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Full text of "The American National Exhibition, Moscow, July 1959. (The record of certain artists and an appraisal of their works selected for display). Hearings before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, Eighty-sixth Congress, first session. July 1, 1959"

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HARVARD COLLEGE 
LIBRARY 



VEflRI 




GIFT OF THE 



GOVERNMENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES 



US Doc 2.791 



Committee on Un-American Activities 
House 
86th Congress 



Table of Contents 

(Since these hearings are consecutively paged 
they are arranged by page number, instead of 
alphabetically by title) 



1. American National Exhibition, Moscow, ^/H<^ 
July 1959 

2. Communist Training Operations, pt.l "^IQ ' 

5. Testimony of Clinton Edvard Jencks \)'^^ 

k. Testimony of Arnold Johnson, Legislative -^iji 
Director of the Communist Party, U.S.A. 

5-7. Western Section of the Southern California .. ^ 
District of the Communist Party, pt.1-5 

8. Issues Presented by Air Reserve Center ^ly- 
Training Manual 



9-10. Communist Training Operations, pt. 2-5 

11-12. Communist Activities Among Puerto Ricans in 
New York City and Puerto Rico, pt.1-2 



^tvi 






rJHE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW, 

JULY 1959 

(The Record Of Certain Artists And An Appraisal Of Their Works 
Selected For Display) 



HEARINGS 



BEFORE THE 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
HOUSE OP EEPRESENTATIYES 



EIGHTY-SIXTH CONGRESS 

FIRST SESSION 



JULY 1, 1959 



Printed for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
(INCLUDING INDEX) 

HARVARD COLLEGE LIBRARY. 

DEPOSITED BY THE 
UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT 



SEP141959 




UNITED STATES 
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 
44006 WASHINGTON : 1959 



COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES 
United States House of Representatives 

FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania, Chairman 
MORGAN M. MOULDER, Missouri DONALD L. JACKSON, California 

CLYDE DOYLE, California GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio 

EDWIN E. WILLIS, Louisiana WILLIAM E. MILLER, New York 

WILLIAM M. TUCK, Virginia AUGUST E. JOHANSEN, Michigan 

RiCHAED Aeens, staff Director 

n 



CONTENTS 



Page 

Synopsis 895 

July 1, 1959: Testimony of— 

Wheeler Williams 902 

Frank C. Wright, Jr 933 

Statement by Representative Thomas M, Pelly 939 

Afternoon session: 

Ben Shahn 941 

Philip Evergood 951 

Index i 

m 



PublicXLaw 601, 79th Congress 

The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American 
Activities operates is Pubhc Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter 
753, 2d session, which provides: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States 
of America in Congress assembled, * * * 

PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES 

Rule X 

SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES 
:{e :{::)£ :f: Hi :{: :^ 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 
******* 

(q) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(A) Un-American activities. 

(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit- 
tee, is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent, 
character, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States, 
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa- 
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and attacks 
the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution, and 
(iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any necessary 
remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such 
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, 
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 



Rule XII 

LEGISLATIVE OVERSIGHT BY STANDING COMMITTEES 

Sec. 136. To assist the Congress in appraising the administration of the laws 
and in developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem neces- 
sary, each standing committee of the Senate and the House of Representatives 
shall exercise continuous watchfulness of the execution by the administrative 
agencies concerned of any laws, the subject matter of which is within the jurisdic- 
tion of such committee; and, for that purpose, shall study all pertinent reports 
and data submitted to the Congress by the agencies in the executive branch of 
the Government. 



RULES ADOPTED BY THE 86TH CONGRESS 
House Resolution 7, January 7, 1959 

:): 4= * >l< * * * 

Rule X 

STANDING COMMITTEES 

1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Con- 
gress, 

:(: 4: :|c 4: 4= 4: 4: 

(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine Members. 
rte ***** * 

Rule XI 

POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES 

18. Committee on Un-American Activities. 

(a) Un-American activities. 

(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommittee, 
is authorized to make from time to time investigations of (1) the extent, char- 
acter, and objects of uu-Amerioan propaganda activities in the United States, 
(2) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American prop- 
aganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and 
attacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu- 
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress 
in any necessary remedial legislation. 

The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the 
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such investi- 
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable. 

For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American 
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times 
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has 
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance 
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and 
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under 
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any 
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person 
designated by any such chairman or member. 

26. To assist the House in appraising the administration of the laws and in 
developing such amendments or related legislation as it may deem necessary, 
each standing committee of the House shall exercise continuous watchfulness 
of the execution by the administrative agencies concerned of any laws, the subject 
matter of which is within the jurisdiction of such committee; and, for that 
purpose, shall study all pertinent reports and data submitted to the House by 
the agencies in the executive branch of the Government. 

VI 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW, 

JULY 1959 

(The Record Of Certain Artists And An Appraisal Of Their Works 
Selected For Display) 



SYNOPSIS 



In addressing the House of Representatives on June 3, 1959, 
Congressman Francis E. Walter, chairman of the Committee on 
Un-American Activities stated: 

Mr. Speaker, on Sunday, May 31, the U.S. Information 
Agency announced that 69 paintings and works of sculpture 
had been selected for showing at the American National 
Exhibition in Moscow this summer. The art collection has 
already been crated and was scheduled to be shipped to the 
Soviet Union on the steamship Finnsailer, which I under- 
stand is now on the high seas. 

The 6-week American National Exhibition at which these 
works will be shown will be opened in Moscow's Sokolniki 
Park on July 25 by Vice President Nixon. It is billed by 
the USIA as containing "cultural, scientific, and techno- 
logical exhibits designed to further Soviet understanding of 
life in America." 

Of the 69 artists whose works have been chosen for exhibi- 
tion in Moscow, 34 — a fraction less than 50 percent — have 
records of affiliation with Communist fronts and causes. Of 
these 34 there are 12 whose records appear to be relatively 
inconsequential, because they involve connections with only 
one or two Communist fronts or causes, and include no 
affiliation for a period of 10 years or more. 

This leaves 22, or one-third of the 69 artists, with signifi- 
cant records of affiliation with the Communist movement in 
this country. The routine check against the files of the 
House Committee on Un-American Activities indicates that 
these 22 artists have a minimum of 465 connections with 
Communist fronts and causes. 

In his address Congressman Walter set forth details of the service to 
the Communist movement by many of these artists and pointed out 
the manner in which their perverted so-called art works had already 
been used by Communist publications to further the cause of 
communism. 

In the instant hearings, Mr. Wheeler Williams, president of the 
American Artists Professional League, Inc., which is the largest 
organization of professional artists in the country, testified on the 
use of art as a weapon by Communists and gave an authoritative 

895 



896 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

appraisal of certain of the art works selected for display at the Ameri- 
can National Exhibition in Moscow, 

With respect to the reason for Communist subversion of art, Mr. 
Williams stated: 

They want to destroy all phases of our cultm'e ; and if they 
can destroy our faith in God and our faith in the beauty and 
wonders of our cultural heritage, including the arts and litera- 
ture and music and so forth, they can take us over without 
a hydrogen bomb. They can take us over with popguns. 

Commenting on Conununist successes in subverting the arts, Mr. 
Williams stated: 

* * * I would say they have been successful beyond their 
wildest possible hopes. 

In regard to the works selected for display at the American National 
Exhibition in Moscow, Mr. Williams testified: 

I think the Soviet Union will be so delighted over this 
exhibition that they will not raise any question. This 
proves to them — and their hierarchy certainly knows much 
better than this committee does how many Communist 
affiliations or actual Communist memberships are repre- 
sented — that this is a triumph on their part. 

Based upon his extensive background and experience, Mr. Williams 
characterized a number of the works selected for display as "meaning- 
less patterns," "scribbles," "doodles" and, "crudely drawn." He 
summarized his judgment of the art works selected for the exhibition 
as follows: 

It includes a number of "social protest" paintings of no 
aesthetic or artistic importance; at least one revolting 
satirical lampoon; a heavy load of meaningless doodles in 
paint and bronze; and a few traditional works, only one or 
two of which have any outstanding merit. If it is judged on 
merit alone, it is a dismal and dreary potpourri. 

It fails utterly to give "a true image of America" as it 
contains next to nothing to show the wondrous natural 
beauty with which God has endow^ed our beloved lands, to 
portray its glorious history, its heroes or its valiant people 
of varied races, and nothing to picture the wondrous archi- 
tecture of our cities or charm and beauty of our villages and 
towns. 

Frank C. Wright, Jr., specialist in psychological warfare who has 
been connected with the American Artists Professional League, Inc., 
and a member of the national board of directors, testified respecting 
"conquest by corrosion" in which the Communists use art as a weapon. 
Commenting on the Soviet cultural and scientific exhibition in New 
York City, Mr. Wright stated: 

They are giving the American people the false image of 
what the Soviet Union is like. When I was in psychological 
warfare we published a really authoritative report on slavery 
behind the Iron Curtain. It was, I think, the most authori- 
tative publication on what goes on in the forced labor camps 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 897 

in the Iron Curtain countries. It has maps and statistics 
and is widely accepted. This is not being told to the people 
now. In fact, it is being denied specifically. 

The story is being leaked out very carefully that these 
slave camps have been abolished. The Warsaw charter for 
labor proclaims the rights of labor outside the Curtain, but 
each one of the rights of labor has been specifically denied to 
the labor inside the Curtain. This is what I mean by pre- 
senting a false image. This is done with proclamations and 
words, but it is also done with communications of all kinds, 
and images, including art. 

Mr. Ben Shahn, an artist whose work was selected for display at 
the American National Exhibition in Moscow, appeared in response 
to a subpena. Mr. Shahn refused to answer whether he had ever 
been a member of the Communist Party and whether he had ever 
contributed his art work for the purpose of raising funds for Com- 
munist enterprises, on the ground, among others, that his answers 
might tend to incriminate himself. 

There was displayed to Mr. Shahn a series of documents pertain- 
mg to art exhibits under Communist auspices, including works of 
Ben Shahn and documents revealing service by Mr. Shahn in a num- 
ber of Communist enterprises. In response to questions on the sub- 
J3ct matter, however, Mr. Shahn invoked the privilege of the fifth 
amendment against self-incrimination. 

Mr. Philip Evergood, an artist whose work was selected for display 
at the American National Exhibition, appeared in response to a 
subpena. Mr. Evergood refused to answer whether he had ever been 
a member of the Communist Party or whether he was presently a 
member of the Communist Party, on the ground, among others, that 
his answers might tend to incriminate himself. He, lilvewise, refused 
to answer questions respecting his extensive service to the Com- 
munist movement in the field of art and propaganda. 



44006—59- 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW, 

JULY 1959 

(The Record Of Certain Artists And An Appraisal Of Their Works 
Selected For Display) 



WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1959 

United States House of Representa'.ives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 

PUBLIC HEARINGS 

A subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
composed of Representative Francis E. Walter, as chairman, and 
Representatives Morgan M. Moulder and August E. Johansen, as 
associate members, met, pursuant to call, at 10 a.m., in the caucus 
room. Old House Office Building, Hon. Francis E. Walter (chairman) 
presiding. 

Committee members present: Francis E. Walter, of Pennsylvania; 
Morgan M. Moulder, of Missouri; William M. Tuck, of Virginia; 
William E. Miller, of New York; and August E. Johansen, of Michigan. 

Staff members present: Richard Arens, staff dii-ector, and Francis 
J. McNamara, research analyst. 

The Chairman. The committee will come to order, 

As a background for the session today, I should like to make a few 
remarks and observations. 

On Sunday, May 31, the United States Information Agency an- 
nounced that 69 paintings and works of sculpture had been selected 
for showing at the American National Exhibition which will be opened 
by Vice President Richard M. Nixon in Moscow this summer. The 
exhibition at which these works will be shown, according to the 
United States Information Agency press announcement, is to con- 
tain "cultural, scientific, and technological exhibits designed to fur- 
ther Soviet understanding of life in America." The United States 
Information Agency press announcement concerning the art collec- 
tion listed the names of the 69 artists whose works would be displayed 
at the exhibition. When I glanced at the list of names, I was shocked 
to find the names of a number of persons who were laiown by me, in 
my work as chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities, 
to be either Communists or persons with extensive records of service 
to the Communist movement in this country. I could hardly believe 
that the United States Information Agency would sponsor the works 
of such people "to further Soviet understanding of life in America." 
Immediately, I requested the staff of the Committee on Un-American 
Activities to make a careful yet routine check of the committee files 
on the 69 names. This routine check, may I state, is a service which 

899 



900 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

the Committee on Un-American Activities regularly renders to any- 
executive agency of the Government which requests it. 

I might add at this point that agencies of the Government maintain 
people in the ofl&ce of the committee continuously. 

As I stated in my address in the House of Kepresentatives on June 
3, the routine check disclosed that of the 69 artists whose works have 
been chosen for exhibition in Moscow, 34 — a fraction less than 50 
percent — have records of affiliation with Communist fronts and 
causes. Of these 34 there are 12 whose records appear to be relatively 
inconsequential, because they involve connections with only one or 
two Communist fronts or causes, and include no affiliation for a 
period of 10 years or more. This leaves 22, or approximately one- 
third of the 69 artists, with significant records of affiliation with the 
Communist movement in this country. This routine check against 
the files of the House Committee on Un-American Activities indi- 
cates that these 22 artists have a minimum of 465 connections with 
Communist fronts and causes. 

In my address I set forth details of the service to the Communist 
movement by many of these artists and pointed out the manner in 
which their perverted so-called art works had already been used by 
known Communist publications to further the cause of communism. 

In response to my address, from the crossroads of this Nation I 
received a substantial volume of mail from Mr. and Mrs. America, 
who, almost without exception, registered strong protest against the 
makeup of the exhibition and expressed resentment that the work 
of Communists and Communist sympathizers should be sent to 
Moscow as examples of American culture. 

According to the press, however, the USIA disavowed any concern 
over the "political views" of the artists. May I say that the letters 
which I have received from the rank and file of the American people 
did not confirm USIA's impression that communism is a "political" 
matter. The American people in their letters to me recognize that 
Communists are Communists and that communism is communism. 
They know, even if the USIA does not know, that communism is not 
a "political" matter but is a conspiracy against the free world and that 
a Communist, by very definition, is part and parcel of that conspiracy. 
The American people know also that a Communist's total commitment 
and allegiance is to the conspiracy. 

Let me again make the record abundantly clear that this Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities is not concerned with the relative 
merit of the art work as such. It is, however, concerned with the 
activities of any person who is a Communist or who serves the Com- 
munist movement, be he an artist, an educator, a labor leader, a 
businessman, or of any occupation which has been penetrated by the 
international Communist conspiracy. 

Although the USIA apparently does not consider that art may be 
used as a weapon to further the cause of communism, the Com- 
munists do. Let me repeat two quotations from authoritative 
sources within the conspiracy itself: 

Addressing the 21st Congress of the Communist Party of the 
Soviet Union on January 27 of this year, Nikita Khrushchev made the 
following statement : 

It is the duty of * * * sculptors and painters to raise still 
higher the content and artistic level of their work, to con- 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 901 

tinue as energetic assistants of the party and the state in the 
Communist education of the working people. 

Writing in the Communist New Masses magazine in 1946 — the 
magazine to which 16 of these artists have contributed — U.S. Com- 
munist Party Chairman WiUiam Z. Foster said: 

There must be a clear understanding that art is a weapon 
in the class struggle. Not only is art a weapon, but a very 
potent one as well. Moreover, rising revolutionary social 
classes instinctively realize the importance of art as a social 
weapon and have always forged their own art and used it to 
challenge that of the existing ruling class. 

I mentioned that Vice President NLxon will open the American 
National Exhibition in Moscow. I cannot believe that he would 
knowingly condone this exhibition in view of the following statement 
which he made as a Member of Congress on July 18, 1949, as quoted 
in The Nation magazine of January 10, 1953: 

I realize that some very objectionable art, of a subversive 
nature, has been allowed to go into Federal buUdings in 
many parts of the country * * * At such time as we may 
have a change of administration and in the majority of 
Congress, I believe a committee of Congress should make a 
thorough investigation of this type of art in Government 
buildings with a view to obtaining removal of all that is 
found to be inconsistent with American ideals and principles. 

The Kremlin lays great stress on its cultural and scientific exhibi- 
tion which was opened this week in New York City by First Deputy 
Soviet Premier Frol R. Kozlov. 

I must confess less enthusiasm over their exhibition than was 
registered by certain officials of this Government, including the 
President of the United States, who took leave from his duties in Wash- 
ington to make a special trip to view the exhibition staged by the 
masters of the most deadly conspiracy against humanity the world 
has ever known. Although they are dripping in blood, Khrushchev and 
his arch-conspirators are displaying on American soil, with all the 
hospitality of this free Nation, an exhibition which would charm the 
viewer into the illusion that the Red empire of slavery and human 
misery is one of culture and refinement. Our exhibition to be opened 
in Moscow is saturated with the work of servants of the same con- 
spiracy and will emphasize the seamy side and perverted concepts of 
America. 

When Adolf Hitler and his gang of Nazi criminals were butchering 
and torturing the innocents in concentration camps in central Europe, 
would any official of this Government welcome on American soil an 
art display depicting the beauty of Nazi culture? 

The Committee on Un-American Activities is pleased to receive 
today the testimony of representatives of the American Artists Pro- 
fessional League, Inc., which will be represented by Mr. Wheeler 
Williams, president, and by Mr. Frank C. Wright. 

Will you call your first witness, Mr. Arens? 

Mr. Arens. Will Mr. Wheeler Williams kindly come forward? 

Remain standing while the chairman administers an oath, please. 

The Chairman. Raise your right hand, please. 



902 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Do you swear the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Williams. I do. 

The Chairman. Mr. Williams, I was interested in a letter that you 
wrote to the editor of m}^ home-town newspaper in Easton, Pa. You 
probably did not know it but the editor of that paper was discharged 
from the Navy in 1942 because he was a mental case and maybe that 
accounts for the type of editorial that you were disturbed about. 

In addition to that, he is a contributor to Communist magazines, 
which, of course, explains it. 

You did not know that or you would not have bothered to write 
him a letter. 

Mr. Williams. I certainly agree with you. 

TESTIMONY OF WHEELER WILLIAMS 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, for the purpose of this record now, will 
you kindly identify yourself b}^ full name, residence, and occupation? 

Mr. W^iLLiAMS. Wheeler Williams, Madison, Conn.; occupation, 
sculptor. 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing todaj^, Mr. Williams, as president 
of the American Artists Professional League, Incorporated? 

Mr. Williams. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. I expect to ask you about the League in a moment. 
Before I do so, I should like to inquire on this record respecting your 
own personal background. Give us, if you please, sir, first of all a 
word about your education. 

Mr. Williams. I was educated in the Latin School in Chicago, 
Phillips Exeter Academy, Yale-Sheffield Scientific School, and then 
the Graduate School of Architecture at Harvard; and as art education, 
I studied at the Art Institute in Chicago from the time I was a child, 
Copley Society in Boston night school while I was at Harvard, and 
finally at the Ecole des Beaux-Arts in France. 

Mr. Arens. In addition to being president of the American Artists 
Professional League, you are a former president of the National 
Sculpture Society, is that correct? 

Mr. Williams. That is correct. 

Mr. Arens. And you are also a past president of the Fine Arts 
Federation of New York, is that correct? 

Mr. Williams. Correct. 

Mr. Arens. And also a past vice president of the Architectural 
League of New York? 

Mr. Williams. Correct. 

Mr. Arens. And you have also served as a sculptor member of 
the Art Commission of the City of New York, is that correct? 

Mr. Williams. Correct. 

Mr. Arens. You are also a member of the National Academy of 
Design, Allied Artists, American Veterans Society of Artists, and 
similar organizations? 

Mr. Williams. Correct. 

Mr. Arens. Your works have been displayed, have they not, Mr. 
Williams, in the four corners of the earth? 

Mr. Williams. That may be a slight exaggeration, but my works 
are owned by public institutions and private corporations and private 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 903 

individuals in their collections in 44 States of this country and a good 
many foreign countries. 

Mr. Arens. What is the last principal architectural work which 
you completed? 

Mr. Williams. My most recent one was my statue of Senator 
Robert A. Taft for the Taft Memorial here in Washington. 

Mr. Arens. Would you also give us, for this record, please, just a 
word about your service in the military? 

Mr. Williams. Very briefly, I enlisted as a private first class cadet 
and was made shortly second lieutenant in the USA Balloon Corps in 
World War I and served finally as Commandant of Camp Wilson, 
which was a satellite field for the purpose of final instructions before 
going overseas for direction of artillery fire. That was World War I. 

In World War II, I served in the Navy as officer in charge of the 
U.S. Navy Terrain Model School for OflScers of all services. 

Mr. Arens. Have you had any special experience, in the course of 
your life, in studying or investigating the subject of Communist 
subversion? 

Mr. Williams. Shortly after World War II, I was just beginning 
to get started again in my own profession when I was called once 
again to Federal grand jury duty in the Southern District of New 
York. It developed that that particular term was for 18 months and 
it was a special grand jury solely for subversive investigation. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Williams, kindly give us just a word about 
the American Artists Professional League, of which you are president 
and which you are representing in this proceeding today. 

Mr. Williams. The American Artists Professional League is, I 
believe I can safely say, the largest art organization of professional 
artists in this country. We have memberships and chapters across 
the land of somewhere around 2,000 members and it was founded 
28 years ago, not so much as an exhibition society but as an educa- 
tional organization and also to work for the best interests of the 
professions throughout the land. I think it has done a great deal of 
good in many ways. It originated and has fostered and sponsored 
over the years American Art Week, which is annually proclaimed 
by the President and which this last year, on a check we made, 
seemed to have reached a total audience of some 36 million people. 

Mr. Arens. Just a word, please, about the position of the American 
Artists Professional League through the years on the subject of 
communism. 

Mr. Williams. We have been adamantly anti-Communist. 

Mr. Arens. Now, sir, when was yOur attention first directed to, 
or when did you first become aware of, the situation, which we shall 
subsequently discuss, with reference to the American National 
Exhibition in Moscow? 

Mr. Williams. The first I heard of it w^as when I saw the announce- 
ment of the jury and at that time I was alarmed by the jury named 
and wrote to the President. 

Mr. Arens. May I inquire what you m.ean by the jury, so that our 
record may be clear? 

Mr. Williams. The jury of selection to select the works to exhibit 
the art of this country in Moscow. 

Mr. Arens. You saw the announcement of this jury in the papers 
and you say you dispatched a letter to the President, is that correct? 



904 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Williams. That I did. 

Mr. Arens. Could you give us the essence of the letter at this time, 
the date of the letter, and then submit the letter for incorporation in 
the record, please, sir? 

Mr. Williams. The letter is relatively brief. I can read a certain 
portion of it. 

Mr. Arens. And give the date, please, sir. 

Mr. Williams. The date of the letter was March 10, 1959, imme- 
diately after the publication of the jury. 

The Chairman. Mr. WiUiams, this was before the art, so called, 
was selected? 

Mr. Williams. Before the art was selected, yes, sir. 

(Reading from copy of letter) : 

The American Artists Professional League, Inc., which has the largest member- 
ship of any art society in the United States, is gravely concerned by the choice of 
the jury to select the paintings and sculpture which will represent American Art 
ill Moscow in July. 

The history of American Art Exhibitions in Europe, from the show recalled by 
the State Department to the debacle of the Brussels Fair, has reflected little honor 
on our country. Nor can we expect that work selected by a jury such as has 
been announced will prove any exception to this rule. 

The conservative artists of the world have had their fill of museum directors, 
critics, and so-called art experts. 

No one would expect the manager of a hospital to tell the surgeons how to 
operate; nor would he be considered qualified to judge between doctors on their 
merits as technicians. 

Many people doubt the advantages of any cultural exchange with Russia, but 
at least we must be sure that any work sent over there will be of a high quality, 
and cannot be used as proof of the decadence existing under a capitalistic system. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Williams, when was the next time your at- 
tention was directed in any consequential manner to the American 
National Exhibition in Moscow? 

Mr. Williams. The next I knew of it was when I heard, or saw 
in the papers the speech by your chau'man, Congressman Walter, 
which brought out the horrible proportion^ — ^and thank goodness, very 
unfair proportion — chosen of people with Communist affiliations. 

The professions are not that badly infiltrated. 

May I say that naturally I wrote immediately to congratulate 
Congressman Walter on his alertness and courage in bringing this 
matter to the public's attention. 

The Chairman. I do not know how alert I was, Mr. Williams, but 
I do not think I ever got over the shock that I received at Brussels 
when I saw the photograph of the Capitol of the United States. 
This was a large, beautiful photograph blown up of the most beautiful 
capitol in the world and for all of the people in the world to see. 
Unfortunately, it was taken down here in one of the most squalid slum 
areas in America and showed half-clothed children sitting in mud 
and what have you, all these horrible slums that have long since 
been cleared and, off in the background, was this beautiful Capitol. 

Now, you cannot tell me that somebody did not select that photo- 
graph on purpose. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 905 

Mr. Williams. I am sure they did. 

(At this point, Mr. Tuck entered the hearing room.) 

The Chairman. That is what I mean when I say I was so shocked 
that the moment I saw what was happening I was sure that the same 
people had their finger in both of these exhibitions. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Mr. Chairman, before counsel proceeds, I do not 
want to anticipate counsel's questioning and I certainly do not want to 
violate the amenities, but was there any acknowledgment ever received 
with respect to your letter to the President of the United States? 

Mr. Williams. I am afraid it never reached him. I have the high- 
est regard for the President. He has written me personal letters. 
To this one I received no reply. ^ 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, you expressed your grave concern after 
you had read the speech, or on account of the speech, by the chairman 
of this committee on the Communist background and service to the 
Communist movement of a number of these artists whose works are 
being sent to Moscow. Based upon your background and experience 
in the art movement of this country, were you surprised? 

Mr. Williams. Frankly, considering the jury, I was not surprised. 

Mr. Arens. Have you had, on the basis of your background and 
experience, similar experiences in the past in the use by the Govern- 
ment of the United States of so-called art works of American artists? 

Mr. Williams. Well, I am going to come to that a little later, if 
I may, in connection with Government exhibitions abroad and so 
forth. 

The Chairman. Mr. Williams, may I ask you who selected this 
jury? 

Mr. Williams. That I would say is a very key question. I believe 
that we now know that the USIA had a committee of 11 citizens and 
the State Department apparently has a standing committee of 11 
citizens to advise on the arts and they, in turn, selected 6 people to 
select the jm-y and these 6 people selected the jury. And one of 
those who was selected for the jury, Aline Loucheim, could not serve 
and then there was a substitution made. 

Mr. Arens. Can you give us a summary of similar experiences? 

Mr. Williams. May I say, speaking of Aline Loucheim, I do not 
think she would have been of help. She has been an alleged art 
critic, upholding some things I do not like about art, some phases of 
modern art. 

Mr. Arens. Would you speak on some similar experiences in the 
past? 

Mr. Williams. May I digress for a moment and ask to have in- 
serted in the record the policy of the American Artists Professional 
League, as described in this pamphlet called "War Cry"? 

The Chairman. Yes. 



' The witness has since asked it be noted that, speakingf rom the best of his recollection, he was in error. 
A courteous acknowledgment had been received, had doubtless been called to his attention, but was in the 
files of the corresponding secretary of the League. The date of the reply from the White House was March 
26 to his letter of March 10 1059 



44006—59- 



906 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

(The information referred to follows :) 

The American Artists Professional League Inc. 
National Headquarters: 15 Gramercy Park, New York 3, N.Y. 
War Cry 

We believe that the time has come for American Artists who hold fast to the 
time-honored tenets of beauty, craftsmanship and integrity to assert their faith 
in the cause. We beheve that the time has come for all serious artists of our time 
who hold fast to the canons of art with relation to rhythm, proportion, composi- 
tion, form and color, which have endured for centuries, to crusade for these verities 
in the art of America today. 

For too long a time, and with our habitual American tolerance, we have stood 
aside and let the sensationalists and revolutionaries take the center of the stage. 
We have tolerated, without protest, the initiators of the decadent isms which were 
spawned abroad some decades ago. We have permitted, without public protest, 
this debauching of all that is noble in art. So long have we tolerated this intru- 
sion that it has now gained a disproportionate place in the American art scene. 

At first we ignored these sensationalists as harmless; now they have infiltrated 
our large exhibitions, our art juries, our art societies and our art museums. They 
now dominate art courses in many of our colleges and art schools. Art journals 
and art news editors have bowed to the call of their weird incantations until the 
beauty-loving public, mystified by their madness, has about decided that, if this 
is art, it wants no more art. 

If our artists who thrill at the wonders of God's creation and who aspire to share 
their inspiration with others through their art, wish to regain the esteem and 
appreciation of the public, they must now, with strong resolution, go into aggres- 
sive action. And they must work fast if a generation or more of potential talent 
is not to be smothered for lack of proper instruction. 

The American Artists Professional League, with its some 2000 members across 
the land, stands ready to do its part. Under the vigorous chairmanship of 
Wheeler Williams, N.A., the Program Committee offers a 6-Point program. 

(1) We must demand that newspapers and magazines carrying art news 
supplement their staffs with at least one critic sympathetic to Modern Classicists. 
Rifts must be made in what has aptly been called the Paper Curtain that prevents 
the pubhc from knowing that many fine modern artists are still doing work they 
will welcome and understand. 

(2) We must demand that large art exhibitions, national, regional and local, 
have separate juries and separate exhibition areas for Modern Classicists. • We 
are entitled to juries of our peers and to have our works shown in conjunction 
with works of similar motivation. 

(3) We must demand that all medals, awards, fellowships or grants given or 
endowed by patrons or benefactors — ^who are known to have been motivated 
by appreciation for man's heritage of Classic art and interest in fostering Classic 
art — be awarded only by juries of the Classic Schools of Modern Art. (Let the 
adherents of the Cult of the Isms endow their own and not poach upon the gener- 
osity of others living and dead who do not or did not share their extreme tastes.) 

(4) We must continue our battle to see that art is not socialized under pohtical 
bureaucracy. 

(5) We must do everything in our power to see that, once again, teachers who 
believe in our great heritage of art, know how to teach the fundamentals, and who 
can, by encouragement and constructive criticism, help the aspiring to develop 
his individual talents, are selected to man the Art Departments of our grade 
and high schools, our colleges and our professional schools of art. 

(6) While in large measure this fad for the isms of modern art is only a mani- 
festation of our troubled times and its exponents and proponents are both loyal 
and sincere, we can no longer overlook the important element of Communist 
involvement, aware by their own statements that they regard art as a weapon of 
revolution. The Key? It is obvious that they promote the isms to destroy 
standards and traditions just as they employ "social realism" to stir resentment 
and employ the few fine artists caught at one time or another in their net * * * to 
open doors to art associations and the purse strings of fellowship and scholarship 
funds to the benefit of their adherents. 

Therefore, it is also encumbent on us to alert authorities where known and 
unrepentant party-Uners are assigned as teachers, jury members or invited as 
exhibitors. 

Equally, when patriotic civic groups take similar action, we should rally to 
their support. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 907 

Mr. "Williams. May I ask you to repeat your question? 

Mr. Arens. Yes, sir. What has been the basis of your background 
and experierce in the art movement of this country and, as one of the 
leading artists of this Nation, what has been your experience in similar 
programs of the Government of the United States promoting art 
abroad? 

Mr. Williams. May I start at home? 

Mr. Arens. If you please, sir. 

Mr. Williams. The Government became properly interested in the 
problems of the artist during the depression and at that time — with 
the best intention, I am sure, in the world — they founded the WPA 
for arts. I could go on at length as to its sorry picture, particularly 
in the New York area where I think it was very definitely admitted to 
be Communist-controlled by the end. I think we are all aware of the 
number of U.S. Post Office murals that were painted showing the 
seamy side, the tragic side, which exists here in America as it exists 
in every country. There are always some slums and tragic conditions. 

It was not a very happy result for all the WPA ejffort made for the 
artists. 

Then they had the Section of Fine Arts at the same time, and I can 
assure you that, when that was first started, the members of the 
Sculpture Society thought this was a wonderful thing, and by the 
grand phraseology with which it started it sounded fine. 

At the end of one year, I was asked to run a questionnaire to see 
what the sculptors thought of it. 

The answer was it was terrible; that the Section of Fine Arts had 
turned things upside down and were running the thing in very curious 
fashion; and all you have to do is to go to our own Justice Department 
building and go up the staircase and you will find plenty of examples 
of things right here that are of the kind that, probably. Vice Presi- 
dent Nixon was speaking of in the quotation made earlier. 

Also, here at home at the World's Fair, the Section of Fine Arts 
moved in, begged, and pleaded, and finally the appointed com- 
missioner let them take over the selection of sculpture and art work 
for the U.S. Building at the World's Fair. 

I would just cite two things. 

One is that, later, the commissioner told me that he had heard 
and actually seen a certain amount of dirty politics in ward politics 
in the City of New York, but he had never seen anything worse 
than the handling of allegedly fair juries by the section. Also there 
was a statue of Lincoln put up there that the public disliked so much 
that they had to take it down, their selections were so bad. 

StiU here in this country, a Government agency also fostered an 
exhibition'' in the veterans' hospitals, and I would refer you to Con- 
gressman George A. Dondero and his speech on that, which covers 
it very thoroughly. 

At this moment I would like to say how many of the American 
artists, and the American Artists Professional League, in toto, I am 
sure, honor Congressman Dondero. 

After all, he single-handedly did a job of alerting the public to 
what has been and is going on, and continues to go on, in the field 
of fiuQe arts in this country. 



908 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Mr. Chairman, at that point I would like, as a 
member of this committee, to express appreciation for that tribute to 
our former colleague, whom all of us respect very highly. 

Mr. Arens. Now, would you recount experiences which the Gov- 
ernment has had in the past with similar exhibits abroad? 

Mr. Williams. While I am talking about Congressman Dondero, 
I want to say it is a great tribute to his faithfulness to his duty and, 
wishing to be fair, to his faithfulness in all the investigations that he 
handled and the documents that he had to handle, that no one has 
ever successfully challenged any citation of Communist affiliation he 
made on a lot of people. 

I have heard him called, from platforms, a liar and so forth. I 
have heard the most derogatory statements made about him, but it 
is significant to me that not a single artist who was cited as having 
belonged to the Communist Party or fronts by Congressman Dondero 
has ever availed himself of the privilege of coming before your com- 
mittee, Mr. Congressman, and, asking to be sworn, stated under 
oath that he did not belong to the party or to such front or fronts as 
were cited. 

I hear, again and again, people saying, "after all, it is criminal the 
way they attack people without proof and the poor man cannot say 
anything about it. How can he clear himself?" 

The answer is very clear. Am I right, sir? He can come before 
this committee, and you will give him a chance to be sworn and testify 
if he so chooses. 

The Chairman. Of course. 

(At this point, Mr. Miller entered the hearing room.) 

Mr. Arens. Would you give similar experiences abroad? 

Mr. Williams. We are all aware of the fiasco of the 1955-56 travel- 
ing show which was recalled by the State Department and quite 
rightly. I was looking at the catalogue of that only yesterday, and 
it is interesting to note the duplication of so many names in that 
exhibition and in the present choice to be shown in Moscow. 

Mr. Arens. Are there other similar experiences? 

Mr. Williams. It puzzles me that we have no other artists. 
Must we always show these same ones? It looks very much as if it is 
a panel of people selecting a select chosen few. 

Mr. Arens. Are there other similar experiences? 

Mr. Williams. Yes. Of course, we went on from that exhibit to 
the "Sports in Art" show. 

The Chairman. Before you go into that, I think it is pretty gen- 
erally admitted that some of this art reflects on Americans. One of 
the people in USIA, I think it was, said that it is admitted that this 
one painting depicts an American general as being whatever it is, but 
the purpose of that is to let the Communists know that in America we 
can criticize. 

Well, with many years of experience in and out of the services, I 
have yet to see as dissolute a looking figure as the person portrayed in 
this painting. 

I just could not imagine anybody wearing a uniform, either as an 
apprentice seaman or a general or an admiral, looking like the figure 
in this painting. Certainly there was nothing connected with it to 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 909 

indicate the purpose; and it seems to me that, in view of the fact that 
the artist is a Communist, he was trying to portray by that painting 
his feeling of hatred toward our military. 

Mr. Williams. I think statements he has made indicate that that 
is true. 

Also it is not a work of art. It is a satirical ^cartoon. 

The Chairman. That is right. It is a satirical cartoon. 

Mr. Williams. Which does not belong in an art exhibition. 

Mr. Arens. I do not want to consume too much of the record on 
the specifics of similar experiences except to elicit from you whether 
or not the experience of the Government in this field has been about 
the same. 

Mr. Williams. I think it is important because we have been un- 
fortunate in having similar mistakes made by well-intentioned people 
in the Government. 

I am sure they are well intentioned, but I think they are playing 
in a field they do not understand. I think they should learn. 

"Sports in Art" was an exhibition they were going to send to the 
Olympics. It was shown in the Dallas Museum; and the good citizens 
of Dallas, with the Dallas County Patriotic League and the American 
Legion and the American Artists Professional League Chapter down 
there, made so great an outcry that it was not sent. 

Then we all know the disgracefully bad show sent to Brussels last 
year, which Congressman Walter just mentioned. 

The Chairman. In that connection, they had a huge photograph 
of a football game, and it was almost impossible to determine what 
it was because it had been cut in sections and was set up at different 
angles. Finally, after much maneuvering around, I discovered that 
this was a picture of a halfback going off tackle. This I was able to 
determine because I know something about football. 

I am just wondering how many peasants from the area around 
there that had never seen a football game could tell what it was. 

Mr. Williams. I think we should be proud of the record of our 
Government in having canceled and called back so many of their 
bloops. 

Mr. Arens. How many have they called back? 

Mr, Williams. They called back the travelmg exhibition I men- 
tioned. They canceled the one in Dallas, and I believe there is one 
other that they have called back. 

In addition to that, I think we ought to take a little cheer from the 
fact that we are not the only country that makes bloops about art. 
They may make it in a different way. 

In 1937, when I was in Paris, I went to the Russian Building there, 
and in it they had a mural some 40 or 50 feet long, an enormous mural 
of the May Day Parade, and I must say it was pretty well painted. 

While I was standing there, a man put up a ladder and proceeded 
to paint out the face of one of the men standing next to Stalin. That 
intrigued me so I went back the next day. The man had a new face, 
but another face was being painted out. So it became my hobby to 
go every day and see what the score was. I did not staj^ all summer, 
but I believe by the end of the summer practically everybody in the 
line had been painted to be somebody else. That was, of course, the 
summer of the purge. They did it right in public daily. 



910 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

The Chairman. That reminds me that one of the Justices of the 
Supreme Court, in discussing the Supreme Court's decisions, said they 
were Hke an excursion ticket, good for one day only.^ ^,,^ 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, I expect to mterrogate you on some of 
the specific art presentations which are now en route to Moscow, a 
dozen or so in particular on which we want to elicit your comments. 

Before doing so, I should like to inquire of you now, is art susceptible 
to use as a weapon by the Communists? 

Mr. Williams. I think there is no question about that. 

Mr. Arens. Would you please elaborate on that and give us the 
basis for your conclusion? i^-^ 

Mr. Williams. Well, sir, they say it is themselves. The Congress- 
man has aheady quoted Foster, the head of the Communist Party 
in this country, stating that art is a weapon and a very important 
weapon. I have considerable difiiculty in trjdng to persuade many 
of my business friends that they consider it as an important weapon. 
It seems to me quite obvious that the fu'st thing they want to do to 
any country outside of the Iron Curtain, and particularly ours, is to 
destroy our faith in God, our religions. 

Mr. Arens. How do they do it by art? How do they use art as a 
weapon? 

Mr. Williams. Well, why they want to destroy art is equally 
important or second almost to religion. They want to destroy aU 
phases of our culture; and if they can destroy our faith in God and 
our faith in the beauty and wonders of our cultural heritage, including 
the arts and literature and music and so forth, they can take us over 
without a hydrogen bomb. They can take us over with popguns. 

Mr. Arens. How do they use art as a furtherance of the objectives 
of communism to destroy the United States as its principal target? 

Mr. Williams. We must remember that the policy of the Soviet 
Government on art is "Socialist Realism." Now, "Socialist Realism" is 
the credo in their o^vn land, but that is "Socialist Realism" used as a 
tool of uplift, used to commemorate great events, things we can under- 
stand. It is a propaganda tool, shall we say, and is perfectly natural 
and normal and can be a fine one as it is here. 

Take Howard Chandler Christie, my late great pal, and his wonder- 
ful painting of the signing of the Declaration of Independence. That 
is a fine use of art. But that kind they are constantly disavowing 
for other kinds of strange forms of art outside the Iron Curtain. They 
very definitely state that they use Communist protest realism for 
destructive purposes. 

That is their first weapon, "social protest" realism, and we will see 
some examples of that in the work which is planned to be shown in 
Moscow. 

Mr. Arens. We will get into the specifics in a few moments with 
these exhibits. 

Mr, Williams. It is in that connection that the New Masses has 
had any number of pictures of satirical protest and so forth, such as 
the painting mentioned by Congressman Walter a few moments ago. 
That is the type of thing that they use as social protest. 

In addition to that, they aid and abet in every way the "isms," 
the destructive "isms." They regard those as a useful destructive force 
to destroy people's love and understanding of art, their love of beauty, 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 91 1 

and their whole heritage of culture. It is significant that outside of 
Russia, the leader of all leaders of the "isms" is Picasso for them, 
and Picasso has stated: "Ai't is not to decorate apartments. Art 
is a weapon of revolution, and my art is revolutionary art." Yet, 
Pablo Picasso has been featured in almost every magazine in this 
country with rave articles this last year by some strange arrangement. 

Incidentally, may I, as an artist, say that I regard him as a trivial 
artist who, even in his earher blue-and-pink period, showed only mild 
talent. 

It is also significant that all, or almost all, of the leaders, the heroes 
of the "ism" movements, the top heroes have been Communists. 

It is also significant that they used in Russia all the "isms" as 
weapons of revolution, up through the Revolution and until 1922. 
It was only when they had soHdified their power that they ruled 
these out, and Kandinsky and others went back to Germany and 
elsewhere outside the Iron Curtain to create further unrest in the 
arts. 

Wassily Kandinsky was the Russian who invented the idea of non- 
objective art. What they call abstract art, although that is a misuse 
of a word. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Williams, have you had occasion to observe 
both the exhibits which are en route to Moscow representing the 
United States in om* proposed exhibit and the reproductions, at least, 
of the exhibits by the Communists which are presently on display in 
New York City? 

Mr. Williams. I have, sir, but could we pause a moment on that? 

Mr. Arens. All right, sir. 

Mr. Williams. There are some exhibits that I have here to indi- 
cate a httle bit about the Communist use of art as a weapon. 

Mr. Arens. Proceed on that theme if you please, sir. 

Mr. Williams. One thing is that right here in our own coimtry we 
have a very fine painter, John Garth, out on the Pacific Coast, who is 
also a fine writer, who wrote for many years for the Argonaut maga- 
zine out there. Fortunately, he was already alert in the twenties. 
He wrote in the Argonaut (1955-56) : 

I attended one of their first meetings here in San Francisco, 
where the whole conspiracy was laid down in detail to affect 
not only painting and sculpture but every other aspect of 
our aesthetic and spiritual life. The art museum personnel, 
the school art faculties, the art schools themselves; the more 
influential art critics were the first targets selected for either 
conversion or gradual Hquidation to make way for the instal- 
lation of feUow travelers. 

From my experience I would say they have been successful be- 
yond their wildest possible hopes. 

Mr. Arens. Now, sir, are you ready to proceed on the theme which 
I proposed a while ago, namely, your appraisal of the pictures which 
are presently being displayed in New York City by the Communists? 

Mr. Williams. I have, sir, some other things that I would like 
to bring into the documents, quotations and so forth. 

Mr. Arens. All right, sir. Proceed. 



912 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Williams. Considering the use of art as a weapon, I think it 
is interesting to note that Khrushchev, in a speech before the 21st 
Congress, Communist Party, Soviet Union, said: 

It is the duty of * * * sculptors and painters to raise still 
higher the content and artistic level of their work, to con- 
tinue as energetic assistants of the party and the state in 
the Communist education of the working people. 

That is in Russia. 

The Congressman has already quoted William Foster. 

V. J. Jerome, in his speech, "Grasp the Weapon of Culture," at the 

Fifteenth National Convention of the Communist Party, USA, held 
in December 1950, states: 

A novelist who fights with his voice and not his pen, an 
artist who gives his name to the fight but not his brush * * * 
fights with one hand, and with the other objectively aids 
the enemy * * * 

Cultural activity is an essential phase of the Party's 
general ideological work, and as such is interconnected 
with the Party's struggles in the economic and political 
spheres * * * 

The situation demands from our creative forces novels 
and plays, poems, paintings, musical compositions, popular 
songs, and criticism, vibrant with the Party spirit, the very 
essence of Socialist Realism * * * 

In Culture and Life, November 21, 1958, the identification of Soviet 
authors with actual "Socialist Realism" called for the usual list of quali- 
ties which must be attributed to Soviet man. There are quotations in it. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Williams, let us proceed if you please, to the 
query with respect to your appraisal of the art work which is being 
displayed in New York City by the Communists. 

Mr. Williams. Very good, sir. 

Mr. Arens. What is your general characterization of the impact 
upon the mind which would normally follow from the art work which 
is being displayed in New York City by the Communists? 

Mr. Williams. I would say that it would make a very fine im- 
pression, unfortunately, on our public. 

Mr. Aren's. Why? 

Mr. Williams. They have selected artists of talent. I am amazed, 
considering the number of good artists whom they killed and exiled 
leaving practically nobody of talent, that they have been able to 
develop artists with so much good classic background. By and large 
these are very fine pictures. I think they are things that our public 
will like and enjoy. 

Mr. Arens. Wliat impression will a viewer receive from the stand- 
point of his normal reaction to this Soviet art work? 

Mr. Williams. I think they would say, "Russia can't be so bad. 
It must be pretty good. Look at that. They seem to have a lot of 
love of beauty. Their countryside is wonderful. The saiHng looks 
good." 

Mr. Arens. Is there anything in their art work to suggest the 
slave labor camps? 

Mr. Williams. Not a bit. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 913 

Mr. Arens. Is there anything to suggest the tyranny of the Red 
empire? 

Mr. Williams. No. Of course, we have here only eight examples, 
but I think that is a consistent pattern of the type work they are 
showing. 

Mr. Arens. Is there anything in their art work to suggest the loss 
of freedom? 

Mr. Williams. No, there is not. 

Mr. Arens. Now, may I invite your attention first of all in general, 
and we will become specific in a moment, to the exhibits which are 
being sent by the United States to our national exhibition to bo opened 
in Moscow this summer. Do you have your set there? 

Mr. Williams. May I say, Mr. Chairman, that I think we are 
indebted to the New York Times Magazine Section, and I think the 
public is, for printing this. I think it will show them how right the 
Congressman was to alert the public to what was going on. 

This, even though it is a selection of the less terrible of the paintings 
selected by this peculiar jury, is certainly not a very gi-atifying repre- 
sentation; and I, as a sculptor, can assure you that it is a shocking 
representation of my field of the arts. 

The Chairman. I saw a sketch of one of the paintings. It was a 
wide, white strip with, across the top of it, a little strip of gold. The 
title of the painting was "Old Gold Over Wliite." Now, in view of the 
fact that this exhibition is to further Soviet understanding of life in 
America, I am curious to know what phase of American life this 
would show the Russians. 

Mr. Williams. I don't think those things have any meaning what- 
soever except to confuse. 

The Chairman. Did you see this? 

Mr. Williams. I haven't come to that one. 

The Chairman. This is the kind of thing my grandson did when 
I gave him his first paints. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, would you first of all give us your overall 
judgment respecting the art exhibit wliich is being sent by this 
country abroad? 

Mr. Williams. Remember, I have not seen it. The only people 
who have seen it, apparently, are the jury. 

Mr. Arens. You have seen the reproductions? 

Mr. Williams. I have seen the reproductions of it and, of course, 
it is a little unfair to judge by reproductions alone, but I think 
enough of them are bad enough that one does not have to worry 
very much. 

Mr. Moulder. May I ask a question? 

The Chairman. Yes. 

Mr. Moulder. Does the Government of the Soviet Union have any 
approval or disapproval of the exhibits being sent over there by the 
American National Exhibition? Do they have any control or any 
opportunity or do they exercise approval or disapproval and say, 
"You cannot exhibit this or that"? After the selections are made 
here and go over there, what does the Soviet Union do? 

Mr. Williams. I think the Soviet Union will be so delighted over 
this exhibition that they will not raise any question. This proves to 
them — and their hierarchy certainly knows much better than this 
committee does how many Commimist aflSliations or actual Com- 

44Q06— 69 i 



914 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

munist memberships are represented — that this is a triumph on their 
part. They will be perfectly certain that they have taken over 
American art. 

May I assure you gentlemen that our arts ma}^ have been in danger 
of being taken over but they have not been taken and, so help us 
God, they won't be. 

Mr. Arens. What is the position of the American Artists Profes- 
sional League v/ith reference to this Moscow exhibit proposed to be 
put on by the United States Information Agency? 

Mr. Williams. Our position is that it must be recalled; that the 
State Department has, or the USIA has, unfortunately made another 
mistake; and the only honorable thing to do, in justice to the American 
people, is to recall the show. 

A ver}^ splendid suggestion has been made by a distinguished friend 
of mine, Robert L. Buell, a retired consul general, which met with 
considerable interest by the State Department. They apparently 
think it is too late. They have taken some ideas from it. He suggested 
they recall it and immediately send over an exhibition showing the 
great panorama of culture and art that we have in this country. Our 
historical record proves it. We are not a new country of aborigines. 
We are a country with a long established culture. 

He suggested we start with pictures by Copley and Stuart and go 
on through to Winslow Homer and other later pamters, show the 
Hudson River School, show the Remingtons and Russells and the 
others who have painted our great West, those things the Russian 
people themselves would like, understand, and enjoy. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. May I ask at this point. Do I understand that 
this has been an official recommendation of the American Artists 
Professional League? | 

Mr. Williams. We have just been alerted to this. I am sure I can 
say that we would approve. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Has there been any such recommendation made in 
the name of the League or of any other artist group to the State De- 
partment or USIA? 

Mr. Williams. I will assure you there are two members of the 
board here today and I think they will back me up and I can say quite 
confidently that the League would heartily endorse this suggestion, 
even if no modern work were shown, if we could show the panorama 
of the culture we have in this country. 

Mr. Arens. Bearing in mind your observations as to the use of art 
as a weapon by the Commimists and bearing in mind the specific 
cases which were revealed by the chairman of this committee to be 
works of art by either Communists or persons with extensive records 
of service to the Communist movement, may I invite your attention 
to reproductions of the art exhibits which are now en route to Moscow 
and ask you to give some of your comments respecting several of those 
exhibits? 

The Chairman. Is that catalog printed in Russian? 

Mr. Williams. It is printed in Russian. Most of the names have 
been put on. 

Mr. Arens. They are printed in Russian but we have had trans- 
lated into English for your edification the title and author. 

Mr. Williams. The name has not been put on this one. It is a 
meaningless pattern. Here is a design which my wife would not 
accept for a linoleum for a kitchen floor. It serves no other purpose. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 915 

Here is another meaningless one. 

Mr. Arens. Do you see an art work there by Max Weber? 

Mr. Williams. Are these in chronological order or not? They 
probably are. 

Mr. Arens. No, sir. 

The Chairman. We experienced great difficulty in getting that. 
Actually, USIA sent this up and when somebody started to give it to 
me, they locked it up in the briefcase and walked off with it so 
that you cannot blame us for not having it translated. 

Mr. Williams. Most of these things are hopelessly meaningless. 
Here is "Old Gold Over White." It doesn't show the color, but I 
don't think it makes a great deal of difference whether it does or 
not. 

Mr. Arens. Do you see there an art work presented by William 
Zorach entitled, "Victory"? 

Mr. Williams. I do. 

Mr. Arens. What is your observation respecting that? 

Mr. Williams. I would say that for any student in any class of 
mine it would not be adequate. 

Mr. Arens. Do you see there an art work by a person by the name 
of Jackson Pollock entitled, "Cathedral"? 

Mr. Williams. After all, there are so many of these things that it 
is confusing. I am familiar with the one you mean. I have seen 
that before, and that is just a meaningless scribble. It is the worst 
doodle that you could imagine on a telephone pad. Most of these 
things are doodles. 

The Chairman. Then the Soviet understanding of life in America 
would be that we are either doodlers or confused. 

Mr. Arens. I lay before you a photographic reproduction of the art 
work by Pollock which is being sent to Moscow entitled, "Cathed- 
ral." Would you kindly give us, based upon your extensive back- 
ground and experience as one of the topflight artists of this Nation and 
as president of the American Artists Professional League, your ap- 
praisal of that so-called work of art? 

Mr. Williams. Of course, it is not a work of art. It is merely a 
childish doodle. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, if I took this bottle of ink and splashed 
it on this piece of paper here in a haphazard manner and then smeared 
the ink around and handed you that and asked you, on the basis of 
your extensive background and experience, to compare the ink blob 
with what you see before you, what would be your honest reaction as 
to the comparative artistic merits of the ink blob? 

Mr. Williams. The ink blob accidentally might be better. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have an observation to make respecting the 
specific art works which are being sent there, bearing in mind your 
observation that art is used by the Communists as a weapon and 
bearing in mind the revelations by the chau-man of this committee 
respecting the extensive Communist and Communist front records of 
a disproportionate number of these artists? 

Mr. Williams. May I say that in connection with one of them he 
happens to be a Polish-American who has been in this country a rela- 
tively short time. He came over, I believe, went back, and came 
back again. I am not sure. I do not know him personally. I have 
never seen any of his work. He obviously belongs to what I would 



916 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

call the workers in welded wreckage. He was chosen as the man to 
select the sculpture to be exhibited. His name is Theodore Roszak. 
He was a member of the jury. 

The Chairman. He was a member of the jury and selected his own 
work? 

Mr. Williams. The two artists on the jury were automatically in- 
cluded. The work by Theodore Roszak shown, is called "Hound of 
Heaven," but you can't tell what it is. 

The Chairman. Just a minute. The jury selected the art and then 
selected their own work? 

Mr. Williams. I think that the two artist members of the jmy 
were told that they automatically had something included so let us 
not blame them for that. 

The Chairman. That is like selecting Casey Stengel to umpire the 
world series. 

Mr. Williams. If I may digress for a moment; in my particular 
profession of sculptm-e, I would say that we have had in the past 
50 years a great renaissance of sculpture, probably the finest school of 
sculpture which has existed since the Italian Renaissance. Not one 
of those great names is included in this exhibition. We all love the 
Lincoln Memorial. Why isn't there something by Daniel Chester 
French? We all love the "Grief" by Saint-Gaudens. Why is there 
not something by Saint-Gaudens? Why not something by J. Q. A. 
Ward, who did the wonderful Washington in front of the Sub-Treasury 
in New York City? We have a school of sculpture of which I am proud 
to be a member. We have had some really great men. Not one of 
those is selected; but this newly made American, Theodore Roszak, 
has chosen these curious things, most of which do not come under the 
definition of sculpture. 

Mr. Arens. The chairman, in his address to the House, detailed 
the service to the Communist movement by many of these artists and 
pointed out the manner in which their perverted so-called art works 
had been used by known Communist publications to further the cause 
of communism. Thereafter the chairman was attacked in certain 
quarters because he was discussing "political affiliation" of the artists. 
Based upon your experience in the art field and in the field of iavesti- 
gating communism and subversion, what is your reaction to the charac- 
terization of communism as a political concept? 

Mr. Williams. Obviously, I consider communism subversion. It 
has nothing to do with politics whatsoever. Anybody who joins the 
Communist Party is a traitor. Anybody who adheres to, or know- 
ingly helps, it is, to my mind, a traitor. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Williams, I lay before you a photographic 
reproduction of one of the presentations which will be displayed in 
Moscow to represent American culture by Philip Evergood, entitled, 
"Street Corner." Kindly look at that picture, describe it if you can 
to this committee, and give this committee your best studied judgment 
as to the impact that presentation will have upon the mind of the 
viewer. 

Mr. Williams. This is crudely drawn. He isn't very able as a 
draftsman. It is a crudely drawn, and probably crudely painted, 
street scene of a curious bunch of characters out in front of a drug 
store or bai; or something or a barbershop, I think it is. It's in a 
slum district and it certainly has nothing very cheerful about it. It 
is another example of "social protest" art. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 917 

The Chairman. Why is it that all of these scenes of America 
depict slum districts? Is the purpose of it to convey to the Soviets 
the idea that we live in slums? 

Mr. Williams. It is to show the fact that we have slums and give 
them the impression that that is all we have. 

Going back to sculpture, of course most of the sculpture has nothing 
to say one way or another. There is one called, "The Ring" by Isamu 
Noguchi. It means nothing. It's a doodle in ceramics or stone. 

Here is a piece by Hugo Eobus called, "Walking Figure." It would 
fall apart if it walked. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, since it became generally known that 
you were going to testify before this committee, have you been solic- 
ited by any person connected with USIA not to testify or to tone 
down your testimony? 

Mr. Williams. Well, I would not want to say anything about well- 
intentioned people, but I think that there was very definitely a hope 
that maybe I would not testify or maybe that I would just let sleeping 
dogs lie. 

The Chairman. Was this hope communicated to you? 

Mr. Williams. Yes. 

The Chairman, By somebody in USIA? 

Mr. Williams. Yes. 

The Chairman. Somebody ought to be cited for contempt of Con- 
gress for attempting to prevent, or to interfere with, the testimony of 
a witness subpenaed to appear before this committee. 

Mr. Williams. May I say that he very definitely stated that he 
didn't wish to in any way influence me. 

The Chairman. You were under subpena at the time the attempt 
was made to have you soften your testimony, is that the fact? 

Mr. Williams. Well, I had been asked to come and I volunteered 
to come down. 

Mr. Johansen. Mr. Chairman, not necessarily at this open hearing, 
but I hope that there will be included in the record of this committee, 
at least in executive session, the identity of that person; and let me 
say to the gentleman that I think he is being exceedingly charitable 
in his repeated references to well-intentioned people. Any person 
who did that with respect to a \vitness before this committee, in my 
judgment, was not well intentioned. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Williams, was the conversation or communication 
which you had with a representative of USIA initiated by him? 

Mr. Williams. I would say it was initiated probably as a result of 
my good friend, the retired consul general's, efforts to make them 
call the show back immediately, because I had told him what was 
going on, and to send over a respectable show instead, one that we can 
be proud of. They have taken his advice to the extent of padding it 
a little. They have not sent over any of the early paintings. They 
have added a Homer and five or six paintings, including one more by 
a man who is already included. 

Mr. Arens. We have another witness who would like to be heard 
this morning. I would like to suggest that that would conclude the 
staff interrogation of Mr. Williams. 

Mr. Williams. May I ask if I may place in the record additional 
quotations, exhibits, and so forth, which I have not had time to present 
during the hearing? 

The Chairman. So ordered. 



918 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

(Additional material submitted by Mr. Williams follows :) 

First, may I include, in compliance with the chairman's j&nal 
direction, a brief overall summary of mj judgment as to the exhibition 
as selected. 

It includes a number of "social protest" paintings of no aesthetic 
or artistic importance; at least one revolting satirical lampoon; a 
heavy load of meaningless doodles in paint and bronze; and a few 
traditional works, only one or two of which have any outstanding 
merit. If it is judged on merit alone, it is a dismal and dreary 
potpourri. 

It fails utterly to give "a true image of America" as it contains 
next to nothing to show the wondrous natural beauty with which 
God has endowed our beloved lands, to portray its glorious history, 
its heroes or its valiant people of varied races, and nothing to picture 
the wondrous architecture of our cities or charm and beauty of our 
villages and towns. 

Now as to other material I had ready to read into the record had 
time permitted: 

I have ah-eady shown by the quotations of Khrushchev, William 
Z. Foster, and V. J. Jerome, one of the cultural commissars of the 
Communist Party in this country, that it is a firm Communist 
doctrine that art must be used as a weapon in the class struggle. 
I have also mentioned the fact that Communists use art to further 
their purposes primarily through the device of "Socialist Realism." 

"Socialist Realism" might be described as a more or less traditional 
style of painting with a message included in it. The message may 
be either positive or negative. A positive message would be a pro- 
Communist one. It would portray the Soviet Union or Red China 
in a favorable light, or some well-known Communist as a noble man 
and hero. Negative messages would be anticapitalistic, anti-United 
States, or perhaps depict some anti-Communist in an unfavorable 
light. Also included in this negative form of "Socialist Realism" is 
art of "social protest" — depictions of poverty, injustice, etc., in the 
United States and other non-Communist countries. 

An excellent definition of "Socialist Realism" was contained in the 
greetings sent to the recent All-Union Soviet Writers Congress by 
the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 
This congress, the third since the Revolution, was held in Moscow 
in the latter part of May of this year. The following quotation from 
the greetings is, in my opinion, an authoritative and revealing expla- 
nation of what Communists mean by "Socialist Realism": 

The lofty duty of Soviet writers [and this, of course, also 
applies to painters, sculptors, etc.] is to reveal truthfuUy 
and vividly the splendom- of people's achievements in pro- 
duction, the majesty and grandeur of the fight for Com- 
munism ; to be passionate propagandists for the Seven-Year 
Plan; to instill courage and energy into the hearts of the 
Soviet people; to root out the survivals of capitalism in 
people's minds; to help do away with all that holds up our 
progress. This is the path along which the great art of 
Communism will develop * * * an art capable of inspiring 
millions and millions of builders of Communism to new 
great achievements.^ 

"The Lofty Calling of Soviet Writers," Moscow News, May 27, 1959, p. 1. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 919 

Former Soviet Premier Georgi Malenkov, in his report to the 
meeting of the Cominform in Poland in September 1947, further 
chu-ified the meaning of "Sociahst Reahsm" when he said that the 
Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union had 
stressed the fact that: 

In the Communist education of the people, particularly 
in the correct education of the youth * * * Soviet writers, 
artists and cultural workers can have no other interests save 
the interests of the people and of the state. That is why all 
advocacy of art devoid of ideas, of art without politics, of 
"art for art's sake" is ah en to Soviet Hterature, harmful to 
the interests of the Soviet people and state and must not 
find a place in our books and periodicals. 

The Soviet magazine Culture and Life, issue of November 21, 1948, 
emphasizes what might be called the positive (from the Communist 
viewpoint) aspects of "Socialist Realism" in the following statement: 

The basis of socialist realism is the affirmation in artistic 
form of the new socialist actuality. * * * While showing the 
strength and beauty of the soul of the Soviet man, his inner 
power and nobility as developed by the Bolshevik Party, 
and his devotion and love for the Soviet native land, writers 
who are true to the method of socialist realisin must actively 
combat the survivals of the past in the consciousness of our 
people. * * * The attention of the Soviet writer must pri- 
marily be attracted to the new qualities that accompanied 
the victory of socialism. 

I also have here a quotation from the Literary Gazette of Decem- 
ber 28, 1946, published in Moscow, which not only reveals how Com- 
munists use all forms of art to promote their totalitarian regime, but 
is also revealing of the Soviet's true intentions when they talk so 
much, as they do today, about peaceful coexistence : 

We do not intend to abandon the war theme * * *. We 
must write of war so that the generation of young people 
which comes after us can love arms and be ready for struggles 
and victories. 

Now, I would like to say a few words about the results of this 
system' of enforced "Sociahst Realism" in all arts behind the Iron 
Curtain. There is obviously a suppression of freedom in art and a 
debasement of the artist, who is turned into a hack and propagandist 
for the regime in power — in this case, the international Communist 
conspiracy. 

In August, 1954, the New York Times published a series of two 
articles on the life of the artist under communism. They were written 
by a man named Andrzej Panufnik, a Polish composer and conductor, 
who had managed to escape from Communist-controlled Poland and 
obtained asylum in Great Britain. 

In the second of these two articles, the one published on August 24, 
1954, Mr. Panufnik described what Communist "Socialist Realism" 
does to the artist: 

For the professional man, life under a Communist system 
is more difficult altogether than for the worker or peasant. 
This is particularly so in the case of the creative artist. 



920 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

For the worker is asked only to use his lathe and the 
peasant his plow; but the artist must subordinate his imagina- 
tion and individuality to the demands of the Communist 
Party and create — if he wants to live at all — in a manner that 
serves the ends of the Communist state. 

The Communist doctrine today is that the '^Titer, painter, 
and composer must use their talents first and last in the 
service of the political struggle and thus stimulate the efforts 
of all to build up the Communist state. This is called 
"socialist realism." 

***** 

* * * there is no art, no literature, no music, only political 
propaganda * * * 

* * * If he [the artist] is prominent in his field it is in- 
cumbent on him to use his influence in the service of the 
political cause. 

***** 

Thus the artist can have no freedom of thought and ex- 
pression under communism and, whatever his talents, can 
develop into little more than a paid hack. 

That, I think, is a pretty true picture of what Communist control of 
all forms of cultural activity has done to the artist behind the Iron 
Curtain. In honesty, however, I think we are forced to admit that 
for the painter and sculptor, the artist who does not use words but 
tries to portray things visually, the picture may not be quite as black 
as it is for other artists. 

I mentioned earlier in my testimony that I thought the Soviet art 
now on exhibition in New York City was very good and that, unfortu- 
nately, it would make a fine impression on our people because the 
Communists had chosen talented artists and some fine paintings. 
Even though "Socialist Realism" is generally enforced in the Soviet 
Union, some of these paintings on display in New York are non- 
political. There is, for example, a seascape by an artist named 
Kalnin. The subject of this painting is the same as that chosen by 
many free American artists in their painting — boats sailing on the 
water. Landscapes are also included. In the Soviet Union as in all 
countries, whether Communist or not, there are many beautiful scenes 
in nature; and the artist, by painting them, can find freedom of ex- 
pression and exhibit his talents without political censorship. 

There is, in other words, some limited escape for the artist under 
communism. However, it is limited — he is expected to produce 
works glorifj'ing the state and communism — and he lives and works 
forever with this fact hanging over him. No real artist can be happy 
and fully express himself under such conditions. 

The Communist artists, this side of the Iron Cm'tain who are under 
party control, those who have the souls of artists at all, are the real 
slaves. 

Here they must grind out dreary social protest pictures and draw 
Satanic satirical lampoons or, if less gifted, paint endless befuddling 
doodles ad nauseam. 

And how the few real artists in their clutches, allowed to use their 
talents more constructively but equally boosted and promoted by the 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 921 

liberal cabal, must hate their jobs as door-openers to the prestige of 
membership in honored art societies and the patrimony of foundations 
to these other comrades! 

Now, to the subject of communism and so-called "modern" art 
forms. This is a touchy, controversial subject, and I will try to be as 
objective as possible in treating it. 

I have already pointed out that "Socialist Realism" is the official 
Communist Party line on art. Because of this fact, certain pro- 
ponents of modern art, particularly its more extreme forms^ — -cubism, 
surrealism, abstractionism, impressionism, and so on^ — claim that 
modern art is anathema to communism, that it is completely opposed 
by the Communist Party and that no so-called modern artist can be a 
Communist, pro-Communist, or fellow traveler. This is completely 
false, as can be readily proved. 

The magazine, Mainstream, is the official organ of the U.S. Com- 
munist Party on cultural matters. The issue of April 1958 contained 
an article entitled, "Picasso and Others." This was a review and 
critique, from the Communist viewpoint and for the benefit of Com- 
munist Party members, of the art of Picasso, Matisse, Leger, de Goya,, 
and Courbet. 

Picasso is well known as a Communist and would be definitely 
classified as a "modern" (abstract, etc.) painter. 

Matisse, who would also generally be placed in this category, was 
a Communist Party member. 

Leger was also definitely a "modernist" and was also a member of 
the Communist Party. His funeral was staged by the party, with 
Etienne Fajon, then secretary of the French Communist Party, 
delivering the funeral oration. 

The other two artists, Courbet and de Goya, I believe would be 
classified by most people as traditional artists. 

Courbet was a professed Socialist; de Goya, an artist whose works 
were strong in social content or what the Communists would today 
call "social protest" realism. 

The Communist magazine Mainstream, in this article, does not 
praise or damn any one of these artists simply because they are mod- 
ernists or traditionalists. It treats all of them equally, reviewing 
their strong and weak points, virtues and failures, as artists. 

The article reveals that there is a split in the Communist Party over 
Picasso, some party members lavishing excessive praise on him and 
others being excessively critical of his works. The article itself is 
critical of Picasso in some respects. Its major criticism of him is 
based on the "Socialist Realism," or Communist propaganda, view of 
art. It says of Picasso that "his tragedy is that most of his life he 
has failed to find themes to do himself justice." And that in hundreds 
of his works he "sacrificed everything to ideas which are not worthy 
of the sacrifice." 

At the same time, the article praises him highly as "a popular dra- 
matic artist," whose work can "strike our hearts until we are forced 
to make resolutions." It adds that "there is a violence in everything 
he has done which points to a moral, didactic conviction that cannot 
be satisfied simply by an awareness of pleasure." 

A. revealing commentary on the Communist Party view of modern 
art is found in the warning against the destruction of Picasso's example 
"by reestablishing all the paraphernalia he has liberated us from." 

44006—59 6 



922 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

The Communist Party obviously likes "modern" art because of the 
revolutionary role it has played in "liberating" us from the — in its 
viewpoint — old and outworn classic artistic tradition. 

The article describes Matisse as "essentially a l3rrical and personal 
artist," who sought to portray beauty and bring pleasure to the viewer 
of his works primarily through the use of color. 

Matisse was not a painter of "Socialist Realism," but he was a Com- 
munist and, as such, helped the party greatly. Now that he is dead, 
the party forgives him his devotion to producing pleasure tlu-ough his 
paintings and his lack of "Socialist Realism". It says: "He wished to 
paint what one has a right to as a welcome and a reward after a hard 
day's work. Let it stand at that." 

Another statement about Matisse reveals the party's attitude 
toward modern art: 

"The Fauves, whom Matisse led, recorded sensations. Their 
paintings were (and are) fresh and stimulating * * *." It is interest- 
ing to note that, in these words, a definitely modernist art movement 
is praised, and not condemned. 

In its treatment of Leger, the Communist magazine mentions his 
cubist pictures and abstract murals, with no criticism of them or the 
artist himself for following these modern art schools. 

It praises Leger because he was "so boldly a materialist," and states 
that his paintings "incorporate all the formal discoveries of modern 
art and yet are classic, suggest order and yet are full of gaiety." 
Clearly there is no criticism of modern art in these words. The section 
on Leger ends on these words: 

Leger stands beside Picasso. Picasso is the painter of 
today ; his greatness rests, as I have previously tried to show, 
on the vitality with which he expresses our present conflicts. 
Leger is the painter of the future. And by that I do not 
simply mean that his future as an artist is assured, but that 
he assures his audience, if they have the courage to accept 
it, of their future. 

I could go on but I think this is enough to show that, at the present 
time, the U.S. Communist Party accepts and praises artists who are 
classified as modernists and that it also believes that modern art, 
too, can be used to promote communism. 

Historically, too, the Communist movement has favored modern 
art from its earliest days. In his book "Stalin," Nikolaus Basseches 
describes in one chapter the transformation that took place in Russia 
in the early thirties. This change was effected both by orders of 
Stalin himself and tlirough the influence of the privileged class of 
party ofiicials that emerged at the time. Basseches reveals in this 
chapter that modern art forms had been promoted by Soviet rulers 
for a period of 12-15 years after the Revolution: 

Actually before the revolution those literary and artistic, 
and also in some measure those scientific, circles that had 
not been recognized by society in the past, had joined in the 
Russian revolution. As they had not been able to make 
their way under the old social order, they stood for a new 
one — for the revolution. They sought recognition as inno- 
vators; they were out to revolutionize art, and thought they 
would be able to attain their ends through the revolution. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 923 

* * * On the first anniversary of the revolution the decora- 
tion of all Moscow was entrusted to this Futurist [Vladimir 
Mayakovsky]. 

In architecture and in music the most extreme tendencies 
in the West were regarded as just extreme enough to serve as 
the starting point in Russia. Le Corbusier was considered to 
be the architect for the industrial age; his functional style 
was regarded as an expression of the materialist conception 
of art. * * * 

These tendencies were regarded as revolutionary. Their 
leading representatives had long been members of the Com- 
munist Party, and considered themselves to represent revolu- 
tionary art. For years, with State support, they had at- 
tacked classical art and literature, setting them down as 
behind the times and incompatible with the revolution. 
The old classics of music and literature were regarded by 
them as representatives of an obsolete aristocratic culture, 
doomed to extinction. 

In some respects they were for years all-powerful. The 
old art and traditional artists suffered severely at their hands. 
The neutral and unprejudiced observer, however, faced with 
the artificial applause, given under the pressure of propaganda, 
and with the campaigns of glorification in the Soviet press, 
was likely to ask himself sometimes, "Can even an educated 
person really make anything of this art and this drama? 
What can it possibly have to offer to workers and peasants?" 
If one put the question to a Russian intellectual, he would 
answer that it was necessary to be well ahead of the times, 
and that by and by the masses would catch up with this new 
art. 

* * * The Proletarian Writers' Union, which aimed at a 
new language, a new style, and a brand new literature, sus- 
pected the whole body of pre-revolutionary writers and edged 
them out. 

Then, during the early thirties, came the transformation, the 
reversal of these policies: 

* * * Stalin was pursuing a new path, and not only in 
matters of art; or, rather * * * he was returning to the 
old path. * * * 

This was a new tune. Now the revolutionary gods of 
music, the theater, and sculpture were overthrown. The 
Proletarian Writers' Union was dissolved, and all writers had 
to join the Soviet Authors' Union, thus rehabilitating the 
old conservative writers. 

* ^i :itf * * 

Very soon new formulas were found for the intellectual 
life of the Soviet Union; the formula for art was Realism — 
realism, which everyone thorouglily understands. All devi- 
ations from it were denounced. The modernist litcn ry 
and artistic works were unintelligible to the masses, and so 
was the dangerous naturalism, which so ill suited positive prop- 



924 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

aganda and patriotic rhetoric. * * * The formula "Real- 
istic in form and sociahstic in content" was soon invented 
for the intellectual life of the "Russian State. ''Socialistic 
in content" meant simply "patriotic," the content which 
the dictatorial State wants. 

* * * The words "Socialist in content" had no other 
meaning than that the intellectual content of all works of 
art and literature must simply be an emanation of the 
spirit of Moscow. 

* * * * * 

* * * The Soviet State had set out not only to 'provide 
shows and entertainments for the masses, but to make every 
phase of culture serve also a sober and practical aim, that of 
political propaganda for the spread of useful knowledge and 
the stimulation of the energies of the workers. For that it 
needed popular forms. 

Basseches' statements on this subject are confirmed by official 
Communist ^vritings. Jack Chen, a correspondent for the Daily 
Worker, is quoted (in a congressional speech oi July 20, 1956, by the 
Honorable George A. Dondero) as having said, in part: 

But there was * * * a really shattering break from, which 
Russian art is suffering even today. The first years in art 
after October were dominated by the left, the futurists, the 
construe tivists, suprem.atists, the abstract painters, and the 
Cezannists, Mayakovsky, Tatlin, MaUvich, the artists of the 
Jack of Diamonds group. The break with the past was 
bitter. Even the study of anatomy was exiled from the art 
schools. This conscious break with the bourgeois realist 
tradition and with Tzarist feudal art lasted from 1918 'til 
1924. As a result a whole generation of artists left the art 
schools without the basic equipment for realist painting. 

Chen then went on to say, later in his article, that Soviet artists — 

are fully conscious of the high achievement that is expected 
of Soviet artists. But, while sanely listing their successes, 
they do ask that account be taken of the serious difficulties 
with wliich the art here [the Soviet Union] is faced — difficul- 
ties which impatient sympathizers abroad tend to ignore. 
They have in mind a more fundamental difficulty — the loss 
of a realist tradition. 

It is clear from the writings of these two men, one a Communist 
and the other an anti-Communist, that the so-called modern art forms 
flourished and were encouraged in the Soviet Union immediately after 
the Bolshevik Revolution, and that it was not until a good number of 
years had passed and they had served theu" purpose that they were 
outlawed and replaced by "Socialist Realism." 

It is not difficult to understand why the so-called modern art forms 
were promoted in the Soviet Union at the time of, and immediately 
after, the Revolution. 

A. Y. Arosev, a Soviet authority, expressed the Communist view of 
art in the following words: 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 925 

Our conception of art is based upon the principles of 
Marxist-Leninist philosoph}'-. 

Ai't * * * plays the role of a specific weapon. * * * By 
the sheer logic of social evolution that is impelled by the 
struggle of classes, it (art) either tends toward a revolutionary 
change of the existing social order or serves the interests of 
its maintenance and consolidation. 

Art, in other words, does either one of two things in the Communist 
view: One, it helps revolutionize and overthrow existing social orders 
or, two, it helps preserve them. 

Immediately after the Bolshevik Revolution, the Communists in 
Russia wanted to tear down, so far as they were able and in all fields, 
all -so-called "bourgeois" ideas — ^political, economic, rehgious, and 
artistic. 

The so-called modern art forms were, as the authorities I have 
quoted point out, a revolt against the established order. Wliether or 
not all the practitioners of these forms were actually Communists, it 
is a fact that their art served Communist purposes by helping to tear 
down existing art standards in the Soviet Union. This fact is attested 
to by some of the leading exponents bi modern art. Sir Herbert 
Edward Read, the British Marxist and a leading exponent of sur- 
realism, has written: 

Superrealism is a negative art, as I have said, a destructive 
art; it follows that it has only a temporary role; it is the art 
of a transitional period. 

Read agrees with the French surrealist, George Hugnet, that — 

Socially surrealism desires • the liberation of men, and 
devotes itself to this end by all the means in its power: 
unremitted defeatism, demoralization, and aggressiveness. 

Read goes further than this and states that the surrealist is not 
only a revolutionary, negative and destructive, but that he is natur- 
ally a Marxist. The surrealist, he wrote: 

Is therefore revolutionary, but not merely a revolutionary 
in matters of art. He begins with a revolutionary attitude 
in philosoph}^, with (to be precise) that revolutionary con- 
ception for which Marx was responsible, and which may be 
perhaps summarized in two propositions: 

(1) That no theory is valid that does not envisage a 
practical activity based on that theory, and (2) that the 
object of philosophy is not to interpret the world but to 
transform it. Beginning from such a standpoint, the super- 
realist is naturally a Marxian socialist, and generally claims 
that he is a more consistent Communist than many who 
submit to all manner of compromise with the aesthetic culture 
and moral conventions of this last phase of capitalist civili- 
zation. * * * The surrealists entirely rely for the bringing 
about of the liberation of man upon the proletarian revo- 
lution. 

Sir Herbert Read pulls no punches when he tells what is the chief 
problem to be overcome in bringing about the world envisioned by 



926 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Karl Marx and also the role that the surrealist artist is to play in this 
struggle : 

, * * * everywhere the greatest obstacle to the creation of 
this new social realit}' is the existence of the cultural heritage 
of the past — the religion, the philosophy, the literature and 
the art which makes up the whole complex ideology of the 
bom'geois mind * * *. 

The superrealists [surrealists], who possess very forceful 
expositors of their point of view, realize this very clearly, and 
the object of their movement is therefore to discredit the 
bourgeois ideology in art, to destroy the academic conception 
of art. Their whole tendency is negative and destructive. 

I know that some will protest that Sir Herbert Read cannot be said 
to be the ofRcial spokesman for all surrealists. They will also point 
out that while he is a Marxist, he is an anti-Stalinist. But whether 
Read is anti-Stalinist or not, he is a Communist and fundamentally a 
sympathizer with the Soviet Union and the world Communist move- 
ment. In proof of this charge, I quote a statement Read has made: 

* * * in a world of (fompeting t^nrannies, the artist can 
have only one allegiance, to that dictatorship which claims to 
end all forms of tyi'anny and promises, however indefinitely, 
the complete liberation of man, the dictatorship of the 
proletariat. 

I grant that no one man can be said to be the one and only official 
spokesman for any particular art movement — :because there is always 
some variety of opinion among the members or followers of any spe- 
cialized art school and such movements are not organized in a formal 
way. Nevertheless, Read has been recognized for years as an impor- 
tant, authoritative spokesman for siurealism, even though it cannot be 
said that he is the one and only voice of the surrealists. In addition, 
he is not the only surrealist, or surrealist fan, to express sentiments 
such as those I have quoted from his works. 

For example, Wallace Fowlie in his book, The Age of Surrealism, 
wrote: 

By 1935 so many of the surrealists had joined the Com- 
munist Party that the movement itself seemed to be allied 
to Communism. 

I want to make it clear that I am not here accusing all surrealists 
or all practitioners of the nonobjective art schools of being Communist 
or pro-Communist. I merely wish to emphasize two points: 

(1) That it is an historical fact that, whether or not they are such, 
their art movement was used by the Communists in the Soviet Union 
before, during, and for a period after, the Revolution because it served 
the destructive purposes of the Communists at that time. 

I also firmly believe that, in non-Communist countries, it is still 
being used by the Communists for the same reason. 

(2) Contrary to the claims of many people, the Communists have 
not always, and do not today, oppose modern art in all its forms. 
The truth is that while at times Communists have criticized some 
modern art forms for certain reasons, they have, as I have amply 
shown by quotations and examples, promoted it and had kind words 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 927 

to say for it, as well as many of its leading practitioners outside the 
Iron Curtain. 

One point concerning Communist doctrine regarding modern art 
that deserves emphasis is the fact that they consider it only a tem- 
porarily useful instrument. I have already quoted Sir Herbert Read, 
a non-Stalinist Communist, to the effect that it is only "the art of a 
transitional period." 

Jack Chen, the previously quoted Stalinist and Chinese correspond- 
ent of the Daily Worker, supports Read on this point. Writing an 
approved article in an official Communist publication, he outlined the 
Commimist view of modern art (which he admitted had been used 
by Moscow) as follows: 

At the point where typically bourgeois art descends step 
by step from the truest vision of reality that it attained, and 
disintegi'ates in the realms of fantasy, in cubism, construc- 
tivism, expressionism, and surrealism, it is there that Social- 
ist ideology and its art bound up mth the great progressive 
labor movement carries human vision forward again to real- 
ism, reintegTates it, and advances to social realism, to a truer 
vision of the world and to greater heights of art and humanist 
aspiration. 

In other words, from the Kremlin or Stalinist viewpoint, the modern 
art forms represent a declme in what Communists call "bourgeois 
art," which is really the classic tradition in Western art. It is here 
in this period of declme, in the Communist view, that they step in 
and weld propaganda to traditional art to make it "Socialist Reilism" 
which, in their opinion, is a higher stage of artistic achievement than 
anything which existed in the past. 

The fact that the Communists consider modern art forms as only 
transitional weapons and rely primarily on the classical tradition in 
art for their "Socialist Realism" is, in my opinion, a tribute to traditional 
art — -even though it represents a corruption and debasement of it. 

Communists have studied human psychology deeply and exten- 
sively. They are master propagandists and much superior to the 
West in what is variously called political, propaganda, or mind war- 
fare. They have found, not at all surprisingly, that messages can be 
conveyed, good or bad emotions aroused, and that people can be 
inspired — or made to hate — much more effectively when the artist 
uses a familiar, understandable form or symbol to communicate with 
the viewer of his works. They face the fact, in other words, that art 
must speak a common language, one whose alphabet, we might say, 
is understood by the great masses of people. 

It is for this reason that their use of traditional art for "Socialist 
Realism" is a tribute to the classic tradition. It is Communist ac- 
knowledgment that traditional art speaks a universal language, that 
it means something to most people and, for this reason, is superior to 
the various so-called modern art forms that are being promoted so 
extensively in certain cultural circles of the Western world today. 

There is another way in which Communists use art that I would 
like to mention. That is by capitalizing on the names and prestige 
of artists who are Communists or fellow travelers or those who coop- 
erate with the Communist Party, its fronts, and causes. This is a 
technique the Communists use in all fields — science, education, labor, 



928 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

politics, etc. — whenever it can find dupes and collaborators. Com- 
munist promotion of Picasso is an outstanding example of this 
technique. 

If an artist will cooperate \\dth the Communist Party in promoting 
its hne, its fronts, and its causes, the party does not care too much, 
actually, if he is a traditionalist or a modernist. The important fact 
to the party is that the artist, no matter what his ability or his style, 
is helping communism. His name and fame are being used to attract 
other people into Communist fronts — to sell them on Communist 
policy and bring money into the treasury of the Communist movement. 

Tliis use of art by the Communist Party is illustrated in the letter- 
heads of the party's more prominent front organizations, which fre- 
quently list the names of artists as sponsors or officers, along v/ith 
persons prominent in other fields, such as those I mentioned a few 
moments ago. 

Now, I would like to wind up my statement with a few practical 
examples of how Communists have actually used art in this country 
to promote the Communist Party and the international Communist 
movement headquartered in Moscow. 

Back in 1932, the notorious Communist artist, William Gropper, 
sent a cable to Moscow, reporting to his Soviet masters his "artistic 
accomplishments" in the Communist struggle for world domination. 
I quote his telegram as one example of what Communist artists have 
done, and in some cases are still doing, in this country: 

In reply to your cable received requesting me to report 
on my activities and action in fighting the imperial war, 
allow me to state in short as follows: (1) Enclosed are just 
a few of the many cartoons on the subject which have been 
published in the Morning Freiheit, the Jewish party paper, 
and one of the largest circulation. I have also drawn car- 
toons for other publications such as the New Masses. (2) I 
have held exhibitions of cartoons, drawings, and paintings 
on the imperialist war and the defense of Soviet Union 
thi'oughout the west coast of the United States of America 
like Berkeley, San Francisco, Los Angeles, and in galleries in 
New York City. (3) At present, I am at work on a mural 
painting to be exhibited in the Museum of Modern Art which 
thousands of people visit weekly and I shall register my pro- 
test by exposing the war plot against the Soviet Union in this 
painting. (4) I am also organizing, through the bureau of 
the John Reed Club, a counter exhibition to the exhibition 
of the Modern Museum, to be held in the galleries of the John 
Reed Club by its members. The artist group of the John 
Reed Club have also been active in painting posters and 
streamers for demonstration. * * * 
With revolutionary greetings, 

William Gropper. 

I have a few more examples here. Here is an item from the Daily 
Worker of May 31, 1951, under the headline: "Winners of Graphic 
Arts Contest on Peace and Progress." 

This is an account of a "Graphic Arts Competition on Peace and 
Progress" staged by the New York Council of the Arts, Sciences, and 
Professions, which was the New York branch of the National Council 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 929 

of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, an officially cited Communist 
front. 

It is interesting to me that four of the American artists whose 
works have been chosen for exhibition in Moscow arc named in this 
article as members of the Jury of Selection and Jury of Awards. 
They are Philip Evergood, Jacob Lawrence, Raphael Soyer, and 
Max Weber. 

The article states that the first prize of $100 was won bv a painting, 
''600,000,000 Jews," meant to read, I am quite sure, "6,000,000 Jews." 
Members of this committee are more familiar than I am, I feel certain, 
with the fact that the Communist Party continually harps on the 
alleged menace of nazism and, for this purpose, is constantly trying 
to keep before our minds Hitler's persecution of the Jews. In this, 
I believe you will find the reason for the award of the first prize to 
this picture. 

The second prize went to a painting entitled, "The Informer." 
Again, I know that you gentlemen are much more familiar than I am 
with the fact that for a considerable number of years now — since 
large-scale exposures of Communists were begun in the late 1940's 
by this committee and other agencies of the Government — that the 
Commimist Party has been harping on the "informer" theme in an 
effort to discredit all those who serve the cause of freedom by revealing 
what they know about the Communist conspiracy. 

Another little item, again from the Daily Worker, issue of December 
11, 1951: It concerns an art show being sponsored by the American 
Labor Party at its Annual Labor Bazaar in New York City. The 
American Labor Party was the New York branch of the Communist- 
controlled Progressive Party and has also been cited as a Communist 
front. The theme of this Communist-sponsored art show was "Art 
For Your Sake." This Daily Worker item mentions Philip Evergood, 
one of the artists chosen for the Moscow exhibition, as being repre- 
sented at this art show designed to promote the U.S. Communist Party. 

Now, I have two items here from the Daily Worker concerning art 
shows under the sponsorship of the American Veterans for Peace, 
another organization which has been cited by congressional com- 
mittees as a Communist front. 

The fu'st item is from the Daily Worker of April 4, 1952. It con- 
cerns the first art show put on by this organization in New York 
City. The second paragraph of the article reads as follows: 

Of the 110 or more pieces exhibited, about half have some- 
thing important to say. This is a pretty good average, con- 
sidering that the veterans come from all walks of life and 
were not restricted to any specific theme. [Emphasis sup- 
plied.] 

This quotation, without any explanation from me, reveals how 
Communists use art as a weapon. Further on in the article, we find 
that the "best of the paintings" deal with such subjects as "Peace 
Demonstrations," "Miners," "East River Workers," "Mexican 
Workers," "Negro and White Together," "Partisans," and "New 
China." Anyone who is at ail famihar with the Communist Party 
line can immediately grasp the political significance and the "Socialist 
Realism" of pictures with such titles as these. 



930 THE AAIERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

The follow iug statement from the same article reveals quite clearly 
that the pieces in the exhibit with "something important to say," 
were pro-Communist in what they said: 

It is significant that not one painting or drawing received 
bv American Veterans for Peace red-baited or defended 
Wall Street's intervention in Korea. 

Next is an item from the April 17, 1953, issue of the Daily Worker, 
concerning the Second National Veterans Ai't Show for Peace staged 
by the same organization in New York City a year later. The head- 
line on the article reads "Anti-War Pamting by Youthful Artist 
Wins First Prize at Vets' Art Show." In the text of the news article, 
we read this about the prize-winning pointings: 

The most popular painting at the show from the point of 
view of both public and jury is H. Dinnerstein's "War," an 
impressive work showing Koreans and children impaled on a 
huge bayonet. This striking work by the talented 24-year- 
old Dinnerstein is not for sale. It is for rent. The young 
artist w^ants his work to be seen and is offering to rent it to 
unions and organizations for $10. It w^on the jmy's first 
prize on the first ballot. This one painting alone makes a 
visit to the Veterans art show a must. 

Walter Williams, Negi'O artist, won the jury's second prize 
for his "Summer Night," a dramatically colored painting of a 
man asleep on a fire escape. 

Stanley Futerman's portrait of "My Grandfather" — it 
captures the tough, hard lot of a working-class man — won 
the jm'ors' thu*d prize. 

These quotations show how the Communists use art to play up 
poverty and the seamy side of American life. This is Communist art 
of "social protest." 

Again in this article, some of the listed titles of the paintings demon- 
strate Communist use of art in the class struggle — "The Diplomats," 
"Factory Workers," "War Weariness," "Job Hunting," "Union Man," 
"Anonymous Alcoholics," "Homeless Man." 

Once again it is interestmg to note that three of the artists chosen 
for the U.S. exhibition in Moscow — Philip Evergood, Jack Levine, 
and Raphael Soyer — are named in this Daily Worker article as spon- 
sors of this Communist art show. 

The Communists not only use their front organizations to stage 
shows of pro-Communist art, but even have an art gallery for that 
piu-pose. 

The following column from the Daily Worker of September 11, 
1943, Page 7, signed by the Communist Party's Art Council, reveals 
without pulling any punches, the nature of the A.C.A. (American 
Contemporary Art) Gallery in New York City. I quote excerpts from 
that column and w'ould like to have the full column made a part of 
the record of my testimony: 

Tlie A.C.A. is an old and well-loved friend, as is the genial, 
round Plerman Baron who presides over it. For ten years the 
gallery was located in Greenwich Village, and for ten years it 
has been "receptive to new ideas, gave encouragement to all 
schools, and especially sponsored art that was concerned 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 931 

with subject matter and social themes." No "ivory tower" 
this A.C.A. but a gallery with a rich history of using art di- 
rectly and actively in the social struggle. Countless fund 
raising auctions and exliibits for Spain, China, war relief, 
defense of civil liberties, the New Masses and the Daily 
Worker have been held there. 

* * * The whole development of "social" art in New 
York has its roots here. 

* * * It is very significant that the A.C.A. Galleries 
should have opened its new home to the public with an exhibit 
dealing with the war against fascism. 

* * * The styles for the most part are what today is 
loosely termed modern. 

For those who have in the past turned away from Modern 
Art as something out of this world, this show will be a 
revelation.^ 

It is interesting to note how the official art body of the Communist 
Party deals with the subject of modern art in this column. Appar- 
ently, as long as modern art is not so extreme, so nonobjective or 
surrealist that it is incapable of portraying anything familiar to the 
average person— and when it succeeds to some extent m dealing with 
a party line subject — the Communists find it quite acceptable. 

This concludes the material on the subject of Communist use of art 
which I have prepared for this hearing. In the name of the American 
Artists Professional League, I wish to thank the committee for giving 
me the opportunity to register our protest against the nature of the 
U.S. art exhibition in Moscow and to present this information to the 
American public. Communists have made significant inroads in the 
art field, just as they have in others in this country. This is some- 
thing to which both the public and the artists must be alerted. It is 
our hope that this hearing will be helpful in this respect and that it 
will help prevent the debasement of American art through service to 
the cause of communism. 

We, of the American Ai'tists Professional League, are all for freedom 
of the arts, letting anyone draw, paint, model anything or "nothing," 
in any sound or crazy way he or she may want to. 

However, we are all against the cabal of certain so-called art experts, 
art critics, and museum boys, who have, it would appear, seized control 
of a large proportion of the art press, many of our museums, galleries, 
etc. in an all-out revolutionary effort to foster, promote, and applaud 
only the sinister and disturbing social realist protest and destructionist 
"ism" schools, and have dropped a paper curtain between the vast 
majority of artists, who are just as modern but work in the stream of 
classic tradition, and the great American public they seek to reach. 

Most of all, we strive for the youth of America, whose real talent, 
artistic vision, and aspiration is being so warped and discouraged. 

Finally, we are opposed to the use of public funds for the exhibition 
and promotion, at home and abroad, of the works of any, let alone a 
host of, artists with records of subversive affiliation. 

We feel sure that in demanding the recall of this weirdly assorted 
collection we speak not for ourselves alone but for the great majority 
of loyal fellow Americans. 

» For full text of article, see pp. 932, 933. 



932 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

It is our further hope that this latest scandal will have alerted the 
public to this menace and that, under Congressman Walter's leader- 
ship, the Commimist involvement in our arts and their use of art as a 
weapon will be at long last thoroughly investigated. 

A law stripping tax exemption privileges from any society, organiza- 
tion, or foundation found by the Attorney'' General to be under Com- 
munist direction or control (unless and until such situation were 
corrected) and a law making it illegal to use public funds for the 
purchase, promotion, or exhibition of works of art by artists with 
known Communist membership or significant Communist front 
affiliations, might then be considered as necessary and urgent business 
in the public interest. 

The following is a reprint of the complete article in the Daily Worker 
of vSeptember 11, 1943, page 7, referred to by Mr.!Williams on page 931 : 

Art Today — ^Fipty-Seventh Street Gets a Blood Transfusion 

THE A.C.A. gallery 63 E. 57TH ST. SEPT. 8-25 

Fifty Seventh Street has just gotten a "shot is the arm" with the opening of 
the A.C.A. Gallery (American Contemporary Art) at its new quarters, 67 E. 
57th St. 

The A.C.A. is an old and well-loved friend, as is the genial, round Herman 
Baron who presides over it. For ten years the gallery was located in Greenwich 
Village, and for ten years it lias been "receptive to new ideas, gave encouragement 
to all schools, and especially sponsored art that was concerned with subject matter 
and social themes." No "ivory tower" this A.C.A. but a gallery with a rich 
history of using art directly and actively in the social struggle. Countless fund 
raising auctions and exhibits for Spain, China, war relief, defense of civil liberties, 
the New Masses and the Daily Worker have been held there. 

The list of artists who had their first showings at the A.C.A. and who have since 
achieved "reputation and recognition" is a long one. The artist who was anti- 
fascist long before it was "fashionable" found a home at the A.C.A. when other 
galleries were closed to him. The whole development of "social" art in New 
York has its roots here. 

The move from "downtown" to "uptown" has raised the question whether the 
new location implied a change in policy. To this Mr. Baron has answered with 
An emphatic "No." 

The opening exhibition is one that promises a rich season of shows. The main 
room of the gallery is given over to v,ar paintings, one of the first exhibitions of 
war paintings to be held on 57th Street. It is very significant that the A.C.A. 
Galleries should have o])ened its new home to the public with an exhibit dealing 
with the war against fascism. 

It is significant when we remember that the heart and center of world culture, 
the old continent is at the moment submerged under the barbarism of Fascism, 
which enslaves all expressions of culture, to say nothing of expressions about war 
against Fascism. The artists in this show freely paint what they feel about the 
war. That they can do so lends an emphasis to the meaning of Democracy. 
This exhibition has meaning to every American for he can justly be proud of it 
as the expression of his own unique position in the world today, his position as a 
man who is free to fight Fascism, living in a country which is organized for this 
fight. This show is therefore, also, his expression of this fight. 

The artists paint in many different styles. These styles range from the realistic 
(as we see things) to the symbolic (the people represent overall human expressions 
such as religion, starvation, etc.). The pictures reproduced here give some in- 
dication of this range. But all these paintings are held together by the unanimity 
of interest, that is subjects dealing with the war. For this reason unlike most 
shows dealing with a diversity of subject, and painted in different styles, it is 
not difficult to pass from one painting to another. For people, (or students) 
who are just beginning to feel their way through different styles of painting we 
can think of no better introduction to an understanding of painting than a study 
of this group of paintings. 

The subjects of the canvasses are very varied. They deal with scenes on the 
home front, soldiers departure or furloughs, farmers, the soldiers at the front, 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 933 

and many others. The styles for the most part are what today is loosely termed 
modern. 

For those who have in the past turned away from Modern Art as something out 
of this world, this show will be a revelation. In fact, although we walk into a 
room almost exclusively filled with modern works of Art, we soon begin to feel 
that we have not walked into an entirely different world from the one we live in 
daily, as is the case with most modern Art. If we study each picture carefully 
we soon find that it conveys to us something that is kin to us in this world. 

We cannot say enough of the sensitivity and courage which is revealed by 
H. Baron in the assembly of this show. His courage and sensitivity have become 
the bridge between the people who long to see the world expressed in cultural 
terms and between those few accomplished and equally courageous artists who 
do not hesitate to give substance to this expression. 

The Art Council offers one criticism. The calibre of work is not uniformly 
high. There are some very weak pictures included. A stricter standard of ad- 
mission should have been adhered to, even if this had resulted in a smaller exhibi- 
tion. 

We look forward with lively anticipation and relish to the general efi"ect on 
57th Street of this gallery with a philosophy of "social" art among a group of 
galleries with the philosoph}^ that "anything" that sells is "art." The contrast 
will be wonderful to behold! 

The Art Council. 

The Chairman. The committee will stand in recess for five minutes. 

(Short recess.) 

The Chairman. The committee will be in order. 

(Committee members present: Representatives Walter, presiding, 
Moulder, Tuck, Miller, and Johansen.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Arens, call your next witness. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Frank C. Wright. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand? Do you swear 
the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, 
and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Wright. I do. 

TESTIMONY OF FRANK C. WRIGHT, JR. 

Mr. Arens. Kindly identify yourself by name, residence, and 
occupation. 

Mr. Wright. My name is Frank C. Wright, Jr. I live m New 
York City on 71st Street. I have been connected with the American 
Artists Professional League, Inc., and have been a member of the 
national board of directors for some j^ears. I have painted portraits 
and landscapes for 35 years. I went to the Yale School of Fine Arts, 
but I got into industry and became interested in communication. 
Visual art is very valuable in communication. It has demonstrated 
that it has greater psychological impact than something you just hear 
or read. Someone said "A picture is worth a thousand words." 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Wright, give us, if you please, something of your 
own personal background with particular reference to your experiences 
in the general field of psychological warfare. 

Mr. Wright. I went over to Germany to help General Clay in the 
Bipartite Control Office. I became U.S. Economic Adviser to the 
Bipartite Control Office for Germany and was there for two years with 
Military Government. 

During these two years the Iron Curtain slammed down on the 
tenth country. The Berlin blockade was put on, and the airlift was 
instituted. I was naturally called into the area of economic warfare 
because I was U.S. Economic Adviser. 



934 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

From that it was a jump into psychological warfare, and I instituted 
some of the efforts of this coimtry in fighting this new kind of war. 
This was a new front; a "non-hardware phase" of a total war. 

Mr. Arexs. Mr. Wright, based unon your background and experi- 
ence, would you kindly express yourself with reference to the nature of 
the struggle between the free world and the international Communist 
tyi'anny? 

Mr. Wright. It is a new kind of warfare. 

Mr. Arexs. Would you characterize or describe that warfare? 

Mr. Wright. It is a communications warfare. I call it "conquest 
by corrosion." 

Mr. Arexs. Can 3^ou give us examples of its operation and its 
techniques? 

Mr. Wright. Yes; we communicate by means of symbols, words, 
images, and numbers. Now each of these has been subverted into a 
weapon of a new kind of a war. Americans don't fight it too effectively 
because it is the first time that war has ever been waged against 
us under a banner of peace. 

Mr. Arexs. What are the elements in the conflict and what are the 
weapons which are used in this struggle which you have been charac- 
terizing? 

Mr. Wright. Well, the subversion of communications involves two 
basic elements. I think the easiest way to state it is that it is, 
first of all, organized confusion of the mind; secondly, it corrodes values. 

Mr. Arexs. Would you care to elaborate on that or give illus- 
trations? 

Mr. Wright. Yes. Somebody put it veiy well. A psychologist 
said, "Communism is an organized revolt of the mind against reality. 
If you can get somebody separated from reality, you have him at a 
great disadvantage." Insane people are said to be separated from 
reality. 

Mr. Arexs. Can you give us illustrations or examples? 

Mr. Wright. I think the attempt to escape from reality in a way 
is one of the biggest businesses in the world. The entertainment 
business, boats, and automobiles to an extent give an escape from 
reality. Escape literature, movies, television, all these things give us 
an escape. Liquor gives people an escape. Some people even look 
at religion as an escape from reality. Reality is very difficult for 
many people and, therefore, the huge organization of the escape effort. 
The Communists focus this escape in strategic directions. 

Mr. Arexs. Based upon your backgi'ound and experience and your 
general characterization of the nature of this psychological warfare, 
can you tell us the degree to which art is utilized by the Communists 
as a weapon in the psychological warfare which they are waging 
against the free world? 

Mr. Wright. To the extent all communications are being manip- 
ulated in a war of communications, art is a prime weapon. It is 
used to confuse people and corrode values. 

Now, we regard fine art as something almost sacred, but to them it 
is a weapon, and it is just another tool to use in confusing people and 
getting them separated from reality. 

Mr. Arens. How do they use art as a weapon? 

Mr. Wright. They produce false images. 

Mr. Arexs. Give us an illustration or a characterization of that. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 935 

Mr. Wright. Well, the Sputnik was a perfect example. It is a 
false image of "progress." They use it as a symbol of progress in a 
misleading way instead of reality in order to confuse people. They 
cannot make communism work, and show real progress as an eco- 
nomic system. I speak now as an economist. They cannot make it 
work as a progressive social system, in our sense of the word, and the 
worse it fails the more they must hide it behind an iron curtain and 
produce a false image of progress. The Iron Curtain is a communica- 
tions barrier. It prevents communication, and prevents comparison 
between the inside and the outside. People inside are told that they 
are better off than people outside and vice versa. Outside we are 
given an image of this Utopia behind the Curtain, but they never let 
us open the package. They hide the reality. 

Mr. Arens. How are the Communists using art in this exhibit in 
New York City for the furtherance of this psychological warfare 
which you have been describing? 

Mr. Wright. They are giving the American people the false image 
of what the Soviet Union is like. When I was in psychological war- 
fare we published a really authoritative report on slavery behind the 
Iron Curtain. It was, I think, the most authoritative publication on 
w4iat goes on in the forced labor camps in the Iron Curtain countries. 
It has maps and statistics and is widely accepted. This is not being 
told to the people now. In fact, it is being denied specifically. 

The story is being leaked out very carefully that these slave camps 
have been abolished. The Warsaw charter for labor proclaims the 
rights of labor outside the Curtain, but each one of the rights of labor 
has been specifically denied to the labor inside the Curtain. This is 
what I mean by presenting a false image. This is done with proclama- 
tions and words, but it is also done with communications of all kinds, 
and images, including art. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly proceed in your presentation on 
psychological warfare and the use of art as a weapon by the Com- 
munists? 

Mr. Wright. Well, you have had some very good testimony before 
this committee, which I have read, about the subversion of words. 
I won't elaborate on that, except to put into the record some redefini- 
tions of important words that were worked up by Robert S. Byfield,^ 
who was one of the best authorities on psychological warfare that 
I know. He defines "the people" as the Communists, their sympa- 
thizers, or collaborators in any satellite nation or prospective satellite 
nation. The "enemies" are anti-Communists. A "traitor" is any 
particularly active individual among the anti-Communists. 

I won't elaborate on those but I give them to the committee for such 
use as you wish to make of them. 

(Document marked" "Wright Exhibit No. 1," and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Wright. I would like to put into the record a true picture of 
what is going on in the Soviet Union and the satellites in the field of 
art. 

Mr. Arens. What is the document? 

1 "Some New Qualifications for Leadership," address given by Robert S. Byfleld before the Manage* 
ment Division of The American Society of Mechanical Engineers at Skytop, Pa., on Oct. 29, 1952. 



936 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Wright. This was written by Robert C. Cody and Dr. Isaiah 
Bard, and developed by the Institute for the Study of the USSR. 
This was broadcast over the Mutual Broadcasting System. 

Mr. Arens. What is the title? 

Mr. Wright. "Anatomy of Soviet Communism, a documentary 
radio series." It is the first really clinical study of this subject that 
I heard on radio. I looked them up and I have the whole series here. 
They have a chapter on arts and culture in the USSR, and I would 
like to put that into the record for such use as you may want to 
make of it as a true picture of what has happened to the arts in the 
Soviet Union. 

The Chairman. That will be made a part of the committee records. 

(Document marked "Wright Exhibit No. 2," and retained in com- 
mittee files.) 

Mr. Wright. Being a true picture, it makes the other images com- 
pletely false by comparison. 

Mr. Arens. What are the processes used by the international 
Communist conspiracy to condition the minds of people with respect 
to the Communist regime? 

Mr. Wright. Well, Dr. Ivan Pavlov was admittedly one of the 
greatest scientists that Russia ever produced, and they tried to get 
him to join the Communist Party and he wouldn't. I published in 
1952 the story of the interview between Lenin and Dr. Pavlov. This 
is a historical occasion because at this moment in history the science 
of neurology and the related areas of science became, instead of a 
therapy to treat human illness, a weapon to confuse the mind and 
create mental illness. 

Dr. Pavlov steadfastly refused to ever join the party, and yet I 
can show you quotes from him, now that he is dead, attributed to 
him by the Communist press, saying that he was an ardent believer 
in communism. 

Mr. Arens. What were the techniques which were employed and 
are being employed by the Communists to condition the minds with 
respect to communism? 

Mr. Wright. Lenin asked Dr. Pavlov, "Tell me. What makes 
human nature tick? What makes us behave the way we do?" 

So Dr. Pavlov said, "We can talk about the instincts of survival, 
fear, self-gratification, and so forth." 

Then he went through sex and hunger and all the various basic 
instincts. He later warned that the human animal could not be 
treated as dogs and laboratory animals because they respond to a 
secondary nervous signalization. 

This gets a little technical but it is worth examining. 

Lower animals operate on a primary nervous signalization. They 
smell, they see, they hear, and so forth. Pavlov warned that you 
cannot treat men like dogs because they operate with reason, imagina- 
tion, idealism, and other things. This can be documented out of 
the texts of Pavlov if the committee is interested. The Communists 
have, I believe, perpetrated the greatest insult to humanity that has 
ever been leveled at mankind by any tyrant. They have subverted 
science in order to treat human beings very much hke laboratory 
animals and dogs. 

Mr. Arens. Do you have other observations to make on the theme 
which we are exploring today, Mr. Wright? 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 937 

Mr. Wright. John Dos Passes wrote a book "Most Likely To 
Succeed," in which he tells the story of a bright young man who is 
voted most likely to succeed in his class in college and he got out 
and got into the avant-garde theatrical movement and then got into 
the Communist Party. Dos Passos described in this book a meeting 
of a Communist Party cell toward the end of the war. 

I would like to read this one paragraph into the record because it 
describes exactly and authoritatively the master plan of the Commu- 
nist Party in this area. It is at page 295 of his book, "Most Likely To 
Succeed": 

Communications are the brains and nervous system of the 
country. * * * That is the importance of our work out 
here 

meaning in Hollywood — ~ 



Mass communication. Motion pictures are the mind of the 
masses. Through the war effort we move into radio. We 
eliminate Fascists from the newspaper workers' unions, we 
install progressives in the writers organizations and the pro- 
jected author authority. By the time this war is over we 
shall have captured the brains of the Nation. For the first 
time we can see emerging the outlines of a Soviet America. 

Gentlemen, I have never seen a more succinct statement of the 
master plan to penetrate the mind and nervous system of the Nation 
and to bring about this conquest by confusion and corrosion of values. 
This is it, in my opinion, and I believe Mr. Dos Passos would be able 
to authenticate this and indicate that it is not entirely fictional. He 
was way over in left field for many years, as you know. 

When he defected, he defected with a bang, but I believe he could 
authenticate that statement pretty thoroughly. 

Now, the degree to which this master plan was carried out has been 
ver}^ hard to determine, but there is an exhibit which does give a 
measure of the extent to which the Communists got into the wire 
services, newspaper, magazines, and so forth. This exhibit of the 
American Newspaper Guild shows how the various newspapers, maga- 
zines, and wire services voted at the time they threw the Communists 
out of control of the Newspaper Guild. 

They voted, paper by paper. I won't comment on it other than to 
say that this is a measure of the extent to which the Communists suc- 
ceeded in carrying out the master plan for penetrating the communi- 
cations system, the "brain and nervous system" of the United States. 

I should state that your committee has done a very fine job of 
uncovering the success of that operation in the radio-television field. 

Back to art, I think that the distortion and subversion of the 
images is the way they use art for this business of confusing people. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Wright, you have given us an elemental charac- 
terization of the use of art and of communications by the Communists 
to condition the mind for communism. Do you have, based upon your 
background and experience, any observations or suggestions to make 
as to a mode of defense against this aggressive assault by international 
communism in the field of psychological warfare? 



938 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Wright. I do, sir. I think it is very simple. We must first 
recognize that we are in a war — a non-hardware, undeclared war. We 
are in it right now. The way to fight organized confusion is to organize 
the clarification. This involves making true images and destroying 
the false images. It means tearing off false labels and calling things 
by their right names. It means destroying the Iron Curtam. 

Mr. Arens. Would you give us an illustration? 

Mr. Wright. In effect, this means tearing down the Curtain, The 
purpose of the Curtain is to preserve a false image on both sides. The 
"Utopia" inside the Iron Curtain should be revealed for all its reality, 
inside and out. 

In the free world what is wrong gets in the headlines every day in 
the paper, and it is very easy to start looking at the things that are 
wrong and thinking that is the true image of America. Crimes and 
maladjustments have a way of getting headlines, as you undoubtedly 
know, and "man bites dog" is the departure from the reality and not 
the reality itself. The Communists push the false picture, and play 
down the things that are good. 

The way to fight this false image is to preserve the reality of what 
our forefathers established in this country and with all the things that 
are wrong with it but a little emphasis on the things that are, by no 
accidents whatsoever, right about it. It is the hope of the world. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that will con- 
clude the staff interrogation of Mr. Wright. 

The Chairman. Are there any questions? 

We are indebted, Mr. Wright, to you and to the preceding witness. 

It seems to me that the Soviet exhibit in New York is designed to 
portray a false picture of unhappy life, and the American exhibit in 
Moscow is designed to portray a false picture of a happy life. 

This corresponds one hundred percent to the basic propaganda of 
the Communist Parties of every country in the world. 

Let there be incorporated in the record at the close of this session a 
statement transmitted to the committee by Representative Thomas 
M. Pelly of the State of Washington. 

The committee will stand adjourned. 

(Whereupon, at 11:40 a.m., Wednesday, July 1, 1959, the committee 
adjourned, subject to the call of the Chair.) 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 939 

STATEMENT SUBMITTED (BY REPRESENTATIVE THOMAS M. PELLY 
OF THE STATE OF WASHINGTON 

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate having an opportunity to briefly express my 
views with regard to the paintings presently on display at the American National 
Exhibition in Moscow and my further views with respect to the significant 
record of Communist activities and affiliations in connection with the creators 
of these works of art. 

I also wish to commend the House Committee on Un-American Activities for 
initiating an investigation into this matter. 

On the basis of information available to me, I understand that of the 69 artists 
whose works are on display at this exhibition, 34 have records of affiliation with 
Communist fronts and causes. Of these 34, 12 appear to have only minor affilia- 
tions, which by and large were apparently terminated over 10 years ago, and can 
be presumed to be of no particular consequence. 

The remaining 22, however, approximately one-third of all those whose works 
have been chosen for exhibition, have a record of significant and continuing 
affiliation with communistic movements in this country. 

Inasmuch as the records of these so-called leaders of American cultural art 
were available in a matter of minutes in the files of this committee, it is incon- 
ceivable to me why these particular individuals were selected. The person or 
persons in the Department of State and the USIA responsible for the selection of 
these artists at the very least are guilty of gross negligence and derefiction of duty 
and I believe should be subjected to the most severe censure and exhaustive 
investigation. 

As I understand it, the purpose of this exhibition is to depict the advance of 
cultural arts under a free state, and certainly to select and dignify individuals 
who are dedicated to the overthrow of this Government and to the establishment 
of a slave state, defeats its own purpose. 

My attention has been drawn to the subject matter of one of these paintings 
in particular. This painting is the work of a man by the name of Jack Levine. 
A routine check of the committee files indicates that Mr. Levine is associated 
with at least 21 Communist fronts and causes. This artist has a picture presently 
on exhibition in Moscow which is entitled "Welcome Home." The picture is 
the rankest type of satire and depicts a general of our Armed Forces at a banquet 
table surrounded by persons of obviously questionable character. 

This picture in itself is of small moment, but as a symbol for Soviet propaganda 
it presents a golden opportunity to imply to the Russian people the low regard 
in which the American people, apparently, hold the leaders of our Armed Forces. 
I believe that this matter, and this picture in particular, should be brought to 
the personal attention of the President of the United States, General Eisenhower, 
and I propose to see that this is accomplished. 

Only recently I have had occasion to criticize the personnel policy of the Depart- 
■ment of State with regard to the recruitment of employees in so-called "menial" 
positions in American embassies behind the Iron Curtain. 

Here again we encounter individuals in authoritative places in the State Depart- 
ment who persist in defending policies that by no stretch of the imagination can 
be construed as safeguarding the security of the United States. 

I know that this matter has also been a subject of hearings before this com- 
mittee, and it is not my purpose to belabor this point further at this time, other 
than to raise the question, Mr. Chairman, as to whether these apparently un- 
related problems are not possibly a part and parcel of some sinister master plan, 
masterminded by another Alger Hiss lurking in the background. 

In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, let me again thank you and the members of this 
committee for permitting me to testify on this subject which I feel is so vital to 
the security of our country and the continuance of our free way of life. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW, 

JULY 1959 

(The Record Of Certain Artists And An Appraisal Of Their Works 
Selected For Display) 



WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1959 

United States House of Representatives, 

Subcommittee of the 
Committee on Un-American Activities, 

Washington, D.C. 

EXECUTIVE session ^ 

The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities 
met, pursuant to notice, at 2 p.m., Hon. Francis E. Walter (chairman 
of the committee) presiding. 

Committee members present: Representatives Francis E. Walter 
of Pennsylvania; Morgan M. Moulder, of Missouri; and August 
E. Johansen, of Michigan. 

Staff members present: Richard Arens, staff director; Francis J. 
McNamara, research analyst; and Donald T. Appell, investigator. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Shahn, please remain standing while the chair- 
man administers an oath to you. 

The Chairman. Do you swear the testimony you are about to 
give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth so 
help you God? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

TESTIMONY OF BEN SHAHN, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
PHILIP WITTENBERG 

Mr. Arens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and occu- 
pation. 

Mr. Shahn. My name is Ben Shahn. My residence is "Roosevelt, 
N.J. My occupation is artist. 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena 
which was served upon you by this committee? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. You are represented by counsel? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, please identify yourself on this record. 

Mr. Wittenberg. Philip Wittenberg, 70 West 40th Street, New 
York City. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Shahn, where and when were you born? 

' Released by th e cotnmitte© and ordered to be printed. 

941 



942 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Shahn. I was born in Kovno, which was then Kussia when I 
was born, on September 12, 1898. It became Lithuania after the 
First World War and Russia again and Lithuania again. I believe 
it is Lithuania now. 

Mr. Arens. When did you come to the United States? 

Mr. Shahn. 1906. 

Mr. Arens. Are you a citizen of the United States? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. By naturalization or derivation? 

Mr. Shahn. By derivation. 

^Ir. Arens. Give us, please sir, a word about your educational 
background. 

Mr. Shahn. I went through grade school in Brooklyn. At the age 
of 14 or close to 15, I was apprenticed as a lithographer. I went to 
night schools and entered New York University. I attended there for 
a year and then transferred to the College of the City of New York. 
I quit there and went to the National Academy of Design because 
this was my major interest. 

Mr. Arens. When did you complete your formal education? 

Mr. Shahn. I didn't complete it. 

Mr. Arens. When was what formal education you did have 
accomplished? 

Mr. Shahn. I see. The best I can recall exactly? 

Mr. Arens. Roughly speaking, what year? 

Mr. Shahn. I entered New York University in 1919, and the sum- 
mer of 1920, I was apparently a good student in biology, and I 
received a scholarship to the Marine Biological Laboratory. I spent 
the summer there. Then in the fall I transferred to City College 
because of not having money for tuition at the .time for New York 
University, whereas City CoUege was a free school. I stayed there 
about a year, I think, and quit and entered the National Academy of 
Design. 

Mr. Arens. When did you complete your work at the National 
Academy of Design? 

Mr. Shahn. You don't complete work there. 

Mr. Arens. When did you complete what work you did do? 

Mr. Shahn. I went there till 1922, I think, and continued then in 
evening courses, whatever was available, evening classes. Then in 
1925 I went to Paris to continue my studies there. I went back there 
again in 1925 and came back in 1926. I went over again in 1928, 
going to school most of the time and studying at museums, and so 
forth. 

Mr. Arens. Have you, in addition to your art work, been employed 
in any other general capacity, any other field other than the field of 
art? 

Mr. Shahn. Really not. You see I was a lithographer and I was 
called a lithographic artist and considered myself an artist then. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever worked for the Federal Government? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Where and when, please, sir? 

Mr. Shahn. I worked for the Resettlement Administration from 
1935 to 1937. I guess that is correct, till 1937. And later I worked 
for the Office of War Information. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 943 

Mr. Arens. Over what period of time did you work for the Office 
of War Information? 

Mr. Shahn. 1942 I came in there, in September or something, 

Mr. Arens. In what capacity? 

Mr. Shahn. I was an artist. 

Mr. Arens. Does that complete the service that you have rendered 
to the United States Government? 

Mr. Shahn. I think so. 

Mr. Arens. During any time of your employment in the service of 
the United States Government, did you execute any affidavits or 
documents relative to membership m the Communist Party as to 
whether or not you had ever been a member of the Communist Party? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Shahn. Well, I will respectfully refuse to answer the question 
propounded on the ground that the Congress and this committee 
must exercise its powers subject to the limitations placed by the 
Constitution of the United States on governmental action and more 
particularly in the context of this question the relevant limitations of 
the Bill of Rights. 

The Chairman. Do you understand the question, Mr. Shahn? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, I understand the question, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, in view of the fact that the witness 
has not mvoked those provisions of the fifth amendment against 
self-incrimination, I respectfully suggest that the chairman may 
desire to direct the witness to answer the question. 

The Chairman. Yes. You are directed to answer the question. 
The question refers to an act which, if you performed it, would be a 
matter of public record. 

Mr. Shahn. I object and my objection is based not only on the fifth 
amendment but on the relevant limitations of the Bill of Rights. 

The Chairman. Now you invoke the fifth amendment? 

Mr. Shahn. Including the first amendment, the fifth amendment, 
the ninth and tenth amendments, all contained within the BiU of 
Rights. 

Mr. Arens. Now, that we may clarify the record, may I ask you 
the direct categorical question: During any time which you were 
employed as an official or employee by the United States Govern- 
ment in these employments which you have recounted, were you a 
member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Had you ever been a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Shahn. Again I am going to object. I would respectfully 
again refuse to answer this question propounded on the grounds 
that the Congress and the committee must exercise its powers subject 
to the Hmitations placed by the Constitution of the United States 
on governmental action, and more particularly in the context of this 
question the relevant hmitation of the Bill of Rights, and also my 
objection is further based not only on the fifth amendment but on 
the relevant limitation of the Bill of Rights including the first amend- 
ment, the fifth amendment, and the ninth and tenth amendments, 
aU contained within the Bill of Rights, sir. 

The Chairman. Just a minute. You say you object to the question. 
You refuse to answer the question? 



944 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. When you speak of the fifth amendment, are you in- 
vokmg those provisions of the fifth amendment which give you a 
privilege of refusing to answer a question if, in your honest judgment, 
an answer to that question might give information that can be used 
against j'ou in a criminal proceeding? In other words, are you in- 
voking those provisions of the fifth amendment against self-incrimi- 
nation? 

Mr. Shahn. That among others I would like to answer this way: 
That I respectfully refuse to answer this question propounded on the 
ground that the Congress and this committee must exercise its powers 
subject to the limitations placed by the Constitution of the United 
States on governmental action, more particularly in the context of 
this question the relevant limitation of the Bill of Rights. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Shahn, have you ever used any name other than 
the name Shahn, S-h-a-h-n, under which you are appearing today? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. It is the information of this committee, Mr. Shahn, 
that in February of this year, 1959, a subcommittee of consvdtants to 
the Department of State and to the United States Information Agency 
selected a jury and alternates to the jury to be responsible for the 
selection of certain paintings and sculpture works to be exhibited in 
Moscow. 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. It is further the information of this committee that you 
were selected as an alternate juror, is that correct? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have any connection? 

Mr. Shahn. I never had anytliing of it. 

Mr. Arens. Were you ever connected with the selection of the 
portraits? 

Mr. Shahn. None whatsoever. 

Mr. Arens. What has been your connection or relationship to the 
committee which made the selection of portraits to be displayed in 
Moscow? 

Mr. Shahn. None, than the fact that I have known them as an 
artist and that they are connected with the arts. 

Mr. Arens. Did you have any conversations with any members of 
the selection committee? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Have you received commissions from the Fine Ai'ts 
Commission? 

Mr. Shahn. Let me see which one it is. I did the murals in the 
Social Security Building, then called the Social Security Budding. 

Mr. Arens. When did you do those? 

Mr. Shahn. This was open competition in 1941. I may be a year 
ofiF, a year. 

Mr. Arens. Approximately 1941? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. At the time that you received the commission to do 
these murals — ■ — 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you execute any statements under oath or other- 
wise to the United States Government with respect to whether or not 
you had ever been a member of the Communist Party? 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 945 

Mr. Shahn. I would again respectfully refuse to answer the ques- 
tion propounded on the ground that the Congress and this committee 
must exercise its powers subject to the limitations placed by the 
Constitution of the United States on governmental action, more par- 
ticularly in the context of this question relevant limitations of the 
Bill of Rights and my objection is based not only on the fifth amend- 
ment but on the relevant limitation of the Bill of Rights, including 
the first amendment, the fifth amendment, and the ninth and tenth 
amendments, all contained within the Bill of Rights. 

Mr. Arens. Did you, Mr. Shahn, ever engage in an artistic en- 
deavor for the purpose of serving the cause of the Communist Party 
of the United States? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you prepare the Sacco-Vanzetti series, a work of 
art with respect to the Sacco-Vanzetti case? 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know at the time that you prepared this work 
of art that the Sacco-Vanzetti case was a cause celebre of the Com- 
munist operation? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. I did not. 

Mr. Arens. When you prepared your Sacco-Vanzetti portraits, 
of the trial of Sacco-Vanzetti, were you a member of the Communist 
Party? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Had you broken with the Communist Party? 

Mr. Shahn. Had I what? 

Mr. Arens. Had you broken with the Communist Party? 

Mr. Shahn. My objection is based— I am sorry. I respectfully 
refuse to answer the question propounded on the grounds that the 
Congress and this committee must exercise its powers subject to 
hmitations placed by the Constitution of the United States on 
governmental action and more particularly in the context of this 
question the relevant hmitation of the Bill of Rights. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Shahn, have you contributed your art work for 
the purpose of raising funds for Communist enterprises? 

Mr. Shahn. Again I must refuse. My refusal to answer this 
question propounded is on the ground that the Congress and this 
committee must exercise its powers subject to the limitations placed 
by the Constitution of the United States on governmental action 
and more particularly in the context of this question, the relevant 
limitation of the Bill of Rights. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now a thermofax reproduction of 
certain pages from New Masses, April 28, 1942, a notorious Commu- 
nist publication. 

Mr. Shahn. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. In which New Masses recites: 

These are the names of some of the men and women, among them the foremost 
artists of our land, who contributed their drawings and paintings gratis to New 
Masses' recent art auction. 

Included in the list of these persons is the name Ben Shahn, S-h-a-h-n. 
Would you kindly look at this exhibit which I have marked "Ben 
Shahn Exhibit 1" and tell this committee, if you please, sir, whether 
or 'pot the facts recited there are true and correct to your best recol- 
lection? 



946 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

(Document handed to the mtness.) 

Mr. Shahn. Against I must respectfully refuse- 



Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman — I do not mean to interrupt the wit- 
ness — except I think the chairman might desire to let the record 
reflect something like the words, "same objections." It would be an 
economy of time, if that is understood. 

The Chairman. Or that "1 refuse to answer for the reasons stated." 

Mr. Arens. It will obviate the necessity for you to read all that 
language you have been reading here. 

Mr. Shahn. Just beautiful words. 

Mr. Arens. Is that agreeable? 

Mr. Wittenberg. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Would you kindly respond to the question? 

Mr. Shahn. I just refuse to answer on the same ground. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 1" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Shahn, I display to you a thermofax reproduction 
of an invitation to an exhibition sponsored by the Art Committee of 
the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, which identifies 
Ben Shahn as an artist whose paintings will be exhibited. Would 
you kindly look at that exhibit and as you are examining it respond 
to this question: Were you a member of the Art Committee of this 
organization? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Were your paintings to your certain knowledge 
exhibited with your knowledge and approval by the Art Committee 
of the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship? 

Mr. Shahn. Not that I know of, really. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 2" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. All right, sir. 

Now I display to you if you please, sir, a thermofax reproduction 
of an article in the Daily People's World of California, July 21, 1948, 
and I invite your attention to the article entitled, "Art exhibit will 
benefit Spanish refugee appeal." You will note in the exhibit that 
the works of Ben Shahn are listed as being exhibited by this organiza- 
tion with your knowledge and consent. 

Mr. Shahn. I know nothing about this, but nothing. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 3" and retained in 
committee fUes.) 

Air. Arens. All right, sir. I now display to you, if you please, 
a photostatic reproduction of a copy of a page of the National ■ 

Mr. Shahn. Just a minute. 

The Chairman. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Shahn. Go ahead, sir. 

The Chairman. Did you want to add anything? 

Mr. Shahn. I would like to add something. 

People owned my work, you know. There was a time when I 
sold my work for $5, you see, or ,$3 or whatever I could get to live 
on. Very often those people would enter those things in such affairs 
for benefits and so on without my knowledge whatsoever. 

Mr. Arens. That is adequate explanation for this instance. 

Mr. Shahn. This instance? 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 947 

Mr. Arens. If it is a fact to your recollection. 

Mr. Shahn. It is a fact to my knowledge actually. 

Mr. Arens. Now I display to you, if you please, an advertisement 
m the National Guardian of April 1950, of an art auction listing a 
number of artists, including Ben Shahn, whose paintings are to be 
auctioned off. I ask you to kindly look at that advertisement and 
tell this committee whether or not you have a recollection of the 
auction and particularly express whether or not you donated your 
art work for the auction. 

Mr. Shahn. This would be the same situation. I do not remember 
consciously giving anything to such a thing. At this particular time 
I began to value my work beyond the auction value of it. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 4" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Jlave you contributed your artwork to the publication 
Jewish Life, issued by the Morning Freiheit Association? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. No, sir, I have not. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please • 

Mr. Shahn. Will you understand — may I explain a moment? 

Mr. Arens. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Shahn. I am an artist. I am fairly well known now. Photo- 
graphs of my work are available through museums, through agencies, 
and so on. And a writer in any publication can go to a museum or 
gallery or dealer and ask for a photograph without my knowledge 
whatsoever, without my consent, and that is all there is to it. From 
time to time something of mine appears in the book section or maga- 
zine section of the New York Times. This is without my knowledge 
and recently they have begun to pay space rates. They send me a 
$10 check when they do that. 

Mr, Arens. Have you contributed your work to Masses and 
Mainstream, do you recall? 

Mr. Shahn. I did once, sir, yes. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax copy 
of the January 1949 issue of Masses and Mainstream. 

Mr. Shahn. Yes. I gave them a batch of photostats. I forget 
now who asked me for it. I said these things are just casual drawings. 
You feel free to use them as decorative spots. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know at the time you made the contribution 
of your art work to Masses and Mainstream that it was a Communist 
publication? 

(The witness conferred with his counsel.) 

Mr. Shahn. Again I am afraid I will have to refuse to answer on 
the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 5" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Were these art works which were used by Masses and 
Mainstream, this Communist publication, solicited from you by a 
person known by you to be a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know persons who were members of the 
Communist Party to whom you did submit your art work in Masses 
and Mainstream? 

Mr. Shahn. Again I would refuse to answer on the same grounds, 
sir. 



948 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been an instructor in the John Reed 
Club School of Art? 

Air. Shahx. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. When were you an instructor in the John Reed Club 
Sjchool of Art? 

Mr. Shahn. It would be 1934 or 1935. I cannot remember exactly. 
I taught fresco there on a brick wall where fresco was teachable. 
You need the facilities of a brick wall on which to apply fresco. 

Mr. Arens. What was the John Reed Club School of Art? 

Mr. Shahn. I really don't know because I forget. Someone who 
was teaching there became sick, and I was asked whether I would 
take his place. 

Mr. Arens. Who asked you? Do you recall? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you know that the John Reed Club School of Art 
was a Communist enterprise at the time you were instructing theie? 

Mr. Shahn. Again I refuse to answer on the same ground. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a photostatic 
reproduction of an article from the Daily Worker of July 6, 1934, 
with reference to the John Reed Club School of Ai-t in which it is 
described in this Communist publication as an "institution for the 
instruction and development of young revolutionary artists," and 
fm-ther characterizations of this kind. Would you kindly look at this 
article and tell this committee whether or not that characterization 
in the Communist Daily Worker of the John Reed Club School of 
Art is to your certain knowledge true and correct? 

Air. Shahn. I must respectfully refuse to answer it on the ground 
that the question asked is not pertinent to the subject matter of this 
investigation. 

Mr. Arens. Is that the only ground? 

Mr. Shahn. And aU the other grounds that I previously stated. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 6" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Air. Arens. Mr. Shahn, did you ever belong to the John Reed 
Club itself? 

Air. Shahn. No, sir. 

Air. Arens. Were you ever a member of the National Council of 
the Arts, Sciences, and Professions? 

Mr. Shahn. I would refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Air. Arens. Have you loaned your name and prestige as an artist 
to enterprises on behalf of Communists in the motion picture industry? 

Mr. Shahn. No, sir. 

Air. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of an article in the Daily Worker of December 1, 1947, 
with reference to a number of persons who are listed as signers of an 
appeal in behalf of the Communists in the motion picture industry 
and ask you to kindly examine the article and teU this committee 
whether or not it refreshes your recollection with reference to your 
participation in that enterprise. 

Air. Shahn. Again I am afraid I will have to refuse to answer on 
the same ground. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 7" and retained in 
committee files.) 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 949 

Mr. Arens. Have you loaned your prestige as an artist on beiialf 
of the Hollywood Communists whose case was in court, DaltonTrumbo, 
and others, in an amicus curiae brief? 

Mr. Shahn. Again I refuse to answer on the same gi'ounds. 

Mr. Arens. I now display to you, please, sir, a thermofax reproduc- 
tion of a listing of the names of persons on an amicus curiae brief on 
behalf of certain Communists whose case was pending in the Supreme 
Court of the United States, including the name of Ben Shahn. 
Kindly look at this document and tell the committee while you are 
under oath whether or not it refreshes your recollection with reference 
to your participation in that enterprise. 

Mr. Shahn. Again I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 8" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. I now display to you still another exhibit. It is a 
Call to a Bill of Rights Conference to be held in New York City, 
July 16-17, 1949. Listed, among others, is the name of Ben Shahn, 
artist, Roosevelt, N.J., as one of the sponsors of this enterprise. 
Kindly look at this document which I now display to you and tell this 
committee whether or not it refreshes your recollection with reference 
to your participation in that enterprise. 

Mr. Shahn. I just refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 9" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you lend your name to a petition directed to the 
President of the United States pleading for amnesty for the jailed 
Communists some few years ago in 1952? 

Mr. Shahn. I am afraid I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now an original copy of an article 
appearing in the Communist Daily Worker listing a number of people 
who have appealed to the President to grant amnesty to leaders of the 
Communist Party convicted under the Smith Act. According to the 
article, the name of Ben Shahn, artist, appears. Kindly look at this 
document and tell this committee whether or not it refreshes your 
recollection with reference to your participation in that enterprise. 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked, "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 10" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you participate in the founding convention of the 
Progressive Party? 

Mr, Shahn. Again I would refuse to answer on the same ground. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
copy of a leaflet giving biographical notes on personalities who were 
participants in the founding convention of the Progressive Party, 
including, according to this document, Ben Shahn, of Hightstown, 
N.J., a leading American artist. Kindly look at that document and 
tell this committee whether or not it refreshes your recollection with 
reference to your participation in that enterprise. 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 11.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you lend your name and your prestige as an artist 
to the establishment of the Cultural and Scientific Conference for 
World Peace to be held in the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York 
City in March of 1949? Do you recall? 



950 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXEDEBmON, MOSCOW 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

Mr. Aeens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a photostatic repro- 
duction of a leaflet of that organization bearing the name of Ben 
Shahn as one of the sponsors. Kindly look at this document and 
tell this committee whether or not that refreshes your recollection. 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 12" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you know that that conference, the call to which 
was sponsored by yourself, among others, was condemned by the 
Government of the United States via the Secretary of State as part 
and parcel of the international Communist operation? 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Did you lend your name and prestige as an artist to 
sponsor a peace congress held in Mexico City in 1949 entitled "Ameri- 
can Continental Congress for World Peace"? 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display, if you please, sir, a therm of ax copy of an 
article from the Daily Worker of July 29, 1949, in which your name 
appears, among others, as one of the sponsors of that conference to be 
held in Mexico. Tell this committee whether or not that article 
refreshes your recollection. 

Mr. Shahn. I repeat, sir, that I refuse to answer on the same 
grounds. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 13" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you on October 16, 1958, lend your name and 
prestige as an artist for the purpose of promoting an advertisement 
in certain publications calling for a new foreign policy of the United 
States which would suspend our military defenses, and a number of 
other policy doctrines with other people? Kindly look at this docu- 
ment and tell this committee whether you loaned your name and 
prestige as an artist to that enterprise in 1958. 

Mr. Shahn. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Ben Shahn Exhibit No. 14" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I would respectfully suggest that would 
conclude the staff interrogation of this witness. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman, I move that all of the documents 
submitted by counsel to the witness be admitted in evidence to be 
appropriately marked in sequence. 

The Chairman. They wUl be marked and made a part of the 
record. 

Call your next witness, Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. The next witness, Mr. Chairman, will be Philip 
Evergood. 

The Chairman. Will you raise your right hand, please? 

Do you swear the testimony you are about to give will b© the truth, 
the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? 

Mr. Evergood. I do. 

The Chairman. Sit down, please. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 951 

TESTIMONY OF PHILIP EVERGOOD, ACCOMPANIED BY COUNSEL, 
PHILIP WITTENBERG 

Mr, Aeens. Please identify yourself by name, residence, and 

occupation. . , tt n rx-n t> i 

Mr. EvERGOOD. Philip Evergood, painter, of Halls Hill Koad, 
Oxford, Conn. . 

Mr. Arens. You are appearing today in response to a subpena 
which was served upon you by this committee? 

Mr. Evergood. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. And you are represented by counsel? 

Mr. Evergood. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. Counsel, kindly identify yourself. 

Mr. Wittenberg. Philip Wittenberg, 70 West 40th Street, New 

York City. u . .u 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood, have you ever been a member ot the 

Communist Party? 

(Witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Evergood. I respectfully refuse to answer the question pro- 
pounded on the ground that Congress and this committee must exer- 
cise its powers subject to the limitations placed by the Constitution 
of the United States on Government action, more particularly in the 
context of this question the relevant limitations of the Bill of Rights. 
My objection is based not only on the fifth amendment but on the 
relevant hmitations of the Bill of Rights including the fu-st amend- 
ment, the fifth amendment, and the ninth and tenth amendments, 
all contained within the Bill of Rights. 

Mr. Arens. You were reading from a prepared statement? 

Mr. Evergood. No — prepared statement which my counsel ad- 
vised me to use. 

Mr. Arens. I am a httle bit uncertam, sir, as to whether or not 
you invoked those provisions of the fifth amendment which give you 
a privilege of not giving testimony that coidd incriminate yourself. 

(Witness conferred with counsel.) 

Mr. Evergood. My objection is based— my refusal is based not 
only on the fifth amendment but on the relevant limitations of the 
Bill of Rights including the first amendment, the fifth amendment, 
and the ninth and tenth amendments, all contained within the Bill 

of Rights. . . n , ns- ^ J 

Mr. Arens. Are you invoking those provisions ot the faith amend- 
ment which give you the privilege of not giving testimony which could 
be used against yourself. 

Mr. Evergood. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. All right, sir. Now, Mr. Evergood, I display to you, 
if you please, sir, a thermofax copy of an article appearing in the 
Communist Daily Worker of June 22, 1947, entitled ''The Artist WiU 
Not Take a Back Seat" by Philip Evergood, in which this language 
appears, among other things: 

The destruction of the W.P.A. Art Program by the reactionary members of the 
Cono-ress sparked by the Un-American Committee was the first shot fired m the 
present Taft-Hartley Bill now on the President's desk. The same slave labor 
bill for which the Un-American Committee has prepared the grounds, is calculated 
to create a war hysteria and build up a hatred towards our blood ally and comrade 
in victory of less than two years ago— the Soviet Union. 



952 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

It is sickening for those of us whose work was sent on tour to Europe and Latin 
America to help cement friendly relations, to realize that General Marshall has 
recalled these good-will exhibitions and that President Truman recently expressed 
himself in a letter, to the effect that modern art is "silly and useless." 

Would 3"ou Ivindly look at this article which I now display to you 
and tell this committee whether or not you are the author of the 
article. 

Mr. EvERGooD. I refuse on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 1" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. On the date of that article, June 22, 1947, were you 
then a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. EvERGooD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sh, a thermofax copy 
of an article from the Communist Daily People's World of May 20, 
1948, and invite j^our attention to this article which states that 297 
Americans signed a statement protesting the 20th Century-Fox 
film "Iron Curtain." I invite you attention specifically to the name 
of Philip Evergood as one of those protesting this film and ask if you 
signed the protest. 

iMr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 2" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Could you tell this committee while you are under 
oath who solicited your signature to that protest against this presenta- 
tion of "Iron Curtain"? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Did you construe your action in that respect as part 
of an attempted censorship of a motion picture film? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

jVIr. Arens. Were you at the time you signed that protest against, 
the motion picture "Iron Curtain," then a member of the Com- 
munist Party? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Now, sir, I display to you a thermofax reproduction of 
an article appearing in the Communist Daily Worker of March 31, 
1954, entitled "Pohtical Test for Jobs Denounced By 100 Notables," 
and included in the 100 notables who signed this article is the name of 
Phihp Evergood. Kindly look at this article and tell this committee 
whether or not it refreshes your recollection with reference to your 
participation in protesting what is alluded to in Communist publica- 
tions as "political test for jobs." 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exjiibit No. 3" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood, I display to you now a photostatic 
reproduction of an article appearing in the Communist Daily Worker 
of New York, Wednesday, January 5, 1949, in which the author of 
the article in this Communist publication is Mr. Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at that article and teU this committee whether or not 
you are the Philip Evergood who signed that article. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 953 

Mr. Arens. In the article which I just displayed to you appears 
the following language : 

* * * Little Captain * * * symbolizes the little group of fighting progressives 
so doomed by Mr. Corwin. The Little Captain amidst the crushing waters of 
Society radiates a jovial (though perhaps grim) optimism. He intends to fight on 
and conquer those waves. And his little cockle-shell of a boat remains very 
much afloat. If Corwin could learn a lesson from my Little Captain painting, 
, he would become less overwhelmed with fears for the downfall of the present 
batch of progressive painters. 

Did you offer those words in the Communist publication? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 4" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the Communist Party on the 
date of this article appearing in the Communist press? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood have you created paintings for the 
purpose of symbolizing, perpetuating, or advocating a position of the 
Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever taught in the School of Jewish Studies 
in New York City? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

INIr. Arens. You know the School of Jewish Studies is a Communist 
enterprise in New York City, do you not? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of a portion of a catalog of the School of Jewish Studies 
for the Fall Term, 1947, listing a number of sponsors of that school, 
including Philip Evergood, Artist, and ask you to kindly examine the 
document which I now display to you and tell this committee whether 
or not you are the Philip Evergood who is listed there as one of the 
sponsors of that school. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to anwer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 5" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been connected with the Jefferson 
School of Social Science as an instructor? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now a thermofax reproduction of an 
advertisement appearing in The Communist Daily Worker of Sep- 
tember 24, 1948, advertising the Fall Term, 1948 of the Art Work- 
shops of the Jefferson School of Social Science, listing the instructors, 
including Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at that advertisement and tell this committee whether 
or not that is a true and correct designation of your status with refer- 
ence to the Jefferson School of Social Science at that time. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 6" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the Communist Party at the 
time your name was listed in that advertisement as an instructor? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Have you been an instructor of the Contemporary 
School of Art? 



954 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a photostatic 
reproduction of The Worker of September 28, 1947, containing an 
advertisement of The Contemporary School of Art, and listing the 
instructors of this institution, including Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at this document and tell this committee while you are 
under oath whether or not you are the Philip Evergood who is listed 
there. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked ''Evergood Exhibit No. 7" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been a contributing editor to Masses 
and Mainstream, a Communist publication? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax repro- 
duction of the masthead of Masses and Mainstream in which Philip 
Evergood is listed as a contributing editor of that Communist publi- 
cation. 

Kindly look at that document and tell this committee whether or 
not that listing is true and correct and was with your knowledge and 
consent. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 8" and retained in 
committee files.) 

The Chairman. Mr. Evergood, where were you born? 

Mr. Evergood. I was born in New York City, beyond Manhattan 
in 1901. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood, according to the Communist Daily 
Workers, of April 25 and May 3, 1936 — and I am going to display 
these columns to you in just a moment — you offered some of your 
paintings for sale and the proceeds went to the Sunnyside Artists' 
Committee. 

Would you kindly look at these articles which I am now displaying 
to you, the photostatic reproductions of these two Daily Workers, and 
tell this committee whether or not you contributed your art work for 
sale, the proceeds of which were to go to the Sunnyside Artists' 
Committee. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Documents marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 9^' and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Was Sunnyside Artists' Committee controlled lock, 
stock, and barrel by the Communist Party? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now a thermofax copy of the Com- 
munist publication New Masses, April 1, 1941, in which, according 
to the excerpts which we are now laying before you, there is an an- 
nouncement of an art auction and listing a number of artists who con- 
tributed their work to be auctioned off, including PhiHp Evergood. 

Kindly look at this document as I now display it to you and tell 
this committee whether or not that is a true and correct account of 
your participation in that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir, 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 10" and retained in 
committee files.) 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 955 

Mr. Arens. Have you contributed your art work to an enterprise 
known as Art for China? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. To which China was it that you contributed your art 
work, Free China or Red China? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of a document from the China Aid Council in which, 
according to the document, a number of artists had participated in 
supplying their art work for this enterprise, "Art for China" Exhibition. 

Kindly look at this document and tell this committee while you 
are under oath if the facts recounted there are true and correct. 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 11" and retained in 
committee files.) 

The Chairman. May I see it, Mr. Evergood? 

Mr. Evergood, Yes, sir. 

The Chairman. What is the date on it? I see. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Evergood, I display, if you please, sir, a 
photostatic reproduction of a page from the National Guardian of 
April 19, 1950, in which an advertisement appears about an art auction 
under the auspices of the National Guardian, a Communist publica- 
tion, and listing artists whose work is to be auctioned including the 
work of Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at that document and tell this committee whether or 
not that refreshes your recollection with reference to your contribution 
of art to the auction of the National Guardian. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 12" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been connected in any capacity with 
the New York Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax repro- 
duction of an announcement by that organization of an art exhibition 
in which a number of art works are to be displayed, including the 
art work by yourself, entitled "Dove of Peace" by Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at this document and tell this committee whether or 
not you consciously and knowingly contributed your art work to that 
enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 13" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a copy of an 
article from the Daily Worker, of April 9, 1953, announcing the 
Second Art Show by the American Veterans for Peace. The name of 
Phihp Evergood is listed as one of the participants in that enterprise. 

Will you kindly tell this committee while you are under oath 
whether or not the facts recited in that document are true and correct. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 14" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever contributed articles to Masses and 
Mainstream? 



956 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of an article in Masses and Mainstream under date of 
August 1953, entitled "Charles White: Beauty and Strength," by 
Philip Evergood. 

Would you kindly examine this article and tell this committee 
whether or not it refreshes your recollection with reference to your 
authorship of it in Masses and Mainstream. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 15" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, I display to you, if you please, sir, a photostatic 
reproduction of an advertisement appearing in the The Worker of 
December 21, 1947, in which there appears a combination offer made 
by The Worker of prints which are to be made available to people 
who buy subscriptions to The Worker, prints selected by thi'ee artists 
including Philip Evergood. 

Would you kindly look at that advertisement and tell this com- 
mittee whether or not you selected the prints offered by the Com- 
munist Worker to be rewards for people who subscribed to that 
newspaper. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 16" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been president of the Artists' Union of 
New York? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. Just a minute. What is the Artists' Union? 

Mr. Arens. Please tell the committee what is the Artists' Union of 
New York. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the Communist Party when 
you were president of the Artists' Union of New York? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now a photostatic reproduction of an 
article in the December 28, 1937, issue of New Masses, a Communist 
publication, containing a caricature of yourself under which appears 
the words "Philip Evergood, President of the Artists' Union of N.Y." 

Kindly look at the document which I now display to you and tell 
this committee whether or not that is a true and correct designation 
of yourself on that date. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 17" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Are you, or have you ever been, a member of the 
Artists Equity Association? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Evergood, I display to you an article from 
the Communist Daily Worker of April 22, 1947, which identifies your- 
self as protesting the revocation of the charter of the Queens College 
chapter of American Youth for Democracy. 

Kindly look at that document and tell this committee whether or 
not your recollection is refreshed and you can remember protesting 
the relocation of the charter of the Queens College chapter of the 
American Youth for Democracy. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 957 

Mr. EvERGOOD. 1 refuse to answer on the same grounds. 
(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 18" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the Communist Party at the 
time that ^''ou protested the revocation of the chapter of American 
Youth for Democracy? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, sir, a copy of an advertisement 
appearing in the Communist Daily Worker of April 29, 1948, and 
containing the names of several persons as sponsors of a rally entitled 
"Culture Against the Warmakers" in which your name appears as 
one of the sponsors. 

Kindly look at this document and tell this committee whether or 
not you sponsored the enterprise known as "Culture Against the 
Warmakers." 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 19" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Could culture be used as a weapon in obtaining political 
objectives? 

Mr. EvERGooD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

The Chairman. May I see that? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood, have you ever sponsored the Com- 
munist Party May Day celebrations? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I lay before you now, if you please, sir, several thermo- 
fax reproductions of news articles showing yourself as a sponsor of 
Communist Party May Day celebrations for the j^ears 1947 and 1948. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Do you know or have you known Gerhart Eisler? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. What, if anything, have you ever done on behalf o 
Gerhart Eisler? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Have you loaned your name as aa artist on behalf of 
Mr. Gerhart Eisler? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Did you protest the exposure of Gerhart Eisler as a 
Soviet agent in the Communist Daily Worker of February 28, 1947, 
a copy of which I now hand to you? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exliibit No. 20" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been a sponsor of the Committee for 
Free Political Advocacy? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I lay before you now, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of an advertisement from the New Repubhc of March 28, 
1949, issued by The Committee for Free Pohtical Advocacy, and ask 
you if you are the Phihp Evergood Usted as a sponsor of that enter- 
prise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 21" and retained in 
committee files.) 



958 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. Arens. I show you a copy of an article appearing in the Com- 
munist Daily Worker of October 25, 1949, in which, according to the 
article, a number of notables ask McGrath, then Attorney General of 
the United States, to an-ange for reasonable bail for the 11 Communist 
Party leaders who were convicted in Foley Square. Among the 
notables so listed is Phihp Evergood. 

Did you consciously lend your name to that enterprise? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 22" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, Mr. Evergood, I display to you, if you please, 
sii', a copy of an article from the Communist Daily 'Worker, December 
10, 1952, listing Philip Evergood as one of a number of persons re- 
questing President Truman to give amnesty to the jailed Communists. 

Would you kindly look at that article and tell this committee 
whether or not you consciously loaned your name to that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 23" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. I display to you now a copy of an article from the 
Communist Daily Worker of September 19, 1955, listing Philip 
Evergood, among others, as urging the severance of Marion Bachrach 
from prosecution under the Smith Act, as a Communist. 

Kindly tell this committee whether or not you consciously loaned 
your name to that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer under the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 24" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Did you know Marion Bachrach? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer under the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Were you a member of the Communist Party at 
that time? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a handbOl announc- 
ing a theater rally to secure clemency for the Rosenbergs in which your 
name appears as one of the sponsors of that enterprise. 

Kindly look at that document and tell us whether or not that 
refreshes your recollection with reference to participation in that 
enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 25" and retained in 
committee files.) ' 

Mr. Arens. Did you know Simon W. Gerson as a member of the 
Communist Party? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arexs. I display to you, if you please, sir, a photostatic copy 
of a letterhead of the "Citizens Committee for the Election of Simon 
W. Gerson," October 5, 1948, listing a number of persons as members 
of the provisional committee of this organization, and who are urging 
the election of Simon W. Gerson in New York City — Simon W. Ger- 
son, having, of course, been repeatedly identified as a member of the 
Communist Party. Kindly look at that letterhead and tell this com- 
mittee whether or not you knowingly assented to having your name 
used as a promoter of that enterprise. 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 959 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 26" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of an article appearing in the Communist Daily Worker 
of July 8, 1953, which sets forth the names of several notables, includ- 
ing Philip Evergood, who assailed the Justice Department's move to 
have the American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born register 
with the Subversive Activities Control Board as a Communist front 
organization. 

I ask you now, sir, while you are under oath, whether or not you 
have recollection of loaning your name and prestige as an artist to 
that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 27" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax 
reproduction of an article appearing in PM magazine, under date of 
May 3, 1948, stating that the Literary Gazette, published in Moscow, 
printed an open letter from 32 American writers, painters, and com- 
posers to the effect that the Americans are squarely on the side of 
the Soviet Union in opposition to the then-current United States 
leadership and policies. 

Kindly look at that article and tell this committee while you are 
under oath v/hether or not you consciously, knowingly loaned your 
name as an American artist to that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 28" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Thereafter, Mr. Evergood, the New York Times of 
May 24, 1948, contained a letter to the editor which wn,s a defense 
by the 32 writers, painters, and composers for their open letter 
which appeared in the Moscow Literary Gazette. In that document, 
as part of the explanation of this group appears the following: 

Far from aligning ourselves against America, we spoke against a policy 
which by-passes the United Nations, supports Greek Fascists as well as Chinese 
and Arab feudal lords, and draws our country toward war. We are deeply 
concerned about the campaign to suppress freedom of thought and expression, 
and we assert that the real threat to American democracy arises from such 
measures as the Mundt Bill and from its sponsors. 

Kindly look at this document and teU this committee while you 
are under oath whether or not you knowingly and consciously loaned 
your name as an American artist to that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 29" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, I display to you, sir, a photostatic copy of a 
document entitled "American People's Meeting," to be held in New 
York City, April 5, 1941, for the p-urpose of organizing a peace march 
on Washington. A number of people are listed here as sponsors of 
the American Peace Mobilization including Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at this document which I now display to you and tell 
this committee whUe you are under oath whether or not you knowingly 
and consciously, as an American artist, loaned your name to that 
enterprise. 



960 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 30" and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. The time of that enterprise which I have just called to 
your attention in this document was at the time of the Hitler-Stalin 
Pact. Is that not correct? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer on the same ground, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood, I display to you a photostatic repro- 
duction of a program of the Cultural and Scientific Conference for 
World Peace to be held at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York, 
in 1949. A number of persons issued this call to action and are 
sponsors of this enterprise, accordmg to this document, including 
Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at this document and tell this committee whether or 
not you have a recollection of loaning your name and prestige to that 
enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 31," and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. According to the New York Times article of March 
28, 1949, the original of which I now display to you, Philip Evergood, 
an American painter and first speaker of the morning panel, casti- 
gated the State Department for canceling an exhibition of American 
art to be shown in Europe and South America last year on the ground 
it contained un-American themes, and the like. 

Would you Idndly tell this committee whether or not this is a true 
and correct account in the New York Times of your address in which 
you castigated the State Department for canceling this art exhibition 
that was to be displayed in the South American countries. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same ground. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 32," and retained in 
committee files.) 

The Chairman. When was this? 

Mr. Evergood. March 28, 1949, it says. 

Mr. Arens. To your certain knowledge, did the State Department 
cancel an exhibition of art which was to be circulated in South 
America? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Was your art work to be displayed then? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. At the time when you made this speech castigating 
the State Department for canceling this art exhibition to be displayed 
in South America, were you then a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, if you please, sir, a thermofax repro- 
duction of Greetings from American Sponsors to the World Congress 
for Peace to be held in Paris in April of 1949 in which a number of 
people, including Philip Evergood, are sponsors. 

Kindly look at this exhibit and tell this committee, while you are 
under oath, whether or not that refreshes your recollection with 
reference to that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 33," and retained in 
committee files.) 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 961 

Mr. Arens. That particular conference was the conference at which 
Paul Robeson was one of the leading participants and at which he 
said the Negroes would not fight against the Soviet Union in the 
event of war; isn't that correct? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Did you attend the conference in Paris? 

Mr. EvERGooD. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever applied for a United States passport? 

Mr. EvERGOOD. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same ground. 

Mr. Arens. Have you ever been abroad? 

Mr. EvERGooD. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

The Chairman. I direct you to answer that question, Mr Ever- 
good. Have you ever been abroad? 

Mr. EvERGooD. Yes. 

Mr. Arens. When? 

Mr. Evergood. I have been abroad several times. I went to 
school in England. I studied at the Slade School in London. 

Mr. Arens. When were you last abroad? 

Mr. Evergood. In 1931. 

Mr. Arens. What was the occasion for your trip? 

Mr. Evergood. Excuse me, I may have made a mistake. It may 
have been 1930. 

The Chairman. That is all right. 

Mr. Arens. What was the occasion for your trip abroad in 1930? 

Mr. Evergood. To study. 

Mr. Arens. Were you then a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

Mr. Arens. I display to you, sir, a thermofax reproduction of a 
Call to the American Continental Congress for Peace held in Mexico 
City in September 1949. A number of persons issued this call, 
including Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at that document and tell this committee, while you 
are under oath, whether or not it is a true and correct account of 
your participation in that enterprise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 34," and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, I display to you, sir, a thermofax reproduction 
of an article appearing Aug. 7, 1950, in the Communist Daily Worker 
in which, according to the article, a number of notables urge a course 
of action by the United States and U.S.S.R. on the Korean war. 
Among these notables listed here is Philip Evergood urging this 
particular course of action. 

Kindly look at that document and tell this committee whether or 
not it is a true and correct account of your participation in that enter- 
prise. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir, on the same grounds. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 35," and retained in 
committee files.) 

Mr. Arens. Now, I show you a photostatic reproduction of a state- 
ment, on the letterhead of the National Council of the Arts, Sciences, 
and Professions, to the Members of the 81st Congress on the Com- 
mittee on Un-American Activities, attacking the Committee on 
Un-American Activities. 



962 THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 

Among those listed on the letterhead as members-at-large of this 
organization is Philip Evergood. 

Kindly look at this document and tell this committee whether or 
not that is a true and correct listing of yourself and your status with 
that organization. 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

(Document marked "Evergood Exhibit No. 36," and retained in 
committee files.) 

Air. Arens. Are you now a member of the Communist Party? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer on the same grounds, sir. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, I respectfully suggest that will conclude 
the staff interrogation of this witness. 

The Chairman. Mr. Evergood, do you know the members of the 
jury who selected the works of art that were to be sent abroad? 

Mr. Evergood. Not all of them, sir. I know in the course of my 
being an artist one runs into them, one meets them, but one is not 
good friends of them particularly. For instance, I have met Mr. 
Lloyd Goodrich, because Mrs. Fost and the presiding heads of the 
VvTiitne}'' Museum, before he became director, used to invite my work 
there and I met him in a more or less casual way on several occasions. 

The sculpture member, Mr. Roszak, I met at the openings of the 
Whitney Museum and had been introduced to him, but nothing more. 
I forget who else were on that committee. 

Mr. McNamara. Mr. Watkins. 

Mr. Evergood. Mr. Watkins I have also met. 

Mr. Wittenberg. I do not want you to answer these questions. 
Find out who is asking the questions. 

The Chairman. He is answering the question that the chairman 
asked. 

Mr. Wittenberg. I know that, sir, but I just did not know who 
volunteered that question. 

The Chairman. We will not ask any more questions. 

Any questions, Mr. Moulder? 

Mr. Moulder. No. 

The Chairman. Mr. Johansen? 

Mr. Johansen. No. 

The Chairman. All right, proceed Mr. Arens. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Chairman, that was all the questions we had to 
ask of this witness. 

I would respectfully request that there be an order in this record 
excusing from appearance Minna R. Harkavy who is under subpena. 
A doctor's certificate has been submitted in this case indicating, be- 
cause of her physical condition, she could not possibly come here. 

That will be aU. 

Mr. Moulder. Mr. Chairman, I do have a question. 

One of your paintings which bears the title of "Street Corner" was 
selected by the jury referred to in your testimony for exhibition at the 
sho\ving at the American National Exhibition in Moscow this sum- 
mer. 

Mr. Evergood. Yes, sir. 

Mr. Moulder. That is all. 

The Chairman. Where is that street corner? 

Mr. Evergood. Where is it now, sir? 

The Chairman. No. What street corner is it? 



THE AMERICAN NATIONAL EXHIBITION, MOSCOW 963 

Mr. EvEEGOOD. It was a street corner in Harlem that I happened 
to see, a group of people walldng around and a girl on roUer skates 
and a little barber shop wdth a hole cut in. 

The Chairman. I know what is in the picture, I just wondered 
where the street corner was. 

Mr. EvfiRGOOD. No particular street corner. 

Mr. Arens. Mr. Evergood, have you Imowingly and consciously 
used your art for the purpose of furthering the objectives of the 
Communist Party of the United States? 

Mr. Evergood. I refuse to answer, sir. 

Mr. JoHANSEN. Mr. Chairman, may I make the same request that 
was made by my colleague on the previous witness that these docu- 
ments be introduced into evidence? 

The Chairman. Yes. They willlbe introduced in evidence and 
appropriately marked and retained in the files of the committee. 

All right, gentlemen, you are excused. 

The Chairman. Have we anything else? 

Mr. Arens. Nothing more today. Perhaps the committee would 
want to deliberate here for a moment. 

The Chairman. Yes. 

(Whereupon, at 3:25 p.m., Wednesday, July 1, 1959, the com- 
mittee proceeded to other business.) 



INDEX 



Individuals 

A Pase 

Arosev, A. Y 924 

B 

Bachrach, Marion 958 

Bard, Isaiah 936 

Baron, Herman 930, 932, 933 

Basseches, Nikolaus 922, 924 

Buell, Robert L 914 

Byfield, Robert S 935 

C 

Cezanne (Paul) 924 

Chen, Jack 924, 927 

Christie, Howard Chandler 910 

Codv, Robert C 936 

Copley (John S.) 914 

Corbusier, Le 923 

Corwin ( Charles) 953 

Courbet (Gustave) 921 

D 

Dinnerstein, H 930 

Dondero, George A 907, 908, 924 

Dos Passos, John 937 

E 

Eisenhower, Dwight D 901, 903 

Eisler, Gerhart 957 

Evergood, Philip 897, 916, 929, 930, 951-963 (testimony) 

F 

Fajon, Etienne 921 

Fost (Mrs.) 962 

Foster, William Z 901, 910, 912, 918 

Fowlie, Wallace 926 

French, Daniel Chester 916 

Futerman, Stanley 930 

G 

Garth, John 911 

Gerson, Simon W 958 

Goodrich, Lloyd-_ 962 

Goya, de (Francisco) 921 

Cropper, William 928 

H 

Harkavy, Minna R 962 

Hitler, Adolf 901, 929 

Homer, Winslow 914 

Hugnet, George 925 

J 
Jerome, V. J 912, 918 

I 



il INDEX 

Kalnin (E. F.) 920 

Kandinsky ( Wassily) 911 

Khrushchev, Nikita 900, 901, 912, 918 

Kozlov, Frol R 901 

L 

Lawrence, Jacob 929 

L^ger (Fernand) 921, 922 

Lenin (V. I.) 936 

Levine, Jack 930, 939 

Loucheim, Aline 905 

M 

Malenkov, Georgi 919 

Malievich (Malivich; Malevich) (Kasimir) 924 

Marshall (George C.) 952 

Marx, Karl 926 

Matisse (Henri) 921, 922 

Mayakovsky, Vladimir 923, 924 

McGrath (J. Howard) 958 

N 

Nixon, Richard M <. 895, 899, 901, 907 

Noguchi, Isamu 917 

P 

Panuf nik, Andrzej 919 

Pavlov, Ivan 936 

Pellv, Thomas M 938, 939 

Picasso (Pablo) 911, 921, 922, 928 

Pollock, Jackson 915 

R 

Read, Herbert Edward 925-927 

Remington (Frederic) 914 

Robeson, Paul 961 

Robus, Hugo 917 

Rosenberg, Ethel 958 

Rosenberg, Julius 958 

Rozak, Theodore 916, 962 

Russell (Charles M.) 914 

S 

Saint-Gaudens (Augustus) 916 

Shahn, Ben 897, 941-950 (testimony) 

Soyer, Raphael 929, 930 

Stalin (Josef) 909, 922, 923 

Stuart (Gilbert) 914 

T 

Taft, Robert A 903 

Tatlin (Vladimir) 924 

Truman, Harry S 952. 958 

Trumbo, Dalton 949 

W 

Ward, J. Q. A 916 

Watkins (Franklin C.) 962 

Weber, Max 915, 929 

Williams Walter ___ _ _ 930 

Williamsl Wheele'rI"./__///AV.V_V._V-V-V 895,'89'6", 96r,'902^933"('testimony) 

Wittenberg, Philip 941, 951 

Wright, Frank C., Jr 896, 901, 933-938 (testimony) 

Z 
Zorach, William _ _._ 916 



INDEX 111 

Organizations 

A 

Page 

All-Union Soviet Writers Congress, May 1959, Moscow 918 

Allied Artists 902 

American Artists Professional League, Inc 895, 896, 901-906, 914, 931, 933 

American Contemporary Art Gallery 930-932 

American Labor Party 929 

American National Exhibition (Moscow, July 25 through September 5, 

1959.. 895-897, 899-963 

American Veterans for Peace 929, 930 

American Veterans Society of Artists 902 

Architectural League of New York 902 

Art Commission (city of New York) 902 

Artists' Union of New York 956 

C 
Communist Party, France 921 

Communist Party, Soviet Union: 

Central Committee 918, 919 

Twenty-first Congress, January 27, 1959, Moscow 900, 912 

Communist Party, U.S.A.: 

Art Council -- 930, 933 

Contemporary School of Art (New York) 953, 954 

F 
Fine Arts Federation of New York 902 

I 
Institute for the Study of the U.S.S.R 936 

J 

Jefferson School of Social Science .' 953 

John Reed Club 928 

School of Art ^ 948 

N 

National Academy of Design 902 

National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions, New York Coun- 
cil 928, 929 

National Sculpture Society 902 

Newspaper Guild, American 937 

P 
Progressive Party 929 

Proletarian Writers' Union (U.S.S.R.) 923 

S 

Soviet Authors' Union 923 

Sports in Art (exhibition) 909 

Sunnyside Artists' Committee^ ^ 954 

U 

U.S. Government: 

Commission of Fine Arts . 944 

Office of War Information 942, 943 

Resettlement Administration 942 

State Department 905,908,939,960 

U.S. Information Agency 895, 899, 900, 905, 917, 939 

U.S.S.R. Exhibition (New York Citv, 1959) 896, 901 



Iv INDEX 

Publications Page 

Age of Surrealism, The (book) 926 

Anatomy of Soviet Communism (radio series) 936 

Culture and Life 912, 919 

Daily Worker 924, 931, 932 

Gras43 the Weapon of Culture 912 

Literary Gazette 919 

Mainstream 921 

Masses and Mainstream 947, 954 

Morning Freiheit 928 

Most Likely to Succeed (book) 937 

New Masses 901, 910, 928, 931, 932, 945 

StaUn (book). 922 

War Cry (pamphlet) 905, 906 

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