supervision —
adequate provision for advising children when they leave school of the employment
opportunities open to them; supervision during first few years of employment; (g)
employment certificate. (2) Minimum standards for public protection of health of
mothers and children: (a) maternity; (6) infants and pre-school children; (c) school
children; {d) adolescent children. (3) Minimum standards relating to children in
need of special care: (a) adequate income; {b) assistance to mothers; (c) state
supervision; {d) removal of children from their homes; (e) home care; (/) principles
governing child-placing; (g) children in institutions; {h) care of children born out of
wedlock; (i) care of physically defective children; {j) mental hygiene and care of
mentally defective children; {k) juvenile courts; (/) rural social work; (w) scientific
information. (4) General minimum standards: (a) economic and social standards;
(6) recreation; (c) child- welfare legislation. — Julia C. Lathrop, Chief of Children's
Bureau, The Child, August, 1920. K. E. B.

Medical and Allied Professions as a State Service. — At present preventive
medicine is state controlled. Why should not curative medicine also be state con-
trolled? The doctor would then be to the whole public what the club doctor is now
to a section of it. He would be a state official, salaried and pensioned as such. We
should be able to summon a state-paid physician for a broken leg, pneumonia, or
insanity just the same as one can do in Canada in case of measles or diphtheria.
Hospitals would then become state institutions just as prisons, penitentiaries, and
asylums are now. The Indian medical service affords an example of a state-managed
medical service. Promotions, disability pensions, retiring pensions, etc., would be
arranged for as in the civil service. A state medical service would carry out measures
to prevent disease, but the measures would emanate from legislative bodies. It
should advise Congress, county, city councils, and other public bodies. It should
suggest legislation. It should not only treat all the sick but educate the community
in the ways of healthy living. The best advice and treatment would then be placed
within the reach of every person in the community. Because of the expense involved
in modern diagnoses, such as X-ray, chemical tests, sera diagnoses, etc., only the

RECENT LITERATURE 673

well-to-do can afford such medical service. The best medical service should not
continue to be a special privilege of the rich or the gift of charity that pauperizes.
The health of the nation should be looked after in a manner similar to that in which
any other national concern is managed — war, law, trade, agriculture, or fisheries.
If fighting and law are considered such honorable state services, why may the equally
noble profession of medicine not be so considered?

The state service would conserve the health of all our social groups — the army,
navy, civil servants, inmates of prisons, asylums, boys and girls in reformatories,
defective children, the blind, deaf, dumb, immigrants, and, equally important, those
who constitute the "public" in general. Such state service would make present
amateur efforts of supervised health of school children superfluous. A part of such
state service would also be investigation of all problems of public sanitation, such as
adulteration of food; the storing, cleansing, and distribution of water; inspection of
ventilation; quarantine; prophylactic inoculation; etc. It would organize, direct,
and reward research. AH qualified men would become registered in the national
service, the quacks and irregular practitioners would soon be exposed and got rid of.
Osteopaths would become licensed masseurs and nothing else. "Homeopaths" and
"faith-healers" would cease to be because they would not possess the state license
to practice. The pay of all would not be equal; there would be different grades the
same as in the post-ofl&ce department. This is neo-socialism, socialism in excelsis
which has absolutely nothing to do with the socialism of the red tie and the leveling-
down to hopeless vulgarity. Therefore, for this neo-socialism a name is needed;
I would suggest "co-operationism." Individualism, often heroic beyond all de-
scription, was sufiicient for the earlier, ruder, simpler, and smaller communities; but
co-operation, the organized working for the common good, is the goal we aim at in
this newer and truer socialism. — Fraser Harris, M.D., Scientific Monthly, September,
1920. K. E. B.

Americanization. — We have eighteen million children in our public schools today
who are in need of Americanization. We must supply them with red-blooded,
healthy, educated, cultured teachers — American in spirit and training. But we must
not crowd forty or fifty pupils into one badly ventilated and poorly lighted room.
One step further in this process of Americanization is to teach the words and then
translate them into the thought and action of the pupils — "We hold these truths to
be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness." To secure the right to "life" means giving to everyone a square deal.
Do you believe there is a profiteer in America today who did not cheat in the spelling
lessons long ago, or cheat in games, or bully the smaller boys? Liberty! Liberty
in America means that we set people free to live and grow and develop into the best
for which they are intended, and free to be helpful. Let us remind our boys and
girls that liberty does not mean freedom to do as they please. It does mean freedom
to build up and to help. We believe most earnestly in freedom of the press and
freedom of speech. We often hear soap-bo.x orators inciting their hearers to the
verge of treason. But how much less harmful are such men spouting like geysers
on the street than plotting in cellars! Happiness! This does not mean money for
all the "movies" to which we want to go. It does not mean wealth or power or
comforts. It means ability to grow. Happiness for each child means that he shall
have a right to develop his ability and win the respect of the community. It means
that the children give to the son of the Italian street vendor the same rights in class
and on the playground as to the son of the doctor, lawyer, or wealthy manufacturer.
— Jessie L. BurroU, Chief of School Service, National Geographic Society, American
Edtication, October, 1920. K. E. B.

American- Japanese Problem. — The essential cause of the anti- Japanese feeling
that has arisen in some parts of America is not any racial difference or any alien ways
of social life — it is the incompatibility of labor ways and standards. The trouble
is, above all else, economic; and it has arisen out of the so-called human "struggle
for existence." After large numbers of Asiatics came to the Pacific Coast, the slogan
cry became, "We are ruined by Chinese cheap labor." This was an economic, not

674

TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

a mere racial, outburst. It was the protest of American work-people against a struggle
with rivals who underbid them for wages. And they declared, "The Chinese must
go." Later, when Japanese emigration to America began, no one was more welcome
to the country than the Japanese as tourist, official, student, or merchant. There
was no protest of any kind until the Japanese low-class workman came, and gave
reason to have turned against him 1;he same complaint about his success by means of
cheap labor. If the situations were reversed, I am sure that the Japanese would
act similarly to the United States. The Japanese would oppose the incoming into
Japan of hosts of Chinese, or Siamese, or Malays, or Hindoos, who would take a
masterful hold in their factories, in their trades, or in their paddy-fields, and work
these national rescources for all they could produce even at the same wages that the
Japanese themselves are getting. If Japanese labor should once become well
organized at home and brought into a real working co-operation with the organized
labor of the world, so that common standards of wages and living were gained, the
great barriers to an interchange of residence would greatly lessen. If the Japanese
workman should receive in Japan the same wages that he would receive in America,
he would probably not wish to emigrate to America. And if the American workman
should not find a destructive rival in his Japanese neighbor, he would soon see that
his other reasons for opposition would grow much less in importance. — Dr. Clay
MacCauley, Japan Review, October, 1920. K. E. B.

Geburtsriickgang und Gesetzgebung nach dem Kriege. — The author pleads for a
"qualitative attention to the race rather than a quantitative one." He discusses
more the juridical phases and implications of birth-control than the ethical. It is
bad legal psychology to prohibit unenforceable behavior. Besides, the "unborn
fruit of the female body is pars viscerum," and hence woman has a right to protect
her body from conception and its consequences. He also points out that the inter-
national democratic movements, especially the various forms of the socialist movement,
join the men of science in the defense of neo-Malthusianism. (The American Labor
Movement, on the whole, is against neo-Malthusianism.) — Dr. Hirsch-Ulm,^ rcAo^o/ogie
, Krim., 1920, i. Heft, S. 74. B, S.

Vocational Education as a Preventive of Juvenile Delinquency. — Pauperism and
lack of education whereby one may earn an adequate living are the direct causes of a
very large percentage of crime and juvenile delinquency. Nearly 70 per cent of the
children in this country do not get beyond the sixth grade in our public schools.
Ninety per cent of all children in the United States between the ages of fourteen and
sixteen are out of school, and 50 per cent of those have only a fifth-grade education
or less. Most of these children remain out of school because of wrong teaching
methods. Between 70 and 80 per cent of the child labor is due to a distaste on the
part of the child for teacher and school. Most delinquents come from boys who
leave school at or before fourteen years of age. Proper technical and industrial training
would tend to remove many of the causes of pauperism and delinquency. The child
should be trained to work at some useful art. Vocational education directs surplus
energy in useful channels, inhibits habits of licentiousness, or the cravings for excite-
ment and stimulants, establishes a higher plane of living, and creates new and legiti-
mate wants, the satisfaction of which will arouse ambition and promote habits of
industry. Social workers and criminologists were the first to start the campaign for
vocational training. — Arthur Frank Payne, School and Society, November, 1919.

C. N.

Recreation Facts. — The Playground and Recreation Association of America has
attempted to determine how far the war affected the recreation movement in America.
Information secured indicates that 41 cities discontinued work in 19 18, and 172 cities
out of 277 reported that the effect of the war on their work had been unfavorable.
A decrease in playground attendance was due to the following causes: many of the
older children worked in factories; lack of competent leaders; the cutting down of
appropriations; and the use of playground property by war- work agencies. One hun-
dred and five cities reported that the war had not affected them. Five hundred and
seventy-two cities had some form of playground and recreation-center work; eighteen

RECENT LITERATURE 675

communities reported that plans had been affected. In 403 of the 572 cities work
was under paid leadership. Three hundred and ninety-sLx cities employed 8,137
workers, 3,126 men, 4,qo9 women. (In 102 instances sex was not given.) One hun-
dred and twenty-nine cities employed 1,628 workers the year round. A total expendi-
ture of $4,891,601 was reported by 380 cities. In 236 cities the work was supported
by municipal funds, in 69 by municipal and private, in 84 by private, funds; 143 cities
reported 818 playgrounds open and lighted evenings; loi cities conducted evening
recreation work in schools; 86 cities reported 332 buildings for recreational purposes.
— Abbie Condit, Playground, October, 1919. C. N.

Six Months' Americanization in Delaware. — The program for Americanization in
Delaware was first put into operation in September, 1918. It is to be a long-time
program. A survey of the conditions, opportunities, and traditions of the foreigners
is to be made. Night schools, which were realized to be both absolutely necessary
and immediately possible, were started. Some of them were held in public schools
and others in halls lent by the various race groups. The teachers were given
some preliminary training. A simple book was used as a text and the "direct method"
was employed in the classroom. About a thousand foreigners attended the schools
while they were open last winter and spring, but it is e.vpected that twice as many
wiU be present this season. A prime requisite for successful Americanization was
felt to be the interest of the community, as a community, in it. This requisite was
successfully created. Only such committees were appointed as could be assigned
definite work to do. The teachers did "follow-up" work to keep the pupils regular
in their attendance. Some recreation was introduced, but in some cases it proved to
be premature, for the foreigners wanted to learn and not to play. The Board of
Education has now taken over the night schools, and the Service Citizens' Committee
will this season devote itself to Americanization largely through social functions and
recreation. — Bulletin of the Service Citizens of Delaware, September, 1919.

S. C. R.

France's First City-Planning Law. — Under the French planning law passed last
March cities and communes of more than 5,000 inhabitants, within three years of the
promulgation of the law, must have plans formulated concerning (i) the direction,
width, and location of highways, extent and plan of squares, public spaces, reserve
lands, building sites, etc.; (2) a program for the hygienic, archaeological, and aesthetic
servitudes, the height of buildings, provisions for drinking-water, sewers, waste, etc.
Any settlement destroyed by a catastrophe, such as fire or earthquake, may not be
restored until the plans have been approved by the commission.^ A departmental
plaiming commission is composed of local bodies in charge of hygiene, natural sites,
etc., and of four mayors appointed by the state. This commission advises on
(i) municipal schemes, (2) derogations from the general planning principles, (3) inci-
dental aesthetic or hygienic servitudes and other matters. A superior planning com-
mission of thirty members created by the Ministry of the Interior establishes planning
rules and regulations and gives advice on schemes referred to it. A plan must be
submitted (i) to examination by the municipal council; (2) to a preliminary hearing;

(3) to the examination of the departmental planning commission. The municipal
council then gives its decision on the plan, after which the state council or other author-
ity gives its final approval. — Frank Backus Williams, National Municipal Review,
October, 1919. C. N.

An Administrative Ideal in Public Welfare. — The specific functions of a state
department of public welfare should be differentiated into the following bureaus:
(i) a bureau of health, having the duties and powers of a state board of health, and,
in addition, the administration of institutions for the treatment of physical disease
and disability; (2) a bureau of mental hygiene, having the duties and powers of a state
board of insanity and such additional duties as a state program of mental hygiene
may require; (3) a bureau of social work, having the duties and powers of a state
board of charity and such additional duties as the ideals of social work may require;

(4) a bureau of rehabilitation, having the duties of a state board of correction and its
aUied agencies. These bureaus should be co-ordinated with each other within the

676 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

department of public welfare and with other departments of the state. Each should
be autonomous in its own field under the supervision of three expert directors appointed
by the governor of the state. The twelve directors from these several bureaus should
constitute a commission of public welfare, having advisory and supervisory relations
with the several bureaus. In addition this commission should conduct the following
agencies: (i) an agency of research and publicity; (2) an agency of co-operative
community service; (3) an agency of co-operative purchasing. The advantages
claimed for this scheme are: (i) it co-ordinates activities but does not destroy per-
sonal initiative; (2) it is democratic in principle and practice; (3) it promotes the
efficiency of the individual and of the local agency, whose efiiciency and standards
are the measure and limitation of combined achievement. — Owen Copp, American
Journal of Insanity, July, 1919. F. A. C.

Establishment of International Standards of Public Health. — Great Britain and
America both desire an international standard of public health and welfare work.
By the co-operation of these two countries a standard can be established throughout
the world. In fixing a standard there must be a careful analysis of each region;
second, the establishment of a unit of public-health nurse service and the territory
she can conveniently handle; third, the correlation of these on the basis of adaptation
to the region to be handled. To push these standards over the world mil necessitate
constant changes based upon knowledge of the language and of the origin and former
condition of the people to be cared for. In the international scholarships in public
health nursing there is already a beginning. — W. C. White, Lancet, October, 1919.

D. H. K.

Essential Units in the Care of Tuberculosis. — In a complete scheme for the care
of the tuberculous there should be: (i) an improved method of notification to proxade
fuller information regarding the type of the disease and the circumstances of the
patient; (2) an efficient and co-ordinated system of dispensary and domiciliary treat-
ment; (3) the provision of adequate hospital accommodation for acute and advanced
cases of tuberculosis with compulsory powers of removal; (4) the provision of up-to-
date sanitarium accommodation with facilities for the industrial training of patients;
(5) the provision of large hospitals for the conservative treatment of non-pulmonary
tuberculosis, each hospital to serve a large district and population; (6) the pro-
vision of sanitarium accommodation for children and of facilities for open-air instruc-
tion in connection with hospital, sanitarium, and schools; (7) the incorporation in
the scheme of an after-care unit with an emigration and employment bureau; (S) carry-
ing out a comprehensive scheme of scientific investigation and preventive effort with
a view to the control and final abolition of tuberculosis. — H. H. Thomson, Journal
of State Medicine, October, 1919. D. H. K.

The Co-operative Movement in the United States. — The co-operative movement,
or the Rochdale movement, as it is often called, is one of great social significance.
It tends to substitute for the present system of private profit-taking a condition of
society under which every need of life, social and economic, will be supplied by the
united effort of all. While this aim is revolutionary, the method is economic and not
political. The immediate object of the movement is the reduction of the cost of
living by eliminating the profits of the middleman. Certain of the principles of the
Rochdale co-operators, which one authority says must be maintained or invite failure,
are followed by their American successors. They usually provide for unrestricted
membership, shares of low denomination, one man one vote regardless of stock owner-
ship, cash sales of pure foods at prevailing market prices, paj'ment of not more than
a legal rate of interest on share capital, and the return of the "profits" as a dividend to
members in proportion to their patronage. Started in England in 1844 by twenty-
eight weavers, the Rochdale system spread to America in the form of all sorts of
co-operative ventures some of which were purely co-operative, others political, and
some religious. Through bad management and failure to adhere to the Rochdale
principles nearly all of them failed. The most notable examples of successful co-
operation are the California Fruit Growers' Exchange and the various live-stock

RECENT LITERATURE 677

shippers' organizations. Although there are but meager data relative to the extent
of the co-operative movement in the United States, it is estimated that there are
about three thousand consumers' societies, having a combined business of approxi-
matel}' $200,000,000 a year. Most of the societies conform to the open membership
policy, have shares of low denomination, and without exception in the societies studied,
the principle of "one member one vote" is strictly adhered to. Sales are made at
prevailing market rates in order not to incur the hostility of other regular merchants.
Dividends returned to members have ranged from 3 to 13 per cent. Besides the
monetar>' benefit, co-operation has provided other advantages such as a practical
education in business methods, training for citizenship, utilization of the latent abilities
of the workmen, and the habituation of all men to altruistic modes of thought and
conduct. — Florence E. Parker, Monthly Labor Review, March, 1920. C. V. R.

Reactions of Welfare Work on Religious Work. — The war brought thousands of
ministers into contact with the real needs and actual problems of men. The return
of this large body of welfare workers to their former tasks should be accompanied by a
revival of human interests in the sphere of organized religion. There has been a
shifting attitude in these religious workers due to their close contact with human needs.
With them the emphasis passes from doctrine to service and the technique of religion
must be the technique of everyday conduct rather than for specific times and seasons.
The church of today ought to realize her mission as a great agency of social redemption
and that means that the successful minister or church worker must be a practical
sociologist.

The participation of so many religious workers in welfare activities has resulted
in a growing consciousness that the time has come for the church to assume a more
positive attitude toward current problems and movements. Efforts for recreational
and entertainment activities of the community, endeavors in regard to public health,
the redemption of public affairs, the fight against ignorance and economic maladjust-
ment; all these should have a profoundly religious motive. Both the existence and
the sen.'icefulness of the church depends on her ability to adjust herself and to interpret
the gospel to the changing atmosphere. The church should anticipate the world's
need with a liturgy, a hymnolog>', and a gospel that will answer to the awakened
social consciousness. — Angus S. Woodburne, Biblical World, May, 1920. R. G. H.

A Program of Americanization. — To have any program of Americanization we
must agree on the characteristic qualities which constitute the American type. This
type can be distinguished politically and socially. Politically, the American prin-
ciple is that everybody shares in the democracy; socially, the American principle is
that people must work together to accomplish an object, but that each member of the
group retains the right of original opinion and original contribution. The program
of Americanization must include forgetful and indifferent Americans as well as aliens.
To Americanize the alien certain conditions are necessary to insure the best results.
These teachers must be properly trained, adequately paid, and should have a clear
vision of the goal to be reached. The organization of the school must be flexible
as to time and location. It requires likewise the co-operation of newspapers, churches,
boards of trade, as well as the direct and special agencies of education. Aside from
the conscious education of the foreigner in and out of the school there is the other
program for the citizen group. Every real program of Americanization must take in
the whole community as a partner with the school. The plan prepared here looks
to the organization of committees which will undertake to look after the industrial
opportunities in the community, instruction in factories for aliens and citizens, legis-
lation, school finance, use of public facilities for public good, public community activi-
ties, and publicity. The essential thing in Americanization is the creation of a better
community life. — Albert Shiels, American Education, June, 1920. R. G. H.

678

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Adolph, Lucien. Manuel pratique des
Societes en nom collectif et en com-
mandite simple. Paris: Rousseau et
Cie. Pp. 267. 12 fr. 50.

Alden, Percy, and others. Labor and
Industry. New York: Longmans.
Pp. vdii+ZQS. $5.00.

Alston, L. How It All Fits Together.
New York: Button. Pp. 151.

Andrews, L. C. Manpower. New York:
Button. Pp. xii+162. $2.00.

Askwith, Lord. Industrial Problems and
Bisputes. London: Murray. Pp. 494.

215.

Athearn, W., comp. The Maiden Survey.
Religious Survey of Maiden, Mass.
New York: Interchurch Press. Pp.
213. $2.50.

Atkeson, Mary M. The Crossroads
Meetin' House. New York: Inter-
church Press. Pp.39. $0.35.

Austin, Mary. 26 Jane Street. New
York: Houghton. Pp. 353. $2.00.

Babson, R. ReUgion and Business.
NewYork: Macmillan. Pp. 221. $2.75.

Baring-Gould, S. The Evangelical Re-
vival. NewYork: Button. Pp. xvt-|-
360. $6 . 00.

Bamett, A. Foundations of Feminism:
A Critique. New York: McBride.
Pp.345. $2.50.

Barr, M. W., and Maloney, E. F. Types
of Mental Befectives. Philadelphia:
P. Blakiston's Sons. Pp.200. S3. 00.

Bartholomew, Marshall, and Lawrence,
Robert. Music for Everybody. New
York: Abingdon. Pp. 120. $1.00.

Barton, William E. Paternity of Abra-
ham Lincoln. Was He the Son of
Thomas Lincoln ? Essay on Chastity
of Nancy Hanks. New York: Boran.
Pp. xiv-l-414. $4.00.

Bass, John F. The Peace Tangle. New
York: Macmillan. Pp. 345. $3.50.

Beck, James M. The Passing of the New
Freedom. New York: Boran. Pp.
ix 4-169.

Behnsen, Henry, and Genzmer, Werner.
Baluta-Elend und Friedensvertrag.
Zweite, neubearbeitete Auflage. Leip-
zig: Felix Meiner. M. 5.50.

Belton, F. G. Present-Bay Problems in
Christian Morals. Milwaukee, Wis.:
Morehouse Pub. Co. Pp. xvi-|-2o6.

Beman, L. T., comp. Selected Articles
on the Compulsorj' Arbitration and
Compulsory Investigation of Industrial
Bisputes. 4th ed., rev. and enl. New
York: WUson. Pp. U4-303. Si. 25.

Benge, E. J. Standard Practice in
Personnel Work. New York: Wilson.
Pp. 286. S3. 00.

Bettes, Eugene. Sortation Theorj- of
Vaccination. Baltimore : Peoples Print-
ing Co. Pp. 142.

Bjerre, P. The Historj' and Practice of
Psychoanalysis. Translated by Eliza-
beth N. Barrow. Rev. ed. Boston:
Badger. Pp. 349. S4 00.

Blakeslee, G. H., ed. Mexico and the
Caribbean. Clark University Ad-
dresses. New York: Stechert. Pp.
x+363.

Bloomfield, B. Labor Maintenance.
NewYork: Ronald. Pp.520. S5.00.

Bousfield, P. The Elements of Practical
Psychoanalysis. New York: Button.
Pp. 276. $5.00.

Bricker, G. A. The Church in Rural
America. Cincinnati: Standard. Pp.
193. $1.00.

Brown, C. F., ed. The Stonyhurst
Pageants. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
Press. Pp. 302. $3.30.

Brown, I. J. C. The Meaning of
Bemocracy. Chicago: McClurg. Pp.
xi-f-175. $2.00.

Brunhes, J. Human Geography: An
Attempt at a Positive Classification.
New York: Rand, McNally. Pp.
xvi-t-648.

Bumham, A. C. The Community Health
Problem. NewYork: Macmillan. Pp.
149.

Bums, C. B. Principles of Revolution.
London: Allen. Pp. 155. 55.

Calkins, R. The Social Message of the
Book of Revelation. New York:
Womans Press. Pp. 190. $1.00.

Cannons, H. G. T., ed. Bibliography of
Industrial Efficiency and Factory
Management. New York: Button.
Pp. viii-}-i68. $5.00.

Carlton, F. T. History and Problems
of Organized Labor. Revised. New
York: Heath. Pp. xi-l-559.

Casson, H. N. Labor Troubles, and
How to Prevent Them. London:
Efficiency Magazine. Pp. 208.

RECENT LITEILiTURE

679

Chaffee, Zechariah. Freedom of Speech.
New York: Harcourt. Pp. vii-f-

431-

Chancellor, E. B. The Eighteenth
Centur\' in London. Account of Its
Social Life and Arts. New York:
Scribner. Pp, 271. $12.00.

Chapin, F. S. Field Work and Social
Research. New York: Century. Pp.
224. Si. 75-

Church, W. S., and others. Influence of
Heredity on Disease, with Special
Reference to Tuberculosis, Cancer and
Diseases of the Nervous System. New
York: Longmans. Pp. 142.

Cleveland Foundation. Commercial Rec-
reation. Cleveland Recreation Sur-
vey. Cleveland: The Foundation.
Pp. ISO. $0.25.

. Commimity Recreation Program.

Cleveland: The Fovmdation. Pp. iii.
$0.25.

. Delinquency and Spare Time.

Cleveland: The Foimdation. Pp. 184.
$0.25.

. Public Provision for Recreation.

Cleveland: The Foundation. Pp. 193.
$0.25.

. School Work and Spare Time.

Cleveland: The Foundation. Pp. 171.
So. 25.

. The Sphere of Private Agencies.

Cleveland: The Foimdation, Pp. 173.
$0.25.

. Wholesome Citizens and Spare

Time. Cleveland: The Foundation.
Pp. 177. $0.25.

ColHns, M. T. Some Modern Concep-
tions of Natural Law. New York:
Longmans. Pp. v-l-104. $1.00.

Commons, J. R., and Andrews, J. B.
Principles of Labor Legislation. Rev.
ed. New York: Harper. Pp. 559.
$2.75.

Compere-Merel. Le Socialisme agraire.
Paris: Riviere. Pp. 176. 9 fr.

Conference of Social Work. Forty-
seventh Annual Session. New Orleans,
1920. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press. Pp. v-f-521.

Cooke, G. W. Social Revolution of
Religion. Boston: Stratford. Pp.
416. $3.50.

Coombs, J. W. Making of Men. Lon-
don: Seeley. Pp. 354. 105. 6d.

Coriat, I. H. Repressed Emotions. New
York: Brentano. Pp. 213. S2.00.

Crawford, L. W. Vocations within the
Church. New York: Abingdon. Pp.
211. $1.25.

Cross, A. L. A Shorter History of
England and Greater Britain. Rev.
ed. New York: Macmillan. Pp.
xxvi-t-942.

Cruikshank, A. B. Popular Misgovern-
ment in the United States. New York:
Moffat. Pp. 455. $3.00.

Cubberly, E. P. History of Education.
Educational Practice and Progress
Considered as Phase of Development
of Western Civilization. Boston:
Houghton. Pp. xxi+849. $3.75.

. Readings in the History of

Education. Boston: Houghton. Pp.
xxi-l-648. $3.75.

Culpin, M. Spiritualism and the New
Psychology. An Explanation of Spiritu-
alist Phenomena and Beliefs in Terms
of Modern Knowledge. New York:
Longmans. Pp. xvi-l-159. $2.00.

Cushman, A. S. Chemistry and Civiliza-
tion. Boston: Badger. Pp. 151.
$2 . 50.

Daniels, J. America via the Neighbor-
hood. New York: Harper. Pp. 462.
$2.00.

Dasent, A. I. Piccadilly in Three
Centuries. With Some Account of
Berkeley Square and the Haymarket.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. 318.
$7 00.

Davis, E. E. The Twentieth Century
Rural School. Indianapolis: Bobbs-
Merrill. Pp. vi+242. $1.75.

Dealy, J. Q. Sociology, Development
and Application. New York: Apple-
ton. Pp. xv-f-547. $3.00.

Ditchfield, P. H. Old ViUage Life.
Glimpses of village life through all ages.
New York: Dutton. Pp. xii+253.
$2.50.

Dole, C. F. A ReUgion for the New
Day. New York: Huebsch. Pp. 297.
$2 .00.

Dow, G. S. Introduction to the Princi-
ples of Sociology. A textbook for
colleges and universities. Waco, Tex.:
Baylor Univ. Press. Pp. 505. $2.75.

Drachsler, J. Democracy and Assimila-
tion. The blending of immigrant
heritages in America. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. xii-F2 75. S3. 00.

Drake, D. Shall We Stand by the
Church? New York: Macmillan.
Pp. 181. $2.00.

Dunn, A. W., and Harris, H. M. Citizen-
ship in School and Out. New York:
Heath. Pp. 144. So. 80.

Dunning, Wm. A. History of Political
Theories from Rousseau to Spencer.

68o

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

New York: Macmillan. Pp. ix+446.
$4.00.

Ellis, Havelock. The New Spirit. New
York: Boni & Liveright. Pp. ix+292.
So. 95.

Feldman, W. M. The Principles of Ante-
natal and Post-natal Child Physiology.
New York: Longmans. Pp. x.xvii-|-
694. Sio.5onet.

Fenwick, C. G. Political Systems in
Transition. Wartime and After. New
York: Century. Pp. xi.x+322. S3. 00.

Femald, M. R., and Hayes, M. H. S.
A Study of Women Delinquents in
New York State. New York : Century.
Pp. xviii4-542.

Fielding, W. J. Sanity in Sex. New
York: Dodd. Pp.333- Si-75-

Fields, G. C. Guild SociaUsm: A
Critical Examination. London : Gard-
ner. Pp. 158. 55.

Filene, Catherine. Careers for Women.
Boston: Houghton. Pp. xv+576.
$4 . 00.

Finch, 'SI. B., and Peers, E. A. Origms of
French Romanticism. New York:
Button. Pp. xv+303. $6.00.

Flewelling, R. T. Bergson and Personal
Realism. New York: Abingdon. Pp.
304. $2.00.

Flynn, J. S. The Influence of Puritanism
on the Political and Religious Thought
of the English. New York: Button.
Pp. viii+257. $4.00.

Fosdick, R. B. American Police Systems.
New York: Century. Pp. x-l-408.

Frachtenberg, Leo J. Alsea Texts and
Myths. Bulletin of Bureau of Ameri-
can Ethnology. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. 304.

Freud, S. Selected Papers on Hysteria
and Other Neuroses. Third enlarged
edition, authorized translation by Brill.
New York: Nervous and Mental
Bisease Publishing Co. Pp. v-l-225.

Galeot, A.-L. Prdcis de I'organisation
theorique et pratique. Paris: Nou-
velle Libraire Nationale. Pp. 208.
7fr.

Galin, L. Justice et Syst^me penal de
la Russie revolutionnaire de I'origine
au debut de 1920. Paris: Rousseau
et Cie. Pp. 117. 6 fr. 50.

Galland, W. H. Diseases of Infancy and
Childhood. Chicago: Brake. Pp. 348.
$1 . 50.

. Maternity and Child Care.

Chicago: Brake. Pp. 286. Si. 50.

. Proper Feeding of Infants. Chi-
cago: Brake. Pp. 296. $1.50.

Gibson, W. Coal in Great Britain.
Composition, Structure and Resources
of the Coalfields,Visible and Concealed.
New York: Longmans. Pp. \-iii-^-3ii.

S7-50-
Gide, Ch. Les Institutions de progres

social. Paris: Libr. de la Societe du

Recueil Sirey. Pp. 612. 12 fr.
Ginsburg, C. B. The Kabbalah: Its

Boctrines, Bevelopment, and Litera-
ture. New York: Bloch. Pp. 150.

$2.25.
Girl Scouts. Campward Ho. 189

Le.xington Ave., New York: The

Scouts. Pp. 192. $1.25.
GlaspeU, Susan. Plays. Boston: Small,

Maynard. Pp. 315.
Goodrich, Carter L. The Frontier of

Control. A Study of British Workshop

PoUtics. New York: Harcourt. Pp.

xvi+277.
Griscom, E., Jr. Americanization. School

reader and speaker. New York:

Macmillan. Pp. 255. Si. 00.
Guilford, E. L. Nottingham. New

York: Macmillan. Pp. \'i-|-i2i.

$1.60.
Hall, Arnold B. Bynamic Americanism.

Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. Pp. 335.
Hall, G. Stanley. Morale: The Supreme

Standard of Life and Conduct. New

York: Appleton. Pp. ix -1-378. S3. 00.
. Recreations of a Psychologist.

New York: Appleton. Pp.336. S2.50.
Harris, J. H. Africa, Slave or Free. New

York: Button. Pp. xxi+261. S3. 00.
Hart, J. K. Community Organization.

New York: Macmillan. Pp. 230.

S2.50.
Haskell, Oreola W. Banner Bearers.

Tales of Suffrage Campaigns. Geneva,

N.Y.: W. F. Humphrey. Pp. 350.

Si. 50.
Henry, R. M. The Evolution of Sinn

Fein. New York: Huebsch. Pp. 318.

$2 . 00.

Hericourt, J. The Social Biseases,
Tuberculosis, Syphilis, .Alcoholism, Ste-
rility. Translated by B. Miall. New
York: Button. Pp. x-l-246. S2.50.

Hicks, F. C. The New Worid Order.
New York: Boubleday. Pp. viii-l-496.

Hingham, C. F. Looking Forward.
Mass Education Through Publicity.
New York: Knopf. Pp. 201. S2.00.

Hirsch, Max. An Analysis of the
Proposals and Conceptions of Socialism.
Three addresses. New York: Huebsch.
Pp. 59. $0.50.

RECENT LITERATURE

68i

Hobson, J. A. Morals of Economic
Internationalism. Boston: Houghton.
Pp. 62. $1 .00.

Hollingsworth, Harry L. The Psy-
chology of Functional Neuroses. New
York: Appleton. Pp. .xiii4-259.
S2.00.

Hoschiller, Max. Le Mirage du soviet-
isme. Paris: Payot et Cie. Pp. 256.
7 fr. 50.

Himtington, E., and Gushing, S. W.
Principles of Human Geography. New
York: Wiley. Pp. xiv4-430. $2.50.

Husslein, J. C. Evolution and Social
Progress. New York: Kennedy. Pp.
viii+287. $1.75.

James, William. Gollected Essays and
Reviews. New York: Longmans.
Pp. X+S16. $3.75-

Janet, Pierre M. F. Major Systems of
Hysteria. 2d ed. with new material.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. 345.

$2.75-

Johnson, G. F., and others. Management
and the Worker. Chicago: Shaw.
Pp. 228. $3.00.

Jones, William. Ojibwa Texts. Publi-
cation of American Ethnological So-
ciety. New York: Stechert. $8.00.

Kansas Public Utilities Commission.
Kansas Public Utilities and Railroad
Law Relative to the Public Utilities
Commission. Topeka: The Com-
mission. Pp. 241.

Kautsky, Karl. Comment s'est d^clen-
chee la guerre mondiale. Paris:
Costes. 10 fr.

Kautz, Johnl. Trucking to the Trenches.
New York: Houghton. Pp. vii-t-173.
$1 .00.

Keith, J. A. H., and Bagley, W. C.
The Nation and the Schools. A study
in the application of the principle of
federal aid to education in the United
States. New York: Macmillan. Pp.
xvii-l-364. $2.25.

Kempf, E. J. Psychopathology. St.
Louis: C. V. Mosby. Pp. xxiii-l-762.

Kirkaldy, A. W. Industry and Finance.
The results of inquiries arranged by the
section of economic science and
statistics of the British Association,
1918, 1919. New York: Pitman. Pp.
viii-l-150. $2.10.

. Wealth. Its Production and

Distribution. New York: Button.
Pp. 147. $2.25.

Kraepelin, Emil. Manic-Depressive In-
sanity and Paranoia. Translated
by Mary Barclay. Chicago: Chi-

cago Medical Book Co. Pp. 280.
$6 . 00.

Kroeber A. L., and Waterman, T. T.
Source Book in Anthropology. Ber-
keley, Gal.: University of California
Press. Pp. 565.

Lachapelle, G. La Society des nations.
Paris: Toustan. 2 fr. 50.

La Motte, E. N. Opium Monopoly.
New York: Macmillan.

Lane-Claypon, J. E. Child Welfare
Movement. London: Bell. Pp. 341.

IS.

Lansbury, G. What I Saw in Russia.

New York: Boni & Liveright. Pp.

xvii-fi72. $1.50.
Lapage, C. P. Feeblemindedness in

Children of School Age. 2d ed. New

York: Longmans. Pp. xv-l-309.

$4 . GO.

Lawrence, D. H. Women in Love. New
York: Seltzer. Pp. 536. $15.00.

Lawson, F. M. Industrial Control.
New York: Pitman. Pp.130. d,s.6d.

Lehrfeld, Louis. Short Talks on Personal
and Community Health. Philadelphia:
F.A.Davis. Pp.271. $2.00.

Loeb, Sophie I. Everyman's Child.
New York: The Century Co. Pp.
286.

Loose, Harry J. The Shamus. A real
detective's story. Boston: Christo-
pher. Pp. 296. $2.00.

Loria, Achille. Karl Marx. Authorized
translation from the Italian. New
York: Seltzer. Pp. 161. $1.50.

Lubschez, B. J. Story of the Motion
Picture. 727 7th Ave., New York:
Reeland Pub. Co. $1.00.

Lynd, Robert. Passion of Labour.
London: Bell. Pp. 206. 6s.

MacDonald, J. R. Policy for the
Labour Party. London: Parsons.
Pp. 188. 45. bd.

Marriott, C. Modem Movements in
Painting. New York: Scribner. Pp.
xii-l-268. $7.50.

Martin, E. D. Behavior of Crowds. A
Psychological Study. New York:
Harper. Pp. 311. $2.00.

Marx, Magdeline. Woman. New York:
Seltzer. Pp. viii-l-228.

Mason, William A. A History of the
Art of Writing. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. 502. $6.50.

Masterman, J. H. B. Birmingham.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. 106.
$1.60.

Mathews, Basil, ed. Essays on Voca-
tion. NewYork: Oxford Press. Pp.128.

682

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

McKim, W. M. A Study for the Times.
An inquiry into thought and motive.
New York: Putnam. Pp. vii+324.

$2. 50.

Mendelssohn, Sidney. The Jews of
Africa. Especially in the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. New York:
Button. Pp. xiii+199. $4.00.

Merriam, C. E. American Political
Ideals. Development of American
political thought, 1865-1917. New
York: Macmillan. Pp. 475. $2.75.

Miller, D. H. International Relations
of Labor. Lectures before summer
school of theology at Harvard Uni-
versity, June 1920. New York:
Knopf. Pp. 77. $1.50.

Mordell, Albert. The Erotic Motive in
Literature. New York: Boni &
Liveright. Pp. v+250. $1.75.

Morel, E. D. The Black Man's Burden.
New York: Huebsch. Pp. x+241.
$1.50.

Moulton, H. G. Financial Organization
of Society. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press. Pp. xxiii-l-789. $4.00.

Munson, F. M. Hygiene of Commimi-
cable Diseases. Handbook for sani-
tarians, medical officers of the army
and navy, and general practitioners.
New York: Hoeber. Pp. xiv-l-793.
$5-50.

Murphy, John J., and others. The
Housing Famine. How to End It.
New York: Dutton. Pp. xvi-f-246.
$2.50.

Myerson, Abraham. Nervous House-
wife. Boston: Little. Pp. 273.
$2.25.

Nearing, Scott. The American Empire.
New York: Rand School of Social
Science. Pp. 266. $0.50.

New York Probation Committee. Thir-
teenthAnnualReportfori9i9. Albany:
State Library. Pp. 560.

New York State Industrial Commission.
Industrial Code, 1920. Albany: The
Commission. Pp. 245.

O'Hare, Kate Richards. In Prison.
Box 1033, St. Louis, Mo.: Frank
P. O'Hare. Pp. 59. $0.25.

Okakura, K. Ideals of the East with
Special Reference to the Art of Japan.
New York: Dutton. Pp.227. $300.

Page, Thomas N. Italy and the World
War. New York: Scribner. Pp.
xii-f422. $5.00.

Park, Joseph H. The English Reform
Bill of 1867. New York: Longmans.
Columbia University Studies. Pp. 285.

Patten, William. The Grand Strategy
of Evolution. The social philosophy
of a biologist. Boston: Badger. Pp.
x\dii-(-43o. S5.00.

Payne, Fanny U. Plays and Pageants
of Citizenship. New York: Harper.
Pp. 222. $1.50.

Peck, W. G. From Chaos to Catholicism.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. 251.
$3.00.

Perry, R. B. Aimotated Bibliography
of the Writings of William James.
New York: Longmans. Pp. 69.
$2.25.

Phelan, J. Readings in Rural Sociology.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. xiv-}-632.
$4.00.

Phelps-Stokes Fund. Negro Migration.
Changes in rural organization and
population of the cotton belt. New
York: W. D. Gray. Pp. 195.

Press Debates Association. Debate
between Samuel Gompers and Hetuy
J. Allen. Carnegie Hall, New York,
May 28, 1920. New York: Dutton.
Pp. v-(-io5.

Price, C. W., and others. Working
Conditions, Wages and Progress. Chi-
cago: Shaw. Pp. 254. $3.00.

Prince, Morton. The Dissociation of a
Personality. A biographical study in
abnormal psychology. New York:
Longmans. Pp. x-}-575. $4.00.

Prince, S. H. Catastrophe and Social
Change. Based on a sociological
study of the Halifax disaster. New
York: Longmans. Pp. 151. $2.25.

Queen, S. A. Passing of the County
Jail. Menasha, Wis.: Banta. Pp.
158. $1.50.

Rapeer, L. W. Consolidated Rural
School. New York: Scribner. Pp.
545- $3 00.

Re-Bartlett, Lucy. Le Regne 4 venir.
Paris: Fischbacher. Pp. 136. 5 fr.

Reid, G. A. Prevention of Venereal
Disease. London: Heinemann. Pp.
447- 15^-

Rhodes, H. G. American Towns and
People. New York: McBride. Pp.
274. $3.50.

Ripley, G. S. Games for Boys. New
York: Holt. Pp. xv-l-256. $1.60,

Rivers, W. H. R. Instinct and the
Unconscious. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. viii-{-252.

Robbins, H. The Making of To-morrow:
The Art of Industrial Right Liv-
ing. New York: Dutton. Pp. 176.
$2 .00.

RECENT LITERATURE

683

Roberts, Peter. Problem of Americaniza-
tion. New York: Macmillan. Pp.
ix+246. Si. 60.

Robie, Walter F. Sex and Life. 2d
ed. Boston: Badger. Pp.424. $7.50.

Rowe, L. S. Early Effects of the War
upon the Finance, Commerce, and
Industry of Peru. Carnegie Endow-
ment for International Peace. New
York: O.xford University Press. Pp.
v4-6o.

Russell, Bertrand. Bolshevism: Practice
and Theory. New York: Harcourt.
Pp. 192. $2.00.

Russell Sage Foundation. The Spring-
field SurveJ^ Social Conditions in an
American City. Vol. III. New York:
The Foundation. Pp. xii+439.

Ryan, John. Social Reconstruction.
New York: Macmillan. Pp. 242.
$2 . 50.

Ryan, John A., and Husslein, Jos. The
Church and Labor. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. xvii4-303. $3.75.

Saunders, K. J. Gotama Buddha.
Biography Based on the Canonical
Books of the Theravadin. New York:
Association Press. Pp. xii-f-ii3.
$1.50.

Schneiderman, H., ed. The American
Jewish Year Book. Sept. 13, 1920, to
Oct. 2, 1 92 1. Philadelphia: Jewish
Pub. Society of America. Pp. X+S04.
$2.00. .

Schofield, A. S. The Mind of a Woman.
New York: Button. Pp.120. $1.50.

Sears, J. B., and others. The Boise
Survey. A concrete study of the
administration of a city school system.
Yonkers, N.Y.: World Book Co.
Pp. viii-i-290. $2.25.

Secrist, H. Readings and Problems in
Statistical Methods. New York:
Macmillan. Pp. 427. $2.25.

Shackleton, R. The Book of Chicago.
Philadelphia: Penn. Pp. 354- S3. 50.

Sheffield, A. E. Social Case History.
New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Pp. 227. Si .00.

Slatter>', Margaret. Highway to Leader-
ship. New York: Macmillan. Pp. 143.
$1 50.

Smith, C. R. The Bible Doctrine of
Society in Its Historical Evolution.
New York: Scribner. Pp. xviii-l-400.
$4.50.

Smith, William H. Children by Chance
or by Choice. And Some Correlated
Considerations. Boston: Badger. Pp.
361. $4.00.

Snedden, D. Vocational Education.

New York: Macmillan. Pp. ix-t-587.
Steiner, Rudolf. Le Triple aspect de la

question sociale. Paris: Fischbacher.

Pp. 136. 5 fr.
Taft, William H. Taft Papers on the

League of Nations. New York:

Macmillan. Pp. xx+340. $4.50.
Tawney, R. H. The Acquisitive Society.

New York: Harcourt. Pp. 188.
Tayler, Reginald. Socialist Illusion,

Being a Critical Review of the Prin-
ciples of State Socialism. London:

Allen. Pp. 137. 3.y. 6d.
Thomas, Edward. Industry, Emotion,

and Unrest. New York: Harcourt.

Pp. iv+25s.
Thomas, G. The Development of

Institutions under Irrigation. Special

reference to early Utah conditions.

New York: Macmillan. Pp. 293.

$2.75.
Thomas, J. H. When Labour Rules.

London: Collins. Pp. 204. 10s.
Thompson, C. B. Mental Disorders

Briefly Described and Classified. 10 E.

Centre St., Baltimore: Warwick &

York. Pp. 48. $0.75.
Torelle, Ellen. The Political Philosophy

of Robert M. La Follette. Madison,

Wis.: The Robert M. LaFollette Co.

Pp. 426.
Tracy, F. Psychology of Adolescence.

New York: Macmillan. Pp. x+246.

$3 . 00.
Varney, J. Sketches of Soviet Russia.

Whole Cloth and Patches. New York:

Brown. Pp. 288. $2.25.
Vinogradoff, Paul. Outlines of Historical

Jurisprudence. Vol. I. Introduction.

Tribal Law. New York: Oxford

Press. Pp. ix-l-427.
Vorse, M. H. Men and Steel. New

York: Boni & Liveright. Pp. 185.

$1 .00.
Walsh, James J. Religion and Health.

Boston: Little. Pp.341. $2.25.
Warne, F. J. The Workers at War.

New York: Century. Pp. 250.
Wasserman, J. The World's Illusion.

Authorized Translation by Ludwig

Lewisohn. New York: Harcourt.

Pp. 405. $4.00.
Webb, J. P. American Prison System.

Salem, Ore.: State Penitentiary Print-

ery. Pp. 262.
Webb, S., and Webb, B. P. Industrial

Democracy. Edition of 1920. New

York: Longmans. Pp. xxxix-l-899.

$7-50.

684

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Wells, H. G. The Outline of History.
New York: Macmillan. 2 vols.
Pp. .\ix+648; x+676. $10.50.

Westlake, H. F. Parish Guilds of
Medieval England. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. 242. $4.80.

.Withington, R. English Pageantr>'. A
historical outline. Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard Univ. Press. Pp.441. $6.00.

Wood, George A. William Shirley,
Governor of Massachusetts, 1 741-1756.
New York: Longmans. Pp. 433.

Woofter, T. J., Jr. Negro Migration.
New York: Gray. Pp. 195. $2.25.
Paper, Si. 50.

Wright, T. G. Literary Culture in Early
New England, 1620-1730 (ed. by his
wife). New Haven: Yale Press.
Pp. 322. S6.00.

Young, P. N. F., and Ferrers, Agnes.
India in Conflict. London: Society
for the Promotion of Christian Knowl-
edge. Pp. 153. 35. 6d.

PAMPHLETS

American Civil Liberties Union. Since
the Buford Sailed. New York: The
Union. Pp. 14. $0.05.

American Jewish Commission. Public
Statement. New York: The Com-
mission. Pp. 4.

American Social Hygiene Association.
A History and a Forecast. New York :
The Association. Pp. 16.

Anderson, B. M., Jr. The Fallacy of
"The Stabilized Dollar." New York:
Chase National Bank. Pp. 16.

Babson, Roger W. Fundamentals of
Prosperity. What They Are and
Whence They Come. New York:
Revell. Pp. 95.

Blachly, C. D. Treatment of the
Problem of Capital and Labor in
Social-Study Courses in the Churches.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Pp. 81.

Brissenden, P. F., and Frankel, Emil.
Mobility of Industrial Labor. New
York: Columbia University Academy
of Political Science. Pp. 34.

British Ministry of Labour. Report of
the Committee of Enquiry into the
Work of the Employment Exchanges.
London: H. M. Stationery Ofl&ce.
Pp. 32. 4^.

Cause of the World Unrest. London:
Richards. Pp. 269. 105. td.

City Club of New York. The Housing
Crisis. Memorandum prepared for the
special session of the New York
Legislature. New York: The Club.
Pp. 13.

Clark, Willis W. Success Record of
Delinquent Boys in Relation to
Intelligence. Whittier State School,
Whittier, Cal.: The Journal of Delin-
quency. Pp. 9.

Cleveland Hospital Council. Popular
Summar>'of the Cleveland Hospital and

Summary of the Cleveland Hospital
and Health Survey. Cleveland: The
Covmcil. Pp. 26.

DeVilbiss, L. A. Child Welfare in
Syracuse. Syracuse, N. Y. : Child
Welfare Committee. Pp. 90. $0.25.

Douglas, D. W. American Minimimi
Wage Laws at Work. New York:
National Consumers' League. Pp. 41.
$0. 10.

Eliot, C. W. Friendship between the
United States and Japan. Portland,
Ore. : Japanese Merchants' Assoc. Pp.

Emmott, Lord. Nationalization of In-
dustries. London: Unwin. Pp. 76.
2^.

Espinoza, Roberto. Sobre Algunas In-
vestigaciones de Don Alejandro E.
Bunge. Respecto al alza del costo de
la vida en la Arjentina i sus causas.
Santiago De Chile: Soc. Imp. i Lit.
"Universo" Agustinas, 1250. Pp. 62.

Federated Jewish Charities of Boston.
The Trend of Jewish Population in
Boston. Boston: The Je\vish Chari-
ties. Pp. 28.

Fosdick, R. B. Crime in America and
the Police. New York: Centurj\

Pp. 54.

Fuller, Elizabeth. The Mexican Hous-
ing Problems in Los Angeles. Los
Angeles: University of Southern Cali-
fornia. Pp. II.

Gilbreth, F. B., and Gilbrcth, L. M.
Time Study and Motion Studj' as
Fundamental Factors in Planning
and Control. An indictment of stop-
watch time study. 68 Eagle Rock
Way, Montclair,' N.J.: Frank B.
Gilbreth. Pp. 15.

Gulick, S. L. How Shall Immigration
Be Regulated ? New York : National

RECENT LITERATURE

68s

Committee for Constructive Immi-
gration Legislation. Pp. i6.

Hmes, L. N. The School as the Center
of Community Life. The story of the
work of the Summitville school,
Simimitville, Indiana. Indianapolis:
L. N. Hines, State Supt. of Public
Instruction. Pp. 28.

Hirsch, Max. Analysis of the Proposals
and Conceptions of Socialism. New
York: Huebsch. Pp. 59. So. 50.

Hoffman, P. M., Coroner of Cook
County, Illinois. The Race Riots.
Biennial Report, 1918-1Q19, and
Official Record of Inquests on the
Victims of the Race Riots of July
and .August, 1919. Chicago: The
Coroner. Pp. 126.

Holmes, J. H. Two Years after the
War. New York: Communitv Church.
Pp. 28. $0.10.

Holvoke National Bank, Holyoke, Mass.
The "Holyoke National Way" of
Sol\Tng the Housing Problem. Hol-
yoke: The Bank. Pp. 29.

Horack, F. E. Child Legislation in
Iowa. Iowa City: University of
Iowa. Pp. 36.

House of Kuppenheimer. Facts versus
Fables about the Present Cost of Good
Clothing. Chicago: The House. Pp.

37.

Howe, F. C. Why Workers and Farmers
Should Organize Banks of Their Own
and How They Can Manage Them.
Washington: American Farmer-Labor
Co-operative Committee. Pp. 9.

Hylan, J. F. Stumbling Blocks Which
Appear to Stand in the Way of an
Effective Administration of the Penal
Law in New York City. New York:
Police Department. Pp. 7.

Inge, William R. The Idea of Progress.
Romanes Lecture, May 27, 1920.
New York: O.xford Press. Pp. 34.
So. 90.

Invin, Will. Conquering an Old Enemy.
New York: American Hygiene Associa-
tion. Pp. 13.

Johnson, J. W. Self-determining Haiti.
New York: The Nation. Pp. 48.
«o.2S.

Jusserand, J. J. The Economic Situation
in France. An address by the French
Ambassador before the Academy of
Political Science, New York, Dec. 9,
1920. 2 Rector St., New York:
Jean De Sieyes. Pp. 5.

Kansas Agricultural College. Agricul-
tural Experimental Station. Co-opera-

tion Applied to Marketing by Kansas
Farmers. Manhattan: The College.
Pp. 61.

Karnell, Minnie K. L. The American
Home. A Pageant. Philadelphia:
Westminster Press. Pp. t6. $0.20.

Levermore, C. H. Comparison of the
Responsibility of Governors to the
Governed under Russian Sovietism
and American Democracy. 70 sth
Ave., New York: New York Peace
Society. Pp. 2.

Lloyd, Ernest F. The Closed Union
Shop versus the Open Union Shop:
Their Social and Economic Value
Compared. Boston: The National
Industrial Conference Board. Pp. vi
+ 27.

Macara, C. W. Industrial Council:
Procedure in Settlement of Labor
Disputes. London : Financial Review
of Reviews. Pp. 16. 6d.

Mangold, G. B. Social Reform in
Missouri, 1820-1920. Columbia, Mis-
souri: State Historical Society. Pp.
22.

McMurtie, D. C. Essentials of a
National System for Rehabilitation of
Disabled Service Men of American
Forces. 311 Fourth Ave., New York:
The Author. Pp. 23.

National Federation of Settlements.
Report and Forecast, 1920. Boston:
The Federation. Pp. 5.

Nearing, Scott. New Slavery, or the
World Made Safe for Plutocracy.
Chicago: Socialist Party. Pp. 45.
So. 10.

. One Big Union of Business.

New York: Rand Book Store. Pp.32.
So. 10.

Nelles, Walter. Seeing Red. Civil
liberty and law in the period following
the war. New York: American Civil
Liberties Union. Pp. 11.

New Jersey Dept. of Health, Bureau of
Child Hygiene. Bibliography on the
Care and Feeding of Infants and
Children. Trenton, N.J. : The Bureau.
Pp. 15.

New Jersey Department of Public
Instruction. Teaching of Social
Studies Including History. Trenton:
The Department. Pp. 141-

Nineteen-Sixteen-Nineteen-Twenty : The
Lloyd George Coalition in War and
Peace. London: Gooding. Pp. 183.

15.

North Carolina State Commission of
Public Welfare. County Homes in

686

TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

North Carolina. Raleigh, N.C.: The
Commission. Pp. 8.

Oregon Department of Education. In-
dustrial Club Work of Oregon Boys
and Girls. Salem: State Library.
Pp. 48.

Pennsylvania Department of Labor and
Industry. Rulings of the Industrial
Board Pertaining to Women in In-
dustry'. Harrisburg: State Library.
Pp. 130.

Public Ownership in Canada. Ottawa:
Citizens' Research Institute of Canada.
Pp. 8.

Rand School for Social Science. Political
Guide for the Workers. Chicago:
Socialist Party. Pp. 183.

Randall, J. H. Can We Still Believe in
Progress? New York: Community
Church. Pp.23. So. 19.

Rockefeller Foundation. International
Health Board. Hookworm and Mala-
ria Research in Malaya, Java, and
the Fiji Islands. New York: The
Foundation. Pp. 191.

Rohleder, Grace I. Woman on the
Bench. Washington, D.C.: Fairview
Pub. Co. Pp. 32. $1.00.

Root, Elihu. Address on the Permanent
Court of International Justice. New
York: Association of the Bar of the
City of New York. Pp. 15. $0.25.

Rorty, M. C. Making Statistics Talk.
New York: American Telephone and
Telegraph Co. Pp. 8.

Rushmore, Elsie M. A Bibliography for
Social Workers among the Foreign
Residents of the United States. New
York: Young Women's Christian
Association. Pp. 33.

Russell Sage Foundation. Juvenile De-
linquency: A Bibliography. New
York: The Foundation. Pp. 3.

Salmon, T. W. Some New Problems for
Psychiatric Research in Delinquency.
New York: The National Committee
for Mental Hygiene. Pp. 14.

Sarker, B. K. Hindu Art. Its Human-
ism and Modernism. An Introductory
Essay. New York: Huebsch. Pp.44.
$0.75.

Secretary of Labor. Eighth Annual
Report. For the fiscal year ended
June 30, 1920. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. 266.

South Carolina State Board of Public
Welfare. Feeblemindedness and Its
Care in South Carolina. Columbia,
S.C: The Board. Pp. 28.

Southard, E. E. The Functions of a
Psychopathic Hospital. New York:
The National Committee for Mental
Hygiene. Pp. 16.

Spaulding, Edith R. Three Cases of
Larceny in Which the Antisocial
Behavior Appeared to Represent an
Effort to Compensate for Emotional
Repression. New York: National
Committee for Mental Hygiene. Pp.
21.

St. Louis Chamber of Commerce.
Development Service. St. Louis: The
Chamber. Pp. 27.

Streit, C. K. "Where Iron Is, There Is
the Fatherland!" New York: Huebsch.
Pp.52. $0.50.

Texas Board of Health. Bureau for
Sanitary Engineering: Program for a
Town Clean-Up Campaign. Austin:
State Library. Pp. 4.

. Bureau of Venereal Diseases.

Out-ostriching the Ostrich. Austin:
State Library. Pp. 15.

Union of South Africa. Comr. of
Mentally Disordered and Defective
Persons. Cape Town, South Africa:
Cape Times Ltd., Government Printers.
Pp. 51. 45.

U.S. Bureau of Educational Health
Training for Teachers. The Role of
Normal and Training Schools in the
Advancement of Health Education.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.

IS-

U.S. Bureau of Efficiency. Report for
Nov. I, 1919, to Oct. 31, 1920. Wash-
ington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 23.

U.S. Bureau of Mines. Methods for the
Judging of First-Aid Contests. Wash-
ington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 3.

U.S. Children's Bureau. Summary of
Juvenile Court Legislation in the
United States. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. no.

U.S. Library of Congress. List of
Bibliographies on Social Surveys.
Washington: The Library. Pp. 3.

U.S. Public Health Service. Study of
the Relation of Diet to Pellagra
Incidence in Seven Textile-mill Com-
munities of South Carolina in 19 16.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 69.

. Can the Mosquito Convey

Infection from a Malaria Patient
Undergoing Treatment ? Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 7.

. Questions and Answers on Tuber-
culosis, by B. K. Hays. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 10.

RECENT LITERATURE

687

Weaver, E. W. Distribution of Labor
Recruits. 347 Madison Ave., New
York: United Y.M.C.A. Schools.
Pp. 23. $0.20.

Wisconsin Board of Health. Wisconsin
Rural School. Madison: The Board.

Pp- 35-
Woods, Amy. Social Effects of Prohibi-
tion as Seen in Boston and Massachu-

setts. Boston: Anti-Saloon League.
Pp. 20.

Workers' Control in Italy. New York:
Methodist Federation for Social Serv-
ice. Pp. 4.

Wright, Henry C. Survey of Cripples in
New York City. New York: Com-
mittee on After Care of Infantile
Paralysis Cases. Pp. 104.

ARTICLES

Adler, Herman A. The Criminologist
and the Courts. Jour. Crim. Law and
Criminol. 11:419-25, Nov. '20.

Andrews, Norman P. The Negro in
Politics. Jour. Negro Hist. 5:420-
36, Oct. '20.

A Pioneer in Industrial Clubs. House
Beautiful 49:44-50. Jan. '21.

Bauer, Otto. Dittatura e deraocrazia.
Crit. Soc. 30:343-47, Nov. '20.

Belinson, ]Mose. II motivo sociale del
movimento nazionale ebraico. Crit.
Soc. 30:312-15, Oct. '20.

Boas, F. The Problem of the American
Negro. Yale Rev. 10:385-95, Jan. '21.

Bode, B. H. Intelligence and Behavior.
Jour. Phil. 18:10-18, Jan. '21.

Briggs, T. H. Can Character Be Taught
and Measured? Sch. and Society
22:596-601, Dec. '20.

Bryson, Lyman. The Child Crisis in
Eastern Europe. Forum 65:25-30,
Jan. '21.

Butler, Nicholas Murray, Barrows, David
F., Lovejoy, Arthur O., Lowell, A.
Lawrence. Is Academic Freedom De-
sirable? Ed. Rev. 60:417-32, Dec. '20.

Cantono, Alessandro. Le organizzazioni
professionali. Riv. inteml. de sci. soc.
28:3-11, Sept.-Oct. '20.

Carmichael, R. D. On the Character of
Primitive Human Progress. Sci. Mo.
12:53-61. Jan. '21.

Colborn and Mauren. The Socialized
Recitation from the Student's Stand-
point. Educa. 41:171-75. Nov. '20.

Colby, Eldridge. Training a Citizen
Army. Educa. 41: 152-58. Nov. '20.

Cordovani, O. M. Fatti e documenti
sociali. Riv. inteml. de sci. soc.
28:162-78, Nov. '20.

Dermison, S. M. A Moorish Woman's
Life. The Moslem World, ,11:24-28
Jan. '21.

Doeblin, M. I. Recreation versus De-
linquency. Sch. and Society 22:478-
87, Nov. '20.

Dunlap, Knight. The Social Need for

Scientific Psychology. Sci. Mo.

11:502-17. Dec. '20.
Galpin, C. J. Some National Aspects of

Child-Welfare in Rural Communities.

Child Welf. Mag. 15:61-65. Nov. '20.
Giddings, F. H. A Theory of History.

Pol. Sci. Quar. 35:493-521, Dec. '20.
Hieronymous, R. E. Great Cities and

Social Settlements. Sch. and Home

Ed. 40:59-60. Nov. '20.
Hjort, Johan. Nogen Tanker om

Arbeidersporsmaal. Sociale Med. 9:

893-900, '20.
Howerth, J. W. The Labor Problem

from the Social Viewpoint. Inteml.

Jour. Ethics 31:168-82, Jan. 21.
Imboden, Sarah Mark. A Cooperative

Community Study. Elem. Sch. Jour.

21:208-15, Nov. '20.
Ingersoll, R. V. New York Legislative

Acts on Housing. Nat. Mun. Rev.

9:762-65, Dec. '20.
Kaiser, Irving R. The Psychology of

the Thrill. Pedag. Sem. 27:243-80,

Oct. '20.
Lewis, O. F. Early Anticipation of

Prison Reform. Unpar. Rev. 15:43-

61, Jan.-Mar., '21.
Makinen, KaUie, and Pupin, Michael.

Why and How I Became an American.

World's Work 41:270-76, Jan. '21.
Merritt, W. G. Social Control of

Industrial Strife. Unpar. Rev. 15:1-

19, Jan.-Mar. '21.
Mondolfo, Rudolfo. Le condizioni della

rivoluzione. Crit. Soc. 30:374-76,

Dec. '20.
Morck, Fredrikke. The International

Council of Women. Sociale Med.

9:917-34, '20-
Morgenthau, Henry. Our New Relation

to the League of Nations. World's

Work 41:236, 237. Jan. '21.
Morse, J. The University Commission

on Southern Race Question. So. .^tl.

Quar. 19:302-10, Oct. '20.

688

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Myers, G. E. Mental Health of Children.
Amer. Jour. Pub. Health 11:55-62,
Jan. '21.

Nogaro, Bertrand. Les recentes conven-
tions d'6migration et d'immigration.
Rev. pol. et parlem. 105:4(3-53, Oct.
'20.

Oberholtzer, Ellis P. AATiat Are the
"Movies" Making of Our Children?
World's Work 41:249-63. Jan. '21.

Palmer, Frank H. The Lure of the
"Movies." (Editorial.) Educa. 41:
268. Dec. '20.

Potts, W. A. The Juvenile Delinquent.
Sch. Hyg. 11:114-18. Nov. '20.

Rowell, Chester H. California and the
Japanese Problem. Jour. Ed. 92:463,
464, Nov. II, '20.

Sasamori, Junzo. What Are the Japa-
nese Doing toward Americanization?
Japan Rev. 6:22-24. Dec. '20.

Sears, J. H. The Cycle of Revolution.
Forum 65:77-89, Jan. '21.

Shideler, Ernest H. A Course m
Modem Social Problems for the High
School. Sch. Rev. 28:615-26. Oct.
'20.

Sisley, Le Sjoidicalisme anglais et son
leader. G. D. H. Cole. Rev. pol.
et parlem. 105:245-60, Nov. '20.

SUchter, R. H. Industrial Morale.
Quar. Jour. Econ. 35:36-60, Nov. '20.

Smith, Lewis Wilbur. Americanization
in the Thornton Township High
School. Sch. Rev. 28:659-72. Nov. '20.

Stefansson, ViLhjalmur. Food Tastes
and Food Prejudices of Men and
Dogs. Sci. Mo. 11:540-43, Dec.
'20.

Stoddard, Lothrop. Is America Ameri-
can ? Is America Able to Assimilate
the New Flood of Alien Immigrants?
(Some answers by foreign doubting
commentators.) World's Work 41:
201-3. Dec. '20.

Stoops, J. D. The Instinct of Workman-
ship. Inteml. Jour. Ethics 31:183-
99, Jan. '21.

Storer, Eustace. Capital and Labor in
Italy. Contemp. Rev. 118:823-30,
Dec. '20.

Talk}', Truman Hughes. Garvey's "Em-
pire of Ethiopia." A World Move-
ment for the Unification of Political
and Economic Interest of All Negroes
Everywhere. World's Work 41 : 264-
70. Jan. '21.

The New Anti-Japanese Legislation in
CaUfornIa: An Ofi&cial Text. Japan
Rev. 6:11-13. Nov. '20.

Treves, Claudio. Socialismo 0 Comu-
nismo? Crit. Soc. 30:369-71, Dec. '20.

VuoU, Romeo. Per ima magistratura
comunale del lavoro. Riv. inteml. de
sci. soc. 28:re-63, Sept.-Oct. '20.

Waugh, Frank A. The Opportimity of
the Country Village. House Beauti-
ful 48:276-78. Oct. '20.

Weill, Renee G. Technique des Enquetes
d'Assistance. Rev. philan. 41:41-48,
Sept. '20.

Westermarck, E. A. The Aaland Ques-
tion. Contemp. Rev. 118:790-94,
Dec. '20.

Widger)', A. G. Sociology: Its Nature
and Scope, Aims and Methods. Ind.
Jour. Soc. 1:5-20, Jan. '20.

Wiley, George M. Adjusting the School
System to the New World Situation
Through the Community Center.
Amer. Ed. 24:113-15. Nov. '20.

Willis, H. E. North Dakota's Industrial
Program and the Law. Survey 45:
418-19, Dec. '20.

Woodburne, Angus S. The Indianiza-
tion of Christianity. Jour. ReUgion
1:66-75, J^^- '20-

Zeballos, E. S. La Diplomatic des Etats-
Unis dans I'Amerique du Sud. Rev.
pol. et parlem. 104:328-47, Sept. '20.

THE AMERICAN

JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Volume XXVI MAY I 92 I Number 6

JUSTICE AND POVERTY

ABBOTT PAYSON USHER

Cornell University

The discussions of the proper distribution of wealth that are
now so common usually assume two propositions that are in fact
highly questionable. A just distribution of wealth is assumed
to be a completely satisfactory end of social endeavor, and society
stands condemned, we are told, if the distribution of wealth is
not definitely just. It is likewise presumed that justice is all that
can or should be expected of social institutions. These assump-
tions reveal serious misunderstanding of the deeper meanings of
the principle of justice. They are a direct result of the tendency
to deem just those arrangements or consequences which appeal
to the sentiment of the individual. Justice becomes synonymous
with "right" — a right that is intuitively perceived and hence
agreeable to moral sentiment. Precisely because of this identi-
fication of justice with what is felt to be right, the sentimentalist
comes to regard justice as the summiim bonum, and, with reference
to social arrangements, all that can be desired.

Underlying this sentimental ideal there is a disposition to
think of justice as something external; something contrived or
invented by thinkers and reformers, bodied forth in social life

689

690 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

by clever institutional arrangements which accomplish that pre-
ponderance of good that is held to be characteristic of the "just"
society. The organized system of repression and retribution seems
to the naive mind an exact and explicit indication that justice
is indeed something external, brought into social life by men.
Deep down in the thought of many people there still lurks the
notion that misdeeds are not punished unless the offender is
caught. There has doubtless been some progress since the days
of Sparta, for few would actually confess to the belief that sin is
sin only if it is detected. The naive behef, however, persists
despite all the teachings of Hterature, and despite a profound
but obscure consciousness of the deeper meanings of justice which
is revealed in its lowest forms by melodrama and in its highest
forms by Shakespearian tragedy. The literary ideal of justice,
frequently called poetic justice, is significant because it expresses
the thoughts of the greatest thinkers and reflects convictions
that are common to all.

Poetic justice is, as nearly as may be, the opposite of the
sentimental ideal of justice. Poetic justice is a principle of neces-
sity: it is an expression of rational rather than emotional needs.
According to this notion, the consequences of an act are a neces-
sary and inevitable result of the act itself. This is a principle
of reason, because it is an assertion of the continuity of life and
consciousness without which all living would be a mere jumble
of incident devoid of moral content or rational meaning. The
tragic literature of all ages is dominated by this conviction.
"Whatsoever ye sow, that shall ye also reap." In early hterature
the process of retribution involves not a little mystery; the indi-
vidual is compassed about by spirits whose activities seem to be
external. In modern literature the chain of circumstance is more
closely woven into the incident of daily life. Evil deeds bring
their own retribution through the remorse of guilty conscience or
through a final catastrophe created by the succession of misdeeds
committed in a vain attempt to avoid detection and punishment.

It is of peculiar significance to note that the suffering of the
innocent victims is no indication that there is no justice in the
world. The nature and existence of justice is to be discovered

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 691

only in the relation of acts and their consequences. It must be
evident that no individual can be guaranteed such independence
and isolation ' as to insure him against any possible misconduct
on the part of others. In its extreme form, the principle of justice
requires an inconceivable degree of isolation and a hopeless
enslavement to the past. Absolute freedom from all external
interference would mean that nothing could break into the stream
of individual action, whether for good or evil. The individual
would indeed be master of his destiny, but the errors and sins of
the past would be as a millstone around his neck. The influences
and demands of social life destroy the self-sufficiency of the
individual that is implied in the conception of justice.

The stream of circumstance in which we live is not really con-
tinuous to the extent implied. All the possible consequences of
our acts seldom have the opportunity to reveal their full content
before other acts have broken the chain of circumstance and
thwarted necessity of its grim fulfilment. The rational disposi-
tion to conceive of life as wholly continuous slurs over many things
that are persistently thrust upon our attention if we observe the
movement of real events with any care. It is this failure to
carry every act to its logical conclusion that engenders the myster-
ies of life, giving it an element of unexpectedness without entirely
destroying that rhythmic structure that makes it intelligible even
though the chain of circumstances is interrupted in a variety of
ways. A world that was merely just would be wholly unreal.
Life is neither as logical nor as pitiless as the principles of pure
justice would require.

Both of the fundamental convictions of the sentimentalist are
false. The existence of evil and of injustice in the world is no
proof that there is no such thing as justice in our existing social
order. However much suffering we may endure personally or
behold as spectators, we, like Job, must maintain unshaken the
faith that our lives are not mere capricious successions of mean-
ingless events. To lose faith in the existence of some rational
meaning in life is unconditional surrender. No doubt at times it
seems as if absolute rationality — continuity — could alone make
life worth living, but it is a delusion to suppose that a solution of

692 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

difficulties can be found in that complete mastery of destiny
implied in the principle of justice. It would not be enough if
the world were to become merely just. We could not even then
intone a grateful "Nunc dimittis." Even if every one were to
become the absolute master of his destiny for good or for ill, and
all were to become so moral as never to interfere with the fulfil-
ment of the ends and desires of others, even in that millennium of
the individuahst there would be something lacking. The imper-
fections and incompletenesses of the individual would make that
millennial state a torture chamber fit to be compared with the
hells of Dante's vision. Unless we were to become gods, we
could not cheerfully accept the complete mastery of our
destinies.

II

The limitations of the conception of justice are of peculiar
significance with reference to the distribution of wealth. It is
of the essence of justice that acts be judged with reference to the
point of view of the doer. The protest against judgments based
on conventions is merely an expression of this conviction. The
content of the act and the intention of the doer always mean
more to us than any conventional classifications of right and
wrong. Acts are not right or wrong because they conform or
fail to conform to social conventions; their meaning is to be
discovered only in their full content in the consciousness of the
doer. This fundamental importance of the individual point of
view makes it easy to apply the principle of justice to the moral
aspects of actions. Each individual does in a measure constitute
a moral universe; he is, indeed, a microcosm set over against
all that is external to his consciousness. The exclusion of external
influences from certain judgments is therefore intelligible and
intensely real. Even though there be some mysterious affinity
between mind and mind, so that our feeling of individual isolation
should really be deemed an illusion that will ultimately be over-
come, we must none the less admit that our philosophies and
our ethical systems rest upon this postulate of the isolated indi-
vidual whose means of communication with the outside world

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 693

are imperfect and whose relations to it are subordinated to ends
that are selfish, in a lower or in a higher sense.

The production and distribution of wealth is fundamentally a
social process. The individual cannot be treated as an isolated
unit. In isolation the individual could accomplish little. Further-
more, the significance of economic activities is determined prima-
rily by their appeal to the needs and desires of others. The fact
that Whistler painted the famous Nocturne in a few hours with
little apparent effort was no indication that the high price set
upon it was unfair or unjust. The significance of the result
was not revealed or measured by the painfulness of the effort to
the artist. Pleasure is paid for as well as pain, and sometimes
more bountifully. There is a great temptation to seek for some
direct connection between the quantum of effort and the amount
of the reward. This would, indeed, be a legitimate application
of the principle that there must be a direct connection between
each act and its consequences. The analogy between moral acts
and productive efforts does not hold. Productive efforts are not
the acts of isolated individuals, nor can they be appraised exclu-
sively from the point of view of the doer, like moral acts. The
sacrifices and efforts of the producer are the least significant
factor in the valuation of the product. The palpably great efforts
of unskilful singers or actors furnish notable illustrations. The
beautifully finished performance is not only achieved with less
evident effort, but frequently with quantitatively less effort than is
put forth by unskilful performers. In a boat race, for instance, it is
entirely conceivable that the losing crew should have exerted more
foot pounds of energy than the winners. Efficiency in many things
means that energy is being exerted with economy, with a mini-
mum waste in internal resistances. Results are not directly pro-
portional to sacrifices, if we judge the results from the social
point of view. With the individual it is different. The hopelessly
mediocre painting, the inept and futile model of some proposed
invention may contain a wealth of meaning to their creators that
no masterpiece could convey to them. Worthless things may
well furnish their creators with significant spiritual experiences.

694 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Whenever the individual appraisal of results is set over against
the social appraisal, there will inevitably be discrepancies which
may seem to indicate injustice in the distribution of wealth. But
criticisms of distribution based on allegations of such defects involve
a misunderstanding of the conception of justice and a failure to
appreciate the difficulties of applying to social problems a
conception that is so essentially individualistic.

In no society can there be the close correspondence between
productive effort and reward that exists in the moral realm
between acts and their consequences. The productive process is
essentially a joint process, involving the unconscious, and, at
times, the unwilling co-operation of vast numbers of individuals.
The efforts of a particular individual cannot be clearly distin-
guished. No special part or share of the product can be attrib-
uted specifically to him. Granted that he should receive "that
which is his," there is no means of ascertaining precisely what is
his. The principle of justice would require that he should receive
such portion of the joint product as can be attributed to his
efforts. Not his sacrifice, but his contribution to the final accom-
phshment is the proper measure of his reward. As a principle,
this would be an adequate rendering of the more general statement
that justice consists in the necessary connection between acts
and their consequences. Remuneration in proportion to the prod-
uct would indeed express a necessary connection between produc-
tive effort and its reward. Some such principle, too, seems to be
implicit in the system of production and distribution under "free
competition." There is a connection between efforts and prod-
ucts, but it is of such a nature that we can never adequately
express this individual productivity in the wage or salary. We
may say that a competitive society is just in principle, but we
must needs admit that this principle is not as clearly manifested
as it is in the field of ethics.

Sooner or later the ethical content of an act will be revealed
to the individual. Even the most unimaginative criminal has the
meaning of his deeds borne in upon him at last. Retribution may
come in the more direct form of a fmal catastrophe, as to IMacbeth;
or there may be more of the drama of conscience in it all, as with

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 695

Hamlet's mother and uncle. The content of the deed is ultimately
revealed to the doer. Social devices, police, detectives, and courts
may faciHtate this process, but even without any mechanism the evil
content of misdeeds would become known. Similarly the content
of just deeds becomes known to the individual. In some small
measure, criminal purposes may be forestalled and circumvented,
but innocence can be protected only in a measure. The mecha-
nism of suppression can do little more than express objectively the
truths that emerge ultimately in the inner Kfe of the individuals
concerned. In the realm of ethics, therefore, we may speak of
justice as certain.

In the material world, distributive justice cannot be certain.
All appraisals are subject to some errors, larger or smaller as the
case may be. The valuation of the social product is not certain.
The valuation of the efforts of particular laborers and classes of
laborers is even more uncertain. Most of the product is distrib-
uted before its final values can be known. The process of pro-
duction is directed with reference to expectations, and many
workers are paid in terms of these expectations. The contribution
of the individual to the joint product is thus unknowable; within
some considerable margin of error, the individual's contribution
may be ascertained by processes of imputation and computation,
but not with any certainty. Furthermore, all these acts of
appraisal must be repeated over and over again. They must
be made in each case for stated periods of time and with reference
to conditions that will change. There is no chance for the cor-
rection of errors, no eternity in which one may wait patiently for
the revelation of truth. Action in the ethical realm is more
closely related to the eternal verities. The continuous elements
of reahty are fundamental. In the material world we are closer
to the flux of Hfe. The submergence of the individual in the
complex stream of circumstance keeps the discontinuity of life
ever present. The notion of justice, a principle of continuity,
thus means less in the material world. It is less clearly revealed
to us, and such principle as we do discover is less certainly mani-
fest. We may say with some assurance that no society will ever
achieve any large measure of justice in the distribution of wealth.

696 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

We may say this without pessimism and without despair; for
justice in and of itself cannot make life worth living, nor can the
absence of a perfect and certain justice in distribution destroy
any of the deeper meanings of life,

III

Recent studies of the distribution of wealth have revealed
conditions that seem to admit no favorable interpretation. In
the United Kingdom, 11 per cent of the population controls
about one-half the total income; in the United States, 18
per cent of the population controls 45 per cent of the income.
Many aspects of these statistical summaries are open to question;
the most carefully prepared figures are at best only a crude
approximation to the truth, but with these allowances the figures
must be accepted as an account of the larger facts with reference
to the distribution of wealth. The conclusions to be drawn from
these figures, however, are by no means self-evident. There is
no warrant for treating these percentages as prima facie evidence
of injustice in the distribution of wealth. The full presentation
of the statistical problem would be out of place here, and it is not
desirable to create the impression that it is possible to prove any
specific conclusion. It should therefore be sufficient to suggest
that these facts may indicate conditions that are not sinister.

It is not difficult to secure the tacit assent of reader or
audience when it is suggested that just apportionment of wealth
should result in substantial equahty, so that given portions of the
population should receive equivalent proportions of the total
income. Now few would presume that absolute equality of distri-
bution would be possible; it would be admitted by most people
that some moderate differences of income are reasonable as an
expression of the differences in capacity. It is seldom that people
realize how these moderate differences would affect the gross
percentages.

"A concrete example," says Professor Young, "may give point
to this consideration. Suppose that incomes in an imaginary
society were distributed symmetrically around the modal or most
common income, in the form of a normal frequency distribution.

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 697

This might represent either one of two things: (i) a normal distri-
bution of ability and a perfect proportioning of income to ability;
(2) a random or chance distribution of incomes, under the influence
of complex but unbiassed forces. This second condition would
be consistent with the existence of real equality of opportunity,
broadly understood, coupled with the presence of a myriad of
small circumstances that might deflect one towards a lower or a
higher portion of the income range. Now suppose that the aver-
age family income is $1,500 and that half of the families get
incomes that are within $200 of this average. Under such condi-
tions the richer half of the families would get 58 per cent of the
aggregate income and the poorer half would get 42 per cent.
Increase the dispersion of distribution somewhat, so that half of
the incomes are between $1,000 and $2,000. Then 70 per cent
of the aggregate income would go to the richer half of the population,
and 30 per cent to the poorer half. Increase the limits between
which half of the incomes fall to $800 and $2,200, and the portion
of the aggregate income assigned to the richer half of the popula-
tion becomes 78 per cent, leaving 22 per cent to the poorer half.

"I do not think that Dr. King's recent estimates err in the
direction of underestimating the present inequality in the distri-
bution of incomes in the United States. He assigns about 27
per cent of the aggregate income to the poorer half of the families
and 73 per cent ot the richer half. But this is a slightly smaller
degree of concentration than would be given by a normal frequency
distribution with half the incomes falling between $900 and $2,100.
This suggests that no single or general statement of the degree of
concentration can give, by itself, an adequate notion of the extent
to which the existing distribution of wealth has to be deemed

unsatisfactory The amount of concentration, the amount

of departure from a condition of uniform incomes, does not matter
so much as does the particular form of the income distribution
underlying the concentration."

Particular kinds of concentration may be unfortunate, and
there are grounds for believing that some aspects of the present
distribution of incomes are abnormal and undesirable. It would
seem that there is an undue porportion of very large incomes and

698 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

an abnormally small number of incomes intermediate in size
between the very large incomes and the average income. These
large incomes are not individual incomes in the strict sense of the
word, though industrial conditions have placed them in the hands
of individuals. Such wealth is really social in its origin, the cumu-
lative result of the changes in industrial technique that have
been the work of two or three generations of men, inventors and
captains of industry. There has been some caprice, perhaps, in
the massing of the profits in the hands of particular individuals,
and yet the mere size of the income has made it impossible to
devote such fortunes to purely individual ends. The larger por-
tion of such fortunes has, in fact, been devoted to social uses.
If desirable, the disposition of such incomes could be significantly
altered without destroying the competitive character of social
organization.

The severest criticism of the concentration of wealth, however,
has been based upon a slightly different use of these statistics of
income. Division of the total income of the United Kingdom by
the total number of families seems to indicate that an equal dis-
tribution per family would enable all to live in substantial comfort.
Each family might have $1,100. Similar possiblities exist in the
United States. These figures and sundry statistics of production
have lead some economists to declare that poverty can be abol-
ished. William Smart, the English economist, says that these
figures present a "dazzling possibility;" he is not sure that the
results could actually be accomplished, because it might be impos-
sible to induce people to concent to the reduction of all incomes to
an equality. Professor Hollander cherishes a stronger conviction.
"Like preventable disease," he writes, "economic want persists
as a social ill only because men do not sufficiently desire that it
shall cease. There is still much mumbling of common-places,
and it has seemed worth while to emphasize anew this definite
corollary of modern political economy, that the essential causes of
poverty are determinable and its considerable presence unneces-
sary."

These expectations are based upon an illusion. The develop-
ment of the present industrial system forces all to strive for pur-

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 699

chasing power. Scarcely any worker today feels conscious of any
struggle with nature. We all seek money incomes, assuming that
if there is money in hand, all material goods can surely be pro-
cured. A couple of centuries ago, when industry was proportion-
ately less important and the primacy of agriculture definitely
recognized, there was a greater disposition to think in terms of
commodities. Prosperity or distress depended upon the character
of the harvests, and it was not merely a matter of having a greater
or a smaller money income, but an actual difference in the abun-
dance of food. The problem of getting through until the next
harvest, which has become with us a war problem, was with
them a persistent feature of life. In those days none could forget
that the struggle to provide for material wants was in reality a
struggle with nature, rendered hazardous and uncertain by the
caprice of seasons. When dearth came it was accepted with
resignation, and, in the less fertile districts which never afforded
bountiful subsistence, the persistent pressure of hardship was
likewise borne with resignation. In the midst of such circum-
stances it was not difficult to explain poverty; the humblest under-
stood.

Now that this struggle with nature has become less direct, so
that the economic problem seems to be merely a struggle for
purchasing power, poverty is not so easy to understand. There
seems to be an abundance of goods if only there is money to buy
them. Employment at a sufficient wage seems to be the only
difficulty; to the workman, the obstacle that stands between him
and adequate maintenance is not a capricious and uncertain
Nature but the niggardly employer. The direct obstacles always
assimie concrete human or social form. The existence of poverty
seems to be positive proof that there is some vital defect in the
mechanism of this industrial society that offers all things in its
markets and withholds the wage that would enable the workman
to buy.

The apparent abundance in the markets is misunderstood.
The caprices and niggardliness of Nature are not overcome and
done away with by making the struggle less direct. Purchasing
power is not food and drink, raiment and shelter; nor does the

700 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

apparent offer of all things for a price guarantee such abundance
that all may be fed and clothed.

Return for a moment to the dazzling prospect held forth by
the equal division of purchasing power among all the families of
the United Kingdom. By the simplest process of arithmetic it
is demonstrated that there is sufficient purchasing power for all.
This purchasing power will be sufficient, however, subject to two
conditions. The general level of prices must remain unchanged
and there must be enough goods to supply the demands of willing
purchasers. It is scarcely conceivable that either of these condi-
tions would be fulfilled.

If by some act of magic the division of incomes were carried
out overnight, there would be a most serious lack of adjustment
between supplies and demands. There would be too many motor
cars, too many fine silks, too much champagne. The supplies of
meat, cereals, cottons, and medium grade woolens would be inad-
equate. Many house servants would be discharged. Prices would
inevitably change. Many radicals would rejoice in this read-
justment of production to the legitimate needs of the population.
The curtailment of luxurious consumption and the deflection into
other channels of the labor set free would be regarded as an esti-
mable result of the change in the distribution of wealth. The
lack of goods would be only temporary, according to the radical.

We cannot be certain that the lack of goods would be tem-
porary. The redistribution of incomes, if permanent, must imply
that such incomes are received in return for labor. After the
first redivision, it must be assumed that these incomes are earned.
Now the income of the majority of the families of the artisan
classes would be increased by about one-third by such a division.
If the new incomes were paid to them as wages, wages would have
to be significantly increased. Such an increase in wages would
inevitably mean an increase in all prices, and with the increase in
prices would disappear all hope that the equal incomes per family
would afford adequate maintenance. The prospect suggested by
the statistics of income is thus pure illusion, because it is based
on the assumption that the purchasing power assigned to each
family would always command as much in the markets as it does
today.

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 701

IV

The disposition to treat the problem of poverty as a problem
of justice in distribution is unfortunate. It is not true that the
material comfort of the wealthy and the middle classes is enjoyed
at the expense of the poor; nor is it true that the misery of the
poor is merited, a just judgment upon deficiency and inefficiency.
It is naive to suppose that difficulties and evils are all due to
human wickedness, and that all of them can be overcome by mere
honesty and competency in high places. Nothing is explained or
accomplished by this disposition to apply opprobrious terms to
either rich or poor, and it would seem that effective study of
poverty and its alleviation would be most significantly furthered
by abandoning this unfruitful discussion of justice.

Questions of right are likely to be determined in the light of
personal convictions, so with characteristic certainty that happi-
ness and virtue must needs go hand in hand, the mid- Victorian
adopted the simple program of preaching middle-class virtues to
the poor. Smaller families, higher standards of comfort, and good
middle-class prudence were deemed a sufficient solution. The
earher writings of Miss Jane Addams furnish a significant com-
mentary. Her work in the slums was begun under the influence
of this mid- Victorian idealism. The settlement was to afford the
means of teaching these ideals. But the aspiring teacher soon
discovered that she was really the pupil, learning the terrible
lesson of the slum: that large familes represent the wisdom and
prudence of the slum as truly as small families represent the col-
lective wisdom of the middle class. It has been the achievement
of this generation to attain sufficient knowledge of the slum to
imderstand its life, at least in a measure. Many thoughtful
workers have been reaching out toward this same truth that large
families are an inevitable outcome of slum conditions.

The life of the slum is dominated by the grim necessity of
rearing large families as a provision for old age, despite the sever-
ity of the economic pressure caused by these numbers. Life in
the slum runs in a vicious circle. It is a wheel of life from which
the individual can scarcely ever entirely escape. The situation
is vividly described by Seebohm Rowntree with reference to York,

702 TBE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

England. The newborn child is nearly if not quite adequately
nourished. At the age of three or four, the child must begin to
share the privations of the family. When the adolescent boy or
girl begins to contribute something to the family income at
twelve or earher, more adequate provision for its wants is possible,
must indeed be made in hopes of maintaining the earning power
of the family. Between eighteen and twenty-two the average
youth is fairly prosperous, his wages are about as high as they are
likely to become and his responsibihties are limited to the provision
for his personal wants. Rarely would he feel any obligation to
his parents. This condition of well-being cannot long continue.
If he is prudent, he marries. The wages which were wholly
adequate for his needs become relatively inadequate for the needs
of the family, particularly when it becomes necessary for his wife
to give up her work. The rearing of the children subjects the
family to a period of pressure. Some members must needs be
undernourished and ill provided with clothing. Much of the
burden falls upon the mother. Any serious illness or accident
to any member of the family may, at this period, result in definite
pauperism. There is no margin for unusual expenditures. Now
it will be apparent that the only provison for the declining years
of the parents is a number of unmarried children capable of making
some contribution toward the support of their parents. Unless
the family is fairly large there will be no unmarried children when
the parents reach the age of forty-five. It will also be evident
that the burden of supporting an elderly parent cannot be borne
by one unmarried child.

Provision for the years of impaired earning power is thus the
dominant feature of the life of the poor. It would seem that the
primary sohcitude of reformers should be provision for old age.
This is indeed a prominent feature in modern social legislation,
but the study of the details of modern insurance statutes affords
abundant evidence of the intrinsic difficulty of the problem. The
earning power of the manual worker is likely to decline after
forty-five, and at fifty the average individual would be partially,
if not wholly, dependent. Significant attack upon the problem
of poverty would thus require provision of old-age pensions begin-

JUSTICE AND POVERTY 703

ning at the age of fifty or fifty-five at the latest. The age limits
in the various insurance laws are much higher: sixty-five in
Australasia, seventy in Germany and Great Britain. In Germany
considerable numbers of workmen become entirely dependent
before they reach the age of seventy, and though they will have a
right to a pension ultimately, they have neither the means to
live nor the means to contribute the necessary payments to the
insurance fund. In such cases the Poor Law authorities provide
for the immediate needs of the individual and also make the pay-
ments to the insurance fund. If the man lives to the age of
seventy he becomes a recipient of an old-age pension and ceases
to receive an allowance as a pauper. The Germans entertained
high hopes of their insurance legislation, but it has neither dimin-
ished the relative amount of dependency in the community nor
the relative expenditure for poor relief. These measures were
designed to supplant at least a certain amount of poor relief, and,
if the scheme were adapted to the accomplishment of its evident
intentions, it would doubtless diminish expenditure for the relief
of the aged poor. The failure to achieve this result is probably
due to the excessively high age limits. These pension laws will
probably fail to produce the desired results until the age limits
are significantly reduced.

The financial problems that would be created by such a change
in the age limits of the pension laws, apart from any increase in
the small stipends now furnished, would have strained the budgets
of the leading countries even before the war. The insurance
laws are an enormous burden as they stand, and each year that
the age limit was reduced would increase the financial obligations
by immense sums. These comments must not be interpreted as
a criticism of the existing laws. The statutes as they stand are
productive of much good, and they may lead to larger results,
but it is essential to realize clearly why such acts fail to accom-
plish all that has been anticipated. The logic of these laws is
sound, but it is not wholly a question of logic. It is also a ques-
tion of finance, and it may be permitted to doubt the possibility
of ever carrying such a reform to its logical conclusion. Much
good may be done, however, even if all the anticipations of the

704 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

most optimistic reformers are not realized. Poverty is not a
permanent condition even today, if we may trust the analysis of
Mr, Rowntree. Primary poverty is felt during the earlier years
of married life, and many families rise out of this position of
extreme pressure. Well conceived remedial legislation can doubt-
less diminish the length of this period of pressure, mitigate some of
the hardships, and make it easier for the individual and the family
to rise out of this condition. If ideals of individual responsibility
are to be retained, there must be some possibility of failure, but
the result of economic failure need not extend beyond a proba-
tionary interval, and this interval can be used for vocational
training. Even if poverty cannot be abolished, it need not be a
condition of abject misery unrelieved by prospects of ultimate
achievement of a decent standard of living.

THE SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE
LOCO-FOCO DEMOCRACY

WILLIAM TRIMBLE

Department of History and Social Science, North Dakota Agricultural College

In a recent number of this Journal (May, 19 18) there appeared
a significant article from the pen of Professor WilHam E. Dodd on
*'The Social Philosophy of the Old South," in which is described
the development of an aristocratic conception of society which by
the middle thirties had come to dominate the philosophy of southern
leaders. It is a matter of no little moment in the history of democ-
racy that, at about the time the aristocrats of the South were repudi-
ating the ideas of Jefferson as "glittering fallacies," a determined
group of common men in the city of New York were re-emphasizing
and reformulating those ideas and promulgating anew the precepts
of a philosophy founded on the theory of human equality.

The movement began to assume definite form in the fall of
1835 as a mutiny within the Tammany organization against the
domination of a conservative element. It soon grew into a separate
party which called itself the Equal Rights Party, but which is
better known in history under the fantastic sobriquet of "Loco-
Foco," a term first applied in derision by its enemies. The party
was active in a few local campaigns and held two state conventions
in one of which it formulated an interesting model for a revision of
the state constitution. It also fostered noteworthy mass meetings
in New York City. Its achievements as a party organization,
however, were not impressive, since its nominees at no time
secured more than 5000 votes. Yet it did effect an important
revolution in Tammany which allowed reunion in the fall of 1837,
its career closing thus after scarcely two years of separate pohtical
activity.

Though in duration and in number of adherents this Equal
Rights Party was almost negligible, its significance is enhanced by
consideration of some of the forces back of it. Its existence was

705

7o6 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

made possible by that tremendous innovation in the world's prac-
tice of pohtics — American manhood suffrage. Massing of popu-
lation, moreover, to a degree hitherto unknown in the New World
and the ushering in of a new stage of industrial development were
producing in the city so strategically situated at the mouth of the
Hudson new economic and social tendencies. Hither had come
from England noteworthy agitators and thinkers, fervid from the
industrial unrest there. A strong labor movement for some years
had been experimenting in forms of organization and formulating
principles. A group of young intellectuals within the Democratic-
Republican party, which included WiUiam Cullen Bryant, John
Bigelow, Samuel J. Tilden, and, most conspicuously, WilHam
Leggett (the prophet of the Loco-Foco movement), was keenly
responsive to a philosophy of equal rights; and with these might
then have been classed a brilliant independent editor, Horace
Greeley. The New York Evening Post, of which Bryant was
editor and Leggett associate editor, was the organ of this group
and was distinctly sympathetic with the new movement. Further-
more, there were still surviving men like the Loco-Foco leader,
Jaques, who reached back in feehng and experience to the hallowed
days of the American Revolution. Finally, all fixed-income classes
in general — laborers, professional men, holders of small estates —
were under the economic pressure of a rapid rise in cost of living,
a condition due chiefly to grave inflation of the currency.

This inflation and the prevalent widening of the credit system
were defended vigorously by the speculative members of society,
the entrepreneurs of the time, promoters of the new capitalism,
whose philosophy of the new era would not have been difficult to
affiliate with that of the aggressive young planters of the lower
South. That the social principles of the two classes at least were
not thought discordant appears from an appeal which was made by
a group of New York merchants during the panic of 1837, as follows:

Avow your belief that in a great majority of cases the possession of property
is the proof of merit, because in a country of free laws and equal rights, prop-
erty, as a general rule, cannot be acquired without industry, skill and economy.
.... With a firm faith that the many will follow the wise and the good, call
upon the men of sound morals, of intelligence, and industry, throughout the

SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE LOCO-FOCO DEMOCRACY 707

nation, to forget all the distracting topics which have agitated it, and unite
in defense of the institutions, without which commercial society cannot exist.
.... Appeal to our brethren of the South for their generous co-operation,
and promise them that those who beUeve that the possession of property is
an evidence of merit will be the last to interfere with the rights of property
of any kind.

The main sponsors of this manifesto were of Whig persuasion;
but a large and influential division of the Democratic-Republican
party was inclining to the same philosophy and was keeping in
close touch with such southern leaders as Rives of Virginia and
Legare of South Carolina. Indeed, there were throughout the
North, as Professor Dodd observes (citing as instances Chancellor
Kent and Daniel Webster), numerous "conservatives" whose
social philosophy agreed to a considerable degree with that which
was obtaining in the South.

Between the conception of society held both by northern capi-
talists and southern planters and that advocated by themselves,
the Loco-Focos thought there existed a fundamental, historic
antagonism. Their perception of this antagonism was set forth in
an address by Jaques, as follows :

There are two opinions abroad in the world on the subject of social relations
and the government of men. The supporters of both profess to have the same
objects in view — the peace, the order, and the happiness of the human race.
But as they are founded on different views of our nature and the laws of the
Creator, both cannot be true. It is therefore of the first importance that the
question should be speedily settled in the minds of this community.

The theory of the one party is, that man, by reason of his ignorance, and
of his corrupt nature, is not capable of self-government; it is therefore neces-
sary that he should be restrained by force. They assert that the Creator in
his providence has produced a different order of intelligence among men, and
intended that the most intelligent should be the governors and rulers, as well
as the owners, and live by the labor of the other portion of the human family.
Most of the governments of the Old World have been founded on the above
theory; its effects are well known, and need not be here enumerated.

The other theory referred to, is that man is a rational and moral being,
"that all men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain
unalienable rights." That by nature he is also a social being, and that on
entering society he does not give up any of his natural rights, but to secure
those rights in their fullest enjoyment "governments are instituted among

7o8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The governments of these United States were founded on the latter theory,
and it is now to be proved by after-experience whether it is capable of being
carried out in practice.

That there was a very real danger of American democracy being
diverted from its true course, the Loco-Focos believed; and so they
fought bitterly (and at times irrationally) the money-power and
the conservatism of their time and engaged zealously in the formu-
lation and propagation of a social philosophy which they counted of
incalculable worth to humanity.

The chief significance of Loco-Focoism, consequently, is not
derived from its manifestation as a political party in New York,
but from the spread of its tenets. Its conception of democracy,
its social and political formulations, its spirit of aggressive radicalism
became ascendant between 1837 and 1844 in the national Demo-
cratic party; and, furthermore, after the seizure of the leadership
of the national party by the southern expansionists in 1844, the
process of permeating the Democracy of the North with Loco-
Foco doctrines continued well up to the outbreak of the Civil War.
By this assertion, however, it is not meant that the teachings of
the Loco-Focos were the only source of radical democracy during
this period; for, prior to and contemporaneously with the Loco-
Foco agitation, a large section of the Democratic Party (of which
Senator Benton of Missouri was a representative leader) was devel-
oping similar views. The original Loco-Focos, in fact, may quite
properly be regarded as constituting merely a militant vanguard of
the general body of the progressive Democracy. Nevertheless, it
is not too much to say that the congeries of principles which came to
be known under their name — especially that of unquahfied belief
in the philosophy of human equality — became ingrained in large
portions of the northern populace and thus contributed an impor-
tant element to the idealistic democratic movement which finally
by armed force confounded the southern votaries of aristocracy.
Another contribution to the advance of world democracy, perhaps of
equal permanent worth, was due to the fact that Loco-Foco
radicalism furnished important and lasting ingredients to the great
process of remodehng state constitutions which went on in the
United States in the two decades prior to the Civil War. During

SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE LOCO-FOCO DEMOCRACY 709

this period the constitutions of practically all of the older states
were recast, and those of ten new ones were framed.

We have here space for no more than the barest outHne of the
historical steps by which the doctrines of the earlier Loco-Focos
were diffused through the Democracy of the North.' So early as
the national campaign of 1836, Professor Woodburn tells us, their
Declaration of Principles was widely used by the general Democracy
as a party platform. Then, through a succession of events in
1837 President Van Buren was compelled to choose between the
conservative and radical elements in his political following, and
decisively chose the latter. He and his associates, thereupon, estab-
lished at Washington a high-class magazine, the Democratic
Review (the first issue appearing in October, 1837), which became
an effective vehicle for the dissemination of the larger Loco-Foco-
ism. In line with its teachings was the Democratic platform of
1840 which, as Professor Dodd has noted, was the last ante-bellum
pronouncement of the national Democracy to endorse the Declara-
tion of Independence. Meanwhile, a majority of the pohtical group
in New York known as the Regency, adhering to the leadership of
the President, was forming the celebrated Barnburner faction
(essentially a radical movement) , and this in turn became an impor-
tant nucleus eventually of the Free Soil party. Throughout the
period following 1837, indeed, northern Democrats in general —
and more specifically the numerous continent of radicals — were
widely known under the appellation of Loco-Focos.

The conceptions of society, thus widely disseminated under the
name of Loco-Focoism, were not new. The original Loco-Focos
themselves, indeed, did not claim to be initiating a new philosophy,
but held that their mission was "to bring back the Democratic
party to the principles upon which it was originally founded,
.... those heaven-born principles which had been so long trodden
under foot of Monopoly." The doctrines of the earlier much-
maligned partisans, the Democratic Review averred, were essentially
those of Jefferson, Taylor, and Madison. But, in reviving and re-
emphasizing the ancient maxims of democracy, these humble men

'A history of the movement, with references and bibliographical data, is in the
American Historical Review for April, 1919, under the title, "Diverging Tendencies in
New York Democracy in the Period of the Loco-Focos."

7IO THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

insisted that they were basing their contentions upon eternal
principles, and they regarded themselves as "political apostles of
the future"; and, indeed, the fact that the party arose in the midst
of a new industriaHsm, that many of the reforms which it advocated
were distinctly modern, and that its envisagement of life was char-
acteristically more that of the mass-action of cities than that of the
individualism of the frontier gives to its philosophy of society added
pregnancy. Its philosophy, in truth, was that of a nascent pro-
letarianism.

The dominating and ever present idea in the creed of all Loco-
Focos, whether of the earher zealots in New York or of the later
proponents upon the western prairies, was that of equal rights.
On this idea depended their whole social and political philosophy;
from it proceeded in some measure all of their demands for reform.
While they repudiated the teachings of communism, they asked
"that the blessings of government, like the dews of heaven, should
descend equally on the high and the low, the rich and the poor."
They conceived the state, therefore, not as an aggregation of social
strata, the lower bound down by the upper; but as an organization
of voluntary units, no one more entitled to preference than another
— provided each functioned usefully. Upon the latter proviso,
however, they were disposed to insist and to resent, therefore, the
presence in the body politic of those who in any manner (but espe-
cially through the manifold devices of "paper capitalism") sub-
sisted or preyed upon their fellowmen. Aristocracy they considered
as economically parasitic, and they certainly regarded those only
as good citizens who were somehow "producers," a contention for
which they were bitterly reproached as stirrers up of class hatred.
But, in the judgment of the Loco-Focos, the strength, the purity,
the excellence of government depended in the last analysis upon
equahty of opportunity, limited only by natural endowment;
equal participation of citizens in the affairs and benefits of govern-
ment; and impartial appUcation of laws which themselves should
be conformable to the eternal principles of justice. Loco-Focoism,
in fine, held with almost fanatical fervor the ultimate postulate of
democracy — the largest chance for the self-realization of every
individual consistent with like chances for all other individuals.

SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE LOCO-FOCO DEMOCRACY 711

The Loco-Focos, accordingly, were strongly opposed to what
they conceived to be the exactions and pretensions of the aristoc-
racy. This opposition was caustically set forth in one of their
Reports as follows:

The world has ahvays abounded with men, who, rather than toil to produce
the wealth necessary to their subsistence, have contrived to strip others of the
fruits of their labor, either by violence and bloodshed, or by swaggering pre-
tensions to exclusive privileges.

It is, however, chiefly by the latter mode of robbery, that the working
classes of modern times are kept in debasement and poverty. Aristocrats
have discovered that charters are safer weapons than swords; and that cant,
falsehood, and hj'pocrisy serve all the purposes of a highwayman's pistol,
while they leave their victims alive and fit for future exactions.

Naturally, therefore, the Loco-Focos abhorred all manner of
monopoly and of special privilege and strongly questioned vested
rights. The latter generally were to be traced, they thought, to
the brutal coercion of the common people in feudal times and to
belated laws which preserved the inequalities of those times.
Charters in perpetuity, in particular, were most earnestly denounced
as a form of injustice which, in violation of democratic principles
and the rights of the people, were designed to nourish a privileged
class. There was to be nowhere, in the Loco-Foco scheme of
things, opportunity for vesting privileges in the few, and thereby
divesting the many of their rights for generations to come. The
Loco-Focos felt that they were fighting in this matter a danger
which placed in acute jeopardy their ideals for the progress of
civilization.

The doctrines and activities of the Loco-Focos were not only
opposed by those whose interests were assailed, but naturally, were
viewed with horror by many of the good and staid people of the
time. The Loco-Foco philosophy, it was averred, set class against
class and not only threatened the stability of society, but tended
to overthrow all society. These agitators were called disorganizers,
visionaries, agrarians, labor unionists, infidels, or worse. If the
governor of New York, William L. Marcy, for instance, would
apply such a term as knave to William Leggett, one of the most
sincere and brilliant apostles of democracy that America has
ever known, it is not to be wondered at that other men of the period

712 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

likened the spread of Loco-Focoism to the devastation which had
been wrought by the great fire in New York or to the awfuhiess of
the epidemic of cholera.

It is true that the Loco-Foco ideas were in some respects extreme
and needed the correctives of moderation. Constructive reform
would have been hindered by the theory that laws have only the
function of keeping men from injuring each other, and by insistence
that in no respect has a legislative body the right to bind its
successors. The proposal, likewise, that debts should be merely
debts of honor and not legally enforceable, while it contributed to
the adoption of exemption laws, nevertheless was unrealizable.
Hatred of speculation and of "paper capitalism" extended to a
demand for banning all paper money, a contention which would
have hindered legitimate functions of credit; and the formidable
and persistent attempts absolutely to do away with banks neces-
sarily were moderated everjrwhere by the good sense of the people.

The Loco-Foco program of reform, on the other hand, embraced
sound features. The determined opposition to banks and to special
acts of incorporation met real evils of corruption and tended to
restrain undue aggrandizement of the "money power. " Imprison-
ment for debt was opposed, and lien laws and the right of laborers
to organize unions were upheld. Land laws in the interest of the
people were advocated, and "a more extended, equal, and con-
venient system of pubhc school instruction" was urged. Popular
election of judges was long agitated, and a system of reformed
primaries was actually put into operation by the party in New
York City as early as 1836.

The penology which appears in the Model Constitution of the
New York Loco-Focos is especially suggestive. "There shall be
no capital punishment, " one clause declared, "but in all convictions
for murder or unjustifiable homicide, the sentence shaU be banish-
ment or imprisonment at hard labor for hfe; the net profits of
said labor to be given to the dependents and relations of the person
murdered, or to the poor, as the jury shall direct. " The principle
of restitution to the injured was to be applied also in the use of
proceeds from the labor of persons convicted of felonies, and this
principle was very wide-reaching since embezzlement and breaches

SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE LOCO-FOCO DEMOCRACY 713

of trust were to "be indictable as frauds and all frauds shall be
punishable as felonies" — the Loco-Focos thinking, seemingly, that
the principles of equality extended even to sentences for criminality.
Moreover, "all articles manufactured in the prisons of this state,
over and above the purposes of restitution, shall be appropriated
to the use of the poor in such manner as the legislature shall
direct, " and the rising competition of prison labor with workingmen
was met by the proviso that, "the time or labor convicts shall not
be bargained to contractors, or to any person whatsoever. "

Since the social philosophy of the early Loco-Focos thus
embraced a penology tender of the interests of workingmen and
reflected in general a broad humanitarianism, it is the more strange
that it took no cognizance of negro slavery. Perhaps its advocates
felt themselves, as one of their Reports states, victims of the
"slavery of poverty," and were more concerned about avoiding
the servile condition to which the southern philosophy would have
consigned them than in agitating the wrongs of fairly comfortable
negroes. Perhaps also the Loco-Foco attitude merely reflected
the preoccupation of the average citizen in his own affairs. As
Loco-Focoism spread over the country, moreover, the growing
opposition of its adherents to the claims of the southern oligarchy
seems not to have been directed so much against the institution of
slavery per se as animated by a developing consciousness of the
final irreconcilability of the two conflicting theories of society and
of the systems of labor based thereon; a consciousness ripening
eventually into a determination that the republic with all that it
meant for democracy was not to be dominated or ruined by the
slave power.

There was always present in Loco-Focoism, however, the impul-
sion of a humanitarian ideal which ultimately comprehends all
races, classes, and conditions of men. "For," as this ideal was
strikingly expressed by the Democratic Review in 1837:

Democracy is the cause of Humanity. It has faith in human nature. It
believes in its essential equality and fundamental goodness. It respects,
■with a solemn reverence to which the proudest artificial institutions and dis-
tinctions of society have no claim, the human soul. It is the cause of philan-
thropy. Its object is to emancipate the mind of the mass of men from the
degrading and disheartening fetters of social distinctions and advantages;

714 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

to bid it walk abroad through the free creation "in its own majesty"; to war
against all fraud, oppression and violence; by striking at their root to reform
all the infinitely varied human misery which has grown out of the old and false
ideas by which the world has been so long misgoverned; to dismiss the hireling
soldier; to spike the cannon and bury the bayonet; to burn the gibbet and open
the debtor's dungeon; to substitute harmony and mutual respect for the
jealousies and discord now subsisting between the different classes of society

as the consequence of their artificial classification It is essentially

involved in Christianity, of which it has been well said that its pervading spirit
of democratic equaUty is its highest fact.

The countless ages of the future, the Review affirmed, are "com-
mitted with the cause of American Democracy. "

The idealism of the Loco-Focos, and particularly of the earher
partisans, was consciously drawn from two great historic sources.
The one was the teachings of Christianity. Perhaps their frequent
allusions to the example and words of the Carpenter of Nazareth
may have been induced in part by anxiety to meet the charge of
being infidels and atheists; but there is no doubt that the use of
these by some of the leaders was due to genuine piety. The
historian of the party, Byrdsall, calls his co -laborers the "Metho-
dists of democracy " and constantly seeks to set forth the movement
as in consonance with "Christian democracy. "

In the second place, not only the idealism of the Loco-Focos,
but, in fact, their philosophy as a whole, was thoroughly impreg-
nated with the doctrines of the compact theory of society, that
group of ideas which has been so omnipresent and so powerful in
the logic of revolutions. Practically all of their various reports,
addresses, and declarations include references to this theory as
fundamental. The immutabihty of the laws of nature and the
irrevocability of natural rights were affirmed over and over again.
How directly Loco-Foco behefs were derived from this source is
shown in the first article of the "Proposed Constitution" which
read as follows:

ARTICLE I. NATURAL RIGHTS

I. We, the people of the State of New York, in order to mutually secure
to each other the peaceful enjoyment of our natural rights, and the equal
participation of the advantages of society, do hereby establish the following
Constitution, as our social compact and system of government.

SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY OF THE LOCO-FOCO DEMOCRACY 715

2. All men are created equally free, and are equally entitled to the exercise
of their natural rights. On entering into society, man gives up none of those
rights; he only adopts certain modes of securing the peaceful enjoyment of
them.

Man's natural rights of person are, his right to e.xist, and to enjoy his
existence; and the right to exercise those physical and mental faculties with
which nature has endowed him. Man's natural rights in relation to things
are, his right to the things produced by the exercise of his personal endowments,
and his right to participate in those bounties which nature has equally given to
aU. Right, as related to action, is that principle of equality which teaches man
to do to others as he would that others should do to him. Those acts are
naturally, politically, and morally right, which may be done by aU without
injury to any.

To readers of the article referred to in our opening paragraph,
it will be apparent from this brief survey that the Loco-Foco
philosophy which in the two decades preceding the Civil War had
wide influence in the North was the antithesis of that which con-
temporaneously came to command adherence in the South.

THE COMPARATIVE ROLE OF THE GROUP CONCEPT
IN WARD'S DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY AND CONTEM-
PORARY AMERICAN SOCIOLOGY'

WALTER B. BODENHAFER

Washington University

IV. SIGNIFICANCE OF THE GROUP CONCEPT

The object of this chapter is to sum up the contrasts that have
emerged from the two preceding chapters, and to attempt to sug-
gest the significance of the group concept and its implications for
social sciences and for social control. In general, it may be said
that contemporary sociology shows a striking difference from
Ward in its use of the group concept. The shift that appears is
not always so much a matter of terminology as a change in point
of view. Even in the matter of terminology, however, a review
of the writers mentioned shows an increasing use of the group
concept, as such, as one of the fundamental tools of analysis of
the problems with which they deal. The difference in point of
view, even where the concept as such is not expressly stressed, is
still more noticeable. The summaries in the preceding chapters
show this shift very clearly in their development of the analysis
of such problems as the origin of society, of language, of religion,
of the origin and nature of the mind, the relation of the individual
to the group or to society or the state, and the nature and meaning
of the group or social process. In the treatment of all these prob-
lems the conscious effort of contemporary sociology is to approach
them from the group standpoint. The contrast might be referred
to as that between pioneer social science, without a social psy-
chology, and a later social science with a more or less adequate
social psychology. The sociology of the present time is a sociology
whose viewpoint and method have been considerably modified
by a psychology in which the group plays a fundamental and in
some respects a primary part. We may make the difference in

'Copyright, 192 1, by the University of Chicago Press.

716

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 717

point of view more concrete by calling attention to the widespread
influence of Baldwin's thinking as expressed in his Social and
Ethical Interpretations, and his subsequent development of the
same fundamental thought of the oneness of the individual and
the group. The frequent references to his stimulating influence
are one of the evidences of the effort on the part of contemporary-
sociology to profit by the newly created technique, social psychology.
The contrast, of course, is not an absolute one but one of degree.
Ward, particularly in his Applied Sociology, was attempting to
found a social psychology which foreshadowed the coming of a
more adequate sociological point of view; but it still was only a
foreshadowing, and it was not at all apparent in his first great
work, with which we are particularly concerned. As was pointed
out in chapter ii. Ward approached his problems almost exclu-
sively from the standpoint of the individual, while the group was
only incidental. Contemporary sociology reverses the process,
starting with the group as the fundamental unit and developing
its individuals as a part of the social or group process. It should
be pointed out, however, that while the latter stresses the group
in its analysis, it does not consciously eliminate or subordinate
the individual as did Plato and his more modern followers in
Germany. One of the general characteristics of the writers whose
works have been reviewed is, that they recognize the worth and
value of the individual. EarHer writers approached their prob-
lems from the premise of the individual versus the group. Con-
temporary sociology attempts to set out by removing the disjunc-
tive particle between the individual and the group and to hold
consistently to the view that the individual and the group are
different aspects of the same total group situation.

It should also be pointed out that contemporary sociology, in
its emphasis on the group, does not revert to the metaphysical
theory of Hegel with his imperial state. The group, in the thought
of the writers we have dealt with, is a very real thing. It is a matter
of actual give and take of everyday life. There is no attempt to
find in it a mystical social mind which exists apart from the actual
persons and institutions and objects that make up the tangible
situation. It is not an attempt to impose upon a social situation

7i8 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the categories of an older introspective psychology. What the
contemporary writers seem to refer to and have in mind when
they deal with the group is a total social situation in which the
action of one form stimulates and responds to the action of another
form; it is interaction among persons. Contemporary sociology
tends to be pragmatic rather than metaphysical.

The difference, which we have tried to point out, between the
two periods, can be no better expressed than to quote from Baldwin :

All our thought has led us to see that one of the historical conceptions of
man is, in its social aspects, mistaken. Man is not a person who stands up in
his isolated majesty, meanness, passion, or humility, and sees, hits, worships,
fights, or overcomes, another man, who does the opposite things to him, each
preserving his isolated majesty, meanness, passion, humility, all the while,
so that he can be considered a "unit" for the compounding processes of social
speculation. On the contrary, a man is a social outcome rather than a social unit.
He is always, in his greatest part, also some one else. Social acts of his — that
is, acts which may not prove antisocial — are his because they are society's first;
otherwise he could not have learned them or have had any tendency to do them.
Everything that he learns is copied, reproduced, assimilated, from his fellows;
and what all of them, including him— all the social fellows — do and think,
they do and think because they have each been through the same course of
copying, reproducing, assimilating, that he has. WTien he acts quite privately,
it is always with a boomerang in his hand ; and every use he makes of his weapon
leaves its indelible impression both upon the other and upon him.'

It is this conception which has become the conscious point of view
of contemporary sociology. It expresses the contrast between the
view of Ward with its individualistic bent, and contemporary
thought with its emphasis on the group. The importance of this
change in point of view is suggested in the continuation of the
quotation from Baldwin.

It is on such truths as these, which recent writers^ have been bringing to
light, that the philosophy of society must be gradually built up. Only the
neglect of such facts can account for the present state of social discussion.
Once let it be our philosophical conviction, drawn from the more general results
of psychology and anthropology, that man is not two, an ego and an alter,
each of which is active and chronic protest against a third great thing, society;
once dispel this hideous unfact, and with it the remedies found by the ego-
ists— back all the way from modern individualists to Hobbes, — and I submit
the main barrier to the successful understanding of society is removed.^

'Social and Ethical Interpretations, pp. 96-97.

' Stephen, Alexander, Hoffdmg, Tarde. ^ Social and Ethical Interpretations, p. 97.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 719

Ward produced his sociology before this transition had taken place.
The contrast between him and contemporary sociology, in general,
is expressed in the words just quoted from Baldwin.

Starting with the group as a point of departure, contemporary
sociology not only dissolves the older individualistic attitude but
adopts the fundamental notion that the mind of the individual is
a social product. Stated in other terms, the self is a social self, a
creation, rather than a datum, which is but another way of stat-
ing that the individual and the group are different aspects of a
group or social situation. The importance of this change in the
field of practical efforts toward social control will appear later.
Back of the self, as a biologically inherited group of tendencies lie
the instincts, the raw materials out of which the group builds a
social personality. Such in very brief terms is the prevailing trend
of thought in contemporary sociology.

The characterization of contemporary sociology, which has just
been sketched in general terms, must be qualified to some extent.
It is a description of tendencies and trends as well as realized ends.
The transition that has been suggested is one that is not complete
in its details nor clearly recognized in its implications. More
work remains to be done before the newer view becomes uniformly
clear. As was pointed out in the various separate reviews of some
of the writers, there is still some confusion of tongues. Not all of
the writers of sociology have held consistently to the views which
they consciously adopt. This results from two different facts,
first, the inadequate grasp of the position to which they consciously
adhere, and secondly, the difficulty of adapting words of an older
psychology to a new point of view. The second is one of the most
difficult barriers to understanding among sociological writers.
Such concepts as "individual," "group," "society," "mind,"
"psychic," "instinct," "social," "thought," are freighted with
meanings that tend to obscure views rather than clarify them.
As Small has pointed out, one of the pressing needs of contem-
porary sociology is the clarification and definition of the categories
which it uses. The lack of this, and the inherent difficulty of the
use of abstract terms create some of the apparent and perhaps real
inadequacies of some of the uses of the group concept which we
have mentioned.

720 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Aside from matters of terminological confusion, however, there
do exist noticeable lacunae in efforts of various contemporary
sociologists to apply the group concept to the particular problems
with which we find them dealing. We found, for example, fre-
quent reversions to older individualistic preconceptions which
occasionally appeared as real or apparent contradictions of the
consciously proclaimed point of view. Such conceptions appear
most frequently in the shape of apparent conceptions of the indi-
vidual as a thing given rather than created, in the conception of
the mind as an essence rather than as a function, as a thing in
itself rather than as a type of behavior that appears in peculiar
conflict situations. The separation of the mental from the physi-
cal, of the inner from the outer, of the individual from the group,
which appear again and again in the literature, are evidences that
the shift to the new point of view has not yet been complete. In
most cases, these lapses are due to reversion to older complexes
in periods of unconscious activity. In some cases they are con-
sciously asserted but with a qualification which attempts to relieve
them from the taint of earlier psychology and metaphysics with
their essences and existences. These lapses, however, are not of
primary importance for our purpose. They bear witness, rather,
as occasional variations which serve to bring out in more relief
the underlying thought which seems to run through all the writings,
namely, that the group is fundamental and that sociology finds its
justification in attempting the study of the social process from
this point of view. The point of view is not Iways expressed in
the same terms; it may be in terms of association, of interaction,
of mental unity, of social mind, of group behavior, of social process,
or of group process. These categories, as well as the methods of
procedure may vary, but the constant feature is the thought
involved in what we have called the group concept. Small has
suggested the same thought in a little different connection. Speak-
ing of the distinctive technique of the sociologist, he says:

The technique accordingly involves, second, a body of procedure. This
varies in accordance with the particular character of the problem undertaken,
from the most abstract dealing with questions of epistemology and methodology
to the most concrete questions of juvenile courts or milk supply. The generic

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 721

factor in common, from one end of this scale to the other, is reference of the
problem to its group attachments, instead of treating it as something isolated
from the human process as a whole.'

It is this common attempt to approach problems from the group
standpoint that stands out as one of the characteristic features of
contemporary sociology, in spite of its frequent reversions to older
terms and conceptions. It is this view which contrasts with the
opposite emphasis shown in Ward.

Before leaving this part of the discussion, it should be noted that
the most striking and universal lack in contemporary sociology's
effort to establish itself on this general group conception is the
absence of an adequate procedure to explain the essential features
of a social process. No one of the sociologists has yet elaborated
a concrete process by which the essence of the group behavior can
be interpreted. Not only is there a lack of such a process found
in the works of contemporary sociology, but in some cases the con-
sciousness of the need is not adequately recognized. In a measure,
this part of the work may properly fall to the field of the psycholo-
gists, and social psychologists, but the gap remains essentially
unfilled for sociology. Baldwin's imitation mechanism has not
been accepted, generally, among the sociologists as an adequate
or complete account of the social process by which the self and
all its implications of language, habits, and thought are to be
accounted for.^ Until provided with an acceptable hypothesis,
furnished by psychologists, or by sociologists themselves, the
analysis of group behavior must remain inadequate and must deal
largely with results based upon assumptions rather than upon
explanations of a process.^

^Encyclopaedia Americana, article on "Sociology," 19 19.

' Most sociologists, while accepting the thesis of Baldwin as to the fudamental
unity of the individual and the group, reject his undue emphasis on imitation as the
process whereby his results were obtained. None of the criticisms, however, seems
to be adequate or to offer a satisfactory- supplemental process. Outside of the sociolo-
gists, the only adequate criticism of the imitation theory and satisfactory elucidation
of the process of interaction is that furnished by Professor Mead of the University of
Chicago.

J Around this point revolves the current revival of the mechanistic conception
of behavior which is finding increased vogue among certain writers. The reaction
from the futilities of metaphysics and from the introspective psychologies is variously

722 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The change in thought which has taken place since the time
of Ward's first book has been characterized as a transition from
an atomizing process to a synoptic method of thought. Concern-
ing this transition Merz says:

I may, later on, have an opportunity of dwelling more fully upon this
change of thought in the course of the nineteenth century; at present it will
suffice to point out that no subject of philosophical or scientific interest has
been more profoundly affected by it than the study of man in his individual
and collective existence. Formerly all the sciences which have to do with this
subject started from the study of the individual organism or the individual
mind, frequently disregarding altogether the environment or collective life of
man, or reaching this only by slow and uncertain steps. Latterly, however,
not only has the collective life of man attracted more attention than the indi-
vidual, it has become rather the fashion to place society, in some form or other,
in the foreground, to start with some definition of the social "Together" of
the collective life of human beings, and to approach in this way not only the
study of humanity or mankind at large, but also, through it, to get a better
understanding of the nature and the life of the individual mind itself. It is
not long since we have been told that the individual mind must be considered
as exhibiting two sides which may be appropriately termed the subjective
and the social self; nor is it unlikely that from this point of view, much of the
earlier and later psychology may be profitably rewritten.^ All this simply
means that sociology has become not only the study of the collective interests
of society and mankind, but also in its bearing upon other philosophical and
scientific problems, an important and leading doctrine.*

To point out briefly some of the v^^ays in which sociology has thus
become an "important and leading doctrine" for some of the social
sciences is the object of the rest of the chapter. No attempt will
be made, of course, to construct a social science, or to furnish a
scheme for such construction. Only the broadest general signifi-

termed, in its more extreme forms, as physiological psychology, objectivism, mecha-
nism, behaviorism. This reaction tends to relegate consciousness to a secondary and
unimportant r6le as a negligible by-product. It carries the revolt of functional
psychology still farther. The latter retains consciousness as a central factor in activ-
ity. The term behavioristic psychology is used to cover both the functional and the
mechanistic conceptions, with very confusing results.

' A footnote at this point refers to Royce's discussion as the clearest statement
of the doctrine of the social self. This suggests that Merz did not grasp the doctrine
fully himself, or Royce's limitations would have been apparent to him. This does not
detract from the force of the quotation given, since Merz's central thought is sound.

^ History of European Thought in the Nineteenth Century, IV, 436-37.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 723

cance of the group approach for some of the social techniques can
be pointed out.

First of all, attention should be directed to the significance of
the group conception for the problem of the relation of the social
sciences to each other. We have here a problem which has con-
sumed so much discussion with the advent of each new division
of labor, with its claims for admission into fields beheved to be
already fully occupied. ''Thus it has come about that scholars
for a large part of the last two thousand years have carried on
intermittent discussions that have been meanwhile almost utterly
sterile about the scope and definition of the sciences."^ These
older struggles are tending to disappear and in their place is aris-
ing a conception of the unity of physical sciences and social sciences.^
With reference to the latter it seems to follow as an easy corollary
from the group conception, that "social science is one" as Small
has said.^ The subject-matter of social science is not blocks of
material which can be separated and dealt with in isolation, but is
rather a group in which all things are in relation and in incessant
movement. From this it follows that the various social sciences
are but variant techniques which approach this common unity
from different angles of interpretation and analysis. The older
claims of sociologists that theirs is an independent science, is
being rapidly displaced by the realization that there can be no
independence of these various techniques in the sense in which
that term was used thirty years ago. In place of the separatist
conception of social science, there must be set up the conception
of co-ordinating techniques at work upon the common group
process in an eftort to understand and, if possible, control it. It is
in this sense that we have a real meaning and purpose for social
science.

■ Small, "Fifty Years of Sociolog}' in the United States," American Journal of
Sociology, XXI, 822.

'See, for example, Woodward, "The Unity of Physical Science," International
Congress of Arts and Sciences, St. Louis (1904), IV, 3; Small, The Meaning of Social
Science, and "Fifty Years of Sociolog>- in the United States," American Journal of
Sociology, XXI, 849.

3 The statements of this paragraph are attempts to reflect the thought of Dr. Small.
While the inspiration is his, the responsibility for the form of statement is not.

724 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

The argument here suggested is not intended to do more than
to point out the significance of the group concept for social science
in general. The details of the scheme are beyond the limits of this
paper. It should be brought out, however, that the implication
of the group concept does not mean the abolition of specialization
on the one hand, nor the denial of a scientific method on the
other hand.' Both are essential for social science.

The group concept has further significance for sociology in par-
ticular, since, with the surrender of its older claims to suzerainty,
it must take its place along with the other social techniques as a
co-ordinating viewpoint. It thus becomes a way of thinking, a
point of view from which the common social process is observed
and analyzed. The group concept, then, furnishes the basis upon
which it establishes its claim. Small expresses this opinion in his
definition of sociology where he describes it as that "variant
among the social science techniques which proceeds from the per-
ception that all human phenomena are functions of groups.''^
The analysis of group relations, the group concept, is the only
apparent distinct contribution of sociology, and is its justification
for a claim to rank as one of the techniques. As was pointed out
in the review of Small's work, he has here, it seems, made a dis-
tinct contribution to sociology in his suggestion of the group con-

' Dr. Small's The Meaning of Social Science may be given as a detailed description
of the method whereby specialization and co-ordination may be achieved. The very
conception of a division of labor implies work upon a unified problem. The scientific
method, i.e., observation, experimentation, testing, h>-pothesis, etc., is common to all
the sciences. Karl Pearson has an interesting observation on the unity of science:
" The reader may perhaps feel that I am laying stress upon method at the expense of
material content. Now this is the peculiarity of scientific method, that when once
it has become a habit of mind, that mind converts all facts whatsoever into science.
The field of science is unlimited; its material is endless, every group of natural phe-
nomena, every phase of social life, ever>' stage of past or present development is material
of science. The unity of all science consists alone in its method, not in its material.
The man who classifies facts of any kind whatever, who sees their mutual relation
and describes their sequences, is applying the scientific method and is a man of science.
The facts may belong to the past history of mankind, to the social statistics of our
great cities, to the atmosphere of the most distant stars, to the digestive organs of a
worm or to the life of a scarcely \-isible bacillus. It is not the facts themselves which
make science, but the method by which they are dealt with."— JAe Grammar of Science,
Part I, 12.

' Notes from unpublished lectures.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 725

cept as the central proposition upon which sociology may rest its
case. It oflfers the most encouraging prospect for the dissolution
of the older crudities of separatism in social science and for a
positive statement of the meaning and place of sociology in Ameri-
can thought.

The significance of the group concept for the other social
sciences may be indicated by a brief reference to some of the evi-
dences of the use of concept by occasional expressing of some
modem writers in some of those fields. The change may be
suggested by pointing to the growing recognition of the social
factor in each of the several fields of labor which have evolved in
American thought. In economics, history, psychology, pedagogy,
theology, ethics, and jurisprudence this special sociological con-
cept is beginning to modify the whole outlook. In some of these
branches the change that has resulted from the use of the group
concept has been such as to undermine the whole of the structure.
In others it has just begun and its end is not yet seen. A sociologi-
cal approach in other words, to these various divisions of labor is
far-reaching in its effects. Without exception they were built up
under the influence of individualistic and metaphysical concep-
tions. They still, for the most part, bear unmistakable evidences
of their origin. The coming of a social hypothesis means, as
Merz suggested, the rewriting and reconstruction of economic
theory, of history, psychology, theology, ethics, and all the rest.
We may note, now, some of the beginnings of such reconstructions.
They will recall the parallel movement in social practice which was
sketched in the first chapter.

Among those sciences which have to do with human behavior,
probably none has shown such a thoroughgoing reconstruction as
psychology. We have had occasion above to refer to some of the
changes that have taken place. Without attempting to go into
detail or to repeat other statements, one may epitomize the move-
ment by referring to it as the coming of social psychology. As a
representative of the latter movement and its significance one may
cite Baldwin. A layman could not pretend to predict what the
final result will be, but the shift away from the older individualistic
basis is unmistakable. Indeed, it seems that among the ranks of

726 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the psychologists there are those who find no place for individual
psychology at all. Baldwin summarizes the transition in psy-
chology thus: "For psychologists and logicians the problem now
is to find any knowledge that is psychologically private, not to

find knowledge that is common and public The result is

that the subjectivistic theories of knowledge, Uke the individualistic
theories of political science, are soon to be laid away in the attics
where old intellectual furniture is stored."' The behaviorist
movement, as has been mentioned, is a part of the transition move-
ment. Dewey, in speaking of the behaviorist movement in psy-
chology, says: "From the point of view of behavior all psychology
is either biological or social psychology, and if it still be true that
man is not only an animal but a social animal, the two cannot be
dissevered when we deal with man."' With the further details
of this change we are not concerned ; we are only to point out that
such a change has taken place, and that current psychology is
still in a state of confusion attendant upon a transition period. ^
Social psychology is a corollary of the group concept in the field of
psychology. Its significance is apparent.

Among the social sciences no division showed a clearer example
of the older individualistic conceptions than political economy,
particularly in its classical form. The group hypothesis or group
conception was as completely ignored or denied in the classical
school as it is possible to do. The individual was assumed as a
given entity, which was supreme both in economic theory and
practice. At most, social entanglements were but necessary ills
and superficial interferences which had to be taken account of as
a practical fact. Founded and formulated largely before an ade-
quate psychology of any kind existed, before a social psychology

' Darwin and the Humantics, p. 75.

^ "The Need for Social Psychology," Psychological Review, XXIV, 266.

5 Reference cannot be made to the large volume of literature bearing on the point.
Attention may be called again to: ElKvood, "Objectivism in Sociology," American
Journal of Sociology, XXII, 289; Bernard, "The Objective Viewpoint in Sociology,"
ibid., XXV, 298; Weiss, "Relation between Structural and Behavior Psychology,"
Psychological Review, XXIV, 301, and "Relation Between Functional and Behavior
Psychology," ibid., 353; Watson, "Psychology and Behavior," Psychological Review,
XX, 150; Angell, "Behavior as a Category of Psychology," ibid., XX, 255.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 727

was more than hinted at, and before an adequate development of
a scientific method, it is not surprising that economics grew up
without showing the results of these later developments. Its
philosophy was individualistic, its method deductive. From those
early characteristics it has not yet recovered completely. This is
true even in America, where other influences early entered in to
modify the harshness of political economy as it developed in
England prior to John Stuart Mill' who attempted to reform the
subject, and place it on more modern bases. From the rigid
individualism of the classical school up to the more advanced
economists of America is a period of considerable progress. The
limits of this paper forbid any pretension to record the changes
that have taken place, or, indeed, to do more than call attention
to some of the earlier limitations of the classical school. The diflfer-
ence in economic life which prevailed in this country, the influence
of German thought since 1870, the infiltration of the influence of the
Austrian school, and finally the neo-classical synthesis of Marshall,
tended to give economics an evolutionary trend toward a theoreti-
cal basis which is more in accordance with the results arrived at in
other social sciences. Both social theory, as developed by other
social sciences, and social evolution, as shown by the practical
development of American industry, trade, and life in general, have
made necessar}^ a movement in economic thought toward a diluted
social h>-pothesis. Some passages from Ely may serve to illustrate
the diflerence between the philosophy which characterized the older
economy and that of the new: ''The attempt of the classical
economists to isolate an 'economic man' ruled entirely by an
enlightened self-interest and unaffected by political, ethical, and
humanitarian impulses, is recognized to have been a mistake."^
As contrasted with this description of the classical school modern
economics recognizes social relationships as important: "Our
science then is interested in man in his relations to others, and not

' "The reaction against English economists, it is interesting to note, began earlier
in the United States than in England or Germany."— Ely, Oullincs of Economics,
p. 672. "Almost from the beginning the peculiar environmental conditions met
with in America have given a characteristic set of tendencies to American economics."
— Haney, History of Ecotiomic Thought, p. 511.

^Outlines of Economics, p. 675.

728 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in man by himself. Moreover, as a science which studies the
present in order that it may predict and prepare for the future,
and discovering that interdependence is the law of progress, it must
not hesitate to shape its principles with reference to a solidarity
which shall grow more rather than less, stronger rather than
weaker.'"

One must recognize then that current economic theory has
made considerable advance from the stricter classical school of
the first half of the nineteenth century, ''Economists are realiz-
ing the interrelation of things; more and more the quest for abso-
lute law of causation is modified by a knowledge that things move
in circles and mutually determine one another as do supply,
demand, and price. "^ While admitting the force of this state-
ment with all that it implies in theory and practice, one must still
come to the conclusion that current economic theory has not yet
been penetrated very deeply with the conclusions arrived at by
contemporary social psychology, with its emphasis upon the sig-
nificance of the group in the formation and control of men. Eco-
nomic theory in America today is still fundamentally individualistic;
it still conceives mind as a datum rather than as a social product;
it still assumes the wants of the individual as given and relatively
fijced; it still assumes the medieval doctrine of the freedom of the
will and choice; it still interprets freedom in the negative sense
as absence of restraint and interference; it still emphasizes unduly
"individual initiative" and individual struggle for existence and
tends to ignore the correlative fact of co-operation or group activity.
In a word, contemporary economics still employs an antiquated
psychology in the solution of all its problems.^ Once a grasp of
group concept with its psychological implications is obtained, it
will mean the rewriting of all economic theory, in so far as it has
not already been done. The transformation for economics will be
as that of psychology has been.

There have appeared some current evidences of the movement
to reconstruct economic theory in the light of the group concep-

■ Outlines of Economics, p. 6. ' Haney, History oj Economic Thought, p. 549.
3 Merely as an illustration one might cite Carver's Principles of Political Economy
(1919) as an exhibit of all these shortcomings.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 729

tion. It is beyond the purpose here to attempt to sketch any of
these attempts even in its most general details. They are to be
cited merely as illustrations of possible ways in which the group
concept may be applied to the resuscitation of economic theory.
Possibly the most ambitious effort was the attempt to restate the
theory of value, the central process in economic theory, which
appeared in Anderson's Social Valued Broadly speaking, the
book may be characterized as an attempt to apply a functional
social psychology to the value problem. In order to get his point
of view it will be well to allow him to summarize his argument,
in so far as it bears on our purpose. After referring to earlier
theories of value among the economists, he continues :

The defect is in the highly abstract nature of the determinants of values
which these theories start from; they abstract the individual mind from its con-
nection with the social whole, and then abstract from the individual's mind only
those emotions which are directly concerned with the consumption and produc-
tion of economic goods; this abstraction is necessitated by the individuaUstic,
subjectivistic conception of society, which growing out of the skeptical philoso-
phy of Hume has dominated economic theory ever since: Present day sociology
has rejected this conception of society, and has re-established the organic con-
ception of society in psychological, rather than biological terms, which makes
it possible to treat society as a whole as the source of values of goods ; this does
not obviate the necessity for close analysis, nor does it, in itself, solve the prob-
lem, but it does give us an adequate point of view; the determinants of value
include not only the highly abstract factors which the value theories here
criticized have undertaken to handle arithmetically, but also all the other
volitional factors in the inter-mental life of men in society — not an arithmetical
synthesis of elements, but an organic whole; legal and ethical values are espe-
cially to be taken into account in a theory of economic value, particularly those
most immediately concerned with distribution.^

• The term "social value" is not original with Anderson among the economists
It was first used in this country by Clark in 188 1 and has been used by various writers
since then. The theory of social value held by those writers has been severely criticized
by other economists, and rightly so perhaps, for it was lacking the essential psychologi-
cal basis for a logical structure. As used by those eariier writers, the concept repre-
sented either a summation of individual values or a valuation based on the discarded
biological analog>-. .■Vnderson's contribution is that he supplies, in a more or less
madequate way, the psychological foundation upon which a theory of social value
may rest if it is to have real worth.

' Social Value, pp. 197-99. With reference to the relation between ethics and
economic theory suggested in the last clause of the quotation, one may note Stuart's
conclusion: "Ethics and economic theory, instead of dealing with separate problems

730 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Economic activity in society, is an intricate, complex thing, for the motiva-
tion of which no individual's motives can suffice. If motivated at all, its
guidance comes from something super-individual, and that something is social
value. Ends, aims, purposes, desires, of many men, mutually interacting and
mutually determining each other, modifying, stimulating, creating each other,
take tangible determinate shape, as economic values, and the technique of the
social economic organization responds and carries them out.'

These quotations are sufficient to illustrate the point of view
from which contemporary economic theory may be reconstructed.
It amounts to an application of the group concept to a particular
part of one of the social sciences. It is not implied that the task
has been fully or successfully performed by the writer quoted.' It
does, however, represent an attempt to apply the conclusions of
social psychology to an admittedly difficult problem in economic
theory. It is pioneer work, but is an illuminating illustration of
the beginning of reconstruction of economic theory due to an appli-
cation of the group hypothesis.

In the preceding chapter, attention was called to the effort of
Cooley to deal with the subject of pecuniary valuation from the
same group or social standpoint.^ His point of view is essentially
the same as that of Anderson. He analyzes the problem from
the standpoint of the group, including within the problem the
social process of the formation of demand rather than assuming
it as given. The market is a group phenomenon which creates its
own values as much or more than it is created by individual
demands. It is an institution which has an existence of its own
and bends individual desire to its own likeness. As was pointed
out in the review of his writings, the discussion is significant in its
attempt to substitute a group conception of the problem for an
individual one. His discussion is cited here as another illustration
of the attempt that is slowly being made to put a sociological foun-

of conduct, deal with distinguishable but inseparable stages belonging to the com-
plete analysis of most, if not all, problems. — Creative InlclUgcncc, p. 349. Stuart's
essay, "Phases of the Economic Interest," is also of significance on other points con-
nected with the problems of economic theory.

^Social Value, pp. 197-99.

' Mead's criticism of the book from the standpoint of social psychology is tren-
chant. See Psychological Bulletin, December, 191 2, p. 435.
5 Social Process.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 731

dation under the economic structure which has been reared on an
individualistic psychology. It gives a concrete expression to the
significance of the group concept for economic theory. Such expres-
sions parallel the actual changes taking place in our economic life.

In taking up the significance of the group concept for history
one cannot do more than merely suggest in the faintest way some
general considerations. The whole problem of the study of history,
its methods, and point of view, is so vast and complicated even for
the historians, that one outside cannot hope to summarize the field
in a few paragraphs. This need not deter one, however, from
some general observations which seem to arise naturally from the
preceding pages. Certain modern writers will serve as examples
of the shifts in point of view and method which indicate the com-
ing of a "new history."' Most significant changes have taken
place in the course of the nineteenth century. History, like all
other bodies of knowledge, has been largely transformed as a
result of the progress of science, particularly as crystallized and
set forth by Darwin and his followers. This change, which has
taken and is taking place, may be conveniently summarized in
saying that history, since the middle of the past century, has been
seriously affected by the imperative of the scientific spirit and
method, which was so characteristic of that period. The older
point of view in historical writing and study is characterized thus
by one writer:

Indeed we shall not be far astray, if we view history, as it has existed
through the ages, and even down to our own day, as a branch of general lit-
erature, the object of which has been to present past events in an artistic
manner, in order to gratify a natural curiosity in regard to the achievements
and fate of conspicuous persons, the rise and decay of monarchies, and the sig-
nal commotions and disasters which have repeatedly afflicted humanity.'

Into the writing of this type of history the past century brought
the doctrine of continuity. Although this doctrine had been
developing before the middle of the past century, it was not until

'.\mong others, Lamprecht, WItat Is History? Robinson, The New History;
Green, Short History of the English People; Becker, "Some .Aspects of the Influence
of Social Problems and Ideas upon the Study and Writing of History," American
Journal of Sociology, XVIII, 641.

' Robinson, The New History, p. 27.

732 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the coming of the work of Darwin and Lyell that the real founda-
tions of the conception of the , continuity of history and indefinite
progress and change were estabhshed.' The principle of continu-
ity is essentially a corollary of the group concept; it is an appli-
cation of the principle of seeing things "in their together" as
Merz has expressed the concept. It is a temporal application of
the fundamental notion in the group concept. The essence of
the doctrine is expressed in these words of Robinson :

The doctrine of the continuity of history is based ujx)n the observed fact
that every human institution, every generally accepted idea, every important
invention, is but the summation of long lines of progress, reaching back as far
as we have the patience or means to follow them. The jury, the drama, the
GatUng gun, the papacy, the letter S, the doctrine of stare decisis, each owes
its present form to antecedents which can be scientifically traced.'

In other words, the principle of continuity, which has revolution-
ized the methods of historical writing, is an application of the
sociological conception of the group as a fundamental unity, and
an application of the mechanism of the group process, or social
psychology, to an interpretation of any fact or situation viewed
chronologically. The boundary line between the historian and
the sociologist is of no concern here.^ The chief end in view at
this point is merely to point out that the group approach to the
study of what is called history is one of the most significant facts
in the type of history that has appeared in the last century, and
is of increasing importance in the latter half of that century.

The group concept implies, not only the unity of the social
process in its continuous development, but also the fundamental
unity of a particular period in that development. The older t\pe
of political history, which concerned itself chiefly with strictly
political problems, grew up largely as a result of the interest in

' Robinson, The New History, p. 80. Small has given Savigny, 1779-1861, a
leading place in the development of the principle of continuity but points out that
Savigny deserted his important principle, in part, in his controversy with Thibaut
over the matter of codification in 18 14. See "The Present Outlook of Social Science,"
American Journal of Sociology, XVIII, 433.

' Robinson, The New History, p. 64.

3 Small has presented an interesting discussion of one of the boundary controver-
sies, that at New Orleans in 1903. See " Fifty Years of Sociology," American Journal
of Sociology, XXI, 816.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 733

political problems which was stimulated by the political chaos
that resulted from the political disturbances attendant upon the
French Revolution. Historians were interested in the matters
that were occupying attention. The crisis that presented itself in
various groups and in the world was deemed a pohtical crisis
solely and the attempts of the historians to recount those events
took on a pecuHarly biased political tone. The error of the type
of history which has been called pohtical history is the easy assump-
tion of the priority of the pohtical and dramatic in the life of a
given group and the neglect of the commonplace and habitual.
In other words, this type of history is a violation of the group
conception of the social process. The type of history that the
group concept demands of the historian is not an account of the
accidental, if indeed such a thing as a historical accident be pos-
sible, but a picture of the hfe as a whole. The conception of the
group as the fundamental unity within which all things find their
relations, and their meanings must necessarily transform the pohti-
cal type of history into a more adequate analysis, or surround it
with such quahfications that it ceases to have much value for any
practical purposes. The point of view here suggested has been
well put by Cooley:

The organic view of history denies that any factor or factors are more
ultimate than others. Indeed it denies that the so-called factors, such as the
mind, the various institutions, the physical environment, and so on — have any
real existence apart from a total hfe in which all share in the same way that

the members of the body share in the life of the animal organism We

may concentrate attention upon some one of these things, but this concentra-
tion should never go so far as to overlook the subordination of each to the
whole, or to conceive one as precedent to others.'

The transition that has taken place from the older type of poht-
ical history to the more modern type of history, which is more in
accordance with the conception of group unity, reflects a growing
change in the attitudes of historians. The shift is by no means
complete, but it has been fundamental. The most important
cause of the change toward a social type of history has been the

' Quoted by Small as a part of the New Orleans discussion referred to above,
"Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal of Sociology,
XXI, 813.

734 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

changes that have taken place in the actual life of the nations, a
change which one may briefly but perhaps inadequately charac-
terize as the emergence of the social problem. One of the con-
tributing factors in helping along this change was the work of the
sociologists who were developing the notion of society, and who
had a conception of the unity of the thing they were describing.
The newer type of history developed later in America than in
England, or Germany, but it has been increasingly influential in all
three since the last quarter of the nineteenth century. A social
history is an implication of the group concept applied to the
analysis of past group phenomena. That such a view increases
the problem of the historian enormously is apparent, but the
difficulty of the task is no excuse for the failure to accept the
responsibiUty, provided history is to have any practical value at
all, outside of mere amusement in dealing with historical effigies.
The difficulty of the problem of the study of history, when viewed
from the group conception, assumes such proportions that the value
of most of the history for the current popular comparisons between
the past and the present is almost neghgible. A recognition of
the bearing of the group concept, with its implied social psychol-
ogy must discount almost to the vanishing-point any proposals of
historical analogies, except when made by the most careful scholar.
It has the negative value, in this respect, if no other, of arousing
caution in the face of easy historical proofs. "If we find ourselves
guessing about the undercurrents of politics in our own ward, the
suspicion naturally steals in upon us that we may have believed
fairy tales about the Wars of the Roses, or the revolts of the
Italian Cities, or the European War of 1914.'"

The underlying defect in historical method of the past has been
the inadequate psychology which formed its prepossessions and thus
shaped its whole procedure. The assumption of the individual as a
datum, particularly in the case of its distinguished personages; the
assumption of a mind or soul as somehow prior, as a thing in itself,
which may be taken for granted without creating it, these have
been the cardinal errors of not only the earlier history but even of

• Small, "Fifty Years of Sociology in the United States," American Journal of
Sociology, XXI, 835.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 735

that of today. As a part of the group conception of the nature of
any given part of human life one must, if one purposes to escape
violent abstractions, explain and create one's great characters.
To assume the person, Alexander, Caesar, Jesus, or Washington,
is to give only half the process which makes up the historical
whole. The historian's problem is as much that of the details of
the creation of these characters as it is to recount their acts. In
other words, it seems there can be no adequate history which has
not assimilated the essence of modern social psychology, with its
fundamental viewpoint of the unity of the group-individual situa-
tion. Historians have, of course, done much to escape the more
exaggerated forms of the "great man" theory. They have still to
emancipate themselves from the ''common man" theory, in which
the individual is assumed rather than socially or groupally created.
It is in this latter respect that the group concept and its implica-
tions will continue the revolution in the method of history.

In attempting to relate the group concept to the field of ethics
little more is necessary than to suggest the large volume of thought
that has been given to the development of ethical systems within
recent years, and the place that the social or group point of view
has assumed in those systems.^ One may say, in fact, that the
latter point of view has become the predominant one in ethical
studies in this country. The changes that have taken place may
be summarized in the statement that the center of gravity in
ethical thought has shifted from the theological, first to the meta-
physical, and then to the social or group basis. In the rough,
Comte's three stages suggest the course of thought upon ethical
problems. Prior to the eighteenth century, the sources and sanc-
tions of the ethical systems were found in a religious philosophy
which had dominated the thought of Europe for centuries, and
which is still the dominant system of ethics among the rank and
file of American people. The revolt in France in the eighteenth
century and the skeptical movement of thought in Germany and
England paved the way for the transition from a theocratic to a
democratic point of view. Intermediate between the two stages,
the theocratic and the social, appeared the philosophy of Kant,

' For example, Dewey and Tufts, Eihics.

736 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

which sought to find a new foundation for an ethical system.
Kant, seeking new sanctions, founded his system upon the human
reason, and was thus instrumental in distorting German thought
up to the present time. Though France and England escaped
some of the intermediate distortions that were found in Germany
and proceeded more directly to a more scientific system of morals,
it remained for the latter half of the past century to bring forth the
further transition to the sociological point of view as the most
promising way of approach to the problem of morals.

The significance of the group hypothesis for ethics lies in several
things. In the first place, it relieves the problem of all super-
natural problems. The roots of moral practices, of codes, of sanc-
tions, must be looked for in the life of the group. In the second
place, the psychological implications of the place of the group in
the development of the individual impose increasing responsibility
upon ethical theory to explain its ethical individuals, the "genius"
as well as the follower, in terms of group relationships. That is,
moral leaders are products rather than data. It cannot assume
a pre-existing faculty of reason, but must develop its ethical
individual out of a congeries of animal instincts. In the third
place, the group concept imposes upon the system of ethics that
it find its tests or criteria, as well as its sanctions, in the group
life. Beyond the group there is no appeal. In other words, the
whole ethical system must be founded on a scientific method,
which finds its place in a group situation. The whole significance
of the group hypothesis for the field of ethics may be summed up
in the statement that moral conduct is always social, it always
involves socii.

What has been stated in the preceding paragraph amounts to
saying that the group approach to the ethical field is the sine qua
non in contemporary thought. It is the dominant influence of
group life which runs through the history and evolution of morals.
Something like this thought, it seems, was in the mind of the
writer of the following:

Ethics must consist of empty forms until sociology can indicate the sub-
stance to which the forms apply. Every ethical judgement with an actual
content has at least tacitly presupposed a sociology. Every individual or

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 737

social estimate of good or bad, of right and wrong, current today, assumes a
sociology. No code of morals can be adopted in the future without implying
a sociology as part of its premises. To those acquainted with both the history
of ethics and the scope of sociology these propositions are almost self-evident.'

One of the fields of study which has been least afifected by the
group concept is that of jurisprudence. This is peculiarly signifi-
cant for the sociologist, since the problem of social control and
social change involves the legal and political machinery which
limits and conditions any change. For some reason, the impor-
tance of the group approach to jurisprudence has not been ade-
quately recognized by sociologists, either on its theoretical side or
on the practical side. Small is well within the truth when he
states that it is "equally astonishing and unfortunate that for
nearly a generation legal institutions were left almost wholly out-
side the range of American sociologists' vision."^ This situation
suggests the necessity and justification for a brief reference to the
implications, for jurisprudence, of the group concept as it has been
elaborated in the preceding pages.

The coming of the group conception, with its psychological
implications, will mean for jurisprudence what it has meant in all
the other social sciences, an almost complete change of view and
method in making further pursuits of the particular quests. The
need for the revamping of jurisprudence in America has vital
significance at this time in its social evolution because the practical
afi"airs of our national economic and social life have already under-
gone such important changes that a new type of juristic and
political thought is necessary to keep up with the demands made
by these practical changes. The archaic philosophy of the legal
profession, which includes the bench as well, assumes peculiar
importance in this country since the latter's political and juristic
framework is so completely in the hands of this one profession.
The extreme difficulty of securing adaptive machinery for social
changes, when contrary to the trend of opinion of the judiciary
and law>'ers, has been more noticeable here than in some other
countries. If one add to this, the fact that the constitutions of

' Small, General Sociology, p. 663.

'Encyclopaedia Americana, article on "Sociology," 1919.

738 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

both the United States and the various states are incrusted expres-
sions of the older views which reflected a period of development in
our economic and social life that was naive and crude, on the
one hand, and completely dominated by a prescientific and pre-
social theory of government and society on the other, then the
practical need for a reconstruction of the fundamentals of juris-
prudence, becomes apparent. The pressing necessity for moderni-
zation of jurisprudence has led one writer to say that "perhaps
nowhere in our national life is the growing recognition of the
group or community principle so fundamental for us as in our
modern theory of law."^

To return to the theoretical aspect of the problem, which is the
principal object of interest here, it will be well to point out that
on the whole the legal profession and the courts are still in that
period of thinking which may be called the philosophical tendency,
which flourished in the time of Blackstone and his followers of the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The law is still felt to be
reason, and the method is that of deducing rules to apply to par-
ticular cases. The psychological prepossession is still, as it was
then, an individualistic one, frequently a faculty one. The impli-
cations of the group viewpoint with its psychological emphasis
upon function and the social creation of the self have scarcely
penetrated the thought of the legal profession. Its general phi-
losophy is that of the metaphysician and medieval churchman
with his absolutes and essences rather than that of the scientist
with his tentative hypotheses and scientific method of observation,
experimentation, and conclusions based on actual results. One
still reads of natural rights, of individual freedom as against govern-
mental aggression, of the doctrine of contract, of individual rights
which antedate all government and law. Even where the courts
have allowed the facts of life to force limitations of their philosophi-
cal prepossessions, they have done so grudgingly, and have sus-
tained their decisions on the basis of special protection to a certain
class or individuals rather than on the basis of general group
interest. Cases are still decided, in the main, on abstract issues
and antiquated economic and political philosophy. In other

' Follett, The New Slate, p. 122.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S ''DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 739

words, the situation which is presented is one in which an incrusted
legal philosophy, embodied in a political framework, and backed
by a written constitution, and interpreted in the light of a pre-
scientific legal tradition, has come into conflict with a changed
and changing situation. The fundamental assumption of the legal
philosophy was the priority of the individual, while the reahty of
the latter is the fact of group life. Until there can be a reforma-
tion of the former on the basis of analysis of the latter in terms of
an adequate social psychology there must result conflict and dis-
respect for law and for its interpreters.' The situation of conflict
between the prepossessions of the older school and the incipient
"sociological" school is thus expressed by a representative of the
latter:

A Bench and Bar trained in individualistic theories and firm in the per-
suasion that the so-called legal justice is an absolute and a necessary standard,
from which there may be no departure without the destruction of the legal
order, may retard but cannot prevent progress in the newer standard recog-
nized by the sociologist. In this progress lawyers should be conscious factors,
not unconscious followers of popular thought, not conscious obstructors of the
course of legal development.^

The significance of the group concept when applied to this particu-
lar field, is that it would serve to supplant the older obstructionist
legal philosophy with a point of view and method which would be
in harmony with the contemporary scientific thought. The impor-
tance of this progress in a highly organized group, such as the
United States, is very great.

The foregoing paragraphs are not intended to ignore the evi-
dences of a transition to a new point of view, and it may be well
to mention some of them. Attention may be called, in the first
place, to some of the practical changes that have taken place in
legislation and in the decisions involving the constitutionality of
such statutes. These changes appear in several different aspects.
There is an increasing tendency of law to impose limitations on

' See, for example, Pound, " The Need of a Sociological Jurisprudence, " Green Bag,
October, 1907, and "Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with Administration of Justice,"
American Bar Association Reports, 1906.

' Pound, "The Need of a Sociological Jurisprudence," Green Bag, October, 1907;
"Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with Administration of Justice," American Bar
Association Reports, 1906.

740 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

the use of property and greater regard for the human element;
limitations upon freedom of contract are shown in statutes regu-
lating conditions of labor, in the law of insurance, in decisions
estabhshing quasi-contractual in place of strictly contractual
duties of public service corporations; limitations; upon the right of
creditors or injured parties to secure satisfaction, i.e., exemption
laws; imposition of liability without fault in such laws as work-
ingmen's compensation; changes in the law of water rights
with a view to enhancing the group interest and right there-
in.^ There have been minority views among jurists which
have recognized the necessity of a new jurisprudence. Such
judges, for example, as Justice Holmes and Justice Brandeis of the
United States Supreme Court, have been found interpreting the
newer points of view. In the field of theory, the most noted
efforts to establish a sociological jurisprudence and to attempt to
replace the older philosophy of the law with a modern viewpoint
have been those of Roscoe Pound. ^ Similar efforts have been
made by Wigmore^ and Frankfurter,'* not to mention others.
The newer school, represented by the latter group of pioneers, had
its origin largely in the influence of certain European writers who
were endeavoring to develop a new philosophy of the law. One
writer has summarized the new movement among theorists in a
brief manner which may bear repetition:

In the domain of jurisprudence the past thirty years has been marked by
ominous unrest. Instead of working out problems of systematization, con-
struction, and application, leading jurists have been querying and contesting
the most fundamental doctrines of the theory of law. Stammler in Germany,
Saleilles and Charmont in France have laid stress on the contrast between
positive law and right law, the latter being conceived as a modernized law of
nature sitting in judgment over the injustice and conventionalism of the rules

' Pound, "The End of Law as Developed in Legal Rules and Doctrines," Harvard
Law Review, XXVII, 195-234; "The Need of Sociological Jurisprudence," Green Bag,
October, 1907, p. i.

'"The Scope and Purpose of Sociological Jurisprudence," Harvard Law Revirai,
XXIV, 591; XXV, 140, 489; "Justice According to Law," California Law Review,
XIII, 696; XIV, 103; and other articles.

J The Evolution of Law Series.

^ "Hours of Labor and Realism," Harvard Law Review, XXIX, 353; "The
Constitutional Opinions of Justice Holmes," ibid., XXIX, 683.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY" 741

imposed by the courts. Duguit maintained that it is idle to speak of the State
as the subject of rights and that altogether there is no such thing as rights in
distinction from organized social functions and services. American teachers
of law [Pound and Wigmore are referred to in a footnote] insisted on the
necessity of establishing the closest connection between jurisprudence and
sociology. Continental lawyers hke Geny and Biilow traced the barrenness
of modern judicial practice to the slavish respect for terms and logical deduc-
tions and demanded a free interpretation and application of juridical rules by
judges attentive to the varied expressions of public opinions and public needs.'

To attempt to trace out the extent to which the newer spirit has
permeated the teaching of law in the law schools of the country
would constitute a study in itself. It seems to offer one of the
most fertile fields for the application of the group view, which has
become the tendency in contemporary sociology. Jurisprudence,
in spite of hopeful tendencies, still remains to be rejuvenated with
the spirit of the scientific age which has opened up so rapidly
since the middle of the past century. To transform the law into
a means rather than an end, to make it an experimental hypothe-
sis whose validity is to be determined by its function and its results,
to make the courts social experts with adequate machinery for
the measurement and testing and observation of the experiments
made, to insure decisions on the basis of the results achieved, are
some of the problems left for the twentieth century. One of the
keys to an adequate performance of these tasks is the group con-
cept, resting on an adequate social psychology.

One further general comment on the significance of the newer
point of view in sociology, which we have tried to point out, is the
hopeful outlook it gives to the problem of social control. The
coming of a point of view which recognizes that the group actually
creates its own persons means much to a society which finds itself
face to face with increasing demands for readjustment and progress.
To assume the individual as given, and as prior to the group, is to
assume the futility of much effort toward the remaking of society
or the modification of social institutions. With the newer point
of view, the problem of social control becomes not merely one of
the manipulation of ready made individuals nor the assistance in

' Vinogradoff, "Crisis of Modern Jurisprudence," Yale Law Journal, XXIX
(1920), 312.

742 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

helping ready-made minds to unfold, but it becomes the very
positive one of creating the conditions under which and by which
the type of mind or self that is desired is created. The real prob-
lem of social control is creation. Dewey has stated the matter so
clearly that it is worth while to repeat his statements. In showing
the need for social psychology he points out that the historical
method,

in spite of all the proof of past change which it adduces, will remain in effect a
bulwark of conservatism. For .... it reduces the role of mind to that of
beholding and recording the operations of man after they have happened.
The historic method may give emotional inspiration or consolation in arousing
the belief that a lot more changes are still to happen, but it does not show man
how his mind is to take part in giving these changes one direction rather than
another.'

The chief source of reliance of the conservative attitude toward
progress is the conception of mind as a datum rather than a
creation :

The ultimate refuge of the standpatter in every field, education, religion,
politics, industrial and domestic life, has been the notion of an alleged fixed
structure of mind. As long as mind is conceived as an antecedent and ready-
made thing, institutions and customs may be regarded as its offspring. By its
own nature the ready-made mind works to produce them as they have existed
and now exist. There is no use in kicking against necessity. The most f>ower-
ful apologetics for any arrangement of institution is the conception that it is
an inevitable result of fixed conditions of human nature.^

On the other hand, if one recognizes the results of the group
approach to the problem of progress with its implications in the
shape of the mind as a created thing in group relations, then the
heart of the conservative reliance upon the fixity of human nature
is taken away:

If mind, in any definite concrete sense of that word, is an offspring of the
life of association, intercourse, transmission, and accumulation rather than a
ready-made antecedent cause of these things, then the attitude of polite aloof-
ness or condescending justification as to social institutions has its nerve cut,
and with this the intellectual resources of sanctified conservatism disappear.'

The significance of this new point of view in relation to human
progress has been so well stressed in different writings that it is

' "The Need for Social Psychology," Psychological Review, XXIV, 274.
' Ibid., p. 273. 3 Ibid., p. 274.

GROUP CONCEPT IN WARD'S "DYNAMIC SOCIOLOGY'' 743

hardly necessary to refer to it further. Todd has made the modi-
fiability of human nature the central basis for his treatment of the
problem of human progress. The concept of a social self, that is,
the self as a group product, as recently developed makes possible
the reconstruction of educational methods and the direction of
social development in a way not dreamed of by previous genera-
tions. As Todd says, ''sociology and social psychology declare
in no uncertain terms that the sense of self is a social product and
should indicate how self may be controlled, moulded, colored, and
adapted for human welfare and progress."^

Just a word should be said of the relation of the new point of
view to the field of education. Education becomes, from this
standpoint, the chief method of social control. The group or
social approach to the aims and methods of education seems to
be one of the prevailing emphases in that field. The increasing
number of writers dealing with the problem of social education
and the close harmony that has arisen between the sociologist and
the educator is indicative of the recognition of the newer approach
to the problem. The field is so broad and is attracting such atten-
tion among educators that mere reference to it is all that can
be made here.^

» Theories of Social Progress, p. 9. This book is a very able presentation of the
relation of the conception of the self as a social product to progress. Robinson's
The New History, chap, viii, presents a very valuable discussion of the relation of
history to conser\^atism. He develops the same thought given above, that human
nature is modifiable, the self is created by the group, and points out with this new
conception coming to the front the conservative's chief reliance is being taken from
him. See also Hocking, Human Nature and Its Remaking.

' Dewey's Democracy and Education is an epoch-making discussion of the prin-
ciples involved in this connection. Smith's Social Education is an excellent example
of the application of the group approach to the educational field. It serves as an
illustration of the above \'iew.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK'

JESSE F. STEINER
Director of Educational Service, American Red Cross, Washington, D.C.

VII. THE SOCIAL-WORK LABORATORY

The practice work with social agencies, which has been the
dominating type of field work in training courses for social workers,
is sometimes compared with the clinical experience of medical
students. If this analogy is permissible (and it certainly is in a
general way) the question at once arises as to the advisability of
using this type of field work in the early part of the training course.
Is it sound educational procedure to launch students out on their
training course in social work by giving them field work with a
social agency where they will almost at once become involved in
problems of social treatment?

On the other hand where can students get an introduction to
social problems that surpasses that gained through work with so-
cial agencies? There can be no social-work laboratory comparable
to the bacteriological or physiological laboratory where social prob-
lems and conditions can be segregated, apart from real life, and made
the subject of various experiments. In studying the social effects
of bad housing or of unwholesome family life we cannot use methods
comparable to those employed in studying a tumor removed from a
diseased body. Data concerning these social problems can be
gathered together and utilized for the purposes of social research,
but even this may not be of great value as a preparation for clinical
instruction if these problems are dealt with in an abstract way
apart from their original setting. The laboratory of the student of
social work cannot be built up in the seclusion of academic walls.
It must be found where people are actively engaged in tr\'ing to find
a solution to the problems of human association. Since social
agencies represent organized efforts to deal with the problems in
which social workers are chiefly interested we are right in looking

'Copyright, 1921, by the University of Chicago Press.

744

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 745

to them for a large part of the field work that enters into the training
program.

But this conclusion by no means justifies the too-common
failure to realize the necessity for field-work activities that would
constitute a logical preparation for more difficult tasks of social
organization and treatment. While it is not possible because of the
nature of social work to have an experimental social-work labora-
tory where beginning students could get their first experience with-
out elements of social risk, the situation could at least be partly
met by differentiating between field work in which the emphasis is
primarily upon social facts and the field work that is chiefly inter-
ested in changing social conditions. Broadly speaking, social re-
search and social treatment represent two types of field work that
might be for practical purposes assigned respectively to the social-
work laboratory and the social-work clinic. In the former, em-
phasis is upon field work which involves the collection, tabulation,
and interpretation of social data. This of course is by no means
limited to an analysis of second-hand facts. The material for
study should be secured as far as possible by actual work in the
field which would give a first-hand acquaintance with social
conditions.

The social work clinic, on the other hand, has to do with social
adjustments. Clinical experience involves diagnosis and treat-
ment. Its emphasis is upon people and the solution of their social
problems rather than upon knowledge of social facts. While as a
matter of course it must continually make use of the tools of social
research and therefore overlaps somewhat this field, its purpose is
suflaciently distinct to make field-work activities of this type stand
out as a separate group.

It will no doubt be generally agreed that the social-work labora-
tory as thus defined has its logical beginning in the field work that
accompanies the undergraduate courses in sociology. Its simpler
activities, designed for students getting their first introduction to
this field, should illustrate normal social relationships and social
institutions instead of drawing attention to the more striking facts
of social pathology. Even fairly mature students may have diffi-
culty in visualizing social relationships and for this reason laboratory

746 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

work may very well begin with the use of such simple devices as
diagrams drawn by students illustrating their social contacts, the
sources of food supply of a city, and the social forces of a com-
munity. Carefully directed visits should be made to the most
common social institutions that have to do with the daily normal
life of the community. Students' knowledge of these institutions
is likely to be very superficial and they can secure in this way
training in methods of observ^ation and study of social institutions
which students should possess before being brought into contact
with agencies dealing with abnormal conditions. Illustrative ma-
terial should be collected from the available written sources so that
students become famiHar wdth methods of finding and utilizing the
data in this field. Especially valuable are the tabulation and the
graphical presentation of material that form the laboratory work of
courses in statistics. As soon as courses in social pathology are
taken up there will be need for investigation involving field study
of the social problems discussed in the classroom. This to a certain
extent can be carried on in connection with social agencies but it
need not be limited to the facilities they have to offer. The uni-
versity ought to maintain independently its own arrangements for
different types of field studies adapted to the needs of students in
the various courses that are presented. In this way the university
is not only making available properly correlated field work for its
undergraduate students in sociology, but is la}dng a secure foundation
for the work of the graduate students in the field of social research.
Graduate schools of social work ought to be able to take for
granted that the students who apply for admission have been trained
in laboratory work of the types that have just been outlined. Un-
fortunately by no means all of them have been so trained. College
graduates who decide to enter schools of social work have not always
made social science their major subject or they may have studied
in institutions where the equipment in this field was very meager.
When we include also those who for one reason or another are
admitted to graduate schools of social work without a college
degree, it is evident that a considerable proportion of their students
have not had even elementary laboratory experience in the field in
which they wish to specialize.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 747

It certainly is not in accord with the best educational procedure
to plunge students who lack this preliminary training into field work
with social agencies where the students' attention is directed at
once to problems of social treatment. Miss Edith Abbott in a
recent discussion of the field work of the Chicago School of Civics
and Philanthropy describes in the following manner the difficult
tasks that confront students who are assigned field work with
family welfare agencies:

I have already pointed out that " case-work " is the backbone of all our field
work training. In this work the student is brought face to face with the deep,
inevitable, heart-searching and heart-breaking problems of human life — the
problem of the deserting husband and the deserted wife, the feeble-minded
child, the problem of parents immoral and degenerate beyond any thinking, the
problem of homes so degraded in their filth that they can hardly be discussed.
Not only must thfese problems of low living be dealt with, but there remain
the even more difficult questions of what to do with the kindly and affectionate
but weak-willed and drunken father, the well-meaning but incompetent and
subnormal mother; the social worker must face them all, "hunger, drunken-
ness, brutality, and crime" and all the manifold problems of depravity and
distress. 1

Miss Abbott arrives at the very sound conclusion that field work
of this t^-pe is not suitable for the immature undergraduate who can
give only a few hours of his time a week to the social agency direct-
ing his work. In view of the complex nature of the social problems
described it would seem justifiable to go a step farther and conclude
that such field work does not constitute the most logical beginning
of the training course of even the professional student. This con-
clusion of course is directly contrary to the traditional procedure
of the schools of social work which have not only made case work
the "backbone" of their field-work training, but have regarded it
as the first step toward an understanding of social problems. The
Pennsylvania School for Social Service has recently decided to give
even more than usual emphasis to this field work in the beginning
of their training course. According to their plan the course begins
with a seven weeks' field-work period with the Society for Organ-
izing Charity in which the full time of the student is divided

1 Miss Edith Abbott, Field Work Training unth Social Agencies. In report of
Committee on Field Work of the Association of Urban Universities, at New York, 1917.

748 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

between field work (including group and individual conferences with
the supervisors of field work) and the class in social case work.

To take the place of this early emphasis upon clinical work, the
suggestion is here made that following the custom in medical
schools, field work of the laboratory type should be utilized as the
introductory, practical work of the training course. It is not con-
tended that the usual laboratory work in connection with the
undergraduate courses in sociology, is adapted to the needs of
students beginning their professional course. The exact nature of
the field-work activities that should be included within this social-
work laboratory would be determined partly by the location of the
school and the branches of social work in which it desired to
specialize.

In general the use of social data found in pamphlets, reports, and
periodicals would constitute the first part of such laboratory work.
Material bearing upon a definite problem can be collected from avail-
able written sources, tabulated and illustrated by means of graphs,
diagrams, or maps. Family case records and records of community
work can be studied and analyzed for the purpose of throwing light
on the social problems with which they deal. The social-work
laboratory should have its own collection of case records, but these
ought to be supplemented if possible by getting access to the files
of social agencies where thoroughgoing studies can be made of
specific problems.

As a next step the students can carry on similar studies of
material secured through their own field work. In making these
field studies the emphasis should be upon acquiring a knowledge of
the community rather than upon the discovery of means for its
improvement. Furthermore, the knowledge sought is not merely
facts that easily lend themselves to statistical tabulation. Students
should be trained to analyze a community from the standpoint of
the habits and customs of the people, their mental attitudes and
sentiments and their reactions to their environment. Out of such
study should come not merely a fundamental knowledge of com-
munity problems; the student should also acquire a mind trained
to see and appraise properly the essential facts that determine the
nature and quality of community life.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 749

The question may be raised as to the possibility of using a com-
munity for such a purpose year after year. The school located in
a large city would not be seriously troubled by this problem because
of the immense number of neighborhoods within the city and
adjacent territory. Even in the smaller communities there ought
to be no serious difficulty because the field studies are by no means
thoroughgoing surveys designed to expose the weaknesses of com-
munity Hfe. The studies need not always involve a house to house
canvas or the securing of information from pubUc officials. The
important thing is to have a proper approach to the community
either through an understanding with the people or through an
assignment of work to the students that is recognized as necessary
by the public. The Massachusetts State College of Agriculture
secured field work for its students by frankly telhng the farmers
in the vicinity that the students needed practical field-work train-
ing and by asking them to consider their communities as a part of the
college laboratory. The students in the School of PubHc Welfare
of the University of North Carolina gained access to the communi-
ties they wished to study by being appointed school enumerators.
If care and tact are used, this part of the social- work laboratory
ought to offer increased facilities for field work as experience is
gained in making them available.

The amount of time that should be given to field work of this
kind must depend to a large extent upon the length of the training
course and the intellectual and practical equipment of the students.
It would seem hardly possible to give the average student even
elementary training in social research in less than three or four
months of classroom study and field work. In this period of time
he ought to have acquired a point of view and a habit of mind that
would enable him to grasp more quickly the technique needed in
his cHnical work. His experience in social research would of course
not cease at this point. It would be inextricably bound up with
all his later field work no matter in which branch of social work
he decides to specialize. And because of the emphasis upon training
in methods of social research at the beginning of his course he is
in a better position to gain a clear insight into the social problems
with which he must deal in his clinical field work.

750 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

VIII. THE SOCL\L-WORK CLINIC

It has already been indicated that the usual types of field work
carried on in connection with social agencies may very properly be
compared with the cHnical experience of medical students. This
practice work in deahng with actual problems is of fundamental
importance in professional education. It is a commonplace in
education that training is secured, not by looking on, but by doing.
Education for social work requires adequate clinical facihties where
students closely supervised can engage in tasks under conditions
that approximate those they will face when they have entered upon
their professional career. The emphasis upon academic attain-
ments or upon ability in social research must not be at the expense
of the cHnical side of the training course. Schools of social work
should not turn out graduates whose approach to social problems
is primarily academic. Social workers are expected not only to
understand conditions, but to practice an art.

Their training must be regarded as entirely inadequate if it
has not given them familiarity with the technique of dealing with
social problems. A high degree of technical skill, of course, cannot
be insisted upon. This can come only through a much longer ex-
perience than can be gained wdthin the limits of a training course.
But the graduates must have a more thorough equipment in
technique than can be acquired by a passive acquaintance with the
work of social agencies. CHnical experience, which involves the
active participation of students in organized efforts to deal with
social problems and bring about their solution is a fundamental
part of any training course in social work.

In order to enable students to engage in this practice work, a
social-work clinic must be available. While this clinic may, of
course, vary greatly in the type of activity that is undertaken, case
work has quite generally been looked upon as the most appropriate
and fundamental practice work for students of social work. The
reasons for this are quite obvious. At the time of the organization
of the first schools of social work, the charity organization societies
represented one of the most aggressive movements in the social-
work field, and had developed a case-work technique that was re-
garded as fundamental in dealing with individual and family social

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 751

problems. Moreover, graduates of schools of social work found
their most available opportunities for employment with case-work
agencies and naturally felt the need of specialization in this field.

But the emphasis upon clinical experience of this kind cannot
be attributed entirely to its accessibility or to the demand for
workers skilled in case work. Its prominent place in the curricu-
lum has been assured by the fact that it affords a ready means of
teaching concretely the scientific method of approach to social
problems. Through the steps that must be taken in the diagnosis
of a family situation, and the following out of the plan of treatment
decided upon, students are enabled to see the complex nature of
social problems and learn how to deal with them in an orderly
and systematic way. No other type of social work deals with a
greater variety of social problems, so intermingled and compli-
cated that they resist routine classification and compel individual
study and treatment. Intensive training with a family welfare
agency not only acquaints students with a technique fundamental
in social work, but brings them into intimate touch with the social
forces, both constructive and destructive, that enter into the fabric
of our social life.

To such an extent is this true, that students are likely to
find themselves out of their depth if this clinical experience comes
too early in their course. As a matter of fact, past experience
has shown that immature students in the case-work field frequently
fail to adjust themselves to the unfamihar conditions they must
face, and, as a consequence, do work so inferior in quaUty that it is
detrimental, both to their chents and to the agency with which
they are working. This brings up the question as to the advisa-
bility of making case work the first introduction to clinical experi-
ence. It has already been pointed out that clinical instruction
should ordinarily be preceded by social research. Is it possible
to go a step farther and differentiate between types of cHnical
work, in a way that would be helpful in arranging them in logical
sequence?

Besides the case-work type of clinical experience which has
just been discussed, the social-work clinic should include at least
two additional t\pes of activities — social work with groups,

752 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

and social work with communities. Social work with groups is a
type of field work that has been very commonly furnished by
social settlements or by agencies in the recreational field. It in-
cludes such activities as organizing and conducting boys' and
girls' clubs, experience in playground supervision, work with
immigrant groups involving the teaching of classes in English
and civics, participation in the work of the Young Men's Christian
Association, Young Women's Christian Association, Boy Scouts,
and similar organizations that specialize in group activities;
special work with institutional groups in hospitals, asylums,
reformatories, etc.; and certain phases of industrial welfare work.

The third type of clinical work — social work with communities,
or community organization — has to do with the social welfare
of the community as a whole, instead of with that of particular
families or groups within the community. While community
work in accordance with customary usage may, and frequently
does, include activities for groups, as is seen in the work of social
settlements, playground associations, and community centers, the
two types of work employ different techniques and in a training
course should be considered separately. The looseness with which
the term "community" is now used makes it inevitable that
community work should have a varied meaning. On the one hand,
in the large cities, it may designate the work of settlements and
neighborhood associations; or it may be applied to the work of
federations of social agencies that are co-ordinating the various
activities of separate agencies so that they may serve best the
needs of the whole community or city; or again it may take the
form of the social unit organization, with its special machinery
designed to utilize the abiHty and resources of the people them-
selves in meeting their own problems. These city tj-pes of
community work are usually quite complex and involve diflicult
problems of organization and administration.

On the other hand, the community work, that within recent
years has been rapidly developing in small towns and rural com-
munities, deals with a comparatively small social unit and is more
simple in character. In some cases, a single organization, such as
the Young Men's Christian Association or the Red Cross, adopts

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 753

a wide community program and furnishes the leadership for the
work. A more common plan is to form a community council
composed of representative people who study the situation from
the community point of view and endeavor to organize the various
social forces so that they may be utilized to the greatest advantage.
In any event, an essential thing in community work is a study of
the resources and problems of the community in order to ascertain
facts upon which to build a satisfactory program of work. The
program itself may be simple, but it must have a long look ahead
and include all the vital interests of the community.

Of these three general types of clinical activities that have been
mentioned, social work with groups is the most elementary. It
demands sufficient skill to justify the requirement of practice work
under supervision, but it approximates so closely the non-professional
activities in the social-work field with which students are usually
familiar, that they find Httle difficulty in adjusting themselves to
the group work assigned them. From this point of view, it would
seem that social work with groups constitutes an appropriate ac-
tivity with which to begin clinical experience. The experience of
schools of social work, however, indicates that group work possesses
too little educational value to be given much emphasis. The more
simple group activities may very properly be carried on as field
work in the undergraduate curriculum. With few exceptions, clini-
cal work with groups will have a very small place in a professional
training course, except in so far as it fits into activities in connec-
tion with training in community organization.

The question then to be decided is whether cHnical practice
should begin with community work or case work. Certainly all
would agree that the more difficult problems of community organ-
ization should be postponed until the latter part of the course.
Likewise, case work with families involving complicated situations
is field work suitable only for more mature students. Whichever
precedes in the course, it is important that the beginning be made
with comparatively simple situations that do not compel the student
to shoulder heavy responsibihty. Since case-work with families
cannot be carried on without a great deal of knowledge of com-
munity resources and underlying social forces, the case-work student

754 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

is compelled to study his community in connection with his special
work with family problems. As a matter of fact, the usual conten-
tion is that, through this family work, the student gains a more
intelligent grasp of community problems than in any other way.
On the other hand, it may be said that the study and analysis of
the resources and problems of a small community (and, upon the
basis of the facts secured, the development of a community program)
comprise field work that will give a better perspective to students of
family welfare, as well as furnish them with knowledge that will
facihtate their dealing with family problems. It may still further
be argued that community work should precede because it deals
chiefly with the normal elements of the community, whereas case
work directs attention to the abnormal and pathological.

In any event, the recent development of social work in small
communities has made available for clinical instruction a simple
unit, which presents to students an unexcelled opportunity to see at
work in more simple form the social forces that are hard to dis-
entangle in the complex life of the city. The fact that this com-
munity work is not now generally accessible does not justify the
little attention that is paid to it in schools of social work. Its use-
fulness has already been demonstrated, and later experience will
undoubtedly point out its proper place in the curriculum.

The activities of the social-work clinic have been divided into
three general groups, which, broadly speaking, cover the tech-
niques most fundamental in social work. In the different schools
of social work, there will be considerable variation in the activities
of their clinics, depending upon the availability of social agencies
or the abihty of the school to provide its own clinical work. Any
school, however, that desires to give a well-rounded training in
social work must be able to give the students practical experience
in family, group, and community work. A working knowledge of
the techniques in these three fields should be required for gradua-
tion.

If this is made the minimum requirement of clinical work, the
curriculum must be arranged with this in view. Because of the
time consumed by field work, it is impracticable to have students

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 755

carry two field-work courses during one term. When we take into
consideration the additional time needed for the field work in social
research, the necessity for at least a two-year course is apparent.
Even in that period of time, the ground could not be adequately
covered unless much preliminary work had been completed during
the regular college course. The best solution seems to be the five-
year undergraduate and graduate course which will make feasible
the completion of the academic and practical work in a thorough
manner.

But even in the best-arranged curriculum, there cannot be
suflicient clinical experience to give students a high degree of skill
in the special field they choose. Graduates of schools of social
work, just as graduates of other professional schools, must plan to
gain skill and experience by serving first in subordinate positions.
The school should attempt to give only fundamental training.
Otherwise the curriculum becomes so heavily weighted with clinical
experience that the training course can offer few advantages beyond
that of a well-planned apprenticeship.

In a preceding section, attention was called to the possibihty
of a school's having control over its field-work faciUties. As far
as the clinical side of the field work is concerned, it will in many
cases be found more convenient to utilize the estabHshed social
agencies. Whatever arrangement may be made for clinical prac-
tice, it is essential that the school should have entire direction of
the clinical instruction. The traditional method of securing the
cHnical staff has been to rely largely upon the services of workers
employed by social agencies. This has been justified by the fact
that students have the advantage of learning their technique
from persons in intimate touch with the methods followed in
social work.

Directly opposed to this point of view is the statement of
Dr. Frankfurter, quoted above in another connection, in which he
said: "The time has gone by when the teaching of any profession
can be entrused to persons who, from their exacting outside work
of practice or administration, give to teaching their tired leavings."
In the introduction to the report on medical education in Europe,

756 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

issued by the Carnegie Foundation, Dr. Henry S. Pritchett, Presi-
dent of the Foundation, emphasizes this same point as it applies
to the instruction of medical students. Says Dr. Pritchett:

It has come to be generally conceded that not only must the basic sciences of
chemistry, physics, and biology be taught by those who are primarily teachers
and who give their whole time to teaching and to research, but also that the
more definitely medical sciences of anatomy, physiology, pathology, and
bacteriology must be represented by specialists. It has not been so generally
granted that the clinical teacher must also be primarily a man who devotes his
life to teaching and to research. This reform is the next great step to be taken
in the improvement of medical education in the United States and Great
Britain. In Germany only has it heretofore found recognition, and to this
fact, next to the development of an orderly and efficient system of secondary
schools, is to be attributed the high level of German medical science and
medical teaching. With the more general acceptation of the view that medical
education is education, not a professional incident, the conception of the clinical
teacher must undergo the change here alluded to. The teaching of clinical
medicine and surgery will then cease to be a side issue in the life of a busy prac-
titioner; it wiU propose to itself the same objects and conform to the same
standards and ideals as the teaching of any other subject of equal importance.

In the field of education for social work, only a small beginning
has been made in providing an adequate permanent staff to have
charge of the clinical instruction. Usually the responsibility for
the supervision of field work is placed upon one person, who, un-
aided by assistants, is compelled to turn over a large part of the
practical training of the students to members of the staffs of social
agencies. If the field work is a fundamental part of the course, as
is generally claimed, it would seem that its actual supervision
should not be delegated to persons who are only indirectly under
the control of the school. In several of the newer university schools
of social work located in places where skilled social workers are not
employed, it has been found necessary to maintain their own staff
of field-work supervisors. While this is a new departure in schools
of social work, it is a step in line with the best procedure in other
fields of professional education.

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 757

IX. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN PREPARATION FOR RURAL
SOCIAL WORK

The country-life movement during recent years has been char-
acterized by a growing tendency to lay stress upon the social aspects
of life in rural communities. It is no longer believed that rural
programs are serving their full purpose when they are dealing with
the problem of increased production. There has come about, partly
as an aftermath of the war, a more general recognition of the social
ills of the countryside which are retarding its steps toward economic
progress. The rural leader must know more than how to make the
farm more productive; he must know how to make community
life more wholesome and attractive.

This new emphasis upon rural social problems has necessarily
drawn attention to the need of supplementing the usual equipment
of rural workers such as farm bureau and home demonstration
agents, rural school teachers and rural public health nurses, so
that they will enter their work with a vision of its social possibiHties
and be familiar with the methods common to social work. More-
over, the recent experience of the Red Cross, the county work of
the Young Men's Christian Association, the county welfare work in
North CaroHna, as well as that of other agencies, both public and
private, have demonstrated that there is a real opportunity in rural
communities for leaders who are prepared to give their whole time
to problems of rural organization and social work.

The movement to provide the training facilities adapted to these
needs has already begun to take definite shape. Universities and
agricultural colleges are offering courses in applied sociology in
which special emphasis is given to methods of meeting rural social
problems. The Springfield Young Men's Christian Association
Training School has an arrangement with the Massachusetts'^State
College of Agriculture, whereby students in preparation for county
work spend one year in the study of rural subjects at the latter
institution. The Boston School of Social Work is endeavoring" to
work out a similar co-operative plan of study for its students who
desire to prepare for rural social work. Several colleges and uni-
versities located in small towns are co-operating with the Red Cross

758 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

in developing training courses specially designed for social workers
in small towns and rural communities.

It is but natural that these efforts to carry on training courses
outside of large cities should be regarded with considerable mis-
giving by those accustomed to look to the city for field-work
facilities. A legitimate question to ask is whether rural and village
Hfe with its small population, its difficulty of access from the train-
ing center, the small number of cases that can be available in any
particular locality, and its lack of well-equipped social agencies,
can be made to furnish a satisfactory training ground for social
workers. While the burden of proof must rest upon those who
have departed from the traditional methods, it must be remembered
that experimental work of this kind requires considerable time be-
fore its results can be adequately tested. It is too early now to
draw anything more than tentative conclusions from the compara-
tively few significant efforts that have been made to train for rural
social work.

Without doubt the recent efforts to develop rural training cen-
ters have grown out of a recognition of the different environments
faced by rural and city social workers. These differences in envi-
ronment of course affect other professional groups, although not as
profoundly as they do those whose work is concerned with problems
that are so intimately bound up with the social and economic life
of the people. The rural physician will not have convenient access
to hospitals and specialists and to this extent he will be handi-
capped in his work, but the technique of the treatment of disease
or injury does not need to be modified in accord with social customs
or conditions of living. In the teaching profession the value of
special training for rural teachers is more apparent and fortunately
is now quite generally recognized. The rural school cannot attain
its highest efficiency unless its curriculum and methods are deter-
mined by the needs of the country rather than by those of the city.
Especially significant are the recent efforts to provide training
courses adapted to the needs of the rural ministry. In this case the
purpose in view is not merely to give the minister a practical
knowledge of rural problems and a sympathetic understanding of
the habits of life and thought of rural people; it is also to develop

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 759

a love for the country and to give such a vision of opportunities for
far-reaching rural service that it would not be regarded as a
stepping-stone to a city pastorate.

The dearth of professional men and women in small towns and
rural communities who look upon their work, there as an end in
itself and not as a means of advancement to a city, has been one
of the great hindrances to rural progress. For this attitude of
mind the professional schools in the cities are largely responsible,
for, either consciously or unconsciously, the rural students acquire
the city point of view and find themselves out of sympathy with the
more conservative and slow-moving community from which they
came and where they had expected to return to work.

In the city schools of social work this acquirement by the
students of city ideals seems inevitable and is especially disastrous
from the point of view of the development of rural social agencies.
Social workers who have been trained in a city where well-equipped
agencies are readily accessible have reason to feel lost when later
they accept a position where social work is not highly organized.
If they do not soon become discouraged by the conditions con-
fronting them and feel too keenly their isolation from other social
workers, they are likely to urge the adoption of methods more
appHcable to the city than to the small town and thus alienate the
support of their constituency.

For these reasons many have concluded that the successful
development of rural social work is dependent upon the possibihty
of estabhshing rural training courses that will definitely prepare
for social work in small communities and give such a vision of the
opportunities in this field that people of real abiUty will regard it
worth while to become rural speciahsts.

Possibly the first serious attempt to train social workers in a
small town and rural environment was made at Berea College,
Kentucky, in 1919. This course, which was six months in length,
was carried on by the College in co-operation with the Red Cross
and was intended to prepare home-service workers for the Red
Cross chapters in the mountain counties of Kentucky.

For this experimental training course in rural social work Berea
College was admirably adapted. Located in a small village on the

76o THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

edge of the foothills that lead back into the isolated mountain
regions, it had within easy reach communities that presented rural
problems of a serious and complicated nature. From these moun-
tain communities came the majority of the student body whose
dominating desire, fostered by the College, was to carry back to
their homes the knowledge that would increase the welfare of their
own people. The College, as a matter of fact, was engaged in social
work although its activities were not carried on under that name.
On its teaching staff were men experienced in group and com-
munity work in sparsely settled rural sections.

The establishment of the training course was, therefore, a much
more feasible undertaking than it might at first glance seem to be.
The College furnished the proper setting for the course, as well as a
considerable amount of instruction admirably suited to the needs
of the students. With the assistance of the personnel of the Lake
Division of the Red Cross, it was possible to plan a well-rounded
training course designed particularly for workers in places where
social work was not yet well organized.

The classroom work was given under these headings : principles
of social work in the home, public-health problems and adminis-
tration, child-welfare problems of rural communities, social-
service resources and how to use them, organization and admin-
istration of Red Cross work. The field work to accompany these
courses was carried on within the jurisdiction of the Berea Red
Cross Chapter. Through an arrangement with the chapter its
home-service office became the headquarters of the students. One
of their first field-work activities was to equip this office for work.
Desks, files, and all the necessary office furniture and supplies
were installed and properly arranged. State and local maps show-
ing matters of interest to social workers were prepared. A directory
of the Berea community was compiled which gave information
about churches, schools, lodges, community clubs, places of business,
public officials, and professional people, such as doctors, la\v>'ers,
nurses, ministers, and teachers. The two well-equipped hospitals
gave the students practical training in rendering some of the simple
services needed by mountain families in time of sickness. The
home-service work among soldiers' families gave opportunity for

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 761

experience in family case-work. The community field work was
carried on in eight neighborhoods or communities which are included
within the Berea Chapter. To each of these communities two
students were assigned for study and service. The methods used
varied in the different neighborhoods. In Scaffold Cane and
Narrow Gap well-organized community work was in progress and
offered opportunities to the students to participate in their activities.
Two other districts were approached through the Sunday
schools. The students organized and taught Sunday-school classes
and through the contacts made in this way found a ready access
to the homes of the people. This enabled them to make a study
of local conditions upon the basis of which they worked out plans
for community betterment. The experiment of family case work
without any attempt at neighborhood organization was made in
one district. One of the most successful pieces of work was done
in Bobtown where, according to the report of Professor E. L. Dix,
the supervisor of field work,

sickness in the home was used as an entering wedge and a basis for beginning
service and acquaintance. Contacts and friendly relationships continued after
sickness had disappeared. Especially in the homes where there was an evident
need for further service, this relationship was continued as a means of develop-
ing a constructive plan to bring about the necessary change in the situation.
Through this family and friends of the family, students became friends easily
with many other families in the neighborhood, working with them always
according to comprehensive programs, as soon as they had sufficient time to
develop them. When they were thus on a solid footing of confidence and
friendship with most of the families of the neighborhood, it was easy to proceed
to a community organization and to work out for their own guidance a com-
munity plan.

In commenting on the results of this field work experience
Professor Dix adds:

No attempt will be made to enumerate individual results obtained but a
few instances may be mentioned as examples: Many truant children were
placed in school and kept there; people who never went to church became
regular attendants; at least two persons unable to walk at all were provided
with crutches and taught to use them to their great satisfaction; several adult
illiterates were taught to read and write and two of these became students in
the foundation school of Berea College; several pairs of eyes were saved by
surgical operations; some Sunday Schools and community organizations were

762 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

started; some families were taught the use of a budget of household expenses;
an officer was appointed by the county court to act as guardian or adviser for
a family of children whose mother was not deemed entirely the proper person
to look after them; medical examination was introduced into rural schools;
soldiers and sailors and their families were assisted in regard to their war-time
and post-war-time difficulties. Many other interesting things were done but
lack of space forbids mentioning them here.

The experience gained through this course seemed to demon-
strate the possibility of giving practical training in social work in
rural surroundings. It was found that students could render to
small communities services of real value and do this work in such a
way that their presence would be welcomed. Contrary to what
had been previously the prevailing opinion, a sufficient number of
cases was available for practice in case work. The difficulties in
handling them, while many were not insuperable. The only
essential modifications in technique were those which naturally
suggested themselves to workers dealing with family problems
where very few organized agencies can be called upon to give
assistance and where the neighborhood fife is such that impersonal
or anonymous service is impossible.

Another significant effort to train rural social workers was made
this past summer by the new School of Public Welfare at the Uni-
versity of North CaroHna. The territor}'- adjacent to the village
of Chapel Hill in which the university is located presented both the
opportunities and hindrances of a typically rural and unworked
environment and therefore seemed an appropriate setting for rural
field-work training. Orange county has a population of about
15,000 all of which is classed by the census as rural. The three
small hamlets which can be reached by railroads are very similar
to those found in most rural counties in the South.

Paid social work was limited to what could be done by a home-
demonstration agent, about to be dismissed; a county farm agent,
who spent part of his time on his farm; a county superintendent of
public welfare, who performed his dutues in this position in addition
to his work as county superintendent of schools; and a Red Cross
nurse in Chapel Hill who came just before the course started and
left while it was in progress. In the adjoining county of Durham,
which was also used for field work, there were farm-and-home-

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 763

demonstration agents as well as a full-time county welfare superin-
tendent.

The training course was attended by two different sets of
students, county welfare superintendents and Red Cross students.
The former were already employed and actively at work and could
find time for only a six weeks' course. One of their most pressing
problems was in connection with the cases on their county pauper
lists. The supervisor of field work spent six weeks prior to the
opening of the course as nominal assistant to a county superin-
tendent of public welfare in order to obtain an intimate acquaint-
ance wath the conditions encountered in handling these problems.

The field work of the public welfare students was carried on in
connection with the office of the Durham County Welfare Super-
intendent. Each student was required to investigate and work out
under supervision initial plans for treatment of two or three dis-
advantaged families. To help the students gain a better apprecia-
tion of the problems of institutional care, visits of observation were
made to a large orphanage and to the state hospital. Prior to these
visits the methods of such institutions were discussed and definite
subjects were assigned for special observation and report. In view
of the brevity of the course, no attempt was made to give well-
rounded field-work experience. It was felt that in this initial course
better results could be secured by beginning with case problems
already faced by the students and giving them some guidance in
working out a solution of these cases. That the course was of value
seems evident from the fact that the students are planning to attend
a similar training course next summer. By influencing the Orange
County board to employ a full-time superintendent of public wel-
fare, the school has already made a beginning in the development
of a program which will bring about this coming year an increasing
number of community activities in the territory adjacent to Chapel
Hill in which the students can participate.

The course taken by the Red Cross students was to cover a
period of twelve weeks and was intended to prepare them for work
in Red Cross chapters where their first and most urgent problem
would be the building up of an organization capable of meeting the
social and health needs of the small town and open country. The

764 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

emphasis upon their field work was accordingly placed on ac-
quaintance with community situations and the organization of
community forces. After consultation with the county school
superintendents of both counties, it was decided to make use of the
school census as the method of introduction to the communities.
Both superintendents wrote letters of introduction and endorsement
to the chairmen of the school boards in the districts chosen.

Friday and Saturday of each week were given over to field work.
The students, by twos, went to the school districts assigned them
and visited as many homes as time permitted, usually walking from
house to house, securing the information for the school census by
questions, and all kinds of family and community information by
observation and friendly conversation. The districts differed in
area but each included between one hundred and one hundred and
fifty families. A very careful system of weekly reports and con-
ferences with the field-work supervisors was of great help in check-
ing up the work of the students and in enabling them to appreciate
the significance of the conditions they found.

As their acquaintance grew the students were asked to visit
homes and to attend parties and meetings. It was a natural step
for local leaders to ask the students, whom they had discovered
were interested in their problems, to help in community enterprises.
The recreational training the students had had through play dem-
onstrations early in their course was often the easiest part of their
training to use. A community meeting in one neighborhood, two
young people's parties in another — one of them an occasion when a
society of one church entertained that of the rival church as a step
toward church co-operation — furnished opportunities for recrea-
tional leadership. A boy in one of the communities said that the
young people wanted a glee club. The student promised to help,
provided he could get the group together. The glee club that
started in this way included nearly thirty boys and girls and con-
tinued to meet after the student leader left the community.

Baby chnics in which the students assisted the Red Cross nurse,
were held in two communities. A community picnic was revived
at one place and a speaker secured from the University. The
students encouraged the interest they found in community fairs and

EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK 765

met with fair committees in three communities. Partly, at least, as
a result of the students' efforts four fairs were held in Orange
County — the number required to obtain the truck demonstration
of home conveniences furnished by a state department.

Their e.xperience with the school census gave the students a wide
though casual acquaintance in the districts visited and enabled
them to know the local leaders and factions, which was of value to
them in planning for community activities. They also had re-
vealed to them through their official visits many family problems
that needed attention. In some instances, the students investigated
family situations and worked out tentative plans of treatment, but
in most cases lack of time made this impracticable. In addition
to their official reports to the school boards, the students submitted
carefully written summaries of the work done and of the conditions
found in famihes and communities. These records will be studied
by the next class of students who will be guided by these facts in
their attempts to carry on the work that has been begun. That
students can do this work in such a way as to win public approval
seems indicated by the fact that several of the communities re-
quested the School of Public Welfare to have students again as-
signed to them for field work. Two of the students also accepted
paid positions in Durham County, one as Red Cross executive secre-
tary and the other as county attendance officer.

In this summer training course the field-work emphasis was upon
the gathering of information about the communities visited. Little
attempt was made to go beyond the preliminary steps that must be
taken before community work can be developed. It, therefore, did
not make available to the students the wide training needed by
social workers. But even in the most favored circumstances this
cannot be done in a short summer course. When students are
required to become familiar with the technique of community
work, as well as that of family case work, it is useless to expect them
to cover the whole ground in less than one year. Later experience
may prove that a much longer time than this is necessary to give
students the training they need for organization and executive work
in small communities together with a technical knowledge of the
methods of family case work.

766 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

One of the serious problems in training courses of this kind is
that of transportation. If students must cover a wide territory
where street cars are not available, some other means of transpor-
tation must be provided. To hire conveyances is too expensive and
reliance upon the conveyances of friends or co-operating organi-
zations makes systematic field work impossible. The best solution
would seem to be for the school of social work to add to its equip-
ment one or more automobiles which under certain conditions can
be used by the students. A practical plan of operation which would
be financially burdensome to neither the students nor the school
would be to charge a sufi&cient mileage to cover depreciation and
operating expenses. Since the students who later accept positions
in county work will find an automobile an indispensable part of
their equipment, the operation and care of a car might be made a
requirement of the training course. Unless arrangements can be
made to give students easy and quick access to rural communities
and adjacent small towns, it will usually be found impracticable
to offer courses that require field work outside the city in which
the school is located.

The rural training courses thus far given have demonstrated
that there is plenty of field work to be done in small towns and the
open country. It is clear that the rural field furnishes all sorts of
problems which have as much educational value as do those found
in the city. More experience will be needed to prove whether it is
entirely practicable in a rural situation to give satisfactory training
in family case work. The point of chief significance that has thus
far been established is the practical value in a training course of
experience in studying social life under simple conditions and in
participating in the development of rural community activities.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN
SOCIOLOGY

The following list of doctoral dissertations and Masters' theses in
preparation in American universities and colleges is the compilation of
the returns from letters sent by the editors of the Journal to departments
of sociology. The dates given indicate the probable year in which the
degree will be conferred. The name of the college or university in
itahcs refers to the institution where the theses or dissertations are in
progress.

List of Doctoral Dissertations in Progress in American
Universities and Colleges

Van Meter Ames, Ph.B. Chicago. "Friendship among the Greeks." 1922.
Chicago.

Gertrude B. Austin, B.S. Grinnell. "Leadership in the Woman Suffrage
Movement in New York City." 192 1. Columbia.

Ray E. Baber, A.B. Campbell; A.M. Wisconsin. "Changes in the Size of
American FamiHes." 1923. Wisconsin.

Frank Clyde Baker, A.B. Oberlin; B.D.Yale; LL.B. New York Law School;
LL.M. New York University Law School. "A Statistical Study of the
Local Distribution of Voting on Constitutional Amendments by the
Population of New York City." 1921. Columbia.

Owen F. Beal, A.B., A.M. Utah. "Labor Legislation of Utah since State-
hood." 1921. Columbia.

Herman H. Beneke, A.B. Miami; A.M. Chicago. "The Concept of Graft."
1922. Chicago.

Martin Hayes Bickham, A.B. Pennsylvania; A.M. Chicago. "The Social
Evolution of Democracy." 1921. Chicago.

Emerson O. Bradshaw, Ph.B., A.M. Chicago. "Social Forces Affecting the
Life of the Industrial Community." 1922. Chicago.

Beulah B. Briley, B.S. Iowa State College; A.M. Iowa State University.
"The Economic EflSciency of the Single Family as a Household Unit."
1922. Iowa.

Ginevra Capocelli, A.B. Naples; A.M. Columbia. "The Influence of the
War on Italy." 1921. Columbia.

Ernest John Chave, A.B., B.Th. McMaster; A.M. Chicago. "Life Situations
of Children Nine to Eleven." 1921. Chicago.

Alice S. Cheyney, A.B. Vassar. "A Theory of Social Work." 1921. Penn-
sylvania.

767

768 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Archibald B. Clark, A.B. Reed. "The Popular Vote as an Index of Solidarity."

192 1. Columbia.

Frieda Opal Daniel, A.B. Drake. "A Social Survey of an Industrial Area,

Chicago." 1922. Chicago.
Stanley P. Davies, A.B. Bucknell. "Racial Assimilation in a Community in

the Anthracite Coal Region." 1921. Columbia.
Jerome Davis, A.M. Columbia. "Russians in the United States." 1921.

Columbia.
William Lloyd Davis, Ph.B. Wisconsin. "Social Eflfects of the Development

of the Arts of Selling." 1922. Wisconsin.
Carl Addington Dawson, A.B Acadia; B.D. Chicago. "The Social Nature

of Thinking." 1921. Chicago.
Harmon O. DeGraff, A.B., A.M. Iowa. "Juvenile Delinquency in Iowa."

1922. Iowa.

Frederick German Detweiler, A.B., A.M. Denison; B.D. Rochester. "The

Negro Press in the United States." 1921. Chicago.
Z. T. Egardner, A.B. Basel; A.M. Cincinnati. "Problems of Socialization,

Democratization, and Americanization in an Urban Community." 1921.

Chicago.
Kenneth M. Gould, A.B. University of Pittsburgh. "A Quantitative Scale

for Measuring the Social Welfare of Cities." 1923. Columbia.
Ralph P. Halben, A.B. Franklin and Marshall. "Poverty with Relation to

Education." 1921. Pennsylvania.
Ernest B, Harper, A.B., A.M. Virginia; B.D. Chicago. "Psychotherapy of

Personal Moral Complexes. " 1921. Chicago.
George E. Hartmann, A.B. Cincinnati. "Race Consciousness: A Function

of Race Prejudice, with Particular Reference to the American Negro."

192 1. Chicago.
Horace B. Hawthorn, A.B., A.M. Iowa. "Rural Standards and Social Effi-
ciency." 1921. Wisconsin.
Roy Hinman Holmes, A.B. Hillsdale; A.M. Michigan. "The Farm in

Democracy." 1922. Michigan.
Jakub Hofak, Ph.B. Chicago. "A Study of Czecho-Slovak Community

Organization in Chicago." 1921. Chicago.
Charles Dee Johnson, A.B., A.M. Mississippi. "The Negro Problem in

Relation to Education in the South." 192 1. Iowa.
Glenn R. Johnson, A.B. Reed. "The American Newspaper as an Indicator

of Social Forces." 1921. Columbia.
Frederick Jones. B.S. Virginia Polytechnic Institute; A.B. Richmond;

A.M. Columbia. "Measure of Forms of Political Progress." 192 1.

Columbia.
Oscar W. Junek, A.M. Prague. " Contribution to the Technique of the Study

of Group Psychology." 1922. Chicago.
Fay B. Karpf, B.S. Northwestern. "American Social Psychology." 1922.

Chicago.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY 769

Samuel C. Kincheloe, A.B. Drake; A.M. Chicago. "The Prophet, the Poet,
the Agitator." 1922. Chicago.

Ellis Lore Kirkpatrick, B.S. Iowa; M.S. Kansas. "The Farmer's Standard
of Living." 1922. Cornell.

Russell R. Kletzing, A.B. Northwestern. "The Relation of the Church and
Labor." 1924. Chicago.

Ernst Theodor Krueger, A.B. Illinois; B.D. Chicago Theological Seminary;
A.M. Chicago. "Life-History Case Studies in Temperaments and So-
cial Attitudes of College Students." 192 1. Chicago.

Dan H. Kulp, A.B., A.M. Brown. "The Chinese Family." 192 1. Chicago.

Oswald R. Lavers, A.B., B.D. Queens; A.M. Chicago. "The Social Signifi-
cance of Housing." 1922. Chicago.

John Lord, A.B. Transylvania; A.M. Syracuse. "The History of Spanish
Sociolog>\" 1921. Clark.

Charles William Margold, A.B., A.M. Columbia. "Celibacy among Notable
Americans." 1921. Michigan.

Anne Harold Martin, Ph.B. Chicago. "The Conflict Myth." 1922. Chicago.

Joseph Mayer. "Public Opinion and the Control of the Social Evil." 192 1.
Columbia.

Bruce Lee Melvin, A.B., A.M. Missouri. " The Social Structure and Function
of the American Village in Its Relation to the Open Country." 1921,
Missouri.

Roderick D. McKenzie, A.B. Manitoba; A.M. Chicago. "The Social Study
of the Neighborhood." 192 1. Chicago.

Snyder Harmon Milton, A.B., A.M. Carthage; B.D. Wittenberg. " Lutheran
Psychoanalysis." 1922. Chicago.

Ralph W. Nelson, A.B. Phillips; A.M. Kansas; B.D. Yale. "Elements of
the Social Theory of Jesus." 1922. Chicago.

Clemens Niemi, A.B. Minnesota; A.M. Chicago. "The Finnish Element in
the American Population. " 1921. Chicago.

Hazel Grant Ormsbee, A.B. Cornell. "The Juvenile Labor Exchange in
the United States and England, with a Statistical Analysis of Records
in the Philadelphia Bureau of Compulsory Education." 1922. Bryn
Mawr.

Bernard Ostrolenk, B.S. Massachusetts Agricultural College; A.M. Penn-
sylvania. " Social Aspects of a Decreasing Food Supply." 1922. Penn-
sylvania.

Maurice Thomas Price, A.B. Chicago. "The Technique of Religious Propa-
ganda." 1921. Chicago.

Edward G. Punke, B.S. Hastings; A.M. Missouri. "Effect of Industrial
Depression on Marriage and Birth-Rate." 1922. Michigan.

Clarence E. Rainwater, A.B., A.M. Drake. "The Neighborhood Center."
192 1. Chicago.

S. C. Ratcliflfe. A.B. Mount Allison; A.M. Alberta. "The Historical Develop-
ment of Poor Relief Legislation in Illinois." 192 1. Chicago.

770 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Ellery Francis Reed, A.B. Lenox; A.M. Clark. "The Treatment of Social

Radicalism." 1921. Wisconsin.
Ruth Reed, A.B. Brennan; A.M. Georgia. "The Negro Press in America."

1922. Columbia.
Frank Alexander Ross, Ph.B. Yale; A.M. Columbia. "A Study of the

Application of Statistical Methods to Sociological Problems." 1921.

Columbia.

George S. H. Rossouw, A.M. Chicago. "Nationalism and Language." 1921.
Chicago.

Albert James Saunders, A.M., B.D. Chicago. "Changing Attitudes and the
Missionary Task in India." 1921. Chicago.

J. T. Sellin, A.B., A.M. Augustana. "Swedish Sociology." 1922. Penn-
sylvania.

Herbert Newhard Shenton, A.B. Dickinson; A.M. Columbia; B.D. Drew.
"Collective Decision." 1921. Columbia.

Ernest Hugh Shideler, A.B. Ottawa; A.M. Chicago. "Social Heredity."
1922. Chicago.

Russell Gordon Smith, A.B. Richmond; A.M. Columbia. "A Sociological
Study of Opinion in the United States." 1921. Columbia.

Donald R. Taft, A.B. Clark. "Portuguese in New England." 1921. Columbia.

Franklin Thomas, A.B. Beloit. "Theories concerning the Influence of Physi-
cal Environment upon Society." 1921. Columbia.

Frederic Milton Thrasher, A.B. De Pauw; A.M. Chicago. "The Boy Scout
Movement as a Socializing Agency." 1922. Chicago.

W. Russell Tylor, A.B. Swathmore; A.M. Wisconsin. "Organized, Disguised
Propaganda." 1922. Wisconsin.

Amey Eaton Watson, A.B. Brown; A.M.Pennsylvania. " Social Treatment
of Illegitimate Mothers." 1921. Bryn Mawr.

Comer M. Woodward, A.B. Emory; A.M., B.D. Chicago. "A Case Study
of Successful Rural Churches." 192 1. Chicago.

D. R. Young, A.B. Lafayette. "Social Importance of Motion Pictures."
1922. Pennsylvania.

Erie Fiske Young, Ph.B., A.M. Chicago. " The Use of Case Method in Train-
ing Social Workers." 1922. Chicago.

Oscar Bernard Ytrehes, A.B. North Dakota. "The Norse-Danish Press in
the United States." 1922. Chicago.

List of Masters' Dissertations in Progress in American
Universities and Colleges

Max Arzt, B.S. College of the City of New York. "Recreational Facilities

of a Lower East Side District." 1921. Columbia.
Mary Louise Ash, A.B. Agnes Scott. "Three Generations of a Southern

Family." 1921. Columbia.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY 771

Edwin F. Bamford, A.B. Southern California. "Social Aspects of the Fishing
Industry in Los Angeles Harbor." 1920. Southern California.

Alfred M. Black, A.B. Wake Forrest. "Changes in State Control of Mar-
riage." IQ2I. Columbia.

Thomas Blaisdell, A.B. Pennsylvania State College. "The Present Status
of Labor Legislation in India." 1921. Columbia.

Roy Melton Brown, A.B. North Carolina. "The Correlation of Social
Agencies in North Carohna." 192 1. North Carolina.

Marguerite Buckhous, B.S. Montana. "The Value of the Health Center
in Public Health Service." 1921. Columbia.

Ruth E. Chapman, A.B. Trinity. "A Social Type of the Old South." 1921.
Columbia.

Tiao-Swen Chu, A.B. Nanking. "A Comparison of Reconstruction Programs."
1 92 1. Northwestern.

Edna Clark, Ph.B. Chicago. "Case Work and the Employer." 1922. Chicago.

Everett R. Clinchy, B.S. Lafayette. "The Outcastes of India." 1921.
Columbia.

Robert U. Cooper, B.H. Springfield Y.M.C.A. College. "The History of the
Treatment of the Insane in Massachusetts." 192 1. Clark.

Edith B. Cousins, A.B.Texas. "Leadership in a Girls' Club." 1921. Columbia.

AUce Culp, A.B. Southern California. "A Case Study of Mexican Children
in Los Angeles." 1920. Southern California.

Mary J. Delany, A.B. St. Lawrence. " Rehgious Education in Public Schools."
192 1. Columbia.

Mrs. Inez Douglass, A.B. Southern California. "The Causes of DeUnquency
among Girls in Los Angeles." 1920. Southern California.

Mary R. Fenderich, A.B. Oberlin. "Social Tendencies in the Methodist
Episcopal Church." 1921. Columbia.

Alice Fesler, A.B. Southern California. "A Social Service Program for the
Churches." 192 1. Southern California.

Faith M. Frazier, A.B. Heidelberg. "The City Block Organization Plan."
192 1. Columbia.

Meredith B. Givens, A.B. Drake. "Labor and Protest Parties." 1921.
Chicago.

Miriam Goldblatt, A.B. Rochester. "The History of Juvenile Court Pro-
cedure in New York State." 1921. Columbia.

Ruth A. Grimes, A.B. Chicago. "Socializing Forces in South Blue Island."
1 92 1. Chicago.

Irma Hahn, A.B. Barnard. " Recent Legislation for the Promotion of Physical
Education." 1921. Columbia.

Will Ashley Hawley, B.D. Yale. "Social and Economic Causes of Divorce
in the United States." 1921. Columbia.

Norman S. Hayner, A.B. Washington. "Effect of Prohibition in Packing-
town." 192 1. Chicago.

772 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Melville J. Herskovits, Ph.B. Chicago. "Arrests of Labor Leaders in the
United States." 1921. Columbia.

Minnie Himmelstein, A.B. Hunter. "Government Aid for Housing of Wage-
Earners in the United States." 1921. Columbia.

Sze Yuan Ho, A.B. Beloit. "Chinese Political Ideas from 1898 to 1920."
1 92 1. Chicago.

Charles Russell Hoffer. "A Study of Paternal Parental Occupation of Iowa
State College Graduates, and the Occupations Entered by the Agricul-
tural Graduates upon Graduation, 1910-1920." 1921. Iowa State College.

Alexander W. Holroyd, A.B. Hiram. "Is the Type of ' Great Man' in America
Changing?" 1921. Columbia.

Frank L. Hunt, A.B. Mercer; B.D. Newton. "Socializing Experiments
among Boys." 1921. Chicago.

Mabel Jackson, A.B. Southern CaHfornia. "The Teaching of EngHsh as a
Socializing Process Based on Experiments in the Junior High School."

1920. Southern California.

Harold R. Keen, A.B. Williams. "The Educational Problem in a Suburban

Town." 1 92 1. Columbia.
Mary B. Kellogg, A.B. Mills. "A Case Study of Child Placing in Los Angeles."

192 1. Southern California.

Helen G. Kixmiller, A.B. DePauw. "The Toynbee Society of DePauw

University." 1921. Columbia.
Toryu Kudara, A.B. ,Waseda. "Social Influences of the 'Namu Amida

Butsu' in Japan." 1921. Columbia.

E. C. Lacy, A.B. Milligan; B.Th. Transylvania. "The Orphan Child in

Kentucky." 1921. Kentucky.
Paula C. Lambert, A.B. Barnard. "Maternity Insurance in the United
States." 192 1. Columbia.

F. Lambertson, A.B., B.D. Boston. "The Evolution of Rural Housing, with

Special Reference to American Conditions." 1921. Northwestern.
Lalia Lane, A.B. Hunter. "Care of Mental Defectives in New York City."

192 1. Columbia.
Choo Y. Lee, A.B. Drake. "Comparison between Social Conditions in Korea

and in the United States." 1921. Chicago.
CMnton Leonard, B.H. Springfield Y.M.C.A. College. "Educational Work

of Y.M.C.A. of Boston." 1921. Clark.
Yat Kwan Liang, A.B. Chicago. "The Chinese Family System." 1921.

Columbia.
Chiang Liu, A.B. Cornell College (Iowa). "The Position of Women in

China." 1921. Iowa.
Delbert Martin Mann, A.B. Kansas. "The Economic Implications of

Democracy." 1921. Kansas.
Ada C. McCown, A.B. Reed. "Population and the Physical Environment

in Oregon." 1921. Columbia.

STUDENTS' DISSERTATIONS IN SOCIOLOGY 773

Edith H. McDowell, A.B. Mount Holyoke. "Lincoln University and Its

Alumni." 192 1. Columbia.
Ross A. McReynolds, A.B. Missouri. "Survey of Farm Homes and Families

in Boone County, Missouri." 1921. Missouri.
Olga M. Meloy, A.B. Dickinson. "A Recreation Survey of Harrisburg,

Pennsylvania." 1921. Chicago.
Ernest R. Mowrer, A.B. Kansas. "Causes of Divorce." 192 1. Chicago.
Thomas J. Murray. "Rise, Progress, and Program of the British Labor

Party." 192 1. Columbia.
W. L. Nofcie, A.B. Union. "An Economic Social Survey of the Kentucky

Mountain Countries." 1921. Northwestern.
Stanley North, B.S. Rutgers. "Housing and Migration in a New York City

District." 1921. Columbia.
H. C. Northcott, A.B. Northwestern; B.D. Garrett. "A Survey of Elsdon

Neighborhood, Chicago." 1921. Northwestern.
Leonardo Padilla, A.B. Ohio Wesleyan. "The Functioning of Government

in the PhiHppines since the 'Autonomous Act' of 1916." 1921. Columbia.
Charles H. Parrish, A.B. Howard. "Social Organization among the Negroes

of a New Jersey Town." 1921. Columbia.
Benjamin Plotkin, A.B. College of the City of New York. "The Social Ideal

of Isaiah." 192 1. Columbia.
Annie Beckwdth Pruitt, A.B. North Carolina. "Programs for the Correlation

of School and Home." 192 1. North Carolina.
Minta Madelyne Queen, A.B. Southwestern. "The Changing Attitude of

the Negro. " 1921. Kansas.
James Alfred Quinn, A.B. Missouri. "Fandly Desertion in St. Louis."

192 1. Missouri.
Leroy A. Ramsdell, B.S. Bowdoin. "Vital Losses Due to Preventable Dis-
eases in Rural Communities." 1921. Columbia.
William Lee Rector, A.B. Oklahoma Baptist University. " The Place of Ideals

in Moral Education." 1921. Missouri.
Samuel Courts Redford, A.B. Oklahoma Baptist University. "Survey of

Atoka and Tillman Counties, Oklahoma." 1921. Missouri.
Leona D. Rubelman, A.B. Iowa. "Activities of the Church in the Field of

Labor." 192 1. Iowa.
Wiley Blake Sanders, A.B., A.M. Emory. "An Attempt to describe Modes

of Adaptation to Human Environment." 192 1. North Carolina.
Florence W. Schaper, B.S. Missouri. "The Place of the Social Sciences in

Junior Colleges for Women." 1921. Missouri.
Gustav. T. Schwenning, B.H. Springfield Y.M.C.A. College. "Industrial

Work of the Y.M.C.A." 1921. Clark.
Harry B. Sell, A.B. Pittsburgh. "The A. F. of L. and the Labor Party Idea."

1921. Chicago.
Gladys Sellen, A.B. Cincinnati. "Total Return of Workmen from Industry."

192 1. Cincinnati.

774 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Paul W. Shankweiler, Ph.B. Muhlenberg. "The Nonpartisan League and

the Local Community." 192 1. Columbia.
T. C. Shaw, A.B. Central Wesleyan. "The Social Doctrines of Confucius."

192 1. Northwestern.
Stockwell Simms, A.B. Acadia. "The Neighborhood Center a Factor in

Socialization." 1921. Boston.
Harold E. Sortor, A.B. Cornell College. "Development of Sociological

Consciousness." 1921. Chicago.
W. B. Stone, Ph.B. Chicago. "Study in Culture Conflicts." 1921. Chicago.
Walter BUss Swan, A.B. Indiana. "Feeble-minded Ex-Service Men." 1921.

Indiana.
Elizabeth Tandy, Ph.B. Chicago. "The Organization and Administration

of Pubhc Health Agencies for the Prevention and ReUef of Sickness in

the Rural Communities of New York State." 1921. Columbia.
L. R. Templin, A.B. Southwestern; B.D. Garrett. "A Survey of an Open

Country Neighborhood: North Prairie, lUinois." 1921, Northwestern.
Charles B. Thompson, A.B. Hamilton. "Curriculum Changes in Theological

Seminaries." 1921. Columbia.
Earl Vaugh Timmins, A.B. Kansas. "The Personal Element in Journalism."

192 1. Kansas.
C. T. Tseo, A.B. Bates. "The Chinese Family." 1921. Northwestern.
Henson Utchikata, A.B. Washington. "Minimum Wage Legislation and Its

Administration in the United States." 1921. Columbia.
Melvin J. Vincent, A.B. Southern California. "An Analysis of the Socio-
logical Writings of George ElUott Howard." 1920. Southern California.
Mary Alloniz Waldron, A.B. Indiana. "Causes of Dependence in Twenty-
six Selected Famihes." 1921. Indiana.
May D. Ward, B.S. Washington. "Variety of Work Done by Women."

1 92 1. Columbia.
Helen B. Watson, A.B. Newcomb. "The Practice of Midwifery in New

Orleans." 192 1. Louisiana.
Pauline Wherry, A.B., B.S. Texas. "The Small Town: A Study of a Ken-
tucky Community." 1921. Kentucky.
Cass Ward Whitney, B.S. Cornell. "The Play Activities of Rural School

Children in New York State." 1922. Cornell.
Malcohn M. WiUey, A.B. Clark. "The News Appeal of the Rural Press."

192 1. Columbia.
Blodwen Mary Williams, A.B. Iowa. "Social, Historical, and Racial Factors

in Welsh Community and Choral Singing." 1921. Iowa.
Hidesakuro Yokoyama, A.B. Utah. "A Study of Japanese Communities in

the United States." 1921. Chicago.
WiUie Zuber, A.B. Newcomb. "Spare-Time Activities of a Group of Factory

Girls." 192 1. Louisiana.
Frederick R. Zucker, A.B. Concordia Seminary. "Attitudes of Low Caste

People in South India." 1921. Chicago.

NEWS AND NOTES

Notes of interest to the readers of the Journal should be in the hands of the
editor of "News and Notes" not later than the tenth of the month preceding
publication.

Russell Sage Foundation
The Journal has received an advance copy for review of the Social
Workers^ Guide to Serial Publications of Representative Social Agencies
by Elsie M. Rushmore. The value of the Guide to social workers and
to sociologists is indicated by the fact that it Usts approximately four
thousand institutions and organizations whose pubhcations are on the
library shelves. This volume has been issued in order to make the
collection more readily available. Its Index, arranged by subjects —
the Feeble-minded, the Blind, Prison Reform, and so forth — makes it
possible for students to find valuable reports of institutions in a particu-
lar field. Acknowledgment is given to the assistance of John B.
Andrews, Leonard P. Ayres, Kate HoUaday Claghorn, Earle Clarke,
Charles K. Gilbert, Arthur H. Ham, Lee F. Hanmer, Shelby M. Harrison,
Hastings H. Hart, Philip P. Jacobs, Allen J. Kennedy, Porter R. Lee,
R. R. Lutz, Samuel McCune Lindsay, Orlando F. Lewis, Clarence A.
Perry, Mary E. Richmond, Franz Schneider, Henry W. Thurston,
PhiHp Van Ingen, Mary Van Kleeck, Agnes Van Valkenburgh, Gaylord
S. White. Sociologists interested in research will welcome this aid to
investigation.

Science Service

The estabhshment of an organization for the purpose of famiharizing
the general reading pubhc with the progress of scientific research was
announced today at the offices of the National Research Council. The
new organization, to be known as "Science Service," has been sub-
stantially endowed and is chartered as a non-profit-making corporation.
Its control is vested in a board of trustees composed of ten scientists
and five journaUsts. The National Academy of Sciences, the American
Association for the Advancement of Science, and the National Research
Council each elects three trustees.

The charter of the new organization is a wide one, authorizing
Science Service to employ newspapers, periodicals, books, lectures,

775

776 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

conferences, motion pictures, and any similar educational agencies in
the distribution of scientific information. Edwin E. Slosson, for twelve
years professor of chemistry at the University of Wyoming, for seventeen
years literary editor of the Independent, is to be the editor of Science
Service. The manager is to be Howard Wheeler, formerly managing
editor of Harper^s Weekly and for five years editor of Everybody's Maga-
zine. The poHcy of the Service, according to the announcement, is to
be one of co-operation rather than competition with existing press
associations, news agencies, and syndicates. It will aim to supply
accurate and interesting articles on all branches of science and tech-
nology at the lowest possible cost.

Offices have been opened in the National Research Council Building,
1701 Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D.C.

"The Hospital Social Service Quarterly"
The Hospital Social Service Quarterly, after two years of pubhcation,
has become a monthly magazine to be known as Hospital Social Service.
Medical social service in hospitals has passed the formative stage and
is now recognized as a distinct department of the hospital. The Hospital
Social Service Quarterly was first published in February, 1919. Prior to
this time the chief writings on the subject were embodied in the works
of Dr. Richard Cabot, and in occasional special articles in hospital and
medical journals. The Proceedings of the Hospital Social Service
Association of New York City preceded the Quarterly and consisted
chiefly of papers read at the meetings of the association. The first
issue of the monthly magazine contains the survey of hospital social
work in the United States which was made by the American Hospital
Association last year; an account of social work in hospitals of Toronto
by Mr. Robert Mills of the Toronto Health Department; an article by
0. M. Lewis and two collaborators of the division of venereal disease
of the Massachusetts General Hospital; a discussion of methods of
parental authority, by Miss J. L. Beard.

The editor of the Quarterly is Dr. E. G. Stillman. .\mong the
contributing editors are Dr. Michael M. Davis, Jr., John E. Ransom,
Ida M. Cannon, and Dr. Jessica B. Peixotto. The editorial offices are
at 19 East Seventy-second Street, New York City.

Brown University
D. Appleton & Co. announce the publication of the volume The
State a7id Government by James Quayle Dealey, professor of social and

NEWS AND NOTES 777

political science. The publishers state that it is an introduction to
political science from the sociological point of view.

University of Chicago

Professor Walter B. Bodenhafer, of the Washington University,
will give two courses on "General Sociology" and the "Development
of Sociology in the United States" in the Summer Quarter. Dr. Warren
S. Thompson, of the department of rural organization of Cornell Uni-
versity, is to give the course in "Rural Sociology."

In the Graduate School of Social Service Administration Dr.
Roderick D. McKenzie, associate professor of sociology in the University
of Washington, is announced to give two courses, one in "Social Prog-
ress" and the other in "Community Organization." Mr. William T.
Cross, formerly survey officer of the Illinois State Department of Public
Welfare, will ofiFer a course on "Physically Handicapped Persons."

Clark University

Professor Frank Hamilton Hankins, head of the department of
sociology, is spending the academic year 1920-21 in Europe on a leave
of absence. He holds a fellowship for study in French universities,
and is also delivering a series of lectures on American institutions before
the Ecole Libre des Sc-iences Politiques under the auspices of the Institute
of International Education of New York City. While abroad Professor
Hankins will complete a book which he has been preparing on the
bearing of differential biology and psychology upon the theory and
practice of democracy. The work in sociology in Clark University for
the present academic year is under the charge of Professor Harry E.
Barnes, of the department of history, and courses are offered by Professor
Barnes and by Professor HermannHilmer, of the department of economics.

University of Missouri

The University of Missouri will accept for entrance beginning with
the coming academic year one-half unit in sociology, provided the
student offers at the same time either one-half unit in economics or
one-half unit in American government. This will mean the establish-
ment of half-year courses in Sociology in most of tJie accredited high
schools of the state. The course is being standardized by the depart-
ment of sociology in the university and the state department of education.

77S THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Professor C. A. EUwood will teach sociology this summer at the
University of Colorado, Boulder, Colorado, for the first half of the
summer quarter.

Professor A. F. Kuhlman, assistant professor of sociology in the
University of Missouri, will spend the summer studying in the Graduate
School of the University of Chicago.

University of New York
Dr. Rudolph M. Binder, head of the department of sociology, has
been offering during the year a series of lectures on the general subject
"Man's Place and Responsibility in the World" at the Twenty- third
Street Y.M.C.A. The different lectures are organized to describe and
elucidate the origin and the development of life, man, society, religion,
the state, and the internation.

University of Oklahoma
The Harlow Publishing Company of Oklahoma City announces
the publication of a work by Professor Jerome Dowd, entitled Democracy
in America. The object of the volume is to show the relation of democ-
racy to the progress of civilization.

University of Pennsylvania
Professor Carl Kelsey, who was granted a year's leave of absence,
is now engaged in making for the American Academy of Political and
Social Science a social and economic survey of Haiti and Santo Domingo.

University of Southern California
Professor Frank W. Blackmar, of the University of Kansas, will give
two courses in the coming summer session at the University of Southern
California. "AppHed Eugenics" and ** Problems of Democracy" are
the titles of the courses.

Mr. M. J. Vincent, instructor in sociology, is offering a new course
this semester entitled "The Cost of Living." Dr. W. C. Smith is
giving for the first time, a course entitled "The Family as a Social
Institution." Professor C. E. Rainwater is giving a new course on
"Social Uses of Leisure Time."

The graduate students of the department of sociology have organized
an honor society which is known as Alpha Kappa Delta. The require-
ments for membership include scholarship, social personality, and

NEWS AND NOTES 779

distinctive sociological or social-work achievement. Those eligible to
membership are subject to definite limitations in number. The society
is organized on a democratic basis of merit with no secret characteristics.
The new division of social work, which was organized in 1920, has
enrolled fifty-two students this semester who are candidates for the
certificate of social work and the diploma of social work; the former
being given only to persons who have an A.B. degree and the latter to
persons who have an A.M. degree, and who have met the social-work
requirements that have been set by the division.

Syracuse University

Professor Philip Archibald Parsons, who has been the head of
the sociology department at Syracuse University since 1909, has resigned
to accept the position of professor of sociology and director of the school
of social work at the University of Oregon. He replaced Professor
Franklin Thomas, who resigned to accept the superintendency of the
famous orphanage at Hastings-on-Hudson. The former superintendent,
Dr. R. R. Reeder, left to take charge of child-relief work in Serbia.

Publications of the American Sociological Society

The fifteenth volume of the Pubhcations of the American Socio-
logical Society, entitled Some Newer Problems, National and Social, will
be oflf the press early in May.

REVIEWS

Vocational Education. By David Snedden. New York: Mac-
millan, 1920. Pp. ix+587. $2.75.

This volume should appeal to the intelligent students of educational
systems and movements and to the sociologists. It is a thoroughgoing
and critical study of vocational education in the light of the actual and
pressing demands of modern society and the nature of individuals
subject to the educational process. Its method is the analysis of the
various factors entering into the different problems of vocational edu-
cation, criticism of present vocational educational attempts to meet the
situation, and the formulation of tentative programs for construc-
tively meeting the issue.

The chapters of the book deal with the meaning and social needs
of vocational education, its relation to general education, its principles
of method, administration, attempts, and programs in the fields of
agriculture, commerce, industry, homemaking, and the professions,
training of vocational teachers, special and future problems of vocational
education, the economic future of women, and practical arts in general
education. There are also appendixes on occupational statistics and
terminology of vocational education.

It would appear that the great motif of the volume is specialization
in life and the need of a combination or correlated training of practice,
related technical knowledge, and social insight in order to meet this
situation. This is luminously illustrated in all the essential spheres of
endeavor — agriculture, commerce, homemaking, etc.

A treatment of the author's view on several important points may
serve to give a perspective of his general position in this field. Voca-
tional education, according to the text, includes both by-vocational and
direct vocational education; the former consisting of the vocational
training people pick up in all manner of ways out in society outside of
schools, the latter of the direct effort made in schools to bestow vocations.
There is an increasing demand for vocational education, one demand
issuing out of the fact that society goes on making new vocations by
the process of specialization — something that is inherent in society and
promises to be continuous — another demand springing out of the
increased need for production and productiveness on the part of

780

REVIEWS 781

individuals and society generally. Increasing democracy that presses
for productiveness on the part of all and rising standards of living that
render it imperative that each worker shall make an increased contri-
bution in order to draw a larger income explain the latter demand.

The public cannot long escape the task of educating everyone to or
into a vocation. The tendency is strongly in that direction and the
principles of democracy make as rigorous demands for this as for equality
in voting and before the law; for there can be no equality in fact until
the artificial obstructions to giving everyone a chance to do some job
efficiently, to realize his life through well-trained and qualified mind and
body, are broken down. But the public in the form of the state — some
form of the state — will have to found and carry on this kind of education.
For vocational education under private auspices is not promising.
Either it is not really vocational, as in the case of most so-called com-
mercial schools — "business colleges" — which profess to train for business
in general, yet in truth train for only two or a few lines, and for those
poorly; or it is really vocational — as in the case of some corporations
of a large or monopolistic nature — but not auspicious, since except in
one or two monopolistic utilities, as telephone companies, where labor
is immobile due to the fact that the girls trained live at home, labor is
too mobile to make it profitable for a corporation or enterprise to train
employees to their work, and there is too great competition between
enterprises.

But there can be little hope of establishing a system of general
vocational education. Such a thing as general vocational education
is out of the question because of the nature of vocations. It is not
possible to discover a common denominator for all the vocations, not
even for those in any great line of endeavor, as agriculture — something
generally regarded as a simple calling. Practically all callings susceptible
to vocational education are specific callings, so that a training for one
is not a training for another. Of course the idea of education as disci-
pUne, in which case there is supposed to be a carry-over from one kind of
discipline to another, is discarded. In agriculture there is nothing or
little common to stock-raising, fruit-raising, and so on; consequently
education for one of those callings is of little service should another
be taken up.

This conception strikes a stunning blow at the prevailing idea that
a generalized vocational education is possible, at least in a restricted
sense. There is a widespread belief among educators that an agricul-
tural community, for example, can train boys for agriculture and girls

782 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

for homemaking by means of the local school. There might be some-
thing to this in a one-crop community, according to the view under
re\aew, but not a great deal because of lack of equipment, technical
knowledge, and correlation of work and training. But in a community
of diversified farming, where various kinds of crops and stock are pro-
duced, local training would not be a real vocational training because a
common factor for training purposes could not be found for all the
productive lines. The technical knowledge and social insight embedded
in each line is different from the others, and, besides, the practice work
would have to be in each individually and not in all generally. On
the basis of this conception, the best we could say of the proposals in
behalf of generalized vocational education is that programs of education
established on that foimdation are better than nothing, may be con-
tributive to something in some degree, but can only be regarded as an
entering wedge or a way station to the real vocational education which
is to grow out of such attempts. I am not certain that Dr. Snedden
would exactly consent to this last interpretation. I rather believe he
would say that society should stop such tiddledewinks efforts and do
the right and real thing now. But it is pretty evident that were educa-
tors and society convinced that what they are doing is completely
wrong, they and it would be too much discouraged to begin on a new
task. In agriculture, at least, it seems to me, we should go on with
what has been begun, realizing that it is not the best that might be
conceived, but believing that it is on the right road to something
better.

In the author's opinion, high schools and pubhc schools generally
cannot realize vocational education successfully, not only because the
callings are so diverse that small communities are not able to get a plant
large and complex enough to train for them, but also because many
callings demand an equipment for the practical work— always to be
associated with the process of getting the technical knowledge and social
insight— that is far beyond the financial ability of such communities.
Thus, to educate for locomotive engineering would require several miles
of trackage, a hundred locomotives, and other equipment in proportion.
From this it follows that vocational education will have to be realized
by the establishment of special schools to which the youths to be trained
shall go as they now do to normal schools, medical schools, etc. Some
of these will be state schools or schools for a state, others district, some
local. Towns may co-operate in the establishment of local schools, one
kind of training being given in one place, another in another, and so on.

REVIEWS 783

As to the administration of vocational education, nation, state,
district, and locality will share inasmuch as each is a contributor to the
support of the enterprise. In localities, the tendency is toward unity
of management, instead of management under a dual system such as
has been established in certain states.

Were space allowed, it would be fruitful to review certain of the
chapters of this volume. Those on vocational education for the agri-
cultural callings and for homemaking and on the practical arts are
remarkable analyses of the situations. Dr. Snedden is a master at
analysis and many of the results of his analysis strike the mind of the
reader as in the nature of discoveries. Sociologists who have specialized
in some of those directions considerably will be surprised to find here
some things new and worth while.

I believe this book by Professor Snedden will prove a milestone in
the field of vocational education. He has demonstrated that many of
his conclusions are incontestable. He has torn up old foundations
relentlessly, but for the most part with the conclusiveness of demon-
strative evidence. His proposals are ideal in the sense that it will take
society a long while to realize his objectives, but he has created a serv-
iceable steering gear for future operations. The educator who can
think and really wants to understand the subject of vocational
education in itself and in relation to society and in relation to other
education will find here a most stimulating and valuable aid.

John M. Gillette

University of North Dakota

Outlines of Historical Jurisprudence. By Sir Paul Vinogradoff,
F.B.A. Oxford: University Press, 1920. Pp. Lx+428. $8.00.

This is the first of several volumes deahng with the subject indicated
by the title. This volume serves two purposes for the series: (i) it
presents a general introduction to the Outlines, and (2) it covers the
first general division of the history, "Tribal Law." A second volume
will deal with "Jurisprudence of the Greek City."

The Introduction, comprising 160 pages, is perhaps the most
important part of the book. It takes up two problems: (i) the relation
of law to other sciences, (2) schools and methods of jurispudence. The
relationship of law to logic, psychology, and social science is found to
be particularly close. Logic, though open to exaggeration in the hands
of lawyers, gives an essential framework for legal reasoning. Since law

784 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

has always to deal with persons, it is fundamentally based on a psy-
chology; and since law is always a function of the social complex, social
science forms an indispensable background for its study. Jurisprudence
in fact is but a part of social science.

VinogradofT groups the schools of jurisprudence under three heads:
rationaUsts, nationaUsts, and evolutionists, and concludes with a valu-
able chapter on modern tendencies in jurisprudence. These modern
tendencies are not yet far enough advanced to rank as a new epoch in
historical jurisprudence, but there are certain new features which deserve
attention and are "likely to advance toward new vistas." Besides the
influence of the evolutionary conception and the critical tendency that
has recently developed, the contemporary social crisis is bringing a new
constructive point of view. The " individuaUstic order of society is
giving way before the impact of an inexorable process of sociaUzation,
and the future will depend for a long time on the course and the extent
of this process."

The author displays a knowledge and an appreciation of psychology,
philosophy, and social science and of the significant changes going on
in those fields of thought, as well as a profound knowledge of juris-
prudence. The chief value of such a book is that it tends to arouse
teachers and interpreters of law to a consciousness that their chief
function in society is not that of inculcating finished rules, but that of
building up the conception of law as one phase in an endless process of
adaptation and equipping students with a scientific point of view and
method for criticism of legal rules and institutions.

Walter B. Bodenhafer

Washington University

Field Work and Social Research. By F. Stuart Chapin, Ph.D.
New York: The Century Company, 1920. Pp. 224. $1.75.

Under this title Professor Chapin has given us a book on method —
method in conducting field work in the social sciences. Believing that
much valuable information on this subject was scattered through the
publications of government and private agencies, he set about putting
a considerable amount of it into permanent reference form.

The book is divided into three parts. Part I deals with the place
of field work in social research and with the critical examination of
documentary sources of information which must precede good field work.
Part II takes up the scope and organization of field work, pointing out

REVIEWS 785

that it falls into three main types: (i) case work — the intensive inves-
tigation of individuals and families; (2) sampling — the selection for
study of a representative portion less than the whole; and (3) complete
enimieration, as in a government census. Attention is also given to
several different methods followed in planning the field work of particular
investigations and the principles involved. Part III deals with special
problems connected with field work, more particularly the purpose and
preparation of schedules, and the editing, classification, transcribing,
tabulation, and interpretation of field-work data.

There are a number of minor inaccuracies; but the book is valuable
and will prove useful to those interested in social research, for Professor
Chapin has added to our fund of material in a field where contributions
are welcome — that is to say, in the matter of methods and procedures.
Credit is due him, moreover, for the conception of the importance of a
carefully worked-out technique in this kind of field work.

Shelby M. Harrison

Russell Sage Foundation

Human Geography. By JeanBrunhes. Chicago: RandMcNally

& Co., 1920. Pp. xvi+648.
Principles of Human Geography. By Ellsworth Huntington
and Sumner W. Cushing. New York: John Wiley & Sons,
1921. Pp. xiv+430. $2.50.

"Human geography" is another name for what Frederick Ratzel
first made popular under the title of anthropogeography. It is an
attempt to put our present knowledge of the relations between man
and his geographic environment into a systematic form and to outUne
the methods and problems of further investigation. Between the works
of Ratzel and Brunhes there are, however, some striking differences.
Brunhes, for example, puts more emphasis upon methods and is more
circumspect and less genial in his deductions. Ratzel, in a compara-
tively new field, wrote extensively and expansively, throwing out gen-
eralizations that were suggestive and prophetic, but not always justified
by the facts. Brunhes' work is a scrupulous effort to keep the subject
within the limits of geography, to point out the connections between
human geography, sociology, and ethnology, but to preserve the limits
of the different disciplines.

The fundamental facts of human geography for Brunhes are position
and commimication between positions. These two elements are typified

786 TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

for him by the house and the road. All permanent human habitations
are included under the one and all forms of communication are included
under the other. A city is a complex of the house and the road, struc-
tures divided and connected by streets.

Human geography thus reduces itself to an investigation of the
manner in which the organization of life within the house, within the
communities, i.e., village or city, and within the typical geographical
areas (islands) is determined by geographical facts, that is to say, soil
and water, flora and fauna, coal and other minerals.

From the point of view of the sociologist the most interesting chap-
ters in the book are those entitled "Beyond the Essential Facts," in
which the writer discusses the relations between geography, ethnology,
sociology, and history, and the last chapter entitled "The Geographic
Spirit," in which he indicates the varied directions in which human
geography is likely to be extended and the role which it is to play in the
future in relation to the other social sciences.

The volume by Huntington and Gushing, Principles of Human
Geography, is something quite different. It is not concerned with
principles of interpretation and methods of investigation but with the
presentation of positive facts. It is a sketch of physical geography to
which is added an interpretation of human relationship so far as they
are determined by geographical conditions. Human Geography is an
attempt to apply geographical methods and the geographical point of
view to relatively new fields, a book not merely for the schoolroom but
for the student. Principles of Human Geography, on the other hand,
is a body of fact organized and presented for use in the classroom.

Robert E. Park

University of Chicago

The Rural Community, Ancient and Modern. By Newell Leroy

Sims. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1920. Pp.

xxiii-f9i6. $4.50.

Professor Sims has produced a selection of excellent readings on the

various phases of rural community life. The text is divided into three

parts. Part I gives illustrations of primitive, medieval, and early

American villages and closes with a discussion of the disintegration of

the earlier type of village community organization. Part II discusses

types, institutions, and evolution of the modem rural conmiunity.

Part III is devoted to the problems as illustrated by surveys made in

REVIEWS 787

various parts of the United States, the program of improvement of rural
life, and the agencies for improvement and their co-ordination.

The selections describing life in primitive villages are especially
valuable. Charts are included showing the division of fields for hand
cultivation. The survivals of the primitive village land division in
modem life has had a vital influence on determining methods of agri-
culture in Europe as compared with conditions in America. And
Americans may be thankful that they have been able to develop their
agriculture free from many of the handicaps of land division still existing
across the water.

The closing selections outlining plans for unified community organi-
zation through community councils should have a wide influence on
future smaller group activities.

Dr. Sim's discussions of what constitutes a community are a real
contribution to this much talked-of but as yet poorly defined subject.

The text is an important addition to the literature of rural life in

that it makes readily available to the student much of the best hterature

that has appeared.

Paul L. Vogt

Philadelphia

Die Entwickliing der Hegelschen Sozialphilosophie. By Friedrich
Btixow. Leipzig: FelLxMeiner, 1920. Pp.158. Paper, M. 5.

The reviewer's first reaction to this monograph is a surprised sense
of indifference to its subject-matter. Even a sociologist who, in years
which seem longer gone by than they really are, has diligently studied
Hegel from beginning to end now wonders how he ever convinced
himself that it was worth while. The change is not due to a reversal
of attitude toward men and things German, as such, since the war.
Our present temper has as little use for any "social philosophy" in the
Hegelian sense as it has for a theology based on the assumption that the
world was made and contemplated with pride as a finished product in
the course of a calendar week. Simply because we are out of sorts with
all attempts to subsume human experience under categories, and then
to interpret human experience by a logic of these subjective constructions,
an American sociologist who today, from the strictly sociological angle,
had the slightest interest in what Hegel thought would be a curiosity.
Why he thought it might be the unknown quantity in a sociological
problem, but we need our energies for more importunate problems than

788 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

that. It is to be hoped that few American sociologists are such philis-
tines as to ignore the tremendous importance of Hegel in the evolution
of human thought; but by that same token, because we do take knowl-
edge of human thought as an evolution, we realize that, measured by
thought qualities, it is a longer distance back from what we now regard
as objectivity to Hegel than from Hegel to Socrates.

This little book is hardly more than a prospectus. It consists of
an account of the antecedents of Hegel the producer of the Phanomeno-
logie. Tradition may have ungenerously associated this book with the
battle of Jena, but the social philosophy which in the germ was in the
book makes Uttle more appeal to American sociologists than the state-
craft of Frederick William III does to modern democrats. Less than
two concluding pages are devoted to "the completed Hegelian system."
Another volume containing a digest of the system is hinted at. The
appendix (p. 154) contains, in addition to well-known sources, only two
titles later than 1914. The monograph is worthy of the attention of
serious students of Hegel as a philosopher, but it cannot be recommended
to sociologists.

Albion W. Small

UNrVERSITY OF CHICAGO

United States Housing Corporation Report. Volume I: Organization,
Policies, Transactions. Edited by James Ford. Washington,
D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1920.

Soon after hostilities in Europe were ended there was a concerted
effort on the part of real estate and building interests to bring about a
quick liquidation of the affairs of the United States Housing Corporation
and to salvage whatever was still in the hands of the Corporation by way
of real estate properties. The volume issued under Professor Ford's
editorship shows that, whatever fear we may have had of extravagance
and inefficiency of government enterprise in the production of war
materials, such fear was not justified in the case of the United States
Housing Corporation. Without previous experience, without an estab-
lished machinery for the adminstration of home-building work, and
without sufficient time in which to develop adequate methods for the
handling of pressing problems of housing war-workers in regions scattered
over widely distributed areas, the Housing Corporation has established
a record that justly aroused concern among real estate dealers and
builders regarding the possible competition of the government in the
building of homes.

REVIEWS 789

Those who are inclined to be skeptical regarding the possibilities
for meeting the housing shortage through government appropriations
and under government administration would do well to read this volume.
It shows not only the reasons for organizing the Corporation and its
general policies, but it points out ways and means of administration
which if applied to private building enterprise would make possible
the achievement of much better results than are at present afforded by
the ordinary business building enterprise.

The standards of construction, the human elements involved in the
planning of each housing scheme, the town-planning principles applied,
and the efforts to solve the engineering problems connected with building
of homes seem to have been handled in a manner that is not only credit-
able to those who were connected with the enterprise, but to the country
as a whole. No progressive builder can afford to disregard the vast and
valuable experience of the United States Housing Corporation, and that
experience is clearly and convincingly stated in the first volume of the

Corporation's report.

Carol Aronovici
Belvedere, Cal.

Proceedings of the International Conference of Women Physicians.
New York: The Woman's Press, 1920. 6 vols. $3.00 the
set. (Paper.)

In the autimin of 19 19, an international conference of women physi-
cians was held in New York City under the auspices of the Y.W.C.A.
The volumes here noted contain in full the addresses and remarks of the
speakers and delegates who attended.

The conference was not limited to the consideration of medical
topics, but covered also industry, economics, education, clothing,
psychology, and sociology, experts in these various fields being invited
to address the medical delegates.

The volumes dealing with the health of women and children are
especially significant as establishing the viewpoint of modern women
physicians. The old notion of woman as a natural, chronic invalid
should be replaced by ideals of health, hygiene, and energetic participa-
tion in the work of the world. For the realization of these ideals, health
education, dress reform, maternity insurance, control of venereal diseases,
and the single standard of morals are believed to be the chief means.
Birth control, as fundamental to the improvement of the condition of
women and children, is also freely recognized.

790 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

In the discussions of mental life, the speakers identify psychology
with the system of thought generally called psychoanalysis. The con-
cepts of Freud and Jung are uncritically accepted as satisfactory expla-
nations of human behavior, and are regarded as estabUshed guides for
educational procedure. The reader gains an impression that very few
of those speaking are acquainted with psychology as understood by the
experimental and educational psychologists of our day.

As is inevitable when the complete verbatim proceedings of such a
conference are pubhshed, much is included that is not worth printing.
To offer an exhaustive critique of the contents would be to exceed the
intentions of this review. It was evidently not the purpose of the con-
ference to add to knowledge, as original research is not presented. It
was the purpose, rather, to discuss points of view. The philosophy
emanating from the conference on this basis shows women physicians
to be in line with the most progressive aims of women at large.

Leta S. Holltngworth

Teachers College, Columbia UNrvERsrxY

League of Nations. A chapter in the history of the movement.
By Theodore Marburg, M. A., LL.D. New York: TheMac-
millan Co., 1917. 139 pp. $0.60.

The first part of this volume takes up the conclusions of a private
study group of eminent scholars in regard to the organization and working
of a league of nations. This organization would consist of a Legis-
lative Assembly, made up of representatives from all the nation members.
The brains of this would be an executive committee but there would be a
Council of Conciliation, which would be invested with the power of in-
junction, and an International Court of fifteen judges, who would reside
permanently at the seat of the court.

In addition to incidents in the history of the organization of the
League of Peace (later changed to League to Enforce Peace), the author
takes up some of the special problems that would confront a league of
nations. Among these are the backward nation, race, and alien govern-
ments, sovereignty, and war. Also a few criticisms of a league are
considered.

The volume closes with expressions of opinion in favor of a league of
nations by leading statesmen in America and Europe. While an inter-
esting and very suggestive little volume, it of course makes no attempt

at a complete treatment of the subject. ^ ^ _

G. S. Dow

UNrVERSITY OF NeW MEXICO

REVIEWS 791

The English Middle Class. By R. H. Gretton. New York:
The Macmillan Co., 191 7. Pp. xii+238. $3.50.
Distinctly suggestive of the "economic interpretation of history"
but quite free from any "taint" of radical propaganda is Gretton's
history of the Enghsh middle class. Beginning with a definition of
the middle class in terms of its attitude toward money, he develops the
thesis that each stage of its growth has been correlated with an important
change in the history of currency. Thus its first definite appearance
in the fourteenth century coincides with the release of money from the
treasuries of the Knights Templar and the hoards of the Jews. Its
displacement of the old military caste was facilitated by fresh supplies
of bullion from America. Its eighteenth-century commercialism was
accompanied by new conceptions of exchange and new methods of taxa-
tion. Its later industrialism was made possible by the growth of the
banking system. Finally its modern inclusiveness has coincided with
discoveries which have placed coined money within the command of
practically the whole community. Particularistic though it be, Gretton's
study is well worth correlating with other views of the middle class.

Stuart A. Queen
University of Illinois

The Gospel for a Working World. By Harry Frederick Ward.
New York Missionary Education Movement of the United
States and Canada. 1918. Pp. xv+ 249+ Bibliography + In-
dex. $0.40.

The purpose of this volume is to state the conditions in the industrial
world, and to show how the church can remedy these conditions by
adopting an adequate program of presenting the teachings of Jesus to
all parties in the industrial process. "It seeks to make the gospel the
inspiring force and power of the whole social organism. "

The book contains eight chapters with illustrations produced from
actual photographs taken from life in industry. The first four chapters,
"The Right to Live," "The Day's Work," "The Pay Envelope,"
"War or Peace," deal very pointedly with the seamy side of the labor
world and portray in some instances the seeming bias of the author in
favor of the ultraradicals (see pages loi, 102, 116, 132, 138, 149, 154).

In the last four chapters, "Not by Bread Alone," "Master and
Man" "Men and Things," "New Frontiers," the writer takes up the
constructive task of the church in carrying on its mission to the working

792 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

world. But even here the author's sympathies sag at times in favor of
the ultraradicals (seepages 151, 154).

Written and published at the time of the greatest struggle the world
has experienced in history, with the triumph in arms of righteousness
over the most diabolical wickedness imaginable, supported by an
efl5cient labor power in Germany, so long as loot was in sight, and by the
ultraradicals in the United States, in Russia, and elsewhere, it seems
to lack that moral discrimination that an adequate gospel to the working
world at this time so urgently demands.

Edwin L. Earp

Drew Theological Seminary

The Passing of the County Jail; Individualization of Misdemeanants
through a Unified Correctional System. By Stuart Alfred
Queen. Menasha, Wis.: The Collegiate Press, (G. Banta
Pub.), 1920. xiii+158pp. $1.50.

Dr. Queen's studies of the county jails of Cahfornia are already well
and favorably known. As an ofi&cial jail inspector, and later as secre-
tary of the California State Board of Charities and Corrections, he col-
lected and published in ofiScial reports the facts relating to the jails of
that state. The present volume is in a measure an outgrowth of these
earlier studies, and the author draws very largely upon his California ex-
perience and upon California data in the chapters dealing with jail condi-
tions and prisoners. Evidence has been collected, however, from other
states to show that the county-jail system in other parts of the country
is as bad or worse than that of California.

But the book deals largely with constructive policies, and some of
the most successful substitutes for the old county-jail system are
described, notably the District of Columbia Workhouse at Occaquam
and the Swiss and Belgium farm colonies. The title of the book in-
dicates that the old county-jail system is being done away with, but
when Dr. Queen assembles his evidence on this point, the reader wonders
whether the title is not perhaps a too optimistic one. It is to be regretted
that Dr. Queen did not include a study of the adult probation system
in the chapter on "Substitutes for the County Jail System." It is
probably true that the "system" will disappear not so much because
new and better penal institutions in the shape of farm colonies are sub-
stituted but because such institutions will become unnecessary as a
result of prohibition, probation, and the substitution of the instalment-

REVIEWS 793

fine system for the old system of "laying out" fines in county jails.
There is at any rate reason to believe that the former emphasis on "prison
reform" will give way in the future to the finding of substitutes for im-
prisonment.

Much is said about the individualization of punishment; and in
chapter iv the writer claims that the individualization of felons has
received more attention than the individualization of misdemeanants,
and he believes that the misdemeanant has been neglected in part
because of the maintenance of the old and somewhat irrational distinc-
tion between the two groups of offenders. Whether these statements
are accepted or not, they have led the writer to an interesting and useful
feature of the volume — the tabulation of penalties provided by different
states for identical offenses. Thus cattle-stealing in Wisconsin is a
misdemeanor with a penalty of imprisonment for ten days to one year
and a fine of S5 to $100; in Illinois the same offense is a felony with a
penalty of imprisonment from three to twenty years. "Drawing a
weapon" in Louisiana is a misdemeanor with a penalty of imprison-
ment from ten to sixty days and a fine of from $10 to $300; in New York
the same offense is a felony with a penalty of seven years' imprisonment
and a fine of $1,000. This lack of uniformity in our state criminal
codes is a matter of great interest and importance to criminologists,
and Dr. Queen has rendered a service in revising and bringing down
to date the study in this field begun by Dr. Wines for the Eleventh

Census.

E. Abbott
UNrvT:RsiTY OF Chicago

RECENT LITERATURE

NOTES AND ABSTRACTS

This Changing World — The Expansion of Personality. — The inanimate world is
coming more under the control of human thought by the multiplication of the
individuals and by the multiplication of the individual through mechanical inventions.
The measure of one's personality is the amount of energy he can master. In over-
coming the limitations, (i) of time, man has been magnified by the machine, his life
extended by a greater knowledge of hygiene, more rational mode of living; (2) of
space by means of modern mechanisms of social communication such as the wireless,
the telegraph, and mail, he has extended his power and personality to all parts of the
world; (3) of altitude, man has used the airplane and the steel-supported skyscrapers;

(4) of night and day, man has used the artificial light such as electricity and gas;

(5) of cold and heat, man has used devices not only to keep the bodily temperature
constant, but also to preserve food products; (6) of climate and season by means of
migration, irrigation, reclamation, or modern heating apparatus; (7) of food supply,
man has multiplied the production of the soil through intensive cultivation, sci-
entific fertilization, and by modern methods of preparation of food; (8) of natural
materials, man has learned to make and combine metals, building materials, precious
stones, etc. ; (9) of the fine arts by a broader use of the best literature, instrumental
and vocal music, of paintings, etc.; (10) of language, race, sect, class, and nation by
wider social communication; (11) of personal freedom, i.e., freedom of thought, of
speech, and of action, the tendency for the last five hundred years has been to enlarge
them; (12) of ignorance through increase of knowledge, mankind is able to abolish
those restrictions of human activity that are unnecessary and useless. All of these
triumphs have been gained through applied science and especially through the utiliza-
tion of external energy. — Edwin E. Slosson, The Independent, Ja.nua.Ty, 1921. C. N.

Mental Contagion and Popular Crazes. — There are two principles that dominate
abnormal popular movements or "pandemic psychoses." The first is the emotional
or sentimental factor. When a mere emotion becomes the chief motive of conduct,
we have reversal of normal psychology. The mental processes of children offer a
good example. They argue and act from their emotions, for they have not developed
the reasoning faculties sufficiently to control conduct. The second factor is imitation.
We owe most of our attainments to others, and we have come by them by the simple,
process of copying them. It is by imitation largely and unconsciously that mental
contagion spreads in an abnormal environment, both domestic and world-wide. The
automobile mania is one result of a pandemic psychosis. Zionism is another example
based on a disordered sentiment. The aspiration of the pacifists is an abnormal sign
due to an avoidance of conflict, or it may be regarded as one of the "repressed
emotions." Such popular movements as the crusades, prohibition, industrial unrest
as expressed in strikes derive their energy from sentiments and imitation. The
present age is neurasthenic from war-shock and industrialism, and this state of nerves
provides good ground for all kinds of pandemic psychosis. — James Hendrie Lloyd,
Scribner's Magazine, February, 1921. C. N.

Garvey's Empire of Ethiopia. — Marcus Garvey as head of the Universal Negro
Improvement Association and African Communities League of the World, believes
in a world-movement for the unification of political and economic interests of all
negroes everywhere. He believes that as Europe and America are the home of the
white man, and Asia of the yellow man, that Africa should be for the negro race.
This growing race consciousness was stimulated by the participation of two million
negroes in the world-war who now desire liberty and democracy as a race — a thing

794

RECENT LITERATURE 795

for which they claim they were asked to fight in Europe. An international con-
vention composed of three thousand negro delegates met in New York in December
to frame a bill of rights for the negro race. They complained of many grievances such
as lynching, Jim-Crowism, disfranchisement, industrial exploitation, segregation, and
various other kinds of discrimination. The convention elected officials of this new
"supergovernment" of negroes, including Garvey as provisional president of Africa
and Dr. J. W. Eason as leader of the 15,000,000 negroes in the United States who
should obey his orders in all things pertaining to the negro race. The mayor of
Monrovia, the Liberian capital, was made "Pope of the Negro Race" and head of the
religious organization which is adapted from the model provided by the Catholic
church. He would decide, in case of America's entry into another war, whether the
negroes should participate. A $10,000,000 commercial enterprise was also approved
to be called the Black Star Line, which has already bought three steamships to be
operated by negroes, and plying negro freight and passenger trade for the negroes'
own pecuniary benefit, between Africa, the West Indies, America, and later possibly
South America. — Truman Hughes Talley, World's Work, January, 1921. K. E. B.

Intelligence and Behavior. — The doctrine of intelligence embodied in the volume
entitled Creative Intelligence has recently been subjected to a keen analysis by Professor
Lovejoy. The main contention of his articles are summarized as follows: The
pragmatic doctrine of intelligence, with its emphasis upon the quality of "creativeness,"
is an assertion of the efficacy of consciousness in the control of behavior. Negatively
it is a rejection of the idea that thinking is "a vast irrelevancy, having no part in the
causation of man's behavior or in the shaping of his fortunes." This assertion of
efficacy is coupled with the denial of the interaction between mind and matter. The
denial of interaction is not based on a study of the facts but springs from a prejudice
against the belief in the existence of psychic "entities" or "states." The attempt to
give an account of intelligent behavior without having recourse to such entities rests
on an "incomplete anal3rsis." The point of departure is the contention that conscious
behavior can be explained in terms of body and environment, without the intervention
of a third order of facts as distinct links in the causal chain, namely, mind or psychic
state. The central feature of the doctrine is the contention that consciousness is
identifiable with a certain unique type of control. It involves a peculiar kind of stimu-
lus which sets on foot activities directed toward getting a better stimulus. Illustra-
tions of this "psychic" element are taken by preference from situations of doubt and
uncertainty in which the "unfinished" character of the stimulus is sufficiently promi-
nent to be recognized. In so far as a stimulus is of this sort behavior becomes "forward-
looking." It is behavior that is "controlled by the future." A stimulus is sought
(by the method of trial and error) which will adjust the conflicting reactions. From
this standpoint, the psychic is a distinguishable aspect, but not a separate link, in
the chain of causation. Behavior is conscious or intelligent only because the process
as a whole presents a specifiable differentiating trait. — B. H. Bode, Journal of P/»-
/p50/>/zy, January 6, 1921. O. B. Y.

The Social Need for Scientific Psychology. — It is difficult to explain to the
layman the difference between the real psychologist and the alleged psychologist.
A fairly accurate basis of discrimination may be based on the indorsement of the
American Psychological Association. The conditions attending the present wide
interest in psychology and pseudo-psychology make it imperative to guard the member-
ship in the .'\merican Association more carefully in the future than in the past, and
to admit to official recognition no one who may use his indorsement to the detriment
of science. We find in the list of accredited psychologists those reactionaries who
would have no advance beyond the conceptions of John Locke and Wilhelm Wundt,
and also those radicals who would altogether abandon psychology as it is historically
known and would admit of no biological science beyond physiology. The two great
and inexorable conditions laid upon every science are that it shall in the first place be
empirical, and that in the second place it shall be logical. The movements which
threaten to disrupt or destroy psychology can be analyzed into omissions of scrupulous
regard for one or the other of these great principles. William James and Malbranche
have been guilty of constructing systems on a defective empirical basis. The most

796

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

recent construction of this a priori sort is the psychology which calls itself Behaviorism,
which reaches a conclusion apparently quite different from that of reactionary psy-
chology, but by the same method. The effects of the neglect of logical consistency
are perhaps most strikingly illustrated in the system or group of systems variously
known as "psychoanalysis," "Freudianism," or "the newer psychology." It lacks
an empirical basis, but reaches its most astonishing results by the complacent ignoring
of the elementary principles of deductive and inductive reasoning. Psychoanalysis
threatens the older psychology not so much with demolition as absorption. Scientific
psychology is the sure antidote for Freudianism because of its three essential character-
istics, its logical method, its empirical basis, and its fundamental working hj^othesis
that the fact of consciousness is uniformly connected with reaction. — ^Knight Dunlap,
Scientific Monthly, December, 1920. O. B. Y.

The Psychology of the Thrill. — In his most primitive state man's conduct was
largely impulsive in its nature. His restrictions in doing whatever he wished were
governed solely by his physical power and skill in protecting himself from his enemies
and in securing the gratifications of his desires. The constant danger that attended
his survival caused him to be in more or less of a continual state of heightened e.xcite-
ment. It \^as only when overcome by physical exhaustion that he relaxed his vigilance
and sought rest. From a study of the human body, scientists have come to the
conclusion that man led such a mode of existence for many thousands of years and
that he is not altogether adapted to his present customs of living. His impulsiveness
of action has been subjected to a certain degree of repression. As a result the indi-
vidual is often forced to seek relief by relaxing his suppressive processes and indulging
in some sort of exciting activity. Certain forms of exercise or sport owe their fascina-
tion to the fact that they resemble the activities of primitive life. Defective systemic
oxidation is often associated with certain mental symptoms of restlessness, dulness,
irritability, and a craving for excitement. Physiologically, the purpose of the thrill
is to enhance sj'stemic oxidation. Its psychical effect is a sense of well-being. Thrills
are the manifestations of a single vital force, but for the sake of analysis are empirically
divided into four elements: positive and negative, pertaining to the sensory aspect of
thrills; active and passive, pertaining to the motor aspect. All thrills may be looked
upon as being attempts at physiological adjustment. — Irving R. Kaiser, Pedagogical
Seminary, October, 1920. O. B. Y.

The Creative Impulse in Industry. — A change has come over men's minds in the
twentieth century and labor is no longer satisfied with a little more comfort, a little
more wages, a little more "bread and circus." One reason for this change is that
modern industry more and more cuts off the possibility for self-expression. In some
kinds of work the only form of skill is the attainment of an extremely high degree of
speed. The creative instinct in man makes him take pleasure in the work of his
own hands and exult to see it take shape and grow, but this instinct is largely starved
under such conditions. A recent American writer, Mr. R. Wolf, holds that the creative
instinct in the individual cannot be suppressed, but can only be deflected or perverted
into useless or destructive channels. According to a recent work on biology there
have been certain critical points in the evolution of man when the race was impelled
by instinct to choose (using the words instinct and choice to symbolize forces but little
understood) between one line of development or another. Thus the hand rather than
the wing, hoof, or fin was developed. Passing from the evolution of the human body
to the evolution of men in society, it is possible that human society is now faced with a
similar alternative of developing capacity and function among its members. The
faculty of creativeness is not confined to the few who exercise directive functions but
"is common to mankind." .\utocratic domination of the wills of workmen by prevent-
ing free self-e,\pression (as in some forms of scientific management) evokes destructive
forces in industry. — B. L. Hutchins, Conlemporarv Review, February, 192 1.

O. B. Y.

Liberty of Teaching in Social Sciences. — It is widely believed that better civic
education requires the teaching of the various social sciences in public schools because
the "large group" social responsibilities of citizens are becoming constantly more

RECENT LITERATURE 797

complicated and momentous in all "federate" societies. But how should teachers of
sociology approach contemporary problems, since contentious issues in the realm of the
social sciences arise largely over interpretations of social values or worths? Only
seldom are questions of fact involved. Successful teaching of social values means that
the teacher shall be an advocate, a pleader, perhaps a partisan. To "teach" various
social values means inevitably to "advocate" them, to seek, to shape appreciations,
ideals, sentiments, attitudes of learners toward them. Thus social-science teachers
will in the future exhibit three types, (i) the servile teachers, perhaps a minority,
who have little will and are eager to teach whatever is approved by the "powers above";
(2) the wilful teachers who tend to value their own opinions above those of any, or
all, of their fellows, are possessed of strong impulse, and promote the antagonism of
conservative groups or those having vested interests in a stable social order; (3)
the balanced teachers who come between these two extremes and are guided by the
evidence rather than by partisan contentions or their own prepossessions. Guiding
principles for the two extreme types are of little use, hence these principles will be
considered from the standpoint of the "balanced" type. The social-science teacher
should follow the collective opinions or valuations of the society which he serves.
He should distinguish between those conclusions and hypotheses as to fact and valua-
tion and those tentative findings and speculations. In dealing with unsettled issues
which divide men into different camps he should suppress his own partisan impulses
and emotional preferences. He must conform to the will of the majority by practicing
toleration and other kinds of compromise. — David Snedden, School and Society,
February, 1921. C. N.

Food Tastes and Food Prejudices of Men and Dogs. — Eskimo dogs brought up
around ships and used to eating many sorts of food do not mind eating a new food,
but dogs brought up on a diet restricted to two or three articles, will, if they are more
than a year old, always refuse at first when an entirely new food is offered to them.
The food prejudices is always stronger the older the dog. Of dogs of the same age, the
female dog also has much the stronger prejudice against the new food. A similar
condition prevails among men. Men who are used to a few staple articles of food
are reluctant to try new foods, but men used to a variety in diet take readily to a new
food. Similarly it was observed that Eskimo women were far more reluctant to
try a new food than the men. Such observations lead to the conclusions that prejudices
are due to early habits and that women are more conservative than men, and that
conservatism is a fundamental characteristic of the female sex extending down into
the lower animals. — Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Scientific Monthly, December, 1920.

K. E. B.

The Measurement of Intelligence. — Intelligence tests are not limited to schools
and colleges, but they extend widely to commercial and industrial institutions as well.
Many different methods are used of which the Binet-Simon Scale is used mainly to
identify and grade feeble-minded and backward children. While the value of intelli-
gence tests cannot be accurately measured, they, however, purport to give two facts
concerning the intellects of children. One is mental age or the measure of the level of
intelligence attained. This is the essential fact in the accurate grading of children
in school. The other fact is the intelligence quotient, or the index of mental alertness
or brightness which is the basis for prediction of progress both in school and to some
extent out of it. Thus, the intelligence test is of high value in reclassifying children
according to their mental age and alertness, in selecting them and assigning them to the
work for which they are best fitted, and in providing means of testing what Thorndike
calls mechanical and social intelligence as well as abstract intelligence. — V. A. C.
Henmon, School and Society, February, 192 1. C. N.

Expert Testimony in Criminal Procedure Involving the Question of the Mental
State of the Defendant. — The method of trial of a criminal case before a jury is in
the nature of a combat in which two opposing forces are lined up against each other
and the battle goes to the strongest. The judge is a referee whose business it is to
prevent fouls and the taking of unfair advantages. Into this arena the e.xpert witness
is introduced. He is hired and paid by one of the parties to the issue, his direct

798 THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

testimony is given in response to the attorney representing that party. The attorney
for the opposite side then undertakes to tear to pieces his contribution to the evidence.
It is essentially a partisan conflict. Having this psychological situation in mind, it is
remarkable that expert witnesses have measured up to the demands as well as they
have. A committee upon which the writer has served has formulated statutes designed
to eliminate these evils by providing for the services of disinterested expert witnesses
and by providing that when the existence of mental disease becomes an issue in the
case the accused shall be committed to a hospital for the insane in order that he may
be under observation. This projected statute was unanimously adopted by the
American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology. The function of the expert
should be to bring his specialized knowledge to the service of the particular issue being
tried and upon the witness stand to explain as far in detail as his examination permits
the mental state of the defendant. — William A. White, Journal of Criminal Law and
Criminology, February, 1921. O. B. Y.

The Essential Sociological Equipment of Workers with Delinquents. — Attempt is
made here to sketch the minimum of social-science equipment for any judge, probation
or parole officer, or executive of an institution who conceives his job seriously in the
scientific spirit, (i) He should understand the normal life of society, i.e., social
processes, the functions of typical social institutions like the government, the family,
the school, and religion, the dominating role of social customs and mental relationships,
in order to get at the conditions under which normal citizenship may be expected to
thrive. (2) He should have an understanding of the institutions and forces which
might be developed for social control. (3) He should be able to develop the sense of
social responsibility in the antisocial as already has been done through honor systems
and self-government plans in prisons, jails, and reformatories. (4) The worker with
delinquents should know enough economics to be able to teach thrift, to manage an
institution with some business acumen. (5) Every probation or parole officer should
be familiar with the leading literature in vocational guidance such as Brewer's Voca-
tional Guidance, Kelly's Hiring the Worker, etc. (6) He should know the elements
of ordinary business economics which include the fundamental factors in production,
distribution and exchange, money and banking, the problems of unemployment, etc.
Standard textbooks on economics and on labor problems would offer such information.
Other sociological information can be obtained from such standard books in sociology
that are available. — Arthur J. Todd, Social Hygiene, January, 192 1. C. N.

Nogen Tanker om Arbeidersp3rsmaal. — Industrialism as a form of organization
of human labor is hardly a century old, yet its rapid development is in itself an indica-
tion of its vitality and efficiency. The idea of industrialism has so obsessed the minds
of men that the greater number believe this form of productive organization to be the
final phase of the evolution of human labor. It has been proposed that all society
should be made one great industrial plant which should absorb the functions of capital
and business, and that all citizens should become the paid servants of the state.
Nothing but dire necessity can ever force people to cherish industriahsm or state
socialism as ideals. The ideal of industrialism is opposed to human ideals of freedom,
especially the ideal of giving men work which they can enjoy because it is interesting.
In the period of the Renaissance the work of a large number of independent artisans
was closely related to that of the highest arts and sciences. Leonardo da Vinci,
Michelangelo, Velasquez, Diirer, and many others of the famous masters began their
career in the workshop. The period of colonization of Africa, Asia, and .America also
gave a wide scope to initiative and enterprise. Progress in the technique of production
does not always mean the loss of individual enterprise. Twenty years ago 100,000
Norwegian fishermen spent most of the year at sea in open rowboats and suffered
untold hardships in return for a meager livelihood. By the aid of public loans and
through individual and co-operative enterprise the fishing industry has been
modernized and before the war Norway had a fishing fleet of more than 7,000 covered
motorboats. The writer notes a marked change in the personality of the men engaged
in fishing. The development of independent enterprise is also advancing in agri-
culture. In Denmark and Belgium there has been a rapid development of the small-
farm system. Modern agricultural science and technique has made intensive cultiva-

RECENT LITERATURE 799

tion on a small scale profitable. The conclusion is that neither large-scale industry
nor individual enterprise is necessarily the highest form of industrial development. —
Johan Hjort, Sociale Meddeldser, October, 1920. O. B. Y.

Success Record of Delinquent Beys in Relation to Intelligence. — This study
furnishes data concerning the occupational grouping, success record, and intelligence
of boys who had left Whittier State School during a period of two years. A positive
general relationship between inteUigence and success records for the whole group was
indicated by a coefficient of correlation of .19. Considering the specific occupational
groups, however, there was a wide variation of relationship indicated; i.e., from a
positive correlation of .74 in the agricultural group to a negative correlation of —.51
in the case of those engaged in transportation. The study suggests that a more
detailed classification of success record, an objective method of estimating degree of
supervision afforded, a measure of vocational ability, as well as measurements of
intelligence and temperament, must be devised before we can evaluate the importance
of the various factors which bear on the probable success record. The present study
indicates that intelligence is one of the important factors and should be considered
in social diagnosis, with due consideration of supplementary factors. — Willis W.
Clark. (Pamphlet.) Whittier State School, \Vhittier, Cal. R. D. G.

The Juvenile Delinquent. — The two important facts of criminology are, first,
that the present method of dealing with crime is a failure; second, that the habitual
criminal always starts at an early age. The failure of the law to stay the develop-
ment of habitual offenders is due to attempting to treat crime by a prearranged vindic-
tive plan without any consideration of the cause or the individual. Crime is a form
of conduct; the organ of conduct is the mind. How can it be possible to deal properly
with a prisoner without studying his mind ? Mental defect is pre-eminently the cause
of crime. Juvenile delinquents may be divided into two groups, general and special.
In the general group we may put those whose bad conduct can be explained on well-
recognized lines, e.g., some physical defect or illness, a bad home, the wrong occupa-
tion, or lack of training for any occupation at all. In the special group we put those
for whom some form of mental analysis is necessary to detect the fimdamental causes.
For those who have graduated in misconduct, how can a few weeks of imprisonment,
even if assisted by training, be sufficient to change the habits and wrong trends of
thought that have existed for years. Lightning cures are scarcely ever possible.
Reform usually means much hard work, both on the part of the offender and those in
charge of him. Often the whole conditions must be changed to prevent persisting
bad influence. Such influence may come from the present reputation, old associates,
and even from the family attitude. For the prevention of juvenile dehnquency
social reform is one of the most important steps. The child must have opportunities
to play and develop. A pubUc park in every district is essential, but there must be
supervision and organization. — W. A. Potts, School Hygiene, November, 1920.

K. E. B.

The Criminologist and the Courts. — Personality is the most diverse of the
individual phenomena which must be dealt with in mental science. But all items in
a personality analysis are not of equal value and it is therefore possible to make some
classifications and groupings. The egocentric or paranoid-personality type includes a
great diversity of quahties, the common characteristic being the e.xaggeratedly ego-
centric reaction. This classification is not based upon any physical or structural
quality but is based entirely upon an analysis of behavior. On account of their
resemblance to a group of mental diseases known as paranoia, the name of paranoid
personality has been applied to this type. They are not to be considered feeble-
minded, insane, or mentally below par in the ordinarily accepted sense of that term.
They are frequently endowed with average or even superior intelligence. Their
success in plying their criminal trade often depends upon their ability to outwit
honest citizens. In the Juvenile Court of Chicago practically all cases which fail on
probation belong to this type. The defective delinquent is a mentally defective indi-
vidual who conducts himself in some unusually offensive manner. The psychopathic
criminal is an individual in which there exists a definite and positive trend toward

8oo THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

some form of antisocial behavior. Under our present system of administering justice
he is usuallj' pronounced insane by the court and committed to a hospital for the
insane. So long as criminal law determines these cases on the basis of responsibility
and on the basis of property damage there will be difficulty in treating them adequately.
The following recommendations are made: (i) Criminals and delinquents should not
be committed to definite institutions, but to the guardianship of the state, to be under
scientific direction of trained criminologists. (2) The treatment applied to the
prisoners should be based upon their individual needs and the duration of the treat-
ment depends upon their progress toward normalcy rather than upon their promises
or upon their ability to conform to the discipline of any particular institution. Under
a properly administered department of state guardianship it would be possible to
transfer the wards of the state from one institution or occupation to another according
to the need of each individual case. (3) The criminal, the insane, and the dependent
should be legally declared minors until such time as they show that they have reached
a state of maturity equivalent to adult age and are capable of managing their own
affairs. — Herman M. Adler, Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, November,
1920. O. B. Y.

Early Anticipation of Prison Reform. — Recent years have brought prison reform
into general view by such prison wardens as Thomas Mott Osborne, Tynan, and
Homer. The Quakers of Pennsylvania had already undertaken the initial effort
between 1776 and 1790. They had as a guide and inspiration the splendid tradition
of William Penn who believed in the penological principle that in each coimty there
should be a workhouse, and that hard labor should supersede idleness, while corporal
punishments should take the place of capital punishments. In 1793, when yellow
fever came to Philadelphia, prisoner volunteers were employed at the Bush Hill
Hospital. Some sort of a modified self-government system was developed by the
convicts. But it was in the period from 1828 to 1833 that at the Boston Juvenile
House of Reformation, a most surprising development of self-government occurred.
Wells inaugurated a government by the children and placed responsibility for advance-
ment or punishment upon the children themselves. It was a government by per-
sonality. This very prominence of personality as the controlling factor in administra-
tion has been the leading feature of the prison history of the nineteenth century in
America. Today American prisons seek social and industrial reformation and in
prisons training for life is done through action and not through suppression of action. —
0. F. Lewis, The Unpartizan Review, January and March, 1921. C. N.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BOOKS

Balfour, Arthur J. Essays Speculative Beer, M. A History of British Socialism,

and PoHtical. New York: Doran. Vol. II. New York: Harcourt. Pp.

Pp. X+241. $3.00. xi+410.

Barnett, Avron. Foundations of Femi- Berkeley. Les Principes de la con-

nism. New York: McBride. Pp.254. naissance humaine. Traduction de

$2.50. Charles Renouvier. 103, Boulevard

Barr, M. W., and Maloney, E. F. Types Saint. Michel, Paris: Librairie Ar-

of Mental Defectives. Philadelphia: mand Colin. Pp. .\ii-l-105.

Blakiston. Pp. vii-l-174. Bernhardi, Friedrich A. J. von. The

Baudouin, Charles. Suggestion and War of the Future in the Light of the
Autosuggestion. A psychological and Lessons of the World War. Trans-
pedagogical study based upon the lated by F. Holt. New York: Apple-
investigations made by the new Fancy ton. Pp. xix-(-3io. $3.50.
School. From the French by Eden Bing, Alexander M. War-Time Strikes
and Cedar Paul. New York: Dodd, and Their Adjustment. New York:
Mead. Pp.249. $300. Dutton. Pp. ix-+-329. $2.50.

RECENT LITERATURE

8oi

Bonright, James C. . Railroad Capitali-
zation. Study of principles of regula-
tion of railroad securities. New York:
Longmans. Pp. 201.

Boyd, Jackson. The Human Situation
in Nature. Chicago: Chas. H. Kerr
and Co. Pp. 278.

Brett, Oliver. A Defence of Liberty.
New York: Putman. Pp.251. $3.50.

Bro\vn, Robert N. R. The Principles of
Economic Geography. New York:
Pitman. Pp. xv-f2o8. $4.00.

Burchardt, C. B. Norwegian Life and
Literature. New York: Oxford Univ.
Press. Pp. viii-l-230. $5.25.

Burnham, A. C. Community Health
Problems. New York: Macmillan.
Pp. 159. $1 .60.

Cabot, E. L. Seven Ages of Childhood.
Boston: Houghton. Pp.321. $3.75.

Cabot, William B. Labrador. Boston:
Small, ^laynard. Pp. xiii-f-354. $3.00.

Cadman, S. P., and Others. Problem of
Christian Unity. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp.127. Si-75-

Cardinal], A. W. Natives of the North-
em Territories of the Gold Coast:
Their Customs, Religion, and Folklore.
Routledge. Pp. 158. 12s. 6d.

Carroll, Robert S. Old at Forty or
Young at Sixty. New York: Mac-
millan. Pp. 147. $2.25.

Cherrington, E. H. Evolution of Pro-
hibition in the United States of
America. Westerville, Ohio: Ameri-
can Issue Press. Pp. 384.

Chesterton, G. K. The New Jerusalem.
New York: Doran. Pp. x+307. $3 .00.

Cole, G. D.H. Guild Socialism: A Plan
for Economic Democracy. New York:
Stokes. Pp.202. $1.60.

Community Service, Inc. Rural and
Small Community Recreation. New
York: The Service. Pp. 139.

Cruikshank, Alfred B. Popular Mis-
government in the United States.
New York: Moffat, Yard. Pp. 455.

Dealey, J. Q. The State and Govern-
ment. New York: Appleton. Pp.
vi -1-409. S3. 00.

Dewey, Evelyn, Ruml, Beardsley, and
Child, Emily. Methods and Results
of Testing School Children. Manual
of Tests used by the Psychological Sur-
vey in the pubUc schools of New York
City. Includes social and physical
studies of children tested. New York:
Dutton. Pp. xii+176.

Dickinson, G. Lowes. Causes of Inter-
national War. New York: Harcourt.
Pp. 103. Si .00.

District of Columbia. Court of Appeals.
District of Columbia Minimum Wage
Cases No. 3438 and No. 3467. Wash-
ington: The Court. Pp. 453.

Douglas, C. H. Credit-Power and De-
mocracy, with a Draft Scheme for the
Mining Industry. London: Palmer.
Pp. 212. 75. 6d.

Dowd, Jerome. Democracy in America.
Oklahoma City: Harlow Pub. Co.
Pp. xiii4-5o6.

Dubnow, Semen M. History of the Jews
in Russia and Poland from the Earliest
Times to the Present Day. From the
Russian by L. Friedlander. Phila-
delphia: Jewish Pub. Society of
America. Pp.411. $2.50.

Dunn, A. W. Community Civics and
Rural Life. Boston: Heath. Pp.597.
$1.48.

Eaves, Lucile. Training for Store Serv-
ice. Vocational experiences and train-
ing of juvenile employees of retail
department, dry goods and clothing
stores in Boston. Report of investi-
gations of Women's Educational and
Industrial Union. Boston: Badger.
Pp. 149. $2.00.

Felton, Ralph A. Serving the Neighbor-
hood. New York: Interchurch Press.
Pp. 135. $0.50.

Follett, Mary P. The New State.
Group organization the solution of
popular government. New York : Long-
mans. Pp. xxix+373. $3.50.

Gallichan, Walter M. Sex Education.
Textbook for parents and teachers.
Boston: Small, Maynard. Pp. 204.
$2 .00.

Galloway, T. W. The Sex Factor in
Human Life. A study outline for
college men. New York: American
Social Hygiene Association. Pp. 139.

Gardiner, Alfred G. The Anglo-
American Future. New York: Oxford
Univ. Press. Pp.64. $1.00.

Gooch, G. P. NationaHsm. New York:
Harcourt. Pp.122. Si. 00.

Graham, Stephen. Children of Slaves.
New York: Macmillan. Pp.315. 125.

Great Britain. Departmental Commit-
tee on the Employment of Women and
Young Persons on the Two-Shift
System. London: H. M. Stationery
Office. Pp. 196. 25. 6d.

Greenwood, Josephine H. Our Heritage
from the Old World. New York:
Appleton. Pp. xi-(-449. $2.00.

Guerard, .-Mbert L. French Cvilization.
From its origins to the close of the

802

TEE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Middle Ages. Boston: Houghton.
Pp.328. $5.00.

Haley, Theresa S. Infant Mortality.
Field study in Akron, Ohio. Based
on births in one year. Washington:
U.S. Children's Bureau. Pp. 114.

Hammond, John H., and Jenks, Jeremiah.
Great American Issues. A construc-
tive study. New York: Scribner.
Pp. xi-l-274. $2.00.

Hammond, John L. L., and Hammond,
Barbara B. The Town Laborer,
1 760-1832. New York: Longmans.
Pp.342. $2.25.

Hamsum, Knut. The Growth of the
Soil. Trans, from the Norwegian by
W. W. Worster. New York: Knopf.
2 vols. Pp. 304, 276. $5.00.

Hartley, C. G. Sex Education and
National Health. London: Parsons.
Pp. 152. 6^.

Haviland, Mary S. Character Training
in Childhood. Boston: Small, May-
nard. Pp. 293.

Hermberg, Paul. Der Kampf und den
Weltmarkt. Handelsstatistisches Ma-
terial. Jena: Gustav Fischer. Pp.
xii+135. M. 25.

Hertz, J. H. A Book of Jewish Thoughts.
Selected and arranged by the Chief
Rabbi. New York: Oxford Univ.
Press. Pp. xvi-f 368. $6.25.

Hewitt, Richard G., and Ellis, Lewis.
School Camps. Their value and or-
ganization. New York: Oxford Univ.
Press. Pp. no. $1 .60.

Hollander, Bernard. In Search of the
Soul and the Mechanism of Thought,
Emotion and Conduct. New York:
Button. Pp. X+516. $20.00.

Huber, J. B. Why Die so Young?
New York: Harper. Pp.313. $2.00.

Interchurch World Movement of North
America. Report on the church plants
of a typical city, showing the use of the
Interchurch World Movement score
card and standards for rating city
church plants. New York : The Move-
ment. Pp. 213. $2.50.

Ireland, Alleyne. Democracy and the
Human Equation. New York: Dut-
ton. Pp. x-f 251. $3.00.

Irwin, Inez H. The Story of the
Woman's Party. New York: Har-
court. Pp. 486. $3 , 50.

Iwasaki, Uichi. The Working Forces in
Japanese Politics. Brief account of
political conflicts, 1867-1920. New
York: Longmans. Pp. 136.

Jusserand, Jean A. A. J. English Way-
faring Life in the Middle Ages.
Foureenth Century. From the French
by Lucy T. Smith. New York: Put-
nam. Pp. 464. $7 . 50.

Kansas Court of Industrial Relations.
Topeka: The Court. Pp. 14.

Kawabe, Kisaburo. The Press and
Politics in Japan. Chicago: Univ. of
Chicago Press. Pp. xiii+178. $2.00.

Kidd, Benjamin. Social Evolution.
Rev. Ed. New York: Putnam. Pp.
Pp. ix+404. $2.50.

Lennox, W. G. The Health of Mission-
ary Families in China. A Statistical
Study. Denver: Univ. of Denver.
Pp. 121.

Levy, Paul E. The Rational Education
of the Will. Its Therapeutic Value.
Translated from the the ninth edition
by Florence K. Bright. Philadelphia:
McKay. Pp. x\'i+24i. $2.00.

Loosmore, W. C. Nerves and the Man.
A popular, psychological and construc-
tive study of nervous break-down.
New York: Doran. Pp.223. $2.50.

Marchant, James. Control of Parent-
Hood. New York: Putnam. Pp. 222.
$2 . 50.

Martm, Charles E. The Policy of the
United States as Regards Interven-
tion. New York: Longmans. Pp.
166.

Marvin, Francis S., Ed. Recent De-
velopments in European Thought.
New York: Oxford Univ. Press. Pp.
306. $3.00.

Merejkovski, Dmitri S. The Menace of
the Mob. From the Russian by
Bernard G. Guerney. New York:
N. L. Brown. Pp. 155. $1.50.

Milnes, Nora. Child Welfare from the
Social Point of View. A study of
child welfare problems in England.
New York: Dutton. Pp.243. $2.50.

Miner, Clarence E. Ratification of the
Federal Constitution by the State of
New York. New York: Longmans.
Pp. 128.

Moulton, H. G. Financial Organization
of Society. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago
Press. Pp. 789. $4.00.

Myers, Charles S. Mind and Work.
Psychological Factors in Industry and
Commerce. New York: Putnam. Pp.

xi_-|-i75- $i-7S-
National Research Council. National
Intelligence Tests. Directions for use
with Scale A, Form i, and Scale B,
Form I, prepared by Thorndike,

RECENT LITERATURE

803

Whipple, Yerkes, and others. New
York: World Bk. Co. Pp.32. $1.60.

Park, R. E., and Miller, H. A. Old
World Traits Transplanted. New
York: Harper. Pp. 308. $2.50.

Pertusi, Luigi. Delia Guerra -E Delia
Pace. Torino-Genova: S. Lattes and
C. Pp. .xi+295.

Pierce, A. E. Comparative Catalog of
Literature for Adv-isors of Young
Women and Girls. New York: Wil-
son. Pp. 85. $1 .00.

Pollard, Samuel. In Unknown China.
Philadelphia: Lippincott. Various
paging. $5.00.

Postgate, R. W. The Workers' Inter-
national. New York: Harcourt. Pp.
107. $1.00.

Rees, J. F. A Social and Industrial
History of England, 1815-1918. New
York: Dutton. Pp. viii+197. $2.00.

Robbins, Hayes. Making of Tomorrow:
The Art of Industrial Right Living.
New York: Dutton. Pp.176. $2.00.

Roberts, Peter. Problem of Americani-
zation. New York: Macmillan. Pp.
246. $1.60.

Savory, Arthur H. Grain and Chaff
from an English Manor. A village
chronicle of rural England. Boston:
Houghton. Pp. \aii+3ii- $4 00-

Sa.vville, Marshall H. The Goldsmith's
Art in Ancient Mexico. New York:
Museum of American Indian, Heye
Foundation. Pp. 264.

Scott, John W. Karl Marx on Value.
New York: Macmillan. Pp.54. $1.40.

Sehgman, E. R. A., and Nearing, Scott.
Debate: That Capitalism Has More
to Offer to the Workers of the United
States Than Has Socialism. New
York: Fine Arts Guild, Inc. Pp. 46.
$1.10.

Smith, H. Maynard, Ed. The Early Life
and Education of John Evelyn. New
York: Oxford Univ. Press. Pp.
XX-I-182. $5.65.

Smith, Preserved. The Age of the
Reformation. New York: Holt. Pp.

xii+861. $5,00.

Smith, William Hawley. Children by
Chance or by Choice and Some
Correlated Considerations. Boston:
Badger. Pp. 351. $4.00.

Snedden, Davis S. Sociological De-
termination of Objectives in Educa-
tion. New York: Lippincott. Pp.
322. $2.50.

Stocks, J. L. Patriotism and the Super-
State. New York: Harcourt. Pp.
94. $1.00.

Thompson, Wallace. The People of
Mexico. Who They are and How
They Live. New York: Harper.
Pp. xi-f427. $2.50.

Uppvall, Axel Johan. August Strindberg.
A psychoanalytic study with special
reference to the Oedipus complex.
Boston: Badger. Pp.93. $2.50.

Wells, H. G. Russia in the Shadows.
New York: Doran. Pp. viii-j-i79.
$1.50.

Wera, Eugene. Human Engineering.
Management of Human Forces in In-
dustry. New York: Appleton. Pp.

xx+375- $3-50-

Whitney, Jessamine S. Infant Mor-
tality. Field Study in New Bedford,
Mass. Based on the births in one
year. Washington: U.S. Children's
Bureau. Pp. 105.

Woolf, Leonard. Economic Imperialism.
New York: Harcourt. Pp. 102.
$1.00.

Worms, Rene. Philosophic des sciences
sociales. Seconde Edition, Revue.
Paris: Marcel Giard et Cie. Pp. 296.
10 fr.

Yarros, V. Our Revolution. Essays
in Interpretation. Boston: Badger.
Pp. 246. $2.50.

Zangwill, Israel. The Voice of Jerusa-
lem. New York: Macmillan. Pp.
368. $3.00.

PAMPHLETS

American Jewish Commission. "Pro-
tocols," Bolshevism and the Jews.
New York: The Commission. Pp.
16.

Berkeley. La Siris. Traduction Fran-
faise par Georges Beaulavon e Domi-
nique Parodi. Paris: LibrairieArmand
Colin. Pp. viii+153.

Brown, M. A. Study of Malnutrition of
School-Children. Kansas City: The
Author. Pp. 18.

California Industrial Accident Commis-
sion. Mine Safety Orders, Effective
January i, 192 1. San Francisco:
The Commission. Pp. 125.

Carty, John. Science and the Industries.
Washington: National Research Coim-
cil. Pp. 26. $0.25.

Christian, F. L. Characteristics of the
Population of the Elmira Reformatory.
Elmira: New York State Reformatory.
Pp. II.

8o4

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

Christian, F. L. How We Obtain De-
tailed Information Concerning Our
Inmates and Their Environment.
Ebnira: New York State Reformatory.
Pp. 22.
. Management of Penal Institu-
tions. Elmira: New York State
Reformatory. Pp. i6.

. The Irresponsible Social Offender.

Elmira: New York State Reformatory.
Pp. 26.
City Commission on Employment. How
to Meet Unemployment. Buffalo:
The Commission. Pp. 4.
Colorado Board of Health. Revised Regu-
lations. Denver: The Board. Pp.47.
Colorado Teachers College. Educational
Tests and Measurements. Greeley:
The College. Pp. 66.
Conkhn, E. S. Foster-Child Fantasy.
Eugene: University of Oregon. Pp.20.
Cooley, Edwin J. Tendencies and De-
velopments in the Field of Probation.
New York: National Probation Asso-
ciation. Pp. 27.
Creel, George. Police Commissioner
Richard E. Enright RepUes to His
Critics: No "Crime Wave" in New
York City. New York: Police De-
partment. Pp. 8.
Darrow, Clarence. Argument in the
Case of the Communist Labor Party
in the Criminal Court, Chicago. Chi-
cago: Chas. H. Kerr and Co. Pp. 113.
Davis, Jackson. Building a Rural Civi-
lization. 61 Broadway, New York:
General Education Board. Pp. 17.
Diemer, Hugo. Factory Organization
and Administration. New York: Mc-
Graw-Hill. Pp. 389. $4.00.
Ditchett, S. H. Historic Costumes.
Their Influence on Modern Fashions.
New York: The Dry Goods Economist.
Pp. 20. $0.50.
Dole, C. F. Religion for the New Day.
New York: Huebsch. Pp. xi-t-297.
$2.00.
Douglas, D. W. American Minimum
Wage Laws at Work. New York:
National Consumers' League. Pp. 41.
$0. 10.
Fernald, Walter E. After-Care Study
of the Patients Discharged from
Waverly for a Period of Twenty-five
Years. Boston: Massachusetts So-
ciety for Mental Hygiene. Pp. 8.
Frear, J. A. Phillippine Independence.

Apply to Congressmen. Pp. 20.
Galliver, G. A. Industrial Co-operation:
a New Renaissance. Holyoke, Mass.:
American Writing Paper Co. Pp. 19.

Gardiner, A. G. Anglo-American Future.
New York: O.xford Univ. Press. Pp.
64. 2s. 6d.

Great Britain. Local Government
Board. Maternity and Child Welfare.
London: H. M. Stationery Office.
Pp. 16. 2d.

Hampton Institute. Fifty-Second An-
nual Report of the Principal, 1920.
Hampton, Va.: Hampton Press. Pp.32.

Harding, J. R. One Thousand Reforma-
tory Prisoners as Seen in Perspective.
Elmira: New York State Reforma-
tory. Pp. 12.

Hart, H. H. Comparing American
Prison Association Semicentennial,
1870-1920. 135 E. 15th St., New
York: O. F. Lewis, General Secre-
tary. Pp. 47.

Hoffman, F. L. National Health Insur-
ance and the Medical Profession.
Newark, N.J.: Prudential Life Insur-
ance Co. Pp. 122.

Hotchkiss, George B., and Franken,
Richard. The Attention Value of
Advertisements in a Leading Periodi-
cal. 90 Trinity Place, New York:
L. H. Haney. Pp.32. $0.50.

Independent Labor Party Information
Committee, comp. Trade Unions in
Soviet Russia. Collection of Russian
trade union documents. New York:
Rand School of Social Science. Pp. 9 r .
$0. 50.

Interchurch World Movement of North
America. Susquehanna County Sur-
vey. New York: Interchurch Press.
Pp.52. $0.50.

Kroeber, A. L. Three Essays on the
Antiquity and Races of Man. Berke-
ley, Cal.: Univ. of California Press.
Pp. 75-

Labour Party. Appeal to the British
Nation by the Labour Party: An
Indictment of the CoaUtion Govern-
ment Together with the Labour
Party's Alternative. London: The
Party. Pp. 8.

Lockitt, Charles H. The Relations of
French and English Society, 1 763-1 793.
New York: Longmans. Pp. x-)-i35.
$2.50.

Maine De Biran. MC^moire sur les
perceptions obscures suivi de la dis-
cussion avec Royer-CoUard sur I'e.xis-
tenced'un^tatpurementaffectif. Paris:
Librairie Armand Colin. Pp. ix-f-66.

Milnes, Nora. Child Welfare from the
Social Point of View. London: Dent.
Pp. 243. bs.

RECENT LITERATURE

805

Murray, Flora. Women as Army Sur-
geons. London: Hodder. Pp. 263.
125. 6d.

National Child Welfare Association.
Child Welfare Hand Book. New
York: The Association. Pp. 47.
$0.50.

New York Community Service. Winter
Sports in New York. Places and per-
mits for all forms of indoor and out-
door winter recreation. New York:
The Service. Pp. 18.

New York State Reformator>\ Reasons
for the Commitment of Misdemean-
ants as well as Felons to Reforma-
tories. Elmira: The Reformatory.
Pp. 7.

Parsons, P. A. Survey of the Port of
Portland Conducted by the Portland
School of Social Work of the Univer-
sity of Oregon. Eugene: Extension
Division, University of Oregon. Pp.
19.

PhiUips, H. D. Cooperative Marketmg
in the Chautauqua-Erie Grape Indus-
try. Ithaca: Cornell University. Pp.
94.

Pierce, Anna E., comp. Catalog of
Literature for Advisers of Young
Women and Girls. New York: Wil-
son. Pp. 85. $1 .00.

Randall, J. H. New Vision of Life as
Organized for Ser\-ice. New York:
Community Church. Pp.24. $0.10.

Rockford Public Schools. Course of
Study in Community Life. Rockford,
111. New Illinois Stationery Co.

South Carolina State Board of Public
Welfare. First Annual Report, 1920.
Columbia, S.C: The Board. Pp.174.

Spilman, Bernard W. A Study in Reli-
gious Pedagogy. New York: Revell.
Pp.88. So. 75.

Tolsted, E. B. Pensions for Industrial
Employees. Philadelphia: Indepen-
dence Bureau. Pp. 4.

U.S. Bureau of Education. Joy and
Health Through Play. Washington:
Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 19.

U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Stand-
ardization of Industrial Accident
Statistics. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 103.

U.S. Bureau of Mines. Value of Oxygen
Breathing Apparatus in Mine Rescue
Operations. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 3.

. Ventilation in Metal Mines.

Washington : Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 44.

U.S. Children's Bureau. Infant Mor-
tahty: Results of a Field Study in
.\kron, Ohio. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 118.

. Infant Mortality: Results of a

Field Study in New Bedford, Massa-
chusetts. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 114.

U.S. Department of Labor. Report of
Special Committee Appointed by the
Secretary of Labor to Investigate
Complaints against the Temporary
Admission of Aliens for Agricultural
Purposes. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. II.

U.S. Employees' Compensation Com-
mission. Hospitals and Physicians
Available. Washington: Govt. Ptg.
Office. Pp. 91.

U.S. House Committee on Foreign
Affairs. Relief for Suffering Popula-
tions of the World. Apply to Con-
gressmen. Pp. 39.

U.S. House Committee on Interstate
and Foreign Commerce. Protection
of Maternity and Infancy. Apply to
Congressmen. Pp. 6.

U.S. Public Health Service. Healthy
and Happy W'omanhood. Washing-
ton: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp. 16.

. Square Deal for the Boy in Indus-
try. Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office.
Pp. II.

U.S. Women's Bureau. New Position
of Women in American Industry.
Washington: Govt. Ptg. Office. Pp.
158.

. Preliminary Report of a Survey

of Wages, Hours and Conditions of
Work of the Women in Industry in
Atlanta, Georgia. Washington: Govt.
Ptg. Office. Pp. 31.

Veiller, Lawrence. The Housing Situ-
ation and the Way Out. New York:
National Housing Association. Pp. 4.
$0.25.

Weaver, E. W. Distribution of Labor
Recruits New York: United Y.M.C.A.
Schools. Pp. 23.

Webb, Sidney. Root of Labor Unrest.
London: Fabian Society. Pp. iS- 2d.

Y.M.C.A. of Chicago. Annual Review
Number of the Official Bulletin.
Chicago: The Y.M.C.A. Pp. 72.

Young Women's Christian Association.
Executive and Technical Women in
Industry. New York: The Associa-
tion. Pp. 19.

8o6

THE AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY

ARTICLES

Anderson, Miss M. M. The Welfare of
the Illegitimate Child and the Nor-
wegian Laws of 1915. The Child
(London), 11: 136-39, Feb. '21.
Beatty, Willard W. An Experiment in
Applied Sociology. Elem. Sch. Jour.
21:367-70, Jan. '21.
Berry, C. S. Some Problems of Ameri-
canization as Seen by Army Psy-
chologist. Sch. and Soc. 13:97-104,
Jan. '21.

Black, Arthur. Child Welfare Work in
Japan. TheChild, 11: 129-31, Feb. '21.

Bland, J. O. P. Moral Factors in
Japanese Policy. Asia, 21:211-17,
Mar. '21.

Bourdon, Jean, et Berillon, A. La
diminution de la natalite en Grande-
Bretagne. Rev.internl.sociol. 28: 490-
501, Sept.-Oct. '20.

Darwin, Leonard. Some Birth-Rate
Problems. Eug. Rev. 12:279-90,
Jan. '21.

Davis, Calvin O. Citizenship and the
High School. Ed. Rev. 61:214,
Mar. '21.

Eldrige, Seba. The College and the
Local Community. (Work of the
Soc. Sci. Dept. at Rockford College.)
Sch. and Home Ed. 40:116, Jan. '21.

Englis, Prof. Karl. Die wirtschaftliche
Theorie des Geldes. Archiv f . Sozw. u.
Sozp. 47: 271-336.

Fuller, Raymond G. Plav Needs and
Work Needs of Children. Am. Child
2:345-258, Feb. '21.

Gautier. Nomad and Sedentary Folks of
Northern Africa. Geog. Rev. 11: 3-15,
Jan. '21.

Hall, G. Dreams. Scribner's 69:231-
36, Feb. '21.

Harley, Herbert. Segregation vs. Hang-
ing. Jour. Crim. Law & Crim. 11:
512-27, Feb. '21.

Henmon, V. A. Measurement of Intel-
ligence. Sch. and Soc. 13:151-58,
Feb. '21.

Hirschberg, Dr. Max. Bolschewismus.
Archiv f. Sozw. u. Sozp. 48: 1-43.

Hutchins, B. L. The Creative Impulse
in Industry. Conternp. Rev. 119:
207-14, Feb. '21.

Jackson, A. S. The Negro's Aspirations.
Forum 65: 217-28, Feb. '21.

Jenks, A. E. The Practical Value of
Anthropology to Our Nation. Science
53: 147-56, Feb. '21.

Jenks, A. E. The Relation of Anthro-
pology to Americanization. Sci. Mo.
22: 240-45, Mar. '21.

Lacoin, Gaston. Raisons qui justifient
I'institution d'une Contribution na-
tional et d'une Assurance pour
I'allegement des charges des families
nombreuses. Le Musee soc. 221-47,
Oct. '20.

Lederer, Prof. Emil. Die Gewerkschafts-
bewegimg 1918-19 und die Entfaltung
der wirtschaftlichen Ideologien in der
Arbeitsklasse. Archiv f. Sozw. u.
Sozp. 47: 219-69.

Leigh, A. B. Children Who Come into
Juvenile Court. Child Welf. Mag.
15:102-3, Jan. '21.

Lidgett, J. S. The Idea of Progress.
London Quar. Rev. No. 269, Jan. '21.

Livi, Livio. I morti in Europa nella
recente guerra. Riv. inteml. de sci.
soc. 74:3-18, Jan. '21.

Lloyd, J. H. Mental Contagion and
Popular Crazes. Scribner's 69: 201-6,
Feb. '21.

Mahalm, Erneste. L'Organisation du
Travail de la Societe des Nations et la
Conference de Washington. Rev. econ.
internl. 4:849-914, Dec. '20.

Michels, Prof. Robert. Dogmenge-
schichtliche Beitrage zur Verelendungs-
theorie. Archiv f. Sozw. u. Sozp.
47:122-53.

Nelken, Ingenieur. Kriminalistik und
Technik. Archiv f. Krim. 72:121-45.

Priddy, B. L. The Woman Mind in
Politics. Nat. Mun. Rev. 10:171-76,
Mar. '21.

Raynaud, B. Le contrat collectif au point
de vue internationale. Rev. ^con.
internl. 3:242-79, Sept. '20.

Revolutionizing the Apartment House.
House Beautiful, 49: 186-87, Mar. '21.

Richard, Gaston. L'Etat et la soci6t6
religieuse dans I'lnde ancienne, d'apr^s
les travaux de Vincent Smith. Rev.
internl. sociol. 28:602-23.

Risler, Georges. Pour le developpement
de la natalite fran^aise. Le Mus6e soc.
181-219, Sept. '20.

Shah, J. A. A Wedding in Afghanistan.
Asia 21: 52-54, Jan. '21.

Shreves, Rolland Merritt. Play and
Education. Educ. 41: 349-51, Feb. '21.

Slosson, E. E. This Changing World —
the Expansion of Personality. Inde-
pendent 105:351-55, Jan. '21.

t-u