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Full text of "American supremacy, the rise and progress of the Latin America Republics and their relations to the United States under the Monroe Doctrine"

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From the Library of 

Henry Tresawna Qerrans 

Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford 

Given /0\ V.ers.i.T\j.O.r > .T6r.o..nTo..k).b.rQ ry 
<By his Wife 













H. T. libhn^.-, 


Copyright, 1908 


the Great American Voter, the man behind the ballot , 
the man who makes governments and unmakes them, 
the man before whose dread opinion the mighty of the earth 
stand in awe, the man in whose hands is confided the destiny 
of the Western Hemisphere, the man of multifarious and 
perplexing mien, but whose heart is true as steel and pure 
as gold, I inscribe this work, in the profound conviction 
that while we may neglect our opportunities and evade our 
responsibilities, we cannot escape the inevitable consequences 

of so doing. 






























AND SUCRE . 214 



























































OUR people believe in justice, and in the liberty which carries the 
torch of civilization over the earth. They have always earnestly 
desired to see stable republics established in South America. 
They do not believe in monarchies. They believe in "a government 
of the people, by the people, and for the people." Our people en- 
thusiastically upheld President Monroe when he declared that Euro- 
pean monarchies should not extend their territory on American soil, 
and each succeeding administration, without exception, has striven 
to aid in the establishment, maintenance, and development of decent 
republican governments in these countries. 

When our State Department has seen revolutions, anarchy, and 
crime rampant in South America, foreigners being looted, robbed, and 
murdered (Americans suffering worse than any other class), in- 
famy, perfidy, intrigue, and scoundrelism covering Spanish America 
as with a pall, it has not shut its eyes to the facts. On the 
contrary, no father ever watched over his wayward offspring with 
more care, sorrow, and anxiety than has the beneficent government 
of the United States observed these countries, studying by what means 
it could bring order out of chaos, decency out of crime. 

For three quarters of a century this has been our policy, followed 
with patience and a spirit of philanthropy to which history affords no 
parallel. As one bandit government after another has appeared on 
the horizon of South America, our government has counselled it to 
exercise moderation, to walk in the paths of civilization, to respect 
the lives and property of foreigners ; and we have stood between these 
so-called "governments" and the civilized powers of Europe. 

In spite of all that our country has done for them, the incontestable 
fact remains that Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Santo 
Domingo, Hayti, and practically all of Central America are in a worse 
condition to-day, politically, socially, commercially, and deeper in 
barbarism, than they were three quarters of a century ago. Dilet- 
tante philosophers, reactionists who are against every policy which 
has made the United States the peerless giant which it is, will go on 
shouting in behalf of our "poor oppressed Sister Republics." On 
such people the facts stated in the following pages will have no effect. 
But Americans, the hardy, brainy, practical race which has 
founded the Great Republic, before the tremendous power of whose 


solemn and deliberate judgment governments must stand or fall, 
that innumerable army of men who have made and who constitute 
"God's country," men who hate brigand governments (all the 
more if they assume the name of Republics), who love justice and 
truth, and hate wickedness whatever may be its form, should know 
these Spanish-Indian-Negro countries as they actually are. If they 
could see Americans and American enterprises wiped off the face of 
the earth by the aggregations calling themselves Republics, it would 
not be long before the machinery of the government of the United 
States would be diverted towards bringing about a most thorough 
renovation in their conditions. 

To many people it may seem impossible that in this day and age, 
and on the Western hemisphere, there could exist such conditions of 
semi-barbarism in Colombia, Venezuela, Santo Domingo, and Central 
America as are here disclosed. . To know a country thoroughly 
one must have lived in it and done business in it. Distinguished 
writers have written admirable descriptive works of South America, 
of landscapes, of cities and rivers and lakes, of mountains and 
llanos, with a coloring of individual incident and interesting anec- 
dote; they are admirable productions of scholarly men. One may 
describe a landscape from the window of a Pullman car, but one 
cannot in such a manner apprehend the social and political problems 
of the peoples through whose country the railroad passes. However 
brilliant a traveller may be, however acute his power of observation, 
it is not possible that he can probe into the depths and analyze the 
character and capabilities of a people, except by long and varied in- 
tercourse with them. Equipped with letters of introduction from the 
Secretary of State to the various American ministers or consular 
representatives, and by them introduced to the governments of the 
countries which he visits, he always encounters an atmosphere of 
official politeness. It is hard for him to realize that the suave 
Dictator or Military Jefe who says so blandly, " Yo me pongo a sus 
ordenes, Caballero" "I place myself at your orders, sir," is 
perhaps a man whose past would have sent him to Sing Sing 
or would have hanged or electrocuted him had he lived in another 

Nor will the traveller derive from the American minister reliable 
information. This officer is bound by diplomatic precedent, and 
possibly by positive instructions, to be guarded in his speech ; and the 
adulation which he shares in common with others in power will often 
blind his eyes to the real nature and character of the country to which 
he is accredited. 

But a business man who builds wharves or railroads, who imports 
goods and employs labor, who comes in contact with every depart- 
ment of the government and every class of the people, who must of 
necessity study the laws, political institutions, and social peculiarities 


of the people, and who has spent years in the most varied business and 
social relations with them, must obtain a more definite and accurate 
notion of the true state of affairs, particularly if he be at the same time 
thoroughly familiar with the laws, institutions, and people of his own 
country and all portions of it. There are many such American 
business men to be found in Mexico and in all parts of South America. 
Their experience and opinions would be of untold value to the 
government and people of the United States could they be ascer- 
tained. Most of them are, however, busy men, engrossed with their 
own affairs. Many of them are not accustomed to write for the press, 
and could not unaided put their thoughts into acceptable form. A 
larger proportion would hesitate boldly and frankly to tell the truth, 
realizing that to incur the enmity of the Dictator would jeopardize 
their financial interests. 

What of the great American newspaper ? it may be asked ; why does 
it not print the facts? It is difficult to answer this question. Our 
American dailies have no correspondents to speak of in South America. 
Even in Mexico their facilities for getting news in other words, 
their news organizations are pitiably inadequate. Venezuela and 
Colombia are at our very doors, yet a revolution in them, jeopardizing 
all foreign interests, involving complete anarchy over half a million 
square miles of territory and the loss of ten or twenty thousand lives, 
may receive as much notice as can be crowded into a typesetter's 

Occasionally a really able and keen newspaper correspondent 
is sent to these countries, and his reports in all their horrible truthful- 
ness awaken our people to some conception of the facts. If there were 
more of the light which emanates from such pens, there would be 
fewer crimes chargeable to the machete in South America. 

It is a difficult task to combat error and prejudice, particularly 
when deep-seated ; and the erroneous views entertained by the people 
of the United States with reference to Latin America are so numerous 
and so imbedded in their thought that an overwhelming array of facts 
is necessary successfully to attack and overcome them. 

Our newspapers speak of a presidential election in Honduras or 
Paraguay, and the American minister or consul reports from these 
countries that some distinguished general has been elected President. 
With us the word "election " implies ballot boxes, voting, the counting 
of votes, judges and clerks of election, antecedent discussion, and, in 
general, a free vote and a fair count. When the word is used with 
reference to Latin America, our people naturally and instinctively 
assume that it connotes all these several functions and things. As a 
matter of fact, nothing of the kind is to be found in Latin America. 

But a general disclaimer of this character is not sufficient to erase 
from the minds of the American people the impression that there are 
elections in Latin America. In order to settle this question and place 


it beyond the bounds of discussion, a typical "election" in each of 
these countries should be described, a description not in the words 
of the writer, but taken from the official reports made to the United 
States government by its representatives. When the reader has care- 
fully examined these reports of elections in our "Sister Republics," 
he will see how absurd it is to talk of an elective or parliamentary 
system in South America. 

There is also a widespread belief among American citizens that 
the assaults made upon foreign interests in Latin American countries 
are comparatively unimportant, and that the foreigners usually have 
themselves to blame for them. To destroy this erroneous idea requires 
the citation of vast numbers of illustrative cases, though not even an 
attempt can be made to mention hundreds of sensational and horrible 
cases which deserve condemnation. 

There is also a prevalent belief among writers that revolutions in 
South America are tame affairs and of small consequence. A direct 
statement to the contrary would carry little weight. Here, again, evi- 
dence of a conclusive character is produced sufficient to forestall 

In order to understand a people thoroughly it is necessary to know 
their antecedents. Mankind is not developed into a civilized mass 
in a day. The key to the future is the record of the past. It has been 
deemed necessary, therefore, to give an outline of the history of the 
several countries within the past century sufficient to indicate their 
character and the performances we may expect from them. Only 
in the light of this record can the description of present-day social and 
political conditions be correctly apprehended. 

The plan of this work is simple. It is not a history, though strict 
accuracy in statement of historic fact is sought. As the author prefers 
to rest statements of fact upon the testimony of others, extensive quo- 
tations from reliable authorities will be found in all parts of the work. 
This policy has been carried to some length in certain respects, as the 
descriptions of many of the Presidents, Dictators, and Jefe Supremos 
known personally to the writer are quoted from others. But while 
the facts thus produced are the property of the world, the argument 
and conclusions drawn are the writer's. 

What are the actual conditions of the several Latin- American coun- 
tries to-day ? What is the status of foreigners, of foreign interests, 
and of the civilized natives who live in them? What influence has 
the Monroe doctrine, the national policy of the United States, in the 
premises ? What are the prospects for the future, and what ought to 
be our own national policy ? These are the questions to the consider- 
ation of which this work is devoted. These questions must be dis- 
cussed fearlessly and without passion, honestly and without prejudice, 
with a desire to get at the truth. The writer has no prejudice against 
any man or race or creed or color, nor would he willingly offend 


them, but he subscribes in its entirety to the doctrine of Bancroft 
when he says, "If I read life's lesson aright, truth only is immortal 
and omnipotent ; therefore from all those I wrongfully offend I crave 
beforehand pardon ; from those I rightfully offend I ask no mercy 
their censure is dearer to me than their praise." 


IN 1806 Francisco Miranda organized an expedition in New York, 
with the avowed intention of invading Venezuela for overthrowing 

the power of Spain. He was defeated in a sea-fight, losing 60 
prisoners, 10 of whom were Americans, who were taken by their 
Spanish captors to Puerto Cabello, and shot. Miranda escaped to 
Jamaica and organized another expedition, and three or four months 
later captured Coro, but was forced to retire. 

In 1807 there were many local uprisings against the Spanish 
Captain General, and the seeds of independence were widely sown 
by republican agitators. 

In 1808 French commissioners arrived in Caracas, bringing news 
of Ferdinand's expulsion. They desired to unite Venezuela to France, 
but received no encouragement. 

In 1809 Caracas decided to recognize the authority of the Seville 
Junta, pending the return of Ferdinand to Spain, but there were 
widespread disorders and dissensions. 

In April, 1810, the Spanish Captain General informed the 
people of Venezuela that the French armies had overrun Spain. 
Revolutions broke out in all parts of Venezuela, a junta was formed 
at Caracas, and the Captain General was exiled. Coro and Mara- 
caibo refused to follow the Caracas Junta, and under Jose Ceballos 
sent troops into the provinces in revolt. Caracas sent troops to Coro, 
which were defeated by Ceballos. 

In 1811 a "Congress" met in March at Caracas, and on July 5 
adopted a declaration of independence, on behalf of Cumana, Bar- 
celona, Caracas, Barinas, Trujillo, Merida, and Margarita. A 
caricature of a government was organized, unlimited quantities of 
worthless paper money were issued, and a riot of disorder and cor- 
ruption was ushered in, which has continued to this day. 

In February, 1812, Monteverde, the Spanish General, started 
out from Coro on a campaign through Trujillo towards Caracas, 
defeating the revolutionary army at almost every step and practising 
horrible atrocities. 

On March 26 an earthquake almost destroyed Caracas, Barquisi- 
meto, Merida, and other towns. Twelve thousand lives were lost in 


Caracas. The ignorant, superstitious revolutionists took this as a 
punishment for rebelling, a view which the priests were careful to 
foster. Miranda, who had been made Dictator, was an impractical 
visionary; Bolivar, his lieutenant, had been defeated at Puerto 
Cabello; there was much jealousy and fear of treachery among the 
"patriots," and, their peons having no desire to fight, Miranda, 
with the consent of "Congress," signed a capitulation, and Monte- 
verde took possession of Caracas on July 30. 

Bolivar and his fellow patriots treacherously made Miranda 
prisoner while he slept. He remained in prison until his death, on 
July 14, 1816, in Cadiz. 

Monteverde imprisoned more than 1500 of the revolutionists in 
the month of August, confiscating their property and putting many 
of them to death. In September he was made Captain General of the 
Audencia of Venezuela, and was duly installed on October 3 at 

On October 9 Monteverde sent several of the principal patriot 
prisoners to Spain, thereby causing great consternation throughout 
Venezuela. He also sent troops to pacify the provinces of Barcelona, 
Cumana, and Margarita. Hundreds of non-combatants were taken 
prisoners because of suspected sympathy with the revolutionists. 

On December 3 there was published in Caracas the Spanish 
"Constitution," but every precept of it was disregarded. Monte- 
verde, on December 11, decreed the arrest of 1200 persons suspected 
of disloyalty to Spanish rule, and placed them in the dungeons of 
La Guayra and Puerto Cabello. Venezuela was one vast charnel- 
house of death and mourning. 


In 1813 Don Santiago Marino and other Venezuelan refugees in 
Trinidad raised 45 men and 6 cannon, and with these left Port of 
Spain for Chacachacare. On January 13 he arrived at Guiria, 
whose guard fled. Marino recruited here, gathering about 200 men 
well armed. Bernardo Bermudez, in co-operation with Marino, with 
75 men, seized the town of Maturin. 

Monteverde sent 300 men, under Zuazola and Boves, to aid 
Governor Antonanzas of Cumana. These troops defeated the 
revolutionists, March 16, at Magueyes, and later in Aragua, commit- 
ting the most horrible atrocities on the inhabitants. The soldiers 
were given one dollar for each ear of an insurgent they brought to 
the chief, and about 500 inhabitants were mutilated in this manner 
at Aragua. At Cumana boxes of these ears cut from the bodies of 
persons assassinated were received. 

In April the Spaniards were severely defeated in Maturin by 500 


patriots. Monteverde had to sustain a division of 2600 men in 
Barinas, under Antonio Tizcar, to repel an invasion from the province 
of Casanare. He sent 700 men against Maturin, sailing from La 
Guayra on April 27, arriving at Barcelona on May 3. They were 
under command of Fernandez de la Hoz and Zuazola. Here they 
were reinforced by the Spanish governors of Barcelona and Cumana, 
until there were 2000 men, and Monteverde now led in person. They 
marched immediately to Maturin, and demanded its surrender on 
May 25. The patriots answered that they wanted "liberty or death." 
The battle opened with great fury. In a short time the royalists were 
completely defeated, leaving 479 dead on the field, among them 27 

The island of Margarita now arose in rebellion, under Arismendi, 
and placed the Spanish Governor, Martinez, in prison on June 13. 

On the western frontier of Venezuela Bolivar was preparing for 
an invasion. On February 28, after a four hours' battle, he overthrew 
a Spanish troop of 800 men at San Jose de Cucuta. He captured 
much artillery, and a great amount of merchandise belonging to 
business men in Maracaibo. He now united with the forces of 
Colonel Castillo, making in all 1000 men and 1200 rifles in the repub- 
lican forces ; but Castillo and Bolivar engaged in a bitter controversy, 
the latter wishing to invade Venezuela, and the former declaring 
that his troops would not aid Bolivar in such a purpose. 

In April Merida had risen in rebellion against the Spanish yoke, 
and Bolivar heard of this in Cucuta on the 30th of that month. He 
sent Dr. Cristoval de Mendoza to organize a provisional government 

At about the same time Colonel Antonio Nicolas Briceno arrived 
at Cucuta from Cartagena, Colombia, with some soldiers, and was 
given command of the artillery. He proposed to Bolivar assassination 
of prisoners and "war to the death." He left San Cristobal to attack 
the royalists, but was surprised, on May 16, by about 500 Spaniards, 
when his force was practically destroyed. 

Bolivar now set out for Merida, Venezuela, arriving there on May 
30. He raised about 1000 men, cavalry and infantry, and at once 
gave orders to D'Elhuyar to proceed to Escuque to capture the 
Spanish colonel, Correa, who at once fled to Maracaibo. Girardot, 
one of Bolivar's lieutenants, occupied the city of Trujillo and the 
province of that name on June 10. This officer attacked the 
Spaniards, composed of 450 infantry under Manuel de Canas, near 
Agua de Obispos, on June 19, and defeated them, taking 73 prisoners, 
1 cannon, and 80 rifles. 

On June 10 Bolivar left Merida for Trujillo, arriving there on 
the 14th. Before leaving, he issued his decree of war to the death, 
dated Merida, June 8, saying, "Our hatred will be implacable, and 
the war will be to the death." 


On June 15, in Trujillo, he issued another proclamation : "Every 
Spaniard who does not conspire against tyranny in favor of the just 
cause, by methods the most active and efficacious, will be accounted 
as an enemy, and punished as a traitor to the country, and conse- 
quently will be without mercy shot as a criminal. Spaniards and 
Canarios, count upon death, even though you are indifferent, unless 
you work actively in aid of the liberty of America. Americans, count 
on life, even though you are criminals ! " 

In virtue of these proclamations all the prisoners captured by 
Girardot at Agua de Obispos were killed; while the Spaniards 
assassinated Antonio Nicolas Briceno, 8 companions, and 15 other 
prisoners, captured by them at Barinas, the same Briceno who 
originally proposed the program of "war to the death" to Bolivar. 

On July 2 Rivas and Urdaneta, under orders of Bolivar, with 
450 men, attacked the Spanish Captain Jose Marti, with 800 men, 
in Niquitao. After five hours' fighting the Spaniards were over- 
thrown, and 450 prisoners left in the hands of the patriots. Three 
Spanish captains and 8 Spanish soldiers were assassinated after being 
taken prisoners, but the remainder of the prisoners, on a promise to 
fight for Bolivar, were spared and incorporated in the patriot army. 

On July 6 Bolivar occupied Barinas, the Spanish General Tizcar 
fleeing towards Nutrias with 700 men and 30 pieces of artillery. 

On July 13 Bolivar organized a government for the province of 
Barinas, with Manuel Antonio Pulido as Governor, and on the 16th 
left for Guanare. 

On July 6 the Spanish General Monteverde left Caracas for 
Valencia, intending to intercept Bolivar. In Barquisimeto the 
Spaniards had 1000 men under Francisco Oberto, and in San Carlos 
2200 men under Julian Izquierdo. 

On July 22 Bolivar's Colonel Rivas, with 500 men, attacked the 
royalist Colonel Oberto, with 1000 men, at Horcones. The latter 
was seriously defeated, leaving 100 dead on the field, and many 
prisoners, who no sooner surrendered to the patriots than they 
were murdered without mercy. 

On July 31 Bolivar, with 1000 men, engaged the Spanish General 
Izquierdo, who had over 2000 men, at San Carlos. The battle was 
fought on the plains of Taguanes, where, after six hours of desperate 
fighting, the royalists were defeated, leaving their commander, 
Izquierdo, many officers, and 700 men dead on the field. More than 
200 prisoners were taken. Those who promised to fight for Bolivar 
were put in the patriot army, and the remainder were shot. 

Monteverde, who was on the road to aid Izquierdo, heard of the 
disaster at Carabobo. He hurriedly returned to Valencia, and with 
250 men left there for Puerto Cabello. 

On August 1 Bolivar set out for Valencia, where he captured 30 
cannon and a great quantity of stores. 


On August 3 Acting Captain General del Fierro called an extra- 
ordinary session of the Junta, agreed to capitulate, and sent commis- 
sioners to meet Bolivar, who was encountered the following day in 
Victoria. The Spaniards surrendered the entire power to Bolivar, 
who promised to spare their lives. But the night of August 4 was one 
of terror in Caracas. Over 6000 men, women, and children, royalists, 
fearing the vengeance of the revolutionists, fled from Caracas for 
La Guayra on foot, carrying what little food they could, while ex- 
cited mobs paraded the streets of Caracas, shouting, " Viva la inde- 
pendencia! " " Viva la libertad! " " Mueran los tiranos." 


Thousands of Spanish refugees were cooped up in La Guayra, or 
hiding in the mountains. The troops of the Captain General, under 
Colonel Budia, with 600 men reached La Guayra and there surren- 
dered to Bolivar, as did Colonel Francisco del Marmol, with 400 men, 
and the garrison of La Guayra. Prior to this time Bolivar had claimed 
to be operating under the authority of the so-called Congress of Nueva 
Granada. He now threw all pretension aside, and assumed supreme 
military power in his own name and authority. He threw thousands 
of Spaniards into jails or locked them up in warehouses or corrals, 
shot large numbers of them, and confiscated the property of all of 
them, leaving hundreds of families in the most abject misery. 

After the defeat of Monte verde, on May 25, at Maturm, the 
revolutionary armies in the eastern part of Venezuela had made 
campaigns no less daring and successful than those in the West. The 
patriot Colonel Marino fought no fewer than ten battles, at Magueyes, 
Corosillos, Cumanacoa, arriving in July in front of Capuchinos, 
where there were about 800 Spanish troops. Colonel Arismendi, 
Governor of Margarita, sent Marino three vessels, and fourteen 
smaller boats, under Captain Jose Bianchi, to aid in the blockade of 

On July 30 Marino demanded the surrender of the place, but 
Governor Antofianzas answered that he would fight to the death. 
Nevertheless, under cover of darkness, Antonanzas embarked with 
all his valuables and many troops, leaving the town at the mercy of 
Marino. The place at once surrendered, but Marino, with the vicious- 
ness of a savage, assassinated immediately 47 of the most prominent 
Spaniards, residents of the city. All the others were thrown in 
prison, and the following day 122 other Spanish prisoners were taken 
out and mercilessly shot. Marino ordered his lieutenant, Jose 
Francisco Bermudez, to occupy the ports near Cumana. He cap- 
tured Carupano, Rio Caribe, and Cariaco, and assassinated every 
Spaniard he captured, among them many women and children. 

VOL. 1 2 


Marino now sent Colonel Piar to capture Barcelona, which was 
held by Field Marshal Juan Manuel Cajigal, with 1100 men. This 
general, upon learning of the loss of Caracas by the Spaniards on 
August 19, dispersed his troops and fled to Guayana. 

Marino now became Jefe Supremo of the provinces of Cumana 
and Barcelona; while Bolivar was Jefe Supremo of the remainder 
of the country, except Puerto Cabello, which was still in the hands of 

Marino desired to establish a series of feudal states, each with its 
Jefe Supremo; but Bolivar aimed at a vast confederation, with 
only one Jefe Supremo, and, in consonance with his modest and 
self-effacing disposition, he was to be that one. Both Jefe Supremos 
were bloodthirsty, savage, and ambitious, and cared less for the sacred 
patria, if one can judge from their actions, than they did for the 
gratification of their personal aspirations. 

On August 26 Bolivar's generals, Girardot, Rivas, and Urdaneta, 
commenced an attack on Puerto Cabello, capturing the outworks 
known as Vigias Alta and Vigias Baja. On the 29th the royalists 
attacked the revolutionists and were repulsed. On the 31st the 
revolutionists attacked the royalists and were repulsed. The 
Spanish General Zuazola, commanding the fort Mirador de Solano, 
abandoned his post and fled to the mountains. He was captured by 
the revolutionists on the following day and publicly hanged in full 
view of both armies. 

On September 6 Jose Francisco Montilla, who had been sent by 
Bolivar to quell an insurrection in San Casimiro de Guiripe, attacked 
800 men and dispersed them. The negro slaves arose in the valley 
of Tuy in favor of Spain, and insurrections started like wild-fire in all 
parts of the country. The towns of Santa Teresa, Santa Lucia, Yare, 
and many others, were sacked and burned, and their inhabitants 

On September 16 reinforcements arrived at Puerto Cabello from 
Spain, consisting of 8 war-ships and 1200 men, under command 
of Colonel Jose Miguel Salomon. Counter-revolutions having started 
up against Bolivar in the interior, he hastily abandoned the siege of 
Puerto Cabello. 

On September 16 Ramon Garcia de Sena, under direction of 
Bolivar, attacked and defeated 100 men near Barquisimeto, who had 
declared in favor of the King of Spain, and were led by Reyes Vargas 
and a priest named Torrellas. About the same time the royalists of 
Maracaibo organized a force and captured the garrison of Bailadores, 
of about 60 men, and then cut all their throats. 

On September 21 General Boves, royalist, surprised Bolivar's 
colonel, Thomas Montilla, with 600 men, in the prairies of Calabozo. 
Boves had about 800 men, cow-boys and desperadoes, with which he 
had terrorized that province, murdering people by the hundreds and 


confiscating their property. In this fight Montilla was taken prisoner, 
and his troops were almost completely destroyed. His cavalry went 
over to the royalist General in a body. The prisoners taken were 
massacred. The next day Boves occupied Calabozo, captured all the 
anti-royalists he could lay hands on, and cut off their heads. 

Francisco Tomas Morales and Jose Yafiez, royalists, with forces 
of from 500 to 1000 desperadoes each, overran the provinces of 
Barinas and San Fernando de Apure, in the eastern part of Venezuela, 
committing unspeakable atrocities. 

On September 25 Monte verde left Puerto Cabello with 1600 
excellent troops, to attack Bolivar at Valencia. 

On September 30 a sanguinary battle was fought on the outskirts 
of Naguanagua, in the plains of Valencia. The attack was made 
by Bolivar in three columns, led by Colonel Atanacio Girardot, 
D'Elhuyar, and Urdaneta. In this battle Girardot, Bolivar's ablest 
lieutenant, was killed. 

On October 3 D'Elhuyar, with 1000 men, made a gallant attack 
on Monteverde in Aguacaliente, and after several hours' desperate 
fighting dislodged him, and drove his army back to Puerto Cabello, 
where he was again besieged. 

On October 14 the man appointed Governor of Caracas by 
Bolivar called his other co-appointees together, and acclaimed Simon 
Bolivar, "Liberator, Captain General of the Armies of Venezuela." 

On October 14 Campo Elias, Bolivar's lieutenant in the East, 
with 2500 men, attacked the royalist, Boves, at a place called Mos- 
quitero, near La Puerto, and almost completely destroyed him. Elias 
took several hundred prisoners, but murdered them all. No quarter 
was given. 

On October 17 Colonel Jose Ceballos, royalist, Governor of 
Coro, with 350 infantry and cavalry, attacked a republican column 
under Juan Manuel Aldao in Bobare, and dispersed it. 

Reinforcements of 250 men, under Manuel Valdez, arriving in 
Orachiche for the anti-royalists, they reorganized the remnants of 
Aldao's force, and retired to Yaritagua ; but Ceballos attacked them, 
and killed 126, among them Aldao and other officials. 

On November 10 Bolivar in person attacked Ceballos at Bar- 
quisimeto. He had left Caracas precipitately, united with General 
Urdaneta in Gamelotal, and with a total of 1300 troops attacked 
Ceballos, who had 500 infantry and 300 cavalry. Bolivar's troops, 
at the moment of apparent victory, became panic-stricken for some 
unknown reason. The shout went up, " Salvese quien pueda" 
" Save yourselves who can," and uncontrollable terror seized them. 
They fled in all directions, leaving 350 dead on the field, among 
them 18 officers, 400 prisoners, many missing and deserters, 2 can- 
non, 3 flags, 600 rifles, and a great quantity of ammunition. Boli- 
var returned to Valencia. 


The royalist Yanez in the mean time had been causing great 
havoc in the East, taking possession of and destroying numerous 

On November 2 Yanez captured the capital of Barinas. He got 
into communication with the Acting Captain General, Salomon, and 
with Governor Ceballos, by which a plan of campaign in unison was 
agreed upon. 

On November 16 Colonel Salomon left Puerto Cabello with 1000 
soldiers, and placed himself on the heights of Vijirima, commanding 
the road from Caracas to Valencia. 

On November 23 D'Elhuyar, having been joined by Bolivar 
with the remnant of his army, attacked Salomon, but was badly 

On November 25 Bolivar and D'Elhuyar renewed the attack, 
and dislodged the Spaniards, and Salomon again retired to Puerto 

On December 1 Bolivar, who had reunited about 3000 soldiers 
in San Carlos, near Valencia, took the road for Barquisimeto, again to 
attack Ceballos, who in the mean time had formed a junction with 
Yanez in Araure. 

On December 4 Bolivar camped in front of the city of Araure. 

On December 5 Bolivar gave battle to Ceballos and Yanez and 
severely defeated them. The royalists lost 500 men killed, 300 
prisoners, 10 cannon, 1000 rifles, 5 banners, and a great quantity of 
ammunition. The royalists fled to Nutrias, their power in the West 
being apparently broken. 

On December 13 the royalist Boves, operating in the eastern 
districts, had raised 3000 men with machetes, and united them with 
100 soldiers and 1000 rifles under Morales. 

On December 14 this army, in attempting to cross the river 
Guarico at San Marcos, encountered resistance from the anti-royalist 
lieutenant, Pedro Aldao, who commanded in Calabozo. The repub- 
lican division was surrounded, and nearly every man had his head cut 

Among the royalists in Puerto Cabello there was an uprising, 
and Monteverde was deposed and sent to Curc^ao. Field Marshal 
Don Francisco Montalvo was sent by the Cadiz regency to take 
political and military control of New Granada and Venezuela, with 
Field Marshal Juan Manuel Cajigal as his assistant. 

On January 2, 1814, Bolivar convoked an assembly of the govern- 
ment employees of Caracas, presided over by the Governor, Cristoval 
de Mendoza, and had himself declared Dictator. 

Bolivar now sent two commissioners to see Marino, the Jefe 
Supremo of the eastern provinces, and the two Dictators decided 
mutually to recognize the authority of each other in their respective 
territories, and work together to expel the Spaniards. 


On January 4 Yanez, royalist, with 2000 cavalrymen, reinforced 

On January 10 Yanez besieged Barinas with 1000 cavalrymen. 
The Governor, Garcia de Sena, anti-royalist, who had 400 cavalry- 
men and 500 infantrymen, escaped at night, on the 18th, without 
fighting, leaving 80 soldiers in the town. Yanez and his troops at 
once took possession of the town, slaughtered the 80 soldiers, massacred 
every man, woman, and child in the place, and burned the town, 
leaving no trace of it on the map. 

At the same time Bolivar's lieutenant, Urdaneta, with 1600 men, 
defeated 500 royalists in Baragua, commanded by Reyes Vargas. 

On February 2, 700 anti-royalist infantry, under Colonel Jose 
Maria Rodriguez, attacked Yanez at Ospino, and were severely 
punished, but the terrible Yanez was killed, and his cavalry retreated 
to Guanare. His body was found by the anti-royalists, and horribly 
mutilated, under orders of the leading officers. 

The troops of Yanez selected Colonel Sebastian de la Calzada as 
his successor, and he at once proceeded to attack the town of Ospino 
and destroyed it utterly. 

On February 1 an important battle was fought at Florez, near 
Calabozo, between the royalist Boves and Bolivar's General Campo 
Elias. Boves had 3300 soldiers, and Elias about 1800. The fight 
lasted two hours; Elias was completely defeated, and escaped with 
only a few officers and soldiers to Cabrera. He lost more than 1000 

On February 12 Rivas, with 1000 men and 5 pieces of artillery, 
who had been sent by Bolivar to attack Puerto Cabello, was attacked 
by the vanguard of Boves' army, under Colonel Morales, near Vic- 
toria, and after ten hours of fighting the anti-royalists had lost 500 
in killed and wounded; but at this juncture Campo Elias came up 
with 220 fresh troops, and attacked Morales in the rear, compelling 
him to retire. The next day Morales renewed the attack, but was 
repulsed, with losses, however, which were not materially greater 
than those of the anti-royalists. 

On February 8 Bolivar ordered the massacre of all the prisoners 
in Caracas, La Guayra, and elsewhere under control of the anti- 
royalists. This butchery was continued daily in Caracas until 866 
Spaniards were assassinated and their bodies burned. Hundreds 
met a similar fate in La Guayra and elsewhere. 

On February 20 Bolivar's General Rivas, with 1000 men, en- 
countered the Spanish General Rosete, with 800 soldiers, in Charayave, 
seven hours' march from San Mateo. After a fierce combat Rosete 
was defeated. No quarter was given, and several hundred prisoners 
were assassinated. Rosete only a few days before had murdered 
300 persons in the same locality, among them 100 women and 


On February 28 the Spanish General Boves, with 2000 infantry 
and 5000 cavalry, attacked Bolivar at San Mateo, with 1500 infantry 
and 600 cavalry. The battle lasted all day ; Boves was wounded, and 
the anti-royalists, Campo Elias and Villapol, killed. Bolivar lost 203 
men the first day, and the Spaniards a somewhat greater number. 

On March 11, 16, 17, 20, and 25, the Spanish army attacked Boli- 
var, with varying fortunes. The engagement on the last day became 
general, with heavy losses on both sides. The royalists finally cut off 
the troops guarding the ammunition and stores of Bolivar's forces, and 
their commander, Ricaurte, seeing that their capture was inevitable, 
set fire to the magazines, killing himself and many of the royalists. 
About 900 men were killed in this fight, by far the greater number 
being royalists; but the loss of the magazines was irreparable to 
Bolivar. This series of battles was disastrous in the extreme to Boli- 
var, his total losses being 200 officers and 1500 soldiers. 

On March 11 the anti-royalist Arismendi, with 800 men, or 
rather children, for the greater number were under twenty years of 
age, and many of them only twelve or fifteen, was completely 
destroyed by the royalist Rosete, on the plains of Ocumare, losing 
almost every soldier as well as all arms and supplies. 

On March 9 General Juan Manuel Cajigal, royalist, appeared 
before Barquisimeto, with 1000 troops, to attack the anti-royalist 
Urdaneta, who had but 180 soldiers in the town, and 500 others under 
Domingo Meza, within a reasonable supporting distance. Urdaneta 
retreated, Meza retired to Trujillo, and the royalists wreaked their 
customary vengeance on the helpless inhabitants of Barquisimeto; 
looting, murdering, outraging women, with as much enthusiasm as 
the patriots themselves committed similar atrocities. 

On March 17 General Urdaneta, anti-royalist, with 500 men, was 
driven from San Carlos by the royalists under Ceballos and Calzada, 
with 1200 cavalrymen. Urdaneta retreated in good order. 

On March 20 General Rivas, with 600 men, attacked the royal- 
ist Rosete at Ocumare, and after a desperate conflict compelled him 
to retreat. 

On March 29 General Urdaneta was shut up in Valencia, with 
only 280 infantry, by the royalist Ceballos, with 3000 soldiers, who 
laid siege to the town. Unspeakable atrocities were committed on 
the inhabitants. 

On March 31 General Marino, anti-royalist, attacked General 
Boves, royalist, at Bocachica. Boves lost 500 men, and Marino 200. 
Boves retreated to Valencia, arriving there with 3000 men, having 
lost 300 prisoners and 1000 horses on the road. Boves and Ceballos 
immediately abandoned Valencia, which was soon occupied by Bolivar 
and Marino. 

On April 16 General Marino, with 2000 infantry and 800 cavalry, 
attacked the royalist, Ceballos, with 2500 soldiers, in Arado, and was 


disastrously defeated, and only able to save his retreat by aid of 
General Urdaneta. 

On May 28 Bolivar gained the important victory of Carabobo, 
over the Spanish Field Marshal Cajigal. The royalists lost 300 men 
killed, 500 guns, 400 horses, artillery and supplies. 

On June 14 Bolivar's army was almost completely destroyed at 
La Puerto by the royalist Boves, who had united an army of 3000 
infantry and 5000 cavalry. Half of Bolivar's forces were killed out- 
right, and almost all the remainder were wounded or else deserted. 
Boves also lost heavily. No official report was made of losses, but 
Bolivar's officers claimed the Spaniards lost 2600 men. This battle 
was decisive. The power of the anti-royalists was completely shat- 
tered. Bolivar, Marino, and Rivas fled to Caracas. 

On June 19 Boves laid siege to Valencia, which was defended by 
Juan Escalona with 500 men. 

On June 25 D'Elhuyar abandoned the siege of Puerto Cabello, 
and united with Bolivar in Caracas. 

On July 6 Bolivar abandoned Caracas, and started for Barcelona, 
taking with him everything portable of value. Hundreds of families 
fled from Caracas, fearing another reign of terror. They lived in the 
mountains like wild animals, and were hunted and shot by royalists 
and anti-royalists alike. 

On July 7 the royalist Ramon Gonzalez, with 1500 men, under 
the direction of Boves, marched upon Caracas and took possession of 
the town. 

On July 9 the Governor surrendered Valencia to Boves, on con- 
dition that the lives of all persons should be spared, a stipulation 
violated by Boves, by murdering 65 officers, 300 soldiers, and 90 

On September 7 General Urdaneta, anti-royalist, after a rapid 
march, was surprised at Mucuchies by the royalist Calzada, and 
completely routed. He lost 400 men. With the broken remnants of 
his army, some 800 men, he fled to Cucuta, Colombia. 

On August 18 the royalist Morales, with 8000 men, attacked 
Marino, Bolivar, and Rivas, with about 3000 men, at Aragua, near 
Barcelona. Marino and Bolivar (in these provinces Bolivar was 
second in command, for Marino was Supreme Chief) were overwhelm- 
ingly defeated. A general massacre ensued, in which the anti- 
royalists of the town were slaughtered without mercy, the total loss 
to this side in soldiers and sympathizers being about 3000 killed, 
while the royalists had 1011 killed and 832 wounded. 

On August 25 Marino and Bolivar embarked at Barcelona, and 
were taken to Margarita, whence they went to Costafirme, disem- 
barking in Carupano. These Jefes claimed that the voyage was 
caused by the treachery of Bianchi, the commander of the small 
squadron of vessels at Barcelona, but the anti-royalists claimed that 


the two Jefes had abandoned the patria, through cowardice, in the time 
of greatest need. They therefore selected General Rivas as First 
Chief, and General Piar as Second Chief; and when Marino and 
Bolivar arrived at Carupano, they were made prisoners by their own 

On September 8 Marino and Bolivar were liberated and sent to 
Cartagena, but not before Bolivar was given an opportunity to issue 
another manifesto. 

On September 8 the anti-royalists under Bermudez, at Maturin, 
numbering 1250 men, were attacked by about 6500 soldiers under 
Morales, royalist. Battles continued daily until the 12th, when the 
royalists were badly defeated, losing 2200 men, 2100 rifles, 700 horses, 
and 150,000 cartridges. The anti-royalists claimed to have lost 
only 74 men killed and 100 wounded. 

On September 29 General Piar attacked 2000 royalists at 
Cumana and defeated them. 

On October 17 General Boves, royalist, who had come to the 
relief of Morales, attacked General Piar, who had about 2000 poorly 
armed men, in the plains of Salado. Piar lost almost every one of his 
men, and Boves entered Cumana with fire and sword, killing more than 
1000 men, women, and children, and practically annihilating the town. 

At the same time General Bermudez, anti-royalist, defeated 
Morales, with 800 men, at Maturin. Generals Rivas and Bermudez 
now united, and recruited an army of 2000 infantry and 2500 cav- 
alry. The two generals, however, quarrelled and separated, and Ber- 
mudez was severely defeated by Boves in Corosillos. 

On December 5 General Boves, with 7000 men, was attacked by 
the combined forces of the anti-royalists, amounting to about 4500 
men, in the valley of Urica. General Boves was killed, but the anti- 
royalists were routed and lost almost the entire army. 

On December 6 a royalist column defeated 800 anti-royalists 
in the town of Cari. 

The scattered remnants of the anti-royalists, a body of but 600 
men from an army of 4500 prior to the defeat of Urica, were now 
reunited in Maturin. 

On December 10 the royalists, under Morales, attacked Maturin, 
killed almost all the 600 soldiers, and practically every man, woman, 
and child in the town, themselves losing 1000 men. With this battle 
the anti-royalists were overthrown to such an extent as to make 
further resistance useless. The island of Margarita alone remained 
in their power. Generals Rivas, Piar, and Bermudez fled ; but General 
Rivas was captured and decapitated by the Spaniards, and his head 
sent to Caracas as a trophy. 

The royalist General Morales at once took possession of Soro, 
Irapa, and Guiria, assassinating more than 3000 of the peaceful inhab- 
itants of those towns, sparing neither age nor sex. 


Thus was overthrown the dictatorship of Simon Bolivar, falsely 
called a Republic, a regime as cruel and bloody as can be found in the 
annals of history. Bolivar's discomfiture came not from the Spanish 
government, but from the Venezuelans themselves. The fierce hordes 
led by Yanez, Boves, Ceballos, Morales, and other royalist chief- 
tains, were recruited from the natives of Venezuela. It was in truth 
a war among themselves, in which real Spanish troops took no impor- 
tant part. Under pretence of assassinating Spaniards and " Canarios," 
the anti-royalist troops were merely slaughtering the white people of 
Spanish origin who lived in Venezuela, and were in fact Venezuelans 
of the better type. On the other hand, the massacres by the royalist 
troops were merely the slaughter of Venezuelans who had less Spanish 
blood in them. 

This "War of Independence" can best be characterized as an 
internecine strife, in which bandit chiefs strove with each other for 
power, the ignorant soldiery knowing little or nothing about the origin 
or nature of the strife. It was a war of loot and passion, not of 
principle or patriotism. 


On April 3, 1815, there arrived at Puerto Santo an important expe- 
dition sent by Ferdinand VII. of Spain, to aid in conquering Colombia 
and Venezuela. It consisted of 10,642 men, 3 frigates, 25 sailing 
vessels, and 60 transports. These were placed at the command of 
Chief Field Marshal Paplo Morillo, with Pascual Enrile second in 

On April 7 the Spanish squadron of 100 vessels, under Juan 
Gavazo, with 14,000 men under Morillo, took possession of the island 
of Margarita, the inhabitants, in face of the imposing force displayed, 
making no resistance. 

On May 11 General Morillo arrived in Caracas, after leaving 
heavy detachments in Cumana, Barcelona, Margarita, Guayana, 
Puerto Cabello, and La Guayra. 

On May 19 Morillo decreed a forced loan of 200,000 pesos in 
Caracas. He had previously levied 80,000 pesos on the inhabitants 
of Margarita. A policy was begun for confiscating all the property 
of the revolutionists in all parts of the country. 

On July 10 to 12 Morillo set sail for Santamarta, Colombia, with 
56 war vessels and transports, and 8000 soldiers, 3000 of them Vene- 
zuelans from the army of Morales. In this short time Morillo had 
succeeded in sowing seeds of discord in Venezuela among the royal- 
ists themselves, by dismissing many of the Venezuelan generals and 
colonels, and filling their posts with Spanish officers. His junta of 
confiscation had seized nearly all the property of the revolutionists, 
amounting to about 15,000,000 pesos, and sold it. 


On June 22 guerrillas to the number of 1600, made up from rov- 
ing bands under such chiefs as Monagas, Canelon, Pareja, Sotillo, 
Ranjel, Cedeno, Zaraza, Rojas, Barreto, which had been plundering 
the provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, and Calabozo, attacked the 
royalists in Angostura, to the number of 2000, under Lieutenant- 
Colonel Gorrin, but were defeated and dispersed. 

The guerrilla chief Cedeno, with 1000 men, captured nearly all 
the towns of the upper Orinoco, and the other chieftains continued 
terrorizing all that section of the nation. 

In the mean time a powerful revolution broke out against the Span- 
iards in the island of Margarita, led by Arismendi, who took possession 
of the northern portion of the island, and confined the Spanish 
Governor Urreistieta in the fort of Santarosa. "War to the death " 
again ruled, towns were completely exterminated, and either side 
spared neither age nor sex. 

Captain Jose Antonio Paez and Miguel Guerrero led desperate 
bands to attack the royalists in all parts of Venezuela. 

On May 26 the anti-royalist Jefes of Eastern Venezuela met at 
San Diego, elected Monagas and Zaraza First and Second Chief of 
the armies, and raised 1500 men. 

Cedeno held control of the upper Orinoco, with 1300 men, with 
headquarters at Caicara. 

Margarita remained in revolt under Arismendi. 

Jose Antonio Paez, with his terrible cavalrymen from the plains, 
the llaneros, or cow-boys, harassed the Spanish troops in all parts of 
the country. 

On October 31 Paez, with 500 men, in a night charge attacked 
the royalists under Calzada, in Chire, to the number of 1400 men. 
These troops had been left by Morillo with the Governor of Barinas 
for the purpose of invading Colombia, via Cucuta. Paez defeated 
the royalists, killing 200, and taking 150 prisoners and 800 horses. 
The prisoners enlisted to fight for Paez. 

In December Paez occupied Guadualito, Mata de la Miel, and 
other points, after desperate engagements. 


When Bolivar saw that the Spanish General Morillo was about to 
capture Cartagena, and re-establish royalist rule in Colombia, he fled 
to Hayti, where he was kindly received by President Petion. On May 
8, 1815, he went to Jamaica, living for some months in Kingston, 
where an attempt was made to assassinate him by bribing his servant. 
From Kingston he went to Cayos de San Luis, Hayti, where he was 
joined by many refugees from Cartagena, which had been captured 
by the Spanish. 


On March 30, 1816, Bolivar sailed from the port of Aguin for 
Venezuela, with 3500 rifles, and quantities of supplies, furnished by 
Robert Sutherland, Luis Brion, and others, though largely paid for 
out of the treasury of Hayti. Quarrels and dissensions arose among 
Bolivar's chiefs, and Mariano Montilla and General Bermudez, refus- 
ing to recognize Bolivar's authority, separated from the expedition. 
General Marino was made second in command under Bolivar. The 
expedition consisted of 6 vessels, 250 men, and an abundance of arms, 
ammunition, and supplies. 

On May 2 Bolivar's fleet encountered two Spanish war-vessels, 
the Intrepido and the Rita, and captured them both, after a hand-to- 
hand conflict. 

On May 3 the expedition arrived at the port of Juan Griego, 
island of Margarita. 

On May 7 the inhabitants and officials of Juan Griego held a 
meeting in the church, in conjunction with Bolivar's troops, and 
formed a junta which conferred upon Bolivar the title Jefe Supremo 
de la Republica. Whether or not Bolivar took this farce seriously 
is not recorded. 

On May 17 Bolivar demanded of Brigadier Pardo, royalist, the 
surrender of Pampatar, which was refused. Pardo, however, agreed, 
if the anti-royalists would cease their assassinations of prisoners and 
non-combatants, that the royalists would do likewise, a proposition 
to which Bolivar acceded. 

Moxo, Captain General of Venezuela, had offered 10,000 pesos for 
the head of Bolivar. 

On June 1 Bolivar disembarked in Carupano, the royalist Com- 
mander Martinez retiring to San Jose. Bolivar now made Monagas, 
Zaraza, Cedefio, and Rojas his generals of brigade, and these ac- 
knowledged him as Jefe Supremo. 

On July 1 Bolivar, threatened by superior forces, embarked, with 
600 men, at Carupano for Ocumare. 

On June 30 the royalist Rafael Lopez fought and defeated Gen- 
erals Monagas, Rojas, and Zaraza at Punche, and killed 200 of their 

On July 6 Bolivar arrived at Ocumare, and issued a manifesto to 
the people of Caracas, saying he had come to liberate them, that from 
now on he would not assassinate prisoners or non-combatants, and 
that the slaves should be free, "for all Venezuelans were to be 

On July 14 the forces of Bolivar and Soublette were attacked by 
the royalist Morales, with 700 men, at La Piedra, in the coast of 
Ocumare, and seriously defeated, losing 200 men, 300 guns, and 
nearly all their supplies. 

On July 14 Bolivar abandoned Ocumare with the remnants of 
his fleet, and proceeded to Choroni, arriving there on the 19th. 


On July 16 Bolivar's land troops, of 630 men, under MacGregor, 
having arrived at Choroni and found it in the hands of the royalists, 
started across the country to unite with the anti-royalists in the 
eastern provinces. 

On July 19 Bolivar, having united with the vessels under Brion, 
sailed for Guiria. 

On July 18 MacGregor encountered a royalist column in the val- 
ley of Onoto, and defeated it. He entered Victoria and dispersed the 
garrison. On the 20th he arrived at Pao de Zarate, on the 22d at 
San Francisco de Cara, and on the 29th at Chaguaramas, where a 
brisk fight occurred. 

On August 1 General MacGregor united with Julian Infante, with 
a squadron of cavalry from General Zaraza's division. 

On August 2 the united armies were attacked by 2200 royalists, 
under Sergeant Major Quero, in Santa Maria de Ipire. The fight was 
renewed the following day, involving serious loss to both sides. 

On August 10 General MacGregor united with the main part of 
Zaraza's division, that of General Monagas, in San Diego de Cabrutica. 

On August 25 the combined armies marched to Aragua, encoun- 
tering Colonel Rafael Lopez, royalist, who was defeated with the loss 
of 500 men killed, 300 prisoners, and all his supplies. 

On August 25 the anti-royalists took possession of Barcelona, 
but found that Colonel Lopez in his flight had passed through Bar- 
celona, and, in revenge for the declaration of independence made by 
the people of that city on the 12th, had sacked and burned the place 
and killed all the inhabitants. 

On September 26 General Piar, having arrived at Barcelona and 
taken command, marched, with 2000 soldiers, to Play on del Juncal, 
where on the 27th he encountered the royalist General Morales, with 
3000 men. The royalists were completely defeated, losing 300 killed, 
400 prisoners, 500 rifles, and quantities of supplies. The anti- 
royalists lost 100 killed. 

On August 16 Bolivar arrived at Guira. He encountered hostil- 
ity and mutiny everywhere among his own people. Generals Marino 
and Bermudez were jealous of Bolivar, and incited the populace 
against him. He found it necessary to force his way, sword in hand, 
through the rabble to his vessels. He at once set sail for Puerto 
Principe, Hayti. 

On August 27 General Piar, in Barcelona, and General Arismendi, 
of Margarita, sent Francisco Antonio Zea to Hayti to declare their 
allegiance to Bolivar, and to assure him that they would continue to 
recognize him as "Supreme Chief of the Republic." This is the 
General Piar who was afterwards shot by order of Bolivar. 

On October 8 General Piar, with 1500 men, started for Guayana. 

On November 13 the royalists abandoned Margarita. 

General Marino now raised the siege of Cumana. The royalists 


attempted to retake Barcelona, but were defeated, with a loss of 600 
men, by General Freites, on the plains of Maurica. 

In December General Paez, with 700 men, dispersed 2100 royalist 
soldiers under Colonel Francisco Lopez, who was killed in battle, on 
the plains of Apure. At the same time the royalist Morillo descended 
on Venezuela with heavy forces. Bolivar was busy organizing a new 
expedition in Hayti. Paez retired to the island of Achaguas. 

While these events were transpiring in eastern Venezuela, Captain 
General Moxo, royalist, in command at Caracas, had inaugurated a 
reign of terror throughout all that part of Venezuela under his control, 
while Morillo, royalist, had instituted similar systems of outrage in 
Colombia. Moxo caused the assassination of 125 of the most dis- 
tinguished men of Venezuela in the latter six months of 1816, and 
committed numberless atrocities indescribable in character. Neither 
time nor space suffices to depict the details of this period of shocking 

If the Spanish rulers had had the least particle of decency or sense, 
they would have treated the people kindly. Such conduct would 
have brought into stronger relief the terrible atrocities committed by 
Bolivar and the other revolutionists, and would have gained them the 
gratitude and allegiance of the Venezuelan people. But the Span- 
iards were as cruel, corrupt, and infamous as the revolutionists. The 
difference between the parties was but the difference between tweedle- 
dum and tweedledee, and the like exists to-day between the govern- 
ment troops and the later revolutionists. 


The Commissioner Zea, sent by Piar and Arismendi, found Bol- 
ivar in Hayti. Bolivar became reanimated by the news of the 
loyalty of these chiefs, and proceeded at once to organize a second 
expedition, generously aided by President Petion. 

1816. On December 21 Bolivar sailed from Jacquemel, with a 
few boats, some refugee officers and soldiers, and considerable quan- 
tities of arms and ammunition. He arrived at Juan Griego on 
December 28. The day following he issued a manifesto. 

On December 30 Bolivar arrived at Barcelona, and met Aris- 
mendi with 400 men. They recluted 300 more. 

1817. On January 9 Bolivar and Arismendi attacked the royalist 
Captain Francisco Jimenez, with 550 soldiers, at Clarines, and were 
completely routed, losing almost their entire force. They hurriedly 
returned to Barcelona, without either men or supplies. 

On January 19 General Marino attacked, with 2000 men, the roy- 
alists in Cumana, without decisive result. 

On February 1 General Marino went to Barcelona, which was 
threatened by 4000 royalists under Brigadier Real, and there united 


with Bolivar. The two generals became reconciled, in face of the 
danger confronting them, and Marino recognized Bolivar as "Supreme 
Chief of the Republic." 

On March 25 Bolivar left for Guayana, with 15 officers, for the 
purpose of organizing all the guerrillas of the plains into one army. 

On April 5 Colonel Juan Aldama, royalist, took possession of 
Barcelona. The anti-royalists, 700 strong, under Generals Pedro 
Maria Freitas and Francisco Estevan Rivas, retired to the fortified 
convent of San Francisco. 

On April 7 the royalists, under Colonels Joaquin Urreistieta, 
Augustin Noguera, Francisco Jimenez, and Sergeant Major Vicente 
Bauza, and Commander Jose Navas, took this fortified point by 
assault, massacred every one of the 700 anti-royalist soldiers as well 
as 300 old men, women, and children. In their fury many royalists 
were also killed. The lives of only 14 persons were saved, 4 of whom 
were women. Generals Freitas and Rivas were captured in the woods, 
and sent to Caracas, where the Spanish General Moxo assassinated 
them. Many women were outraged and murdered by the soldiers, 
among them Mrs. Eulalia Buroz Chamberlain, the wife of an English- 
man. She shot the royalist officer who attempted to rape her and 
was herself murdered. 

On January 17 General Piar, anti-royalist, with 2800 men, as- 
saulted Angostura, losing 300 men. 

Bolivar now arrived at Guayana, and met General Piar near 
Angostura. He decided to use Guayana as a base for military opera- 
tions, and therefore returned to the plains of Barcelona to obtain 

On April 17 Bolivar encountered in Palmita, near Chaparro, three 
divisions left by General Marino, under Bennudez, Arismendi, and 

On May 2 Bolivar, with these three divisions, united with General 
Piar. General Marino went towards Cariaco. 

While these events were transpiring in the eastern part of the 
country, important movements were being made in the West. 

On January 28 General Paez, with 1000 llaneros, the desperate 
cavalry of the plains, fell upon 1700 cavalrymen, under the Spanish 
General Morillo, in the savannas of Mucuritas, and dispersed them. 
Morillo, who was on his way from Colombia with 4000 infantry and 
the 1700 cavalry dispersed by Paez, now realized for the first time that 
a revolution of great magnitude and force had broken out in all parts 
of Venezuela. He sent Brigadier Latorre, with a division, to Guayana, 
to attack Piar and Cedeno. 

On April 11 Brigadier Latorre, with 1600 infantry and 200 cav- 
alry, encountered General Piar, with 500 infantry, 400 cavalrymen, 
800 lancers, and a body of Indians with bows and arrows, at a point 
between San Felix and San Miguel. The royalists were completely 


defeated, losing 500 killed on the field, 200 wounded, and more than 
300 prisoners, among them 75 officers. Immediately after the battle 
General Piar ordered the assassination of all the Spaniards taken 
prisoners. All the officers and more than 300 men had their throats 
cut with butchers' knives. 

On May 8 General Marino, with 2000 soldiers, organized a new 
Congress, in Cariaco, which passed a number of resolutions, and 
formed a provisional government, with the city of Asuncion for the 
provisional capital; thus ignoring the Congress which had con- 
ferred the title of Jefe Supremo de la Republica on Bolivar, in the Isla 
de Margarita. 

On May 13 the Spanish General Morillo united with Aldama, at 
Chaparro, the combined forces numbering 6000 men. 

On May 19 an expedition of 2800 men arrived from Spain, under 
command of Brigadier Juan Canterac. Morillo sent these troops to 

On June 10 the troops under Morillo and Canterac captured 

On June 13 the same army captured Carupano. A few days later 
they took possession of Guira. The anti-royalists lost 150 killed, 
many wounded, all their stores, 8 cannon, and several prisoners, among 
them 3 officers, who were shot by orders of Morillo. 

When General Morillo arrived at Chaparro, the anti-royalist 
General Soublette ordered his Indians to assassinate 22 Catholic 
missionaries in Carache, which order was carried into effect with 
savage delight. 

On July 4 Bolivar narrowly escaped capture. He had fitted out 
11 boats on the Orinoco, and started to unite with Brion's fleet, 
for the purpose of attacking the Spanish squadron, near Margarita. 
With a small guard he was marching along the Orinoco's bank, to 
protect the boats on the journey down the river, when he was at- 
tacked by a heavy Spanish force. He rushed into the water, and 
with knife in hand made ready to cut his own throat if he saw that 
capture was inevitable; but his companions in the boats succeeded 
in defeating the attacking party. 

On July 5 the Spaniards captured these 11 boats of Bolivar, in 
the Cano of Casacoima, but Bolivar again escaped. 

That very night, hiding in the forests, near the banks of the Cano, 
Bolivar was haranguing his men, telling them that he was going to 
liberate Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, etc., when Captain Martel, one 
of his adherents, said, "Now we find ourselves plunged into the 
ultimate disaster, because Bolivar is crazy." 

On July 8 five sailing-vessels, with troops, under Captain Antonio 
Diaz, had a bloody fight with the Spanish squadron, near the island 
of Pagallos, but were compelled to retire to Margarita. 

About the same time the anti-royalist squadron, under Brion, ar- 


rived in the Orinoco, carrying all the officers and troops of Margarita, 
except a detachment of only 1300 men, thus leaving the patriotic island 
of Venezuela very inadequately defended. 

On July 19 Brigadier Latorre, royalist, abandoned Angostura for 
Vieja Guayana, taking with him in his vessels 300 able-bodied men, 
many sick, and quantities of supplies. 

On August 3 Latorre abandoned Vieja Guayana, taking 600 men 
in 30 vessels. This gave the anti-royalists command of the Orinoco, 
and from that date it was used as the base of their military operations. 

On July 15 General Morillo, royalist, with 3000 soldiers, disem- 
barked from 17 vessels, at the port of Guamache, in the island of 
Margarita, where 13,000 inhabitants were under the protection of only 
1300 soldiers. Morillo demanded unconditional surrender, under 
penalty of extermination, but his demand was rejected. 

On July 22 the anti-royalists retired from the castle of Porlamar, 
Margarita, in face of an attack by Morillo. 

On July 24 the Spanish forces captured Pampatar. 

On July 31 Morillo attacked the anti-royalists on the hill of 
Matasiete, near Asuncion, but after a bloody conflict, lasting all day, 
was compelled to retire. 

On August 6 the Spaniards occupied San Juan without resistance. 

On August 8 Morillo attacked Juan Griego, defended by 2000 
men. The anti-royalists met a terrible mishap, many being killed 
by the premature explosion of a mine which they had prepared for 
the Spaniards. Several hundred anti-royalists were killed in battle ; 
the others fled to the swamps of Laguna Salada, where they were sur- 
rounded by the royalist cavalry, and every man of them slaughtered 
without mercy, Morillo himself killing 18 with his own hands. 

The Spaniards now sacked and burned Juan Griego and San Juan ; 
but the islanders had been rendered furious and desperate by these 
acts. With implacable revenge, singly and in squads, with women 
as well as men, by stealth and cunning, bushwhacking with groups of 
guerrillas, they assaulted and slew the Spaniards in a frenzy of hate. 

On August 17 Morillo found it necessary to abandon Margarita, 
and went to Cumana. Spanish authority was never re-established 
in the island. Before leaving Margarita, however, Morillo assassi- 
nated 300 anti-royalist prisoners he had taken from Barcelona. 

On August 20 Morillo arrived at Cumana, having lost 1000 soldiers 
as a result of his expedition to Margarita. 

Early in September Morillo returned to Caracas, while General 
Paez, anti-royalist, scoured the province of Barinas with his desperate 
llaneros, defeating the royalists in numerous fights. 

On October 10 Bolivar decreed the division among his Jefes and 
soldiers of all property belonging to the Spaniards, or to Venezuelans 
sympathizing with the royalist cause. Pillage and plunder was to 
be the rule, and only those loyal to Bolivar were to share in the loot. 


On October 17 Bolivar ordered the execution of General Piar, 
an act of perfidy to the man who had made his career possible. 

On October 30 Bolivar formed a so-called government, and named 
Angostura as its capital, every member, of course, being his own 

On December 12 General Zaraza, anti-royalist, on his way from 
Belen to unite with Bolivar, was attacked at Hogaza by General 
Latorre, royalist, with 1700 soldiers. Zaraza's division was destroyed, 
with a loss of 1200 killed, 1000 rifles, 1000 horses, 3 cannon, and all 
supplies. The Spaniards lost 200 in killed and wounded. 

On December 31 Bolivar, with 29 boats and a convoy, embarked 
for Urbana, reuniting all his army. 

1818. On January 22 Bolivar joined General Paez at San Juan 
de Payara. He now had 2000 cavalrymen. 

On February 8 Bolivar and Paez prepared to attack the Spanish 
division under Morillo in Calabozo. 

On February 12 Morillo was surprised by Bolivar's troops, 
who killed 300 royalists, giving no quarter. Morillo retired to 

On February 16 Bolivar and Paez again attacked Morillo, at 
Sombrero, who lost 100 men, and then retired to Valencia, where he 
joined his main army. 

On March 6 General Paez, after several desperate assaults, com- 
pelled Commander Jose Maria Quero, royalist, to evacuate San 
Fernando. Quero was vigorously pursued by Paez, and after four 
bloody contests, compelled to surrender, with 174 men and 11 officers, 
all that remained alive out of 650 men. General Paez reported a 
loss of only 100 men. Twenty cannon, 665 rifles, 11 boats, and 
various other articles and supplies were also captured. 

On March 5 Bolivar started from San Pablo, with 1200 men, for 
Victoria, which he made his headquarters, recruiting 500 men on the 
march and overrunning the valleys. 

On March 13 Morillo, royalist, left Valencia on a flying campaign. 

On March 14 he dispersed the anti-royalist cavalry of Zaraza in 
Cabrera, and the following day did the same to the force under Gen- 
eral Monagas in Maracay. 

On March 16 Morillo encountered Bolivar, with 2000 soldiers, on 
the plains of La Puerto. Bolivar lost 400 men killed, 500 or 600 
wounded, 500 rifles, and a large quantity of stores. Morillo was 
dangerously wounded. 

On March 19 the remnants of Bolivar's troops reunited in Rastro, 
and retired to Calabozo, where they could rely upon the aid of Paez 
and his llaneros. 

On March 26 Bolivar attacked Brigadier Latorre in Ortiz, but 
after heavy losses on both sides he retired to San Pablo. Bolivar now 
went through the country, forcing every peon into his army. 

VOL. i 3 


On March 31 he turned over to General Paez 2000 men, and by 
April 8 had raised 600 more by recruiting. 

On April 17 an attempt was made to assassinate Bolivar, in a 
place called Rincon de los Toros. 

On April 18 Lieutenant-Colonel Rafael Lopez, royalist, attacked 
Bolivar near Rincon de los Toros, killing 300 of his men and captur- 
ing 400 rifles and nearly all his supplies. Bolivar again narrowly 
escaped with his life. He was entirely deserted, and travelled on foot 
with the enemy all around him. A peon soldier, Leonardo Infante, 
gave Bolivar his horse, on which the Jefe Supremo managed to 

On May 2 Latorre, royalist, with 4000 men, gave battle to Gen- 
eral Paez on the plains of Onoto, near Cojede. Paez lost 200 killed 
and a large number of wounded, and was compelled to retire to Apure. 

On May 20 General Cedeno, anti-royalist, was attacked by 
Brigadier Morales at Los Patos, six miles from Calabozo, and was 
seriously defeated, being able to save but 200 men. In less than one 
month the anti-royalists in the immediate vicinity had lost over 
1300 men. 

On June 7 Bolivar, with the broken remnants of his dispirited 
troops, a handful of men, arrived at Angostura. Nearly the entire 
country was in the control of the royalists. Not satisfied with fight- 
ing the common enemy, the anti-royalist Jefes fought among 

On May 1 Bermudez, under orders of Bolivar, who had not yet 
had enough of defeat, started with 800 men for Aragua, with the inten- 
tion of overcoming General Marino, Bolivar's ancient rival. Gen- 
eral Bermudez made certain demands, as directed by Bolivar, upon 
General Marino, with which the latter refused to comply. The 
former took a position at the port of La Madera, six miles from 

On May 30 General Bermudez was attacked by Brigadier Tomas 
de Cires, Governor of the province, and nearly all his men killed. 
This attack was made at the instance of General Marino, whom Ber- 
mudez had threatened. General Marino thereupon established him- 
self at Cumanacoa, and the two Supreme Chiefs were at daggers 

At this point Bolivar, driven to desperation and realizing that he 
could not shoot Marino, as he had Piar, exercised a common-sense 
greater than it was supposed he had. He compromised with Marino. 
The latter was made General Commander of the province of Cumana, 
and he agreed to recognize Bolivar as Jefe Supremo. A movement 
was also inaugurated to make General Paez Jefe Supremo of the 
Republic, but without his consent. 

Guerrilla attacks were made by both sides in all parts of Vene- 
zuela, and a condition of anarchy prevailed. 


On August 26 an expedition left Angostura, headed by Francisco 
de Paula Santander, under orders of Bolivar, to reclute and organize 
men at Casanare, where there were scattered troops with 1200 

On August 25 General Bermudez and Captain Brion, with 100 
men and several vessels, defeated the royalists near Guira, taking 
8 boats, 100 rifles, and some supplies. 

On September 13 General Bermudez, with 200 men, was de- 
feated by the royalists near Rio Caribe, and compelled to flee to 

In October General Marino, who had recluted 1150 infantry with 
350 cavalry and 41 artillery, in the province of Cumana, attacked 
the royalists in Cariaco, but was severely defeated, losing 370 killed 
and several hundred prisoners. This was the last important fight of 
the year, a year of disaster from beginning to end for the anti- 

On October 1 Bolivar opened a so-called Congress, every mem- 
ber of which was appointed by himself, and convened it to meet 
in Angostura, on January 1, 1819, for the purpose of forming a 

On November 20 this Congress issued a declaration of inde- 
pendence, to the effect that Venezuela, by human and divine right, 
was free and independent. 

On December 21 Bolivar left Angostura with a convoy of 20 ves- 
sels, and united with General Paez at San Juan de Payara. 


1819. On January 23 Bolivar was notified of the arrival of a bat- 
talion of English soldiers at Margarita, to aid the flagging fortunes 
of the anti-royalists. His agents in England had contracted for these 
mercenaries, promising to pay "each man $80 per man on enlist- 
ment, and $500 each at the conclusion of the war." Of course none 
of the money was ever paid; but the promise secured him several 
thousand men. 

On January 24 General Morillo, royalist, arrived at Calabozo. 

On January 30 Morillo drove the anti-royalists out of San Fer- 
nando, when they retired to San Juan de Payara. Morillo had 6500 
men, and the anti-royalists 2000. 

On February 4 Morillo, who had taken possession of San Juan de 
Payara, took the passes of Marrero and Caujaral, which although 
fortified were abandoned without resistance. As the anti-royalist 
army fled before the Spaniards, it was accompanied by about 10,000 
men, women, and children the men being mostly infirm from age 
or disease who lived like wild beasts in the woods for fear of the 


Spanish soldiers, or, to speak more correctly, of the Venezuelan 
soldiers who were fighting for the royalist cause. 

On February 20 General Morillo established himself in the island 
of Achaguas. Here he learned of the arrival of the English troops. 
He issued a proclamation declaring the anti-royalists bandits and 
asking the Englishmen to join his ranks. 

On February 15 Bolivar's Congress met in Angostura. He se- 
lected his faithful subordinate, Francisco Antonio Zea, as President. 
Bolivar now unfolded magnificent schemes of government, with con- 
stitutions, departments, and all those appurtenances which belong 
to a great nation. There were 26 of these swarthy deputies, just 
23 more than the "Tailors of Tooley Street." 

Bolivar made a hair-raising, brain-fagging address, placing his 
resignation as Jefe Supremo into the hands of this "august popular 
assembly," and offering to serve in any capacity, however menial. 
This Congress was made up exclusively of colonels, generals, etc., 
who were extreme partisans of Bolivar, and each of them with a 
picture of the cadaver of Piar firmly impressed upon his memory. 
Of course they refused to accept the "resignation." Zea delivered 
a brilliant speech, undoubtedly written for him by Bolivar, after which 
Bolivar was unanimously elected President, and Zea Vice-President. 
This mock government sent two emissaries to England to raise a loan. 
They had already stolen, robbed, or confiscated everything the poor 
people of Venezuela had, and stood in need of ready cash, but they 
did not get it that time. 

On February 27 Bolivar and Paez made attacks on the royalists 
on the right of the Arauca, but suffered loss. For several weeks heavy 
guerrilla fights took place almost daily. 

Juan Gomez defeated a royalist squadron in Totumo. Colonel 
Cornelio Munoz was defeated by 400 royalists at a ranch called Sarero. 

On March 27 Colonel Jose Pereira defeated a squadron of troops 
under Bolivar. 

On April 2 General Paez, with 151 men, passed the Arauca in 
Queseras del Medio, and attacked the Spaniards, defeating them 
with severe loss. 

On April 11 Morillo, royalist, returned to Achaguas. 

On May 2 Morillo left 600 men at San Fernando and returned 
to Calabozo. He had lost 1000 men in four months and had accom- 
plished nothing. 


Bolivar had sent, some time before, a commission to Nueva Gra- 
nada, to interview the revolutionary elements there, and Colonel Lara 
returned as representative of the commission, informing Bolivar that 
the time was ripe for a revolt in that country. On this the Supreme 


Chief secretly arranged to start on this expedition, which he hoped to 
have ready by the 20th or 25th of May. 

Urdaneta was sent by Bolivar to Margarita to organize the foreign 
troops there, 1200 Englishmen and 300 Germans, but he encoun- 
tered great difficulty in dealing with the men. They had received their 
advance payment of $80 each from Bolivar's agent in the coin with 
which Latin-American Dictators have been and still are accustomed 
to pay their debts that is, in wind, moonshine, hot air and they 
were dissatisfied and mutinous. Urdaneta also had trouble with 
Arismendi, the man who had joined with Piar in recalling Bolivar from 
Hayti. Urdaneta wanted 500 soldiers for what appeared to Aris- 
mendi to be a wild-goose chase of Bolivar into Colombia, and Aris- 
mendi refused to furnish them. To settle the dispute Arismendi was 
made prisoner and sent to Guayana. 

On July 15 General Urdaneta sailed for Barcelona, which he 
attacked on the 17th, defeating the Spanish garrison, killing 200 men, 
and scattering the entire population to the tall grass. 

On August 5 Urdaneta, having been reinforced by 300 men under 
Colonel Montes, attacked the royalists at the port of Bordones, some 
five miles from Cumana, but was defeated, losing 150 men. 

On August 9 Urdaneta determined on a march to Maturin, a 
long distance, through rain and mud. He had no supplies, and for 
days at a time the Venezuelan soldiers had nothing to eat except a 
piece of a stalk of sugar cane. Horse meat was considered a rare and 
juicy viand. The English and German mercenaries did not like this 
food, and they had not as yet received their $80. They deserted in 
large numbers, the Venezuelan troops attempting to restrain them by 
force. Some sanguinary fights ensued as a consequence. 

On August 20 Urdaneta arrived at Maturin with only a few men ; 
the others had either died on the way or deserted. 

In the mean time General Bermudez, anti-royalist, had made a 
disastrous retreat from Barcelona to the province of Cumana, har- 
assed by the royalist Colonel Pereira, and suffering great losses in 
numerous guerrilla fights. 

On August 15 Bolivar's Congress at Angostura gave birth to 
one of the numerous progeny known in Latin America as "constitu- 
tions." It also decreed the sale of 500 square leagues, or 4500 square 
miles, of public lands, and authorized the President to get a loan of 
$3,000,000, if he could. It also ordered to be seized and confiscated 
all the real estate, personal property, money, or other things of value 
owned by any Spaniard in Venezuela, or by any Venezuelan or other 
person sympathizing with the royalist cause. Why the pretended 
Congress should "authorize" Bolivar and his chiefs is not clearly 
seen, since they had been doing these things habitually without the 

On May 25 Bolivar marched for Guadualito, where he left Gen- 


era! Paez with 1000 cavalry, with which to scour the province of 
Barinas, making the Apure River his base. With the rest of his army 
Bolivar continued to Casanare, where he arrived on June 11, the van- 
guard being under General Santander. 

On June 25 Bolivar and Santander arrived at Pore, with 2500 
effective men, about 500 of whom were English and Germans still 
hoping to receive their $80 apiece. 

On July 11 the divisions of Santander and Anzoategui, under 
Bolivar, fought eight hours, at Gameza, with 1000 royalists, under 
Colonel Barreiro, with heavy losses to both sides, and no important 
advantage to either. 

Bolivar now left the valley of Sogamoso and passed to that of 
Serinza. In Nueva Granada, high up in the mountains, his troops 
suffered greatly from the cold. They were accustomed to the warm 
temperature of the Orinoco, and in these high regions, where there 
was incessant rain, 100 of his men and all his horses died from the 
cold. But the inhabitants were friendly, and they gave supplies 

On July 25 Bolivar's forces encountered the royalist troops under 
Barreiro at a marsh called Vargas, near the Sogamoso River, and an 
all-day battle resulted, in which the royalists were worsted. Bar- 
reiro's men showed no enthusiasm in the fight. 

On August 5 Bolivar, after a series of rapid manoeuvres, in which 
he completely outgeneralled Barreiro, took the important city of Tun ja, 
making its garrison prisoners. He also captured 600 rifles, large 
stores, and supplies, and was received by the inhabitants with every 
demonstration of enthusiasm. 


On August 7 was fought the important battle of Boyaca. Bar- 
reiro, with 2500 men, was endeavoring to outflank Bolivar, and cut 
him off from Bogota. Bolivar, with 2000 men, contested the move- 
ment. On this day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, as Barreiro at- 
tempted to cross the bridge over the river Boyaca, he was attacked 
by Bolivar's entire force, the left under Santander, and the right and 
centre under Anzoategui. Barreiro and most of his officers and 1600 
men were taken prisoners, although there were only 100 men killed 
in the fight. The Spaniards lost all their artillery, arms, ammunition, 
and supplies. 

There was nothing now to prevent Bolivar from capturing Bogota. 

This battle illustrates the strange freaks of fortune. It turned the 
tide in favor of Bolivar, who for years had met nothing but misfortune. 
A man with less of the frenzy of insanity, or its allied disease, ambition, 
would have given up the struggle long ago. In Venezuela, where the 
merciless massacres of prisoners and non-combatants by Bolivar was 


well known, the royalists fought like demons. They knew that to 
be captured meant to be murdered. In the face of this desperate 
fighting Bolivar had been driven from the arena of Venezuela three 
different times. At the moment he projected his campaign across the 
Cordilleras he had been discredited and beaten in dozens of bloody 
conflicts. Doubtless his military career in Venezuela would have 
been more fortunate had he not aroused such implacable hatred by 
his "war to the death." At the same time he knew nothing of strat- 
egy ; he was not a military man in any real meaning of the term ; he 
was guiltless of common-sense in the prosecution of his campaigns; 
and the real battles up to that date had been fought, and the real 
victories won, by Generals Marino, Paez, Piar, Urdaneta, Bermudez, 
Arismendi, and by many colonels and local chiefs, in their eternal 
guerrilla fights. 

In this situation Bolivar's plan to invade Nueva Granada would 
seem to be the dream of a madman, not the project of a prudent 
commander. No sooner had he left Venezuela than the generals 
met, and resolved to oust him from his position as President, or 
Jefe Supremo, and appoint General Marino in his stead. These 
generals condemned Bolivar for having left the soil of Venezuela, and 
they all recognized that he was half crazy and all scoundrel. Holding 
Bolivar in light esteem, they instinctively realized that they needed 
some one among them who could read and write, who could get up 
pronunciamentos and constitutions and make frenzied speeches. 
It was on this plane that Bolivar outclassed them all. 

If Bolivar had been defeated in his campaign into Nueva Granada, 
it would seem that his career would have ended, the Venezuelan 
generals were not loyal to him, and he had shot or imprisoned his own 
best friends. And he would have been defeated and driven out of 
Nueva Granada but for one thing, the royalist soldiers did not 
want to fight. They had not heard of Bolivar's assassination of 
prisoners in Venezuela ; they regarded him as a great liberator ; the 
Spaniards in Colombia had been committing nameless atrocities, rul- 
ing all parts of the country like tyrants ; their own soldiers were dis- 
loyal. Bolivar received the full benefit of this disaffection. The 
battle of Boyaca was merely an afternoon lawn-tennis game in com- 
parison with dozens of the horrible conflicts on the plains of Venezuela. 
Yet on its result hung the destiny of Bolivar; and in its effects upon 
the cause of independence it may be classed as one of the five most 
important engagements fought in South America. 



ON August 8, 1819, like a flash of lightning from a clear sky came 
the news of Boyaca to the startled Viceroy Samano and the 
Spanish authorities at Bogota. Panic-stricken, they laid their 
hands on whatever they could, and fled, leaving 700,000 pesos in coin 
hidden in the treasury building, which was delivered to Bolivar upon 
his arrival. 

On August 10 Bolivar arrived and took possession of Bogota, 
the garrison of 450 men having fled to Popayan, and was received 
with acclamations of joy by the people. He took possession of the 
government, and at once appointed a comision de secuestros, that is, 
a body for the purpose of confiscating the property and everything of 
value belonging to the royalists or persons supposed to sympathize 
with them. 

On October 11 Bolivar, through Santander, ordered the execu- 
tion of Colonel Barreiro and 38 officers taken prisoners at Boyaca, 
and of such soldiers as refused to join his own army. Most of them 
joined cheerfully. Their chances for loot under Bolivar were better 
than under the Spaniards. 

On September 11 Bolivar issued a decree selecting General 
Santander as Vice-President of Colombia, he himself, of course, 
being President, and at the same time stated that Venezuela and 
Colombia were to be united in one Republic. He continued the 
"war to the death" in Colombia, murdering many prisoners and 
robbing thousands of families of their property. He had the Congress 
of Bogota decorate him with a cross of honor, called Boyaca. 
Extravagant, fanatical demonstrations, parades, balls, festivals, 
banquets, were held in his honor, and at one of them a body of 
senoritas decorated him with a laurel crown. Triumphal arches 
were erected, and the sickening adulation typical of Latin- American 
hero worship filled Bolivar's cup of joy to the brim. 

On September 20 Bolivar, with a considerable army, left San- 
tander in charge at Bogota, and returned to Venezuela, passing 
through the provinces of Tunja, Socorro, and Pamplona, where he 
recluted about 2000 men. 


On September 23 General Soublette, Bolivar's advance guard, 
fought with Latorre, royalist, with 1000 soldiers, at Rosario, without 
important result. Fighting and moving to gain position occupied 
several weeks, but in the end Latorre was compelled to retire, and 
Soublette occupied San Cristobal, and later united with General Paez 
at Mantecal. 

While Bolivar had been in Colombia, his enemies in Venezuela 
had asked for the resignation of his faithful follower, Vice-President 
Zea, and had taken General Arismendi from prison and made him 
Vice-President. The supreme military command was given to Gen- 
eral Marino. The patriots also experienced some severe fighting in 

On September 30 there was a fight between boats on the river 
Apure, in which the royalists lost 10 small boats and 80 men out of 
250 engaged, thereby being compelled to abandon San Fernando, 
which was at once occupied by General Paez. 

On November 20 Bolivar left La Salina de Chita, moving with 
great rapidity. He touched at Casanare, inspected the troops of Paez, 
and on December 11 arrived at Angostura, where he was received 
with a frenzy of acclaim. He now awaited the arrival of 5000 Irish 
troops, contracted by General Juan d'Evereux. 

In the mean time the 200 English soldiers, sent by Dr. del Real 
from England to MacGregor, had invaded Colombia, and were prac- 
tically all killed at Rio Hacha. 

On December 14 Bolivar reunited his Congress, with Zea as 
Vice-President. He gave a vivid account of his brilliant campaign, 
and issued a proclamation uniting Venezuela and Colombia, the rati- 
fication for which was made three days later by the Congress, 
after many pompous orations anent Liberty. Vice-President Zea 
declared the child born by shouting, "The Republic of Colombia is 
constituted : Live the Republic of Colombia ! " 

This paper Republic was divided into three departments, Ven- 
ezuela, Cundinamarca, and Quito. Caracas, Bogota, and Quito were 
designated as capitals. Congress also decorated Bolivar with the 
title of Libertador. 


At the opening of the campaign of 1820 Viceroy Samano occupied 
Cartagena, with 2000 men, and controlled the rivers Cauca and 
Magdalena. The Spanish Captain General of Quito had 3000 men, 
and General Morillo had about 12,000 soldiers in Venezuela. 

The anti-royalists had 3000 men under General Paez, about 
2500 in the armies in the northern part of Venezuela, and about 


2000 in other parts of Colombia. They held the Orinoco and the 
interior of both countries, while the Spaniards held the coasts. 

On March 14 Bolivar arrived once more at Bogota. He raised 
an army of 3000 slaves by taking them forcibly from their masters, 
who were given "promises to pay." 

On March 7 a strong anti-royalist expedition under Colonel 
Montilla, consisting of 14 vessels and 1300 soldiers, more than half 
of them Irishmen, left Margarita, and five days later arrived in front 
of Rio Hacha, Colombia, which was abandoned by the royalists. 
These Irish troops and their Venezuelan companions fought among 
themselves, the Irishmen claiming that they did not get enough 
to eat. 

On June 7 the new Spanish Constitution was proclaimed in 
Caracas, Cartagena, Cuba, and other colonies. Ferdinand VII of 
Spain, sitting unsteadily on his throne, found it impossible to de- 
spatch troops to the colonies. Twenty thousand of his soldiers in the 
Isla de Leon, designed for South America, mutinied. He did then 
what a monarch of sense would have done many years before, 
he granted a Constitution, but it was too late. 

Ferdinand VII directed Morillo, at Caracas, and his other gen- 
erals and viceroys, to obtain from the rebellious chiefs their recog- 
nition of this Constitution, agreeing that those revolutionary military 
Jefes and civil governors who would do this should continue under 
the new regime in the same grade in which they had served the 
revolution. A truce was to be declared at once. Morillo sent com- 
missioners to Angostura, and to Generals Paez, Bermudez, Zaraza, 
Cedefio, Rojas, Montes, Monagas, Montilla, setting forth the propo- 
sitions of Ferdinand VII and requesting a suspension of hostilities. 
Morillo's terms were rejected by the Congress of Angostura, which 
stated it would consider nothing short of complete independence. 
The several generals approached said they would refer the matter to 
the President. 

On July 7 Bolivar received the circular from Morillo, as well as 
a proposition for suspension of hostilities for one month from Field 
Marshal Miguel de Latorre. He agreed to the suspension of hostilities, 
but declared that the only basis of peace would be the "recognition of 
the Republic as an independent, free, and sovereign State." 

Early in August Bolivar made a rapid excursion along the Atlantic 
coast, as well as to Cucuta, Ocano, Mompos, Barranquilla, and Tur- 
baco. About this time also there was much desperate fighting in the 
vicinity of Cartagena, Rio Hacha, and other points in Colombia. 

On October 22 General Monagas, anti-royalist, with 1000 infantry 
and 200 cavalry, attacked Saint Just at Barcelona, and the royalists 
were forced to retire. 

On September 23 an uprising took place among the royalist troops 
in Cumana, and in Carupano and Cariaco the day following. These 


were aided by anti-royalists, who succeeded in taking possession of 
this entire province. 

On September 21 Bolivar arrived at San Cristoval, whence he sent 
a commissioner to Morillo urging that the Spaniards recognize inde- 
pendence and so end the war. 

On October 2 Bolivar, with 5000 men, occupied Merida, and in a 
week's time took possession of the provinces of Merida and Trujillo. 

On October 20 Colonel Reyes Vargas, royalist, who commanded 
in Carora, deserted the Spanish cause, and with his troops went over 
to Bolivar. 

In the latter part of October Morillo sent three commissioners 
to meet Bolivar, to arrange an armistice, but they failed to meet 


On November 3 Bolivar sent three commissioners to meet Morillo, 
stating that he desired to make a treaty, truly "sacred," which should 
"govern the war and free it from the horrors and crimes which were 
committed in it." In short, he "proposed the cessation of war to the 
death which had been made up to that date, although it was certain 
that now it was not made with the same fury as in the first years." 

Bolivar had proclaimed "war to the death," first at Merida, on 
June 8, 1813 ; later at Trujillo, on June 15, 1813. In the latter decree 
he had stated that every Spaniard who refused or failed to take up 
arms actively in support of the revolution should be " irremisiblemente 
pasado por las armas" "irrevocably condemned to death." 

Seven years and five months of murders, horrors, cruelties, assas- 
sinations, outrages, infamies, robberies, incendiarism, anarchy, crime, 
villany, diabolism, and hellishness unspeakable over the whole 
northern half of the great continent and still our Boston professors 
call Bolivar the "Washington of South America"! 

On November 25 Bolivar's commissioners signed an armistice 
with the commissioners sent by Morillo, at Carache, the headquarters 
of the "Liberator." The terms called for a six months' truce; com- 
missioners were to be appointed to form a treaty definitely to end the 
war, failing which forty days' notice was to be given by each side be- 
fore beginning any act of hostility; prisoners were to be exchanged 
and humanely treated ; and neither side was to reinforce or strengthen 
itself in the interim. It was agreed that the burning and pillage of 
cities should cease, that deserters found in the ranks of the other side 
should not be executed, and that cadavers lying unburied (of which 
there were tens of thousands in all parts of the country) should be 
interred or cremated. 

On November 27 Generals Morillo and Bolivar met in the par- 
ish of Santana, midway between Trujillo and Carache, with their 


respective aide-de-camps. They embraced each other, like long-lost 
brothers, dined, made speeches, and held a general jubilation. 
Benedetti says: 

" Continuing the gallantries, Morillo proposed that in the place where 
they had embraced there should be erected a pyramid, on the base of which 
should be engraved the names of the commissioners of Colombia and Spain 
who had concluded the treaty putting an end to the war to the death, and that 
the first stone should be conducted there by those who had ratified and ap- 
proved the treaty [himself and Bolivar]. The idea was caught up with en- 
thusiasm ; the Liberator and General Morillo carried an angular stone, which 
should be the corner-stone of the pyramid, between the two of them, to the 
designated place, and over it they embraced again, reiterating their protests 
to rigorously comply with the treaty whose celebration had been made in that 
point ; and Morillo added then to the proposal which was agreed to, that both 
the governments of Colombia and Spain should designate engineers who 
should be charged with the erection of the work. 

"But, like every other project in Colombia, the said pyramid remained 
merely a project ; it was never carried to a reality ; and the desire to execute 
it passed with the general armistice for six months, upon the commencement 
of the war again, although not to the death." 

I am not able to divert from my mind the thought that the Latin 
Americans, even the greatest of them, are silly, frivolous, treacherous, 
irresponsible ; even the sight of Bolivar and Morillo hugging each other 
over an angular stone is not able to modify this disagreeable impression. 

On December 22 Bolivar set out from San Cristoval for Bogota. 
He left General Urdaneta, with 5000 men, on the right bank of the 
river Santo Domingo between Barinas and Trujillo; General Paez, 
with 4000 troops, mostly cavalry, covered the right of the river Apure 
from its mouth to the Santo Domingo ; General Bermudez, with 3000 
men, stood on the right of the river Unare covering the provinces of 
Barcelona and Cumana and part of the plains of Caracas. 

In the latter part of this year Zea, Vice-President, was sent as com- 
missioner to England to raise funds and equipment. About 5800 
English and 300 German soldiers had been contracted for employ- 
ment in the revolutionary armies. Of course the payments promised 
to these soldiers had never been made, nor had any money been paid 
for arms and supplies purchased on the good faith of Bolivar's 
"government." These debts in England amounted now to 731,762 
sterling, for which Zea gave certificates purporting to draw 10 
per cent interest. 


1821. On January 5, Bolivar arrived in Bogota. Here he re- 
ceived a Spanish commissioner from Caracas, at whose instance 


commissioners were sent to Spain for the purpose of making a 
treaty of peace. 

Notwithstanding that an armistice had been signed for six months, 
Bolivar occupied himself in furnishing supplies to the revolutionists 
of Quito and Peru, and his own generals everywhere went on recluting, 
and attacking detached squads of Spanish troops, just the same as if 
no armistice existed. They began the siege of Cartagena, and wrested 
almost the entire coast of Colombia from the Spaniards, under cover 
of this treaty, before the Spanish generals realized their treachery. 
At Maracaibo the anti-royalists had an understanding with General 
Urdaneta that they would proclaim independence and rely upon his 
troops to aid them. 

On January 28 the officials of Maracaibo declared the inde- 
pendence of the province and united it to Colombia. 

On January 29 Colonel Heras, with a battalion of tir adores, under 
orders of General Urdaneta, went to Maracaibo and took possession 
of it. Urdaneta notified Marshal Latorre, royalist, of these facts, and 
the latter at once demanded that the anti-royalist troops be taken 
away from Maracaibo, in compliance with the armistice. Bolivar, 
who had returned to Cucuta, replied to Latorre that as Maracaibo 
had made itself independent of Spain, the Colombian troops in occu- 
pying that place had not occupied Spanish territory, and therefore had 
not violated the armistice, which, he alleged, did not prohibit Colom- 
bia from taking under its flag people who might apply for protection. 
He concluded by demanding that Latorre should deliver to Colombia 
the armory of Cucuta and the provinces of Maracaibo and Rio Hacha, 
and threatened that if his demands were refused he would commence 
hostilities again within forty days. 

Marshal Latorre replied to Bolivar, that his demands were incon- 
ceivable, and entirely unexpected in view of the negotiations for the 
termination of hostilities. He thereupon notified Bolivar that hostili- 
ties would commence on April 28. Both sides now forgot all about the 
hugging episode between Bolivar and Morillo over the angular stone, 
and made ready again for their customary pastime of throat-cutting. 

On April 20, eight days ahead of the game, Colonel Candamo, roy- 
alist, with 300 men, was completely destroyed by Colonel Lara, with 
about the same number, at Lorica, in Colombia, and war broke out 
in all parts of Colombia, in Guayaquil and Venezuela. 

On April 28 General Urdaneta, anti-royalist, took possession of 
Altagracia, a few miles across the lake from Maracaibo. 

On May 11 Coro declared its independence, the royalist troops 
blowing up their powder magazine and running away. Desperate 
guerrilla warfare ravaged this province, and, in fact, the whole of 

General Bermudez in the mean time, with 800 men, had completely 
destroyed 250 royalists near Guapo, at the hacienda Chuspita. 


Colonel Jose Maria Monagas, royalist, came from Caracas, and 
attacked Bermudez, with 500 men, near Guatire, but was defeated, 
losing 1 officer and 66 men killed. 

On May 14 General Bermudez occupied Caracas, with 700 men. 
It had been abandoned by the royalist Colonel Ramon Correa, who 
retired to the valley of Aragua. Caracas was almost deserted, its few 
remaining inhabitants having taken to the woods at the sight of their 
" liberators." 

General Bermudez pursued Correa at once and attacked him at 
Consejo. Correa had only 700 men, and as he was outnumbered and 
taken by surprise, he was completely defeated, and his troops either 
killed or dispersed. 

On May 24, in the highlands of Cocuisas, General Bermudez was 
attacked by 2000 royalist soldiers, under Morales. The battle lasted 
all day, without decided advantage to either side. During the night 
General Bermudez retreated. 

On May 26 General Morales, royalist, took possession of Caracas 
without resistance, Bermudez retreating to Guarenas. 

On May 30 General Bermudez was reinforced with 400 men under 
Arismendi, and shortly after received 300 from Colonel Avendano, 
and 500 from Colonel Macero from the valley of Tuy. He now 
assumed the offensive. He sent Colonel Macero with 500 men to 
attack Colonel Ramon Avoy, royalist, but Macero was defeated near 
Santa Lucia, and lost 300 men. 

On June 15 General Bermudez attacked the royalist Pereira at 
Santa Lucia, and dislodged him, although Bermudez lost 200 men to 
Pereira's 100 in killed and wounded. 

A few days later, Pereira fought Colonel Cora, anti-royalist, at 
Dos Caminos, and defeated him. 

General Bermudez, with 1200 men, now attacked Pereira, in the 
heights of Calvario, to the west of Caracas, and although the royalists 
were inferior in numbers, they almost completely destroyed Ber- 
mudez's army, the loss in killed, wounded, and deserted being about 
1050 out of a total of 1200. 

On June 20 Bolivar left San Carlos, with 6000 men, to meet 
Latorre, who had an almost equal force. 

On June 24 Bolivar attacked the troops of Latorre at Carabobo. 
General Paez with his llaneros executed a flank movement, but was 
driven back by the right wing of Latorre's army. Bolivar had here 
1000 English soldiers, whose desperate fighting saved the day for the 
anti-royalist arms. The Spaniards who were pursuing Paez were 
driven back by the British soldiers by means of a desperate fire. The 
Englishmen ran out of ammunition, however, and were compelled 
to attack the Spaniards with bayonets. Seven bloody charges were 
made, and the Spaniards, though they outnumbered the Englishmen 
four to one, could not withstand the attacks and fled in disorder, 


whereupon Paez and his llaneros rode over them in a pell-mell charge 
and scattered them in panic. The English mercenaries have never 
received proper credit for the work they did at this battle ; in fact, they 
were treated like dogs by Bolivar, and despised by his soldiers. While 
these events transpired, Bolivar attacked the battalion of Valencey 
in the rear with artillery, and in a short time it retreated in confusion, 
large numbers of the soldiers fleeing to the woods. The actual battle 
did not last much over an hour, and the anti-royalists had no more 
than 3500 men in action, although they had 6000 men on the field. 
Their losses did not exceed 200 men. The Spaniards retreated to 
Puerto Cabello, where they arrived with something over 4000 men, 
their losses in killed, wounded, and deserted being between 1500 and 
2000. This battle, apparently no different from any one of a hundred 
others as regards its magnitude or the number killed, was in fact one 
of the decisive engagements of South American independence. The 
power of Spain had been broken in Europe and elsewhere. The 
psychological moment in military matters had arrived, so that no great 
victory was needed effectually to discredit Spain in Venezuela. Pe- 
reira, who had signally defeated Bermudez at Calvario, in the confines 
of Caracas, fearing to measure arms with Bolivar, left in hot haste 
for Puerto Cabello, but, afraid also to meet Bolivar in the road, 
returned to La Guayra. 

On June 29 Bolivar entered Caracas. 

On July 3 Pereira surrendered to Bolivar his troops, to the 
number of 700 men. Of these 500 at once entered the army of 

On July 11 Escalona, the anti-royalist Governor of Coro, was 
attacked by 800 royalists at Cumarebo, but after a whole day's 
battle defeated them. 

On August 8 Escalona was attacked by 2000 royalists, under 
Colonel Tello, but succeeded in winning a second victory, although 
he had greatly inferior numbers. Tello fled to Puerto Cabello, and a 
number of important royalist guerrilla chiefs, with their men, went 
over to the other side. 

On August 22 Latorre tried to escape from Puerto Cabello, but 
lost two companies in a battle with Colonel Manrique, and was com- 
pelled to return. 

On September 2 the commissioners sent by Bolivar to Spain to 
treat for peace were expelled from the country. The Corte had heard 
of the revolution in Maracaibo during the armistice, and claimed it to 
be an act of bad faith. 

On October 16 Cumana was surrendered, with 800 men, by the 
royalist Colonel Jose Caturla to General Bermudez. The latter 
had only a short time before seized San Carlos, and captured 400 
royalist troops. 

On November 10 General Latorre, royalist, sent General 


Morales, with 800 picked men, in eight boats to attack La Guayra, 
where he lost one boat. He then sailed for Catu, where he dis- 
embarked 600 men, and marched upon Ocumare, sacking the town. 
He then returned to Puerto Cabello. 

At the same time General Latorre sent 500 men under Colonel 
Tomas Garcia to make an attack on Valencia, but, meeting resistance 
at Naguanagua, the troops returned. 

In Coro Colonel Justo Briceno, anti-royalist, reunited 1100 in- 
fantry and 200 cavalry, and took possession of La Vela de Coro and 
the city of Coro, after two combats with Manuel Carrera, a royalist 
guerrilla chief. 

After several months of guerrilla fighting in the peninsula of Para- 
guana, the anti-royalist Colonel Francisco Gil was driven out in 
September. The royalist guerrilla Colonel Carrera, in the moun- 
tains of San Luis, defeated the anti-royalist chief Vargas, and com- 
pelled him to retreat into the valley of Baragua ; and when Escobar, 
another anti-royalist guerrilla, was sent against him with reinforce- 
ments, Can-era was again victorious, and drove his antagonist to 

At the end of September Carrera, with 500 men, attacked the 
anti-royalist colonel, who had only 130 soldiers, at Coro; but 
the latter were in houses and behind walls, well protected, and with 
four pieces of artillery they succeeded in defeating the royalist 

On November 6, 500 anti-royalists, under Colonel Gomez, in 
Coro, were attacked by an equal number of men under Carrera. The 
battle lasted four days, when the anti-royalists were reinforced by 
200 men under Colonel Perez. They then assumed the offensive, and 
drove Carrera back into the mountains. 

On December 3 Bolivar ordered the execution, in Caracas, of 
Colonel Antonio Ramos, a royalist guerrilla chief, who with 60 men 
had been taken prisoners near Calabozo. Generals Latorre and 
Morales, royalists, upbraided Bolivar bitterly for this vile disregard 
of his solemn treaty to terminate the "war to the death " and to treat 
prisoners of war in a civilized manner. 

Guerrilla bands were now roving in all parts of Venezuela, 
operating on either side, murdering and robbing to their hearts' 

In the mean time a Congress had been held in Cucuta, which 
declared the union of Venezuela and Colombia; a constitution was 
adopted, and Bolivar elected President. 

The year 1821 ended with the Spaniards practically confined to 
Puerto Cabello, and part of the province of Coro, in Venezuela. 
Guayaquil had gained its independence the preceding year ; Panama 
declared its freedom in 1821, and Colombia was now almost free 
from Spanish control. 



The campaigns of great importance during this year were in Peru 
and Bolivia, where the chief interest is centred in the movements of 
San Martin and Sucre. 

On January 1 Bolivar arrived at Cali, and directed himself to the 
task of co-operating with Sucre and San Martin in driving the Span- 
iards out of those countries. He met San Martin in Guayaquil on 
July 26. The campaign in Venezuela, which was relatively unim- 
portant, was intrusted to his generals, under the direction of General 

On January 9 General Latorre, royalist, who had arrived from 
Puerto Cabello at Los Teques, near La Vela de Coro, with 1200 
veterans, occupied the city of Coro, and attacked the anti-royalist 
Colonel Juan Gomez, who had about 1000 men. After two battles 
he compelled the latter to capitulate. Latorre then recluted about 
1500 new soldiers among the inhabitants of Coro. 

On January 16 the royalist Colonel Lorenzo Morillo, with 900 
men, attacked Colonel Reyes Vargas, anti-royalist, who had 500 
men, in the valley of Baragua. The latter was completely surprised 
and lost every man he had, in killed, wounded, or deserted. Morillo 
then made a raid as far as Carora, taking much booty and 4000 head 
of cattle. 

Soublette, Bolivar's Director General, sent General Paez to pacify 
the western part of Venezuela. He had ample forces under his 

On February 23 General Paez arrived at Yaritagua, and Latorre 
ordered all his troops to retreat to Coro. Paez sent in his resignation 
from this place, saying that he, being superior in rank to Soublette, 
did not care to take orders from the latter. He was induced, however, 
to withdraw his resignation. Colonel Reyes Vargas, anti-royalist, 
now drove Morillo back into the interior of the province of Coro. 

On February 26 General Latorre, royalist, sent 200 soldiers from 
Puerto Cabello, to take possession of the heights of Vijirima, but they 
were destroyed by anti-royalists who, under Soublette's orders, were 
besieging Puerto Cabello. A similar fate met an equal body at Pan- 
tanero. The lines of the anti-royalists drew closer to the last strong- 
hold of the Spanish, and there were many bloody fights. 

Early in March, Brigadier Morales, royalist, took personal com- 
mand of the Spanish troops in the province, and forced Colonel Heras, 
anti-royalist, with 2000 soldiers, to retire from Altagracia, a position 
which protected Maracaibo. 

On April 17 Colonel Pinango, anti-royalist, under immediate 
orders of General Soublette, with 2000 infantry and 200 cavalry, 
attacked 500 royalists in Chipare, near Coro, under Colonel Tello, 
VOL. i4 


and killed 120 men, compelling the others to flee. Pinango then 
captured Coro. General Paez refused to take part in the campaign. 

On April 23 General Morales, royalist, from Altagracia, sent across 
the lake by sail-boat two expeditions against Maracaibo. One 
body of 220 men, under command of Captain Juan Ballesteros, dis- 
embarked at Hoyada, 3 miles from Maracaibo; the other of 600 
men, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Morillo, at Canada, about 18 
miles to the south of the city. General Morales now learned of Pin- 
ango 's movement against Coro. He therefore left his two columns on 
the west side of Maracaibo Lake, and with his main force returned to 
meet Pinango, who retired to Carora, and on May 9 reunited with 
General Soublette. The anti-royalist forces were greatly weakened 
by desertions, and had 700 men sick. 

On April 24 the column of 220 men, under Captain Ballesteros, 
was attacked by General Lino Clemente, anti-royalist commander 
of the State of Zulia. The fight occurred at the ranch of San Juan 
de Avila, and Ballesteros was compelled to surrender his force, after 
losing 47 killed. 

On May 4 the column under Morillo was captured in Perija by 
General Lino Clemente, there being 44 officers and 518 men taken 

On June 7 General Soublette, with 700 men, encountered the roy- 
alist General Morales, with 1200 men, in Dabajuro. General Soublette 
was defeated, losing 100 men killed and many prisoners, several of 
whom were treacherously assassinated by Morales, among them being 
Captains Telechea and Trainer, and sub-Lieutenant Velazco. 

On July 17 General Soublette, after having recluted 1000 infantry 
and 100 cavalry, united with an equal force in Juritiba, under a 
German colonel, Julio Augusto Reimboldt. 

On July 23 General Morales, finding himself greatly outnumbered 
by the opposing troops, embarked for Puerto Cabello from La Vela, 
with 700 soldiers, in the Spanish squadron, and sent the remainder 
of his army, 400 men, for the same destination, via Valencia. During 
the final part of his campaign in the province of Coro, General Mo- 
rales had committed unspeakable outrages, assassinating more than 
200 non-combatants and prisoners of war. 

On July 30 General Paez abandoned the siege of Puerto Cabello. 
He had 2000 men, but most of them were sick, and his bombardments 
of the fortress had accomplished nothing. Paez was ambitious to be 
Jefe Supremo, and was jealous of Soublette. He issued extraordinary 
orders, and was guilty of arbitrary and tyrannical practices. 

On August 11 General Morales, royalist, with 1800 men, ap- 
peared before Valencia, and after a fight with 500 men under Colonel 
Woodbury was compelled to retire, with a loss of 50 killed, the anti- 
royalists losing 74. 

On August 18 Morales returned to Puerto Cabello. 


Desperate guerrilla warfare continued in the province of Caracas 
and other places. 

On August 24 General Morales, with 14 vessels and 1200 men, 
arrived in Curo9ao, en route for Maracaibo. He had left Puerto 
Cabello, on this expedition, entirely without the knowledge of either 
Soublette or Paez. He remained twenty-four hours in Curo9ao, re- 
ceiving supplies from Spaniards there. 

On August 30 General Morales disembarked at Cojoro, in the 
port called Teta, in the Goajira peninsula, and marched at once for 

On September 4 General Morales, having crossed the river 
Sucuy near its junction with the Guasare, was attacked at midnight 
by Colonel Carlos Castelli, with 500 men, but after two hours of fight- 
ing the latter was compelled to retreat with a loss of 33 men. 

On September 6 General Morales had arrived at Salinarica, one 
day's march from Maracaibo, when he was attacked by General Lino 
Clemente, the anti-royalist commander of Zulia, with about 800 
men. General Clemente was overwhelmingly defeated, having 500 
men killed and wounded. He fled to Canada with hardly 300 men, 
leaving Maracaibo to the mercy of the Spaniards. 

On September 7 General Morales took possession of Maracaibo. 

On September 8 Morales demanded the capitulation of Fort San 
Carlos, which commands the entrance to Maracaibo Lake. It was 
commanded by Sergeant Major Natividad Villamil, with 300 infantry, 
37 artillerymen, 4 war-vessels, and ample provisions and supplies. 
As Morales had 1000 men with him, Villamil surrendered without a 
fight. Morales now became supreme on both shores of Maracaibo 
Lake and in the State of Zulia. 

Shortly after this, Pedro Valiente and Manuel Martinez, royalist 
guerrilla chiefs, operating in the provinces of Caracas, Guardatinajas, 
and Tiznados, destroyed a force under Manuel Perez, and committed 
serious depredations. 

General Soublette now decreed a forced loan of $300,000. 

On September 15 General Morales issued a decree stating that 
all foreigners in the service of the anti-royalists who should be taken 
prisoners would be condemned to death, this order was directed 
against the English and German mercenaries. 

On October 15 General Montilla, anti-royalist, arrived at Rio 
Hacha, Colombia, with 1500 men, supported by a fleet of boats under 
Colonel Jose Padilla, with the intention of marching upon Maracaibo, 
via Sinamaica. 

On November 3 Colonel Jose Sarda, with 1000 infantry and 150 
scouts and a body of artillerymen, under the general orders of Mon- 
tilla, took possession of Sinamaica, defeating the royalist garrison of 
two companies. 

On November 13 Colonel Sarda was attacked at Sinamaica by 


General Morales, royalist, who by rapid marches from Maracaibo, 
with 1800 infantry and 120 cavalry, had crossed the Rio Limon near 
where it is formed by the junction of the Sucuy and Guasare, and 
thence came upon Sarda from the rear, cutting him off from his base. 
Sarda was completely defeated, having 400 killed, losing 600 prisoners 
and all his equipage. Less than 300 men got back to Rio Hacha. Of 
one battalion of 228 soldiers, only 8 escaped ; another of 482 men lost 
393. The Spaniards lost 238 soldiers in killed and wounded. 

On November 26 General Morales, royalist, disembarked 1000 
men in Ancon, intending to invade the province of Coro. He also 
sent other forces to occupy Seibita and the coasts of Trujillo. 

On December 3 Morales arrived at Coro, and took possession of 
the town, the anti-royalists, 300 in number, under Colonel Torrellas, 
retiring to the mountains of San Luis. 

On December 5 Morales attacked Torrellas with superior forces, 
and after a whole day's fight compelled him to retreat, with the loss 
of his artillery. Owing to the darkness of the night, with a desperate 
storm raging, the royalists were unable to give effectual pursuit. 

On December 24 Morales, having left royalist governors in con- 
trol of Coro, returned to Maracaibo, and sailed with 1400 men to 
attack the anti-royalist General Clemente, who was in Gibraltar 
with 240 infantry. The latter retired to Motataco, where he united 
with Colonel Cruz Carrillo, with 60 infantry and 60 cavalry, and con- 
tinued the retreat to Carache. 

On December 28 General Morales occupied Trujillo. He left 
Calzada with the main army at Mendoza and continued to Merida 
with 500 men, leaving a garrison of only 26 men in Trujillo. 

With these events ended the military campaign of 1822 in Ven- 
ezuela. The warlike operations of real importance were being carried 
on in Quito, Peru, Chile, and what is now Bolivia. The decisive 
victory of Pichincha had been won in that territory by Sucre. 


The light and airy way in which Venezuela and Colombia plunge 
themselves into debt, with no intention of ever paying up, is displayed 
at the very outset of their existence. It has already been noted how 
their agents enlisted English and German soldiers, promising pay- 
ments which were never made. 

In 1821 Zea, Bolivar's Vice-President, had been sent as a com- 
missioner to London to procure funds and arrange for extension of 
time on the debts already owing there. He had issued debentures 
drawing 10 per cent interest, and in this manner compromised with 
the creditors. But the interest had never been paid on them, nor had 


pajTnents been made for large quantities of supplies. To meet these 
obligations, Zea negotiated, in February, 1822, with Messrs. Herring, 
Graham & Pawles, debentures to the amount of 140,000 sterling, 
at 65 J per cent of their face value, which produced .91,712 sterling, 
it being proposed to pay debts, interest, and buy needed supplies with 
this money. Zea now contracted a loan in Paris of 2,000,000 sterling, 
issuing debentures at 80 per cent of their face value. These deben- 
tures purported to draw 6 per cent interest. This loan also was 
effected through Herring, Graham & Pawles, on March 13, they 
receiving 2 per cent commission for procuring the loan, 2^ per cent for 
paying the interest on former debentures, and 1 per cent for attending 
to the amortization. These debentures were to fall due in 1849. 

In the mean time the Congress in Cucuta learned that Zea was 
obtaining these loans, and it promptly revoked his power of attorney, 
and sent Jose Rafael Revenga to Europe to take charge of this de- 
partment. Zea was living like a millionaire, and spending money as 
though it grew on trees. Some things, however, he did buy for the 
Republic. The vessel Zafiro with 28 cannon arrived at La Guayra 
in November, and, a short time later, the Mosquito, a brigantine 
with 20 cannon. After having bought these boats, as a result of his 
deals in debentures, the Republic declared that the debentures were 
illegal, and that Zea had acted without authority. When the vessels 
arrived, the authorities of the anti-royalists received them, and 
valued them to suit themselves, and said they would pay for them in 
cash in the future. Revenga, the new commissioner, was locked 
up in jail in England, Mackintosh and Lopez Mendez claiming that 
he had defrauded them out of 90,000 sterling. 

It seems strange that business men of any sense would advance 
money or goods under such circumstances to such a people. This is 
one case to which the doctrine of caveat emptor might very properly 
be made to apply. 


On the 2d of January "Congress" met in Bogota, representing 
the federation of Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador. Heavy insur- 
rections existed in all parts of the countries named, and guerrilla 
fights were too numerous to mention. Groups of 50 or 100 men, or 
even 200, sallied forth from mountain towns or inaccessible places. 
In Mantecal, in Bajo Apure, guerrillas flew a black flag, declaring 
"death to the whites"; but the principal Venezuelan generals cen- 
sured this movement, and General Paez finally induced these chiefs 
to modify their savage decrees. A similar war against the "whites" 
was instituted in the towns of Guayana and Santa Cruz, in the province 
of Cumana, where 200 fanatical half-breeds defied the authority of 


General Bermudez, anti-royalist commander, and instituted a war 
of extermination against persons of white skins. General Bermu- 
dez subdued them, and shot about 15 of them, after taking them 

A rebellion also broke out against anti-royalist authority in San 
Juan de la Cienaga, Santa Marta, and at many other points. 

On January 4 General Clemente captured the garrison of 
Trujillo. He united with 600 infantry and 100 cavalry, commanded 
by Torrellas, and they followed Morales to Carache. Calzado, fearing 
to encounter Clemente, embarked his forces at Gibraltar for Mara- 
caibo, leaving Morales to look out for himself. 

On January 8 Morales took possession of Merida, which had only 
a small garrison of anti-royalists, under Governor Paredes. He, 
however, soon returned to Maracaibo, after many skirmishes, his 
total loss in the campaign being 200 men. 

On February 10 General Morales, the energetic royalist com- 
mander at Maracaibo, sent 600 men, under Colonel Narciso Lopez, 
via Perija, to aid the counter-revolution in San Juan de la Cienaga. 

On the same day he sent 400 men, under Colonel Antonio Lopez 
de Mendoza, via the Goajira peninsula, with the same object. 

On March 10 General Montilla, anti-royalist, who had been in 
Santa Marta, united with General Sarda at Rio Hacha. The Span- 
iards had taken Fonseca. Colonel Carmona, with 700 men, was de- 
tached by the anti-royalist general for the purpose of attacking 
Mendoza, and the latter commenced a retreat to Maracaibo, although 
suffering relatively small losses. 

Colonel Narciso Lopez raided the valley of Upar ; occupied Molino, 
where he inaugurated a magnificent government, on paper, which 
lasted twelve days; fought several skirmishes, at Voladorcito, Agua 
del Monte, and other points, and arrived at Maracaibo at the end 
of March with a loss of 200 men in the campaign. 

General Montillo, anti-royalist, took possession once more of 
Molino, Tablazo, and other points which had been abandoned by 
Mendoza. He assassinated 15 royalists who had given aid to the 
latter, and sent 20 of them prisoners to Rio Hacha. 

On April 17 Colonel Manrique, anti-royalist, completely defeated 
at Gibraltar a royalist detachment of several hundred sent against 
him by Morales. 

A few days afterwards Manrique sent a detachment under Colonel 
Reyes Gonzalez to attack the royalists at Coro. He suffered a defeat, 
which was not serious ; but, reinforcements arriving, he with 600 men 
attacked Coro, and occupied it. This entire province had been utterly 
destroyed; the remnants of the population were starving, desolation 
was everywhere, skeletons covered the land, and the soldiers for 
once found nothing which they could take by force to sustain them- 
selves. Even burro meat was scarce ; and men, women, and children, 


reduced to skin and bones, lived on the only available substance, a 
poisonous fruit called cuji, which caused horrible sickness and death. 

Colonel Manrique found the same conditions in Betijoque. In 
fact, all Venezuela was a scene of misery which beggars description. 

On May 1 Colonel Antonio Gomez, with 600 men, sent from 
Maracaibo by General Morales, attacked Colonel Reyes Gonzalez 
at Coro, who with 600 men repulsed the Spaniards, and the latter 
retired to Los Teques. 

On May 2 Colonel Gonzalez assumed the offensive, attacking the 
Spaniards and defeating them after a fierce battle. The royalists 
lost 200 killed, 75 prisoners, and many deserters. 

A few days after this, General Morales sent another expedition of 
600 men, under Colonel Manuel Lorenzo, against Coro, and Colonel 
Reyes Gonzalez retired. 

On May 1 the anti-royalist brigantine and two sloops blockading 
Puerto Cabello were attacked by a frigate, a sloop, and two smaller 
sailing-vessels, well armed and manned by Spaniards, under the com- 
mand of Angel Laborde. The anti-royalist brigantine, after two 
hours' fighting, escaped, but the two sloops were boarded and cap- 
tured by the Spaniards in a hand-to-hand encounter. Puerto Cabello 
now obtained its needed supplies. 

On May 3 Colonel Padilla, the anti-royalist commander of the 
vessels which were blockading the port of Maracaibo, called a council 
of war, and decided upon as desperate and brave a feat as was ever 
performed by men, that is, to force his way past Fort San Carlos 
into Maracaibo Lake, and there attack the Spanish squadron, the 
strength of which was largely conjectural. 

On May 7 at nightfall, Padilla anchored in front of Fort San 
Carlos, but out of reach of the guns. He had 2 brigantines, 5 three- 
mast schooners, 2 smaller vessels, all of which were well manned and 
armed, and 2 brigantines and 2 three-mast schooners unarmed. The 
Spaniards had at Punta de Palma, half-way between Fort San Carlos 
and Maracaibo, 2 brigantines, 7 three-mast schooners, and 2 smaller 

On May 8 the brave Padilla, the Dewey of that day, spent the 
entire day and night getting his fleet past Fort San Carlos. They were 
compelled to go within one-half mile of the fort, which fired more than 
300 cannon shots at them. One boat was burned by the fire, and sunk, 
but most of the crew were saved. The very poor marksmanship of the 
Spanish gunners enabled the fleet to pass the shoal and dangerous wa- 
ters, the vessels being aground several times under the fire of the fort. 

A few miles south of Fort San Carlos in the Lake is an extensive 
shallow place, called Tablazo, with a crooked narrow channel. It 
took four days to pass this place, many of the boats going aground in 
the soft mud, making it necessary to take off their artillery and other 
cargo in order to get them afloat again. 


On May 20 Padilla's fleet was attacked in front of Punta de Palma 
by the royalists, with 11 boats of large size and 14 smaller, but after a 
bloody combat the Spaniards retired. 

A few days afterwards Padilla attacked the Spanish fleet in front 
of Mojan, and then near Maracaibo, without decisive results, although 
the Spaniards were worsted. 

On May 30 Padilla, after scouring Maracaibo Lake and com- 
municating with the anti-royalists of Coro and Rio Hacha, weighed 
anchor at Ceibita and Moporo, where he communicated with Colonel 
Manrique. Here there were skirmishes with the royalists, whose 
guerrilla chief, Rosario Tales, was creating havoc at Gibraltar. 

On June 6 Colonel Padilla sailed, having been reinforced with the 
division of Colonel Manrique. At Corona they disembarked 100 
men and fought a detachment of Spaniards. 

On June 14 Padilla sailed for Altagracia, on the opposite side of 
the lake from Maracaibo. 

On June 16 Colonel Padilla made an attack on Maracaibo, where 
there were only 250 royalist troops under Colonel Jaime Moreno, 
Morales having taken all the others to Fort San Carlos. Padilla's 
boats fired 500 cannon shots at the batteries, without doing serious 
damage. Thereupon, at five P. M., Colonel Manrique at the head of 
250 infantry and 50 dragoons, commenced an all-night attack, which 
was carried on from street to street and house to house. At about 
eight P. M. both sides were reinforced. At ten p. M. the anti-royalists 
captured the fort and artillery, and the serious fighting was over. 
The royalists lost 80 killed and 150 wounded; the an ti -royalists, 
52 killed and 130 wounded. The Spanish Governor, Moreno, was 
taken prisoner, and the royalists lost all their artillery and 

General Morales was now reinforced by Colonel Lorenzo, who 
had made a flying march from Coro, and crossed the lake in such boats 
as he could find. 

On June 19 General Morales, with 2500 soldiers, returned to 
Maracaibo, and took possession of the city, Colonels Padilla and 
Manrique sailing for the island of Los Burros. 

On June 25 Colonel Padilla's force was reinforced with 900 men 
under Colonel Torrellas, who had come from Coro. Padilla also 
armed 5 vessels. 

On June 29 Padilla appeared before the Spanish fleet of 17 armed 
boats in front of Mojan, but the latter evaded battle, and retired to the 
mouth of the river Garubaya. The troops on both sides were almost 
starving, and Padilla had 700 men sick. His smaller boats attacked 
the Spanish vessels, but were compelled to retire. 

On July 16 a Spanish fleet, under Captain Anjel Laborde, arrived 
in front of Fort San Carlos, with 1 sloop of war, 1 brigantine, 3 
schooners, and 2 merchant vessels, with 90 men, which was placed 


at the orders of General Morales. The latter now demanded that 
Padilla surrender, and was answered with a haughty refusal. Both 
sides now prepared for the great naval battle. 

On July 23 the manoeuvring for position commenced between the 
contending forces. The Spanish squadron was composed of 14 large 
vessels and 15 smaller ones; the anti-royalist of 3 brigantines, 7 
three-mast schooners, 10 smaller vessels, and 12 light boats. The 
Spanish vessels drew up in line of battle off Punta de Palma, and those 
under Padilla in front of Altagracia. 

On July 24 the wind was unfavorable until two P. M., when Padilla's 
vessels got under way, with orders to board the Spanish boats and 
take them with the machete. At four p. M. the attack was made with an 
indescribable fierceness. The water in a few moments was red with 
blood arms, legs, and heads were cut off and thrown overboard, 
and wounded men threw themselves into the water, hoping to swim 
ashore. The royalists lost 11 boats, captured, and 2 sunk. They 
escaped to Maracaibo with only 3 schooners and 2 small vessels. 
Padilla had lost, in killed, 8 officers and 36 men; wounded, 14 
officers and 105 men. The Spaniards lost 473 men in killed and 
wounded, and 68 officers and 369 men prisoners. 

On August 3 General Morales surrendered Maracaibo, Fort San 
Carlos, and his remaining vessels to General Padilla, stipulating that 
his troops should be sent to Cuba at the expense of the Republic. 

On August 20 Morales evacuated Maracaibo, but only 931 men 
went to Cuba, of which 450 were officers, the remainder of a total force 
of 2156 men being Venezuelans. These elected to remain and serve 
in the armies of the anti-royalists. 

Puerto Cabello now remained the only important point held by 
the Spaniards in Venezuela. 

On October 28 General Paez, after severe firing, received the sur- 
render of the battery, La Vijia, one of those defending Puerto Cabello. 
He now changed the course of the river which supplied the town 
with water, causing extreme suffering to the inhabitants and garrison. 

On November 7 General Paez directed a night attack upon Puerto 
Cabello, which led to its surrender the following day. He selected 
500 men from the battalion Anzoategui and 100 picked lancers, plac- 
ing them under Major Manuel Cala, with Lieutenant-Colonel Jose 
Andres Elorza second in command. A negro slave went as guide. 
He knew every foot of the shallow laguna Mangle, in the rear of Puerto 
Cabello, the banks of which were inadequately defended by the 
Spaniards. At ten o'clock at night, covered by the intense darkness 
of the tropics, these 500 men, observing the strictest silence, with 
machetes in hand, being entirely naked except for breech-clouts, started 
wading across the laguna, a large expanse of water, with muddy 
bottom, filled with decayed vegetation and snakes. After four and 
one-half hours the vanguard reached dry land, between the batteries 


Constitucion and Princesa. A desperate fight now commenced in all 
parts of the city. General Paez with his artillery opened fire upon the 
Spanish batteries, while the 500 men in their breech-clouts fought like 
demons and looked like them. The royalists were whipped at all 
points, and before daylight 156 of them had been killed, 56 wounded, 
and 250 taken prisoners, among the latter being Brigadier Calzada, 
commander of the place. The anti-royalists claimed to have lost 
only 45 men. 

On November 10 the fort of San Felipe, which commanded 
Puerto Cabello, was surrendered to General Paez, and five days later 
the Spaniards embarked for Cuba, in accordance with their terms of 
capitulation, leaving Venezuela free, with the exception of guerrillas. 

There yet remained a strong rebellion in Pasto, and other parts of 
Colombia, which required many battles to subdue. Some of the most 
desperate fighting of the whole war was also taking place in the south- 
ern part of Colombia and what is now Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru* 


What is now Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador had, at the end 
of 1823, practically gained its independence. The new Republic 
had been recognized by the United States the previous year (May 22, 
1822), and diplomatic representatives had been sent to Bogota by our 
country and Great Britain. The threatened interference of the "Holy 
Alliance," if it was ever seriously contemplated, which is extremely 
doubtful, had been given its quietus by the declarations of Mr. Chan- 
ning, the English Prime Minister, and by the message of President 
Monroe to Congress in December, 1823. 

What may we now expect to be the next thing on the program of 
our "Sister Republic"? Evidently, to get more money, if possible, 
somewhere, and then start more revolutions. 

The financial part did not seem difficult in fact, the English 
bankers were "easy." 

Although the Republic had repudiated its former obligations, 
a new commissioner, Jose Manuel Hurtado, was sent to London to 
get a new loan of 30,000,000 pesos. He had unlimited powers just 
such as a genuine republic would be likely to grant. Senor Hurtado 
found that the refusal to recognize the validity of the Zea loans had 
injured the "credit" of the Republic, and as he could not permit a 
liUle thing like that to interfere with the new scheme, he decided to 
recognize Zea's debentures and pay interest on them by issuing new 
ones. This method of robbing Peter to pay Paul seems to have satis- 
fied the English bankers, for on April 22, 1824, B. A. Goldschmidt & 
Co., of London, signed a contract with Hurtado to give the money at 
85 per cent of the face of the debentures, which purported to draw 
6 per cent interest. After paying back interest, allowing commissions, 


etc., the Republic had 23,750,000 pesos out of this loan, or 4,750,000 
sterling. The foreign indebtedness now exceeded 40,000,000 pesos. 

1824. On April 5 the Congress met in Bogota, adopted a mag- 
nificent Constitution, decreed a levy of 50,000 men for the army, and 
passed a number of as pretty laws as ever graced a statute book. 

Theoretically Venezuela was now at peace. Actually there was a 
reign of terror in all parts of the country. Guerrillas, led by such des- 
perate characters as Doroteo Hernandez, Juan Celestino Centefio, and 
others, robbed and murdered to their hearts' content. Others infested 
the provinces of Caracas, Apure, and elsewhere, robbing farmers of 
cattle which were killed for their hides. The rivers were filled with 
boats engaged in this business, and General Paez, who was now Chief 
Commander of the Armies of Venezuela, had great difficulty in pre- 
serving even a semblance of government. He enlisted many of these 
desperadoes for Bolivar's army, and sent them to Peru. 

In August and September there were serious disturbances in the 
provinces of Guayana and Barcelona, but they were overcome, and 
the leaders shot. 

On July 31 Colonel Jose Joaquin Maneiro, in the island of Mar- 
garita, recluted, that is, seized by force, 31 men and placed them in 
the army, to send them to Peru, upon a requisition from Bolivar for 
100 men, it being understood that the remainder would be recluted 
in a few days. The people of Margarita arose in a rebellion against 
this, and set the reclutas at liberty. General Bermudez, Commander 
of the Department of the Orinoco, sent a small force against them; 
but the Margaritanos raised 600 armed men, and the force of Ber- 
mudez desisted. 

On December 9, 200 negro slaves attacked the garrison of Petare 
with machetes, but after two days' fighting were repulsed. 

These relatively unimportant events closed the year 1824 in 
Venezuela, a land utterly desolated. Yet Bolivar's agents had man- 
aged to reclute, by force, 4000 men during this year and sent them to 

The year was one of great importance, however, in the military 
operations of Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador. 


On January 1 Congress met in Bogota, and decreed medals, etc., 
to Bolivar and Sucre for their victories of Junin and Ayacucho. 

On January 8 Congress read a letter from Bolivar, offering his 
resignation, which was refused. 

At this time treaties were made with the United States, Central 
America, Peru, Chili, and Mexico. 

On April 18 the Republic celebrated a treaty of amity and com- 
merce with Great Britain. 



Manuel Jose Hurtado was accredited as the first minister to Eng- 
land, and Jose Maria Salazar to the United States. 

Serious revolutions broke out in April, lasting several months, in 
the province of Pasto, within the present limits of Colombia. Guer- 
rilla warfare continued in many parts of Venezuela, but there were no 
battles of importance. 

An alleged census taken in 1825 (although how it was taken is not 
stated) gives the population as follows: 











Slaves .... 




102 902 




203 831 





2 583 799 

At the end of the year 1825 the finances of the new Republic 
were in desperate condition. Most of the money which had been 
raised in London and Paris had been squandered, and of course no 
interest had ever been paid on the debentures. The expenses exceeded 
the income by millions of dollars. Resort was had to forced loans 
and confiscations, but these did not replenish the treasury. The de- 
bentures went down to 41 in London and the banking-house of B. A. 
Goldschmidt & Co., which had floated the loan of 30,000,000 pesos, 
became bankrupt. With the rebellion of Paez, which came later, the 
credit of the country was completely ruined. The truth is, the gentle- 
men who composed this so-called Republic were excellent warriors 
and fathers of families, but as producers they were and are of no 

In December General Paez sent a commissioner to Peru to pro- 
pose to Bolivar that they make a constitutional monarchy of the 
country; and a large number of Jefes with monarchial tendencies in 
Caracas sent another commissioner to Bogota on the same mission. 
The fact is, none of them knew what they wanted and their suc- 
cessors are equally as undecided to-day. 


The Congress met at Bogota on January 2, and on March 15 
elected Bolivar President, and Santander Vice-President. 


On January 6 General Paez, Commander-in-Chief of the Armies 
of Venezuela, arrested practically all the able-bodied men of Caracas, 
and forced them into the army. These men, many of whom were 
prominent, raised such a hue and cry that General Juan Escalon, the 
Intendente General, opposed the recluta, and made complaint before 
the Senate, which impeached Paez. 

This gave rise to a bitter controversy between the military element 
and those who desired to make the civil power supreme. The Senate 
at Caracas heard all the evidence, and decreed the suspension of Gen- 
eral Paez from his post, and appointed General Escalon in his stead. 
This was the first and last time that the Senate of Venezuela ever dared 
to exercise its independent prerogatives in conflict with the Military 

On April 27 Fernando Penalver, Governor of Carabobo, a parti- 
san of Paez, called together the troops under him, and gave them to 
understand that the impeachment of Paez would cause the army great 
losses and disadvantages. Soldiers were secretly sent to cause dis- 
turbances in all parts of the country; armed bands appeared in a 
mysterious manner, apparently robbers, but actually soldiers, sent 
out to play their part, innocent citizens were shot without cause or 
mercy by the same soldiers, acting under orders of the friends of Paez, 
and then the cry was raised that the civil power was unable to main- 
tain law and order or protect life and property, and that a military 
dictatorship was therefore necessary. 

On April 30 the Consejo of the municipality of Valencia acclaimed 
General Paez as Military Chief of the Department, with Colonel 
Francisco Carabano as second in command, and Penalver as Gov- 
ernor. General Marino now arrived at Valencia ready to aid the rev- 
olution. This city also declared that General Paez should be recog- 
nized as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, as heretofore. 

On May 4 the village of Maracay followed the example of Valencia. 

On May 5 the municipality of Caracas did the same thing the 
city which had caused the downfall of Paez by objecting to his out- 
rageous reclutas ! Talk of consistency and stability ! 

On May 11 Valencia, and on May 16 Caracas, passed acts des- 
ignating General Paez as Jefe Civil y Militar de Venezuela, with 
authority to "conserve the public order" and see that their beau- 
tiful Constitution was not in any manner violated until Bolivar 
should arrive to straighten out matters. 

On June 17 a severe earthquake occurred in Venezuela and Colom- 
bia, causing great damage, there being recurrent shocks for more than 
a month. The superstitious people thought this augured a change 
in the government. 

On June 26 a Congress was held in Valencia, which condemned 
the administration of Santander and declared for Paez as head of the 


At this time Bolivar was obtaining the adoption of the Bolivian 
Constitution by the departments of Quito, Guayaquil, Lima, Panama, 
and by most of the departments of Colombia and Venezuela. This 
Constitution created a President for life, with power to name his 
successor, the office to be completely independent and above any 
and all other departments of the government. 

As against this program, the Paez movement took another direction, 
favoring the separation of Venezuela from the remainder of Nueva 
Granada and declaring in favor of federation. 

On August 22 the battalion "Apure, " in Caracas, 500 soldiers, 
revolted, under Felipe Macero, and marched to Barcelona, placing 
itself under General Bermudez, who was opposed to Paez. 

On October 3, in Margarita, 2000 declared for "federation," 
asking that the island be united to Venezuela. 

On October 19 the garrison of Angostura revolted during the 
night, shouting, "Viva el General Paez! Viva la federation!" 

On November 5 General Bermudez arrived at Cumana with 250 
men, finding it already occupied by 600 soldiers. 

On November 19 a battle was fought by the troops under Ber- 
mudez with the forces of Paez, in Cumana, in which Bermudez was 
defeated and driven to Barcelona. 

On November 7 General Paez called a meeting in Caracas, which 
passed a resolution declaring that Venezuela ought to constitute itself 
an independent State, severing all relations with the other parts of 
Nueva Granada. He immediately approved this act, and issued 
a decree calling a Congreso Constituyente to meet in Valencia on 
January 15, 1827. 

Puerto Cabello now opposed this movement, although it had been 
the first city to declare in favor of this very thing. Her garrison arose 
in rebellion against Paez on November 21. 

On November 14 Bolivar arrived in Bogota, from Peru, having 
returned because of the Paez revolution in Venezuela. He was 
received very coldly, and entered Bogota almost alone. 

On November 24 Bolivar left Bogota for Venezuela. 

On November 25 General Paez declared that all the provinces 
of Venezuela were subject to his commands. 

On November 26 General Paez sent troops against Puerto Cabello, 
under Colonel Jose de la Guerra, but after a skirmish both sides 
declared a truce. 

On November 26 Colonel Diego Vallenilla called a meeting at 
Cumana which declared allegiance to General Paez. 

On December 3 and 4 Angostura declared in favor of Paez, and 
refused further to obey the orders of General Bermudez. 

On December 5 General Bermudez was compelled to retire from 

On December 18 General Paez sent 900 men to take charge of 


Bariiias, but they were compelled to retire by the forces under General 
Miguel Guerrero, who declared in favor of the "Liberator." 

Bolivar, who now realized the state of affairs, left a letter with 
Santander in Bogota, investing him with extraordinary faculties, 
dating that letter at Rosario de Cucuta, December 12. Santander 
caused the letter to be published on January 2, 1827, which would 
allow time for a messenger to arrive in Bogota, and it served its pur- 
pose to keep Santander in power that year, because no Congress met 
to hold an election. As a matter of fact, Bolivar never went to Rosario 
de Cucuta at all. 

On December 16 Bolivar arrived in Maracaibo. He found Vene- 
zuela in a state of great turmoil, indeed, anarchy. Here he issued 
the customary batch of decretas and alocuciones, and proceeded to 
Puerto Cabello to meet Paez, who had published a proclamation that 
Bolivar was coming to Venezuela as a private citizen. Bolivar, the 
"Liberator" and Jefe Supremo, at once addressed a letter to Paez, 
advising him that he came to Venezuela as its Jefe, but that he would 
be very kind to Paez and everybody else. 

On November 30 the Congress of Peru had declared that Bolivar's 
Constitution had been adopted, and that he had been elected Presi- 
dent for life. Bolivia elected Sucre President for life, but that gentle- 
man did not want the office, and agreed to hold it until 1828 only. 
Bolivia and Peru, on December 9, formed a union, calling themselves 
Federation Boliviano,, and Bolivar was elected President for life. 


On the last day of 1826 Bolivar arrived at Puerto Cabello. On 
January 1, 1827, he issued a decree declaring all sorts of guarantees, 
and proclaiming Paez as civil and military authority of Venezuela, 
under the title of Jefe Superior, while Marino was to be Commander 
of Maturin, and he, Bolivar, was to be recognized and obeyed as 

Paez immediately agreed to this, as it gave him all he had ever 
asked for. Bolivar had no power with which to oppose Paez, if he 
desired, and revolutions and counter-revolutions had shown him the 
futility of further fighting. 

On January 10 Bolivar arrived in Caracas and was received with 
great ovations. The remainder of January and most of February 
were spent in fiestas, dances, banquets, parades, etc. 

In the mean time a small revolution had started up in Maturin, 
but it was put down, and the leaders shot. 

Great uprisings occurred against the authority of Bolivar at this 
time in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, and Bolivia, his Constitutions being 
repealed and his governments upset. 


On May 2 the Congress met provisionally at Tunja, thence re- 
moved to Bogota, reassembling on May 12, and deprived the "Lib- 
erator" of his extraordinary dictatorial faculties. It declared public 
order re-established, granted a general amnesty, and passed resolu- 
tions to call a convocation in 1828, the object being to disunite the 
several members of Nueva Granada. 

On July 5 Bolivar left Venezuela for Bogota, via Cartagena, in 
the English frigate Druida, placed at his disposal by Sir Alexander 

On September 10 Bolivar arrived in Bogota, and at once occupied 
himself in subduing a rebellion in Popayan and Guayaquil. 

No sooner had the fiestas ended, and Bolivar left Venezuela, than 
General Paez found himself with a dozen revolutions on his hands 
hi different parts of the country. 

There were seditious movements in San Sebastian, Los Teques, 
Orituco, Charallave, and other places within easy reach of Caracas; 
and guerrillas under Doroteo Hen-era and Juan Centeno overran 
those places, claiming to be defending the interests of Spain. A group 
under Cisneros, practically desperadoes, sacked, robbed, and com- 
mitted great atrocities in Guarenas, Petare, Santa Lucia, and the 
valley of the Tuy. These guerrilla troops comprised more than 
3000 men. 

General Paez sent troops against them, and after many fierce 
conflicts succeeded in capturing or dispersing the larger bodies and 
in executing their leaders. 

In August there was an uprising of the half-civilized Indians of 
Cunaviche, of the province of Apure, department of the Orinoco. 
They were finally overcome, and 300 of them taken prisoners and 
sent to Caracas. 

In October uprisings occurred in the provinces of Barinas and 
Coro, but these were overcome by the troops of General Paez. Their 
leaders were executed. 

In the provinces of Guayana and Cumana similar uprisings 
occurred. In the latter the revolutionists were intrenched for several 
months at Cumanacoa, but were finally completely destroyed by 
General Bermudez. 

Revolutions occurred also in the province of Maturin, but General 
Marino was unable to quell them until the following year. 

In the closing months of 1827 General Juan Bautista Arizmendi 
organized a military force, under directions of General Paez, which 
was sufficient to clear the valley of the Tuy of the guerrillas. 


On February 19 Bolivar declared that he was reinvested with 
extraordinary powers by virtue of Article 128 of the Constitution. 


In plain words this meant that he exercised the unlimited military 
power of a Dictator over the departments of Maturin, Orinoco, Vene- 
zuela, and Zulia. 

On March 13 Bolivar issued another decreta, declaring himself 
the supreme power in all parts of Colombia and Venezuela, except 
in the province of Ocana, in which the Congress was in session. 

On March 16 Bolivar left Bogota for Cucuta, via Tunja. 

On April 9 a convention was installed at Ocana to make a new 
Constitution. The majority were opposed to Bolivar's scheme of a 
life dictatorship, known as the Bolivian Constitution. They wanted 
to form a real government, in theory at least 

On June 10 the Ocana convention dissolved without having 
accomplished anything. The country now verged on anarchy, and 
the opposition to Bolivar grew in intensity. 

On June 13 a Junta of "fathers of families" was called by the 
military commander of Cundinamarca, who issued a proclamation 
conferring upon Bolivar absolute, unlimited dictatorial powers, for 
such time as he might deem proper to exercise them. This was pub- 
lished in Bogota on the 24th. Similar "acts" were proclaimed by 
the Jefes friendly to Bolivar in all parts of the country. 

On August 27 Bolivar issued a new decreta, calling himself Lib- 
ertador Presidente, constituting himself the supreme power, stating 
that he would call a "Constitutional Convention " on January 2, 1830. 
In this decree he said: "Under the dictatorship nobody can speak 
of liberty. We should feel sorry mutually for the people who suffer 
and the man who alone commands." 

The new dictatorship was welcomed with extraordinary fiestas 
and expressions of joy in all parts of the country. "What fools these 
mortals be !" 

On September 2o an attempt was made to assassinate Bolivar 
at night in his palace in Bogota, as the result of a conspiracy. His 
mistress, Manuela Saenz, saved his life by procuring his escape 
through a rear apartment. He hid under a bridge until the con- 
spiracy was put down. 


On September 30 Bolivar began killing the persons suspected of 
having been in the conspiracy to assassinate him. On that day were 
put to death Horment, Zulaivar, Commander Silva, Lieutenants 
Galindo and Lopez : on the -29th, General Jose Padilla and Colonel 
Ramon Guerra ; on October 14, Pedro C. Azuero, Professor of Phil- 
osophy in San Bartolome College, and Lieutenant of Artillery Juan 
Hinestroza : and many others on succeeding dates. 

General Jose Padilla. thus foully murdered by Bolivar, was one 
of the ablest and most noted generals in the revolution of independ- 
VOL. i 5 


ence. He was in prison, by Bolivar's orders, at the time of this con- 
spiracy, and it was physically impossible for him to have been one 
of the instigators of it. General Padilla will be remembered as the 
hero of the great naval combat in Maracaibo Lake, which destroyed 
the power of Spain, as brilliant and brave a feat of arms as was 
ever performed by a man. Padilla had fallen into disfavor with 
Bolivar for exactly the same reason as did General Piar, he refused 
to worship at the shrine of the Great Conscienceless Murderer. When 
the convention of Ocana met in 1828, a majority wanted to establish 
a republican government. This angered Bolivar. General Padilla 
sent to this convention a statement of the sufferings of the army, and 
the legislative measures which were needed for its relief. Padilla 
declared that he would defend the convention with his person and 
influence, and Bolivar promptly threw him into jail. His pitiable 
reward for services to his country was to be shot like a dog. 

On November 7 General Santander, who had been Vice-President 
of Colombia for years, was sentenced to death by Bolivar's orders; 
but the Dictator feared to face the uprising which this would have 
caused, and he commuted the sentence. 

A war broke out in the latter part of 1828 between Colombia and 
Peru in which many sanguinary battles were fought. 


The year 1829 in Venezuela was one of "peace " after a fashion. 
There were no organized revolutions. General Paez was in supreme 
power, and there was no Congress to bother him. 

True, there were a few hundred skirmishes and guerrilla engage- 
ments, but nothing serious. The royalist guerrillas had companies 
in the mountains of Guires, Tamanaco, and Batatal, between Orituco 
and Rio Chico. These were under command of Jose Maria Ariza- 
babo, with the somewhat imposing title of "Commanding General 
of the American Troops of His Catholic Majesty." The troops 
surrendered to General Paez on August 18, and were sent to Porto 

Somewhat later the veteran guerrilla chief Cisneros also 

At the end of this year a definite movement was inaugurated in 
Venezuela for separation from Colombia. On November 17, at 
Puerto Cabello, a resolution was drafted by Soublette, the secretary 
of Paez, in the form of a petition to Congress which was to meet 
January 8, 1830 for a dissolution of the federation. 

On November 25 a convention of "fathers of families" was held 
in Caracas, upon invitation of General Arismendi of course in 
accordance with the ideas of Paez in which it was declared that 
Venezuela ought to be free from the Union. On November 26 a 


resolution to this effect, signed by 486 persons, was presented to 
General Paez, who, on December 8, issued a decreta, saying that 
Venezuela had separated, and notifying Colombia of that fact. Gen- 
eral Paez prepared to defend the new order of things, but requested 
Bolivar not to interfere. 

By this time Bolivar had begun to see the handwriting on the wall. 
Revolutions and counter-revolutions had devastated Colombia, Peru, 
Ecuador, and Bolivia. Intrigues, treachery, assassination, filled the 
very air. For twenty years there had been an almost continuous 
reign of anarchy and murder. Bolivar realized that it was impossible 
for him to whip Paez; so he bowed to the inevitable, and told his 
Bogota generals that they would not again invade Venezuela. 



ON January 13, 1830, General Paez issued a decree that Vene- 
zuela was sovereign and independent, and made certain 
changes in the organization of the government. 

On January 16 the State of Zulia ratified Paez's decree of separa- 
tion. Merida, Trujillo, and other departments, or States, at once 
followed the example. 

General Paez now called a Congreso Constituyente to meet in 
Valencia, on April 30, to form a Constitution. In the mean time the 
Congress which was scheduled to meet in Bogota on January 2 lacked 
a quorum, but towards the end of the month the "Liberator" ap- 
pointed new members, and inflicted on them one of his flamboyant 
messages. He then offered to resign, saying that all other citizens 
enjoyed the inestimable privilege of appearing innocent to the eyes 
of suspicion, while he alone was stigmatized as aspiring to be a tyrant. 
Congress did not deny his deductions, but refused to accept his "resig- 
nation," no individual congressman caring to take the personal risk 
which that would involve, well knowing that he who should have that 
temerity would be shot before breakfast some fine morning. 

The Congress opposed the separation of Venezuela, proposed 
more Constitutions, and sent General Sucre to see if he could not 
reason with Paez. 

In March General Sucre and his companion, Bishop Esteves, 
arrived at Cucuta, where they were notified that they would not be 
allowed to enter Venezuelan territory. 

On April 18 General Marino and other commissioners appointed 
by Paez met General Sucre. They patted each other on the back, 
saw that they could not reach an agreement, and returned to Bogota 
and Caracas respectively. 

The province of Casanare had joined Venezuela, and there was 
a general disposition for all the portions of Nueva Granada to fall 
apart. They had been held together in the past only by force. 

Various Juntas and Congresses were now called by Bolivar to see 
if he could stem the rising tide, but in vain. In May he called together 
another Congress in Bogota, and again handed in his resignation. 
Everywhere were rebellions against his authority. In Bogota the 


troops, composed mostly of young men, tore to pieces Bolivar's 
picture, which was hanging in the High Court of Justice, and his life 
was in serious danger. 

On May 9 Bolivar's resignation was accepted by the Congress, 
which voted him a pension of 30,000 pesos. He left for Cartagena, 
his power forever broken. On the same day the Congress in Bogota 
promulgated a new Constitution, and proceeded to elect a President. 
Mosquera was elected by the most resolute display of force. 

On May 11 the Bogota Congress decreed that if Venezuela did 
not recognize its authority, force should not be used, at least not 
until a succeeding Congress should ordain it. 

On May 6 the Congress of Venezuela met at Valencia. 

General Marino had been sent to the frontier, with a strong 
army, to resist any attack from Colombia, which was at that time 

On May 19 the Venezuelan Congress in Caracas proposed that 
if Colombia did not at once recognize its independence that would 
be regarded as a sufficient cause of war. On May 22 this was changed 
to the statement that unless recognition were at once made by Colom- 
bia no business or other relations should be maintained between the 
two countries. On May 28 Venezuela also demanded of Nueva 
Granada the immediate expulsion of Simon Bolivar, and stated that 
if this general went to Curocao, he and all who accompanied him 
should be branded as outlaws. This resolution was sent to Bolivar 
by President Mosquera, of Colombia, immediately upon its receipt 
from the Venezuelan Congress ; but the immortal "Liberator" and 
"Pacificator" never replied to this latest manifestation of the alleged 
ingratitude of self-styled republics. 

In June, July, and August Paez's Congress ground out decretas 
such as the General and his army wanted. But Venezuela had now 
had peace a long, long time. It had been several weeks since a revolu- 
tion occurred. The machetes were getting rusty. The calves were 
growing into yearlings, and the patriots were becoming more patri- 
otic in expectation of again eating veal. So the merry butchery 
began once more. 

In June General Julian Infante, Colonel Vicente Parejo, Com- 
mander Lorenzo Bustillos, and other Jefes in Riochico, Chaguaramas, 
Orituco del Alto Llano, and other places raised the thrilling cry of 
liberty, so seldom heard in recent times, and proclaimed Bolivar as 
Jefe Supremo. This revolution died out in a short time. 

On June 7 the new Constitution adopted in Bogota was presented 
to the Congress of Venezuela, which rejected it. 

On August 16 the Congress of Venezuela added insult to injury 
by declaring once more that it would enter into friendly relations 
with Colombia as soon as both States were constitutionally organized, 
and General Simon Bolivar safely out of the country forever. 


On September 22 a new Constitution was promulgated by the 
Congress of Venezuela the reader should remember that this is 
no joke, but a serious fact of history and General Paez was elected 

A revolution was now planned against Paez in Venezuela, headed 
by Monagas, the ostensible cause being the actions of Paez in causing 
separation. A vicious revolution was raging in Colombia for the 
alleged purpose of preserving the federation. 

Bolivar, after his exile from Bogota, went to Cartagena, where 
he publicly advised his friends to revolt, and told them that he would 
accept the Presidency if the majority desired it. These uprisings 
were by Bolivar's friends. 

On December 17 Bolivar died. Thus ended the career of one 
of the most erratic, treacherous, and mean of humankind, a man 
of indomitable energy, courage, ambition, and determination, a 
man whose counterpart has never existed on the globe. 


Bolivar's death made but little difference to his partisans. They 
wanted loot, and incidentally they loved the smell of blood. 

On January 15 "Long live the Liberator" he was already 
dead rang out in the province of Barcelona, in the village of Aragua. 
General Jose Tadeo Monagas, one of Paez's most trusted advisers, 
had gone wrong, and many Jefes, each with his squad of half-breed 
peons, took up the sacred and patriotic cause. 

By the end of January the provinces of Cumana, Margarita, 
Barcelona, and many cantons of the province of Caracas had all 
declared in favor of the Liberator whatever that might mean. 

Early in February the province of Guayana declared in favor of 
the revolution. Guerrillas sprang up everywhere like toad-stools in 
a night. Paez placed General Marino at the head of his troops, who 
made an incursion into Chaguaramas ; but the attacks of guerrillas, 
desertions of soldiers, sickness, and lack of supplies compelled him 
to return. 

On March 18 the Congress of Venezuela united and declared Paez 
to be Constitutional President, and Dr. Urbaneja, Vice-President. 

On March 29 General Bermudez and his troops in Guira declared 
in favor of Paez. Rio Caribe, Cariaco, Carupano, and Cumanacoa 
now recognized Paez as President. 

On April 10 General Bermudez took possession of Cumana, and 
General Rojas, the Governor, who was hostile to Paez, was killed. 

In April several battles took place between the troops under Gen- 
eral Monagas, the revolutionary leader, and those of the government. 

On April 18 Congress authorized General Paez to treat with 



Monagas with a view to ending the struggle. General Marino was 
commissioned to represent Paez. Marino and Monagas met on the 
banks of the river Unare. Monagas proposed that the four provinces 
of Cumana, Barcelona, Margarita, and Guayana should be united 
into one nation to be called the Estado de Oriente, of which Marino 
was to be Jefe Supremo, and he, Monagas, was to be second in com- 
mand. Marino jumped at the idea. He would rather be Jefe Supremo 
of a mill-pond than play second fiddle in a big orchestra. Paez and 
his Congress pricked this bubble in short order by disapproving 
Marino's act. 

In May a revolution broke out in Caracas which threatened the 
extermination of all persons owning property, but it was quelled and 
the leaders executed. 

A swarm of generals took possession of the local governments in 
Venezuela, and the better citizens paid tribute to them for protection. 
In places there were guerrilla fights, in other places anarchy, but in 
most parts of the country the producing citizens paid heavily to local 
generals, and in this manner preserved some semblance of order. 
Other events of this character from 1831 to 1835 are scarcely worth 


On December 23, 1834, the representatives of Nueva Granada, 
Venezuela, and Ecuador signed an agreement relative to the portions 
of the general public debt which each should assume. The basis 
agreed upon corresponded to the supposed population of the three 
sections of Bolivar's nightmare, the dream of a great Latin- 
American Confederation. On this basis Colombia assumed 50 
per cent, Venezuela 28 J per cent, and Ecuador 21 ^ per cent of the 
whole. It is not recorded that there were any serious discussions on 
the matter. A pretence, however, of some sort was necessary in 
order to give our three "Sister Republics" the requisite credit for 
obtaining additional loans. 

The debts thus divided among themselves, as appeared from the 
records, on May 16, 1839, were as follows : 





$29 695 508 99 

$22 003 634.35 


16,926,440 12 













In 1835 the people of Venezuela decided to have an election for 
President. The guerrilla fights had become monotonous. Every 
general in Venezuela wanted to be President, or Jefe Supremo; but 
it finally reduced itself to a choice between Dr. Jose Vargas, a civilian, 
General Marino, and General Soublette. The alleged Congress 
picked out Dr. Vargas, the fine Italian hand of General Paez being 
clearly evident in the proceedings. Vargas was a rank outsider, a 
decent sort of fellow who had never cut a throat in his life, not even 
in the practice of his profession. 

In July General Marino arose in revolution, and seized Dr. Vargas 
by force. One of his abettors, Carujo, in taking the President to jail, 
remarked, "You see, doctor, the world belongs to the valiant." "No, 
sir," answered the doctor, "the world belongs to the men of honor." 

General Marino expelled Dr. Vargas from the country and took 
possession of the government. 

General Paez at once came to the front. He raised an army and 
in numerous battles whipped Marino to a standstill. 

General Monagas, who evidently had revolution in his blood, 
declared in favor of Marino. 

In August General Paez drove Marino out of Caracas, and re- 
called Dr. Vargas, who for a brief time again assumed the presidency. 
The revolution inaugurated by Marino continued, however, until 
the following year, with great severity. 

General Paez had the power of organizing the llaneros, and his 
battles were ferocious in the extreme. 

1836. In April, Dr. Vargas decided he had had enough of poli- 
tics in Venezuela. He resigned, and Vice-President Navarte took the 
office, sustained by General Paez, who was in fact the supreme 
executive of Venezuela. General Paez gave the death-blow to 
Marino's revolution, which is known in history as that of la Reforma. 

1837. On January 20 General Carreno, who was President of the 
Federal Council, became Acting President for a few months. Later 
General Carlos Soublette became President. A revolution now broke 
out, led by Colonel Farfan, but after a few months' fighting it was 
subdued by General Paez. 

1838. General Paez decided that he would have himself elected 
President, and the elections registered his will. It was clearly seen 
that he was at that time the only man in Venezuela who could domi- 
nate the unruly elements. General Paez assumed the office in 1839, 
and exercised its functions until 1843, when he had General Soublette 
elected in his stead. During this period there were vast numbers of 
local uprisings, but no formal revolutions national in extent. It would 


require a work as extensive as the Encyclopedia Britannica to give 
details of all the guerrilla fights of Venezuela. 

1843. General Soublette became President, his election being in 
fact due to General Paez. Soublette remained in office until 1847. 

1846. A revolution broke out against the oligarchy of Paez, 
led by the partisans of Antonio L. Guzman, a distinguished but un- 
scrupulous editor, whose newspaper, El Venezolano, had acquired 
considerable influence as the organ of radical republican ideas. Guz- 
man aspired to the presidency, an obvious folly for a man whose 
ammunition was mostly editorials. The Generales, obeying Paez, 
selected General Jose Tadeo Monagas for President, and the Guz- 
manistas flew to arms. General Paez and his cavalry once more saved 
the day, shooting, cutting, sending arms, heads, legs, here, there, 
everywhere, and demonstrating on many bloody fields the blessings 
of a free ballot and a fair count. During this period General Paez 
assumed dictatorial powers. 

1847. General Monagas took his seat as Chief Executive. He 
accepted the dictation of Paez in the appointment of his cabinet, 
particularly of the Minister of Interior, Dr. Anjel Quintero, who was 
the special representative of the former Dictator. When, however, 
Paez demanded the execution of Antonio L. Guzman, President 
Monagas refused to give his sanction. Thus a break at once occurred, 
and the ministry resigned. 

On January 23 the Congress met in Caracas, and at once changed 
its seat to Puerto Cabello, where it proceeded to entertain accusations 
against President Monagas, whose only crime had been his disobedi- 
ence of Paez in refusing to assassinate Guzman. 

On January 24 Congress w r as invaded by a body of armed men, 
soldiers under orders from President Monagas. Most of the Congress- 
men were Generales, Jefes, Caudillos, or Colonels. They had their 
guns handy, and a free fight ensued, in which the invaders were 
repulsed, after several Congressmen, as well as the attacking soldiers, 
had been killed. 

On January 27 Generals Paez and Soublette arose in revolution, 
declaring that they proposed to defend the honor, integrity, and inde- 
pendence of Congress. This hifalutin patriotism failed to enthuse 
the army, which had grown tired of Paez. Congress showed its base 
ingratitude by declaring the revolution to be an unjustifiable mutiny. 
President Monagas played the game with Paez according to the rules, 
and after the loss of a thousand or so of men who would have died 
anyway in a few years, even if there had been no revolution Mona- 
gas came out victorious. Some sensitive people have criticised Mona- 
gas for breaking up this Congress. It is difficult to see the philosophy 
of the criticism. 

1849. General Paez again raised the standard of revolt. Gen- 
eral Monagas defeated the insurrection at every point, and made Paez 


prisoner. General Paez, who had been so voracious in his demands 
for the blood of Guzman, now became the meek supplicant. He was 
kept in prison for some months, and then shipped to New York, 
where he attracted great attention. 

1851. The President, General Jose Tadeo Monagas, elected 
his brother General Jose Gregorio Monagas as President for the 
ensuing period. Congress graciously ratified the election. 

1853. The regular revolution came to the front, also a severe 
earthquake. Dictator Monagas subdued the former, and the latter 
ceased in due course. During this period commerce was almost 
destroyed by unjustifiable restrictions, taxes increased, and the country 
reduced to a shameful condition. 

1854. A decree was issued abolishing slavery. 

1855. General Jose Tadeo Monagas declared himself elected 
President. Nobody had soldiers enough to deny it. 

1856. Local revolutions broke out in all parts of Venezuela, and 
continued until the following year. 

1857. General Monagas dictated a new Constitution, extending 
the period of his office for six years. The revolution continued, and 
there was severe fighting early in the year, but it was finally subdued. 

1858. A revolution broke out in Valencia, headed by General 
Julian Castro. The generals and almost everybody else were tired 
of the Monagas dynasty, and it soon became apparent that the Ex- 
ecutive could not rely upon his soldiers. He was forced to fly from 
Venezuela, and General Castro became Dictator. The new General 
being of their party, Paez and Soublette at once returned to Venezuela. 

1859. General Julian Castro was proclaimed President, and a 
new Constitution was promulgated. A serious revolution now broke 
out in all parts of the country, and became general. The Jefes were 
Falcon, Guzman Blanco, Zamora, General Jose Tadeo Monagas, 
General Jose Gregorio Monagas. 

The Caracas oligarchy seized Castro and deposed him. Pedro 
Gaul was now designated as President. 

1860. The revolution still raged in all parts of the country. 
Gaul's troops were generally successful, but Congress met and de- 
clared Manuel Felipe Tovar President. 

1861. General Paez by this time had made great headway with 
his revolution. He captured Caracas, threw Tovar out of the presi- 
dential job, and put General Gaul at the head of affairs, with the 
understanding, of course, that he, Paez, should be in actual control. 
For some act which General Gaul did displeasing to Paez, 
he was arrested, and thrown into jail. Paez then assumed the 

1862. Civil war continued in all parts of Venezuela, devastating 
the country. Hundreds of battles were fought, thousands of lives lost, 
and anarchy and desolation reigned. 


1863. General Paez was compelled to sign the " Treaty of Coche," 
which placed the triumphant revolutionary General Juan Jose Falcon 
at the head of affairs. 

Antonio Guzman Blanco was Vice-President, and Venezuela was 
so poverty-stricken and devastated that even a man of his great talents 
found it difficult to exercise the peculiar art of the Dictator. 

1864. Falcon divided Venezuela into twenty States, and formed 
a "Federal Republic." He was plain Dictator, and called himself 
Gran Mariscal. There were revolutions everywhere, all the time, and 
the Grand Marshal had all he could do to keep them down. 

1865. Falcon declared himself to be "Constitutional President." 

1866. More revolutions. Falcon entrusted the government to 
General Trias, and took command in the field. 

1867. Falcon tried the gentle art of diplomacy with the revolu- 
tionists. He gave them, the leaders of course, $1,000,000 he had 
borrowed from English capitalists, on condition that they would be 
good. They promised, and kept their promise for about six weeks. 

1868. A new revolution broke out, headed by General Jose 
Tadeo Monagas. Falcon was compelled to fly to Cmx>9ao, where 
he died. General Monagas became President through the good offices 
of the faithful machete. 

1869. General Ruperto Monagas became President upon the 
death of his father, Jose Tadeo Monagas, thus making a sort of family 
affair out of the job. 

Antonio Guzman Blanco now raised the patriotic cry. He called 
himself Ilustre Americano, rejenerador y pacificador de Venezuela. 
This was the last straw which broke the earners back. The suffering 
country yielded after a few dozen battles, and Blanco became Dictator. 

1869-1877. This period, called the septenio, produced many 
revolutions, but Guzman Blanco dominated them all. The most 
notable were the revolutions led by General Venancio Pulgar and by 
Matias Salazar, the latter of whom was shot by orders of Blanco. 

1877. Guzman Blanco put General Pedro Alcantara in power 
and went to Europe. 

1878. Alcantara proved treacherous to Blanco. Mobs destroyed 
the statues which the latter had erected of himself in all parts of 
Venezuela, and the Guzmanistas broke out in revolution. 

1879. The revolution triumphed; Alcantara died. Guzman 
Blanco returned from Europe, and again assumed a dictatorship. 
He promulgated a new Constitution, reduced the number of States 
from twenty to eight, and erected many new statues of himself at the 
public expense. From 1879 to 1883 the period is known as the 

1883. General Guzman Blanco was anxious to go again to 
Europe. He therefore appointed Joaquin Crespo as President. 
Congress conferred upon him the title of Heroe del Deber, "Hero 


of Duty." New revolutions broke out, headed by General Pulgar, 
but these were readily suppressed. 

1886. Manuel A. Diez became Acting President, awaiting the 
return from Europe of Guzman Blanco, who had been chosen for a 
new term. When this General returned to Venezuela, he was received 
with extraordinary enthusiasm. 

1887. Guzman Blanco turned the government over to Her- 
mogenes Lopez, and again went to Europe. New revolutions broke 

1888. Dr. J. P. Rojas Paul became President of Venezuela. 
He was a cultured gentleman, and did his best to govern Venezuela 
decently, but the odds were against him. Dr. Paul owed his position 
exclusively to Guzman Blanco. 

In November Joaquin Crespo inaugurated a revolution against 
Dr. Paul, but failed, and Crespo was taken prisoner. 

1890. Andueza Palacio became President. 

1891. A new Constitution was promulgated, extending the presi- 
dential period to four years. 

1892. Another revolution broke out, headed by Crespo. Its 
base was the States of Ix>s Andes and Zamora. This revolution was 
overcome, but Palacio was compelled to abandon the country. G. 
Tell Villegas became Chief Executive. This gentleman was soon 
overthrown, and Villegas Pulido became President. He was likewise 
overthrown in a short time, and anarchy reigned in Venezuela. Every 
general of prominence in Venezuela desired to be President; an era 
of bloodshed ensued. Out of this confusion Crespo emerged with 
the largest army. He took possession of the principal cities, and 
finally captured Caracas, after committing an infinite number of 

Crespo now declared himself Jefe Supremo. A more ignorant, 
brutal, corrupt, and thoroughly depraved man would be hard to find. 
He inaugurated a new reign of graft, tyranny, wickedness, malice, 
and deviltry. 

1898. At the end of Crespo's term he put Andrade in office, 
while he remained to direct affairs. When Jose Manuel Hernandez* 
revolution broke out against Andrade in 1898, Crespo took the field 
at the head of the government troops, but was killed in battle, at 
Carmelera, April 16, 1899. In this revolution 1800 lives were lost. 

1899. On February 20 Ramon Guerra, who had been President 
of the State of Guarica, issued a proclamation of revolt at Calabozo. 
He was defeated in Guarico by General Lorenzo Guevara, on March 
22, with a total loss in killed and wounded of about 500. 

On May 23 General Cipriano Castro, with 60 men, rebelled 
against Andrade, and invaded the State of Tachira. He fought 
battles at Trujillo, Merida, El Paraparo, Nirgua, and Tocuyito, the 
latter giving him possession of Valencia. In this action he had 1500 


men against 6000 under General Diego Bautista Ferrar. Owing to 
the treachery of his generals, Andrade abandoned Caracas on October 
#0, and Castro took possession on the 22d, declaring himself to be 
Jefe Supremo. In this revolution there were 42 actions with a loss 
of 3500 lives. 

On October 26 General Jose Manuel Hernandez at Los Tejerias 
issued a proclamation of revolt against Castro. He was defeated on 
the night of October 30, at San Casimiro, by General Natividad 
Mendoza. At Cojedes he obtained reinforcements, making an army 
of 5000. Severe battles were fought at Tocuyito, Cojedes, Mata de 
Agua, in November and December. 

1900. On March 21 and 22 Hernandez was defeated by Jose 
Manuel Paredes at Manocal. On May 27 he was captured at Tierra 
Negra, and sent a prisoner to Fort San Carlos. In this revolution 
about 5000 lives were lost. 

Concurrently with Hernandez' uprising, General Antonio Paredes 
was having a little war on his own account at Puerto Cabello, where 
he was military governor. On refusing to surrender to Cipriano Castro 
the latter sent the "National Navy," under Carlos E. Echeverria, 
as well as an army under Generals Julio Sarria Hurtado and Ramon 
Guerra, to attack him. After the loss of 220 lives, including many 
women and children, Paredes was defeated and taken prisoner to 
Fort San Carlos. 

On October 24 General Pedro Julian Acosta began a revolution 
in Yrapa, and fought several battles in the States of Cumana and 
Margarita, but after a loss of 360 lives on both sides, was captured. 

On December 14 General Celestino Peraza arose in revolt 
at La Mercedes, but was easily defeated. 

1901. In July General Carlos Rangel Garbiras, with 4000 men, 
invaded the State of Tachira. On July 28 a battle was fought at San 
Cristobal, the revolutionists losing 800, and Castro's troops 350 men. 

Another force of revolutionists were repulsed at San Faustino by 
General Ruben Cardenas. General Rafael Montilla headed upris- 
ings in the State of Lara. 

1902. The movements of revolutionists continued in all parts 
of Venezuela, and war was threatened with Colombia. A Colombian 
line battalion of 400 invaded Venezuela by way of San Antonio, and 
a Venezuelan force invaded Colombia by way of Rio Hacha. Horacio 
Ducharme and his brother Alejandro were in revolt in the Eastern 
States with small forces. General Juan Pietri got up a little fire- 
cracker revolution ; but his men were defeated at Guigue, and he was 
sent to Fort San Carlos. 

A revolution of serious importance, however, broke out towards 
the end of 1901, that of General Manuel Antonio Matos, who fitted 
out a steamship called the Libertador, formerly Ban Righ, and 
succeeded in raising formidable bodies of soldiers. This revolution 


continued for eighteen months. There were 20 battles, 40 minor 
engagements, and 150 skirmishes, resulting in a total loss of more 
than 12,000 lives. The revolutionists were signally defeated by Gen- 
eral Juan Vicente Gomez at El Guapo, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of 
April, 1903, and the power of Matos was broken. 

1903. Venezuela was blockaded by England, Germany, and 

1907. Since the blockade there have been numerous uprisings, 
but no formal revolutions. The government continues to be dominated 
by Castro, a brutal, degenerate tyrant. 



TN 1809 Amar was Viceroy at Bogota. He was very popular, and 
[ for some time was able to resist the revolutionary spirit of the 

1810. On May 22 a revolutionary junta was formed at Carta- 
gena. In June a revolution broke out on the Orinoco plains near 
Bogota. On July 4 Pamplona formed a revolutionary junta. So- 
corro did the same soon afterwards. Bogota followed suit in a short 
time ; Narino set up as Dictator. 

1811. In March the patriots defeated the Spaniards at Popayan. 
There were invasions from Ecuador, and counter-invasions. The 
revolutionists fought each other. Narino and the congressional troops 
fought at Socorro. The Dictator was defeated, but in turn defeated 
his fellow-patriots, otherwise known as federalists, at Bogota. 

1813. Bolivar captured Ocana, and defeated the Spaniards in 
the lower Magdalena River. 

1814. The Spanish General Samano advanced from Ecuador 
to attack Colombia, but was defeated at Calivio, January 15. Narino 
was defeated and captured, later. 

1815. In April Marshal Morillo, the Spanish General, invested 
Cartagena with nearly 10,000 troops. The revolutionists had about 
4000. The siege lasted nearly five months, during which time about 
6000 soldiers died on both sides. Finally the revolutionary army 
escaped. General Camilo Torres was made Dictator by the Bogota 

1816. On February 22 General Torres, with 2500 troops, was 
seriously defeated at Ocana by the Spaniards. The revolutionists 
committed many atrocities, murdering Spanish non-combatants 
without mercy. Torres resigned and fled. Congress appointed 
General Madrid Dictator, but he had no army and was compelled 
to fly. 

Marshal Morillo, the Spanish General, assumed complete military 
control, and instituted a reign of terror. He assassinated, or ordered 
to be publicly shot, every prominent man who sympathized with the 
anti-royalist movement In Bogota alone 125 leading men, of high 


standing, were shot, and their property confiscated, leaving their 
families beggars. 

1817. The bloody Morillo took the field in person, at the head 
of 4000 Spanish troops, leaving the infamous Samano in control at 
Bogota. The latter continued the work of execution, not hesitating 
to shoot women as well as men. 

1819. After three years of bloody despotism under Morillo and 
Samano, the patriots were relieved by Bolivar, who arrived,' after a 
marvellous campaign, at Boyaca, within a hundred miles of Bogota, 
on August 7, and drove the Spaniards in confusion back upon the city. 

By the end of September Bolivar had driven the Spaniards out 
of practically all that section of Colombia, and proclaimed himself 
Dictator. He left General Santander as Vice-President and Acting 

1821. Bolivar called the Congress at Cucuta, which adopted 
a Constitution and elected the Liberator as President. 

Independence of the Department of Panama declared in 

1822. Bolivar invaded Ecuador, leaving Santander as Governor 
of Colombia. Sucre went via Guayaquil. Bolivar had a bloody fight 
at Bambona on April 7, in which he lost three times as many men 
as the Spanish, but nevertheless remained master of the field. Sucre 
won the battle of Pichincha, and saved the situation for his chief. 

1826. Bolivar, who had been living like an emperor in Peru for 
two years, was compelled to return to Bogota by the rising discontent. 
There were uprisings and intrigues against him in all parts of the 
country from this time on. 

1828. A convention was held at Ocana which intended to 
deprive Bolivar of power, but he had an army of 3000 men, and they 
did not dare to carry out their intention. He then called a Congress 
which proclaimed him Dictator 

1829. Bolivar again resigned the presidency, but the Congress 
refused to accept the resignation. Insurrections broke out against 
him in Ecuador, and his troops mutinied. General Cordoba started 
a revolution against Bolivar in Antioquia in the autumn, but was 

1830. On January 30 Bolivar finally resigned, and shortly after 
Congress appointed Mosquera as President. 

President Mosquera was overthrown by General Urdaneta, 
who proclaimed himself Dictator. 

1831. In May General Urdaneta went the way of the typical 
Dictator, and Obando Lopez, the man who was believed to have 
assassinated General Sucre, became Supreme Chief. 

1832. Venezuela and Ecuador having withdrawn from the Con- 
federation, the Colombian Congress adopted a Constitution, and 
proclaimed General Santander the first legal President. General 


Santander was a man of many excellent qualities, and his adminis- 
tration was perhaps the ablest which Colombia has ever had. 

1836. Dr. Marquez was declared elected President. This was 
accomplished in face of the desire of General Santander that General 
Ovando should succeed him. Civil war broke out in many provinces, 
and continued through 1839 and 1840. 

1840. Panama declared its independence, and maintained it 
for two years. 

1841. General Herran suppressed all revolutions and became 
President. A new Constitution was formed. 

1845. General Tomas Mosquera became President. Revolu- 
tions broke out throughout the country towards the end of his rule. 

1849. General Lopez was declared President by Congress, 
although there had been no constitutional election. A new Constitu- 
tion was promulgated. 

1851. A "conservative" revolution broke out in Pasto, and 
spread rapidly. The revolutionists were defeated at Rio Negro, 
September 10. 

1853. General Obando was declared President; he was actually 
named by Lopez. 

1854. General Melo led an uprising of the cavalry and gar- 
rison in Bogota, and proclaimed himself Dictator. Mosquera and 
Herran led the troops against Melo, and overthrew him after much 

Senor Mallarino became President as a compromise between 
all parties. Most of the provinces were now practically inde- 
pendent, and there appeared to be but little authority in the central 
government. The name of the country was changed to the Granadine 

1857. During the greater part of this year there were three 
Dictators exercising powers concurrently in different parts of the 
country. Mariana Ospina was the "duly elected President," repre- 
senting the clericals; Murillo representing liberals, and Mosquera 
the moderates, were opposing Presidents. Revolutions swept all 
parts of the country. 

1859. The friends of Murillo adopted a new Constitution. 
Dictator Ospina was defeated by Dictator Mosquera, who invaded 
the upper Magdalena, and defeated Ospina at Segovia. 

1861. Mosquera's army succeeded, and he became Supreme 
Dictator. A new Constitution was adopted, and the name of the 
country changed to the "United States of Colombia." 

1863. Dictator Mosquera made war on Ecuador, and gained 
a victory at Causpud, on December 30. The ostensible object of this 
war was to punish Dictator Moreno, of Ecuador, for having previously 
aided Dictator Ospina, of Colombia, both of them being classed as 

VOL. 16 


1864. Murillo was elected President for the ensuing two years, 
that being the term recently established. A revolution broke out in 
the " Sovereign State of Antioquia," and overthrew the local govern- 
ment. Murillo observed strict neutrality, and promptly recognized 
the new government of the State. Similar successful revolutions were 
recognized by the general government as the de facto governments in 
the States of Bolivar, Panama, Magdalena, and elsewhere. 

1866. Mosquera succeeded Murillo. He attempted to re- 
establish the authority of the central government, and for that purpose 
intervened in the local revolutions. 

1867. Mosquera declared himself Dictator. The garrison in 
Bogota revolted, and he was overthrown. 

Acosta was declared President by the Bogota troops. He 
refused to interfere in the local revolutions. 

1868. General Gutierrez became President. He interfered in 
the local State revolutions. In Cundinamarca the Governor assumed 
a Dictatorship locally of the State, but Gutierrez deposed him. 

1870. General Salgar became President. The country under 
his rule went from bad to worse. 

1872. Murillo was declared President, and apart from the 
economic crisis which was chronic in Colombia, even in those days, 
his administration was without special incident. 

1874. Santiago Perez was declared President by Congress. 
Grave disorders broke out in 1875 in all parts of the country. Panama 
revolted, and many other States defied the authority of the President 
and arrested his officers and troops. 

1876. Aquiles Parra was selected for Chief Executive by Con- 
gress in the latter part of 1875, and took office early in 1876. Revolu- 
tions broke out in Cauca, and when the President sought to intervene, 
other "sovereign States," such as Antioquia and Tolima, "declared 
war." A bloody insurrection followed. Parra raised about 25,000 
men, and many heavy battles were fought. The States of Santander, 
Boyaca, and Cundinamarca joined the insurrection, but General 
Parra finally succeeded in restoring order. 

1878. Trujillo was declared President. Revolutions again 
devastated the country. The government of Cauca and Magdalena 
were overthrown by the national troops. 

1880. Rafael Nunez, a man of liberal antecedents, although a 
member of the conservative party, was installed as President. The 
following year a strong revolution was organized against him by 
liberal influences in Cauca and Antioquia, but was put down after 
heavy loss of life. 

1882. Senor Laldua succeeded Nunez as Chief Executive, but 
he died in 1883. 

1883. Vice-President General Otalora succeeded as Chief 


1884. Sefior Rafael Nunez was declared President. His reac- 
tionary policies gave dissatisfaction to the liberals, who had supported 

1885. A widespread and powerful revolution broke out in the 
provinces of Panama, Boyaca, Cundinamarca, and Magdalena, under 
the leadership of Generals Reyes and Velez. It was subdued, and 
peace was proclaimed in September. 

1886. On August 6 Dictator Nunez proclaimed a new Constitu- 
tion, extending the President's term to six years and making a cen- 
tralized government. He declared himself elected President for the 
term ending August 7, 1892. 

1888. Dictator Nunez appointed Carlos Holguin to administer 
the government at Bogota. Nunez himself remained in Cartagena on 
account of his health; but Nunez was consulted about everything, 
and his orders were law. Armed uprisings were frequent in all parts 
of the country, but were suppressed without great difficulty. 

1892. Dictator Nunez declared himself President for the ensuing 
six years, and appointed Senor Miguel Caro to administer affairs in 
Bogota, while he continued as before to reside in Cartagena. 

1894. In September President Nunez died. Senor Miguel Caro 
assumed the unexpired term. Uprisings were continuous and severe, 
but Senor Caro suppressed them all. 

1898. M. A. Sanclemente was chosen President by the conser- 
vatives. A powerful revolution broke out in all parts of the country, 
aided by Venezuela in its latter stages. This was a bitter and bloody 
insurrection, entailing widespread disaster. 

1900. Sefior J. M. Marroquin, the Vice-President, deposed and 
imprisoned the President by un golpe de cuartel, an uprising of 
troops, fomented and directed by General Rafael Reyes. 

1903. Revolution of Panama, and its recognition as an inde- 
pendent Republic by the United States and other foreign countries. 
The separation took place because of the refusal or failure of Colombia 
to approve a treaty for the construction of the Panama Canal. 

1904. General Rafael Reyes was installed as President, and 
soon afterwards declared himself Dictator. It would seem that his 
administration is following the old and corrupt precedents, in grant- 
ing intolerable monopolies, and in the practice of the military control 
in every activity of life, and the destruction of all personal liberty and 


" When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed since 
the United States had entered into its treaty with New Granada. 


During that time the governments of New Granada and of its suc- 
cessor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of flux. The following 
is a partial list of the disturbances on the Isthmus of Panama during 
the period in question as reported to us by our consuls. It is not pos- 
sible to give a complete list, and some of the reports that speak of 
'revolutions ' must mean unsuccessful revolutions. 

May 22, 1850. Outbreak ; two Americans killed. War- vessel 
demanded to quell outbreak. 

October, 1850. Revolutionary plot to bring about independence 
of the Isthmus. 

July 22, 1851. Revolution in four southern provinces. 

November 14, 1851. Outbreak at Chagres. Man-of-war re- 
quested for Chagres. 

June 27, 1853. Insurrection at Bogota, and consequent dis- 
turbance on Isthmus. War- vessel demanded. 

May 23, 1854. Political disturbances ; war- vessel requested. 

June 28, 1854. Attempted revolution. 

October 24, 1854. Independence of Isthmus demanded by 
provincial legislature. 

April, 1856. Riot, and massacre of Americans. 

May 4, 1856. Riot. 

May 18, 1856. Riot. 

June 3, 1856. Riot. 

October 2, 1856. Conflict between two native parties. United 
States forces landed. 

December 18, 1858. Attempted secession of Panama. 

April, 1859. Riots. 

September, 1860. Outbreak. 

October 4, 1860. Landing of United States forces in consequence. 

May 23, 1861. Intervention of the United States forces required 
by intendente. 

October 2, 1861. Insurrection and civil war. 

April 4, 1862. Measures to prevent rebels crossing Isthmus. 

June 13, 1862. Mosquera's troops refused admittance to Panama. 

March, 1865. Revolution, and United States troops landed. 

August, 1865. Riots; unsuccessful attempt to invade Panama. 

March, 1866. Unsuccessful revolution. 

April, 1867. Attempt to overthrow government. 

August, 1867. Attempt at revolution. 

July 5, 1868. Revolution ; provisional government inaugurated. 

August 29, 1868. Revolution ; provisional government over- 

April, 1871. Revolution ; followed apparently by counter- 

April, 1873. Revolution and civil war which lasted to October, 


August, 1876. Civil war which lasted until April, 1877. 

July, 1878. Rebellion. 

December, 1878. Revolt. 

April, 1879. Revolution. 

June, 1879. Revolution. 

March, 1883. Riot. 

May, 1883. Riot. 

June, 1884. Revolutionary attempt. 

December, 1884. Revolutionary attempt. 

January, 1885. Revolutionary disturbances. 

March, 1885. Revolution. 

April, 1887. Disturbance on Panama Railroad. 

November, 1887. Disturbance on line of canal. 

January, 1889. Riot. 

January, 1895. Revolution which lasted until April. 

March, 1895. Incendiary attempt. 

October, 1899. Revolution. 

February, 1900, to July, 1900. Revolution. 

January, 1901. Revolution. 

July, 1901. Revolutionary disturbances. 

September, 1901. City of Colon taken by rebels. 

March, 1902. Revolutionary disturbances. 

July, 1902. Revolution. 

The above is only a partial list of the revolutions, rebellions, insur- 
rections, riots, and other outbreaks that have occurred during the 
period in question ; yet they number 53 for the 57 years. It will be 
noted that one of them lasted for nearly three years before it was 
quelled ; another for nearly a year. In short, the experience of over 
half a century has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping 
order on the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United 
States has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of sover- 
eignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United States of the 
police power in her interest, her connection with the Isthmus would 
have been sundered long ago. In 1856, in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in 
1901, and again in 1902, sailors and marines from United States war- 
ships were forced to land in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect 
life and property, and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was 
kept open. In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900 the Colombian 
government asked that the United States government would land 
troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the Isthmus." 



IN 1809 an uprising took place, and the government buildings in 
La Paz and Charcas were seized. The Viceroys of Lima and 
Buenos Ayres sent forces to quell the uprising, which was put 
down, and Goyeneche, the Lima General, ordered wholesale 

1810. Revolutionists defeated the Spaniards at Suipacha, and 
took possession of most of the cities of the great plateau which is now 
in Bolivia. 

1813. A fresh invasion of Bolivian territory was made from 
Argentine, but the Spaniards were routed at Villapugie and Ayehuma. 
A war of devastation and extermination was kept up on both sides. 
Camargo and Padilla, in the southern provinces, and Arenales at 
Santa Cruz, were the leaders of the revolutionists. 

1814. A great insurrection occurred, led by an Indian cacique 
named Munecas, in the region north of Lake Titicaca and Cuzco, 
with 20,000 Indians, mostly unarmed. The Spaniards defeated them 
at the battle of Humachiri. 

1815. The Argentine patriots advanced to aid their brethren 
in Bolivia, but were defeated by the Spaniards, on November 15, at 
Viluma. This gave the control of the great Bolivian plateau to the 
Spanish generals for seven years. The Spanish General Pezuela 
captured and garroted Camargo, and beheaded Padilla as he lay 
wounded in battle. 

1816. Spaniards in complete control everywhere. Pezuela 
had 8000 disciplined troops. 

1817. The Spanish General La Serna attempted to invade 
Argentine, but was greatly harassed by the gauchos, or cow-boys. 
Later, San Martin's victory at Chacabuco, Chili, compelled him to 

1820. San Martin compelled the Spaniards to evacuate the 
coast towns. 

1822. The patriots attempted to reach La Paz, but were at- 
tacked by the Spanish General Valdez and destroyed. 

1823. Santa Cruz, a Bolivian half-breed of Inca descent, de- 
serted from the Spanish cause, joined the patriots, and with 5000 


troops, went as far as La Paz. He was outgeneralled by Valdez, and 
his forces practically destroyed. 

1824. Bolivar invaded Bolivian territory, defeated the royalists 
at Junin, and drove them to Cuzco. At the same time Sucre annihi- 
lated the Spanish power in that part of the continent at the great 
victory of Ayacucho on December 9. 

1825. On August 11 Bolivar, who had now swept the Spaniards 
before him, and been received by the people of Upper Peru with the 
most extravagant demonstrations, issued a proclamation creating the 
Republic of "Bolivia," named in honor of himself. 

1826. Bolivar presented a ready-made Constitution for the 
Bolivian Republic. It provided for a President to be elected for life, 
with the power to name his successor. General Sucre was made 

1827. Dissatisfaction and revolutions everywhere. Generals 
Santa Cruz and Gamarra overthrew Bolivar's Constitution in Peru, 
and advanced upon Bolivia to expel Sucre. 

1828. On July 28 General Sucre made a treaty with General 
Santa Cruz, by which Sucre surrendered his presidency and left the 
country. He was assassinated soon afterward by his own soldiers. 
General Santa Cruz became President. He organized a strong 

1835. Santa Cruz invaded Peru and conquered the country, 
forming the Peru-Bolivian Confederation. 

1837. Chili made war on the new confederation, sending an 
expedition to Arequipa, which was defeated by Santa Cruz. 

1839. On January 20 the Chilians, aided by Peruvians, de- 
feated the army of Santa Cruz, of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation, 
at Yungay, thereby destroying the confederation. 

General Velasco headed a revolution overthrowing Santa Cruz, 
and became Dictator. Continuous revolutions and disorders devas- 
tated the country. 

1840. General Balliviau overthrew General Velasco and became 
Supreme Chief. Internal and external wars continued. 

1841. The Dictator of Peru invaded Bolivia with a large army, 
and occupied the province of La Paz, but was defeated at Ynjavi and 
driven from the country. 

1843. Balliviau abolished the Constitution and made one to 
suit himself. He ruled in an arbitrary, tyrannical, and brutal manner. 

1847. Balliviau undertook to invade Peru, but his army revolted, 
and mutiny followed mutiny until he had to flee. 

1848. General Velasco became Supreme Chief, for a short time 
only, to be overthrown by General Belzu. 

General Belzu became Supreme Chief. He was an ignorant, 
brutal, tyrannical Dictator, and during his rule there were every- 
where innumerable riots, revolutionary movements, and general 


anarchy. Dr. Linares kept up a fight against the Dictator until he 
was finally induced to resign, leaving his son-in-law in power. 

1855. General Cordoba, the son-in-law of Belzu, was designated 
President. Nine different revolutionary movements broke out against 
him in three years. These were led by Dr. Linares, who was finally 
successful, and overthrew forever the power of Belzu and Cordoba. 

1858. Dr. Linares became Dictator. He started in well by 
endeavoring to place honest men in office, and practising economy 
and good administration; but the cormorants and generals did not 
desire this. Bolivia had become so corrupt that genuine reform from 
within was impossible. His most trusted minister, Fernandez, plotted 
against him, and in spite of all Linares could do plots and counter- 
plots, intrigues, riots, and assassinations were prevalent throughout 
the country. He was finally overthrown, after three years of rule. 

1861. General Acha became President, and a period of com- 
plete anarchy ensued. No man's life was safe in the country, which 
became in fact a savage and barbarous commonwealth. The revolu- 
tions finally took shape with General Belzu at the head, and Acha was 
driven from power. 

1864. General Belzu became Dictator, but he enjoyed his power 
for only a brief period. He was killed at La Paz in resisting an insur- 
gent attack led by Colonel Melgarejo. 

1865. Melgarejo became Dictator. He was a drunken criminal 
savage, who made no pretence to govern by legal or constitutional 
methods. He inaugurated a system of espionage and assassination 
almost equal to that of Rosas, in Argentine. This odious and ignorant 
tyrant, by practising cruelties of every description and inspiring uni- 
versal terror, by murdering all opponents, and confiscating the prop- 
erty of any one he did not like, managed to sustain himself in power 
until 1870. 

1871. General Morales and his army overthrew the tyrant, 
Melgarejo, and he became Supreme Chief. His administration, how- 
ever, was not much better than that of his predecessor. Insurrections 
continued everywhere. 

1876. General Hilarion Daza overthrew Morales and assumed 
supreme power. His ambition led him to become entangled in the 
hostilities between Peru and Chili, but he seems to have been of little 
service to his ally, and when Peru was decisively defeated, Daza was 
deposed in December, 1879. 

1880. General Narcisco Campero became President. He pro- 
mulgated a new Constitution on October 28. General Campero's 
rule was so very excellent in comparison with those which had pre- 
ceded him, that he deserves praise of a high character for the reforms 
actually instituted. He opened negotiations in 1882 with Chili, and 
signed a treaty of peace in 1884. 

1884. In August Senor Pecheco became President and ruled 


for four years, giving a very good administration, in which the country 
developed considerably. 

1888. Senor Arce was the choice of Pecheco for President, and 
was elected without opposition. He endeavored to form an alliance 
with Argentine for the purpose of recovering the territory east of Chili 
as a result of the Peruvian-Bolivian-Chilian War. In 1890 General 
Camacho led an unsuccessful revolution. In 1891 a treaty was signed 
with Argentine, but it never amounted to anything. Toward the end 
of Arce's administration a heavy Indian uprising occurred, due to 
arbitrary acts of the government. This was suppressed only after 
considerable loss of life. 

1892. In August, through the exercise of official influence, Senor 
Baptista became President. In 1893 General Camacho led another 
revolution, which the government had difficulty in overcoming for 
lack of arms and ammunition. These were finally furnished by Chili, 
and a treaty was now entered into between Chili and Bolivia by which 
it was agreed that Chili should concede to Bolivia a port on the Pacific 
and grant many other concessions and advantages. This treaty dis- 
gusted Peru and Argentine without doing Bolivia any good, because 
Chili never kept her part of the agreement. Her object was to alienate 
Bolivia from Argentine and Peru. 

1896. Severo Fernandez Alonzo became President in August. 
Revolutions were fomented against him, however, and in 1898 these 
took definite shape under the guidance of Jose Manuel Pando. The 
Indians joined the revolutionists, and a guerrilla warfare was kept 
up for several months. In 1899 Alonzo discovered treachery among 
his own officers, and being defeated in several skirmishes, and a 
number of the provinces joining the revolution en masse, Alonzo fled 
to Chili. 

1899. Jose Manuel Pando became Provisional President, in 
virtue of the defeat of Alonzo. He called a Congress of his adherents, 
and declared himself in 1900 to be the Constitutional President. 

1904. Senor Ysmael Montes was elected, on August 14, for four 



IN 1809 Ruiz de Castilla, President of Quito, exercised jurisdiction 
over the territory now called Ecuador. 

On August 9 a revolutionary movement was inaugurated 
which took possession of the government buildings, imprisoned the 
Spanish officials, formed a junta, and selected Juan Montufar 
as chief. In October Castilla again assumed the reins, having 
defeated the revolutionists. 

1810. In August the Creoles attempted to get possession of the 
barracks, but failed, and a frightful massacre followed. 

1811. Castilla resigned under pressure. A new junta was 
formed, with Carlos Montufar as chief. Spaniards were assassinated 
in all parts of the country. Molina was appointed by Spain to 
succeed Castilla. Revolutions occurred in all parts of the country. 
The government was purely military. 

1812. Montufar was overthrown by another Creole chief. The 
revolutionists fought among themselves, and the Spaniards vanquished 
both factions. Montes, the Spanish General, became President. 
He defeated the revolutionists everywhere, and maintained order 
for eight or nine years. 

1822. On May 24 the battle of Pichincha gave the control of 
Ecuador to General Sucre, the great lieutenant of Bolivar. Ecuador 
now became a part of Bolivar's Confederation. 

1824. December 9 Sucre annihilated the main army of the 
Spaniards at Ayacucho, giving Bolivar supreme power, and he became 
Military Dictator. 

1826. Revolutions in Lima, and Guayaquil and Cuenca were 
seized by the disaffected troops, but they fell fighting among them- 
selves. Bolivar in the mean time was occupied with revolutions in 

1828. War between Colombia and Peru. Guayaquil blockaded 
by ships of Peru. 

1829. In January Guayaquil surrendered to Peruvian war- 
ships ; a Peruvian army of 7000 invaded Ecuador. 

1830. On May 12 General Flores proclaimed the Quito Presi- 
dency independent of Bolivar's Confederation. He gave the country 


the name of Ecuador. Flores was merely one of the many military 
chiefs who were each ambitious to rule, and who carried on inter- 
minable wars and counter-revolutions among themselves. His rule 
was bloody and tyrannical in the extreme. 

1835. A revolution occurred against Flores, led by Vicente 
Rocafuerte, who was captured. Great uprisings continued. Flores 
and Rocafuerte entered into a compact by which the former became 
General of the army, and the latter President. This man was a 
wise and liberal ruler, and deserves credit for sincerity and honesty 
of intention under discouraging circumstances. 

1839. General Flores with the army ousted Rocafuerte, and 
became President. He was ignorant, brutal, tyrannical, corrupt, and 
sought only military glory. He had a new Constitution made, fixing 
the presidential term at eight years. 

1843. General Flores again declared himself President. Roca- 
fuerte was compelled to flee. Revolutions broke out, and an attempt 
was made to assassinate Flores. 

1845. A liberal revolution defeated Flores, and he accepted 
$20,000 in money and left the country. Ramon Roca, a mulatto, 
was installed as President. A new Constitution was adopted. 

1849. A revolution broke out in which General Urbina finally 
obtained the power. 

1850. General Urbina proclaimed Diego Noboa as Provisional 
President. The two called a convention which selected Noboa for 
the full term. 

1851. General Urbina exiled Noboa and proclaimed himself 
Dictator. His excuse for the act was that Noboa had recalled the 

1856. General Urbina named Robles as President. 

1859. War with Peru. General Urbina and Robles proceeded 
to the frontier with their troops to fight the Peruvians, and the " Con- 
servadores " rose up behind them, defeated the troops of the adminis- 
tration and took possession of Quito. 

On May 1 the Conservadores designated Garcia Moreno as Provi- 
sional President. He attacked Urbina and Robles, and was defeated 
and escaped to Peru. The remaining conservative forces defeated 
Urbina and Robles, and drove them into exile. 

1860. On September 2 Moreno captured Guayaquil, and 
became Dictator of Ecuador. He promulgated a new Constitution, 
and established a government strongly friendly to the clericals. 

1864. Urbina invaded Ecuador from Peru, but his efforts were 

1865. An understudy of Moreno was declared President, but 
he did not give satisfaction. 

1866. Another subordinate of Moreno was installed but refused 
to obey orders and Moreno discharged him. 


1867. General Moreno declared himself Provisional Dictator. 
Revolutions occurred for two years longer. 

1875. General Moreno declared himself elected President for 
the ensuing term. On August 6 Moreno was assassinated in one of 
the principal streets of Quito. Dr. Borrero, the Vice-President, suc- 
ceeded to the office of President. Civil war was taking place in 
all parts of the country, and two or three different Presidents were 

1876. General Veintemilla headed a revolution, and became 
Dictator. He called a Convention and promulgated a Constitution. 

1878. Veintemilla was declared Constitutional President. Dis- 
orders broke out in all parts of the country. 

1883. The army proclaimed Veintemilla Dictator, but a strong 
revolution overthrew him. 

1884. Jose Caamano, head of the revolution, seized the dic- 
tatorship. His late ally, Alfaro, started a revolution against him, but 
was defeated. 

1888. Dr. Antonio Flores became President. He was an 
enlightened and patriotic man, who did the best he could. At the 
end of his term he refused further office. 

1892. Dr. Luis Cordero became President. His rule was 
corrupt, and soon led to revolution. Cordero was accused also of 
taking part in the sale of the Chilian ironclad Esmeralda to Japan, 
in violation of international law, the latter power being then at war 
with China. The enemies of Cordero made much of this transac- 
tion, since it was known that he had received a large commission 
for acting as go-between. 

1894. A formidable revolution headed by Eloy Alfaro broke 
out against Cordero, who was completely overthrown in the battle 
of Gatajo. 

1895. Eloy Alfaro was proclaimed Supreme Chief of Ecua- 
dor, and a military government was established. 

1897. General Eloy Alfaro was proclaimed Constitutional 
President. He was overthrown by a revolution. 

1901. General Leonidas Plaza was declared President. 
1905. Senor Lizardo Garcia, President 




IN 1806 Abascal was Spanish Viceroy. On the first signs of the 
revolution for independence, the Viceroy shot the leaders, Ubaldo 

and Aguila. He banished and imprisoned many others, and 
Peru remained the stronghold of Spanish power long after Colombia, 
Venezuela, and the other countries had rebelled. 

1814. An Indian insurrection under a Cacique, Pumacagna, 
swept the Cuzco region and entered Peru. The Indians, who num- 
bered at least 20,000, were easily defeated, owing to lack of arms, with 
great slaughter at Umachiri, near Lake Titicaca. 

1816. Viceroy Abascal resigned and was succeeded by General 
Pezuela. It appeared that the revolutionists were subjugated every- 
where in the North, and Pezuela was preparing to invade Argentine, 
when San Martin gained the victory of Chacabuco. Xater the Vice- 
roy's troops were almost annihilated by San Martin at Maypo. 

1820. San Martin had created a fleet with Lord Cochrane, a 
Scotch Admiral, as commander, which swept the coast of Peru, 
while San Martin's army, numbering 4500 men, invaded Peru in 
face of five times as many Spaniards. Lord Cochrane destroyed the 
Blanco Encalada, one of the largest Spanish frigates. 

San Martin sent General Arenales with 1200 men to ravage the 
plains adjacent to Lima, where he defeated General O'Reilly near 
Cerro de Pasco. 

1821. Numerous desertions from the Spanish army gave the 
royalists great alarm. Pezuela was superseded by La Serna. On 
July 6 the new Viceroy evacuated Lima and retired to Jauja. 

On July 28 General San Martin entered Lima and declared 
himself "Protector" of Peru. The royalists held much of the coun- 
try, and San Martin was regarded even by the patriots with suspi- 
cion. His position was thus a difficult one. 

1822. On July 25 General San Martin arrived at Guayaquil, 
on the ship Macedonia, to meet Simon Bolivar, who had preceded 
him with 1500 soldiers. 

Immediately after this meeting San Martin resigned his protector- 
ship of Peru, and later left South America forever. General Alvarado 


became the Military Chief of Peru. He was badly defeated by the 
Spanish General Valdez, and his army of 4000 men practically 

1823. A counter-revolution broke out in Peru, and General 
Jose de la Riva Aguero was declared President, with General Santa 
Cruz, a Bolivian, as General of the Army. 

In May this General, with 5000 men, sailed from Callao for 
Southern Peru. They entered La Paz, but two Spanish forces in 
conjunction destroyed his army. He lost between 3000 and 4000 
men, killed, wounded, and missing. 

1823. General Sucre arrived at Lima, facing the Spanish 
General Canterac, who had a large force at Jauja. Sucre deposed 
Aguero and assumed supreme power. He retired behind the forti- 
fications of Callao before Canterac's superior force, and sent for 

1824. Simon Bolivar had arrived at Callao in September, 
1823. In February, 1824, the Peruvian Congress conferred on him 
the absolute dictatorship. Bolivar raised 10,000 men, most of them 
desperate citizens, and prepared to attack the Spanish forces of 
twice that number. But the patriot troops in Callao Castle mutinied, 
and vast numbers of liberals deserted to the Spanish cause. Bolivar 
was forced to retire to Trujillo. 

In the mean time the Spanish generals began fighting among 
themselves. Olaneta and La Serna quarrelled, and the former 
revolted. General Valdez was sent to quell the disturbance. Gen- 
eral Bolivar took advantage of this revolt to attack Canterac at 
Junin. After a brilliant and rapid march, he completely overthrew 

On September 9 General Sucre gained the great and decisive 
victory of Ayacucho, which finally destroyed the power of Spain 
in Peru. 

1826. In September General Bolivar hastened to Colombia to 
quell disturbances, and left General Lara in control at Lima. The 
soldiers mutinied, arrested and deposed Lara. Various local chiefs 
fought among themselves for recognition as President. 

1827. General La Mar was declared President. Immediately 
after Sucre's deposition in Bolivia, La Mar attempted to wrest 
Guayaquil from Colombia. After several battles La Mar's army of 
4000 men was defeated. He returned to Peru only to encounter a 
revolution which ended his career. 

1829. General Gamarra declared himself Dictator. He had 
been Chief of Staff, under Sucre, at Ayacucho, but was an ignorant, 
tyrannical man, who shot or expelled citizens without trial and ruled 
as a despot. 

1834. Anarchy virtually reigned in Peru. Every military despot 
in the country who could command a group of macheteros strove to 


be President. The following list is one year's crop of Dictators, 
Supreme Jefes, Presidents, etc.: 

Orbegoso. San Roman. 

La Fuente. Vidal. 

Vista Florida. Gamarra. 

Nieto. Salaveny. 

1836. General Santa Cruz proclaimed himself Protector of Peru 
and Bolivia. General Orbegoso was proclaimed sub-President of 
Lima and North Peru ; and General Herrera, of South Peru. Many 
revolutionary leaders, among them Salaverry, were shot. 

1839. General Gamarra and other Peruvian exiles, who had 
escaped to Chili and organized opposition there, invaded Peru with 
the aid of the Chilian government. There was treachery, as usual, 
among the generals under Santa Cruz, and the latter was overwhelm- 
ingly defeated, on January 20, at Yungay. General Gamarra be- 
came President of Peru. Santa Cruz escaped to Europe. Continual 
and unceasing uprisings occurred in all parts of Peru. 

1841. Gamarra undertook to invade Peru, but was defeated 
and killed towards the end of the year, at Yngavi. 

1842. All the leading Peruvian generals desired to be President. 
General Vidal was proclaimed Dictator by La Fuente and Vivanco. 

General Torico proclaimed himself Dictator, and seized Lima, 
only to be defeated by Vidal. 

General Vivanco rebelled against Vidal, and proclaimed himself 
Jefe Supremo. The so-called Congress had declared General Menen- 
dez President, but he had been deposed by the generals, and escaped 
with his life. 

1844. General Ramon Castilla overthrew the army of Vivanco 
in July, and placed Menendez in the presidential chair until he 
could call a convention to elect himself, Castilla, Constitutional 

1845. General Ramon Casilla was declared President by the 
Convention which had been called by Menendez. He gave the strong- 
est and best administration which Peru had experienced up to that 
date. He was an honest man, of great capacity, who attempted to 
place the national finances on a sound basis ; he promoted commerce 
and maintained peace. 

1851. General Echenique was declared President at the expira- 
tion of Castilla's term. Echenique administered affairs corruptly, 
giving great dissatisfaction. 

1854. General Ramon Castilla arose in revolution, and over- 
threw the government forces at La Palma. Echenique fled. General 
Castilla thereupon became the Supreme Executive of Peru, and re- 
tained power until 1862, when he voluntarily retired. In 1855 there 


was an unsuccessful insurrection at Arequipa, headed by Vivanco. 
In 1856 the Constitution was changed, and again modified in 1860. 

1862. General Castilla retired, and selected his old friend and 
military subordinate, General San Roman, as President. San Roman 
died soon afterwards, on April 3, 1863. 

1863. General Canseco, the Second Vice-President, became 
Acting Executive until the return from Europe of General Pezet, the 
First Vice-President. In August General Pezet arrived, and at once 
assumed the functions of the presidency. 

1864. Spain made war on Peru. The relations between the 
two countries had been strained since 1863, when a Spanish squadron 
had appeared off the coast of South America, ostensibly for scientific 
purposes. The Peruvians thought its purpose was to enforce the 
payment of certain bonds issued during the Spanish colonial period. 

In 1864 a settlement of Spaniards near Talambo, province of 
Chiclayo, was attacked by Peruvians. One person was killed, and 
several were wounded. Spain thereupon sent Sefior Eusebio Salazar y 
Mazarredo as a special commissioner to investigate affairs in Peru. 
The latter government refused to receive him unless he stated the 
nature of his mission. He thereupon presented a memorandum setting 
forth that no treaty of peace existed between Spain and Peru, that the 
former country considered the truce between the two countries at an 
end, and that Spain claimed the right to regain possession of her lost 
colony. The Spanish squadron took possession of the Chincha Islands 
on April 14. 

1865. On January 27 President Pezet signed a treaty with Spain 
by which the latter agreed to evacuate the Chincha Islands, and the 
former to pay the cost of the expedition and assume the colonial debt. 
On February 28 a powerful revolt was inaugurated against Presi- 
dent Pezet, on account of the treaty he had signed with Spain, it being 
alleged that it was derogatory to the "national honor." General 
Prado, prefect of Arequipa, headed the revolution, calling his forces 
the Ejercito Restauradar de la Honra National. On November 6 
General Prado captured Lima, and President Pezet took refuge on 
board a British war-ship in the harbor of Callao. 

On November 8 General Prado assumed supreme control of the 
government. On December 5 Peru entered into an offensive and 
defensive alliance with Chili. Later it did likewise with Ecuador and 

1866. On January 14 Peru declared war against Spain. 

On February 6 the Spanish squadron, under Captain Castro 
Mendez Nunez, attacked the Chilian and Peruvian squadrons, but 
after two hours' fight was compelled to withdraw. 

On May 2 the Spanish squadron bombarded Callao. This was 
a severe action, the fort replying with great vigor. Of the fleet the 
Villa de Madrid was severely injured, and the Berenguela was 


sunk. About 2000 Peruvians were killed and wounded in this bom- 
bardment. The Minister of War was killed by the bursting of a shell 
from the ship Numancia. All the vessels were injured, and the 
Spaniards lost 40 men killed and 200 wounded. The Spanish vessels 
retired at 5 p. M. to the island of San Lorengo, five miles from Callao, 
where they remained until May 12, when they set sail for Spain in 
order to avoid a conflict with two new Peruvian war-vessels, the 
Huascar and the Independencia. The war was ended. 

On July 28 Dictator Prado issued a decree ordering con- 
gressional elections. He proclaimed himself Provisional President. 

General Castilla, now over seventy years old, led a revolt against 
Prado, but was unsuccessful. He died soon afterwards. 

1867. In September the new Constitution was proclaimed, and 
General Prado declared himself to be Constitutional President. Gen- 
eral Canseco led a revolution in Arequipa. General Prado led an 
assault against the place, but failed to take it. Canseco was thus 
Dictator in that section of the country. 

In November Colonel Jose Balta headed a revolution near 
Chiclaya. In December General Prado intrusted the executive 
power to General Luis La Fuerta, and went himself to lead his army. 
He was unsuccessful in his military undertakings. 

1868. On January 7 General Prado resigned and took refuge 
in Chili. General Canseco was now recognized as President. 

On August 2 Colonel Jose Balta was declared Supreme Executive. 
For four years President Balta exercised his powers in developing 
the national resources of Peru. The debt of Peru in 1868 was about 
$20,000,000; in 1870 it was increased to $75,000,000 and in 1872 to 
about $245,000,000. Over 1000 miles of railway were constructed, 
much of it unjustified by the development of the country. A monopoly 
of the guano, one of the principal sources of national revenue, was 
granted in 1869 to Dreyfus & Co., of Paris, for 700,000 soles, in 
monthly payments, for 2,000,000 tons per year as a minimum. Mr. 
Henry Meiggs, of California, was largely influential in bringing about 
the projection of the great system of public works which was inaugu- 
rated during this period in Peru. 

1872. A military conspiracy was formed to establish a dictator- 
ship. On July 22 Colonel Silvestre Gutierrez with a company of 
soldiers arrested President Balta. Colonel Marcelino Gutierrez with 
a battery of artillery occupied the principal square of Lima, and 
Colonel Tomas Gutierrez was proclaimed Supreme Chief of Peru. 

Colonel Silvestre Gutierrez a few days after this fired on some 
persons who cried, " Viva Pardo! " and was himself shot and killed. 
Thereupon Colonel Marcelino Gutierrez assassinated President Balta, 
who was his prisoner. Dictator Tomas Gutierrez was killed by a 
mob, and Marcelino Gutierrez was struck by a stray bullet, while 
making ready to turn the guns of the fort on the town. 
VOL. i7 


On July 28 Senor Mariano Zavallos, the Vice-President, assumed 
the executive office. On August 1 Congress proclaimed Senor 
Manuel Pardo President, who assumed office the next day. The 
new President endeavored to promote industry and to construct public 
works, but many armed uprisings harassed all parts of the country. 

1874. On November 1 Senor Nicolas de Pierola disembarked 
at Pacocha with insurgents from the steamer Talisman. A heavy 
action took place at Los Angeles, in which the revolutionists were 
defeated. The government followed up this success by completely 
destroying the insurrection in several succeeding battles and 

Grave economic difficulties confronted President Pardo. The 
vast foreign debt of Peru made the raising of more money impossible, 
and the payment of current interest extremely difficult. 

President Pardo attempted to establish a monopoly in nitrate of 
soda, in which joint action with Bolivia was necessary. A secret treaty 
was made between Bolivia and Peru in 1873, which was unfriendly 
to Chili. The two nations proposed to restrict production in the 
Atacama district of Chili, by imposing heavy export duties at the port 
of Antofagasta, in direct violation of the treaty by which Chili had 
ceded that port to Bolivia. This finally led to the war between Chili, 
on the one side, and Bolivia-Peru on the other, in 1879-1883. 

1876. General Pardo turned the government over to General 
Mariano Ignacio Prado, who had defended Callao against the Spanish 
squadron on May 2, 1866, and was regarded as a popular hero. 

Senor Nicolas Pierola promoted a revolution which broke out at 
Moquegua. Severe fighting ensued, but the insurrectionists were 
defeated, at Yacango. 

1878. Senor Nicolas Pierola inaugurated another revolution 
of great force at Callao. He seized the Peruvian war-ship Huascar, 
but the government declared the vessel a pirate, and two British 
men-of-war, the Shah and Amethyst, attempted to capture it. A 
severe engagement took place near Pacocha, and Senor Pierola, 
finding his vessel outclassed by the British force, voluntarily sur- 
rendered to the Peruvian admiral rather than suffer capture by the 
English. It is proper to say here that the United States has never 
paid any attention to these numerous declarations of "piracy " made 
by Latin-American governments against revolting war-vessels, and it 
is not clear what business the British had to interfere in the affair. 
It is certain that the Huascar was not a pirate, in the legal sense 
of the term. 

Ex-President Senor Manuel Pardo was assassinated under 
peculiarly atrocious circumstances. As President of the Senate he 
advocated certain military measures by which no non-commissioned 
officer could rise to the rank of a commissioned officer. On leaving 
the Senate after the discussion of the bill, he was shot by Sergeant 


Montoyo, who was on duty at Congress Hall. The assassin was 
arrested and subsequently executed. 

On August 14 a definitive treaty of peace was signed between 
Peru and Spain. 

1879. On April 5 Chili declared war against Peru and Bolivia. 
A general resume of this war will be found in another chapter. It 
lasted five years, and resulted in the complete humiliation of both 
Peru and Bolivia. 

On December 18 President Prado turned the government over to 
Vice-President La Puerta and sailed for Europe. This action is 
universally regarded as unpatriotic in view of the successful assaults 
being made at that time by Chili. 

Senor Nicolas de Pierola, who had been in exile in Chili, now 
offered his services to Peru in her great war with her southern 
neighbor. The offer was accepted. Senor Pierola was received with 
great acclaim, and given an important command. He at once organ- 
ized a revolution against Acting President La Puerta, notwithstanding 
the relentless advance being made by Chili into Peruvian territory. 

General Manuel Gonzalez de La Cotera, Minister of War, en- 
deavored to sustain Acting President La Puerta. The troops mu- 
tinied under Colonel Arguedas. General de La Cotera endeavored to 
subdue them, but was driven back by heavy firing, not only from the 
mutineers but from citizens on the house-tops. Senor Pierola now 
appeared on the scene with another heavy body of mutineers, and 
bloodshed ensued in all parts of Lima. The police joined the revolu- 
tionists, and anarchy reigned. From 60 to 100 persons were killed, 
and 200 or 300 wounded. On December 23 Senor Pierola was pro- 
claimed "Supreme Chief of the Republic." 

1881. In January the Chilians occupied Lima, and Pierola 
retired to the interior. Later he was given safe-conduct by the Chilian 
authorities, and left for Europe. Upon the retirement of General 
Pierola, Dr. Garcia Calderon, a prominent lawyer of Lima, became 
Chief Executive, and was recognized by the United States and other 
powers. He attempted to conclude an honorable peace with Chili, 
and offered that the United States be selected to arbitrate; but 
Chili rejected the proposal, and took possession of Lima. The 
Chilians made Provisional President Calderon prisoner and sent him 
to Santiago. 

1881-1883. The government of Lima was administered by the 
Chilians. Iglesias in the North, Caceres in the Centre, and Carrillo 
in the South, kept up a semblance of resistance to the Chilians, and 
exercised military control over certain territories. 

1883. Early in the year General Iglesias, satisfied that resistance 
was useless, sought to make peace with Chili on her own terms. 
General Caceres sent his army to attack General Iglesias, but a 
Chilian expedition intercepted him and destroyed his forces. 


The Chilians installed General Iglesias as President of Peru, and 
made a treaty of peace with his government, on October 20, known as 
the Treaty of Ancon, a great humiliation to Peru. 

1884. General Caceres organized a powerful opposition to the 
administration of Iglesias. In July and August Caceres approached 
Lima, which was attacked on August 24. Caceres was repulsed, and 
retired to Arequipa. 

1885. Continual guerrilla warfare was kept up throughout 
Peru. In November and December Caceres again invested Lima, 
and on December 1 made a severe attack, capturing certain portions 
of the city. The following day the two generals met, and signed a 
compromise, whereby a council of leading citizens was formed to 
administer the government, with power to elect a President, etc. 
Iglesias at once left the country, and Caceres remained with his 

1886. On June 3 General Caceres was proclaimed President 
of Peru. Peru was bankrupt, her people in hopeless poverty, her young 
men dead on fields of continuous battle; desolation, despair, misery, 
hopelessness, reigned everywhere. There was scarcely enough energy 
left in the people to fight, and nothing left worth fighting for. Four 
years of comparative peace followed. 

1890. President Bermudez made the Grace contract, by which 
the so-called "Peruvian Corporation" took over the railway system 
of Peru, and extensive rights in the guano deposits, mines, and public 
lands, and in exchange for this guaranteed to pay some 80,000 
sterling per annum for interest and in liquidation of the immense 
foreign debt of Peru, amounting to about $245,000,000. The English 
creditors gave their assent to this plan. 

Colonel Remijio Morales Bermudez, the official candidate for 
President, was declared elected without serious opposition. The 
First Vice-President was Pedro A. del Solar, and Colonel Borgono 
Second. General Caceres remained the power behind the throne, 
with the intention to have himself proclaimed President at the 
end of Bermudez' term. 

1894. President Bermudez died on April 1. Senor Pedro del 
Solar, Vice-President, attempted to assume the presidential preroga- 
tives. General Caceres induced Colonel Borgono, the Second Vice- 
President, to seize the office, so that he himself might be declared 
President on July 1, when the election was to be held. A revolution 
broke out in the South, nominally headed by Solar, but really directed 
by Pierola, who was in Chili. 

On August 10 General Caceres was proclaimed President. Revo- 
lutions broke out, especially in the southern part of the country, and 
continual fighting occurred in a desultory fashion. 

1895. In March Pierola concentrated 5000 men near Lima. 
Caceres had only 4000 men, many of them mutinous. 


Pierola attacked him on March 17. For three days the most 
desperate fighting took place in all parts of Lima. The slaughter was 
kept up day and night. Men sallied forth from alleys, around street 
corners, or fired from doorways and house-tops. The killed and 
wounded were left in heaps in the plazas and public places. An in- 
describable carnage a slaughter and massacre unsurpassed in the an- 
nals of butcheries, even of South American butcheries was enacted 
in all parts of the city, and continued without interruption for the 
whole of the time. Over 3000 men were killed, and more wounded. 
When the fighting ended, the streets of Lima were a sickening horror 
to view. The bodies of horses were piled in heaps, and many of them 
were cremated as they lay, in order to prevent pestilence. 

On March 19 Mr. Alfred St. John, the English consul in Peru, 
induced Caceres to abandon the struggle. He took refuge in a foreign 
legation, and left the country. 

On March 21 Senor Pierola organized a provisional govern- 
ment, and appointed Senor Candamo as President. Adherents of 
Caceres raised a revolt in Arequipa, but were subdued without 

On September 8 Senor Nicolas de Pierola was declared Consti- 
tutional President. 

1896. An insurrection broke out in Iguitos, but it was suppressed 
after several months of fighting. 

1899. A revolution broke out under the leadership of Senor 
Durand, but it was subdued without difficulty. 

On September 8 Senor Romana was declared President. The 
Durand revolution caused some trouble for a time, but it finally died 

1903. Senor Manuel Candamo was selected for the presidency. 

1904. On May 7 President Candamo died, and Vice-President 
Calderon was called to the executive chair. On September 24 Senor 
Jose Pardo was installed as President. 

At the present moment (1907) there is peace in Peru, and many 
enthusiastic people claim that the day of revolutions is past. Let us 
hope so. It is always wise, however, to be conservative in making 
predictions of this character. 

In 1896 the "Bureau of the American Republics" published a 
hand-book, in which appeared a summary of the history of Peru up 
to the time of the administration of President Bermudez. The writer 
of that summary felt called upon to make some remarks. Speaking of 
President Bermudez, he says : 

"He did splendid duty for his country during the Chilian war, and finally 
attached himself to General Caceres in the movement against Iglesias. His 
administration has been, like that of his predecessor, one of patriotic devotion 
to his people. Peru, under him, was in possession of a firm and stable gov- 


eminent, under the influence of prudent, far-sighted statesmen, who devoted 
themselves to the material development of their country and the elevation of 
the people." 

It seems sad, on the heels of such a glowing tribute, to read of the 
anarchy in Lima on March 17, 18, and 19, 1895, probably during the 
very time this book was in the press. He must be rarely gifted who 
would prophesy of peace in the Latin- American countries. 



IN January, 1808, King Joao VI, of Portugal, having been driven 
from his throne by Napoleon, arrived in Bahia, Brazil, and thence 
proceeded to Rio de Janeiro, and assumed the reins of govern- 
ment of this country, which had up to that time been a colony of 
Portugal. He at once ordered an attack to be made on French Guiana, 
which was captured. 

1811. Joao VI sent an army into Uruguay, the intention being 
to seize more territory. The revolution in Argentina afforded him the 
opportunity, but British pressure compelled him to retire. 

1815. The warring factions of Argentina trespassed on Brazilian 
territory. This gave Joao VI the needed pretext for seizing addi- 
tional land. Brazil took military occupation of Uruguay. 

1817. The Pernambuco revolution broke out in Brazil. Riots 
broke out in all parts of the interior of the province. The Governor 
fled, and a Committee of Public Safety was formed which declared 
independence and adopted a Constitution. The royal troops, however, 
soon quelled the uprising, and the leaders were shot. 

1820. Revolutions broke out against the royal authority, in 
Para, Pernambuco, Rio Grande do Sul, and other provinces, and 
Constitutions were proclaimed. 

1821. Uruguay was formally annexed to Brazil, under the title 
of Cisplatine Province. 

In February of this year the garrison of Bahia revolted, and in- 
stalled a junta as the government. The Spanish Constitution was 
promulgated. Great riots occurred. On February 26 the crowds 
went to the palace of the King, who thought they were coming to kill 
him. He snivelled like the coward he was, cried like a child, and 
fainted away. 

Prince Pedro addressed the multitude, telling them he and his 
father would accept whatever constitution they might adopt. 

On April 21 a tumult occurred, growing out of an attempt to elect 
members to the Cortes. Prince Pedro seized the reins of power from 
the hands of his vacillating, pusillanimous father, and cleared the 
public square with his troops. Shortly afterwards the King left for 
Portugal, and Prince Pedro became the central figure. 


In the fall of 1821 the Cortes met in Lisbon, and at once passed 
acts extremely unpopular for the control of Brazil, without even await- 
ing the arrival of the Brazilian members. They decreed that Prince 
Pedro leave Brazil; that appeal courts be abolished; that the local 
juntas be done away and governors independent of local control take 
their places. The news of this reached Brazil in December and caused 
extraordinary popular outbursts of disapproval. 

1822. On January 9 Prince Pedro announced that he would 
remain in Brazil. The people in all parts of the country rallied to his 
support and defied the Cortes. 

The Portuguese soldiers in Rio de Janeiro revolted ; but they were 
cowed by the hostility and determination of the entire populace. 
Prince Pedro made Jose Bonifacio Prime Minister, and called a council 
of the provinces ; but many of these were in the hands of revolutionary 
juntas, and refused to respond, while Bahia and Pernambuco were 
held by Portuguese garrisons hostile to the Prince. 

On May 13 Prince Pedro proclaimed himself "Perpetual Defender 
and Protector of Brazil." He notified the Cortes that Brazil must have 
its own legislature, and called an asamblea constituyente. 

Conflicts between the garrison and citizens of Bahia and other 
provinces were continual. In October Prince Pedro was crowned 
"Constitutional Emperor of Brazil," and he adopted as his motto 
"Independence or Death." 

Many fights took place between the local militia and the Portu- 
guese garrisons of Montevideo, Maranhao, Bahia, Para, and else- 
where. Lord Cochrane, the English admiral, who had helped San 
Martin to drive the Spaniards out of Peru, aided the new Emperor, 
by defeating the Portuguese fleet at Bahia, at Maranhao and Para, 
and establishing successful blockades. 

1823. In May the Constituyente Assembly met with only fifty 
delegates present, or half of the number contemplated. Many prov- 
inces refused to be represented. The Emperor succeeded in arousing 
bitter opposition by his opening speech. The fact is he was an igno- 
rant, headstrong young fellow, only about twenty-four years old, wilful, 
treacherous, and arrogant, and without the slightest experience in 
statesmanship. His honors sat heavily upon him. He declared they 
needed a Constitution which would be "an insurmountable barrier 
against any invasion of the imperial prerogatives." 

Finally he disgraced and then arrested his strongest partisans, the 
Andradas. With a military force he then dispersed the Assembly, 
and banished the most prominent members without charge or trial, 
putting them on board a ship and sending them out of the country. 
He promulgated a Constitution, as all succeeding military dictators 
have done in Latin America. 

1824. The province of Pernambuco, headed by Governor Car- 
valho Paes, revolted against the bald despotism of Pedro, and formed 


the "Confederation of the Equator." Parahyba, Rio Grande do 
Norte, and Ceara joined the new confederacy. 

Pedro sent troops against it, while Admiral Cochrane bombarded 
Pernambuco. The revolutionists fell to fighting among themselves, 
as has happened so often under the dictatorships, and the enemies 
of Paes gave aid to Pedro, who by Cochrane's aid captured Pernam- 
buco on September 17. Pedro now hanged and shot large numbers 
of the insurrectionists, and succeeded in establishing a reign of terror. 

1825. Portugal recognized the independence of Brazil, the latter 
agreeing to pay a portion of the Portuguese debt. Pedro's father was 
given the honorary title of "Emperor of Brazil." 

In March a rebellion broke out against Pedro in Uruguay, and 
after six months' desperate fighting his army was cut to pieces at 
Sarandy. Buenos Ayres thereupon declared that Uruguay had re- 
united with Argentina. Pedro declared war. 

1826. On May 3 Pedro called a Congress. At this time King 
John of Portugal died, and Pedro, the oldest son, had to choose be- 
tween the throne of Portugal and Brazil. He chose the latter, and 
tried to place his daughter, Maria, a child of seven years, on the throne 
of Portugal. He endeavored to placate his brother Miguel by making 
him regent, but the result was a civil war in Portugal. Pedro had a 
very disastrous campaign against Argentina. 

1827. On February 20 the Argentine General Carlos Alvear 
decisively defeated Pedro's army at Ituzaingo in a great battle, with 
about 8000 men on each side. Congress met again this year, in a more 
independent spirit, and Pedro's influence was decidedly on the decline. 

1828. Congress met in May, and some remarkable men, such 
as Vasconcellos and Padre Feijo, sat in it. These endeavored to make 
the Congress a real legislative body. 

1829. Pedro, finding Congress intractable, dissolved it, which 
caused intense dissatisfaction. 

1831. In March grave disturbances broke out in Rio, the troops 
siding with the populace. They laid siege to the Emperor's palace, 
and compelled him to abdicate in favor of his infant son. He took 
refuge on board a British man-of-war. 

Pedro was a dissolute, treacherous, vainglorious, empty-headed 
degenerate. The annals of Latin America scarcely contain anything 
to surpass his general "cussedness." His character scarcely had a 
redeeming trait. It is sad to think that a people ever existed who would 
submit to the rule of such a man for an hour. Dawson says : 1 

"One mistress after another succeeded to his favors, and he acknowledged 
and ennobled his illegitimate children. Most of his concubines did not hold 
him long, but the last, who was said to be of English descent, acquired a com- 
plete ascendency over him. He publicly installed her as his mistress ; created 

1 South American Republics, vol. i. p. 434. 


her a marchioness ; forced the Empress to accept her as a lady-in-waiting and 
submit to ride in the same carriage with her. The court attended in a body 
the baptism of her child, and some of his love letters to her are indescribable. 
They could only have been written by a degenerate. In the fall of 1826 the 
poor Empress was enceinte with her seventh child in nine years, and while in 
this condition Pedro brutally abused her. She never recovered and died in 
the most fearful agony." 

In April the Congress met and formed a regency to control the 
government. The troops of Pernambuco and Para revolted and 
deposed their commanders. In July the Regency gave supreme 
authority to Padre Feijo, an able man and a priest, who organized 
the national guard, and suppressed the grave disorders in Rio de 

Civil wars now broke out in all parts of the country. Revolu- 
tions and counter-revolutions, riots and uprisings, massacres, outrages 
without number, occurred, while every local Jefe issued his pronun- 
ciamento. In Pernambuco the soldiers sacked the city, and the 
populace arose in fury and killed 300 of them. In Para 200 people 
were killed in one night. Anarchy reigned in Moranhao, Minas 
Geraes, Ceara, and other provinces. 

1835. After four years of practical anarchy the Congress 
amended the Constitution, and elected Padre Feijo as Regent. He 
endeavored to give a good administration, but he was confronted by a 
great revolution in Rio Grande do Sul and in Para. 

1836. Feijo managed, through the abilities of his General 
Andrea, to subdue the revolution in Para. But the uprising in Rio 
Grande do Sul became more formidable. 

1837. In September Padre Feijo resigned the Regency, owing 
to the utter failure of the government in Rio Grande. As soon as 
Feijo was out, Aranjo Lima, a wealthy senator, became Regent ; but 
the real power behind the throne was Bernardo de Vasconcellos, 
an unprincipled, treacherous man, who had long been intriguing to 
procure the downfall of Feijo. 

1839. A formidable revolution broke out in Maranhao, while 
the armies from Rio Grande do Sul invaded Santa Catharina. People 
generally were dissatisfied with the Regency, and a strong movement 
arose to install the boy Emperor, who would not be of age until 1843. 

1840. Congress held a turbulent session, in which Vasconcellos 
came into power and prorogued it. This caused a furore, and the 
deputies asked the boy Emperor to become the monarch. Pedro 
accepted, and on July 23 Congress proclaimed him of age and gave 
him the crown, as Pedro II. 

1842. A revolution in Sorocabana, in the State of Sao Paulo, 
soon spread to the province of Minas Geraes. About twenty battles 
were fought, the government troops, under the Baron of Caxias, gain- 
ing substantially every victory. At Santa Luzia the revolutionists 


were completely overwhelmed. Gaxias then went to Rio Grande do 
Sul, gained important battles over the rebels, and finally completely 
subdued them. 

1845. Rio Grande do Sul returned to its allegiance to Brazil ; 
full amnesty was granted by the Emperor, and the State given a 
liberal and very independent government. 

1848. Riots occurred in all parts of the country in connection 
with the municipal elections. In Pernambuco a revolution started 
with about 2000 men, and severe fighting continued for some months; 
but it was finally subdued. 

1850. There was a great epidemic of yellow fever along all the 
coasts of Brazil. In Rio de Janeiro 200 persons fell sick daily, and 
the mortality was appalling. 

1851. Brazil entered into an alliance with Paraguay and General 
Urquiza, Governor of the province of Entre Rios, against Rosas, the 
Dictator of Buenos Ayres, who was ambitious to annex Uruguay. 
On December 17 the allies, numbering 4000 Brazilians, 18,000 
Argentines from Entre Rios, and some Uruguayans, all under General 
Urquiza, crossed the Parana and started for Buenos Ayres. 

1852. On February 3 the allies met Dictator Rosas near Buenos 
Ayres, and completely defeated him. 

1853. The conservative ministry of Brazil resigned, owing to 
differences with the Emperor. Brazil, during this period, was exceed- 
ingly prosperous. 

1856. A commercial crisis came, and for several years Brazil 
suffered from grave economic disorders. 

1858. The Marquis of Parana, who was chief of the cabinet, 
died, and the conservatives obtained control of the ministry. Several 
ministries now succeeded one another, and the Emperor finally had 
to select a cabinet outside of the Chamber of Deputies. 

1864. Prosperity returned to the country. A period of rail- 
road building was ushered in, and Brazil might fairly be said to be 
the leading South American State. 

Brazil commenced a war against Uruguay, giving its aid to 
General Flores, a revolutionary chief, who was then in rebellion 
against the Dictator of Montevideo, General Aguirre. Brazil sent 
a man-of-war up the Uruguay River, which besieged towns, and in 
connection with General Flores captured the most important places 
in Western Uruguay. 

The tyrant Dictator Lopez, of Paraguay, in the fall of this 
year, seized without notice a Brazilian steamer on the Paraguay 
River, imprisoned the crew, and nearly succeeded in assassinating 
the Brazilian minister and his family. He then attacked Matto 
Grosso, Brazilian territory, and conquered its principal settlements. 

1865. In March Dictator Lopez declared war on Argentina. 
In May Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay made an alliance against 


Paraguay, in which the allies pledged themselves to fight until Lopez 
should be completely destroyed. In June Brazil won a naval victory 
at Riachuelo over the Paraguayans. Brazil at once proceeded to 
raise a large army and create a really powerful navy, which by the end 
of the war numbered 85 ships, 13 of which were ironclads. In Sep- 
tember the army of Lopez in Rio Grande do Sul was overthrown 
and captured. 

1866. The allies invaded Paraguay, where a succession of 
desperate battles followed. 

1867. General Caxias was given command of the Brazilian 
army. In July he began an advance and drove the Paraguayans be- 
fore him. 

1868. In July Caxias captured the fort Humaita. In November 
General Caxias practically destroyed the army of Lopez. 

1869. General Caxias took possession of Asuncion, and Lopez 
retreated to the remote provinces. 

1870. In March Lopez was overthrown, and killed by a soldier, 
as he tried to escape. 

The war had cost Brazil 50,000 lives and $300,000,000; but it 
had demonstrated the fighting qualities of the Brazilian soldier, 
secured free navigation on the Paraguay, and rendered future attacks 
on Matto Grosso improbable. 

1871. The Emperor after great effort secured the passing of 
a law, on September 28, called "A Libertacao do Venire" "the free- 
dom of the belly, " which declared that all children born thereafter 
should be free upon attaining the age of twenty-one years, even though 
the mother were a slave. At that time there were over a million and 
a half slaves in Brazil. By 1887 this number had been reduced to 
three quarters of a million. 

1873. The great world- wide panic seriously affected Brazil. 

1877. The Emperor visited the United States and Europe. 
There were many dissensions in the cabinet and throughout the 
country. The Emperor in obedience to a widespread demand put 
through a law of election, making some minor reforms. 

1880. The liberal ministry fell. Great riots occurred in Rio de 
Janeiro over a street-car tax. Jose Antonio Saraiva was made chief 
of the cabinet. 

1881. An election was held under a new law, forced through 
by Saraiva, in which the liberals secured 68 members, and the con- 
servatives 54, of the Congress, the total vote being 96,000. 

The Emperor at this time adopted extensive plans for railroad 
building, the government to guarantee the interest on the capital 

1883. The abolition of slavery had become a burning issue. 
The Dantas ministry undertook to secure the passage of a bill pro- 
hibiting the sale of slaves, and freeing them as soon as they reached 


sixty years of age. It caused great excitement, 48 liberals and 4 
conservatives voting for it, and 17 liberals and 42 conservatives 
against it. The Emperor dissolved Congress amid great excitement. 

1884. The elections aroused much bitterness, returning 65 
liberals and 55 conservatives to Congress. Prudente Moraes and 
Campos Salles entered Congress from Sao Paulo as avowed anti- 
monarchists, or republicans. 

1885. The Dantas ministry, unable to force abolition through, 
resigned. Saraiva succeeded to power, and arranged a compromise, 
for gradual emancipation, and payment by the government for the 
value of the slaves freed. The law was passed on September 28. 

1886. The conservatives obtained a large majority in Congress, 
and Baron Cotegipe became Prime Minister. The anti-slavery 
agitation grew more intense. 

1887. Dom Pedro II went to Europe, and left Princess Isabel 
as Regent. A disturbance took place in the province of Sao Paulo, 
where there were many Italian immigrants, who encouraged slaves to 
desert from their masters. Troops were sent from Rio de Janeiro 
to suppress the disturbance and return the fugitive slaves ; but they 
mutinied, and refused to obey orders. 

1888. The Princess Regent, an uncompromising abolitionist, 
directed her ministers, on May 7, in spite of their protest, at once to 
present a project of law decreeing the abolishment of slavery un- 
conditionally. This was passed, and decreed by royal authority 
on the 15th. She was warned that this would probably mean the 
downfall of the monarchy, but she answered that her throne might 
be lost, but the slaves should be free. Universal rejoicing among the 
masses took place, but the great slave-owners were bitter and plotted 
the overthrow of the monarchy. Curious that republicans should be 
opposed to the monarchy because it had abolished slavery ! 

1889. The Emperor's health was feeble ; the Princess Isabel 
was in power and unpopular, her husband, Comte d'Eu, being bit- 
terly disliked ; the army was arrogant, and provoked many conflicts 
with the civil authorities, and menaced the government; the anti- 
slavery agitation had caused much bitter feeling ; Benjamin Constant, 
professor in the Military School at Rio, had thoroughly impregnated 
the younger officers with theories of republicanism; and all signs 
pointed to conditions ripe for a revolt. Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca 
had opposed the Minister of War, and had been transferred to Matto 
Grosso. Upon his return in November he entered into a conspiracy 
with Professor Constant, Admiral Wandenkolk, Floriano Peixoto, 
and others, to overthrow the government. 

The blow was struck on November 15. They had control 
of the army, and experienced little difficulty in making the cabinet 
prisoners, surrounding the Emperor's palace, and taking possession 
of the city. The Emperor, old and feeble, was at Petropolis. The 


next day the chiefs of the revolution organized a provisional govern- 
ment. On the night of the 16th the Emperor and his family were 
placed on board a ship and sent to Lisbon. Marshal Deodoro da 
Fonseca, a tyrant of the worst type, became Military Dictator of 
Brazil, without serious opposition of any kind. 

On December 18 a drunken row among soldiers was made 
the pretext for the establishing of military law by the provisional 
government, and severe restrictions were placed on the freedom of 
the press and of speech. Extraordinary powers were given by execu- 
tive decree to military tribunals, and nearly every guarantee which 
Dom Pedro II had vouchsafed the Brazilians was swept away by the 

1890. On January 7 the Dictator published a decree separating 
Church and State. On November 15 Fonseca summoned a Congress 
from the States which he had created, by decrees, out of the former 

1891. On February 24 a new Constitution was promulgated, 
Deodoro da Fonseca was elected President, and Floriano Peixoto, 
Vice-President. A most odious military dictatorship inaugurated a 
reign of lawless outrages by brutal soldiery, a disregard for every 
individual and constitutional right. The country was flooded with 
paper money, and an era of public debauchery set in. In theory the 
Constitution was much like our own. In practice, however, it was 
like that of the other Latin-American dictatorships. 

On March 9 a manifesto was issued from the State of Sao Paulo 
calling attention to the grave irregularities of the President. On 
March 18 a similar document was signed by most of the prominent 
men in the Republic, including thirty senators. The accusations 
stated that President Fonseca had abused his authority in many ways, 
and had maintained a system of coercion over the magistrates and of 
violence and corruption. 

The Dictator at once proceeded to make numerous arrests, charg- 
ing a plot to restore the monarchy, where none in fact existed. 

Congress met in June, and conspiracies against the Dictator were 
formed, the real centre of them being the Vice-President, Floriano 
Peixoto, an ambitious and resourceful man. On November 3 the 
Dictator issued a decree dissolving Congress, and stating that new 
representatives would be chosen at a date hereafter to be fixed by him. 
A new Constitution would then be adopted, containing provisions 
which would be hereafter explained. 

On the same date the Dictator proclaimed martial law and sus- 
pended the Constitution, stating that he would appoint a commission 
to try summarily the enemies of the Republic, and that citizens who 
might be deported for the sake of the public safety should be sent away 
without trial or delay. 

On November 9 the garrisons at Rio Grande, Bage, Pelotas, 


and other points in the State of Rio Grande do Sul revolted. On 
the 10th the regiment at Santa Anna de Livramento and the troops 
at Jaguarao, Cacapava, Alegrete, and Uruguayana rebelled, and under 
Generals Osorio, Tavares, and Astrogildo, took all the important 
places in the State. A provisional government was formed, and 50,000 
troops and 5 vessels were made ready to resist Fonseca. 

In Sao Paulo the Governor, an adherent of Fonseca, with the troops 
compelled the legislature to approve Fonseca's acts. The State of 
Para made ready for resistance to the Dictator. On November 21 
Admirals Wandenkolk and Guimaraes were arrested by the govern- 
ment. On November 23 the navy under Admiral de Mello revolted, 
and threatened to bombard Rio de Janeiro, causing a panic. 

On November 23 Dictator Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca resigned 
the executive power into the hands of Vice-President Floriano Peixoto. 
Serious rioting followed. The offices of the newspapers, Diario de 
Commercio and Novidalles, were wrecked by the mob. 

News of the death of Dom Pedro II was received on December 5, 
and caused universal sorrow. 

1892. On January 21 Congress passed a vote of confidence in 
President Peixoto and adjourned. The new ruler proved to be a Dic- 
tator rather than a President. He ruled, by military force, with a rod 
of iron. In January a mutiny broke out in the fortress of Santa Cruz, 
at the entrance of the harbor of Rio Janeiro. It required two battalions 
of infantry to subdue it. In February the President-Dictator deposed 
the governors of Ceara, Amazonas, and Matto Grosso. He perse- 
cuted his supposed enemies, and corrupt practices prevailed, causing 
widespread dissatisfaction. In several States revolutionary outbreaks 
were threatened. 

1893. Vice-President Peixoto became more tyrannical in his 
methods of government. Article 42 of the Constitution provided that 
in case of the death or resignation of the President within two years 
after assuming office a new election should be held; but Peixoto 
declared that this did not apply to him, as it was designed to apply 
only to presidential terms succeeding the first; that he held office 
under special circumstances, and that the general provision did not 
apply. This caused a bitter dispute and led to an insurrection. In 
April Admiral Custodio de Mello, Minister of Marine, resigned. Dr. 
Serzedello Correa, Minister of Finance, did likewise. Revolution 
broke out in Rio Grande do Sul, led by General Gumercindo 
Saraiva. In July Admiral Wandenkolk seized the Brazilian steamer 
Jupiter; and almost immediately the entire navy revolted under 
Admiral de Mello. Later Admiral Saldanha da Gama joined the 
revolt, and several of the forts about Rio Janeiro became disaffected. 
The revolution continued into the following year. 

1894. In February Vice-President Peixoto announced that a 
"presidential election" would be held on March 1st. The revolution 


was still in progress. At this election Dr. Prudente de Moraes Barros 
was declared President. There was no opposition. He was, in fact, 
the personal nominee of Peixoto, yet he was generally satisfactory to 
the revolutionists. He took office on November 15, and at once pro- 
ceeded to inaugurate a policy radically opposed to that of his cruel 
and dictatorial predecessor. 

1895. On January 3 President Moraes granted a general am- 
nesty to all who had taken part in the revolution. 

On March 15 the officers and cadets of the Military School, about 
800 men in all, rebelled against the government. They were promptly 
placed under arrest by the President. 

In April a revolution broke out in Rio Grande do Sul against Gov- 
ernor Castilhos. The uprising was led by General Aparicio Saraiva, 
and was joined later by Admiral da Gama, who had been in exile in 
Argentina. The uprising was put down only after horrible atrocities 
had been committed on both sides. 

In July England sent a war-ship to take possession of the island 
of Trinidade, a deserted island about 650 miles from the Brazilian 
coast, but claimed by the latter country. This caused great excite- 
ment for a time in Brazil, but England withdrew her claims later. 

On August 23 an agreement was reached between President 
Moraes and the revolutionists in Rio Grande do Sul by which the 
authority of the national administration was restored. 

1896. Italy demanded payment for injury to its subjects sus- 
tained during the revolution of 1893-1894. This caused considerable 
excitement, but the matter was finally referred to arbitration. 

In November President Moraes obtained the consent of Congress 
to retire to the country on account of his health, leaving Dr. Victorino 
Pereira, the Vice-President, as Acting Executive. 

1897. President Moraes returned in March quite unexpectedly 
to Rio de Janeiro. He had received information of a contemplated 
coup d'etat, planned by the Vice-President, who was arrested, and 
with his co-conspirators lodged in jail. 

This year was signalized by a series of bloody campaigns against 
the Jaguncos, a body of civilized Indians, whose headquarters were 
at Canudos, some 300 miles from Bahia. These Jaguncos were under 
the leadership of Antonio Conselheiro, a fanatic and a man of strong 
religious tendencies. The Governor of Bahia sent a magistrate to 
Canudos, who became involved in an affair with a woman, and then 
obtained an appointment to another district. Some of the native 
inhabitants of Canudos were sent to cut wood near the district of the 
recreant official, and he, thinking they were coming to attack him, 
ordered his troops to kill them. The Jaguncos then arose to avenge 
the slaughter of their companions. The Governor of Bahia was 
requested by the recreant official to defend him, which he did, without 
investigation, or making any effort to treat with the Jaguncos. Out 


of this grew a disturbance which required finally 15,000 soldiers to 
quell. It cost the lives of about 6000 men, while the atrocities com- 
mitted were horrible beyond description. 

Great riots broke out in Rio de Janeiro over this affair, it being 
alleged that the monarchists were at the bottom of it. The offices of 
the newspapers, Apostolo, Liberdade, Gazeta da Tarde, in Rio de 
Janeiro, and O Commercio in Sao Paulo, were wrecked ; and Colonel 
Gentil de Castro, editor of the Jornal do Brazil, was assassinated on 
account of his alleged monarchial tendencies. Attempts were made 
to assassinate other prominent men. 

On November 5 a Brazilian soldier, of the Tenth Infantry, named 
Marcelino Bispo de Mello, attempted to assassinate the President, 
Prudente J. de Moraes Barros. 

United States Minister E. H. Conger, reported, under date of 
November 10, 1897, Petropolis, Brazil, as follows : 

"About one o'clock of the afternoon of November 5 the President was re- 
turning from on board the steamer Espirito Santo, where he had been ac- 
companied by his cabinet and military and civil staff to welcome a contingent 
of officers and troops just returning victorious from the 'Canudos war/ and 
had just landed at the war arsenal, where there had gathered an immense 
crowd, composed of friends and families of the returning soldiers, and the 
public generally. As the crowd parted to make room for the presidential party, 
a young soldier sprang quickly in front of the President and snapped a pistol 
at him. The pistol failing to discharge, he instantly drew a large knife or 
poniard, and was about to plunge it into the President, when Marshal Bitten- 
court, the Minister of War, pushed the President aside, grappled with the 
soldier, and himself received five wounds, from which he died in ten minutes." 

Colonel Luiz Moraes, nephew of the President, was also seriously 
hurt. Investigation showed that the attempt to assassinate the Presi- 
dent was the result of a plot, in which many prominent men were 
concerned; among them being Major Diocletiano Martyr, who ar- 
ranged the details. Severe measures were begun against the criminals. 

1898. On March 1 Dr. Campos Salles, the official candidate, 
was declared elected President of the Republic. Dr. Salles' election 
was openly fixed by President Moraes, there being but slight pretence 
of such foolishness as "voting." However, the new President was a 
man of affairs, and inclined to continue the wise policy of Dr. Moraes 
rather than the reactionary military tyranny of Peixoto and da Fonseca. 

Before assuming office the President-elect visited Europe to arrange 
with the creditors of Brazil to tide the country over the period of finan- 
cial and economic depression which then afflicted it. He was well 
received by the Rothschilds and succeeded in making favorable 
arrangements . 

On November 15 Dr. Moraes turned the presidency over to Dr. 
Salles, and retired from public life. His had been an honorable and 
successful administration. 
VOL. i 8 


1899. The boundary dispute between Brazil and French Guay- 
ana was submitted to the arbitration of the President of Switzerland. 

In August President Roca, of Argentina, visited Brazil, and was 
received with great honor. The Bubonic plague appeared in Santos, 
and later in Rio de Janeiro. 

1900. Grave financial difficulties existed in Brazil, and the 
Great Bank of the Republic failed, causing ruin to vast numbers of 
commercial enterprises and smaller banks. The country was flooded 
with paper money; taxes were enormous and often illegally levied; 
immigration had practically ceased, and industrial development 
seemed at a standstill. 

1901. A dispute with Bolivia arose over the Acre territory, which 
threatened at one time to cause war, but was adjusted by treaty in 

1902. Dr. Rodriguez Alves was installed as President on No- 
vember 15. He was selected by his predecessor. 

1906. Dr. Alfonso Penna was elected President, and Dr. Nilo 
Pecanha Vice-President, for a term of four years, commencing No- 
vember 15, 1906. Extensive revolutions occurred in many parts of 



ON June 25, 1806, the English Admiral Popham, with 1500 men, 
under General Beresford, landed near Buenos Ayres, and took 
possession of the city. 

On August 12 the English were forced to surrender by overwhelm- 
ing numbers. It was unquestionably England's intention at that time 
to take possession of that part of South America. The failure of the 
expedition merely served to arouse the Argentines to a sense of their 
own power and to imbue them with a desire to gain independence. 

The Argentines now deposed the Spanish viceroy and installed the 
royal Audencia in his place. 

Towards the end of 1806 English reinforcements arrived, consist- 
ing of 4000 men, who took Montevideo by assault. 

1807. Supreme military command was given in Argentina to 
Liniers, a French officer. 

In June the English General Whitelocke approached Buenos 
Ayres, and drove the Argentines before him. 

On July 5 the English attacked Buenos Ayres, in a fight which 
lasted two days, from one street or alley to another. General White- 
locke lost over 1000 men. He made a treaty with Liniers by which he 
withdrew from Buenos Ayres and evacuated Montevideo. 

This defeat of the English had been accomplished mainly by the 
Creoles and peons. As they realized their military power, they began 
to chafe under the Spanish yoke. 

1809. On July 30 a new Spanish Viceroy, Cisneros, was sent 
to Buenos Ayres to take the place of Liniers. He proclaimed free 
commerce, which met with hearty approval, but he inaugurated a rule 
of great severity. A revolution was progressing in the northern part 
of the province, and the new Viceroy sent 1000 soldiers to Charcas 
to suppress it. They committed many barbarities, executing people 
wholesale and instituting a reign of terror. 

1810. The Viceroy issued a proclamation on May 18, in which 
he informed the people of the desperate straits in which the Spanish 
government found itself because of the Napoleonic wars. 


On May 22 a committee waited on the Viceroy to demand his 
resignation. A conspiracy had been formed, the leaders being a 
military commander, Saavedra ; Manuel Belgrano, an able organizer ; 
two young lawyers named Paso and Castelli, and Vieytes, a citizen at 
whose house the meetings were held. 

On May 25 a great armed meeting was held in the plaza. Viceroy 
Cisneros yielded, and a junta was formed to administer the govern- 
ment, which was at once reorganized by the Spanish Cabildo. Every 
one knew the army was heart and soul with the movement, so that 
opposition was useless. 

An era of horrible butchery was now ushered in. The Buenos 
Ayres Junta sent armies into the neighboring districts and cities to 
coerce obedience to its decrees. 

At Cordoba the Buenos Ayres army met the ex- Viceroy Liniers, 
who had a few troops determined to make a resistance. He was over- 
come, and with most of his men taken prisoners. All of the captured 
officers and men were assassinated, such has been the gentleness 
and benign character of Liberty as practised in South America. 

One branch of the army of Buenos Ayres penetrated to Bolivia, 
laying waste the country. On November 7 the patriots gained the 
important battle of Suipacha. 

Manuel Belgrano, with another Buenos Ayres detachment, pene- 
trated Paraguay. Arriving near Asuncion, he was defeated by the 
Spanish Governor and compelled to surrender. 

1811. General Artigas, with a band of cow-boys from Entre 
Rios, acting with the Buenos Ayres authorities, overran Uruguay, 
doing great damage, and finally defeated the Spaniards at the battle 
of Piedras. 

On June 20 the Buenos Ayrean army was attacked near the south- 
ern end of Lake Titicaca, at a place called Huaqui, by the royalists 
and Indians, under command of the Viceroy of Peru. They were 
practically annihilated, the few survivors escaping to the plains of 
Argentina, where the news of the disaster rapidly spread. 

The Buenos Ayreans now evacuated Uruguay. 

1812. The Buenos Ayres Junta met with disaster everywhere. 
Each succeeding defeat made it more bloodthirsty at home. Large 
numbers of Spaniards were imprisoned and shot upon the slightest 
suspicion. At one time 38 of the wealthiest Spanish merchants of 
Buenos Ayres were murdered by orders of the junta. 

Serious internal dissensions occurred in the junta, schemes, 
intrigues, quarrels, treachery. At this point General Manuel Belgrano 
seized the reins of government. With an army composed of the 
fierce, cruel guachos, he drove the Spaniards from point to point, 
finally gained a decisive victory at Tucuman, and then overthrew the 
discredited Buenos Ayres triumvirate. 

1813. Belgrano now invaded the Bolivian plateau. 


On October 1 he was severely defeated by the forces of the Peruvian 
Viceroy at Vilapugio. 

In November Belgrano's army was practically destroyed at 
Ayohuma, and with the broken remnants he retreated to the plains 
of Argentina. There he turned over his command to San Martin, 
who had arrived from Europe the previous year. 

This great general and patriot the most illustrious name in the 
annals of South America and the only Latin American whose fame is 
secure alongside Porfirio Diaz and Dom Pedro II proceeded at 
once to organize a magnificent army. He procured the appointment 
as Governor of Cuyo, at the foot of the Andes mountains, and spent 
three years in organizing a fighting machine which, when completed, 
was the most formidable in South America. 

In the latter part of 1813 Artigas, the leader of the fierce guachos 
in Entre Rios and Uruguay, attacked the missions on the upper 
Uruguay, but the Brazilian troops defeated him. A general war 
now broke out in this section with the Brazilians, resulting in the 
capture by them of Montevideo in 1816. 

1814-1815. Revolts, revolutions, and counter-revolutions existed 
in all parts of Argentina. Alvear became "boss " of the Buenos Ayres 
oligarchy. He placed Posadas at the head of the government. 

On June 14 William Brown, a celebrated Irish captain, gathered 
together a force of ships and men and defeated the Spanish fleet, 
destroying the sea power of Spain on the Atlantic. Montevideo at 
once fell. 

Local conspiracies and bloody conflicts were the order of the day 
everywhere. Posadas was thrown out; Alvear took his place, only 
to meet a similar fate; and one Dictator followed another with 
confusing rapidity. 

General Rondeau started from Buenos Ayres with a strong force 
determined again to invade Bolivia. He met with nothing but disaster, 
and was finally completely crushed at Sipe-Sipe. 

1816. One of those peculiar institutions known as a "Congress " 
met at Buenos Ayres, and on July 9 made a declaration of independ- 
ence. Guerrilla warfare, rapine, and anarchy continued throughout 
the country, each province of which was at the mercy of some local 

1817. In January General San Martin broke camp at Mendoza, 
and got ready to move. He had about 4000 men, whom he had 
drilled and equipped with marvellous skill and foresight. They 
were, many of them, men of desperate daring, who knew that their 
only hope of returning to Argentina lay in the complete overthrow of 
the power of Spain. 

San Martin divided his army into two divisions, the smaller 
going via the Uspallata Pass, the principal route between Chili and 
Argentina, and the larger, commanded by the General himself, 


going via the Patos route, a more difficult road. Both divisions 
were timed to arrive at the same time in the great plain of Aconcagua, 
which is north of Santiago, and separated from it by only a single 
spur of the mountains. 

The division via Uspallata encountered a Spanish guard, and 
defeated it in a gallant charge. The Spanish Governor, Marco, was 
now bewildered and irresolute. A force sent to attack San Martin's 
main division was defeated and driven back. 

Governor Marco had 5000 men, many of them veterans, under 
able generals, but San Martin outgeneralled him. 

On February 12 O'Higgins, the Chilian General, with 1800 men, 
who was co-operating with San Martin, attacked the left flank of the 
Spaniards, but was temporarily repulsed. San Martin at once sent a 
force to attack the Spanish centre with bayonets and sabres. 
O'Higgins renewed his attack on the flank, and although the royalists 
fought with desperate bravery, they were cut to pieces, losing half 
their men. This battle, known in history as Chacabuco, relatively 
unimportant as regards the numbers engaged, aroused a frenzy of 
enthusiasm among the revolutionists throughout Chili, Peru, and 
Argentina. The royalists became discouraged, for it was evident 
that the patriot armies now had a general of talents and resources. 

1818. The junta at Buenos Ayres ordered San Martin and 
Belgrano to return with their armies to Argentina, to subdue the 
various counter-revolutions. Puyredon was now ruler at Buenos 
Ayres, but his authority was defied by local Caudillos in every district. 
Devastating wars were prosecuted in Santa Fe, Corrientes, Uruguay, 
Entre Rios, Cordoba, and practically all the outlying provinces. 
San Martin positively refused to obey the command to return. 
He proposed to destroy the power of Spain in South America, 
but he did not intend to mix up in these shameless, unending local 

Belgrano obeyed and returned; but at Cordoba his army revolted, 
dispersed, and sections joined the troops of the contending local 

Argentina now split up into a large number of provinces, and 
Buenos Ayres, after the defeat of its armies at Cepeda, was ignored 
by nearly all of them. 

1819-1824. Continual armed strife occurred among the 
Caudillos of all the local provinces. Puyredon was ousted in Buenos 
Ayres, and Rivadavia came to the front. 

1825. The provinces were represented in a Congress at Buenos 
Ayres. Rivadavia was selected for Executive, but most of the local 
Jefes refused to recognize him. 

War broke out with Brazil. Uruguay had started a revolution 
against Brazil, which claimed it as a part of its territory, and won a 
victory at Sarandi. The Congress of Buenos Ayres, having no trouble 


to speak of at home, except a war with Spain and a dozen or fifteen 
local counter-revolutions on its hands, promptly declared that Uruguay 
was reunited to Argentina. The Emperor of Brazil replied by declar- 
ing war and blockading Buenos Ayres. The pugnacious Irish 
Admiral, William Brown, again rendered Buenos Ayres great service, 
by organizing a privateering crew of Yankee and English captains, 
harassing the Brazilian squadron and destroying their commerce. 

1826. The war between Argentina and Brazil continued with 
great fury, as also did the revolutions. An Argentine army of 8000 
men now made ready to invade Rio Grande do Sul. 

1827. On February 20 Alvear, who had been in exile, returned. 
He was given the command of the army of invasion, which seriously 
defeated the Brazilians at Ituzaingo. The Argentine army returned 
to Uruguay, not having the strength to follow up their advantage. 

Ridavavia's minister now concluded a treaty of peace with Brazil, 
recognizing Uruguay as a part of the Brazilian empire, a treaty so 
unpopular that it led to Ridavavia's downfall, although he repudiated 
the act of his envoy. 

Dorrego became Dictator of Buenos Ayres, while each outlying 
province had its own military " boss," among them Lopez in Santa Fe, 
Bustos in Cordoba, Ibarra in Santiago, Quiroga in Cuyo, and other 
Jefes and Caudillos without number. 

1828. A preliminary treaty was signed early in 1828 between 
Brazil and Argentina by which it was agreed that Uruguay should be 
erected into an independent State. 

The first division of Argentine soldiers returning to Buenos Ayres 
revolted against Dorrego, who fled into the interior. General Lavalle 
declared himself Governor. He sent troops after Dorrego, captured 
him, and shot him without trial. An inconceivably bloody civil war 
now raged in all the provinces. 

Out of these desperate encounters among such bandit chieftains 
as Lavalle, Paz, Bustos, Lopez, Quiroga, and others, a dangerous and 
implacable tyrant came to the front, Juan Manuel Rosas, Chief 
of the guachos of the great plains. He assumed absolute power in 

For more than twenty years the history of Argentina is the record 
of the doings of this bloody tyrant, Quiroga, and other chiefs of inferior 
calibre. The reader interested in their acts is referred to the chapter 
entitled "Typical Latin-American Dictators the Worst." 

1852. On the 3d of February Rosas was overpowered and crush- 
ingly defeated at Caseros, near Buenos Ayres, by the combined forces 
of Brazil and Uruguay, under General Urquiza. Rosas took refuge 
at the British legation, and then went aboard a man-of-war which 
carried him into exile. 

General Urquiza assumed provisional control of the government 
at Buenos Ayres. He called a Congress of leaders of the several prov- 


inces to meet in Santa Fe, there being extraordinary jealousy among 
the interior cities against Buenos Ayres, which wished to dominate. 
Urquiza desired to leave these provinces to work out a scheme of self- 
government. He therefore relinquished his great military power, and 
retired to his ranch. Immediately pandemonium broke loose. Buenos 
Ayres sent an army against the Santa Fe Congress, and Urquiza was 
compelled again to take up arms to defend it. He now made common 
cause with a counter-revolution, and laid siege to Buenos Ayres; but 
the commanders of his blockading vessels proved treacherous and 
betrayed him. They had been paid large bribes by the Buenos Ayres 
clique. Urquiza withdrew, and Buenos Ayres became independent 
from the other provinces. 

1853. On May 1 the constituent Congress at Santa Fe adopted 
a Constitution, one of those rare documents so seldom encountered 
in Latin America. It was just like our own, except considerably better. 
Parana, in the province of Entre Rios, was selected as the temporary 

General Urquiza was selected as the first President, and held the 
position for six years. He may be justly accounted as one of Argen- 
tina's ablest rulers and most distinguished citizens. Buenos Ayres 
still held aloof from the confederation, but Urquiza was recognized 
by foreign nations. 

1859. Buenos Ayres decided to attack the confederation, and 
sent a strong army to the borders of Santa Fe, where it was met and 
defeated by General Urquiza. He advanced to the city, and required 
it to accept the Constitution of 1853 and agree to enter the confedera- 
tion. These demands he subsequently modified. 

1860. On October 21 General Bartolome Mitre, who was Gov- 
ernor of Buenos Ayres, swore to support the Constitution, saying that 
it was the permanent organic law. 

General Urquiza's term expired, and Dr. Derqui succeeded him. 
Grave disorders occurred. The federal government interfered in 
the affairs of the province of San Juan, because of the assassination 
of the Governor, and finally General Bartolome Mitre with a force 
of Buenos Ayres troops revolted against Derqui. 

On September 17 General Mitre gained the decisive victory of 
Pavon, and deposed Derqui. 

1861. General Mitre became ruler of Argentina, and Buenos 
Ayres became the seat of the federal government. 

1862-1864. Many local revolts took place, and Lopez of Para- 
guay became a menace to the peace of Argentina. 

1864. The tyrant Lopez demanded transit for his armies across 
Argentine territory in order to attack the Brazilian forces, which had 
intervened in Uruguay. This being denied, Lopez invaded Argentina. 

1865-1870. The great and bloody war was fought between the 
allies, Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, against the Paraguayan Die- 


tator. General Mitre was Commander-in-Chief of the allied forces 
until 1868, when he turned the command over to the Brazilian General 
Baron of Caxias. Argentina's losses were enormous ; so were Brazil's, 
and Paraguay was almost destroyed. 

1867. Cholera broke out in Argentina. The Argentines were 
severely repulsed at Curupayty. 

1868. Dr. Sarmiento was elected President of Argentina, and 
took his seat on October 12. This man, known as the "School- 
master President," was one of the most enlightened executives that 
South America has ever produced. He inaugurated an excellent 
system of public education. Under his rule Argentina prospered 

1870. The war with Paraguay ended, and Argentina had, by 
the treaty, its title confirmed to extensive and valuable territory. 

A revolution broke out in the province of Entre Rios against 
General Urquiza, who was the Governor. It was led by Lopez 
Jordan. The revolutionists captured General Urquiza and assassi- 
nated him. 

1871. An epidemic of yellow fever broke out in Buenos Ayres, 
there being 24,000 deaths from January to June. 

1874. Dr. Nicolas Avellaneda, a native of Tucuman, was de- 
clared elected President. This was accomplished in virtue of the 
customary revolution, in which General Mitre led the opposition, and 
Colonel Julio Roca directed the soldiers who supported the official 

1875-1878. There were local uprisings in many parts of the 
country, owing to the irrepressible conflict between the "Portefios," 
the people of Buenos Ayres, and the outlying provinces. 

1877. General Alsina, Governor of Buenos Ayres, undertook 
a vigorous campaign against the Indian tribes, which refused to allow 
white men to settle in vast sections of Argentina. 

1878. General Julio Roca, who had become Minister of War, 
prosecuted extensive campaigns against the Indians, driving them 
west into the Andes and south of the Rio Negro. This eventually 
resulted in the conquest and annexation of Patagonia. 

1880. A bitter struggle ensued between the Buenos Ayres 
clique, and the Cordoba clique which represented the outlying 

On February 15 a bloody battle was narrowly averted in Buenos 
Ayres, when President Avellaneda endeavored with the federal army 
to suppress a military organization of more than 2000 men in Buenos 
Ayres, known as the "Tiro Nacional." He alleged that it was a 
revolutionary body. 

The Buenos Ayreans put forth Dr. Tejedor as candidate for 
President ; the Cordoba clique presented General Julio Roca. Each 
side knew it would have to fight in order to elect its man. 


In May the Buenos Ayres leaders decided to seize the Cordoba 
"League " by a coup d'etat. The attempt to put the plan into execu- 
tion was made by Colonel Olmos and a small party. He succeeded 
in capturing the Governor, Dr. Viso, and Juarez Celman, a prominent 
partisan of General Roca; but in a short time they themselves were 
captured and imprisoned. 

In June a riot occurred in Buenos Ayres, and many shots 
were exchanged between citizens and the President's escort. An 
attempt was then made to assassinate President Avellaneda, and war 
at once broke out. Dr. Tejedor attempted to seize Avellaneda, who 
escaped and joined his troops. 

The government troops, about 8000 men, veteran Indian fighters, 
were commanded by General Roca, aided by Dr. Carlos Pellegrini. 
They were well armed with Remingtons and Krupp field guns. 

The Buenos Ayres troops, called Portenos, opposed to the govern- 
ment, numbered 15,000 men, but were poorly supplied with arms. 
Colonel Julio Campos was given command. 

In the middle of July Colonel Arias, with 10,000 Portenos, fought 
Colonel Racedo, with 2500 "Leaguers" at Olivera, fifty miles from 
Buenos Ayres. Both sides claimed the victory. 

On July 20 Colonel Racedo, "Leaguer," with 10,000 men, attacked 
Arias, "Porteno," with about an equal number, on the outskirts of 
Buenos Ayres. The battle continued all day with heavy losses, and 
was renewed on July 21. The National, or League, losses were 2000 
men, and those of the Buenos Ayres army 3000. For lack of ammuni- 
tion, the Portenos were compelled to beg for an armistice, which 
resulted in a treaty of virtual surrender. 

On September 21 General Roca was declared President, and his 
friends occupied every place in the national government. He now 
proceeded to give the government a strong and able administration. 
He encouraged railroads, consolidated the provinces, attracted 
foreign capital, and started Argentina once more on the road to 

1884. General Roca sent Dr. Carlos Pellegrini to London, where 
he procured a loan of 8,333,000 sterling. Local revolutions broke 
out in Corrientes, Catamarca, Santa Fe, and Entre Rios, but these 
were suppressed. Unexampled extravagance now set in, one piece 
of folly being the building of a new town, La Plata, as a local capital, 
at a cost of $50,000,000, where there could be no possible industry to 
sustain it. The public funds were wasted by other equally absurd 

1886. General Roca turned the presidency over to his brother- 
in-law, Dr. Juarez Celman. At this time there were $61,000,000 of 
bank notes in circulation, and General Roca had issued a decree some 
time before in which he said that the notes were not redeemable for 
two years. In other words, specie payment had been suspended. 



A very interesting resume of affairs in Argentina during this period 
is given by Mr. Theodore Child, in his "Spanish American Republics," 
which is as follows : 

"Owing to the lamentable want of public morality south of the equator, 
and to the cynicism of the political vultures who make it their business to prey 
upon their fatherland, it is always a painful task to speak about the adminis- 
tration of the South American republics. In the case of the Argentine Re- 
public, so richly gifted by nature, so energetic, so full of youth and promise, 
our regret is poignant when we think of the hundreds of thousands of simple- 
minded workers who have been the victims of the dishonest politicians that 
are responsible for a commercial and economical crisis, to remove the traces 
of which will take fully ten years of national effort. Let us hope that recent 
events will be a lesson to the Argentines, and that in self-defence at least they 
will learn to become actively and continuously citizens, jealous of their rights, 
and mindful of their human dignity. And yet we are hardly justified in an- 
ticipating this much-desired improvement in the near future, for during the 
past twelve months there has really been very little change in the condition of 
Argentine affairs in spite of the revolution ; the newspapers of 1891, like those 
of 1890, are full of lamentations and recriminations; La Prensa continues to 
reveal abuses and scandals, and to warn the Argentines of the wrath to come ; 
in short, with the best will in the world it is difficult to take an optimist view 
of the Argentine situation. The hopes of the country and its salvation are 
centred, of course, in its natural wealth. Some day the turning-point will in- 
evitably be reached, and the tide of misfortune will retire. But when will this 
day dawn ? 

"We are, perhaps, justified in supposing that in the beginning of 1890 
Dr. Miguel Juarez Celman, who owed his election as President to the in- 
fluence of his brother-in-law, General Julio A. Roca, was more or less the tool 
of a group of supporters who, to serve their own interested ends, persuaded 
him that he was exceedingly popular, that he was uncontested chief of the 
nation, and that he could and ought to retain his power perpetually. Celman, 
in short, considered himself to be virtually Dictator of the Argentine. By the 
usual South American means of centralized power, worked out into the most 
extraordinary minutiae, the election of Deputies for the National Congress at 
the opening of the year had been a mere farce, both in the capital and in nearly 
all the provinces, because the agents of Celman, or, in other words, the official 
party, were absolute masters of the voting registers. Public opinion was 
thereby disorganized, and violence was anticipated already, inasmuch as the 
scandals of the Celman administration were manifest and innumerable, and 
the public discontent was growing more and more unreserved as the com- 
mercial crisis increased in intensity. The quotation of gold at 230 revealed 
the wretchedness of the financial situation, complicated as it was by the de- 
moralization and disorder of the administration, the bad state of the banks, 
and by the fact that various provincial banks, notably that of Cordoba, had 
issued enormous quantities of spurious notes with the complicity of the gov- 


eminent. In the course of subsequent investigation it was ascertained that, 
by order of President Celman, the National Bank had been obliged to take 
up these clandestine issues of notes, which for the Bank of Cordoba alone 
reached the sum of $15,000,000. 

"The economical and political crises and the blindness and cynicism of 
Celman went on increasing until April, when a great public meeting was 
called to constitute the general directing committee of the Union Civica, the 
object of which newly founded association was to unite scattered forces and 
to create and organize practically a grand opposition party against the Presi- 
dent. Twenty thousand men attended this meeting, which the chief orator, 
General Bartolome Mitre, characterized as 'a meeting of popular opposition 
and of wholesome political agitation.' In his message at the opening of Par- 
liament, on May 10th, President Celman referred with real or feigned satisfac- 
tion to the newly founded opposition party, whose action he hoped would 
contribute to the better government of the country, and at the same time he 
made all sorts of promises of reform. Subsequent events showed that these 
promises were not serious; the Finance Minister, Senor Uriburu, who had 
accepted the responsibility of a program of repression of abuses and re- 
organization, soon gave in his resignation, because his liberty of action was 
impeded by the President of the Republic ; week after week the political and 
economical situation grew more and more hopeless ; commerce was paralyzed ; 
a serious movement of emigration began ; in short, there was every symptom 
of approaching public ruin, when, on July 19th, a military conspiracy was 
denounced, and the revolution broke out a few days later, on July 26th, with 
the support of part of the army and of the fleet, and with every prospect of 

" The history of this revolution is as mysterious as most public contem- 
porary events in the Argentine. Why did the revolutionary forces remain 
outside the town hi the Parque de Artilleria ? Why did they not attack the 
Government House and get possession of the person of the President ? Why 
was the President allowed to go to and fro from the capital to Campana and 
San Martin ? Why was there suddenly a certain amount of aimless blood- 
shed ? Above all, why, on July 29th, did the revolution surrender to the gov- 
ernment of Celman, although it had the sympathy of the nation and the 
support of the greater part of the armed forces ? The intervention of General 
Julio A. Roca as the deus ex machina was sufficient to suggest many curious 
hypotheses to those who are at all familiar with recent Argentine politics, and 
the sudden disappearance of the revolution and the patching up of the old 
government did not impress calm observers as evidences of serious purpose 
on either side. The government was triumphant; the revolution was van- 
quished; but, nevertheless, the government was dead, and General Roca 
remained arbiter of the situation. What intrigues happened between the 
moment of the suppression of the revolution and the resignation of President 
Celman, the brother-in-law of the man who suppressed it, we have yet to 
ascertain ; but it was not until August 6th that General Roca was able to an- 
nounce to Congress that Dr. Juarez Celman had resigned, and that the Vice- 
President, Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, therefore assumed the supreme power. 

"The departure of Celman was the signal for immense public rejoicing, 
and for a momentary amelioration of the commercial and financial situation ; 
the new ministry and its professed good intentions seemed to promise repara- 
tion and speedy recovery; gold went down 70 points, and Argentine paper 


rose in the European markets. But the sky did not remain clear for more 
than a day or two. Whether Dr. Pellegrini was honester than Celman or not, 
it was out of his power to change the nature of Argentine political men all at 
once, and it was beyond any man's power to put in order the inheritance of 
pillage, waste, and deficit which his predecessor in office had left him. The 
national revenues had diminished notably the customs duties. Railways 
and other public works had been sold by Dr. Celman, and the proceeds, de- 
posited in the Banco Nacional, had been paid out to speculators on the stock 
of that very bank, which furthermore had been obliged by circumstances 
to suspend the payment of its dividends. Demoralization and fraud were 
evident on all sides. Meanwhile the government had to face an exterior debt 
of $122,000,000 (gold) of 6, 5, 4j, 3j, and 3 per cent; an interior debt of 
$160,000,000 (gold) ; the Buenos Ayres municipal debt of $24,000,000, and 
the guarantees of railways and other enterprises that need to be paid in gold. 
In round numbers, a sum of $15,000,000 is needed to meet these debts which 
burden the national credit, to say nothing of the hypothecatory schedules 
whose issue, guaranteed by the nation, exceeds $100,000,000. But this is not 
all; the provinces of the Argentine Confederation vied with each other under 
the Celman administration hi raising loans for founding banks or increasing 
the capital of existing banks: operations which have been disastrous, and 
ended hi almost general bankruptcy. Some of the provinces will be able to 
recover themselves in a few years, thanks to their natural riches, or thanks 
to the good use made of some of the money borrowed. Mendoza, for instance, 
has planted millions of vines which will shortly be in full yield. But in other 
provinces the money borrowed has simply been squandered or appropriated 
by individuals possessing official influence; and in some places the expenses 
increased during the years 1887-90 to such an extent that their liabilities now 
represent as much as fifty times their assets. At the end of 1890 the debt of 
all the Argentine provinces together was calculated to amount to $200,000,000 
(gold), without counting about $300,000,000 (gold) hi schedules of the Bancos 

"Since August, 1890, the Argentine Republic has been struggling against 
its political and financial difficulties, but still living and producing, thanks 
to the natural wealth of its soil that soil which will be its ultimate salva- 
tion. The Union Civica has greatly enlarged its sphere of action since the 
revolution, and has continued its 'wholesome political agitation' in view of 
the presidential election of 1892. Dr. Pellegrini, in his difficult post of presi- 
dent, has not, perhaps, fulfilled the hopes that were placed in him ; he has 
even been diminished to the role of a tool of General Roca ; and his ministers, 
like those of Celman, have on certain occasions given in their resignation be- 
cause their liberty of action in conformity with public opinion has been im- 
peded. Meanwhile the partisans of Celman have continued from time to 
time to violate order, especially in the province of Cordoba. The province 
of Entre Rios has been for months in a disturbed and almost revolutionary 
condition. Other provinces have experienced crises of political effervescence, 
which have kept alive those germs of civil war that have lurked in the South 
American republics ever since they conquered their liberty, three-quarters 
of a century ago. South of the equator the ballot-box seems to be inevitably 
sprinkled with the blood of citizens. The Argentine Republic has had an 
experience of sixty years of politico-electoral warfare ; party politics and per- 
sonal ambition of a political nature have caused more bloodshed than the 


conquest of liberty itself; and yet the political education of the nation does 
not seem to make any progress, nor the patriotism of individuals to acquire 
any rational development. The prosperity of the Argentine Republic has been 
impeded in the past by the passions, the political ambitions, and the want of 
morality of its criollo sons. Its prosperity in the future can only be impeded 
by these same elements, for the riches of the land are inexhaustible, the in- 
dustry and enterprise of the immigrant population beyond question, and the 
results obtained even in these recent days of trouble and crisis are enormous. 
As for the public credit of the Argentine, the arrangements made in February, 
1891, with the London Bankers' Committee give the treasury three years of 
breathing time, during which period it will be able to create new resources, 
provided the national and commercial development of the Republic be aided 
by administrative reform and genuine political progress. As regards these 
two desiderata, however, we must not be too sanguine. The character of the 
South American criollos will not change greatly in three years, and it is not 
in three years that the young Republic will be able to repair the unparalleled 
and incredible mistakes of the past decade. 

"Meanwhile the current of immigration which developed the immense 
wealth of the Argentine within the past twenty years has ceased altogether, 
after having carried to the country during the thirty-four years from 1857-90 
a total of 1,264,000 persons, who have been incorporated in the working popu- 
lation of the Republic. Of this number 60 per cent are Italians, 17 per cent 
Spanish, 10 per cent French, 2 per cent English. 

"The immigration statistics for the year 1890 shows how great and imme- 
diate was the effect of this crisis ; thus : 

"In 1889 the total number of immigrants was 260,909, and of emigrants 
40,649, thus leaving a balance in favor of immigration of 220,260. 

"In 1890 the total number of immigrants was 127,473, and of emigrants 
77,918, thus leaving a balance in favor of immigration of 49,553. 

"For the moment it appears that the current of European emigration has 
been diverted to Brazil." 


1890. Dr. Carlos Pellegrini became President. 

1891. On February 19 an attempt was made to assassinate 
General Roca in the streets of Buenos Ayres. 

In October martial law was proclaimed in Buenos Ayres and a 
presidential election held. Dr. Saenz Pena was declared the victor. 

1892. A revolution broke out in the province of Corrientes. 
In February serious revolts occurred in Santa Fe. In April a revolu- 
tion took place in Catamarca, and San Luiz followed suit. In 
August Salta and Tucuman revolted. In September the national 
troops mutinied, and a general revolution was now in progress 

On September 25 General Julio Roca again took command of 
the army. On October 1 General Roca captured Rosario, a rebel 

1893. Revolutionary movements continued, and considerable 


severe fighting followed. General Roca, however, succeeded in 
quelling the disturbances. 

1895. On January 22 the President resigned, owing to conflicts 
with Congress, and the Vice-President, Dr. Uriburu, became Chief 

1897. General Julio Roca became President once more. 

1898. Serious uprisings occurred in La Rioja and Catamarca, 
and a severe battle was fought before they were suppressed. 

1899. The Provincial Governor of Buenos Ayres, Dr. Bernardo 
Irioyen, took possession of the legislative buildings with a battalion of 
troops, and drove the solons into the street, because they did not agree 
with the Governor as to his election. 

1904. On October 12 Dr. Manuel Quintana assumed the 
presidency. A revolution broke out again this year, but was easily 

1905. In February a revolutionary movement started in Buenos 
Ayres and several provinces which was suppressed without serious 

Such is a brief outline of the history of the leading country of South 
America. It is heels over head in debt ; but its natural resources are 
so great, and there are so many foreigners there now, that in spite of 
corruption, extravagance, and the scoundrelism of Jefes, it is bound 
to progress. 

According to a message of President Julio A. Roca, on May 8, 1902, 
addressed to Congress, the foreign debt of Argentina on December 31, 
1901, stood at $386,451,295 gold. Mr. Roca said, however, that the 
apparent debt was greater than the real debt, which in round figures 
was $300,000,000. 


IN 1809 news of the imprisonment of Ferdinand of Spain at once 
divided Chili into two contesting factions, the office-holders, 
under Captain General Carrasco, who favored the recognition of 
the Seville Junta ad interim ; and the Creoles, who, professing adhe- 
sion to Spain, desired to secure virtual if not absolute independence. 

1810. In May the Captain General ordered the arrest of many 
prominent Creoles, charging them with being rebels. This aroused 
such a storm of opposition that he was compelled to release them. 

A revolution soon broke out in Santiago, and Carrasco was 
forced to resign. Senor Toro took the position. 

On September 18 Toro resigned his power to a junta of seven, 
and the office of Captain General was abolished. This date is ob- 
served as the anniversary of Chilian independence. 

1811. An election was called to take place in April. A Spanish 
detachment revolted in Santiago against the new government, but 
it was defeated in a severe action by local patriots led by Jose Carrera. 

Congress now met, decreed many reforms on paper, and the 
members proceeded to engage in a bitter quarrel among themselves. 
Thereupon Jose Can-era abolished Congress, with his army, and 
called himself Jefe Supremo. 

The southern provinces led by Dr. Rosas, formed another govern- 
ment at Concepcion, and these two patriotic Presidents made ready 
to fight. At this inopportune moment the Spaniards gained certain 
important advantages at Chiloe and Valdivia, so that the patriots did 
not have the pleasure of murdering each other at this particular date. 

1812. Carrera inaugurated a reign of loot, robbery, confisca- 
tion, and assassination. He held Chili in terror, and committed acts 
of brigandage without remorse or mercy. 

1813. The Viceroy of Lima, Abascal, started for Chili with a 
large torce, landing at Talcahuano, and proceeding to Concepcion, 
where he received reinforcements. He then marched towards Santiago, 
with 4000 men. 

At the river Maule the royalist outpost was attacked, and became 
panic-stricken, fleeing to Chilian. 

Can-era's forces, numbering 12,000 men, pushed on and captured 
Concepcion and Talcahuano. Carrera was, however, compelled to 


retreat owing to desertions. His soldiers mutinied ; the people hated 
him on account of his brutality. A new junta obtained control at 
Santiago, which expelled him, and gave the chief command to Ber- 
nardo O'Higgins. This man, an Irishman and one of the most famous 
characters which Chili has produced, was the son of Ambrose 
O'Higgins, who as a lad had arrived penniless in Argentina, and 
became a contractor, a politician, and finally Spanish Viceroy, leaving 
a fortune to his son Bernardo. 

O'Higgins at the outset faced great difficulties. The Spaniards, 
heavily reinforced, captured Talca, destroying the Chilian army. 
A counter-revolution had broken out, and named a new Dictator. 

O'Higgins agreed to an armistice with the Spanish General Paroja 
acknowledging the authority of the Spanish Cortes and Crown, it 
being stipulated that the present government of Santiago should be 
recognized by the Lima Viceroy. 

Immediately Carrera was turned out of prison, where he had 
been for more than a year. He at once started a revolution against 
O'Higgins, and captured Santiago. 

The Viceroy refused to sanction the armistice between O'Higgins 
and Paroja, and sent additional armies into Chili. 

O'Higgins was defeated, and his army destroyed, at Rancagua, 
by General Osorio. Carrera and O'Higgins fled across the Andes, 
the former going to Buenos Ayres, the latter joining the army of 
General San Martin. 

1814. General Osorio became supreme in Chili. He executed 
large numbers of the leading revolutionists, and banished more than 
a hundred prominent men to the barren island of Juan Fernandez, 
which lies six hundred miles west of Valparaiso. 

1815-1816. The iron rule of General Osorio continued. He 
was succeeded by Marco del Ponte, who was no less tyrannical. 

1817. On February 12 General San Martin, with 4000 men, 
defeated the royalists at Chacabuco and marched into Santiago. 
Captain General Marco retreated to Valparaiso, his troops dismayed. 
The Captain General himself seemed more anxious to preserve his 
own precious life than the authority of Spain. 

San Martin was at once proclaimed, by an assembly of the lead- 
ing men of Santiago, "Governor of Chili with Plenary Powers." 
Not desiring an honor of this kind, he declined the offer. He advised 
them, however, to select O'Higgins as their ruler. An important 
battle was fought at Gavilan, between the royalists, under General 
Odonez, and the patriots, under Las Heros. 

1818. On January 1 a new government was formed, with 
O'Higgins at its head. Heavy fighting still continued. The southern 
part of Chili was in the hands of the Spaniards, who were strongly 
fortified at Talcahuano and Valdivia. 

Plots, intrigues, and all kinds of treachery were rife in Chili, the 
VOL. i 9 


friends of Carrera endeavoring to overthrow O'Higgins and his 
representative Quintana, who was virtual Dictator of Santiago. 

In January 4 Spanish ships arrived at Talcahuano, with 230 can- 
non and 4300 veteran soldiers. San Martin in the mean time was 
not idle. He had recruited a second army in Chili, and now had 
9000 men. 

On January 20 O'Higgins at Talca declared Chili independent. 

On March 19 San Martin's forces were attacked, under cover of 
darkness, by the entire Spanish army near the city of Talca. They 
became panic-stricken and fled, abandoning their arms, ammunition, 
and supplies. At least one third of them deserted. O'Higgins was 

News of the defeat of San Martin reached Santiago much exag- 
gerated. Counter-revolutions broke out, and the leading citizens sent 
to the Spanish General Osorio to declare their allegiance. Mobs 
paraded the streets, shouting for the King. 

On April 5 General San Martin gained the great and decisive 
victory of Maypo, after a desperate battle. The royalists lost 1200 
killed, 800 wounded, 2200 prisoners, saving only 800 men out of a 
total of 5000 who entered the battle. San Martin also had about 
5000 men at the opening of this fight. He lost more than 1000 

Strong opposition now broke out against O'Higgins, who became 
extremely tyrannical. His representative, Dr. Monteagudo, had 
sentenced to death and immediately shot Juan Carrera and Luiz 
Carrera, who had been imprisoned at Mendoza. These men were 
brothers of Jose Carrera, and the family was the leader of a powerful 
faction opposed to O'Higgins in Chili. Juan and Luiz, who had been 
expelled, had entered the country in disguise, but were betrayed, 
arrested, and kept in prison for a long time. O'Higgins now com- 
mitted extraordinary outrages, confiscating the property of those 
whom he disliked and imprisoning or shooting them. 

The Chilian government acquired several ships and manned them 
with good sailors. 

Towards the end of 1818 Lieutenant Balcarce, under San Martin's 
orders, captured Chilian, Concepcion, and Talcahuano, in Southern 
Chili, and shut the Spanish commander up in the fortress of 

1819. San Martin was preparing for the invasion of Peru, but 
revolutions in Argentina, and Chili's indifference put great difficulties 
in his way to the making of the needed preparations. 

Lord Thomas Cochrane, a hare-brained British naval officer, who 
had joined the Chilian squadron, made flying expeditions to the coast 
of Ecuador and Peru. He bombarded Callao, and swept the Spanish 
fleet from the sea. He finally captured the strongly fortified Talca- 
huano, after two days of as desperate fighting as history records. He 


had absurdly inadequate forces, but made up in daring and fierceness 
of assault what he lacked in knowledge of war. Without Cochrane's 
performances the subsequent operations of San Martin against Peru 
would have been impossible. 

1820. San Martin entered upon his campaign against the 
Viceroy of Lima. 

1822. A strong revolution broke out against O'Higgins at Con- 
cepcion, in Southern Chili, led by General Freire. A similar move- 
ment was organized in the North. 

1823. In January O'Higgins resigned. General Freire landed 
at Valparaiso with 1600 men, proceeded to Santiago, and assumed a 
dictatorship. A new Constitution was promulgated, which, of course, 
was not worth the paper it was printed upon. 

1824. General Freire banished the Bishop of Santiago, and 
issued a decree confiscating the property of the Church. 

1825. Freire abolished Congress and appointed a new one to 
suit himself. 

1826. The last remnants of the Spaniards in Chili surrendered 
at Chiloe. A Congress was organized in July, which divided Chili 
into eight provinces. 

1827. General Freire resigned. The financial condition of the 
government was desperate. General Pinto assumed supreme power. 

1828. General Pinto promulgated a new Constitution. 

1829. Owing to extreme opposition, General Pinto resigned in 
November. Sefior Vicuna, President of the Senate, became Acting 
Executive. Anarchy reigned throughout the country. Robberies, 
murders, and riots became universal. General Prieto started a for- 
midable revolution on the Araucanian frontier. 

General Lastra took the field in behalf of the government. Many 
desperate battles were fought, and the customary number of intrigues 
were in evidence. 

1830. A decisive victory was gained by General Prieto at Lircay 
on April 17. General Freire fled to Peru, and General Prieto was 
elected President. 

1833. General Prieto had another Constitution adopted, giving 
great powers to the Executive. He ruled however with more ability 
and judgment than any of his predecessors. 

1836. General Freire, who had been in Peru, plotting revolution 
against Prieto, received aid from President Santa Cruz, and made an 
attack upon the island of Chiloe. He was quickly defeated, and Chili 
declared war against Peru, seizing the fleet of the latter. Some detach- 
ments of the Chilian army mutinied, seized Prime Minister Portales 
as hostage, and fled to the mountains, where they were later attacked 
by government troops, Portales being killed in the fray. 

Chili defeated Peru at Gungay, and in numerous other battles, 
and overthrew Santa Cruz. 


1841. General Bulnes, who had done marked service in the 
Chilian-Peruvian war, became President. He gave a strong ad- 
ministration, and Chili prospered greatly. In 1846 he was re- 

1851. Manuel Montt became President, through official influ- 
ence, as a matter of course. A revolution broke out, but was sup- 
pressed. In September another armed uprising occurred, more serious 
than before. Many desperate battles were fought. In December the 
government won a bloody victory at Loncomilla, which ended a 
revolution in which about 4000 men had been killed. 

1856. President Montt was re-elected. Much disorder and 
many local insurrections took place, and the government used the 
military power with great severity. The President suppressed news- 
papers, imprisoned persons suspected of being unfriendly to his 
administration, and had an open rupture with Congress. 

1858. In December Montt proclaimed martial law. For four 
months a furious revolution raged. The government forces were 
defeated in the North at Coquimbo by the revolutionists under 
Colonel Gallo. The rebels were defeated at Chilian. Finally Presi- 
dent Montt with 4000 men defeated Gallo with 2000 men, in a 
pitched battle, and the latter fled across the Andes. 

1861. Jose Joaquin Perez was selected for President. Chili 
again prospered, and vast quantities of foreign capital and many 
immigrants poured into the country. 

1865. Chili engaged in a war with Spain, making common cause 
with Peru. 

1866. The Spanish fleet bombarded Valparaiso, destroying 
$10,000,000 worth of property, most of which belonged to foreigners. 
Perez was again chosen President. 

1868-1870. A fierce war raged between the Araucanian Indians 
and the Chilian government. 

1871. Frederico Errazuriz was chosen President, and took 
office on September 18. 

1872. Peru and Bolivia entered into a treaty of alliance against 

1873. Chili was seriously affected by the world- wide commercial 
panic. President Errazuriz ordered the construction of several war- 
ships in England, among them being the Almirante Cochrane, Almi- 
rante Blanco Encalada, and Magallanes. Prior to this, Peru held the 
naval supremacy in the Pacific. 

1876. Senor Anibal Pinto was selected President, after the 
fairest election which Chili had enjoyed up to that time. A severe 
economic crisis nearly ruined industry, and led to an irredeemable 
issue of bank-notes from which the country has suffered much. 

1878. Chili and Argentina were on the verge of war, because 
of a boundary dispute, which was finally adjusted diplomatically. 



1879. War broke out between Chili and the Peru-Bolivian alli- 
ance, over the question of their respective territorial rights on the 
seaboard of Atacama. This dispute had been of long standing. Chili 
had exercised quasi-jurisdiction over the Atacama district, lying 
between south latitude 29 and 23. The discovery of vast quantities 
of guano in this hitherto worthless territory excited the cupidity of 
both Chili and Bolivia. In 1843 Senor Olaneto, Bolivian minister, 
notified Chili that his government claimed jurisdiction as far south 
as the twenty-sixth degree, to the mouth of the Salado River, at the 
Pacific Ocean. A continued quarrel now arose; commissions were 
appointed; diplomatic discussions had proved vain; and in March, 
1863, the Bolivian Congress at Oruro authorized the government to 
make war on Chili if the affair could not be otherwise settled. 

Both governments saw that the foreigner was likely to wish to 
operate the guano deposits on a large scale, and each felt unhappy at 
the prospect of not being able to pluck his feathers. In 1866, on 
August 16, Chili and Bolivia made a treaty fixing the boundary between 
them at the twenty-fourth degree, and providing for joint jurisdiction 
over the lands between the twenty-third parallel and the twenty-fifth, 
the revenue from the guano exploitation thereof to be equally divided 
between them so that the foreigner mining and shipping the stuff 
would catch it coming and going. It was specified that Mejillones 
should be the only port through which guano could be shipped, and 
a Chilian official was to be stationed there to represent the interests 
of his country. 

It is obvious that we have here all the conditions for a war. Given 
two powers in each of which good faith is absolutely lacking, with the 
intrigues which the possession of the profits of this business was sure 
to set on foot, and only one outcome is possible. 

In 1871 Bolivia refused to liquidate in other words, to divide up. 
It might be just to treat a "foreign pig" that way, but when one 
Latin country works the time-honored confidence game on another, 
war and bloodshed are sure to follow. The matter was temporarily 
patched up, however, by a treaty on August 6, 1874. In the mean time 
a secret treaty had been formed in 1873 between Peru and Bolivia, 
against Chili, and intrigues continued on both sides. 

Bolivia, which by the treaty of 1874 had agreed never to impose 
taxes on Chili's industries in Atacama, or export duties at the port of 
Antofagasta, seized the first opportunity to violate its agreement, and 
on February 14, 1878, when Chili was on the verge of war with Argen- 
tina, Bolivia imposed an export tax at Antofagasta of ten cents a 
quintal on all shipments. Bolivia was supported in this course by 
Peru, which thought that it had a better navy and stronger army than 






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Chili. The right or wrong of the matter, of course, had nothing to do 
with the case. Bolivia then made demands upon the manager of the 
nitrate company at Antofagasta for the payment of $90,000 "back 
taxes " under this new scheme, and upon his refusal locked him up in 
jail and confiscated the property of his company. On January 3, 
1879, Chili presented an ultimatum to Bolivia, which was met with 
refusal. On February 10 diplomatic relations were broken off. On 
February 14 Chilian troops took possession of Antofagasta and the 
adjoining territory. 

On March 1, 1879, Bolivia declared war. 

At this time Senor Jose Antonia Lavalle, the Peruvian envoy at 
Santiago, proposed that the dispute be submitted to the arbitration 
of Peru. Chili replied by presenting him with a copy of the secret 
treaty of 1873 between Peru and Bolivia, and giving him his passports. 

On April 5, 1879, Chili, without any further ceremony, declared 
war against Peru. 

On March 21 Colonel Soto mayor left Caracoles, about thirty miles 
from Antofagasta, with 600 Chilians, to attack Calama. It was 
captured on the 23d, the Bolivians, who numbered only 140, under 
Dr. Zapata, losing about one third their men in killed and wounded. 

On April 5 Rear-Admiral Rebolledo, commanding the Chilian 
squadron, sailed to establish the blockade of Iquique. He destroyed 
Peruvian commerce, boats, lighters, and wharves, and did great 

On April 17 Rebolledo bombarded Mollendo, a defenceless town ; 
and on April 18 this was repeated at Pisagua, an unfortified place, 
where great quantities of property belonging to foreigners were 

On May 16 Admiral Rebolledo left the Esmeralda and the Cova- 
donga to maintain the blockade of Iquique, and with the Blanco 
Encalada and the O'Higgins he steamed north in search of the Peru- 
vian squadron. 

On May 21 Captain Miguel Grau, of the Peruvian ironclad 
Huascar, having learned of the departure of Rebolledo, attacked the 
Chilian vessels which had been left at Iquique. He was aided by the 
Independencia under Captain Moore. After a gallant fight the Chilian 
corvette Esmeralda was destroyed by the Huascar, and sunk, only 
50 men being saved out of a crew of 200. 

The Chilian gunboat Covadonga fled, pursued by the Indepen- 
dencia. The latter ran on some rocks near Punta Gruesa and was 
totally wrecked. The Huascar now came up and rescued the crew. 

On July 23 the Huascar captured the Chilian transport Rimac, 
with a regiment of cavalry and 300 horses. 

On August 17 the Huascar attacked the Magallanes and the Abtao 
in the harbor of Antofagasta, and would probably have destroyed 
them had it not been for the shore batteries. 


On October 8 Grau, now Admiral, with the Huascar and the 
Union, encountered the Chilian squadron, under its new commander, 
Admiral Riveros, consisting of the Cochrane, Loa, and O'Higgins. 
After a desperate fight the Peruvian vessels were completely destroyed. 
Admiral Grau, almost all his officers, and most of his men were 

On November 17 the Pilcomayo was captured by the Chilians, 
leaving the Peruvians with only one small vessel, the Union. 

On October 28 the Chilian army of 10,000 men, 850 of which 
were cavalry and 30 long-range modern field guns, departed from 
Antofagasta, in 15 transports, convoyed by the Cochrane and the 
O'Higgins, with Pisagua as its objective. General Escala was in 
command, and General Sotomayor, Minister of War, accompanied 
the invaders. 

On November 2 this army arrived at Pisagua, which was de- 
fended by only 900 men under Colonel Villamil, 300 of whom were 
raw recruits. 

The two small forts of Pisagua were soon disabled by the Cochrane 
and the O'Higgins. The Chilians at once landed, took the town, 
killed and wounded 500 Bolivians and Peruvians, and lost only 235 
men themselves. 

On November 6 Colonel Jose Vergara, with 175 Chilian troops, 
encountered a small Peruvian body under Captain Sepulveda, at 
Agua Santa, and killed 70, dispersing the rest. The Chilians now 
took possession of the railway from Pisagua to Agua Santa. 

On November 19 General Buendia, with about 6000 Peruvians, 
attacked the Chilians at Dolores, but was repulsed after several 
hours' fighting with a loss of 296 killed and wounded and 100 prisoners, 
the Chilian loss being 208. General Buendia retreated during the 
night to Tarapaca. 

On November 20 Iquique was surrendered to the Chilians without 
a battle. The Chilians now took possession of the whole nitrate 

On November 27 the Chilians, after forced marches, reached 
Tarapaca, taking the Peruvians wholly unawares. General Buendia 
had 2500 infantry, poorly fed and supplied. The Chilian attacking 
force consisted of 2000 infantry, 150 cavalry, and 10 guns, under 
Colonel Luis Arteaga. A heavy fight ensued on the heights around 
Tarapaca, in which the Chilians were driven back from successive 
positions, losing several of their Krupp field guns. General Buendia 
received reinforcements from Pachica at a critical moment, and 
succeeded in forcing the Chilians back to the mouth of the Tarapaca 
valley, from which point they retreated, leaving 8 guns and 1 standard 
in the hands of the Peruvians. The Chilian loss was 687 men killed 
and wounded, and 52 prisoners; the Peruvian loss was 540 men and 
officers killed and wounded. Notwithstanding this substantial 


victory, General Buendia ordered the abandonment of Tarapaca, 
and a retreat to Arica, where they arrived, December 18, discouraged 
and worn-out. The Chilians at once took possession of Tarapaca. 

1880. On February 24 General Manuel Baquedano, who had 
succeeded General Escala, as commander of the Chilian army, 
ordered an advance on Tacna and Arica, which were defended by 
General Campero with 10,000 Peruvians and Bolivians. 

On February 26 General Baquedano disembarked 10,000 men at 
Ylo and Pacocha, and 4000 additional men were disembarked two 
days later. 

On March 22 General Baquedano captured Torata, a strong 
position, thus isolating Tacna and Arica. 

On April 17 Colonel Vergara, Chilian, in making a reconnaissance 
in force of the territory between Ylo and Tacna, a distance of about 
eighty miles, encountered a Peruvian detachment under Colonel 
Albarracain, and destroyed it, killing more than 150 men. 

On April 17 the Chilian army started overland for Tacna. 

On May 20 Minister of War Sotomayor, who accompanied the 
Chilian army, died at Buenavista, in the valley of the Sama River. 

On May 25 the Chilian army encamped within six miles of Tacna. 

On May 26 the action commenced. After four hours of fighting 
the Chilians gained a complete victory. The severity of the battle 
can be judged from the losses. There were 2128 Chilians, and 3147 
Peruvians and Bolivians, killed and wounded. In this battle the 
Chilians had 14,000 men, and the allies 8000, about forty per cent of 
whom were killed or wounded. General Campero retreated towards 
Bolivia with his entire army. 

On June 6 General Baquedano ordered the bombardment of 
Arica, which was well fortified and held by 2000 Peruvians under 
Colonel Francisco Bolognesi. On June 7 the Chilians stormed the 
forts of Arica at about daybreak, capturing them, and killing and 
wounding 800 Peruvians, themselves suffering relatively small losses. 

On April 10 the Chilian squadron blockaded Callao. They 
bombarded it on April 22 and May 10. Considerable damage was 
inflicted on both sides by numerous incidents of the blockade. On 
May 25 the Chilian torpedo boat Janequeo was destroyed in an 
attack on the Peruvian steam launch Independencia, the latter also 
being foundered by a torpedo. 

On July 3 the Chilian armed transport Loa was sunk by a mysteri- 
ous explosion, supposed to have been caused by an infernal machine. 
The Chilian vessel Covadonga was likewise destroyed by an infernal 
machine concealed in a small boat which its crew had captured and 
atttempted to haul up on the davits, where an explosion occurred. 

In September, Captain Patricio Lynch, with 3000 Chilians, dev- 
astated the northern coast of Peru, destroying government property, 
railways, etc., in all coast towns. 


On October 22 a conference took place between representatives 
of Chili and Peru-Bolivia, on board the U. S. corvette Lackawanna. 
This was brought about by the American Minister to Chili, Mr. 
Osborne. The demands of Chili were so exacting that the confer- 
ence was abandoned. 

General Baquedano now prepared to attack Lima, with an army 
of 30,000 men and ample arms and supplies. Curayaco Bay was 
selected as the base of operations, and he began to concentrate his 
forces there, driving the Peruvians before him. 

On December 22 the main Chilian army landed at Curayaco Bay. 

On December 27 Colonel Barbosa captured a detachment of 
Peruvian cavalry, thereby clearing the Lurin valley. 

On December 28 the Chilian army arrived at the Lurin River, and 
encamped within ten miles of the first line of the defences of Lima. 

On December 6 a fight took place in the harbor of Callao between 
the Chilian torpedo boats, Tucapel, Fresia, and Guacoldo, and a 
Peruvian launch, aided by the guns of the forts. The Fresia was 
sunk, and some damage done to the Peruvian cruiser Union. 

1881. On January 9 Colonel Barbosa made a reconnaissance 
in force on the Peruvian left. 

On January 13 at daybreak, the Chilian army attacked the 
Peruvian positions all along the line. Senor Nicolas Pierola, who had 
so recently overthrown the Lima government, at the head of a suc- 
cessful revolution, now had almost 26,000 men in line, and 18,000 
in reserve ; but they were mostly a sorry lot. Many of them had 
been recluted, in other words, lassooed and forced into the army. 
After several hours of fighting the Peruvians were defeated and routed. 
They lost 5000 killed, 4000 wounded, and 2000 prisoners. The 
Chilians lost 800 killed and 2500 wounded. There was a total of 
42,000 men engaged in the battle, and the combined losses in killed 
and wounded amounted to 12,300 men. 

On January 15 a temporary suspension of hostilities occurred at 
the request of the Diplomatic Corps in Lima, the suggestion being 
made at the instance of Senor Pierola. At two p. M., however, the 
fighting was renewed on both sides, and continued until dark, when 
the Peruvians fled in all directions. The Peruvians lost 3000 killed 
and wounded in this battle, and the Chilians 2125. About 25,000 men 
were engaged on both sides, and the total loss exceeded 5000 in killed 
and wounded. The fight is known as the battle of Miraflores. 

On January 15 Senor Rufino Torico, Alcalde of Lima, surrendered 
the capital to the Chilian Commander-in-Chief. 

It is needless to say that during these events there was the most 
extraordinary disorder in Lima; mobs and riots terrorized all men. 
At the very moment Chilians were capturing Tacna and Arica, 
revolutions occurred in all parts of Peru, and Lima was at that time 
seized by Senor Pierola, after a bloody fight. There was not enough 


patriotism in the Peruvians to consolidate in order to resist foreign 
invasion, and her miserable politicians and Jefes were more anxious 
to feather their own nests than to save the honor of their country. 
The Chilian troops committed many acts of vandalism in Lima 
as did the Peruvians themselves and it became necessary for 
foreign governments to land marines to protect their legations and 

On January 17 General Saavedra, with his Chilian troops, took 
possession of Lima, and at once set himself to the task of restoring 
order. Peru now lay helpless at the mercy of Chili. The conquerors 
were as cruel and mercenary as ignorant men are apt to be under 
such circumstances. Chili established such administrations in Peru 
as it pleased, and dictated such treaties and other dispositions as it 
desired. In this year Senor Domingo Santa Maria was chosen 
President of Chili. 

1882. The President exercised the usual custom of compelling 
the election of a Congress satisfactory to the Executive. This caused 
great dissatisfaction. Large guerrilla bands still held the interior of 
Peru, under Colonel Andres Caceres and others, and constantly at- 
tacked the Chilian troops. There were also about 5000 Peruvians at 
Arequipa. The reorganization of Peru was placed under Admiral 

1883. The Chilian Admiral selected General Iglesias to head 
a new Peruvian government with which an acceptable treaty of peace 
could be made. On October 23 the treaty was signed provision- 
ally, and it was ratified on May 8, 1884. 

1884. On April 4 a truce was signed between Chili and Bolivia, 
known as the "Pacto de Tregua," to continue in effect until the two 
powers should be able to agree upon a treaty. 

These treaties have led to unending disputes since that date. Harsh 
as they were, Chili has not cared to live up to them. 

By article three of the treaty with Peru, the provinces of Tacna 
and Arica were to remain under Chilian control for ten years, to be 
counted from the date of ratification (May 8, 1884). The article 
goes on: 

"The term having expired, a plebiscite shall decide by popular vote if 
the territory of these provinces shall remain definitely under the dominion 
and sovereignty of Chili, or if they shall continue to form a part of the ter- 
ritory of Peru. The government of the country in whose favor the provinces 
of Tacna and Arica shall be annexed shall pay to the other ten millions of 
dollars ($10,000,000) Chilian silver money, or Peruvian soles, of equal per- 
centage of fine silver, and of equal weight as the former. A special proto- 
col, which shall be considered an integral part of the present treaty, shall 
establish the form in which the plebiscite shall take place, and the terms 
and conditions in which the ten millions of dollars shall be paid by the 
nation remaining in possession of Tacna and Arica." 


As a matter of course, Chili has refused absolutely to abide by this 
part of the treaty. This war was brought on by the bad faith of Peru 
and Bolivia. But Chili was no more conscientious. Its most sacred 
treaty is waste-paper unless the other side has the necessary men and 
guns. The chief revenue of Chili is now derived from the great guano 
and nitrate deposits in these provinces, and it will not give them up 
without a struggle. 

1886. On September 18 Sefior Jose Manuel Balmaceda became 
President, through the influence of the preceding executive, Santa 
Maria. A prolonged conflict commenced between the new chief 
and Congress, in which several cabinets fell or resigned. 

1891. In January President Balmaceda virtually assumed a 
dictatorship. Civil war at once broke out. 

On January 6 and 7 the Chilian navy revolted, and proceeded at 
once to blockade the coast towns. Revolutionary troops now took 
possession of Pisagua, Serena, Ovalle, and Coquimbo. The navy, 
under Jorge Montt, operated in harmony with Senor Waldo Silva, 
Vice-President of the Senate, and Ramon Barros Luco, President of 
the Chamber of Deputies. The revolutionists called themselves 

On January 29 government troops recaptured Serena and 
Coquimbo. A military conspiracy was now discovered and frus- 
trated in Santiago. An "Act of Deposition " was signed by 89 mem- 
bers of Congress, declaring Balmaceda no longer President, but as 
Congress was not in session, and the act not in legal form, it had 
no real effect. 

On February 6 the squadron, in revolt, landed troops at Pisagua 
and recaptured the town, taking 250 prisoners and killing and wound- 
ing about 40 men. The revolutionists here recluted about 2000 men. 

On February 15 General Robles and a government force were 
practically destroyed by the Congregationalists at Dolores. 

On February 16 General Robles was reinforced by Colonel Soto, 
from Iquique, making 800 men under him. On February 17 General 
Robles attacked 1200 revolutionists under General Urrutia near Huara, 
and severely defeated them, killing and wounding 250, the govern- 
ment loss being 167. On the same day Iquique was seized by the 
commander of the Blanco Encalada. 

On February 19 Colonel Soto returned to Iquique, and an engage- 
ment took place, in which the ships Esmeralda and Blanco Encalada 
fired into the town, causing serious fires. Colonel Soto now retired. 

On March 7 an action took place at Pozo Almonte, between 1600 
Congregationalists, under General Holley, and 1300 government 
troops, under General Robles. The latter was killed, and his army 
dispersed, losing more than 400 men in killed and wounded. The 
Congregationalists lost about the same number. 

On April 7 the government troops evacuated Arica, and a force of 


650 men and officers went to Arequipa, and remained until the end 
of the revolution. 

On March 18 part of the government garrison at Antofagasta 
mutinied, and joined the revolutionists. 

On March 19 the government troops abandoned Antofagasta, 
which was at once occupied by General Holley, of the Congrega- 

On April 22 the Congregationalists took possession of Caldera. 

On April 23 the torpedo boats remaining in the control of the 
government, the Lynch and Condell, crept into the harbor of Caldera, 
and destroyed the Blanco Encalada by a torpedo, the ship sinking 
with 12 officers and 207 men. 

On May 15 Balmaceda shot two sergeants of the Seventh 
Regiment, Benigno Pena and Pedro Pablo Meza, on a charge of 

On May 23 he shot Gregorio Vera, Ramon Santibanez, Juan 
Ovalle, Juan Grammer, and many others. These executions aroused 
public indignation against him. 

In April the Congregationalists organized a provisional govern- 
ment at Iquique, with Captain Jorge Montt as Chief of the Junta de 

In April the Itata, a Congregationalist steamer, loaded with 5000 
rifles and 2,500,000 cartridges, was held at San Diego, with a United 
States marshal on board, upon denouncement of the Chilian govern- 
ment. The captain, however, sailed away, carrying the United States 
marshal with him. The vessel was seized by a United States man-of- 
war, upon arrival at Iquique, and taken back to the jurisdiction of 
the United States without having had opportunity to discharge its 

On May 5 a meeting of representatives of both contending 
parties met in the American legation, but were unable to arrive at 
any compromise. 

On May 6 a bomb was thrown at President Balmaceda, but it 
exploded without doing serious damage. 

In June and July Balmaceda showed great energy, recruiting and 
organizing at least 50,000 men. 

On July 12 Balmaceda tortured Richard Cumming, a man born 
in Chili of British parents, into making a confession of a plot to seize 
some torpedo vessels, and on the strength of this confession, so ex- 
torted, shot him. 

On July 3 the Congregationalists received from the transport 
Maipo, at Iquique, 6 Krupp mountain guns, 1700 shells, 5000 Gras 
rifles, with about 4,000,000 cartridges, which had been purchased in 

In August the revolutionists, with about 10,000 men, made ready 
for an attack upon the government forces in Santiago. 


On August 19 Balmaceda ordered the execution of several promi- 
nent men of Santiago. 

On August 20 the massacre of "Lo Canas" occurred, by which 
government troops shot 21 young men, mostly unarmed, alleged to 
be sympathizers of the revolution, who were holding a meeting in a 
private house. 

On August 19, 16 vessels loaded with Congregationalists appeared 
at Quinteros and disembarked. 

On August 21 the Congregational army under Colonel Korner 
engaged the government troops under General Barnosa, at Concon, 
near Valparaiso. The Congregationalists were the victors. They 
lost 216 officers and men killed and 531 wounded. The government 
lost 1700 in killed and wounded and 1500 prisoners. 

On August 23 an ineffective attack was made on Vina del Mar by 
the Congregationalists. 

On August 28 the revolutionary army of about 9200 men at- 
tacked the government forces of about the same strength at Placilla, 
and completely defeated them. General Barbosa was killed in a 
brutal manner by troopers. The Congregationalists lost 485 killed 
and 1124 wounded; the government troops lost 941 killed and 2422 

Valparaiso was at once occupied by the Congregationalists. A 
scene of anarchy ensued in the city, the victorious troops rioting, 
looting, drinking, and murdering people all night. Patrols shot 
more than 300 persons on the plea of re-establishing order. 

On August 29 Balmaceda resigned as President of Chili, turning 
the government over to General Baquedano. Grave confusion 
and disorders occurred in Santiago. Houses were looted, and 
several millions of dollars worth of property were destroyed by 

On September 19 Senor Balmaceda committed suicide at the 
Argentine legation, where he had been concealed since his abdication. 

On October 16 the murder and wounding of the American sailors 
from the United States steamship Baltimore occurred in Valparaiso 
harbor. These men, 116 in number and unarmed, were attacked 
by a mob of about 2000 Chilians, in which the police and soldiers took 
part. This barbarity led to strained relations between the two gov- 
ernments and much diplomatic correspondence. 

On November 10 a new Congress met, and the Junta de Gobierno 
surrendered its power. Admiral Jorge Montt was selected as Presi- 
dent, and assumed office on December 26. 

On December 11 Senor Matte, the Chilian minister, dictated an 
insulting letter regarding the attitude of the United States and Presi- 
dent Harrison, with reference to the Baltimore affair. 

1892. On January 22 the United States delivered what prac- 
tically amounted to an ultimatum to Chili. On January 25 Chili 


withdrew the offensive note of December 11 and offered to pay an 
indemnity, and the affair ended. 

1894. President Montt consented to the sale of the Esmeralda 
to the Japanese government, during the war of the latter with China, 
a breach of international law which called forth much criticism. 

1896. Senor Federico Errazuriz was selected for President. 

1895, 1898, 1901. In each of these years Chili and Argentina 
were on the verge of war on account of boundary disputes. It was 
largely through the patience and common-sense of President Errazuriz 
that the matter was finally arbitrated. 

1901. Senor Jerman Riesco was elected President. 

1906. Pedro Montt was elected President to hold office until 
1911. He is a man of wide experience in public affairs, the son of 
Manuel Montt, a former President, and a successful administration 
is predicted for him. 


IN 1806, when the English captured Buenos Ayres, the garrison of 
Montevideo furnished the troops necessary for recapturing it. At 

that time Montevideo was a strong centre of Spanish influence 
and aristocracy. The outlying districts of Uruguay were inhabited 
by cattlemen, fearless, desperate riders and good shots. 

Maldonado harbor in Eastern Uruguay was seized by the British 
towards the end of 1806. 

1807. On January 14 Montevideo was besieged by the British 
with land and naval forces. Uruguayans sallied forth to attack the 
English, but after losing 1000 men, were driven back. 

On January 23, after a desperate bombardment lasting eight days, 
the English took Montevideo by assault. 

A few months later the English withdrew from Montevideo on 
account of their serious defeat at Buenos Ayres. 

Elio, the Spanish Military Governor at Montevideo, suspected 
the loyalty of Liniers, the Frenchman who had been appointed Spanish 
Viceroy at Buenos Ayres, and the two men quarrelled. Liniers, being 
the superior officer, deposed Elio. Thereupon a junta was formed 
at Montevideo, which declared its independence of Buenos Ayres, 
and stated it would recognize directly and solely the authority of the 
legitimate King of Spain, who was then in banishment. 

1810. On July 12 a part of the garrison mutinied at Montevideo 
against Spanish authority. This was caused by news of the movement 
for independence in Buenos Ayres. The disturbance was soon 

1811. Elio, who had been in Spain, returned to Montevideo 
with a commission as Viceroy. He instituted severe measures against 
all persons suspected of sympathy with the revolution, and at once 
declared war upon the revolutionists of Buenos Ayres. 

A powerful revolution now broke out against Elio, particularly 
among the guachos of the southeastern provinces. Jose Artigas, a 
leader of great force and bravery, took control of it. 

In April Belgrano, the Buenos Ayrean General, arrived in Uruguay 
to reinforce the anti-royalists. 
VOL. i 10 


On May 18 a Spanish force of 1000 men was almost annihilated 
at Las Piedras by the Uruguayan guachos, under Artigas. The latter 
now began a siege of Montevideo. 

A Portuguese army now advanced from Brazil against Artigas. 
At the same time the Buenos Ayres Junta was in dire straits, owing 
to the destruction of the revolutionary forces, which were invading 
Bolivia, at Huaqui. Artigas, therefore, retired to defend Buenos 

1812. The Brazilian troops were withdrawn from Uruguay in 
the middle of 1812 because of English pressure. 

Spanish authority was again assaulted throughout Uruguay. 

On December 3 the Argentine revolutionists, under Jose Rondeau, 
gained a bloody victory over the Spanish forces at Cerrito, in the 
suburbs of Montevideo. Artigas now set up a dictatorship in the out- 
lying provinces, Montevideo still remaining in the hands of Elio. 

1813. Artigas and Rondeau quarrelled, and counter-revolutions 
broke out. Buenos Ayres refused to recognize Artigas, and the anti- 
royalists enjoyed a period of civil strife. 

1814. In January Artigas withdrew his forces from the siege 
of Montevideo. 

In May William Brown, the Irish Admiral, destroyed the Spanish 
fleet, cutting off Montevideo communications by land and sea. The 
fortress of Montevideo then surrendered to the Argentine anti-royalist 
General Alvear. 

All the guacho chiefs of Western Uruguay, Corrientes, Entre Rios, 
Santa Fe, and the Missions, resisted the Buenos Ayres anti-royalist 
Junta, and continual bloodshed ensued. They also opposed the 
authority of Spain. 

1815. In January one of these guacho chiefs, Fructuoso Rivera, 
defeated the Buenos Ayrean force at Guayabos, and the junta was 
compelled to withdraw its armies from Uruguayan territory. 

Artigas, not being satisfied with having two wars on his hands, 
one with the Spanish authorities and the other with the Buenos Ayres 
revolutionists, or anti-royalists, decided to invade Brazil by way 
of diversion. He attacked the Seven Missions, in Brazilian territory, 
and captured it, after desperate fighting. During almost a year the 
Brazilians from Rio Grande made several unsuccessful attempts to 
regain the territory. 

1816. The forces of Artigas were overwhelmed and destroyed 
by the Brazilians, who proceeded towards Montevideo. 

1817. In January Artigas, who had about 4000 men, was again 
overwhelmingly defeated by the Brazilians, and his army scattered 
to the winds. The Portuguese now took possession of Montevideo. 

1818-1820. There was an uninterrupted warfare between the 
Brazilians and the Uruguayan guacho chiefs. Artigas fought many 
bloody battles, but fate was against him. On September 23, 1820, 


his forces reduced to only 40 men, he went to Candelario, Paraguay, 
on the Parana, and begged Dictator Francia for an asylum. This was 
granted him. The remainder of his life he spent on a small farm in 
the great forests. He died in 1850, at the age of eighty-six years. 

The other guerrilla chiefs, Rivera, Lavelleja, Oribe, after desper- 
ate careers, were defeated one by one, and the Portuguese took pos- 
session of the entire country. 

1821. Uruguay, through the medium of a Congress, declared 
itself a part of Brazil, under the name of Cisplatine Province. 

1825. An invasion of 33 Argentine adventurers, under Lavel- 
leja, landed in the southwestern part of Uruguay to give the country 
"independence." The troops sent against them from Montevideo 
refused to fight. General Rivera, the old guacho chief, who after his 
surrender was made a Brazilian officer, was treacherous to the Portu- 
guese and joined Lavelleja's revolution. 

A horde of military chiefs rose in rebellion against Brazil, and 
declared Uruguay reincorporated with Argentina. 

A bloody battle at Sarandi resulted in a great disaster to the Brazil- 
ians, who were now confined within the walls of Montevideo. Argen- 
tina went wild with joy at the news of this victory, and Buenos Ayres 
notified Brazil that Uruguay had become a part of her territory. The 
Emperor of Brazil replied by making a declaration of war. 

1826. A year of desperate fighting between Brazil and Argen- 
tina. General Carlos Alvean took command of the armies of Argen- 
tina. Counter-insurrections among the Argentines, between the 
partisans of Lavelleja and Rivera, occurred. 

Brazil blockaded Buenos Ayres, but the Irish Admiral Brown, 
who had cast his lot with Argentina, defeated the Brazilians at sea 
and blockaded Colonia. 

1827. On February 20 the Argentine General Alvear, with 8000 
men, attacked an equal force of Brazilians, under General Barnacena 
at Ituzaingo, and gained a decisive victory. Admiral Brown at 
about the same time defeated the Brazilian fleet at Juncal. 

1828. Grave local disorders occurred in Argentina. The 
Emperor of Brazil had troubles of his own, so that no very heavy 
fighting took place in Uruguay between these two powers. Plenty 
of fighting, however, occurred among the patriots themselves. Rivera 
and Lavelleja were engaged in bitter feuds, and their soldiers in con- 
tinual skirmishes. Brazil and Argentina made a treaty of peace. 

1829. Jose Rondeau became President of Uruguay, which had 
become independent by the treaty between Brazil and Argentina. 
Rivera started a new revolution, but desisted upon promise that he 
should be the real President, not the paper one. 

1830. On July 18 one of those rare and unique things, so seldom 
heard of in Latin America, known as a Constitution, was promulgated. 

General Rivera became President. 


1831. The Uruguayan government was at war with the Charrua 

1832. Civil war broke out. The garrison of Montevideo muti- 
nied, under the leadership of Colonel Garzon, who issued a proclama- 
tion to depose President Rivera. The partisans of Lavelleja also arose 
against the government. 

1833. The revolution continued with varying fortunes. 

1834. Rivera finally dominated the revolution, after two years' 
hard fighting. 

1835. Manuel Oribe became Supreme Boss. He was bitterly 
opposed to Rivera, and persecuted the friends of the latter relent- 
lessly. He soon gave place to his brother Ignacio Oribe. The Oribes 
formed an alliance with Rosas, the tyrant of Argentina, who con- 
templated the incorporation of Uruguay into his territory. The 
enemies of Rosas naturally flocked to Rivera. This led to several 
years of such bitterness and bloodshed on the soil of Uruguay as the 
world has seldom known. 

1836-1837. The revolution continued in all parts of the country, 
led by Rivera. Rosas sent the Argentine army to aid Oribe, led by 
many Argentine generals. Those who supported Rivera were called 
Colorados, the partisans of Oribe called themselves Blancos. 

1838. Rivera drove Oribe out of Montevideo, and he went to 
Buenos Ayres. Rivera now became Jefe Supremo. He made a treaty 
of alliance with the province of Corrientes, and declared war against 
the tyrant Rosas, of Argentina. 

1839. A large Argentine army which had invaded Uruguay was 
overwhelmingly defeated on December 10 at Cagancha. Peace was 
now declared. 

1840. This was a year of peace and prosperity for Uruguay. 

1841. Oribe at the head of one of Rosas' armies invaded Entre 
Rios, to attack the allies of Rivera there. 

1842. In January Rivera, with 3000 soldiers, went into Entre 
Rios to aid General Paz against Oribe. At the end of 1842 Rivera and 
Paz were decisively defeated at Arroya Grande. 

1843. Rosas, with an overwhelming Argentine force, invaded 
Uruguay. For nine years one of the bloodiest wars of the world was 
fought in all parts of Uruguay. Rivera and many Colorado chiefs 
held the outlying provinces, but the armies of Rosas practically con- 
trolled the country. This war is known as the guerra grande. 

1845. The combined French and British fleets blockaded 
Buenos Ayres, because of outrages committed by the tyrant Rosas 
on their citizens, and this hampered his operations in Uruguay. 
As soon as the blockade was raised, Rosas redoubled his energies 
to destroy Uruguay. He quarrelled, however, with his chief general, 
Urquiza, Governor of Entre Rios. Virtual anarchy reigned in 
Uruguay for several years. 


1851. An alliance was formed between Brazil, Corrientes, Entre 
Rios, and the Colorado faction of Uruguay, and the command given 
to General Urquiza. 

On July 18 Urquiza crossed the Uruguay with a large army, which 
was reinforced by heavy desertions from the other side. The Brazilian 
fleet drove the Argentine vessels from the estuary, and after severe 
fighting Montevideo surrendered. Urquiza then turned towards 
Buenos Ayres, and overwhelmingly defeated Rosas at Monte Caseros, 
and overthrew the noted tyrant. This ended the wars which had 
been continuous from 1843 to 1851. 

1851-1861. A bewildering array of military chiefs occupied the 
presidency by means of intrigues and coup d'etats, but the period was 
one of comparative peace. 

1853. General Venancio Flores overthrew the President and 
became Dictator. 

1854. General Flores was forced to resign, and he was succeeded 
by one chief after another. 

1860. General Berro became Constitutional President. Being 
a Blanco, the Colorados made ready for the customary pastime. 

1863. In April General Flores, who had been in exile, invaded 
Uruguay, aided by a strong force from Buenos Ayres. He rallied 
the Colorados, seized several provinces, and established his own 

General Flores gave, as his reason for this invasion, the fact that 
a large number of Colorado prisoners had been assassinated in cold 
blood at Quinteros. With 1700 men he defeated the government 
troops at Rio Negro. 

1864. The Blancos selected Dr. Aguirre for President of 
Uruguay. Aguirre took severe measures against all persons suspected 
of sympathy with the Colorados. He maltreated Brazilian citizens 
as well as those of Argentina; but he made an alliance with the 
bloody Lopez, the Paraguayan tyrant. Lopez had a formidable army, 
and was anxious to conquer Rio Grande do Sul, a Brazilian province. 

In order to protect its citizens in Uruguay, Brazil sent 4000 soldiers 
to its frontier, and established a threatening squadron in front of 
Montevideo. President Aguirre was obstinate, secure in his Para- 
guayan alliance, and he treated the Brazilian envoy, Conselheiro 
Saraiva, with disrespect. 

The Brazilian squadron, under Admiral Tamandare, destroyed 
the Uruguayan war-ship, Villa del Salto, and affairs were brought 
to a crisis. 

On December 6 a powerful attack was made on Paysandii, held 
by Uruguayan troops, by 1200 Brazilians under General Netto, and 
5000 revolutionists under General Flores. The Brazilian squadron 
joined in the attack. On December 31 heavy fighting was renewed 
at Paysandii. 


1865. On January 2 the combined forces made an attack upon 
Paysandii, captured, looted, and pillaged it in a shocking manner. 

President Aguirre sent an expedition into Rio Grande do Sul, 
which captured Yaguaron, and practised atrocious acts of sav- 
agery against the Brazilians. The force was finally defeated by the 
Brazilians under Colonel Fidelis. 

In February the Brazilians and their Colorado allies invested 
Montevideo with 14,000 men. President Aguirre now issued a batch 
of proclamations, and fled to Buenos Ayres. 

On February 22 General Flores entered Montevideo, and pro- 
claimed himself President. 

Lopez, of Paraguay, in the mean time had declared war against 
Brazil, given the Brazilian minister, Viana de Lima, his passports, 
and seized a Brazilian vessel, the Marques d'Olinda, and incorporated 
it into his fleet. Lopez took Brazil by surprise, and captured Nueva 
Coimbra, Albuquerque, Tage, Miranda, Corumba, Dourado, and 
nearly the whole southern part of the province of Matto Grosso before 
the middle of January, 1865. 

For the next five years the record of this war belongs more properly 
to the history of Paraguay. It was in fact an alliance of Brazil, 
Uruguay, and Argentina against Lopez, and led to the latter's 
downfall. General Flores led the Uruguayan forces during this 
period in their campaign of invasion. 

1867. General Flores returned to Uruguay. He announced 
that he was not a candidate for the presidency. His son, Colonel 
Flores, headed a revolt, his being the only regiment in Montevideo. 
President Flores induced his son to surrender, and temporarily exiled 

1868. On February 15 Dr. Pedro Varela became President. 
A conspiracy was formed by the Blancos to seize Congress, and a 
party led by Barnardo P. Berro attacked the Government Palace at 
noon on February 19. At the same time Colonel Freire led an attack 
on the regiment, but he was killed and his force dispersed. General 
Flores was assassinated in his carriage. The perpetrators of the deed 
were never discovered. 

On March 1 General Lorenzo Batlle was selected for Presi- 
dent. Wholesale executions on account of Flores' assassination now 
occurred, and a desperate Blanco insurrection broke out. Cholera 
added its ravages to that of war, and financial ruin threatened the 
whole country. The government attempted to compel the acceptance 
of paper money, which added to the distress. 

A revolution was inaugurated by Maximo Perez, and another by 
General Caraballo ; but both were finally subdued. 

1869. This year was filled with revolutions, riots, and the 
ravages of the cholera. It seemed as if nature were aiding mankind 
in race-suicide. 


1870. Colonel Timoteo Aparicio, one of the Blancos, on March 5, 
started a revolution in Northwest Uruguay with men and munitions 
of war largely obtained from the neighboring provinces of Brazil and 
Argentina. He soon collected 5000 men. 

On September 12 an action was fought between the revolutionists 
and the government troops under General Suarez, at Santa Lucia, in 
which the latter was badly defeated and compelled to fall back upon 

Soon afterwards Colonel Aparicio with his revolutionary force 
attacked General Francisco Caraballo, commander of the army corps 
of the North, at Corralito, and defeated him, after heavy losses on 
both sides. Caraballo retreated, and was attacked at Rio Negro 
by Aparicio, but the latter was defeated. The rebels, however, 
soon had possession of nearly the whole country outside of 

On November 28 the revolutionists took the fortress at Cerro by 
assault, and made ready to seize Montevideo. 

On November 29 President Batlle in person led a sortie against 
the revolutionists, on the outskirts of Montevideo, and drove them 
from their position at Villa de la Union. 

In December Colonel Aparicio was compelled to raise the siege of 
Montevideo. He moved out to meet the government General Suarez 
and captured many supplies at Puerto del Ingles. 

On December 25 General Suarez, with all the forces at his com- 
mand, fought a bloody battle with Colonel Aparicio. The revolu- 
tionary army was practically destroyed. 

1871. Colonel Aparicio audaciously proceeded to raise a new 
army, and by June he had 2500 men located at Manantiales de San 

On July 17 General Enrique Castro with a strong government 
force attacked Aparicio, and virtually wiped his army out of 

Senor Tomas Gomensoro now became President. 

1872. On April 6 President Gomensoro arrived at a "treaty" 
with the rebel leaders, chief of whom was Aparicio, by which he paid 
them $500,000 and they laid down their arms, and shouted for God 
and the Patria. 

1873. On February 14 Dr. Jose E. Ellauri became President. 
This gentleman had little liking for the presidential office, with its 
liability to assassination and certainty of revolutionary opposition. 
He therefore resigned twice ; but the army paraded in front of Con- 
gress, and told the members that if they accepted the resignation 
they would all be shot. Thereupon they rejected it unanimously. 

1874. Riots and tumults absorbed public attention, as usual. 
Colonel Romualdo Castillo, who had been the President's right hand 
in maintaining law and order, was assassinated at Paysandu. 


In November an uprising was led by Colonel Maximo Perez in 
the department of Sariano, but it was suppressed. 

1875. In January serious rioting occurred in Montevideo. 
Elections were held on January 10 for President, there being innumer- 
able shooting affrays between the partisans of the candidates. 

On January 15 a revolutionary force took possession of Monte- 
video, ousted President Ellauri, and proclaimed a provisional govern- 
ment with Pedro Varela at its head. Dr. Ellauri sought refuge on a 
foreign war-ship. 

President Varela arrested almost everybody he did not like, placed 
them in a leaky old tub, the Puig, and sent them to sea. Most of 
them finally reached the United States. 

In May a revolution broke out against Varela, in the department 
of Maldonado. It was led by Colonel Julian de la Liana. In the 
department of Salto 1000 troops under Colonel Atanasildo Saldana 
joined the revolution. 

Colonel Julio Arrue with a force from Buenos Ayres disem- 
barked at Colonia and joined the insurrection. The troops of Mer- 
cedes revolted, and joined the movement. 

In October the revolutionists under Colonel Arrue defeated the 
government troops in the department of Soriano. 

President Varela gave command of his army to General Aparicio, 
the famous revolutionary leader, who was ably seconded by Colonel 
Latorre, Minister of War. 

General Aparicio defeated the revolutionists in an important 
engagement in the department of Minas, and broke their backbone. 

The debt of Uruguay had now grown to over $40,000,000, equal 
to about $150 per capita. The President was accused of crooked 
practices in manipulating the public funds. 

1876. On March 10 Colonel Latorre seized the government, 
and declared himself Dictator. He ruled for four years with a rod 
of iron. Brigandage was universal. He mercilessly stamped it out, 
shooting every one engaged in that occupation he could catch. But 
he also instituted a reign of terror, in which there were hundreds of 
mysterious assassinations of persons supposed to be unfriendly to the 

1880. On March 13 President Latorre resigned, declaring that 
Uruguay was ungovernable. 

Dr. Francisco A. Vidal, a physician r was chosen President by 
Congress. He made Colonel Maximo Santos Prime Minister, and 
Dr. Vidal remained a figure-head thereafter. 

In May a mob, led by the military, destroyed most of the news- 
papers of Montevideo. 

1882. On March 1 Dr. Vidal resigned, and General Santos 
became President. His administration was rotten to the core, 
tyrannical, corrupt, and infamous. 


1886. On March 1 Santos had Congress re-elect Dr. Francisco 
A. Vidal as President, and appoint himself as Commander-in-Chief 
of the army. 

On March 28 a revolutionary movement occurred at Guaviyu, 
under the leadership of General Enrique Castro and Jose Miguel 

On March 30 General Tajes, with a government force, attacked 
the rebels and severely defeated them. 

On May 24 Dr. Vidal resigned the presidency, and General Santos 
assumed supreme control. 

On August 17 an attempt was made to assassinate Santos, the 
bullet breaking his lower jaw. A new revolution broke out, and Santos 
became seriously alarmed. 

On November 18 General Santos resigned, and General Maximo 
Tajes was selected for the presidency. This man gave a good admin- 
istration, and did his utmost to bring Uruguay to prosperity. 

1890. Dr. Julio Herrera y Obes became President. His ad- 
ministration was corrupt, extravagant, and tyrannical, the old 
military elements dominating. 

1891. Uruguay defaulted on its obligations, and a grave eco- 
nomic crisis occurred. 

1894. On March 1 Herrera y Obes resigned, and Senor Duncan 
Stewart became Acting Executive ad interim. 

On March 21 the Congress selected Juan Idiarte Borda as 

1897. In February a revolution broke out, caused by the cor- 
ruption and general debauchery of the Borda administration. It was 
led by Aparicio Saraiva in the North, while Colonel Diego Lamas, 
who had recruited in Argentina, invaded the southern part of Uruguay. 

In March President Borda concentrated his troops, and sent them 
north to attack Saraiva. The armies met at Arbolito, where the gov- 
ernment troops were defeated. By June President Borda had 10,000 
men in the field. Engagements took place at Cerro Colorado, Cerros 
Blancos, and Tres Arboles; but nothing decisive occurred. 

On August 25 President Borda was assassinated in Montevideo. 
The assassin, Avelino Arredondo, surrendered to the police, was duly 
tried, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment. His only defence 
was that he thought the country had suffered enough from Borda 's 
misrule, and that he wished to put an end to it. 

Juan Lindolfo Cuestas, President of the Senate, now became Chief 
Executive. In September Senor Cuestas entered into negotiations 
with the rebels, offering them most of the offices they wanted, and 
$200,000 cash. The offer was accepted with gratitude. 

1898. Owing to repeated and continual opposition to his reform 
policies, President Cuestas, on February 10, dissolved Congress, sus- 
pended the Constitution, and declared himself Dictator. 


1899. Congress met and approved the acts of Dictator Cuestas, 
and elected him Constitutional President. 

On July 1 a mutiny broke out at the garrison of Montevideo, 
which was quelled after a battle of several hours and the loss of about 
200 lives, 

1903. On March 1 Senor Jose Batlle y Ordonez was elected 

Shortly afterwards General Aparicio Saraiva inaugurated a new 
revolution, which, however, was finally subdued. 


ON May 25, 1810, the Spanish viceroy of Buenos Ayres was over- 
thrown by a revolution. 

In the following months Manuel Belgrano headed a few 
hundred Paraguayans, invaded Entre Rios and Corrientes, and over- 
threw Spanish authority. 

1811. On January 19 Belgrano was destroyed near Asuncion, by 
a body of royalists, mostly composed of Indians, under Yegros, a native 
Paraguayan, who disliked the Buenos Ayreans. This action definitely 
decided the independence of Paraguay from Buenos Ayres. 

In March a junta was formed with Yegros as chief, and Dr. 
Francia, a noted lawyer, as secretary. 

1813. Francia and Yegros were given supreme authority in 
Paraguay, with the title of Consuls. 

1814. Dr. Francia forced Yegros out. The latter was an igno- 
rant soldier, unfit to be entrusted with power. 

1816. Dr. Francia became Supreme Dictator. He ruled for 
the next twenty-five years, as bloody and implacable a despot as 
the world has ever produced. He relied for support wholly upon the 
Indians, who regarded him with superstitious reverence. He ordered 
executions by the thousands, isolated Paraguay from the world, had 
neither legislature nor judiciary, was himself the whole government, 
and ruthlessly shot any person who incurred his displeasure. He was 
particularly severe against the educated classes, the priesthood, and 
all white persons, and executed them upon the slightest provocation. 

1840. The tyrant Francia died, and anarchy reigned for months. 

1841. Carlos Antonio Lopez was selected for First Consul. 
1844. Congress named Lopez President for ten years. 

1849. War was declared by Paraguay against the tyrant Rosas 
of Buenos Ayres, because the latter sought to prevent Paraguay's 
commerce reaching the sea via the Parana River. 

1850-1862. Lopez was in constant trouble with foreign powers, 
and displayed great hatred for all foreigners. 

1862. Lopez died, and his son Francisco Solano Lopez became 
ruler. Lopez the younger was an inconceivable despot, a criminal 
tyrant such as the world has seldom seen. " He ordered his best friends 


to execution; he tortured his mother and sisters, and murdered his 
brothers." The reader interested in the doings of this desperado will 
find a biographical sketch of him under "Typical Dictators the 
Worst." An account of conditions in Paraguay at this time may be 
read in the chapter headed " The Reign of Terror under the 
Bloody Lopez." 

The bloody war of Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina, allies against 
Paraguay, led to the downfall of Lopez, and almost the annihilation 
of his country. 

1870. On March 1 Lopez was captured, and killed by a com- 
mon soldier, before surrendering. Thus perished the most dreadful 
character which the Western Hemisphere has produced. Dawson 

"When Lopez was waiting in 1868 for the final attack of the Brazilians, 
he made use of the last months of his power to arrest, torture, and murder 
nearly every white man left in Paraguay, including his own brother, his 
brother-in-law, and the generals who had served him best, and the friends 
who had enjoyed his most intimate confidence. Even women and foreigners 
did not escape the cold, deliberate bloodthirstiness of this demon. He had 
his own sister beaten with clubs and exposed her naked in the forest ; he had 
the wife of the brave general who was forced to surrender at Humaita speared, 
and subjected two members of the American legation to the most sickening 

1871. Salvador Jovellanos became President of Paraguay. 

1872. Three different revolutions occurred in Paraguay, which 
were suppressed by Brazilian troops. It would seem that these people 
never knew when they had enough of fighting. The country was now 
placed virtually under the protectorate of Brazil. 

1874. Senor Gill became President. 

1875. President Gill was assassinated. 
Since this date the rulers have been as follows : 

1875, Senor Uriarte. 1894, Sefior Morinigo. 

1875, Senor Baredo. 1894, J. V B. Egusquiza. 

1875, Senor Saguier. 1898, Emilio Aceval. 

1882, General Caballero. 1902, Juan B. Escurra. 

1886, Senor Escobar. 1904, Juan B. Gaona. 

1890, Senor Gonzalez. 1905, Dr. Baez. 

Several of these Presidents have secured office by revolution. In 
1881 President Saguier was overthrown by the army. 

In 1894 President Gonzalez was seized in his office, revolvers 
pointed at his head, and in this manner was taken to a ship and de- 
ported out of the country. The army was in the conspiracy. 

Paraguay is one of the most backward of all the South American 


ON January 27, 1801, the Haitian General Toussaint POuverture 
took possession of the entire island in the name of France, the 
sovereignty having been ceded by Spain. 

1806. Dessalines, who had proclaimed himself Emperor, was 
assassinated. The Spaniards took possession of the eastern portion 
of the island called Santo Domingo. 

1821. On December 1 the people proclaimed their independ- 
ence of Spain. Revolutions and counter-revolutions occurred. 

1822. General Boyer, ruler of Haiti, took possession of Santo 

1843. Boyer was driven out by a revolution. 

1844. On February 27 Santo Domingo again proclaimed its 
independence and adopted a Constitution. 

1861. Spain re-established authority over Santo Domingo. 

1865. Spain relinquished its control of the island. Another 
Constitution was adopted. 

1871. United States commissioners visited Santo Domingo with 
a view to its annexation, in accordance with the views of President 
Grant. They reported favorably, and the people of Santo Domingo 
were willing, but Congress took no action. 

1879. Santo Domingo adopted another Constitution, and abol- 
ished the previous one. 

1880. That rare and priceless guarantee of liberty known in 
Latin America as a Constitution was again promulgated, preceding 
Constitutions being abolished. 

1881. The Constitution was abolished, and another adopted. 
1887. One more Constitution was promulgated. 

From the beginning of the last century until the present time there 
has been one continual, unending scene of diabolism, revolution, 
brigandage, and crime in this island. Even Venezuela or Honduras 
has not been so bad. I shall not attempt to catalogue these rev- 
olutions and uprisings. The ten thousand thousand records of 
murder, pillage, loot, surprises, assaults, assassinations, outrages, 
they horrify and shock one; their record becomes wearisome and 



If it be true that "uneasy lies the head that wears a crown," what 
shall we say of the head that wears the Dictator's hat ? 

The rulers of Haiti have seen their ups and downs, as have those 
of our other "Sisters." An authority writes: 

"Toussaint I'Ouverture died a prisoner in the castle of St. Joux, France, 
before the independence ; Dessalines was assassinated ; Christophe committed 
suicide; Petion died in office; Boyer and his immediate successor, Riviere, 
were overthrown by violence and died in exile; Guerrier, like Petion, died in 
office; Pierrot retired from sheer incapacity before an approaching storm, 
and was permitted quietly to end his days at home in comparative obscurity ; 
Riche, like Petion and Guerrier, was still in office when he died, by some sup- 
posed to have been foully dealt with ; Soulouque, overthrown by revolution, 
practically spent his after life in exile, though he was allowed to return to his 
native town just before he died ; Geff rard was driven by violence into exile, 
where he ended his days ; Salnave, likewise driven from power by revolution, 
was captured and shot by order of his successor; Saget alone retired at the 
end of his term and died in his country ; Domingue went out under violence 
and died in exile; Canal retired voluntarily befre a revolution, and is now 
in exile; Salomon, after nearly ten years of office, broken down by overwork, 
disease, and old age, went out in revolution and died in exile; Legitime, 
driven from power by revolution, is still in exile ; and Hyppolite, who took his 
place, was succeeded by General Sam, who was forced to abdicate, the revolu- 
tionists establishing a provincial government, which was overthrown by 
General Nord Alexis, after a long fight with Mr. Firmin and other ambitious 
patriots. " 




FOLLOWING the conquest of Mexico by Cortes, the country 
was ruled by five governors and two councils, and then by 
sixty-two Spanish viceroys in succession. 

1810. On the night of September 15 Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, 
in conjunction with Allende, Aldama, Abasolo, and other Mexican 
officers proclaimed independence, at the village of Dolores, State of 
Guanajuato. Hidalgo and his companions in arms captured the 
cities of Guanajuato, Celaya, Toluca, and Valladolid. He was de- 
feated at Aculco and Puerte de Calderon. 

1811. On May 21 Hidalgo was captured at Acatita de Bajan 
by the Spaniards. 

On July 31 Hidalgo was shot by the Spaniards at Chihuahua. 

Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon, a priest of Caracuaro, State of 
Michoacan, took up the work of Hidalgo. It is worth noting, in 
passing, that while the Catholic priesthood in Nueva Granada were 
the supporters of Spanish authority, it was otherwise in Mexico. 

Morelos captured many cities, and defeated the Spaniards in 
numerous engagements. He defended with 3000 men the city of 
Cuautla against 12,000 royalists, and later captured Orizaba, 
Acapulco, Oaxaca, and Tehuacan. 

1812. On September 14 the first Mexican Congress was organ- 
ized at Chilpancingo, State of Guerrero, with Morelos y Pavon as its 
guiding spirit. 

On November 6 a declaration of independence was issued, and a 
Constitution was later adopted. 

1813. The revolution against Spain continued in all parts of the 
country. Morelos met reverses and was captured. 

1814. Continuous fighting. 

1815. On December 22 Morelos was shot by the Spaniards in 
the city of Mexico. 

1816-1821. The fighting between the patriots and the roy- 
alists continued with varying fortunes, much the same as in Central 
America and Nueva Granada. During this period Generals Mina, 
Guerrero, and Bravo came to the front as the leading spirits opposed 
to the monarchy. 


1821. On January 10 a conference was held between General 
Guerrero, chief of the revolutionary forces, and General Agustin 
Iturbide, commander of the royalist forces. 

On February 24 the "Plan of Iguala " was promulgated, by which 
Iturbide and Guerrero joined forces, under the command of the former. 

Iturbide's troops now captured Morella, Puebla, Queretero, and 
many other towns. 

On September 27 Iturbide entered the city of Mexico in triumph, 
after having concluded a treaty with the Viceroy, Don Juan o Donoju, 
at Cordoba. A regency of three members was established for the 
government of Mexico, with Iturbide as President. 

1822. On February 24 Congress met in the city of Mexico. 
Under military pressure this Congress elected Iturbide "Emperor of 
Mexico." He was crowned with great pomp, on July 21, in the 
Cathedral, with the title Augustine I. 

On December 22 Santa Anna raised the standard of revolt at 
Vera Cruz, and proclaimed a Republic. A desperate internecine strife 
now deluged the country in blood. A period of anarchy and deso- 
lation followed and continued for fifty years. It was only effectually 
ended by the accession of Porfirio Diaz to the presidency. 

1823. In May "Emperor" Iturbide was compelled to abdicate, 
his armies having been everywhere defeated. He retired to London. 
A provisional government was established. 

1824. Iturbide returned to Mexico. He was arrested on dis- 
embarking, taken to Padilla, and on July 19 was shot by order of 
the "legislature" of Tamaulipas. 

On October 10 General Guadalupe Victoria became President 
of Mexico, a Constitution having been established. He was Mexico's 
first President. 

1825. On January 1 the Congress met in the city of Mexico 
under the new Constitution. 

England and the United States recognized the independence of 

1828-1830. Continued conflicts and contests occurred. Pe- 
draza, Guerrero, and Bustamente all claimed to be President. Santa 
Anna was a prominent figure in all kinds of schemes, treachery, 
and uprisings. 

1835. General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, after a series of 
intrigues and revolutions, became Dictator and abolished the Con- 
stitution of 1824. 

1833-1835. Continuous mutinies and civil wars raged, and 
anarchy reigned in all parts of the country. 

1836. Texas seceded from Mexico and defeated and captured 
Santa Anna. 

1837. Santa Anna again returned to Mexico and assumed the 


1839. Bravo became President. Civil war raged. Bravo 's 
term was brief, and anarchy ensued. 

1841. Santa Anna again Dictator. Uprisings, pronuncia- 
mentos, surprises, revolutions, rife in all parts of the country. 

1844. Santa Anna was banished after much bloodshed, and 
Canalizo took his place. 

1845. Herrera became President. Revolutions continued. 

1846. Santa Anna again became President. 

1847. War with the United States. 

1848. On February 2 the Treaty of Guadalupe was signed, by 
which California and New Mexico were ceded to the United States, 
and Mexico received $15,000,000. 

1853. On April 1 Santa Anna again seized the reins of power 
and ruled as a despot until 1855. Despotism and desolation ruined 
the country, brigandage was universal, bloodshed perennial. 

1854. In this year the uprisings took more definite shape, and 
became known as the Ayutla revolution, with the liberal party support- 
ing it. It was intended to restore the constitutional government. 

1855. The Ayutla revolution was successful, and on October 4 
General Juan Alvarez was proclaimed President. He resigned in a 
short time, and General Comonfort assumed the office. 

1856. A constitutional convention was held, and radical reforms 
inaugurated. Mexico had a rupture with Spain. 

1857. On February 5 a Constitution was proclaimed, and 
General Comonfort was declared to be President. 

On December 11 Comonfort assumed office, abolished the Con- 
stitution, dissolved Congress, and proclaimed himself Dictator. 

1858. Almost immediately after Comonfort abolished the 
Constitution Benito Juarez raised the standard of revolt at Vera 
Cruz, and the bloody "War of Reform" began. 

1859. War and devastation were everywhere. Juarez was 
generally successful. The government of Juarez at Vera Cruz was 
recognized by the American envoy MacLean. 

In the city of Mexico one transformation after another occurred. 
Zuloaga overthrew Comonfort, and assumed the presidency. He 
soon abdicated in favor of Miramon, the General of the conservative 
forces who had supported Comonfort in establishing the dictatorship. 
Miramon had no liking for the job, and restored Zuloaga. A tumultu- 
ous disorder was everywhere, and outrages were committed on the 
British legation and against all foreigners. 

1860. The conservatives were completely overthrown, and 
capitulated at Guadalajara, and Miramon saved himself by flight. 
Benito Juarez entered the capital and declared himself President. 

1861. Juarez issued decrees confiscating practically all the 
church property of Mexico, estimated at from $350,000,000 to 
$400,000,000. He promulgated measures of great severity against 

VOL. i -11 


the religious orders, separated the Church from the State, and 
declared marriage to be a civil contract only. 

In December of this year England, Spain, and France made hos- 
tile demonstrations against Mexico and occupied Vera Cruz. This 
was caused by the numberless outrages committed against foreigners 
and the contempt with which Juarez treated the claims of the respec- 
tive governments. 

1862. England and Spain withdrew their forces, but France 
continued the war. On May 5 the French were severely defeated 
at Puebla. Receiving reinforcements, the French continued fighting 
their way to the capital and defeated the forces of Juarez in numerous 

1863. The French took possession of the city of Mexico. Louis 
Napoleon of France offered the crown of Mexico to the Austrian 
Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, who, upon being advised that the 
people of Mexico desired it, accepted it. 

1864. Maximilian arrived in Mexico in June, and was crowned 
Emperor amid the most extraordinary demonstrations of popular 
rejoicing and approval. 

1865-1867. Benito Juarez again raised the flag of revolution. 
His forces were defeated on all sides by the French armies. At the 
end of our own Civil War General Sheridan was sent with a powerful 
force of seasoned regulars into Texas, ready to expel by force if neces- 
sary the French troops from Mexico. A peremptory demand was 
thereupon made by the United States on Louis Napoleon that he with- 
draw his army from Mexico. He was forced to accede, and with this 
his dreams of universal Latin fusion vanished into thin air. 

Deprived of the support of French arms, Maximilian was unable 
to sustain himself against the great fighter Juarez. 

1867. Maximilian was captured, and on June 19 the Emperor 
and his two generals, Miramon and Meijra, were shot at Queretaro 
by orders of Juarez. The assassination marks Juarez as a savage. 
It is a blot on the administration at Washington which nothing 
can palliate or excuse. Juarez could not have captured Maximilian 
except through the intervention of the United States, so that it was the 
bounden obligation of our government to see that the rules of civilized 
warfare were respected. 

In July Juarez proclaimed himself President. 

18681869. Various pronunciamentos by Santa Anna and others 
were promulgated, and serious disturbances took place in many 

1872. President Juarez died in office on July 18, and Sebastian 
Lerdo de Tejada succeeded him. 

1873. A new Constitution was adopted, on the same general 
lines as that of 1857, but containing many new provisions. This Con- 
stitution with sundry amendments remains in force to-day. 


1874-1875. Revolutions in various parts of the country. 

1876. President Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada was overthrown by 
a revolution which began at Tuxtepec and ended with the battle of 
Tecoac, on November 16. 

1877. In April General Porfirio Diaz became President. 

1880. General Diaz selected General Manuel Gonzalez to suc- 
ceed him for the ensuing term, Diaz of course being the real "power 
behind the throne." 

1884. General Porfirio Diaz again assumed the presidency, 
which he has held up to the present time (December, 1907) without 
opposition. The indications are that he will remain in that position 
as long as he lives. 

From now on the history of Mexico is the personal biography of 
Porfirio Diaz, and the reader is referred to the sketch of his life in 
another chapter. The outline of Santa Anna's life, also given in 
another chapter, contains mention of historic facts which it has not 
been deemed necessary to repeat here. 

He who compares the stability and prosperity of modern Mexico 
with the anarchy of the old regime must be amazed at the contrast. 
The Encyclopaedia Britannica says: 

" As many as three hundred successful or abortive revolutions are recorded 
during the brief but stormy life of Mexican independence. But amid the con- 
fusion of empires, republics, dictatorships, and military usurpations, succeed- 
ing each other with bewildering rapidity, the thoughtful student will detect 
a steady progress towards the ultimate triumph of those Liberal ideas which 
lie at the base of true national freedom. . . . Between 1821 and 1868 the 
form of government was changed ten times ; over fifty persons succeeded each 
other as presidents, dictators, or emperors ; both emperors were shot, Iturbide 
in 1824, Maximilian in 1867, and according to some calculations there oc- 
curred at least three hundred pronunciamentos." 

No more excellent concrete example of the curse of anarchy and 
military dictatorships and of the blessings of good government can 
be found than in the history of Mexico. 



IT is not intended to give other than the briefest outline of the inter- 
minable broils of Central America. The history might with 

propriety be called a Century of Anarchy. Those who are inter- 
ested in the details of the doings of the rabble of lunatics who have 
deluged that rich and beautiful land with blood for a century are 
referred to Hubert Bancroft's work on "The History of Central 
America." I have neither time, space, nor patience to give other than 
the merest bird's-eye view of the perennial carnage, under the name 
of revolution, which has branded these countries, so far as their so- 
called governments are concerned, as three fourths barbarous and 
entirely criminal. An idea of the eternal flux of war can be formed 
by a simple inspection of the list of alleged Presidents of one of these 
countries, Honduras. Each of the others is substantially the same. 
But there is a limit to the space at my disposal. Battles must be dis- 
missed with a word, and whole revolutions with a sentence. Since 
1824 Honduras has had more than one hundred Presidents, all of 
them elected with the machete, one continuous, unending, unre- 
mitting period of devastation and bloodshed. If it were worth while 
to occupy time with the disgraceful recital, a similar list of Presidents 
of our other "Sister Republics" of Central America could be given. 
A mere list of the battles would fill pages, a record more horrible 
than that of Venezuela, but no good purpose would be subserved 
by wasting space on them. 

Mr. Antonio R. Vallejo was commissioned by the government of 
Honduras to write a history of that country, which was published at 
the Government Printing Office, Tegucigalpa, in 1882. The follow- 
ing list of Presidents, Supreme Chiefs, etc., of that country up to date 
of publication is taken from Mr. Vallejo's book. Since that date the 
list has been made from official reports to the United States government 
made by its ministers and consuls : 

First Chief, Dionisio Herrera, September 16, 1824; was sent to Guate- 
mala a prisoner after the fall of Comayagua, May 10, 1827. 
First Chief, Jeronimo Zelaya, September, 1827. 


Provisional Chief, Cleto Bendana, September 12, 1827. 

Adviser, Francisco Morazan, November, 1827. 

First Chief, Jeronimo Zelaya, June, 1828; his authority was only rec- 
ognized by one department, Santa Barbara. 

Provisional Vice-Chief, Diego Vijil, June 30, 1828. 

Vice-Chief, Diego Vijil, March 5, 1829. 

First Chief, Francisco Morazan, December 2, 1829. 

Adviser, Juan A. Arias, December 24, 1829. 

Supreme Chief, Francisco Morazan, April 22, 1830. 

Adviser, J. Santos del Valle, July 28, 1830. 

First Chief, Jose Antonio Marquez, March 12, 1831. 

Adviser, Francisco Milla, March 22, 1832. 

First Chief, Joaquin Rivera, January 7, 1833. 

Vice-Chief, Francisco Ferrera, September 24, 1833; on January, 1841, 
Ferrera returned to rule again under the title "President of the State." 

Adviser, Jose M. Bustillo, September 10, 1835; in August, 1839, he 
exercised the executive power again, under the title of "President 

Adviser, Jose M. Martinez, January 1, 1837. 

First Chief, Justo Jose Herrera, May 28, 1837. 

Adviser, Jose M. Martinez, September 3, 1838. 

Adviser, Lino Matute, November 12, 1838. 

Adviser, Juan Francisco de Moline, January 9, 1839. 

Adviser, Felipe Medina, April 13, 1839. 

Adviser, Jose Alvarado, April 15, 1839. 

Adviser, Jose M. Guerero, April 27, 1839. 

Acting President, Mariano Garrigo, August 10, 1839. 

President interim, Jose M. Bustillo, August 20, 1839. 

Magistracy of Ministers, Monico Bueso, Francisco Aguilar, August 27, 

Adviser, F. Zelaya y Ayes, September 21, 1839. 

Constitutional President, Francisco Ferrera, January 1, 1841. 

Magistracy of Ministers, Juan Morales, Julian Tercero, A. Alvarado, 
January 1, 1843. 

Constitutional President, Francisco Ferrera, February 23, 1843. 

Magistracy of Ministers, C. Alvarado, C. Chavez, October, 1844. 

Constitutional President, Francisco Ferrera, November, 1844. 

Magistracy of Ministers, C. Alvarado, C. Chavez, January 1, 1845. 

Constitutional President, Coronado Chavez, January 8, 1845. 

Magistracy of Ministers, C. Alvarado, F. Ferrera, S. Guardiola, January 
1, 1847. 

President of State, Dr. Juan Lindo, February 12, 1847. 

President of State, Dr. Juan Lindo, July 16, 1848. 

Vice-President, Felipe Bustillo, 1848; in 1850 rebelled against the gov- 
ernment of Lindo, and put Senator Miguel Bustamente in the executive 
power, but he lasted only forty days. 

Senator, Francisco Gomez, February 1, 1852. 

Constitutional President, Trinidad Cabanas, March 1, 1852. 

Provisional Supreme Chief of the Republic of Central America, Francisco 
Casteyon, October 28, 1852. 

Senator, Francisco Gomez, May 9, 1853. 


Constitutional President, General T. Cabanas, December 31, 1853. 

Vice-President, J. Santiago Buezo, October 18, 1855. 

Senator, Francisco Aguilar, November 8, 1855. 

Constitutional President, General S. Guardiola, February 17, 1856. 

Constitutional President, General S. Guardiola, February 7, 1860. 

Senator, Francisco Montes, January 11, 1862. 

Senator, General Jose Maria Medina, February 3, 1862. 

Vice-President, Victoriano Castellanos, February 4, 1862. 

Senator, Francisco Montes, December 4, 1862. 

Senator, General Jose Maria Medina, June 21, 1863. 

Senator, Francisco Inestroza, January 1, 1864. 

Constitutional President, General Jose Maria Medina, February 15, 1864, 

Senator-adviser, Lawyer Crescencio Gomez, May 15, 1865. 

Constitutional President, General Jose Maria Medina, September 1, 1865. 

Provisional President, General Jose Maria Medina, September 28, 1865. 

Designated, according to the new Constitution, Attorney Crescencio 
Gomez, October 2, 1865. 

Constitutional President, General Jose Maria Medina, February, 1866. 

Representative and First Designated, General Juan Lopez, April 27, 1867. 

Constitutional President, Lieutenant-General Jose Maria Medina, No- 
vember 21, 1867. 

Magistracy of Ministers, Jose Maria Aguirre and Elias Cacho, May, 1868. 

Designated Deputy, Francisco Cruz, September 5, 1869. 

President, General Jose Maria Medina, January 2, 1870. 

President, General Jose Maria Medina, February 2, 1870. 

Designated Deputy, Inocente Rodriguez, 1871. 

President by Revolution, General F. Xatruch, March 26, 1871. 

President, General Jose Maria Medina, May 17, 1871. 

Designated Deputy, Inocente Rodriguez, July 2, 1871. 

President, General Jose Maria Medina, October 20, 1871. 

Designated Deputy, Crescencio Gomez, April 5, 1872. 

President by Revolution, Attorney Cileo Arias, May 12, 1872. 

Semi-President by Rebellion, General Juan Antonio Medina, July 16, 1872. 

President by Revolution, Ponciano Leira, November 23, 1873. 

Provisional President nominated by the National Convention, Ponciano 
Leira, April 29, 1874. 

Constitutional President, Ponciano Leira, February 2, 1875. 

President by Revolution, General Jose Maria Medina, December 16, 1875. 

Designated President, Jose Maria Zelaya, January 13, 1876. 

Constituted President, Ponciano Leira, January, 1876. 

President, Minister General Marcelino Mejia, June 8, 1876. 

President, Attorney Crescencio Gomez, June 8, 1876. 

Magistracy of Ministers, Attorneys Colindres and Mejia, August 12, 1876. 

President, General Jose Maria Medina, August 16, 1876. 

President, by Proclamation of the Hondurans, Marco A. Soto, August 27, 

Pseudo-President, by anarchy, Salvador Cruz, August 30, 1876; this gov- 
ernment only lasted five days, and Dr. Soto regained power. 

Constitutional President, Dr. Marco A. Soto, May 30, 1877. 

Magistracy of Ministers, Ramon Rosa, Enrique Gutierrez, A. Zelaya, 
June 10, 1880. 


Constitutional President, Dr. Marco A. Soto, July 30, 1880. 
President by the New Constitution, Dr. Marco A. Soto, February 1, 1881. 
Magistracy of Ministers, Enrique Gutierrez, Luis Bogran, Rafael Alva- 
rado, May 9, 1883. 

President, Luis Bogran, 1884. 

Military Dictator, General Sanchez, 1890. 

President, Luis Bogran, 1890. 

Constitutional President, General Ponciano Leira, 1891. 

Dictator, General Policarpo Bonilla, 1891. 

President, General Leira, 1891. 

Provisional President, General Vasquez, 1892. 

Military Dictator, General Bonilla, 1892. 

Military Dictator, General Vasquez, 1893. 

Military Dictator, General Policarpo Bonilla, 1893. 

Constitutional President, General Bonilla, 1894. 

Mr. Richard Lee Fearn prepared a brief outline of the revolutions 
of the Central American States, from documents in the Library of 
Congress, from which the following is given as sufficient for general 
information. The student who desires more minute details is referred 
to Bancroft. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Salvador, and Costa Rica, all 
have a history very similar to that of Honduras. These little half- 
breed dictatorships have had more "rulers" since their independence 
than all the nations of Europe combined have had in the past thou- 
sand years. 


1825. April, Arce elected first President Central American 
Republic, followed by two years' fighting. 

1828. February, "Arce retired without resigning." 

1829. April, General Francisco Morazan, of Honduras, over- 
threw the central government, establishing Barrundia as President, 
subsequently taking the office himself. 

1838. February, Rafael Carrera, mob leader, seized Guate- 
mala, destroyed Morazan's power, leading in 1840 to destruction of 
Central American Republic. 

1844. Rafael Carrera caused Guatemala to elect him President, 
had his term extended in 1854 "for life," and ruled till his death in 

1870. Justo Rufino Barrios, after several years' fighting, secured 
absolute control of government and had himself elected President. 

1887. June, President Manuel L. Barillas established temporary 
dictatorship on account of revolutionary bands menacing government. 

1890. State of anarchy throughout country : son of Barrios, 
late Dictator, and numerous other discontents, encouraged by Ezeta, 
President of Salvador, opposed Barillas, who continued Dictator. 
General Alfonso Irungaray issued a pronunciamento, and, joined by 


1500 deserters, seized the capital, but failed to hold it. Dr. Rafael 
Ayala, "actual" Vice-President, set up a rival government, which 
lasted only a few months, until Barillas obtained peace with Salvador 
through mediation of the American minister. 

1891. Barillas kept busy suppressing small risings. 

1897. June to October, futile revolt, led by Vice-President 
Morales, with much fighting, because National Assembly had pro- 
longed term of President Barrios four years. 

1898. Barrios murdered by British subject. Cabrera, friend of 
late Dictator, was proclaimed Acting President, in the absence of Vice- 
President Morales, who returned to take his place by force; but 
(September) Cabrera was elected President. 


No peace at all until 1865. 

1872. Liberals, assisted by Honduras, overthrew President 
Duenas, who had been installed by Guatemala in 1865. 
1876. Valle ousted from presidency by Guatemalans. 

1890. June 22, President Mendenez killed at anniversary 
banquet. General Carlos Ezeta arrived, with 600 men, and was 
proclaimed Provisional President. 

Zaldivar, who had been living in Paris, and Alvarez, in Guate- 
mala, raised forces in their own behalf, and General Rivas raised 
forces in behalf of Vice-President Ayala. 

Congress in September "unanimously elected" Carlos Ezeta 
Provisional President until March, 1891. 

1891. Numerous plots against Ezeta, who had himself elected 
for four years' term. Ayala, his principal rival, and several others 
were assassinated. 

1894. General Rafael Antonio Gutierrez and army officers 
started revolution against Ezeta, April (Carlos, President, and An- 
tonio, Vice-President), who fled (June). Gutierrez proclaimed himself 
President, June 24. 

1895. Ezeta brothers made a weak attempt to reassert them- 

1896. Several small outbreaks. 

1898. General Tomas Regolado headed an insurrection just 
before election of successor to Gutierrez and established provisional 
government without bloodshed. 


1824-1840. Continuous fighting; numerous successful revolts; 
all rulers chosen by force. 

1855. William Walker (filibuster) captured government and 
elected himself President in 1856. 


1891. Roberto Sacasa "had himself elected"; small uprisings, 
because he expelled prominent men, quickly quelled. 

1893. Joaquin Zavala and others united to overthrow Sacasa ; 
organized provisional government, with Morales nominal President; 
American minister mediated, Sacasa resigning to Machado until elec- 
tion could be held. Zavala's army was admitted to Managua to 
disband, but seized the town (July), Zavala proclaiming himself 
President, but gave way (August) to Zelaya, chosen as a compromise 
between opposing political parties. Colonel Ortiz, with 10,000 armed 
men, had in the mean time captured Corinto and proclaimed himself 
provisional President, but finally recognized the election of Zelaya. 

1894. Marked by small disaffections in favor of Ortiz. 

1896. Determined attempt to overthrow Zelaya, who promptly 
declared himself Dictator. 

(February) Vice-President Baca proclaimed himself provisional 
President, was assisted by Ortiz. Zelaya, helped by Honduras, 
triumphed (May). 

1898. February, small revolts suppressed. 

1899. Revolt in Mosquito territory very brief. 


1838. May, Braulio Carillo overthrew Jefe of Costa Rica. 

1841. General Morazan, of Honduras, seized government in 
April, to be driven out in September. 

1855. July, General Juan Lopez drove out President Cabanas 
and caused new election to be held. 

1859. August 14, Juan Rafael Mora, who had been elected by 
the masses three months before, was deposed by the property owners, 
merchants, and army, and a successor duly elected. 

1860. Mora landed with 400 men, but was captured and shot 

1869. Lorenzo Salazar, Maximo Blanco, and others headed a 
pronunciamento, deposed President Castro, and installed in his place 
Jesus Jiminez, who was First Designado. 

1870. Jiminez similarly deposed, and Bruno Carranza pro- 
claimed in his place. 

1877. Revolutionary movement forced President Herrara to 
surrender office to Tomas Guardia, who was President in 1872, and 
who the year before was First Designado, Herrara being Second. 

1892. President Rodriguez dissolved Congress and suspended 
constitutional rights because of difference in policy ; no fighting. 

1893. Conspiracy to overthrow Rodriguez nipped in the bud. 
1902. Ascension Esquivel, President. 

1906. Senor Cleto Gonzalez Viquez, President. 


AFTER a century of bloodshed, which finally involved the United 
States in a war with Spain, Cuba was given her "independence " 
and was proclaimed a Republic. Scarcely were the United 
States armies withdrawn than did the spirit of disorder assert itself. 

In February, 1906, an incipient revolution occurred in Cuba, under 
the leadership of the liberal Senator Morua Delgardo. An attack 
was made on the cuartel at Guanabacoa, and many horses captured. 
The attacking party was composed exclusively of liberals. 

Intrigues and plots were fomented in all parts of the island during 
the next few months, and by the latter part of July the liberal party 
was ready to inaugurate a revolution on an important scale. 

The leader of this movement was General Jose Miguel Gomez, 
who had been the liberal candidate for the presidency in the fall of 
1905. General Gomez was defeated by T. Estrada Palma, who then 
held the office of President, and was the candidate of the moderates. 
This so-called election was of course a farce. Wholesale arrests were 
made of the liberals as they were preparing to vote, and hundreds of 
them thrown in jail. An affair which caused great excitement at the 
time was the killing of Congressman Villuendas, the national liberal 
candidate for President, by the police, at Cienfuegos, on September 22, 
1905. The responsibility for this crime was laid at the doors of the 
Palma government, the alleged motive being that he was considered 
a dangerous rival. No thorough investigation of the affair was ever 
made by the authorities. Intimidations, bribery, and extensive ballot 
frauds were perpetrated, so that the majority of the liberals refrained 
from voting altogether. While it is true that these fraudulent methods 
were almost universal, it is useless to moralize on the subject. The 
fact is that a real election is an impossibility in Latin America. Had 
the liberals been in power, the intimidation, assaults, arrests, and 
wholesale frauds would have been perpetrated just the same. The 
Latin-Americans know less of real popular democratic government 
than do the Russians, and any attempt to hold elections is a mere 

But General Gomez was not satisfied with the election which placed 
Palma in power a second time. He determined to hold an election of 


his own, with those improved automatic voting-machines, the Mauser 
and the machete. 

Early in August, 1906, there were rumors of serious movements 
in Cuba. The government sent out the report that these were merely 
the uprisings of bandits. On August 18 the rural guards attacked a 
band of 30 insurgents, under the leadership of Colonel Pozo, near 
Rio Hondo, province of Pinar del Rio. About the same time a band, 
under the leadership of Enrique Mesa, alleged to be an outlaw, came 
into conflict with the government troops in Santiago province. These 
affairs were pooh-poohed by the government, as of no importance. 

Two days later it was reported that numerous bands of guerrillas 
had devastated all parts of Cuba. One band of 150 men under Gen- 
eral Quintin Banderas, a negro leader, attacked the government forces 
at Hoyo Colorado, near Havana. 

On August 20 General Pino Guerra, a rebel leader, was reported 
to be attacking the town of Pinar del Rio with about 800 men. The 
city was defended by only about 300 rural guards. Uprisings were 
also reported at Sancti Spiritus, in the province of Santa Clara, under 
the leadership of General Gomez. 

On August 21 it was reported that General Jose Miguel Gomez 
had left Yaguajay, province of Santa Clara, with a band of revolu- 
tionists. Guines, a town twenty miles south of Havana, was occupied 
by the insurgents without serious fighting. Many arrests were made 
in Havana and in all parts of Cuba, and a great deal of desultory fight- 
ing by small bands took place. It was now estimated that there were 
about 2000 men engaged in the revolutionary movement. 

At this time the Cuban government stated that the revolution was 
of little or no importance and that it would be subdued within two 
or three weeks. Senor Mariano Corona, representative from Santiago 
province, director of El Cubano Libre, speaking for the government, 
said that this was the fourth revolution which President Palma had 
been called upon to subdue since he had held office, that the revolu- 
tionists were unarmed and of no consequence, that the government 
had ample arms and resources, and that the revolutionists would be 
wiped out of existence and wholly annihilated within a short time. 

On August 22 General Rodriguez, commander of the rural guards, 
called the newspaper correspondents into his office at Havana, and 
told them that Cuba was quite able to cope with the revolution, that 
the reports about insurgent bands were greatly exaggerated, etc. 
President Palma also gave out an interview saying there was no cause 
for alarm, that the movement in Santa Clara was small, in Matanzas 
trifling, and in Pinar del Rio of little consequence. 

On this date the bands of Guerra, Pozo, and other insurrectionary 
leaders, numbering 400 men, united at San Luis, and attacked the 
rural guards under Major Laurent and Lieutenant Azcuy and defeated 


On August 23 it was reported that the Cuban government had 
asked the United States for 8 rapid-fire guns and artillerymen to work 
them. General Pino Guerra with a strong force captured San Juan 
de Martinez, the terminus of the Western Railway. In a conflict at 
the Silveira farm, near Punta Brava, fifteen miles from Havana, 
General Quentin Banderas with a small force was attacked at 
night by 38 mounted rural guards under Captain Ignacio Delgado 
and Lieutenant Martinez. The rebels were routed, and Banderas 

Senor O Tamil, Secretary of State and Justice, and Acting Minis- 
ter of the Interior, resigned. It was admitted by everybody outside 
of the government that the entire island was in a ferment, and the 
situation exceedingly grave. 

On August 24 it was reported that an unsuccessful attempt had 
been made the previous evening in Havana to assassinate General 
Emilio Nunez, governor of the province of Havana. Congressman 
Carlos Mendieta, of Santa Clara, took up arms against the govern- 
ment. Colonel Reinos organized a band of insurgents at Rancho 
Veloz. Louis Perez, liberal Governor of Pinar del Rio, joined the 
insurgents. The mayor of Aguacate, in Havana province, and prac- 
tically all the inhabitants, declared themselves in insurrection. Gen- 
eral Pino Guerra, with over 2000 insurgent troops, engaged Colonel 
Estrampe, with a somewhat smaller government force, in the province 
of Pinar del Rio, and defeated him. General Jose Miguel Gomez, 
revolutionary leader at Sancti Spiritus, was captured and put in jail 
in Havana. 

San Juan y Martinez was recaptured by the government troops 
under Colonels Bacallao and Avalo. A conflict occurred between a 
detachment of rural guards and a band of insurgents at San Antonio 
de los Banos, in which several men were killed. A band of revolu- 
tionists under Manuel Gonzalez was dispersed near Colon. Campos 
Marquetti, member of Congress for Artemisa, province of Pinar del 
Rio, joined the revolt. The town of Guanes, on the Western Rail- 
way, was occupied by Pino Guerra. 

On August 25 President Palma called for volunteers, offering chiefs 
of battalions and regiments $200 a month ; adjutants, $125 a month ; 
captains, $100 a month ; and soldiers, $2 a day. 

A body of 150 rural guards under Major Gomez attacked and 
dispersed Reinoso's band of 200 insurgents at Cascajal, near Santa 
Rosa, killing about 20 rebels. Revolutionary bands of from 10 to 100 
men were overrunning all parts of Havana province. Another band 
of insurgents was organized at Remedios, province of Santa Clara, 
by Colonel Severiano Garcia and Captain Cepeda. A group of 40 
men under Quentin Bravo, a daring fighter in the Spanish wars, joined 
the insurrection. Rural guards fought at Rio Blanco with a large 
insurgent band, under Colonel Asbert, who was wounded. Seventy 


revolutionists occupied the village of Arroyo Naranjo, five miles from 

There were shipped from New York for President Palma, on the 
steamship Mexico, 2000 Remington rifles and 2,000,000 rounds of 

On August 26 President Palma announced that he was considering 
a decree for a general amnesty, in the hope of allaying the widespread 
hostility. Nearly every town in Santa Clara was in revolution. A 
former mayor of Trinidad took the field at the head of 100 rebels. 
The mayor of Las Cruces led 200 revolutionists into the field. Orestes 
Ferrara, professor of law in Havana University, led an insurgent band 
in Santa Clara. 

On August 28 the government of Cuba asserted that it would sub- 
due the revolution in a short time. Mr. M. C. Aldamo, delegate of 
the treasury of the Cuban government, said: "With 20,000 of the 
highest-paid soldiers in the world in the field, with all the rapid-fire 
guns procurable, hot from the factories, the Cuban government will 
have obliterated the revolution by the last of September. It will not 
have crushed it merely; it will have wiped it out." 

On August 28 the government despatched 300 infantry and cav- 
alry, under General Francisco Pereza, for Batabano ; also 100, under 
General Bernaba Boza, for Pinar del Rio. The Governor of Santa 
Clara telegraphed that the insurgents in that province were surrender- 
ing; but Captain Asbert had a large band of revolutionists near 

Major Jose Augustin Castellanos, an emissary of General Pino 
Guerra, arrived in New York, and stated that the insurgents demanded 
a new election in Cuba, and that unless the United States intervened 
to bring this about, the rebels would fight until victorious or com- 
pletely defeated. 

On August 29 the town of Cabanos was reported captured by the 
insurgents. It is a place of 4000 inhabitants, located about thirty-five 
miles west-southwest of Havana. Campos Marquetti, a negro member 
of Congress with a band of insurgents, raided the Mercedita Sugar 
Estate. The whole of Cuba seemed to be alive with bands of insur- 
gents or of rural guards, and skirmishes were numerous. 

On August 30 it was reported that a heavy battle was expected 
near Guanes between 1000 cavalry, under General Avalos, and the 
revolutionary General Pino Guerra. A battle of three hours' duration 
occurred between 150 rural guards, under Captain Collazo and Gen- 
eral Alfred Rego, and about 300 revolutionists. The latter were 
dispersed with a loss of about 20 in killed and wounded. About 3000 
insurgents were reported in the neighborhood of Cienfuegos. Assaults 
and outrages by revolutionary bands in Santa Clara were numerous. 
Guerra's men plundered and looted Galafre and Sabalo. At Cala- 
bazar, in Havana province, a fight took place between 50 insurgents 


and 15 rural guards, the latter being defeated. A similar fight took 
place at Artemisa, province of Pinar del Rio. Machine guns in 
Havana were manned by American volunteers, which provoked much 
criticism among American residents of Cuba, who believed that our 
countrymen should have remained entirely neutral. 

On August 31 numerous demands were made by Americans for 
protection, and forwarded by Mr. Sleeper, the United States Charge 
in Cuba, to the State Department. The Constancia Sugar Company, 
the Mercedita Sugar Estate Company, and others were the complain- 
ants. The town of Guanes, in Pinar del Rio, was reported to be 
besieged. Passenger trains were fired upon by insurgents at Aguada 
and near Rodas, Santa Clara. Severe fighting took place in the out- 
skirts of Cienfuegos. There was a rising at Songo, twenty miles from 
Santiago, Colonel Carlos Dubois being at the head. A strong uprising 
in Santiago province was reported. Fighting of a desultory kind took 
place at Cardenos, Matanzas province. It was reported that there 
were 3000 insurgents in the vicinity of Cienfuegos, and that all the 
small towns in the vicinity were under their control. Pillage was 
widespread. A detachment of rural guards dispersed 125 revolution- 
ists near Esperanza, killing 10 of them. 


During all this time there was a great deal of talk about American 
intervention. The sentiment of both sides on this conflict was doubt- 
less accurately represented by La Discusion, the semi-official organ 
of the government, which said editorially : 

" Permanent intervention would be worse than death. It would be pref- 
erable if the Caribbean should engulf the Pearl of the Antilles." 

The article further appeals thus to racial sentiment : 

"The colored race may tremble before the possibility of intervention. 
Americans hate and despise negroes. Even their own negroes, with whom 
they have been in contact for two hundred years, are treated like dogs, lynched 
and hardly considered human. If it is so with negroes of their own land and 
language, what would happen to the Cuban negro ? " 

As to what the white people might expect under American inter- 
vention, the article goes on to say : 

"Our courteous comrades in the public departments will be superseded 
by men of the type of Bliss [General Tasker H. Bliss], who, when Adminis- 
trator of Customs, asked nobody to be seated in his office, and who forced 
the use of the English language. Also instead of our deliberate and refined 
judges we should have Judge Pitchers [alluding to Captain William L. Pitchers 


of the Eighth United States Infantry, who in 1899 was Police Magistrate and 
Supervisor of Police of Havana], with their ten dollars or ten days. Further- 
more, we shall have with us beer-drinking American officers with clanking 
spurs, masters of all, captivating our adorable virgins. That this may occur 
Cubans fight against Cubans, making room that Finlanders, Germans, 
Americans, and Spaniards may come and enjoy the fecundity of our soil and 
air, the murmuring of our rivers, the beauty of our moonlit nights, the kiss of 
our sea, and even the love of our women, all because it is said the elections 
were not fair. Is there no other remedy except placing our necks under the 
yoke of Uncle Sam ? This war can have no other end but intervention." 

While the above opinion on the subject of intervention was ex- 
pressed by the organ of the moderates, a similar view was given out 
by Pino Guerra, the revolutionary leader, as follows : 

"The revolutionists like not American intervention if the latter means 
military occupation of the island and the establishment of an American ad- 
ministration here. We want our independence. The Americans would merely 
make us slaves. The kind of intervention we want is that the American gov- 
ernment recognize the elections as fraudulent and send a note to President 
Palma requesting him to call new elections and show fair play. We are 
fighting against tyranny. If the Americans come to deprive us of our inde- 
pendence, we will fight also against them." 

Americans who believe these Latin-American buccaneers to be 
the friends of the United States should be placed at their mercy for 
a short time. It is certain that their views would then materially 

On September 1 it was reported that the insurrection was growing 
constantly, that there were 1500 revolutionists south of Artemisa, and 
that the disorder had spread to Puerto Principe. At Moron 70 men 
took up arms under Garcia Canizares, Speaker of the House of Rep- 
resentatives under the liberal regime. At Arroyo Blanco, near Ciego 
de Avila, a force of 200 men was organized by the revolutionary Gen- 
eral Dellon Sanchez. General Carillo and Campos Marquetti, the 
negro congressman, with 300 insurgents, took possession of Bahia 
Honda, in Havana province, and about 50 recruits from the town 
joined them. A revolutionary band of 200 raided Ranchuelo, near 
Cienfuegos. The insurgent leader Urbano Sanchez was captured at 
Songo by rural guards. 

On September 2 it was stated that President Palma had called 
General Cebreco, one of the proposed peace commissioners, to the 
palace to inform him that "the government had no concessions to 
offer or accept, and no intention other than fighting the matter through 
and suppressing the insurrection." 

El Economist^ the leading financial weekly, said that the revolu- 
tion, besides costing millions of dollars to industries which are operat- 
ing upon foreign capital, would, should it last several weeks, cause 


ruin to the Vuelta Aba jo tobacco crop, amounting to $12,000,000 or 
$15,000,000, besides a year's loss to the farmers. The paper went on 
to say that the loss to the cattle interests would be from $20,000,000 
to $30,000,000. Concerning the sugar crop, it said that a continuation 
of the trouble for two months would mean a loss of from 100,000 to 
200,000 tons on account of lack of labor. It reckoned the losses to 
the fruit crop at about $4,000,000, and stated that all these losses could 
at best be only partially remedied unless there were a prompt effort for 
peace or the immediate assistance of the United States were requested. 

On September 4 it was stated that apprehension in Havana was 
increasing. At least two thirds of all the people in the provinces of 
Pinar del Rio, Santa Clara, and Havana were stated to be hostile to 
the government. 

Americans returning to New York stated that the revolution in 
Cuba was more serious than the despatches indicated; that "little 
is known in this country of what is transpiring in the island, because 
of the cut wires, and the censorship of the government, which controls 
the lines." 

M. C. Aldama, press agent of the Palma government in New York, 
gave out a report of a battle lasting three days, in which the insurgents 
lost 100 men. 

The revolutionary junta in New York gave out reports of numerous 
rebel victories. One engagement took place near Matanzas, the 
rebels, under Colonel Cepero, killing a number of rural guards, includ- 
ing their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Jorge. At Cotorro, in 
Havana province, the government troops under General Pedro Del- 
gado, lost 90 men in killed, wounded, and deserted. Colonel Estram- 
pas, with 180 rural guards, was reported defeated with a loss of 40 
killed and 10 deserted, by Colonel Asbert, the revolutionary leader 
in Pinar del Rio province. Juan Santos, mayor of Punta Bravo, near 
Havana, revolted against the Palma government, with 50 men. 

On September 6 a truce and armistice for ten days was, through 
the efforts of General Menocal, proposed by the government and 
accepted by most of the liberal leaders. Pino Guerra, however, re- 
fused to accede to this arrangement unless the government would 
stipulate to annul the elections for President and congressmen. 

On September 7 Pino Guerra, who had a force of between 3000 
and 4000 men, cut the Western Railway beyond Pinar del Rio City, 
by blowing up two railway bridges. He then took possession of San 
Juan y Martinez. Machete fights were continuous between the rural 
guards and the insurgents under Loynaz del Castillo, in Havana 
province. A squadron of 100 cavalry deserted and joined the insur- 
gents at Cienfuegos. 

On September 8 President Palma called an extraordinary session 
of Congress, to convene on the 14th instant, for the purpose of con- 
sidering the alarming situation. An armored train with 350 troops 


encountered a band of revolutionists between Herradura and Con- 
solacion del Sur, and a fight ensued, without decisive effect. It was 
reported that Colonel Avalos, commander of the government troops 
in Pinar del Rio, was surrounded by the superior forces of Guerra. 
The mayor of Guayabal, near Guanajay, took his rural guards and 
joined the revolutionists. 

On September 9 it was reported that Colonel Avalo succeeded in 
forming a junction with the armored train near Consolacion del Sur. 
The insurgents attacked the train at this point, but were beaten off, 
and many killed by the machine guns, under the command of Captain 
Webster, an American. 

On September 10 President Palma declared martial law, by 
decreeing the suspension of all constitutional guarantees and revoking 
all offers of amnesty. Many liberal leaders were arrested. The press 
despatches stated: 

"Three hundred soldiers have been brought from Guanajay into Havana 
on account of the possibility of an attack on the capital. 

"The rebel leader, Colonel Edward Guzman, has appointed Dr. Figueroa, 
President of the liberal party in Cienfuegos, to act as peace commissioner in 
his behalf. 

"Four more batteries of machine guns from Havana arrived to-day in the 
region east of Consolacion del Sur, near the point where the rebels destroyed 
bridges and disabled the first armored train sent out. The second train was 
fired on several times this morning. 

"Small bands of insurgents entered Paso Real at eleven o'clock this morn- 
ing. They made no trouble, and later marched in the direction of the Santa 
Clara River. 

"The battalion under Major Clews, to protect the men repairing the rail- 
road, is moving westward. It will co-operate with Colonel Avalos and give 
the detachment under Captain Webster a fresh supply of ammunition. 

"A troop train from Havana was attacked early this morning at Artemisa. 
The rebels were driven off with machine guns. 

"Sixty more residents of Havana and its vicinity have been indicted for 
complicity with the rebels. The privilege of bail is refused to them. 

"It now appears that the rebels are in possession of the junction, at Rincon, 
of the United Railway branches, and trains on the Western Line are stopped 
and searched at will. Rincon is fifteen miles southwest of Havana." 

On September 11 Colonel Aguirre and J. A. Castellanos, of the 
Cuban revolutionary junta in New York, announced that there would 
soon be 20,000 insurgents under arms, and that they could capture 
Havana whenever they wished. 

The administration at Washington took precautions to send war- 
ships to Key West and other points near Havana. The question of 
intervention under the Platt amendment was seriously considered by 
the administration. 

On September 12 the situation in Cuba became more alarming, 
and the Washington government sent the cruiser Denver and gunboat 
VOL. i 12 


Marietta to Havana. In Cuba the government continued making 
large numbers of arrests of members of the liberal party. 

"Those placed in jail include Representatives Ambrosio Borges, Au- 
gustin Garcia, and Osuna Antonio, Gonzalo Perez, editor of the Liberal, 
Alfonso Lopez, Santa Marina, Pelayo Garcia, Dr. Malberty, a former repre- 
sentative; Senor Felipe Gonzales, clerk of the House of Representatives; 
Senor Sarrin, Dr. Samuel Secades, and Senor Juan Ramon O 'Farrill, former 
mayor of Havana, who was ousted from his post by Governor Nunez in order 
to make room for a moderate successor. All efforts to find Alfredo Zayas have 
thus far been unsuccessful. It is rumored that Zayas has left the city and 
joined one of the rebel bands." 

These arrests increased the bitterness of the liberals, and caused 
large numbers of men to join the insurrection, it being stated that 
more than 1000 men joined Pino Guerro's army, within one week, 
of their own accord. The insurgents in Santa Clara province, stated 
to number from 8000 to 12,000, destroyed several railroad bridges 
and did much damage to sugar estates. The rebels looted the town 
of Sierra Morena, near Sagua, and entered Cruces, carrying off $9000 
of the town funds, also $1200 belonging to the post-office. A serious 
uprising was reported in the province of Santiago and the old province 
of Camaguey. 

On September 13 at 5.30 P. M. a force of 155 men landed in Havana, 
from the U. S. cruiser Denver, for the protection of American interests. 
They camped in the Plaza de Armas, facing the palace. The force 
was commanded by Lieutenant-Commander M. L. Miller. President 
Palma had stated to Commander Colwell of the Denver that he could 
not guarantee the lives of Americans in Havana, and he therefore 
asked that marines be landed. 

Many revolutionary outrages were reported, among them the 
destruction of the Hatuey Sugar Mill at Santo Domingo, Santa Clara 
province, valued at $2,000,000, and owned by Mr. Rabeu, an Ameri- 
can ; also the Homeguero and San Jose estates. 


On September 14 the Cuban Congress met in Havana, in extra- 
ordinary session, at the call of President Palma. 

The President submitted a message deploring the conduct of the 
opposition. Who would have supposed, he asked, that with the ad- 
vancing prosperity of the country and the well-being of the people 
with millions in the treasury after paying $19,000,000 to the army of 
liberation and investing $11,000,000 in public improvements, and 
with such splendid credit abroad, there could be Cubans who would 
conspire to change the constitutional order by placing armed force, 
violence, and anarchy before law, order, and peace, to the country's 
shame and sorrow? 


Congress, although a quorum was not present, granted President 
Palma almost unlimited powers to prosecute the war, including the 
right to appropriate any of the public funds for war purposes. 

On this date President Roosevelt sent a message to Senor Quesada, 
Cuban minister at Washington, warning the Cuban people of the 
danger and folly of their course and suggesting the possibility of 

The American blue-jackets from the Denver who had landed at 
the request of President Palma returned to the vessel, it being under- 
stood that the Washington administration had disapproved of the 

Senor Zayas and General del Castillo, of the insurgent forces, sent 
messages to Commander Colwell of the Denver, offering to surrender 
their command to the American government. 


On September 15 it was announced that the President had de- 
termined to send to Cuba Judge William H. Taft, Secretary of War, 
and Robert Bacon Assistant Secretary of State. 

The Cuban insurgents attacked Santo Domingo, in Santa Clara 
province, but were repulsed. General Rodriguez with 400 rural guards 
attacked 1000 revolutionists under General del Castillo and Colonels 
Asbert and Acosta, at Wajay, twelve miles south of Havana, and 
dispersed them. A battle occurred at El Cano, ten miles southwest 
of Havana. 

The American war-ships Des Moines and Dixie arrived at Havana. 
The Cleveland sailed from Norfolk for that port, and other war-ships 
were under way. On September 16 Messrs. Taft and Bacon left 
Washington for Havana. The battle-ships Louisiana, Virginia, and 
New Jersey sailed from Newport for Havana. 

President Palma had a conference with the leading revolutionists, 
and announced an indefinite suspension of hostilities with a view to 
making peace before the arrival of Messrs. Taft and Bacon. This 
decree was issued on the recommendation of Senor Montalvo, the 
Secretary of Public Works, after a conference with Jose Miguel 
Gomez, who was then in prison, and General Menocal, Vice-President 
Mendez Capote, General Freyre Andrade, Senor Dolz, and others. 

On September 17 the Cuban revolutionists at Bajucal definitely 
rejected the peace proposals. They demanded the unconditional 
annulment of the last elections. To this the Palma government re- 
fused to assent. 

Several minor engagements were reported in Cuba. Colonel 
Dubois with 400 revolutionists attacked the rural guards at La Maya. 
A small force of insurgents were repulsed in San Felipe, near Batabano. 

On September 18 many Americans from the Isle of Pines made 


complaint to Minister Morgan that Cuban officials were molesting 
them in their homes, seizing their firearms, etc., which were absolutely 
necessary for their own protection. 

At Los Palacios a fight occurred between 90 rural guards and a 
party of Guerra's revolutionists, in which the former were defeated. 
Guerra's men were reported as having committed many depredations. 
Considerable destruction to property by insurgents was reported on 
the Cuban Western Railroad, owned by an English company. Many 
bridges were destroyed, among them, the bridges near Los Palacios, 
Santa Cruz, Taco Taco, and other points. 

The State Department at Washington was advised by M. R. Spell- 
man, of the Colonial Cuban Company, of New York, that the Espe- 
ranza Sugar Estate, near Cienfuegos, had been destroyed by Colonel 
Collada and a band of insurgents. 

On September 19 Secretary of War Taft and Assistant Secretary 
of State Bacon, who had arrived in Havana, listened to statements 
from the Presidents of the liberal and moderate parties. The confer- 
ence was held at Minister Morgan's house, in the village of Marianao, 
near Havana, about three miles' distance from Arroya Arenas, 
where an insurgent force under Colonel Baldomero Acosta was 

A despatch from Santiago de Cuba stated that 50 armed men, 
mounted, under command of Captain Vicente Costa and Lieutenant 
Francisco Salmon, entered the town of Firmeza, and raided the 
Juragua mines, seizing explosives, etc. Several bands of insurrec- 
tionists were reported as having recently organized in this province, 
among them one of 150 men led by Juan Lopez. 

The War Department at Washington exhibited great energy in 
preparing for all emergencies. General Bell, Chief of Staff, ordered 
Generals Barry and Duval home from the German military manoeu- 
vres, and General Funston was sent to Cuba. Horses, mules, and 
military supplies were rushed to available points, in case intervention 
should become necessary. 

On September 20 Messrs. Taft and Bacon heard arguments and 
reports from a large number of the leaders of all parties, and repre- 
sentatives of business interests. Senator Alfredo Zayas represented 
the revolutionists in these conferences. Officials of the government 
declared they would not consider any proposition looking towards 
new elections. 

A water famine was reported from Cienfuegos, owing to destruc- 
tion of the waterworks at Jicotea by insurgents. The commander of 
the gunboat Marietta landed marines for the protection of American 
property. He placed 80 men on the Constancia estate, up the Dan- 
maji River; 80 on the Soledad estate; and 120 on the Hormiguero 
estate. Revolutionists seized the coasting steamer Rik at Bahia 
Honda, and rifled the mails, robbing passengers, etc. 


Raids were made on the Colonial Sugar Company, with head- 
quarters at Constancia, and damage done to the extent of $25,000. 

On September 21 further conferences were held between Messrs. 
Taft and Bacon and the leaders of the contending forces. The revolu- 
tionary leaders selected a committee to represent them, consisting of 
Jose Miguel Gomez, Juan Gualberto Gomez, ex-Senator Monteagudo, 
Carlos Garcia, Garcia Velez, Alfredo Zayas, and General del Castillo. 
Among the generals who took part in the conference were Pino 
Guerra, Machado, Ferrara, Asbert, Guas, Acosta, and Betancourt. 

On September 22 the United States cruisers Minneapolis and 
Newark arrived in Havana. Captain Albert R. Couden, commander 
of the battle-ship Louisiana, stated that the American war-ships in 
the harbor could land 4000 men if necessary. 

On September 23 conferences continued between the American 
officials and representatives of the Cuban factions. 

On September 25 it was announced that President Palma, Vice- 
President Capote, and the moderate senators and representatives 
would resign. 

Secretary Taft ordered the Marietta to despatch 30 men to Sagua 
la Grande, province of Santa Clara, to guard the Cuban Central Rail- 
road, owned by an English company, which had already been dam- 
aged to the extent of $400,000. 

The United States government continued to rush war-ships and 
marines to Cuban waters, making the total available landing force 
11,000 men, with 12 war- vessels at hand. 

On September 26 reports from all parts of Cuba indicated a 
virtual state of anarchy, in which the insurgent armies, made up of 
the worst elements, were indulging in a riot of loot and pillage. Brig- 
adier Funston reached Havana, and was placed in immediate com- 
mand of the American troops. The action of the moderates in deciding 
to resign all offices, leaving Cuba practically without a government, 
was severely criticised in all quarters. At the palace Secretary Fonts y 
Stirling spoke bitterly of America and Americans. Secretary Lamar 
said the Americans had behaved unjustly towards a government which 
had been acknowledged by all nations. Secretary Freyre de Andrade 
said that probably the moderates, when they saw the Cuban flag come 
down, would make war upon the Americans. 

President Palma's letter announcing his irrevocable decision to 
resign was made public. 

Vice-President Mendez Capote said: 

"It is utterly impossible for us to reopen negotiations with the peace com- 
missioners unless they compel the rebels to lay down their arms. The Ameri- 
can commissioners have shown marked partiality. They have not regarded 
these men as rebels, but have simply treated with them as an armed force in 
the field. Never before has the American government treated with rebels. It 
was not done under the McKinley administration in the previous Cuban rev- 


olution. It looks much as if the American war-ships were here for the purpose 
of backing up the rebel cause. 

"The American navy, however, is not the only one. Other nations also 
have large interests hi Cuba, and it would be easier for us to precipitate the 
intervention of some other government than that of the United States. What 
an easy thing it would be for us to destroy the property of British or German 
subjects, and how quickly we would see here the war-ships of these nations. 
We may not be the most enlightened people in the world, but we are not fools." 

A meeting of moderates was held at the residence of Senor Dolz, 
President of the Senate, at which about sixty prominent men were 
present. A report of the meeting says : 

"The speakers shouted denunciations of the American government, and 
hotly insisted that the moderate party should appeal to the powers of the 
world for protection against the usurpation of the sovereignty of Cuba by the 
United States. It was said that the government forces should fight to the 
death rather than submit to the terms insisted upon by the rebels, and one 
speaker depicted the horrors of negro domination, which would result, he 
said, from the threatened liberal ascendancy brought about with the assist- 
ance of the United States. 

"Some of the most radical members present asserted that the government 
had plenty of dynamite in Havana which could be used to precipitate inter- 
national complications by means of the destruction of foreign property. 
Several prominent men said that by using dynamite they could bring about in- 
tervention by Germany, or perhaps by Great Britain, while others announced 
that they knew that the foreign diplomats here would favor such a course. 
It was argued that the destruction of the German Bank and the damaging 
of English railroad property would soon result in European intervention. 
Certain American properties also were specifically mentioned as open to such 
attacks. Several speakers said that they would prefer Germany or Great 
Britain in Cuba to the United States. 

"This frenzy subsided after an hour and a half, and the meeting then 
settled down to a consideration of the question whether it might not be possible 
to reopen negotiations with the peace commissioners." 

On September 27 the moderate party endeavored to perpetuate 
the administration of President Palma by rejecting his resignation, 
but the President refused to reconsider his action. 

It was reported that Secretary Taft and Mr. Bacon contemplated 
taking control of the island, but the announcement was made that 
American occupation would only be temporary. 

Arrangements were made by the American General Staff and 
Admiral Converse to seize the fortifications of Havana and Cienfuegos 
the moment that an open rupture should appear inevitable. 


On September 28 Secretary William H. Taft assumed the pro- 
visional governorship of Cuba. 


On September 29 Governor Taft called on President Palma at the 
palace, and made necessary preparations to assume the reins of gov- 
ernment. He was greeted by Mr. Belt, secretary to the President. 

Governor Taft received a letter signed by General Jose Miguel 
Gomez and others of the conspiracy prisoners, as follows : 

"We understand that the provisional government this day established in 
Cuba intends to carry out, so far as the same may be applicable to the changed 
conditions, the basis of the settlement which the peace commissioners recom- 
mended to both the Moderate and Liberal parties, including general amnesty 
for all political offenders. The undersigned, representing the insurgent forces 
in the field, by proper declaration hereby agree in behalf of such insurgent 
forces that they will at once lay down their arms, return to their homes, and 
restore the property taken by them for military purposes which may now be 
in their possession. We request the appointment of a commission by the pro- 
visional government to meet a similar commission appointed by us to arrange 
the details for the surrender of the arms and property, after which the insur- 
gents will return to their homes." 

Mr. Taft ordered the release of all conspiracy prisoners and ap- 
pointed a commission as requested in the foregoing letter. The com- 
mission consisted of Brigadier-General Funston, president; General 
Menocal, General Agramonte, and Colonel Carlos Fernandez, to 
represent the Cubans, assisted by Major Ladd, U. S. A., and Lieuten- 
ant Mitchell, General Funston 's aid, as recorder. The insurgent 
commission consisted of General Jose Miguel Gomez, J. G. Gomez, 
Manuel Lazo, Alfredo Zayas, Pelayo Garcia, S. G. Monteaguado, 
Carlos Garcia, and Demetrio Castillo. 

All the prisoners were immediately set free, and went directly from 
the Presidio to the American legation, where they held a conference 
with Governor Taft regarding the details of the insurgent disarmament. 

On September 30 General Funston landed 450 marines at Havana. 
The disarmament commission proceeded rapidly with its work. 

On October 2 it was announced definitely from Washington that 
American occupation of Cuba would only be temporary. It was 
stated that ex-Governor Magoon would be selected for Governor of 
Cuba. The work of disarming the revolutionists proceeded rapidly 
in Cuba. Arrangements were made to send 1000 of Guerra's men 
home on special trains, while 1800 were to march home. 

On October 3 Charles E. Magoon was designated as Provisional 
Governor of Cuba by President Roosevelt. General Bell was ap- 
pointed as Commanding General. President Palma and his family 
left Havana for Matanzas on a special train. 

On October 9 Governor Magoon arrived in Havana. Governor 
Taft's last act in the island was the issuing of a general amnesty decree. 
This proclamation granted pardon to all persons engaged in the killing 
of Congressman Villuendas at Cienfuegos, in September, 1905; to 
those implicated in killing the rural guards at Guanabacoa, in Febru- 


ary, 1906, and, in fact, for all crimes which had been the outgrowth 
of the recent revolution. 

On October 13 Judge and Mrs. Taft and Mr. and Mrs. Bacon 
sailed for the United States. Judge Taft issued a brief proclamation, 
which was printed in the official Gazette, in which he said : 

"By direction and with the authority of the President of the United States, 
I hereby lay down the office of Provisional Governor of Cuba, assumed by me 
on August 29, and turn the same over to Charles E. Magoon, my successor." 

Governor Magoon issued a proclamation, assuming the govern- 
ment of Cuba, which differed from Secretary Taft's in referring 
definitely to the Platt Amendment as the authority for the United 
States intervention. In his proclamation Governor Magoon said : 

"The policy declared and the assurances given by Secretary Taft will be 
strictly adhered to and carried out. As Provisional Governor I shall exercise 
the powers and perform the duties provided for by Article 3 of the Appendix 
to the Constitution of Cuba, for the preservation of Cuban independence and 
the protection of life and property. As soon as it proves consistent with the 
attainment of these ends, I shall seek to bring about the restoration of the 
ordinary agencies and methods of government under the other and general 
provisions of the Cuban Constitution. All the provisions of the Constitution 
and laws which for the time being would be inconsistent with the exercise of 
the powers provided for by Article 3 of the Appendix must be deemed to be 
in abeyance. All the other provisions of the Constitution and laws continue 
in full force and effect." 



BRIGANDAGE and pillage, under the guise of revolution, con- 
tinues throughout Haiti, Santo Domingo, Central America, 
and the northern part of South America, as bald and unre- 
strained to-day as at any time during the past century. That the 
reader may understand that the years 1906 and 1907 are in this respect 
no different from preceding years, the following very brief resume is 
given of events occurring almost immediately prior to the publication 
of this work. No attempt can be made to give even a list of the battles 
and skirmishes, or to portray adequately the loss of life and property, 
and the horrible crimes which are inseparable from the excesses of 
debauched armies of criminals, led by men who are, in every proper 
sense of the term, bandits. 

In the presence of this appalling disorder it is difficult to say which 
is the more absurd, the soft and silly discussions of "peace con- 
ventions," or the fussy, meddling impotency of the State Department 
at Washington. 


Several bloody battles were fought in the beginning of 1906 in 
Ecuador. The following Associated Press despatch shows how the 
patriots of Ecuador celebrated the new year : 

1906. "Guayaquil, Ecuador, January 8. The first day of the year 
1906 was chosen by the followers of General Alfaro, the former President, 
to raise the standard of revolution. The rebels intended rising in all the Re- 
public the same day, but their plans were discovered and partly failed. The 
revolution commenced with an attack on Rio Bamba barracks by Colonel 
Emilio Maria Reran with several young Rio Bambanos [natives of Rio 
Bamba]. One of these young men killed the sentinel with a dagger. Some 
of the soldiers of the Quito battalion, whose barracks were attacked, were in 
sympathy with the rebels, and a severe fight took place within the barracks 
between the rebels and the royal troops. Many were killed or wounded on 
both sides. 

"The rebels occupied Rio Bamba until January 4th, when they were at- 
tacked by government forces from Guayaquil under Colonel Manuel Andrade. 
Guaranda, capital of the province of Bolivar, was next occupied by the rebels. 


"As soon as the news of the rebellion reached Quito, the capital, Colonel 
Larrea, Secretary of the War and Navy, left with the Pichincha and Carchi 
battalions and some pieces of artillery. 

"The news of these desertions were concealed from the public for four 
days. Meanwhile the authorities of Guayaquil sent the Sucre battalion of 
artillery under Colonel Manuel Andrade to attack the rebels. Besides the 
artillery, the authorities sent to the front a force of policemen and a number 
of recruits. These forces under Andrade during the morning of January 4 
attacked and defeated the rebels under Teran, who occupied San Juan near 

"Captain Olmelda Alfaro, son of General Don Alfaro, was for some years 
at the West Point Military Academy. He is now with Teran 's forces. 

"The rebels of Guanga imprisoned the tax collector and obliged him to 
give them $12,000. After the fighting at Gatazo the rebels were reinforced 
by the troops which deserted from Colonel Larrea, and the government troops 
under Andrade avoided a battle and retreated to Alaust. 

"Besides the calamity of the revolution, yellow fever is spreading here. 
There were twenty-two cases to-day at the government Lazaret." 

A later despatch from Guayaquil, Ecuador, stated : 

"General Alfaro occupied Quito, the capital, at three o'clock on Thurs- 
day afternoon. The entrance of the revolutionary forces was followed by 
serious rioting. The people during the afternoon attacked the prisons, liber- 
ated the political prisoners, and afterward captured the police barracks, where 
the rioters obtained possession of a number of rifles and some cannon. Rifle 
shots were heard later in all parts of the city, and the rioters became so bold 
that they attacked a battalion of artillery. Many persons were killed or 
wounded on both sides during the fighting. 

"A junta of notable persons met in the Government Palace here at four 
o'clock yesterday afternoon and formed a new government. Vice-President 
Baquerizo Moreno assumed the executive power, establishing the capital 
here and appointing a ministry, which, however, only lasted one hour. The 
people rejected the administration of Senor Baquerizo Moreno, and pro- 
claimed General Eloy Alfaro, former President of Ecuador and leader of the 
revolution, President, and in his absence Dr. Emilio Arevalo assumed civil 
and military authority. 

"There was a great panic during the evening, and in the midst of the dis- 
order General Leonidas Plaza, minister of Ecuador to the United States, who 
arrived here on January 18, and assumed chief command of the army in its 
operations against the rebels, escaped from the city and embarked on board 
the Chilian steamer Loa, which left here to-day for Panama. Later in the 
evening order was restored. 

"The schoolship Maranon has joined in the rebellion. A number of rev- 
olutionists from Daule, twenty-two miles from here, arrived this morning, 
and were enthusiastically received." 

This telegram was received by a New York merchant : 

"Cables were interrupted for a short time last night by gunshots after the 
city was turned over to Alfaro. General Gorpia, commander-in-chief, re- 
fused to surrender the troops and artillery. 


"Five thousand armed citizens proceeded to attack the artillery barracks, 
which opened fire with cannon and quick-firing guns on the citizens, killing 
and wounding many of the attackers and innocent persons. 

"A state of terror prevailed all night, bullets passing through the wooden 
houses in all directions. Firing continued until this morning. 

"General Alfaro, in a fight near Quito, killed and wounded 400 persons 
and entered Quito without fighting within the capital. 

"Finally the artillery surrendered, and the revolution is over. All is quiet. 
General Alfaro has been named Chief Executive." 

Thus was another presidential election held in one of our "Sister Re- 


1906. Colombia also had an incipient revolution in February. 
An attempt was made to assassinate General Rafael Reyes, the Presi- 
dent. The leaders of the conspirators were captured, and four of them 
were shot, after a pretended judicial trial, but actually by order of 
General Reyes. It was alleged by partisans of Reyes that the would-be 
assassins were hired by the Jesuits, an accusation which is fre- 
quently trumped up under such circumstances, because it affords the 
so-called Liberales a sufficient pretext for robbing, stealing, and 
confiscating the property of the Church and its communicants. 


1906. Revolutions were general, as usual, in many sections of 
Brazil in 1906. Early in June it was reported that a heavy uprising 
had taken place in the State of Matto Grosso. By the middle of July 
this movement had become of great strength. The insurgents under 
Dr. Generoso Ponce captured the towns of Corumba, Santa Ana de 
Parahibo, Pacome, and most of the smaller villages, after scenes of 
terrible carnage. At this time the revolutionists had about 5000 men 
in the field, and the government over twice that number under the 
command of General Barreto. About the middle of July the revolu- 
tionists captured Cuyaba, the capital of the State, overwhelmingly 
defeating the government troops and killing the President of the State. 
During these encounters over 4000 persons were killed. The govern- 
ment then despatched 40,000 federal troops into Matto Grosso, under 
command of General Ribero. In August other uprisings occurred 
in other States of Brazil. The police and troops revolted at Aracaju, 
the capital of the State of Sergipe, and compelled the Governor and 
Vice-Governor to resign. This was apparently made in co-operation 
with other similar movements elsewhere. 

In June, 1906, Peruvian troops invaded a part of the territory in 
dispute between Ecuador and Peru, a matter which had been sub- 
mitted to the arbitration of King Alfonso of Spain. 



1906. Amid the whirligig of revolutions Ramon Caceres became 
President of Santo Domingo, after Morales was overthrown. In 
November, 1905, General Q. Berroa had revolted in Macoris, against 
Morales, and desultory uprisings continued, notwithstanding the 
presence of American war-ships. In fact, the ignoble lethargy of the 
United States Senate in refusing to support President Roosevelt's 
policy was mainly responsible for this trouble. In June, 1906, Gen- 
eral Mauricio Jimenez and others inaugurated a more serious revolu- 
tion. General Berroa, in an interview published in the "New York 
Tribune," June 27, 1906, said : 

"The existing conditions in Santo Domingo are terrible. Men are being 
killed every day for political reasons, and the jails are filled with enemies of 
the government. Every constitutional right is denied to my compatriots. 
People are also starving to death. The right of suffrage is a dead letter with 
the present government. 

"The revolution now in progress is a Christian uprising against barbar- 
ism. The movement is increasing in strength every day, and has spread from 
Monte Cristo, where it is strongest, to the States of Azua, Barahona, Macoris, 
and Santo Domingo.'* 

Acts of brigandage were re-enacted in this beautiful, desolate 
island. Revolutionary attacks were made on town and village, on 
farm and hacienda, and bloody encounters occurred in Barahona, 
Porto Plata, San Cristobal, San Pedro de Macoris, Azua, Hato Mayor, 
La Vega, Sabana de la Mar, Monte Cristi, and many other places. 

All that Jimenez and Berroa said about the government of Caceres 
was true, and should they get into power, they would forthwith pro- 
ceed to inaugurate a similar or more vicious reign of tyranny. 

A serious rebellion broke out on August 18 in Santo Domingo. 
Revolutionary bands under the command of General Navarro landed 
near Riviere, attacked and captured Dajabon, which was pillaged 
and abandoned after 20 persons had been killed. 

A state of anarchy prevailed in the northern part of Santo Domingo. 
All commerce with the interior was stopped, and traffic in the northern 
districts was prohibited. 

On August 21 General Guellito, at the head of 900 insurgents, left 
Dajabon to join the troops of General Navarro and made an attack 
upon Monte Cristi. The government sent 1200 men from Mocha 
against the rebels. Messrs. Milbourn and Thurston, two Americans 
employed as collectors in the Dominican custom-house service, were 
assassinated near Las Matas. 

In the latter part of September, 1906, President Caceres, of Santo 
Domingo, with 1200 men, attacked the rebels, raised the siege of 
Monte Cristi, and pursued the besiegers, dispersing them and captur- 


ing a number of prisoners. Twenty-four of the latter were executed, 
and the properties of the recalcitrant rebels were destroyed. Later 
the rebels rallied. 

The rebel Generals Miguel Andres Pichardo, Mauricio Jimenez, 
and the others held large sections of Santo Domingo during almost 
the entire year. Numerous filibustering expeditions were fitted out 
from Cuba, Jamaica, St. Thomas, and other points. One such expedi- 
tion, led by Generals Enrique Jimenez and Pedro La Sala, landed near 
Blanco in the northern part of Santo Domingo, but was captured at 
San Jose de las Matos, near Santiago. General Candelario de la 
Rosa later landed a strong expedition from Jamaica in the vicinity 
of Barahona on the south coast of Santo Domingo. Ex-President 
Morales and ex-President Jimenez spent most of the year fitting out 
such expeditions from St. Thomas, Cuba, and other places adjacent. 


1906. Central America had its customary batch of revolutions 
in 1906. Since 1821 there have been numerous treaties of amity and 
eternal friendship between these murderous barbarisms. In 1842, 
1847, 1852, 1889, and 1898 treaties or attempts to form a union were 
made. Almost in every instance these resulted in the outbreak of war 
between the parties. Pillage and revolution have been almost unceas- 
ing, while interviews with diplomats and newspaper editors continue 
to be published broadcast extolling the peaceableness and beneficence 
of those countries. Early in 1906 Mr. R. M. Rivas, editor of the 
Diario del Salvador, a prominent Central American newspaper, vis- 
ited Washington and expressed himself in roseate views of Central 
America. He said: "The time of revolutions in Central America 
has passed, and the public men of all the countries concerned are look- 
ing toward a union founded upon lasting peace. The spirit of union 
is in the air, but the time has not yet come; it will come within a 

Unfortunately the logic of events does not harmonize with the 
dreams of enthusiasts. In 1905 a treaty had been signed among the 
Central American countries, but that made no difference. In March, 
1906, Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua entered into an alliance 
against Guatemala. President Cabrera, of the latter country, alleged 
that General Regalado and President Escalon, of Salvador, had con- 
spired to assassinate him. Revolutions and counter-revolutions broke 
out in the countries in question, and invasions under the guise of 
revolution, so that by June 1, 1906, the merry game of butchery was 
in full swing. A body of forces invaded Guatemala from Salvador, 
led by General Regalado, but the latter was killed at the engagement 
of El Jicara early in July. 

In this battle it is stated that Salvador lost about 700 killed 


and 1100 wounded, and Guatemala about 2800 killed and 3900 

After two months of skirmishing and a few sanguinary battles 
peace was brought about through the mediation of the United States. 
The "peace," however, did not last for any considerable length of 
time. It merely served to give the " Generales " a little breathing-spell, 
and afforded them an opportunity to levy a few more "forced loans," 
in preparation for a new and a bigger fight, which broke out with 
renewed fierceness early in 1907. 

1907. Early in February the American consul W. E. Alger, 
at Tegucigalpa, Honduras, reported that war between that country 
and Nicaragua appeared inevitable. Consul General Pio Bolanos, 
representing the latter country at New York City, made public a cable 
from President Zelaya, dated February 7, announcing positively there 
would be no war. He stated that talk of war was utter nonsense. 
The State Department at Washington announced that peace was 

President Bonilla, of Honduras, nevertheless, declared the Treaty 
of Corinto, which provided for the arbitration of Central American 
disputes, to be void, on the ground that Nicaragua persisted in main- 
taining armed forces along the border. 

Towards the end of February war broke out in earnest. A Nica- 
raguan army invaded Honduras at Portillo del Espino, but after a 
battle lasting two hours retreated, leaving 37 dead. 

On February 20 it was reported from Managua, Nicaragua, that 
troops under Generals Fornos and Vasquez had defeated Honduran 
troops and had captured several towns. 

On February 21 Honduras declared war, and Nicaragua announced 
that its troops were marching upon the Honduran capital, Teguci- 
galpa. These troops occupied El Triunfo and San Bernardo after 
six hours' fighting. 

Honduran revolutionary leaders went over to the support of 
Zelaya, while several Nicaraguans of prominence became officers in 
the army of Bonilla. Among these were Generals Anastasio Oritz, 
Paulino Godey, Benito Cehavarria, Emeliano Chamarro, and Rafael 

On February 24 San Marcos de Colon, defended by Solomon Ordo- 
nez, Honduran Minister of War, was captured by the Nicaraguans. 

On March 2 Mr. Olivares, American consul at Managua, cabled 
the State Department: "El Corpus, key of position at Tegucigalpa, 
was taken by Nicaragua to-day. Four battalions of Nicaraguans 
and a strong force of Hondurans engaged. Action brilliant." 

A strong revolution now broke out in Honduras against Bonilla. 
Ex-President Sierra, who was ousted by Bonilla when the latter came 
into power at the head of a successful revolution, joined the Nica- 
raguan forces, taking with him quite a staff of " Generals " and several 


peons. Reclutas were resorted to in all parts of the country, and many 
foreigners were conscripted into the army. 

On March 16 it was reported that General Barahona, Minister 
of War of Honduras, had defeated 3000 revolutionists at Maleras, 
Izaga, and Sabana Larga. These troops were under the command 
of Generals Dionisio Gutierrez, Balladares, and Gamero, all of whom 
were killed in the fight. 

At this time Salvador entered into an alliance with Honduras, and 
2500 Salvadorean troops, under General Jose Presa, landed at Ama- 
pala. General Bonilla invaded Nicaragua, among his troops being 
two detachments of Nicaraguan revolutionists, under Generals 
Chavarria and Chamorre. 

On March 18 it was reported by Philip Brown, secretary of the 
American legation at Tegucigalpa, that Trujillo, a Honduran port, 
was being attacked from the sea by Nicaraguan troops, who succeeded 
in capturing it. 

On March 20 American marines were landed at Trujillo and Ceiba 
from the gunboat Marietta, under Commander Fullam, for the pro- 
tection of American interests. 

On March 21 a proclamation was published by President Manuel 
Bonilla, declaring that the Hondurans were victorious at Choluteca. 
He said: 

A corps of scouts of our forces attacked the enemy in considerable numbers 
at Namasigue, taking three advanced positions, capturing the pueblo, and 
driving out the enemy completely from the extreme heights. The losses of 
the enemy were numerous, since they fled in masses which were presented 
in broadside to our gunners. The artillery was unable to stop the irresistible 
advance of our small column, which was a single company, under the com- 
mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Lescadio Lardizabal. They advanced the rifles 
and a battery of artillery. 

The enemy disbanded by hundreds in their extremity, and I am powerless 
to approximate what became of them. With this triumph of to-day, which 
was gained in four or five hours of fighting, without large sacrifice on our 
part, the enemy has arrived at a most pronounced state of demoralization. 
The enthusiasm of the army is great, and with one mind they desire to 


As a matter of fact, the Honduran and Salvadorean allied army 
was severely defeated at Choluteca, losing 200 men and 1500 rifles. 
Jose de Olivares, American consul at Managua, reported that the 
allies had 6000 men at Namasique, and the Nicaraguans about 
20,000, and that the former, being the attacking party, lost 1000 
men, in a battle lasting three nights and two days. 

An official report stated that on March 11 General Chomorro with 
a column of Honduran soldiers captured Topomalpa, Nicaragua, 
after thirteen hours' fighting and the killing of 100 men. 


On March 25 President Zelaya, of Nicaragua, announced the 
capture and occupation of the Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa. 

Amapala and many other towns were bombarded, and anarchy 
reigned supreme in all parts of the country. 

On April 3 Commander Fullam, of the United States gunboat 
Marietta, wrote General Juan J. Estrada, commanding the Nicaraguan 
army, that no more bombardments of coast towns would be permitted 
"during the frequent wars and revolutions in Central America." 

On April 12 Consul Olivares wired: "Amapala has been surren- 
dered by Bonilla, and the war is ended." 

President Zelaya set up a "provisional government " for Honduras, 
and Bonilla sought refuge on an American war-ship and later went 
to Mexico. 

During all this time the governments of the United States and 
Mexico had been "tendering their good offices " to bring about peace. 
At the fall of Amapala it was stated that there would be no further 
disturbances. Andrew Carnegie, who had evidently never read the 
story about Mrs. Partington trying to sweep back the Atlantic Ocean, 
sent a commissioner to South America for the purpose of promoting 
peace among those governments. Whether or not Mr. Carnegie 
authorized his representative to put all the generals on the pay-roll 
during good behavior was not stated. 

Notwithstanding all this talk of peace, the Nicaraguan army, after 
sailing from Puerto Cortez for Bluefields returned to the former place, 
owing to an invasion by the allied forces of Salvador and Honduras 
of the western departments of Copan, Gracias, and Intubucat. 
Heavy skirmishes continued in most sections. 

On April 23 peace negotiations were concluded at Amapala 
between President Figuera, of Salvador, and President Zelaya, of 

On April 24 passengers arriving at New Orleans from Puerto 
Cortez, Honduras, reported grave troubles growing out of disagree- 
ments between the Nicaraguans and their allies, the Honduran 
revolutionists, regarding the division of the offices in the provisional 
government. It was also stated that a Guatemalan army was in 
the vicinity of Puerto Cortez, and openly hostile, while another of 
th same country had been collected at Port Barrios, forty miles 

On April 29 an alleged attempt was made to assassinate President 
Estrada Cabrera, of Guatemala, and a formidable revolution was 
said to be forming in that country. This was the third attempt on 
Cabrera's life. He was shot in the leg by a would-be assassin in April, 
1905, and a second attempt was made, according to reports, the fol- 
lowing month. Cabrera is an unspeakable despot of the Cipriano 
Castro type. 

On May 4 another attempt to assassinate Cabrera was reported. 


A mine of dynamite had been placed in front of the barracks of the 
"Guard of Honor," the President's personal body-guard. 

During the month of April strained relations had developed 
between Mexico and Guatemala, growing out of the assassination of 
General Jose Lizandro Barillas, former President of Guatemala, 
who was stabbed at the House of Commons, City of Mexico, on April 7, 
by two Guatemalans, named Morales and Mora. These men made 
a confession to the authorities of Mexico, stating that they acted under 
orders from General Jose Maria Lima, who was regarded as the right- 
hand man of President Cabrera, of Guatemala. Mexico demanded 
the extradition of General Lima, which Guatemala refused to grant. 

Desultory battles continued in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador. 
General Terencio Sierra, formerly President of Honduras, was de- 
feated by the forces of President Miguel R. Davila, of the new Hondu- 
ran provisional government, who also captured El Corpus. 

On May 15 the Nicaraguan Congress approved the treaty of peace 
arranged between that country and Salvador at Amapala. At the 
same time there was great turmoil in all parts of Salvador, and arrests 
of many prominent men on suspicion of sympathy with Nicaragua. 
The Nicaraguan charge d'affaires, Felipe Fernandez, was besieged 
by a mob in Salvador, and sought refuge aboard an American steamer. 

Early in June President Cabrera, of Guatemala, had ten men, 
many of them foreigners, sentenced to death, and nine others to 
imprisonment, on the pretext that they were implicated in the alleged 
attempt on his life in April. He also commenced proceedings for the 
confiscation of the property of these men, estimated to amount to 
$15,000,000 gold. A press despatch said : "The fact that most of the 
men who were sentenced to death or imprisoned for participation in 
attempts to assassinate President Cabrera belong to the best classes 
of the Republic has caused a considerable depression in business. A 
delegation of Spaniards called to-day at the Spanish legation to pro- 
test against the sentence imposed upon RicardoTrigueros,a Spaniard." 
As a matter of fact it has been stated by persons in a position to know 
the inside facts that the attempt to assassinate Cabrera was a hoax, 
devised by the President himself, for the purpose of affording him a 
pretext for executing respectable men of large means, whose property 
he desired to confiscate to his own use. 

On June 12 President Figueroa, of Salvador, cabled that the gov- 
ernment troops had routed revolutionists under Rivas, at Sonsonata, 
and looted the town. Nicaraguan forces attacked Acajutla on June 11, 
"for general revolutionary purposes," as naively stated by American 
Minister Merry. Nicaraguan troops were in all parts of Honduras, 
looting and plundering. Armies under Generals Toledo and Alfara 
were on the Honduran border, threatening Salvador, notwithstanding 
the solemn treaty of peace which had been signed, while General 
Corea planned to invade the country via Amapala. 

VOL. I 13 


Heavy detachments of Mexican and Guatemalan troops likewise 
occupied the borders of these respective countries, while threats of 
war were ominous. 

At the date of the publication of this work the anarchistic condi- 
tions continue in Central America, much as they have existed during 
the past century. To talk of peace, industry, and honor among such 
savages is an abuse of words. The situation there leads one to observe, 
however, that if the Washington administration would devote itself 
to the less spectacular work of affording a decent protection to 
our own citizens in these barbarous dictatorships, it would perform 
a work of some permanent benefit, not alone to our country, but to 
the dictatorships themselves. 




IT was a strange and unique set of military adventurers who led the 
revolutions against Spain in South America in the early part of 
the nineteenth century. From 1800 to 1830 the history of South 
America stands out conspicuous in the annals of the world since the 
dawn of authentic records. Adventures, hair-breadth escapes, battles 
and campaigns, intrigues, treachery, bombast, cunning, daring, reck- 
less disregard for life, murder, infinite cruelty, all constitute here 
a panorama such as the Recording Angel has perhaps set down to no 
other continent and to no other time. 

While during this period there were hundreds of generals, and 
thousands of lesser officers, whose personal feats of valor and deviltry 
might fill thrilling volumes, the names of Miranda, Bolivar, Paez, 
San Martin, and Sucre stand out, perhaps, the most conspicuous. 
We therefore make a study of the characters of these men in their 
environment, not as a matter of historical interest, but rather for the 
purpose of painting a picture of the beginnings of these Latin-American 
countries, with whose doings we are so intensely occupied at the 
present time. 

The revolutionary movements against Spain were in two parallel 
streams: that of Buenos Ayres and the South was carried through 
Argentina and Chili by San Martin ; that of the North swept through 
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and into Peru, inaugurated by 
Miranda and borne along by Bolivar, aided by Paez and other intrepid 

The two movements effected their junction in Peru, where Sucre 
made himself famous. 


Francisco Miranda was born in Santa Fe, New Granada, or in 
Caracas, Venezuela, it is not certain which, in 1756. He served with 
the French in the continental army during our own Revolution, from 
1779 to 1781. He then went to Paris, became a Major-General in the 
French army, but incurring the displeasure of the French Directory 


in 1797, he fled to England, and later went to Russia, where he en- 
deavored to interest the Empress Catherine in his plans for over- 
throwing the power of Spain in South America. 

He then came to New York, organized a revolutionary movement, 
and started for Venezuela in the Leander in 1806. From Moses Smith, 
an American who was induced to embark on the expedition, we learn 
that Miranda arrived at Jaquemel in Santo Domingo on the 15th of 
February. Here proclamations were printed in which the griefs, 
wrongs, and hardships of the people of South America were set forth. 
It was expected that the Cleopatra, under Captain Wright, would 
join them and proceed with them to the island of Bonair, on the coast 
of the Spanish Main. Failing this, two American schooners, the Bee 
and the Bacchus, were chartered, and an army of not more than 200 
men enlisted, and sail was set. Through inadvertence or mischance 
they did not reach Bonair until the 24th of April. Preparations had 
been made with this small army to undertake the landing in Colombia, 
when the ships were discovered by two Spanish guardacostas, one 
a brig of twenty guns, the other a schooner of eighteen. What hap- 
pened then we will allow Smith to narrate in his own words : 

"They were hailed by the captain of the Leander, and ordered to prepare 
for action. After some broadsides exchanged between the armed vessels on 
both sides, they were ordered to board the enemy on the lee side, while the 
Leander was to attack and board the ship on the weather side. They obeyed 
their orders, but before they could accomplish them, to their inexpressible 
astonishment, they saw the Leander, with Miranda on board, haul down her 
colors and make off. The remaining ships were boarded and taken by the 
Spaniards. The men were plundered, stripped, and rifled ; and so impatient 
were the conquerors for the booty that before they took the time to pull the 
clothes off they first cut the pockets to make sure of the contents. So expert 
were they in this inglorious kind of warfare that they seldom failed to clear 
away the pocket with a single stroke. The prisoners were next pinioned and 
secured, tied back to back, and in that humiliating posture conveyed to Puerto 
Cabello. There they were disembarked, and driven into the castle of St. 
Philip, chained two and two, and loaded with irons. They were divided into 
two parties of about thirty each, the whole number taken in the two schooners 
amounting to about sixty. They were then thrown into two separate dun- 
geons, and suffered indescribable privations. 

"Their trial took place toward the end of June. It was not till the 20th 
of July that their doom was announced to them. On that day their prison 
doors were thrown open, and they were told by an interpreter that they must 
come out to be hanged. The names of ten of the prisoners, all officers in Mi- 
randa's army, were first called, and the interpreter read this sentence from a 
paper he held: 'In the morning of to-morrow, at six o'clock, you and each 
of you, are sentenced to be hanged by the neck until you are dead ; after which 
your heads are to be severed from your bodies, placed upon poles, and dis- 
tributed in the most public parts of the country.' The remainder, being nine- 
teen in number, were sentenced to eight years' imprisonment in the castle of 
Boca Chica, near Cartagena, which sentences were all executed." 


With the failure of his expeditions, Miranda had drifted around 
and gone back to London again, where he was without influence. 
But the news of his schemes had fired the Venezuelan heart, ready 
then, as now, for a revolution, or for anything which promised adven- 
ture, loot, and "glory." 

Let us leave Miranda for a moment to return to him later. 

Simon Bolivar was born in Caracas, Venezuela, on or about July 
24, 1783. His father, Don Juan Vicente Bolivar y Ponte, a wealthy 
Peruvian, died in 1786, and his mother, Dona Maria Concepcion 
Palacios y Sojo, died a few years later, when he was fifteen years old. 
An uncle, Don Carlos Palacios, became his guardian, and sent him 
to Spain, where he studied law, and travelled in Europe. He spent 
much time in Paris, and there he imbibed the spirit of the French 
Revolution. In 1805 he went to Italy, and was present at the corona- 
tion of Napoleon as king of that country. He then went to Rome, 
where it is said he and his friend Simon Rodriguez made solemn vows 
to liberate their country from the yoke of Spain. From Rome he went 
to Hamburg, and thence to the United States, sailing for Venezuela 
in 1809. 

He at once began the revolutionary movements which have made 
his name forever famous. There was a general uprising in 1810, and 
he was given an officer's commission and sent to London to buy arms, 
in conjunction with Luis Lopez Mendes. 


Here begins the strange history of Bolivar and Miranda as co- 
workers in the same cause. Bolivar returned from London in 1811, 
bringing Miranda with him, and the latter was received with great 
ovations. He was now an old man, while Bolivar was young and 
vigorous, and the populace yelled " Viva Miranda," " Viva Bolivar,' 9 
much as they have since shouted "Viva" to each incoming "savior" 
of the country. Miranda was selected as Lieutenant-General of the 
Army of the Provinces. The tricolor flag of Miranda was adopted 
by the Revolutionary Congress of Venezuela as its emblem on July 5, 
1811, the day of the declaration of independence. 

No serious fighting was done for some time. Domingo Monte- 
Verde, field-marshal of the royal army under Ferdinand VII, met 
and defeated the patriots at Carora. But an earthquake which 
occurred on March 26, 1812, at Caracas, and another which followed 
on April 4, did the patriots more damage than was caused by battles. 
About 600 of Miranda's soldiers and large numbers of people had 
perished, and the superstitious populace ascribed this to the anger 
of God at their actions in declaring independence, a view which 
the Spanish authorities did not seriously endeavor to combat. 

Monteverde now made a dashing campaign from Coro to Caracas, 


capturing Barquisimeto, San Carlos, and other points on the 

Miranda, who had assumed the supreme command of the army, 
ordered Bolivar to proceed to Puerto Cabello and take command of 
the fortress, while he marched out of Caracas, which was in ruins from 
the earthquake, against Monteverde. He had 12,000 men, and Mon- 
teverde had a much inferior force, but Miranda's troops were insub- 
ordinate, or disheartened by the earthquake, and there were many 
desertions to the Spanish cause. He took up quarters at Maracay, 
and later retreated to La Victoria, where he repulsed an assault by 

In the mean time, on June 30, Bolivar had met disaster at Puerto 
Cabello. A commander of the prison had turned the prisoners loose, 
organized them as royalists, and turned the guns of the fort on the 
city. Bolivar had only about forty men left, and these refused to 
fight ; so he hurriedly got a sailing-vessel, and embarked for La Guayra 
on July 5, 1812, just one year after the declaration of independence. 

News of Bolivar's flight disheartened Miranda, and he suspected 
treachery. An army of liberated slaves were marching upon Caracas 
from the provinces, and one disaster after another had befallen his 
army. At the suggestion of Antonio Fernandez de Leon, who was 
one of the leading spirits of the revolution, he therefore agreed to 
surrender to General Monteverde. The latter offered terms of peace, 
in a letter which Miranda sent to Congress, and which was accepted 
by that body. A treaty was concluded on July 29, 1812, in which 
the authority of Spain was fully recognized. 

The day following the signing of the treaty Miranda went to La 
Guayra. He was old, ill, worn out with the heat, and broken in spirit. 
Simon Bolivar, Colonel Manuel M. Casas, Dr. Miguel Pena, Gov- 
ernor; Dr. Pedro Gual, Colonel Juan Paz del Castillo, Colonel Jose 
Cortes, Rafael Chatillon, Miguel Carabano, Rafael Castillo, Thomas 
Montilla, Colonel Jose Mires, Juan Jose Valdez, Sergeant-Major; 
Jose Landaeta, commander of the garrison, and various other persons 
connected or sympathizing with the patriot movement, were in 
La Guayra at the time, and they at once entered into a conspiracy to 
imprison Miranda. 

General Miranda had intended to go on board a vessel that night 
lying in the harbor, and Captain Haynes, who scented the conspiracy, 
urged him to do so ; but his comrades invited him to stay for supper. 
General Miranda, believing himself to be in the house of his friends 
and subordinates, accepted the invitation. 

General H. L. V. Ducoudray Holstein tells us that the house was 
surrounded by a guard under Casas, who was military comandante 
at La Guayra, and Miranda, having been placed in a room without 
lock and key, was surprised at an early hour in the morning by Casas, 
Pena, and Bolivar, who accused him of being a traitor, forced him 


to Fort San Carlos, some distance from La Guayra, where he was 
put in irons and locked in one of the darkest dungeons. 

Monteverde was immediately informed of this arrest, and though 
it violated the faith of his own treaty he took no steps toward releasing 
Miranda. From prison to prison Miranda passed from one indig- 
nity to another, and thus spent the remainder of his life in chains. A 
British officer said of him, "I have seen the nobleman tied to a wall, 
with a chain about his neck, neither more nor less than a dog." 

Who can defend this iniquity of Simon Bolivar ? 


Miranda gone, let us turn again to Bolivar. 

From this date until his death, in exile, at San Pedro, on December 
17, 1830, his life is unparalleled. It is said that he fought more than 
four hundred battles; at least five different attempts were made to 
assassinate him; he exercised at times supreme military power over 
the entire northern part of South America; he was guilty of many 
barbarities ; he had numerous liaisons with women ; he made speeches 
of fanatical eloquence to his soldiers and to the so-called legislatures 
which he established ; and the Constitutions and laws which he pro- 
mulgated were a curious mixture of bombast, absurd declarations 
in favor of what he called liberty, but which were in reality weapons 
of tyranny and military despotism. 

This strange conglomeration of genius, hysteria, and impracti- 
cability, to be seen everywhere in the Latin-American character, must 
be remembered if we are to understand the actions of a man like 

After his act of perfidy in imprisoning Miranda in La Guayra, 
Bolivar at once fled to Curo9ao, then, as now, the haven of all politi- 
cal refugees. But he ached for adventure; he itched for glory. 
In September, 1812, he went to Cartagena, Colombia, where he 
was successful in driving the Spaniards from the lower Magdalena 

Invading Venezuela with about 500 men, he forced his way to 
Merida and Trujillo, organized a popular revolt, and took practi- 
cally the same road to Caracas as has been taken from the Andine 
provinces many a time since, the last time by the "Restorer " Cipriano 

He now issued a decreta of "war to the death " : 

Yes, Americans, the hateful and cruel Spaniards have introduced desola- 
tion in the midst of the innocent and peaceful people of the Colombian hemi- 
sphere. The war to the death which these Spaniards wage has forced them 
to abandon their native country, which they have not known how to preserve 
and have ignominiously lost. Fugitives and wanderers, like the enemies of 
the Saviour God, they behold themselves cast away from all parts and per- 


secuted by all men. Europe expels them, America repels them. Their vices 
in both worlds have loaded them with the malediction of all humankind. All 
parts of the globe are tinged with the innocent blood which the ferocious 
Spaniards have caused to flow. All of them are stained with the crimes which 
they have committed, not for the love of glory, but in the search of a vile metal, 
which is their supreme god. The executioners, who have entitled themselves 
our enemies, have most outrageously violated the rights of people and of 
nations at Quito, La Paz, Mexico, Caracas, and recently at Popayan. They 
sacrificed our virtuous brethren in their dungeons in the cities of Quito and 
La Paz ; they beheaded thousands of our prisoners in Mexico ; they buried 
alive, in the cells and floating prisons of Puerto Cabello and La Guayra, our 
fathers, children, and friends of Venezuela; they have immolated the presi- 
dent and comandante of Popayan, with all their companions of misfortunes ; 
and lastly, O God ! almost in our presence they have committed a most horrid 
slaughter, at Barinas, of our prisoners of war and our peaceful countrymen of 
that capital. . . . But these victims shall be revenged, these assassins exter- 
minated. Our kindness is now quenched, and as our oppressors force us into 
a mortal war, they shall disappear from America, and our land shall be purged 
of the monsters who infest it. Our hatred will be implacable, and the war 
shall be to death. 


After eight years of "war to the death" General Bolivar seems to 
have modified his ferocity, for we find him in 1821 urging his soldiers 
to have "humanity and compassion even for your most bitter enemies." 
He defeated Monteverde crushingly at Lastoguanes, and entered 
Caracas August 6, 1813. 

Bolivar's entry into Caracas throws a curious side-light on the 
Latin- American character. He was received with the wildest acclama- 
tions and greeted as the Savior of Venezuela. Larrazabel says: "A 
multitude of beautiful young women, dressed in white and bearing 
crowns of laurel, pushed their way through the crowd to take hold 
of the bridle of his horse. Bolivar dismounted, and was almost over- 
powered by the crowns cast upon him. The people wept for joy." 
A picture of this event shows Bolivar standing on a triumphal car, 
richly decorated and drawn by young women, daughters of the 
leading families of the city. 

With General Marino in the Eastern part of Venezuela, and the 
forces of Bolivar in the West, the royalists were practically overthrown 
by January, 1814 ; but they rallied, and Boves defeated Bolivar near 
Cura, and compelled him to embark for Cumana, his army almost 
destroyed. Once again did the Spaniards obtain complete possession 
of Venezuela. 

Bolivar now left Venezuela and went to Colombia. He met the 
revolutionary junta at Tunja, New Granada, and 2000 men were 
raised for him. With these he appeared before Santa Fe de Bogota, 
and captured the place. He then attacked Santa Martha, but was 
defeated, the Spanish General Morillo having an overwhelming force. 


He then resigned his commission and went to Kingston, Jamaica, 
in May, 1814, having met with nothing but disaster for several months. 

Bolivar then went to Aux Cayes, Haiti, where President Petion 
aided him in organizing another expedition, in May, 1816. This was 
defeated, but a second expedition proved more successful, and landing 
at Barcelona, he formed a revolutionary government, and on Febru- 
ary 16-18, 1817, met the army of Morillo, and in a desperate battle 
completely defeated it. In their retreat the royalists were attacked 
by General Paez and almost completely destroyed. Bolivar now 
swept everything before him. He established headquarters at An- 
gostura, now called Cuidad Bolivar, on the Orinoco, where a so-called 
Congress assembled, February 15, 1819. 

Bolivar, having now reorganized and reinforced his army, started 
on the brilliant campaign across the Cordilleras, where he effected a 
junction with General Santander in New Granada. He entered Tunja 
in July, 1819, and gained the decisive victory of Boyaca on August 7, 
which gave him possession of practically the entire country, although 
Morillo still had considerable forces under his command. 

Bolivar had a law passed, on December 17, 1819, uniting Colombia 
and Venezuela, under the name "Republic of Colombia," and he 
became President. He established the capital provisionally at Cucuta, 
on the borders of both countries, and proceeded to take the field with 
greatly increased forces against Morillo. He gained such important 
victories that an armistice was concluded at Trujillo on November 25, 
1820, to last for six months. 

The Spanish King now sent General Torre to command in New 
Granada, but he was completely routed at Carabobo and driven back 
upon Puerto Cabello. Gradually the royalists were driven from all 
parts of the country, and two years later Puerto Cabello was surren- 
dered to the revolutionary General Paez. 

On August 30, 1821, a Constitution was promulgated for the 
Republic of Colombia, and General Bolivar became President, and 
Santander Vice-President. 

Bolivar had been in one continuous turmoil for ten years ; he had 
almost literally "waded through rivers of blood"; but he was not 
satisfied. He marched on Quito, Ecuador, and gained a great victory 
over the royalists at Pichincha, largely through the signal ability of 
General Sucre, who commanded the revolutionary armies in that 
section. Bolivar then marched upon Lima, Peru, where he was made 
absolute Dictator. The intrigues and open hostility of the republican 
factions, however, compelled him to leave. 

He returned later with a new army, and on August 6, 1824, defeated 
the royalists under Canterac on the plains of Junia. General Sucre 
harassed the royalists in Upper Peru, and gained a great victory at 
Ayacucho, thus confining the Spaniards to one or two points. 

In June, 1825, Bolivar visited Upper Peru, and in August a stretch 


of territory was detached from the department of Buenos Ayres, and 
called Bolivia, in honor of Bolivar. 

Bolivar convened an Asamblea Constituyente, a sort of provisional 
Congress, in December, 1824, to meet in the following February in 
Peru. It was composed wholly of his own followers, who made him 
absolute Dictator. At the same time he proposed a Constitution for 
Bolivia. This was presented to their Congress on May 25, 1826. It 
lodged the executive power in the hands of a President for life, with 
power to nominate his successor. 

While Bolivar was establishing the dictatorships of Bolivia and 
Peru, General Santander had been left in charge of Colombia, and 
General Paez of Venezuela. General Paez had been extremely arbi- 
trary in the exercise of military power and had begun a revolution 
against the civil government. Bolivar hastened to Venezuela, met 
Paez at Puerto Cabello, and issued a decree of general amnesty. 

An election was held in the latter part of 1826, and Bolivar was 
declared to be President, and Santander Vice-President, of the Re- 
public of Colombia, for the term commencing January, 1827. 

At this time Bolivar made a pretence of resigning as President, 
in order to show the people that he was not ambitious, as had been 
alleged. Congress easily convinced him that duty and destiny required 
him to remain in power. 

A revolution was started in Peru against Bolivar, by the troops 
under Generals Lara and Sands, early in 1827. The Bolivian code 
was repudiated, and a provisional government organized. But this 
movement was overcome without serious difficulty. General San- 
tander and the republicans of Colombia also became very distrustful 
of the ambition of Bolivar, who regarded himself as a second Napoleon, 
but nevertheless he had the army back of him, and was able to over- 
come all opposition. He decreed himself Dictator of Colombia, with 
supreme power, at Bogota, on August 27, 1828, and this power he 
continued to exercise until early in 1830, when his enemies became 
too powerful. 

In January, 1830, Bolivar resigned his dictatorship again. He 
expected that the Congress would refuse to accept it, but to his con- 
sternation his opponents obtained a majority and accepted the resigna- 
tion, voting Bolivar a pension of $3000 a year, on condition that he 
should leave the country. He knew this meant exile or imprisonment. 
He therefore sent in his final resignation on April 27, 1830, and left 
Bogota never to return. He went to Cartagena, and thence to Santa 
Marta, where he visited the bishop, an old friend. Bolivar died on 
December 17, 1830. In an address dictated on his death-bed to be 
presented to the Colombian people, he said: 

"My wishes are for the happiness of the people. If my death 
should unite them, I will go to the tomb content, yes, to the tomb ! 
The people send me there, but I forgive them." 



The character of Bolivar has given rise to much discussion and 

He has been called the Liberator, and generally accepted as the 
Washington of South America. He was neither the one nor the other. 
Justly to appreciate the character of Bolivar, one must thoroughly 
understand the Latin-American temperament. It has no counterpart 
among Anglo-Saxons. Mercurial, impractical, visionary, recklessly 
daring, vainglorious, sympathetic, cunning, sensitive, intense, ambi- 
tious, with no sense of proportion, cruel and kind in the same breath, 
giving vent to the highest sentiments of frenzied patriotism and 
practising the most absolute despotism, shouting for liberty and 
disregarding the rights of all men, yet saved from being called hypo- 
critical by the very intensity of fanaticism, mix in with this a love of 
romance, affairs with beautiful women, escapes from assassinations, 
and it will be seen that to compare Bolivar with Washington is as 
absurd as it would be to compare Don Quixote with General Grant. 
There is no common measure or characteristic, and no possible basis 
for comparison. 

Bolivar was not a Napoleon, but in his way he was fully as re- 
markable as Napoleon. He was the forerunner of a line of military 
Dictators of the type of Santa Anna and Guzman Blanco, and by 
far the greatest of them all. But his character lacked stability, solidity ; 
he was irresponsible, erratic, destructive, and not constructive. 

That ethical strabismus by which Americans see heroic qualities 
in the murderous dictators of Latin-America is well illustrated in the 
following extracts from Hezekiah Butterworth's "History of South 
America," which represents the average sentiment in the United States 
regarding Bolivar: 

"At Rome he was a dreamer. 

"They stood upon the sacred Mount, and they spoke of another Sacred 
Mount that rose over Caracas, awaiting heroes such as gave the Roman re- 
public its glory. Bolivar was agitated. He read as it were the book of the 
world. He talked of the liberty of the land of the Andes, and then he held out 
his hand to Rodriguez. 'Let us here make an oath,' he said. 'Let us here, 
on this sacred hill, pledge our lives to the liberties of our own country.' Ro- 
driguez' heart responded to that of Bolivar. Then and there they pledged 
themselves to the cause of South American independence. With that resolu- 
tion the republics of the Sun were born." 

"In that sublime resolution on Monte Aventino were the battle of Boyaca, 
the emancipation of New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador, the restoration 
of liberty to Peru, and the freedom of the whole of northern South America." 

"It would carry him on its refluent wave to Peru. It would cause him 
there to be hailed almost as a God to pass under triumphal arches, amid 
singing priests, dancing Indians, and prostrate people, while the thunder of 


cannon shook the peaks of the high Andes and the bells of the cities rang aloud 
with joy." 

"Young Bolivar rose, and poured forth his ardent and decisive sentiments 
in fiery words." 

"The speech, like that of Patrick Henry amid like events, was decisive." 

"But the good that men have done is a harvest that can never be forgotten. 
Truly said Simon Bolivar, years afterwards, in his hour of triumph: 'The 
seed of liberty yields its just fruit. If there is anything which is never lost, it 
is the blood which is shed for a just cause.' " 

"'My only ambition is the freedom of my fellow citizens.'" 

"We must ever judge his purpose by his oath." 

"He made himself the altar of liberty, and at last laid himself upon it." 

"He entered the magical atmosphere of Peru, and there laid the founda- 
tion of the Republic." 

"Bolivar now met the immortal apostle of liberty, Alexander Petion, of 

"These words reveal the spirit of Bolivar. We cannot doubt Bolivar's 
sincerity. The execution of Piar caused him as much suffering as that of 
Major Andre caused Washington." 

"On the death of his beloved wife the Liberator resolved never to marry 
again, so that he might devote all his thought to the cause of South American 
liberty; again and again he placed his resignation of the highest trusts into 
the hands of the representatives of the people ; he declared that if his death 
would better serve the cause of liberty and unity, he was willing to die." 

Very heroic and very pathetic is all this ! But let us turn to the 
real Bolivar. 

One of Bolivar's" war to the death "proclamations has been given, 
but another and mere cruel proclamation was issued a week later from 
Trujillo, decreeing death to every Spaniard who did not take up arms 
in behalf of the revolution, to all prisoners of war, etc. The inde- 
scribably bloody and inhuman policy inaugurated by him can be better 
understood after reading the chapters in the present work which give 
an outline of the history of Venezuela. 

I shall quote again, not from a hysterical panegyrist like Butter- 
worth, but from a sincere admirer and defender of Bolivar, Carlos 
Benedetti, a man who approved of the career of Bolivar in its entirety. 
His Historia de Colombia 1 is a work in every way friendly to Bolivar. 

"Seven times had Bolivar proposed to Monteverde the exchange of pris- 
oners and as often the proposition had been rejected; the condition of the 
patriots became worse every day; it was assured that Boves, if he fell on 
Caracas, would decapitate all the Americans; children from the age of 
twelve years, the old men to sixty, all had been called to the service, and 
there were no other forces with which to resist ; the resources were being ex- 
hausted, and fears were felt that the 1000 prisoners locked up in Caracas and 
La Guayra might try to rise up ; knowledge of the critical situation of the 
Republic, united to the natural sentiment of conserving existence, even to the 

1 Lima, 1887, pp. 456-457. 


murder of enemies, had already influenced the spirit of the people in such a 
manner that they asked the death of the Spaniards and Canaries, enemies of 
independence. The authorities, in consequence, in order to allay the tumult 
of the multitude which asked the death of those unfortunates, disposed that 
eighteen of the more dangerous prisoners should be taken out and shot. 
Bolivar was at once consulted by the comandante of La Guayra, as to what 
should be done with the prisoners in that city, and he answered that they 
should be killed without any exception, and he gave the same order to the 
Jefes of Caracas. The execution took place in the plaza of the cathedral in 
Caracas, in the location destined for the butchery of cattle in that city, and 
in the heights of La Guayra, Castle of San Carlos, and road of Macuto, in the 
days running from the 8th to the 16th of February. The prisoners were taken 
out successively from the jails and calabooses, and conducted to the place of 
execution. Some were shot, but the larger part lost their lives from the strokes 
of lances and of machetes, and their bodies were thrown immediately on the 
funeral pile, which consumed about 100 victims daily. In this manner perished 
866 Spaniards and Canaries, and it was a veritable butchery. Bolivar gave 
a manifesto justifying this act in San Mateo, where he was consulted as to 
what should be done with the prisoners of La Guayra, and ordered their ex- 
ecution the same as those of Caracas. The justice of this is that it was in 
retaliation for identical deeds." 

If the Spaniards had issued orders for a war to the death and for 
the slaughter of prisoners, every American writer and historian would 
have been horrified. The Spaniards committed many infamous cruel- 
ties in this war; the so-called patriots committed savage atrocities, 
without parallel, even in Indian warfare. Much of this horrible 
barbaric savagry was due to the orders and influence of Bolivar 

Proof of this, if any were needed y is to be found in the fact that the 
revolution did not take on such a savage aspect in Colombia, where 
the operations of the armies were under the general direction of the 
Congress of Nueva Granada. This Congress would not sanction 
the assassination of prisoners, nor the massacre of male non-combat- 
ants, let alone of women and children. The people of Colombia were 
identical in character with those of Venezuela, and the conflict was 
actuated by similar ideas. The military campaigns were intense, and 
the battles terrible beyond description, but the barbarism of the Vene- 
zuelan revolution under Bolivar was unknown. The Spaniards them- 
selves committed no such atrocities in Colombia, and one of the few 
occasions on which Spanish prisoners were assassinated in Colombia 
was when General Urdaneta, one of Bolivar's lieutenants, was driven 
out of Venezuela and into Colombian territory, where one of his first 
acts was to shoot five Spaniards who had been taken prisoners. The 
Congress of Nueva Granada disapproved of the act, which caused 
great consternation, and at once relieved him of his command. The 
war of extermination and of assassination of non-combatants and 
prisoners inaugurated by Bolivar in Venezuela is susceptible of no 


defence or palliation. It places him outside the pale of civilized 
military commanders. The bloodthirsty Spaniards, Morillo and 
Moxo, were no less culpable. 

It is estimated that Bolivar's order of "war to the death" was 
responsible for the loss of at least 100,000 lives, a vast number of these 
being women and children. 


At the age of nineteen Bolivar had married in Madrid a girl of 
sixteen, the daughter of a family of rank. He brought her to America, 
but she died shortly after of yellow fever. 

Bolivar, in speaking of the death of his wife, said: "I loved my 
wife much, and at her death I took an oath never to marry. I have 
kept my word. If I had not been bereaved, perhaps my life would 
have been different. I would not have been general of liberators. I 
would not have made my second voyage to Europe. I would not have 
had the ideas which I gained by my travels, nor would I have had the 
experience, or made the study of the world, of mankind, and of things, 
which has been of so much service to me during the course of my 
political career. The death of my wife placed me early in the way 
of patriotic effort, and caused me to follow the chariot of Mars rather 
than the plough of Ceres." 

A curious argument this, which many writers seem to think adds 
a halo to the "Liberator." But there is another side to this heroic 
renunciation of marriage. 

In Leyendas Historicas de Venezuela, by Aristides Rojas (Caracas, 
1890), is a description of one of many episodes in Bolivar's career, 
a story of romance and danger of just that kind to endear Bolivar 
to the Latin-American heart. 

Manuelita Saenz was the favorite mistress of Bolivar. She was 
an ardent patriot, ready to make any sacrifice for the republicans, 
and Bolivar was her idol. She had been married at the age of about 
twenty years, in 1817, to Dr. Thorne, an Englishman. In 1822 her 
name appeared among 112 ladies of the "Order of the Sun," a 
patriotic society, and she was engaged in many daring enterprises, 
riding through Lima on horseback, like a man, and in other ways 
showing her independence. 

Dr. Thorne seems to have worshipped her, but she cared nothing 
for him. Rojas says, "The women of the Torrid Zone do not agree 
well, in the generality of cases, with the taciturn, reserved, and cere- 
monious character of the sons of the North." 

At least Manuelita did not. "Scarcely had the Liberator arrived 
in Quito in 1822, after the battle of Pichincha, when Manuelita en- 
countered the fortunate man who from peak to peak was conducting 
the genius of war. They saw, they met, they loved. . . . Bolivar 


lacked the attractions of Apollo, but he possessed oriental imagination, 
clear talent, facile speech, Which realized cultured models, the 
practice, in short, which gives conquests in love ... so he conquered 
the heart of Manuelita ; but she had conquered something more, 
the absolute dominion, the throne without a crown," etc. 

Thorne did not like this ; he was desperately in love with Manuelita 
himself, and begged her to return. This is what she answered her 
husband, she had already left him to live with Bolivar : 

" No, no, no, no more, man, for God's sake. Why do you write to me ask- 
ing me to change my resolution ? What good does it do you, except to cause 
me the pain of saying to you 'no' a thousand times? Sir, you are excellent, 
inimitable, never will I say anything else about you; but my friend, to leave 
you for General Bolivar is something to leave another husband without 
your qualities would be nothing. 

"And do you think that I, after being the sweetheart of this General for 
seven years, and with the certainty of possessing his heart, would rather be 
the woman of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, or of the Sacred 
Trinity ? If anything I am sorry of, it is that you were not even somewhat 
better, so that I could have left you. I know very well that nothing can unite 
me with him under those auspices which you call honor. Do you think I am 
less honorable because he is my lover and not my husband ? Ah, I do not live 
preoccupied by social inventions devised to torment us. 

"Let me alone, my dear Englishman. We will make another agreement: 
in the sky we will return to marry each other, but not on the earth. Do you 
think this agreement bad ? Then I would say that you are very unreasonable. 
In the heavenly country we will pass an angelic life, all spiritual (since as a 
man you are heavy) ; there everything will be of the church, because the mo- 
notonous life is reserved to your nation (in love, I say, because in the rest, who 
are more apt in commerce and the marine ?). 

"Love, you English entertain without pleasure; conversation without 
grace, and slowly ; greetings with reverence ; rising up and sitting down with 
care ; jokes without smiles ; these are divine formulas, but I miserable mortal 
that laughs at myself, at you and at this English seriousness, etc. how bad 
it would be with me in heaven ! as bad as if I were to live in England, or 
Constantinople; because to the English is due my conception of tyranny 
towards women, although you were not so to me ; but you were as jealous 
as a Portuguese. 

"All this I do not care for have n't I got good taste ? 

"Enough of jokes: formally and without laughing, with all seriousness, 
with the truth and purity of the church, I say that I will never live with you 
again. That you are angelic, and I the opposite, is a strong religious impedi- 
ment; but that I am in love with another is a stronger and more powerful 
one. Don't you see I am thinking formally ? 

"Your invariable friend, 


Manuela, who frequently visited Bolivar in the palace in Bogota, 
was indisposed on the afternoon of September 25, 1828. Bolivar, who 
was also sick, sent for her. She excused herself at first, saying that 
VOL. i 14 


she was not feeling well, but later she went. She found Bolivar, and 
also his nephew Fernando, Captain Ibarra, and Colonel Ferguson, 
while only a small guard was around Bolivar's mansion. 

The doors of the palace were closed. Bolivar took a tepid bath, 
Manuela reading to him in the mean time, and stillness reigned every- 
where. At midnight the dogs of the palace barked, and soon footsteps 
were heard about the building. A conspiracy of revolution had been 
formed, signs and countersigns obtained, the sentinels deceived, and 
an entrance forced into the palace. 

Bolivar was sleeping. Manuela awoke him, and told him what 
was passing. He dressed quickly, and she directed him to a balcony, 
telling him to make for the armory of Vargas, where there were 
loyal troops. She then went in the direction of the noise, and was 
seized by the intruders, who demanded to know where Bolivar was. 
" In the Consejo," said Manuela ; but the conspirators went rushing 
toward the sleeping-room which Bolivar had just left. Infuriated 
at not finding Bolivar, the invaders seized Manuela. At that moment, 
however, they encountered Ibarra, who opened the door of his bed- 
room and fired upon them, and was himself wounded. 

"Have they murdered the Liberator?" one of the officers of the 
palace asked Manuela, and she answered, "No, he lives." The 
intruders then tried to compel her to tell them where he was, but she 
said she did not know. They put her in a room under guard. 

At this moment Ferguson came looking for Bolivar, and was shot 
dead by one of the conspirators, Carujo, who had been his intimate 

Bolivar in the mean time had thrown himself out of a window, and 
run in the direction of the monastery of the Carmelitas, hearing shots 
on all sides, and cries of "Death to the tyrant." On his way he en- 
countered a faithful young friend, Jose Maria Antunez, born in 
Maracaibo. He led Bolivar to the bridge called Carmen, the intention 
being to take the left bank of a creek called San Augustin, so as to 
arrive at the armory of Vargas, with the object of leading these troops 
into the fight. When they arrived at the bridge, the troops at Vargas 
were already in action, the artillery fire being directed towards that 
side of the creek where Bolivar contemplated going. Voices were 
now heard shouting, " Viva el Libertador "; others were crying, "Death 
to the tyrant." The contending forces seemed nearing the bridge. 
Bolivar's guide led the general to a hiding-place beneath the bridge, 
which was no sooner gained than a troop of hostile artillery was heard 
to pass overhead. 

A desultory fight was kept up in all parts of the town for several 
hours, but the conspirators were at last vanquished. General Urdan- 
eta, Minister of War, then sent out to search in every direction for 
Bolivar, whose disappearance by this time was generally known. 

Bolivar under the bridge heard them pass, shouting, "Viva el 


Libertador!" "Viva Bolivar" Thinking this was a ruse to get him 
to come out, he remained for several hours in his hiding-place. 

Finally the general's guide went out, and seeing that his friends 
were in the ascendancy, Bolivar was himself extricated from his un- 
pleasant position, wet, covered with mud, shivering with cold, and 
so hoarse that he could scarcely speak. 

Bolivar was greeted with a frenzy of joy on his return to the palace. 
Turning to Manuela, he said : " Tu eres la Libertadora del Libertador," 
"You were the Liberator of the Liberator." 


Bolivar's treachery to Miranda is well known, but his act in shoot- 
ing General Piar may be regarded as a piece of infamous ingratitude, 
such as an historian is seldom called upon to record, even in incom- 
prehensible Latin America. 

Manuel Carlos Piar was born in Curo9ao in 1782. He joined 
Bolivar's first expedition from Hayti in 1816, which was really fitted 
out by President Petion. From the beginning of the revolution up 
to this date, every military adventure of Bolivar had ended disas- 
trously. The real fighting had been done by Generals Marino, Paez, 
and others. Bolivar had been whipped from one end of Venezuela 
to the other, and had demonstrated that he knew nothing of strategy. 
He had already twice escaped from Venezuela, and had left the half- 
breed generals to face an adverse situation as best they could. The 
influence which he had over the swarthy Jefes of the plains was due 
to his education and superior knowledge of the world rather than to 
his military prowess. At the same time his indomitable determination 
and fanatical enthusiasm, his daring and recklessness, in conjunction 
with the fact that he had a greater organizing ability than the unlet- 
tered Jefes, gave him his prestige. But so far as real military standing 
was concerned at that time, he had none. When he sailed from Aguin, 
Hayti, on March 30, 1816, Generals Mariano Montilla, Bermudez, 
and many others, refused to have anything to do with him, regard- 
ing him as impracticable and hare-brained. General Piar, however, 
went with him, and stood by him loyally. 

This trip was a complete fiasco, and on August 16, after having 
lost what few soldiers he had, Bolivar arrived at Guira, only to find 
mutiny and hostility, if not downright contempt, expressed for him. 
Generals Marino and Bermudez, who commanded in that section, 
would have nothing to do with him, and, sword in hand, Bolivar forced 
himself through a mob of Venezuelan soldiers, and escaped a second 
time to Hayti, absolutely without followers or influence. 

At this critical juncture General Manuel Carlos Piar came to the 
front. He had proved himself as great a general as Venezuela pos- 
sessed. At the great battle of Juncal, on September 26, General Piar 


with 2000 men had overwhelmingly defeated the royalist Morales 
with 3000 men, and he was now a military factor not to be disregarded. 
He heard with sorrow of the disgrace which had befallen Bolivar. In 
co-operation with General Arismendi, of Margarita, Piar, disregard- 
ing entirely the opinions of Generals Marino, Bermudez, and the rest, 
sent at once a commissioner to see Bolivar, in Hayti, to assure him of 
their loyalty, to tell him that they still recognized him as the Jefe 
Supremo, and to place themselves and their armies at his disposal. 
Bolivar was reanimated. He organized a second expedition from 
Hayti, and afterwards united with General Piar at Angostura. The 
military genius and unswerving loyalty of General Piar had saved 
Bolivar at the most critical period of his career. Not only this, Gen- 
eral Piar had been fighting desperate battles while Bolivar was in 
Hayti, and after his return, and by the great victory which he won 
near San Felix, on April 11, 1817, over the Spanish Brigadier Latorre, 
killing and wounding about 1000 royalists, he turned the tide in favor 
of the anti-royalists, and made independence once more a possibility. 

Little did Piar dream that he was nursing a viper which was des- 
tined to sting him to death ! Little did the hero of one hundred desper- 
ate conflicts with the royalists imagine that his end was to come from 
the hands of a man who owed everything to his friendship, even to 
the very power which enabled him to order the assassination ! 

A so-called Congress had been established at Cariaco, which had 
disregarded Bolivar's pretence of being "Supreme Jefe," a pre- 
tence which was at that time ridiculous, and appointed a junta to 
govern the country. General Piar was favorable to this scheme, and 
this angered Bolivar. Although Piar and Arismendi had recalled 
Bolivar from Hayti, it was with the idea that he should be their chief, 
not their tyrant. 

When this Congress was dissolved, General Piar suggested that 
a board of generals and influential men should be formed to admin- 
ister the government. This offended Bolivar intensely. He was 
determined to be the Supreme Boss himself, of the Board of Admin- 
istration and of everything else. What power Bolivar had up to this 
moment was due chiefly to General Piar ; but he quarrelled with Piar, 
who thereupon left his army in command of Bolivar and retired to 
private life. Piar went first to TJpata, and later to Angostura. Boli- 
var heard that Piar was fomenting a conspiracy, and in Venezuela 
a man can hear almost anything he wishes, especially if it is wicked, 
and he sent for Piar. The General refused to come ; and it was 
stated that he had arrived at an understanding with General Marino 
by which he was to recognize and serve under the latter as "Supreme 
Chief of the Republic." 

Bolivar summoned his officers, and formed a junta, which again 
declared him Jefe Supremo de la Republica. Thereupon he sent a 
body of cavalry to make General Piar prisoner. This was com- 


manded by General Cedefio, Juan Antonio Mina, and Juan Fran- 
cisco Sanchez. No such force was needed, however, for General Piar 
was found entirely alone, in the village of Aragua de Cumana. There 
was not the slightest evidence of any conspiracy, or that General Piar 
ever again intended to enter military life. Piar was taken to the head- 
quarters of Bolivar, who appointed a mock court martial to try him 
on the charge of conspiracy and desertion. No time was lost in com- 
plying with the orders of Bolivar and declaring him guilty. Bolivar 
immediately signed the sentence of death. On the next day, October 
17, 1817, General Piar was taken out and shot by his own troops. He 
attempted to make a speech to his ungrateful compatriots before they 
shot him, but they beat the drums so that his voice was drowned. 

Simon Bolivar, on the day following this heinous crime, concocted 
the following composition by way of an address to his soldiers : 

SOLDIERS : Yesterday was a day of pain for my heart. General Piar was 
executed for his crimes of high treason, conspiracy and desertion. A just and 
legal tribunal pronounced the sentence against that unfortunate citizen, who, 
intoxicated by the favors of fortune, and to satiate his ambition, attempted to 
ruin the country. General Piar really had done important services to the re- 
public, and although the course of his conduct had always been mutinous, his 
services were bountifully rewarded by the government of Venezuela. 

Nothing was left to be desired by a chief who had obtained the highest 
grades of the army. The second authority of the republic, which was vacant 
by the dissidence of General Marino, was to be conferred on him before his 
rebellion; but he aspired to the supreme command, and formed a purpose 
the most atrocious that can be conceived. Not only had Piar intended civil 
war, but also anarchy, and the most inhuman sacrifice of his own companions 
and brethren. 

Soldiers! You know it. Equality, liberty and independence are our 
motto. Has not humanity recovered her rights by our laws ? Have not our 
arms broken the chains of the slaves ? Has not the hateful difference of classes 
and colors been abolished forever? Have not the national moneys been or- 
dered to be divided among you ? Do not fortune and glory await you ? Are 
not your merits abundantly rewarded, or at least justly? What then, did 
General Piar want for you ? Are you not equal, free, independent, happy and 
honored ? Could Piar obtain for you greater wealth ? No, no, no. The tomb 
was being opened by Piar with his own hands, to bury in it the life, the wealth, 
the honor of the brave defenders of the liberty of Venezuela, their children, 
wives and fathers. . . . 

Soldiers ! Heaven watches for your well-being and the government, which 
is your father, is vigilant in your behalf. Your chief, who is your companion 
in arms, who is always at your head, and has participated in your perils and 
privations, as also in your victories, confides in you ; rely then on him, sure 
that he loves you more than if even he were your father or your son. 





JOSE ANTONIO PAEZ was born in the province of Barinas, 
Venezuela, June 13, 1790. He was a cattle-herder prior to the 
outbreak of the revolutions which made him famous. During 
his youth, he had many turbulent experiences. At the age of seventeen 
he was waylaid by a band of robbers, but killed one of them, and the 
others fled. Aristides Rojas relates, in his Leyendas Historicas de 
Venezuela, that Paez, when a boy, was bitten by a snake and at an- 
other time by a vicious dog ; that he never recovered from the nervous 
shock, and that he was always afterwards subject to epileptic fits, 
while the sight of a snake filled him with terror and threw him into 
convulsions. When Paez went into a battle, it was with a perfect 
frenzy of excitement; in those terrible shocks against the cavalry 
of Lopez, Morales, La Torre, and Morillo, he was almost certain to 
suffer from horrible convulsions. "Thus, on entering the action of 
Chire and Yagual, and in the persecution of the enemy in the fields of 
Gamarra and Ortiz, and finally in Carabobo, after a splendid triumph, 
Paez had convulsions which deprived him for a time of reason." At 
the age of twenty he became a cavalry leader in the revolutionary 
ranks, and organized formidable forces of mountaineers. After some 
years of desultory fighting he enlisted under the banner of Bolivar in 
1817, and two years later was made Major-General. 

In the battle of Ortiz, in 1818, nearly the entire infantry at the 
command of Bolivar was destroyed by the Spaniards ; but Paez with 
his cavalry made such terrific charges on the royalists that Bolivar 
was finally able to extricate his army. At the end of the engagement 
Paez went into convulsions, and was found by an English colonel lying 
at the foot of a tree, his mouth filled with foam. The Englishman 
gave the general some water and bathed his head, when Paez, opening 
his eyes, recognized the colonel and said, "I found myself so tired 
from the fatigues of the battle ; I had already killed twenty-nine of the 
enemy, and was crossing my lance with one more, when I felt myself 
sick." At his side was the bloody lance, which he presented to the 


English colonel as a testimonial of friendship. In the great defeat 
which Bolivar suffered at Gamarra, in 1819, Paez performed wonders 
with his cavalry; but he again suffered a terrible convulsion, his first 
words, upon regaining consciousness, being, "My lance, where is my 
lance ? Bring my horse ! " 

Finally, at the brilliant victory of Carabobo, in 1821, which de- 
stroyed the power of Spain in that part of the continent, Paez also 
suffered from an epileptic attack, which was upon him at the moment 
that Bolivar came to offer him the thanks of Colombia and the rank 
of General-in-Chief. General Paez became Dictator of Venezuela, 
and for about seventeen years, exercised almost absolute power, either 
directly or through men appointed by himself. He took part in the 
movement for the separation of Venezula from Colombia, in 1829, 
and became its first President, in 1830. 

The latter years of General Paez were as turbulent as his youth, 
and he finally was expelled from Venezuela. He came to New York, 
and lived there several years, dying in 1873. His autobiography was 
published in New York in 1869. His son, Ramon Paez, wrote his 
father's biography, which was published in New York in 1864. 


This distinguished patriot was born at Yapeyu, on the Uruguay 
River, February 25, 1778. At the age of eight years he went with his 
parents to Spain, and was educated for the military profession at 
the College of Nobles in Madrid. He saw service in Africa, fighting 
against the Moors, before he had reached his majority. In London San 
Martin met Miranda, who was busily engaged establishing revolution- 
ary societies, and became imbued with the views of the illustrious 

San Martin returned to South America in 1811, shortly after the 
royalist government had been overthrown in Argentina, and at once 
entered the ranks of the insurgents, organizing a troop of cavalry. In 
a short time he succeeded Belgrano in command of the army and 
instituted many real reforms. His ambition now was to create an 
army sufficient to drive the forces of Ferdinand out of Chili. To this 
end he began his work at Mendoza, at the foot of the Andes. His 
plan was to cross the Uspallata Pass, nearly 13,000 feet high, overcome 
the royalist armies in Chili, and descend upon Peru. In furtherance 
of his plan, he became Governor of Cuzco, an Andine province, in 1814, 
and proceeded at once to gather and drill a large force of hardy moun- 
taineers. In the mean time the Chilians under Manuel Rodriguez 
were secretly organized, and merely awaiting an opportunity to revolt 
against Abascal, the Spanish Viceroy, and his General Osorio, who 
ruled with iron hands and were generally hated. 

Early in 1817 San Martin's plans were perfected, and he proceeded 


to cross the mountains. He started from Mendoza on January 17, 
amid the indescribable enthusiasm of the populace. On February 12 
he gained a brilliant victory at Chacabuco. This was followed on the 
5th of April, 1818, by the decisive victory of Maypo, which may be 
regarded as one of the most important battles ever fought in South 
America. The royalist army under General Osorio had about 5500 
men, and San Martin had about the same number. The armies met 
near a junction of roads which leads through the passes of Maypo and 
Santiago. There were at this point a series of white crests or ridges, 
on which the armies faced each other. General Osorio threw a con- 
siderable body of men to the west to protect the road to Valparaiso, 
and San Martin's cavalry fell on the flank of this body with terrible 
force, completely routing it. General Osorio lost in this battle 1000 
men killed, 150 officers, and 2000 prisoners; while San Martin lost 
1000 men in killed and wounded. General San Martin now returned 
in person to Buenos Ayres, and laid before the Dictator, Juan Martin 
de Pueyrredon, a plan for the liberation of Peru. The plan was 
accepted. He then returned to Chili, organized the government, 
raised a large army, and a considerable naval fleet, which was placed 
under the command of Lord Cochrane, a British admiral, who sailed 
for Lima August 21, 1820. 

Lima was captured, the Spaniards were driven from the coast, the 
independence of Peru was proclaimed on July 28, 1821, and San 
Martin was designated its "Protector." 

General San Martin met Bolivar in Guayaquil on July 25, 1822. 
They had a private interview, the tenor of which has never been 
published. As a result of this meeting with Bolivar, however, San 
Martin seems to have decided to retire forever from the tempestuous 
turmoil of South American politics. He called the Peruvian Congress 
together, and handed in his resignation in the following words : 

" I have witnessed the declaration of independence of the States of Chili 
and Peru. I hold in my possession the standard which Pizarro brought to 
enslave the empire of the Incas. I have ceased to be a public man. Thus I 
am more than rewarded for ten years spent in revolution and warfare. My 
promises to the countries in which I warred are fulfilled to make them in- 
dependent and leave to their will the elections of the governments. 

" The presence of a fortunate soldier, however disinterested he may be, is 
dangerous to newly constituted States. I am also disgusted with hearing that 
I wish to make myself a sovereign. Nevertheless, I shall always be ready to 
make the last sacrifice for the liberty of the country, but in the class of the 
private individual, and no other. 

" With respect to my public conduct, my compatriots (as is generally the 
case) will be divided in their opinions. Their children will pronounce the 
true verdict. 

" Peruvians ! I leave your national representation established. If you 
repose implicit confidence in it, you will triumph. If not, anarchy will swallow 
you up. 


" May success preside over your destinies, and may they be crowned with 
felicity and peace." 

General San Martin now declined an offer of 10,000 ounces gold 
from the Peruvian Congress. With only a few thousand dollars he 
took with him his daughter Mercedes and went to Europe. There he 
lived in poverty and neglect for about thirty years, near Paris, and 
died at Boulogne on August 17, 1850. 

His remains were afterwards taken to Argentina, where the tomb 
of San Martin, a magnificent mausoleum, forms part of the Cathedral 
of Buenos Ayres. On it is inscribed, in Spanish: 

" Triumphed in San Lorenzo, 1813 ; 
Affirmed the Independence of Argentina, 1816; 
Crossed the Andes, 1817; 
Carried the Banner of Emancipation to Chili, 
to Peru, and to Ecuador, 1817-1822." 

General San Martin may justly be regarded as the highest type of 
general which South America has produced. There was as much 
difference between San Martin and Bolivar as there was between 
General Grant and Quantrell. He was a man of quiet tastes, of 
serene and philosophical temper, simple in his manners and language, 
and utterly disliked the scenes of revelry, pageantry, and bacchanalry 
in which Bolivar delighted. He dressed neatly but plainly, was not 
given to extravagances of speech or action; and the hair-raising 
pronunciamentos and decretas of the long line of succeeding military 
usurpers of South America were entirely foreign to his nature. 

His proclamation to the Peruvian Congress, upon resigning his 
power, was worthy of a greater people than that to whom it was 
addressed: "My promises to the countries in which I warred are 
fulfilled, to make them independent and leave to their will the elections 
of the government." 

How pitiable it was to see this great man step down and out, with 
such ideals as these, a man who might really have established a 
representative government, to leave the erratic Bolivar to assume 
absolute dictatorial powers ! 


General Sucre was by far the ablest of Bolivar's lieutenants. He 
had not the daring and resourcefulness of his master, but he was of a 
more stable character. Sucre was born in Cumana, Venezuela, 
February 3, 1795. At the age of eighteen he joined the insurgents, 
under Marino, and in 1814 he enlisted under Bolivar. When Bolivar's 
troops were scattered to the winds, and he himself went into exile, 
Sucre fled to Trinidad; but in 1816, when Bolivar landed a second 
time on the shores of Venezuela, Sucre joined his forces. In 1818 he 


went into the West Indies to secure arms, and, returning with 12 
canon and about 10,000 stands of arms, Bolivar made him chief of his 
staff. Sucre led a victorious invasion into New Granada in 1819, and 
went south to Quito. 

In 1821 he landed at Guayaquil, where there had been an almost 
uninterrupted insurrection against the Spanish viceroys since 1809. 
Upper Peru had been invaded by the patriot army from Buenos Ayres, 
under General Balcarce, which defeated the Spanish troops in two 
fierce engagements, and celebrated the first anniversary of independ- 
ence near the shores of Lake Titicaca in May, 1811. In June, 
however, this army was attacked and seriously defeated by the 
Spaniards, under General Goyeneche, and driven back into Jujuy. 
Four years of desperate fighting ensued, ending, in 1815, with the 
complete rout of the patriots in the great battle of Potosi-Oruro. A 
powerful revolt of Indians in the southern provinces of Peru was also 
put down, and by 1816 the Spanish General La Serna felt strong 
enough to attempt to invade Argentina. He was defeated by the 
guacho, or cow-boy, troops of Salta and Jujuy. For the next six years 
a guerrilla warfare was kept up. 

General Sucre now began to play a leading part in this section of 
the continent. On May 24, 1822, he won a great victory at Pichincha, 
breaking the power of Spain in Ecuador. In June, 1823, General 
Santa Cruz set out from Lima for Upper Peru with two divisions, and 
occupied a great territory between La Paz and Oruro ; but he met with 
reverses, and retreated, arriving at Lima with only the broken rem- 
nants of his army. The star of Sucre was now in the ascendant. He 
was to Bolivar what Sherman or Sheridan was to Grant, and every 
move he made increased the fortune and fame of his chief. 

On December 9, 1824, was fought the great and decisive battle of 
Ayacucho, in which General Sucre was the central figure. General 
William Miller, an Englishman, deserved great credit for his part in 
this fight; but the greatest burden of the battle rested on General 
Sucre. General La Serna, the Viceroy, commanded the royalist army, 
some 13,000 strong, outnumbering the forces of Sucre; but the Span- 
iards were driven from the field with great slaughter, losing all their 
artillery, with 1400 killed and 700 wounded, while General La Serna 
himself was wounded and made prisoner. 

A universal uprising now occurred in all the provinces, and in 
many places the royalist garrisons went over to the revolutionists. 
The Spaniards were confined to the province of Potosi, with 2000 
disaffected troops under General Olaneta, who in March, 1825, was 
killed by his own soldiers. 

General Bolivar was made Perpetual Dictator by the Congress of 
Lima in 1825, and General Sucre was assigned to supreme command 
in Upper Peru. The government of Argentina now proposed to Upper 
Peru a question as to whether they desired to remain united with that 


country or form an independent nation. Delegates representing some 
fifty-four provinces met at Chuquisaca, and decided in favor of 
separation. A declaration of independence was issued, and the name 
"Bolivia," in honor of Bolivar, was adopted. The provisional Con- 
gress was dissolved October 6, 1825, and a new Congress assembled 
at Chuquisaca on May 25, 1826. This Congress adopted the Constitu- 
tion prepared by Bolivar, under which a President was to be chosen 
for life. General Sucre was made the first President. The general 
was disposed to be prudent, however, and he stipulated that he should 
retain 2000 Colombian troops on his staff, as a measure of precaution. 
Continued uprisings occurred, however, in all parts of the country, 
and at the end of 1827 General Sucre and his Colombian troops were 
driven from the country, and Marshal Santa Cruz became President. 
General Sucre was murdered later by his own troops. General Sucre 
was perhaps not so great a general nor so wise a man as San Martin, 
but in character and ability he was far above most of the other Latin- 
American Dictators. 

The five greatest and most decisive battles in the wars of South 
American independence were Boyaca, Carabobo, Pichincha, Aya- 
cucho, and Maypo. The battle of Boyaca, although placed to the 
credit of Bolivar by historians, was actually directed by Anzoatequi. 
General Paez was the real hero of Carabobo ; and General Sucre, of 
Pichincha and Ayacucho; while Maypo was won by San Martin, 
entirely independent of all other generals. 


We have now briefly sketched the careers of some of the principal 
characters in this strange and bloody drama. Hundreds of other 
brave and enthusiastic men such as General Santander, Vice- 
President under Bolivar we have scarcely had space to mention. 

What became of them all ? If republics are proverbially ungrate- 
ful, what shall we say of military dictatorships ? Truly, Bolivar had 
"written on the sands." No wonder he and all his colleagues died 
broken-hearted. Their fate is thus described by General Mitre : 

" The fate of the emancipators of South America is tragical. The first 
revolutionists of La Paz and of Quito died on the scaffold. Miranda, the 
apostle of liberty, betrayed by his own people to his enemies, died, alone and 
naked, in a dungeon. Moreno, the priest of the Argentine revolution, and 
the teacher of the democratic idea, died at sea, and found a grave in the ocean. 
Hidalgo, the first popular leader of Mexico, was executed as a criminal. Bel- 
grano, the first champion of Argentine independence, who saved the revolu- 
tion at Tucuman and Salta, died obscurely, while civil war raged around him. 
O'Higgins, the hero of Chili, died in exile, as Carrera, his rival, had done be- 
fore him. Iturbide, the real liberator of Mexico, fell a victim to his own am- 
bition. Montufar, the leader of the revolution in Quito, and his comrade 
Villa vicencio, the promoter of that of Cartagena, were strangled. The first 


presidents of New Granada, Lozano and Torres, fell sacrifices to the restora- 
tion of colonial terrorism. Piar, who found the true base for the insurrection 
in Colombia, was shot by Bolivar, to whom he had shown the way to victory. 
Rivadavia, the civil genius of South America, who gave form to her represen- 
tative institutions, died in exile. Sucre, the conqueror of Ayacucho, was mur- 
dered by his own men on a lonely road. Bolivar and San Martin died in 



IT is necessary to study the characteristics of typical classes of rulers 
who dominate Latin America if we are to be in a position to view 
the governments of the countries which compose them. In any 
country the peculiarities and idiosyncrasies of the chief executive are 
apt to be reflected to some extent in governmental functions; but 
under a dictatorship, where the ruler is in fact the government, a 
critical examination of his biography becomes necessary if we are at all 
correctly to apprehend political conditions. An understanding of 
such a government is arrived at, not so much from a comparative 
analysis of systems as from an observation of the temperament, moral 
qualities, capabilities, actions, and ambitions of the man at the head. 

Many very excellent executives have been produced by Latin- 
American countries within the past century, and mention will be 
made of some of the principal of these in a subsequent chapter. 
Needless to say, there have been a still larger number of unprincipled 
military dictators whose record is disgraceful in the extreme. Among 
the many executives produced by the Latin countries of North as well 
as of South America, two names stand out conspicuous, Porfirio 
Diaz and Dom Pedro II. 

These two men are unquestionably the greatest rulers which Latin 
America has ever produced ; no others are within measurable distance 
of them. Curiously enough, they are men of extremely different 
personal tastes and characteristics, indeed almost antithetical, and 
the wonder is that men exhibiting traits of such marked differences 
could arrive at substantially the same result, that is, the organizing 
of really strong and efficient governments with the elements existing 
in Mexico and Brazil. 


This great man, by reason of his marvellous genius and achieve- 
ments, is entitled to rank at the head of all the rulers and statesmen 
which Latin America has ever produced. He was born at Oaxaca, 


Mexico, on September 15, 1830. His father, Captain Jose Diaz, 
died from cholera when young Diaz was three years old. His mother, 
Dona Petrona Mory, was the offspring of an Asturian father and a 
Mixteca Indian mother. 

Young Porfirio attended the primary and secondary schools of the 
neighborhood, and at the age of fourteen entered the seminary. For 
a time he was clerk in the store of Don Joaquin Vasconcelos, taught 
school, and was appointed later librarian of the local college by 
Benito Juarez, who was then Governor of the State of Oaxaca. 

Young Diaz took a four years' course in the Institute, studied law 
in the office of Juarez and Perez, and became Professor of Roman 

In December, 1854, Diaz incurred the enmity of Dictator Santa 
Ana, by voting against his retention of power. An order was issued 
for his arrest and execution, but he escaped to the village of Ejutla, 
where he joined the revolutionary troops of Captain Herrera and 
engaged in numerous battles. At the age of twenty-five he became 
Jefe Politico of the district of Ixtlan, State of Oaxaca. He organized 
a strong force of Indians and became a military figure to be reckoned 

He soon relinquished his office of Jefe Politico, became Captain 
of the Fourth Company of the Second Battalion of the National Guard, 
and in August, 1857, made an expedition against revolutionists in 
Jamiltepec, where he was severely wounded. 

In January, 1858, Diaz, under General Rosas Lander, defended 
Oaxaca against the Spanish General Jose Maria Cobos, who was com- 
pelled to raise his siege. On February 25 Diaz, with two companies, 
attacked the enemy, numbering 2300, at Jalapa, and completely 
routed him. He was then made Jefe Politico and Military Commander 
of the District of Tehuantepec. On April 13, 1858, Diaz led a suc- 
cessful attack upon the forces of General Jose Conchado, at the 
hacienda of Jicaras, a victory which gained his promotion to Com- 
andante of Battalion. On June 17, 1859, he obtained the victory, 
at Mixtequilla, over the forces of Lieutenant-Colonel Espinosa, and 
was made Lieutenant-Colonel of Infantry. 

On November 24, 1859, Lieutenant-Colonel Diaz, with 300 men, 
attacked the conservatives under General Alarcon, at Tehuantepec, 
and routed them. Diaz was now made Colonel. At the head of 500 
men he led a desperate charge against the enemy at Tlacolula, near 
the ruins of Mitla, and on Februray 2, 1860, again defeated the forces 
of Cobos at Fortin de la Soledad. Colonel Diaz acquitted himself 
with honor in the actions of Marquesado on March 9, and of Ixtepeji 
on May 15. On August 5, 1860, with 700 men, he overcame Cobo's 
army of 2000, and although badly wounded, pursued the enemy and 
took possession of the city of Oaxaca. 

Diaz was compelled to retire from military life for a time because 


of the severity of his wounds and an attack of typhoid fever. He 
became a congressman, but was called from his duties as legislator, on 
June 24, 1861, to defend the national capital, which was attacked by 
General Leonardo Marquez, one of the leaders of the church party. 
Diaz routed Marquez, and was rewarded by an appointment as Chief 
of Brigade of Oaxaca. As continual revolutions were occurring in all 
parts of Mexico, Diaz had every opportunity to enhance his military 
reputation. He moved with great rapidity, marching by night, 
attacking before daylight, with a fierceness which swept everything 
before him. During July and the early part of August Diaz was 
pursuing the Conservadores in Southern Mexico. On the night of 
August 13, 1861, he attacked Marquez, who had 4000 men and 5 
pieces of artillery, at Jalatlaco. A desperate hand-to-hand conflict 
ensued, which lasted all night. Diaz finally gained the plaza, seized 
the enemy's artillery, and put his forces to flight. For this achieve- 
ment he was made Brigadier- General on August 23, 1861. 

During the French invasion in 1862 General Diaz did effective 
work for his country. He fought a severe battle with General Lorencez, 
on April 28, 1862, at Acultzingo, and was largely instrumental in gain- 
ing the famous victory, "Cinco de Mayo," which was fought on the 
road to Amozoc. 

Acting under General Zaragoza, Diaz defeated the French at 
La Ceiva on June 14, and in January of the following year he held 
one of the most important positions in defence of the city of Puebla, 
during the sixty-day siege established by the French. 

General Diaz was now appointed Commander-in-Chief of the 
country to the south and east of Puebla. In October, 1863, he left 
Queretaro with a small body of troops, and after a severe battle at 
Taxto, on October 28, entered Oaxaca. Here he reorganized the 
army, fought the French at Huajuapan, Teotitlan, Zoyaltepec, and 
gained a decisive victory at San Antonio Nanahuatipan. 

In January, 1865, however, General Bazaine sent 12,000 men and 
40 pieces of artillery against Diaz, who had only 3000 men with which 
to defend Oaxaca. Diaz was forced to surrender. He was sent a 
prisoner to Puebla, but succeeded in effecting his escape on September 
20, 1865. 

With tireless energy General Diaz now threw himself into the 
desperate conflict which was raging with the French. He organized a 
small force, captured the garrison of Tehuitzingo on September 22, 
defeated 150 French and Imperialists at Piaxtla on September 23, 
gained a victory over superior forces under General Vissoso on 
October 1, at Jultzingo, and again defeated the enemy at Comitlipa 
on December 4. 

After many exciting adventures, and escapes which appear miracu- 
lous, General Diaz gained a decisive victory over the Imperialists at 
Miahuatlan on October 13, 1866. The famous victory, "La Car- 


bonera," was gained five days later, in which Diaz routed the Austrian 
forces, captured nearly all their infantry, 700 rifles, and much artillery 
and stores. He took the city of Oaxaca, on October 31, after a short 
siege. Diaz now made a lightning-like movement to the south, fight- 
ing battles at Chistova, Tequisistlan, Tlacolulito, and elsewhere. On 
March 9, with only 6 guns, he besieged Puebla, which was held by the 
enemy with 100 guns. General Marquez with 8000 men marched to 
raise the siege. Diaz feigned retreat, thereby deceiving the enemy, 
and then on the night of April 2 made one of the most desperate 
attacks of the war on the trenches of the foe. A hand-to-hand conflict 
raged all night, resulting in a complete victory for the forces of Diaz. 
The victorious Diaz left General Diego in charge of Puebla, and 
pursued the forces of Marquez, who after a series of disastrous battles 
was compelled to take refuge in the city of Mexico. 

At this time, June 19, Maximilian, who had been captured at 
Queretaro, was executed by order of Juarez. Two days later the 
city of Mexico surrendered to Diaz. 

At the end of this war General Diaz returned to Oaxaca. He was 
married, on April 2, 1867, to Miss Delfina Ortega y Reyes, and a 
short time after retired to a sugar plantation near Tlacotalpam, on 
the Papaloapam River 

On July 18, 1872, President Juarez died, and Lerdo de Tajada 
assumed the rulership of Mexico. Revolutions continued in all parts 
of the country, and the new Dictator engaged in wholesale arrests and 
persecutions. Among those who had the disfavor of the President was 
General Diaz, who early in 1876 inaugurated a formidable revolution 
against the government. Diaz went to the United States and invaded 
Mexico via Brownsville, with only 40 men. On April 2 Diaz had 400 
men, with whom he captured Matamoras. The government now 
sent 6000 men to oppose him. He fled to the South, disguised as a 
doctor. On the City of Havana, en route from Tampico to Vera Cruz, 
his identity was discovered by a body of troops. To escape capture 
he jumped overboard, for the purpose of swimming ashore, but was 
pursued by a boat, captured, and taken back a prisoner to the ship. 
The American purser, Alexander Coney, took a liking to Diaz, and 
concealed him in his wardrobe, at the same time throwing a life buoy 
overboard to give the impression that Diaz had again jumped into the 
sea. For several days Diaz remained in his hiding-place. On arriving 
at Vera Cruz, he escaped, disguised as a mariner, and was soon in his 
native State, organizing a strong armed force. 

On November 16 General Diaz gained the battle of Tecoca, 
through the aid of General Gonzalez, taking 3000 prisoners. He 
then captured Puebla, and on November 24, 1876, took possession 
of the capital. War was raging in all parts of Mexico between the 
partisans of Lerdo and Iglesias. Diaz at once set out to pacify the 
country. This he did, and appointed himself Constitutional President. 


In 1880 his wife died. Two years later he married Senorita Carmen 
Romero Rubio, the daughter of Manuel Romero Rubio, who was 
leader of one of the parties which had been antagonistic to him. 

In 1883 General and Mrs. Diaz visited the United States, and 
were received with great honors. Since that date Diaz has been the 
actual government of Mexico. 


General Diaz grows on one. The oftener we see him, and the 
more we study his life-work, the more we become impressed by 
him. He is a world character; his fame is secure alongside the 
mightiest constructive intellects of all ages and all nations. 

In a previous chapter we have described the career and character 
of Simon Bolivar, a wonderful, harum-scarum, irresponsible, cruel, 
half -crazy dare-devil; the most notable character of his type which 
the world has produced; the incarnation of energy, perseverance, 
destruction, and self-glorification. 

In Porfirio Diaz we have the very antithesis of this type, a tre- 
mendous character devoting his vast intellectual resources to con- 
structive and not to destructive work. A braver man personally than 
Bolivar, without his fanaticism; a greater general, with none of 
Bolivar's merciless cruelty and savagery, Diaz has distinguished 
himself over and above Bolivar by his manifest good faith, and by 
his extraordinary talents in constructive statesmanship. Out of 
anarchy and desolation Diaz has evolved a mighty nation, a nation 
which, if it continues to pursue the paths of peace and equity marked 
out for it by the real Father of his Country, Diaz, can count upon the 
loyal friendship and material and moral aid of the government of the 
United States in every emergency. 

In comparison with this superb achievement the performances of 
all other Latin- American rulers, except Dom Pedro II, seem un- 
worthy and unimportant. 

The fundamental strength of the character of Diaz is good faith. 
If he enters into a contract, it is with the honest intention of living 
up to it. Petty prejudices have never swayed him. He has taken a 
broad and comprehensive view of the currents of civilization. He 
has bent his energies and exercised all his powers of organization to 
develop Mexico into a really great nation, and he has succeeded to 
a degree which fills every observer with admiration. Diaz can stand 
comparison not only with the great characters of Latin America, but 
with the ablest rulers of the world. He reminds one of Bismarck, 
welding the German Empire together ; or of Peter the Great, minus 
his cruelty, the incarnation of national development and extension. 
Our own country has produced but one man who has exhibited the 
same varied aptitudes in all the vicissitudes of peace and war, 
VOL. i 15 


George Washington. Lincoln is one of the world's immortal char- 
acters ; he possessed all the qualities of statesmanship and patriotism 
in a degree never surpassed, but he did not have the pre-eminent 
military talents of Diaz. General Grant was a great soldier, probably 
greater than Hannibal, Wellington, or Lee, and equal perhaps, as 
regards real fighting ability, to any captain who has ever lived; but 
Grant was lamentably deficient in statesmanship. Porfirio Diaz, 
however, is soldier and statesman combined, lawgiver, judge, and 
executive, the embodiment of every virtue and capability neces- 
sary for making out the well-rounded character of a ruler worthy of 
being ranked with Washington, Lincoln, Grant, Frederick the Great, 
or Bismarck. He belongs not alone to Mexico, but to the world. 


Close upon the heels of Porfirio Diaz as a candidate for the most 
exalted rank among Latin- American statesmen comes Dom Pedro II, 
whose personal biography for fifty years would constitute the history 
of Brazil. Dom Pedro II was called Emperor, but the name or title 
given to a ruler is of small importance; the facts of his administra- 
tion constitute the real question. A First Consul or Chief Servant 
may be a bloody and relentless tyrant; while Czars and Sultans have 
been known who were mild-mannered, and really solicitous for the 
welfare of their people. 

During the time that Dom Pedro II was Emperor of Brazil, that 
country came nearer being a republic than it ever did before or has 
since. There was more real liberty, just as there is to-day in 
Mexico, the wishes of the people were more carefully respected 
in matters of administration, and there were more guarantees for life 
and property, than under the succeeding dictatorships. 

How such a character as Dom Pedro II could dominate the diver- 
sified population of such a country as Brazil for so long a time is re- 
markable. I am inclined to think that the really able and vigorous 
military commander, Luiz Lima e Silva, called Baron of Caxias, who 
was for so long a period the chief executive officer of Dom Pedro II, 
deserves an amount of credit not usually accorded him. He held in 
check the turbulent elements, and made it possible for the Emperor 
to direct the course of events along lines of material development. 

Dom Pedro II became Emperor before he was of age. The peo- 
ple of Brazil had become tired of the regency, and that unique insti- 
tution known as Congress issued a decree adding two or three years 
to the age of the boy Emperor. This was on July 23, 1840, and Dom 
Pedro II at once ascended the "throne." For the next fifty years he 
held his position as the central figure of the South American empire. 

Dom Pedro II was a unique character especially so in contrast 
with the typical buccaneering Latin-American military ruler. He 


was a bookworm, an omnivorous reader, and a student of almost 
every subject under the sun. It may be that he was not profound in 
any particular branch, but his mind was filled with every sort of in- 
formation, and the extent and variety of subjects to which he devoted 
more than passing attention was amazing. The pageantry of state 
functions did not interest him ; adulation, so freely heaped upon other 
rulers, disgusted him ; and he was at all times ready to end a cabinet 
meeting so that he might take up some new "old-book." 

In his personal manners he was democratic almost to the point 
of eccentricity. He dressed in the simplest manner, and mingled with 
the common people freely. There was little or no pomp or ceremony 
about his government, and he never maintained what could be called 
a "Court." 

In his private life he was a clean, moral gentleman, in marked 
contrast to his depraved and licentious father. The family of Dom 
Pedro II conducted themselves modestly, and lived simply, and a 
more conscientious father and husband it would be hard to find. 

Dom Pedro II seemed to care nothing for power or glory. He 
was obstinate for what he believed to be right, but he was amenable 
to reason, and never hesitated to change his policy from conviction. 
It always seemed as though he desired to yield to the judgment of 
others; that he did not wish to exercise his power when he could 
avoid it ; but when occasion required he was as firm as a rock. 

Dom Pedro II treated the Church fairly but not obsequiously; 
he patronized art and literature, and promoted education. The de- 
sire to tyrannize over others or to make a display or to receive lauda- 
tion was entirely foreign to his nature. He was a modest, honest, 
self-possessed, cultured gentleman; a thinker of a rather discursive 
type; a philosopher of rather a practical bent. He loved peace, 
happiness, and prosperity, and he sincerely desired the well-being 
of Brazil. 

In the very simplicity of his character, his manly honesty and 
candor, was his strength. The people laughed at many of his foibles 
and peculiarities, and loved him all the more because of his unques- 
tioned honesty and no mean ability. 

He foresaw the trend towards republicanism and seemed to be 
glad that it was coming. In the government which he conducted the 
people were given all the share they were qualified to exercise. 

During his long rule the material and moral advancement of 
Brazil was very great. It enjoyed a generation of comparative peace, 
while the neighboring countries were ravaged by anarchy and 

At the end of his long and useful career Dom Pedro II was de- 
posed by a coup d'etat, devised by Deodoro da Fonseca, an unprinci- 
pled tyrant. The old Emperor, then in feeble health, was made a 
prisoner in his palace by the conspirators, on November 15, 1889, 


and the following night, November 16, he and his family were put 
on board a ship, without ceremony, and sent to Lisbon. 

Thus ended the only true republic, or the only government at all 
approaching the character of a republic, which Brazil has ever pos- 
sessed. It was called an empire. Since that date they have had dic- 
tatorships and called them republics. 

Dom Pedro II died in December, 1891, at which time Brazil was 
torn by internal dissensions, and its people subjected to the tyranny 
of the typical military dictator. 


" Whoever does the best his circumstance allows 
Does well, acts nobly." 

JUDGED by this rational canon, there has been a considerable 
number of Latin-American rulers who deserve praise. With 
bad faith, blackmail, despotism, and disorder everywhere in 
evidence, many Latin-American rulers have sought honestly to ad- 
minister the governments which they controlled. To place the Chief 
Executive in this class it is not necessary that his record as a whole 
should be approved. It is only needful to believe him a man of good 
faith and honest intentions, and that he should also be possessed of 
such intelligence, judgment, energy, and force of character as would 
reasonably qualify him to exercise the functions of his office. 


Among the very best rulers of South America may be mentioned 
Sarmiento, the "Schoolmaster" President, of Argentina. This man 
was an enlightened, honest, scholarly, and patriotic gentleman. He 
gave a splendid impulse to education in his country. He was sin- 
cerely desirous of establishing a system of public education on a firm 
and lasting foundation, and accomplished much in this direction. 

Sarmiento was born on February 15, 1811, in San Juan, Argen- 
tina, a village of about 10,000 inhabitants, located at the foot of the 
Andes Mountains. His father was a mule-driver, in which capacity 
he served in General San Martin's army. His mother was wholly 

In early childhood Sarmiento worked in a village store in extreme 
poverty, but he received the rudiments of instruction in Latin, and 
a few simple branches, at the hands of an uncle, who was a priest. 
In 1823 he applied for one of the six free scholarships offered by the 
government to pupils in the province of San Juan, but they were 
awarded by lot, and he failed in his application. 

In the civil wars waged by the Argentine tyrant, Juan Manuel 
Rosas, at the head of the so-called Federalistas, Sarmiento took an 
active part in opposition. He served with the Unitarios until the latter 


were overwhelmingly defeated, and then he escaped to Chili. In the 
latter country Sarmiento became a teacher in the University of Chili, 
and soon afterwards wrote a book, entitled "Facundo: Civilization 
against Barbarism." The work created a sensation throughout 
Europe and America. He described the chronic revolutions of Argen- 
tina, the vast pampas filled with bandits and malefactors, and showed 
that civilized progress was impossible under the conditions existing 

In 1845 Sarmiento went to Europe for the purpose of studying 
the educational systems of the countries of that continent. 

In 1853 Sarmiento returned to Buenos Ayres, upon the overthrow 
of Rosas by General Urquiza, and assumed the editorship of El 
Nacional, a prominent newspaper. He at once commanded national 
attention, as a man of scholarship and of broad and practical views. 
He was selected as representative in Congress, then as senator, and 
thus exercised on the national policy a great and beneficent influence. 
He advocated the encouragement of immigration, the establishment 
of a public school system, the development of agriculture and com- 
merce, and the building of railways. 

On the occasion of the dangerous revolution inaugurated by Chaco, 
the guacho Jefe, which threatened a repetition of the tyranny of Rosas, 
Dr. Sarmiento took the field in person at the head of a strong body 
of troops, and utterly destroyed the uprising, killing the leader. 

In 1864 Dr. Sarmiento was appointed minister to the United States 
by General Mitre, the President. In 1865 he arrived in Washington, 
and was received by President Andrew Johnson. Dr. Sarmiento 's 
fame had preceded him, and he was accorded many honors by scien- 
tific and other societies. 

In 1868 Dr. Sarmiento was elected President of Argentina. He 
went at once to Buenos Ayres, and assumed the duties of his office. 
He gave a strong and able administration, by far the best in all re- 
spects which that country has ever enjoyed. A man of peace, devoting 
his time to extending the public school system, promoting education, 
establishing museums, libraries, and astronomical observatories, Dr. 
Sarmiento was nevertheless a rigid disciplinarian and stern in the 
suppression of disorder. Although he never had occasion to exercise 
the great military talents displayed by General Porfirio Diaz in Mexico, 
or by San Martin or Sucre, yet he had military ability of no small 
capacity, and the iron determination with which he suppressed revo- 
lutions and public disorders proves him to have possessed all the 
qualities of a ruler of the first order. Towards the end of his term an 
attempt was made to assassinate him, but fortunately without avail. 

Dr. Sarmiento observed the provisions of the Constitution with 
singular care. He refused to interfere in the election of his successor, 
President Avellaneda, who took his seat in 1874. However, he con- 
tinued to exercise great influence in public affairs. He served in the 


Argentine Congress, and devoted the remaining years of his life to 
strengthening and upbuilding the educational system of the country. 
He took a conspicuous and honorable part in every notable intel- 
lectual and moral movement in Argentina during the remaining 
years of his life. 

Dr. Sarmiento died, at the age of seventy-seven, at Asuncion, 
Paraguay. Take him all in all, he may be regarded as the most illus- 
trious ruler which Argentina has ever produced, and one of the great- 
est citizens of Latin America. 


General Bartolome Mitre is another distinguished character in 
the history of Argentina who is worthy of respect. General Mitre 
was a military character, and as such his activities were directed 
strongly in favor of Buenos Ayres as against the other provinces in 
the long struggle between them. He was, however, a bitter partisan. 
He was a man of national sympathies, and his influence on Argen- 
tina was very great at an important period in its history. 

General Julio A. Roca is one of Argentina's strongest characters. 
It is not easy in a brief space properly to criticise the career of this 
man. He acquired power and held it by military force, and his rev- 
olutionary deeds and misdeeds would fill an interesting volume. 
Many of his acts were extremely detrimental to Argentina, such as 
the issue of incontrovertible bank notes, and during his administra- 
tion there were many and grave financial scandals. For these rea- 
sons it is questionable whether General Roca is entitled to rank among 
the better class of Latin- American rulers. He was a higher type of 
man than Guzman Blanco, but so far as honesty and efficiency of 
administration are concerned is not worthy of being ranked with 
General Mitre and Dr. Sarmiento. 

Peru has produced a few rulers of the better type. Don Ramon 
Castilla is entitled to stand at the head of them all. He was a grizzled 
fighter of great force of character, generous, and moderate, and at the 
same time progressive. He furthered public improvements, held the 
elements of disorder in subjection, encouraged industry, and did 
what he could to place Peru on a sound footing financially. From 
the time he assumed office until his death, General Castilla was the 
foremost figure of Peru. 

Chili has had several fairly good chief executives. One of the most 
respectable administrations of Chili was that of President Jose Joa- 
quin Perez. This man ruled strictly according to the Constitution, 
a thing theretofore entirely unknown in Chili. He guaranteed per- 
fect liberty of speech and the press, and during his term of office life 
and property were thoroughly safeguarded. President Perez laid the 
foundations for the Chilian navy, which in so short a time was des- 


lined to dominate the west coast of South America. He may be re- 
garded as one of the best and ablest executives that Chili has ever had. 

President Federico Errazuriz, who took office in 1896, also gave 
Chili on the whole a very good administration. He was confronted 
by many serious difficulties. Crisis followed crisis in his cabinet, and 
at the outset Congress was very hostile to him. Nevertheless he ac- 
complished a great deal. During his term it seemed that war with 
Argentina was inevitable owing to a boundary dispute. Through 
his wisdom and moderation this disaster was averted. 

There have been very few rulers in Venezuela who could be said 
to belong to the better class. Dr. Rojas Paul was probably the high- 
est type of man who has occupied the executive chair in Venezuela. 
Most of their so-called Presidents were military dictators simply. 

President Prudente de Moraes Barros of Brazil was one of the 
rulers of the better type. His administration following the despot- 
ism of Peixoto and of Fonseca formed a strange contrast. He en- 
deavored to comply with the provisions of the Constitution, to respect 
the autonomy of the several States, and to give as nearly as he could 
an honest and decent administration. Owing to revolutions, the 
President was compelled to adopt some severe measures, but he did 
the best he could to rule Brazil justly. 

With reference to Colombia, it is difficult to find a ruler who is 
worthy of serious consideration. I am inclined to think that here 
we must pick out the two men at the extremes of the line of rulers, 
that is to say, the first and the last. General Santander was a remark- 
able man in more ways than one. He was quite a scholar, a prolific 
writer for the press, and a general of no mean ability. He has been 
severely criticised for disloyalty to Bolivar, who, in fact, at one time 
contemplated having Santander shot. As Bolivar was disloyal to 
everybody, it is not clear how disloyalty to Bolivar could be esteemed 
a serious fault. 

General Rafael Reyes of Colombia is a man of intelligence, ability, 
and considerable experience. As a man he is far above the typical 
military Jefe. General Reyes has already granted many monopolies 
and promulgated many unwise measures, but there is still reason to 
hope that he will walk in the paths of enlightened counsel. 

In Ecuador President Antonio Flores is deserving of mention. 
He took hold of the government in time of chaos and anarchy. He 
brought order out of confusion and devoted himself to the betterment 
of the country. He gave much attention to establishing a system of 
primary education. He introduced many reforms, scrupulously re- 
spected the provisions of the Constitution, and, during his term gov- 
ernment troops were not allowed to rob or assassinate citizens. The 
forced loan was abolished, and there was more real liberty and guar- 
antee for life and property than Ecuador had ever known prior to that 



There may be other Latin-American rulers, and doubtless are, 
who are worthy to be classed among the men herein mentioned. 
Partisans of one or another may complain that their heroes have 
been omitted. Thus O'Higgins, the first President of Chili, many will 
say, should be included in this list, possibly placed at the head of it. 
Unfortunately there are many blots on the fame of O'Higgins. He 
unquestionably caused the assassination of the two brothers Carrera 
and of a large number of their followers. This fact could prevent 
his inclusion in any roll-call of fame. 



GUZMAN BLANCO was born in Caracas, Venezuela, in 1829. 
His father was a political agitator, at one time private secre- 
tary to Bolivar, and later held many official positions. He 
experienced the vicissitudes common to Latin-American political ad- 
venturers generally ; at one time holding great power, with the rabble 
at his heels shouting " Viva " ; at other times on the under turn of the 
wheel, poverty-stricken and without influence. 

The son served an excellent apprenticeship for his subsequent 
career. One revolutionary and despotic government had succeeded 
another. In 1858 General Julian Castro took possession of the ex- 
ecutive power, and dictated measures of extraordinary violence ; still 
more atrocious governments succeeded, presided over by Pedro Gual, 
Manuel P. de Tovar, General Jose A. Paez, and Pedro J. Rojas. 
These military Dictators committed every kind of persecution and 
outrage, even against private families, until finally, in 1858, the revolu- 
tion called "Federal " broke out with a fierceness which even Vene- 
zuela had not witnessed up to that time. It lasted until 1863, when 
it was finally successful. This revolution brought to the front the 
most barbarous elements of Venezuela. Savages, depraved Jefes, 
and the whole corrupt, debauched, and ignorant military rabble, now 
seized the government of Venezuela by the throat and they have 
not relinquished their grasp on it yet. From this revolution Juan C. 
Falcon became "Supreme Chief of the Republic," with Antonio Guz- 
man Blanco as his right-hand man. 

Guzman Blanco was an apt pupil. Born with talents of a high 
order in this peculiar class of ingenuity, and under the degrading 
tutelage of Falcon, Guzman Blanco soon became a more talented 
freebooter and debauchee than the teacher. Generals and Jefes sur- 
rounded him as with a plague of horse-flies, the most scandalous 
schemes of extortion were adopted, the public treasury was looted, 
and a reign of corruption ensued. Finally the horrible disorders, and 
actual anarchy under Juan C. Falcon, produced another revolution, 
which broke out in 1867. This continued for a year or more, and 


after enormous sacrifices of life, succeeded in overthrowing the dicta- 
torship of Falcon. 

Jose Tadeo Monagas was then, in 1868, declared Provisional 
President. He exercised his power with discretion and general satis- 
faction. He was elected Constitutional President, but unfortunately 
died on November 18, 1868. In February, 1869, the Congress de- 
clared the son, General J. Ruperto Monagas, President. The ad- 
ministration of this man was weak and inept; he placed his power 
at the disposal of the old guard of reactionary generals. It is, how- 
ever, but just to him to say that during his reign Venezuela was free 
from the persecutions and cruelties which disgraced it under Castro 
and Trovar, or the scandals and anarchy under Falcon. Revolution, 
however, is in the Venezuelan blood. In 1869 a formidable uprising 
occurred in all parts of the country. At first this revolution seemed 
to have neither head, plan, nor definite object; but as it progressed, 
the forceful personality of A. Guzman Blanco forged itself to the front, 
and after some desperate fighting succeeded in overthrowing the gov- 
ernment in April, 1870. 

Although Guzman Blanco now became the Supreme Chief of the 
country, and entered formally on a career which was destined to make 
him, apart from Bolivar, the most conspicuous character which Vene- 
zuela has produced, it was yet only after two years of the bloodiest 
and most tragic fighting that he finally subdued his enemies and placed 
himself securely in power. During this terrible epoch he had shown 
as bloody a hand as any tyrant who had preceded him. As Bolivar 
had washed his hands in the blood of General Piar, so Guzman Blanco 
shot his second in command, General Matias Salazar, a noted general 
and liberal, and let it be known once for all that from thenceforth to 
oppose the will of Guzman Blanco in Venezuela meant imprisonment 
or death. 

Guzman Blanco began now a notable career, even for a Vene- 
zuelan military autocrat. He sought to satiate his thirst for vengeance 
against persons supposed to be enemies of himself or his father; he 
entered upon the most extraordinary speculations with the national 
finances ; he surrounded himself with the same class of polluted mili- 
tary sycophants that surround Castro to-day; and he inaugurated 
a system of blackmail and extortion against business enterprises, and 
of persecution and tyranny towards private individuals, which has 
not been surpassed even in the days of the oligarchy. Nothing so 
tyrannical had ever been experienced under the Spanish Viceroys. 

Mr. L. Level de Goda, author of Historia Contemporanea de Vene- 
zuela, 1858-1886, says of this period : 

"This system of persecutions carried to the last extreme of rigor, and ac- 
companied by great cruelties, gave splendid personal results to General A. 
Guzman Blanco : with this system of government, strictly enforced, said 
General succeeded in inspiring a grand terror, all the greater when he exer- 


cised the Dictatorship, accentuated with extraordinary faculties, granted by 
his accomplices, men who reunited under the name of Congress. Guzman 
Blanco remembered then, perhaps, or guessed these conceptions of Benjamin 
Constant: 'A regimen of terror prepares peoples to suffer the yoke, to yield 
the neck, degrading the spirit and corrupting the heart * " 

By the end of 1873 many influential men, who had been friends 
and companions of Guzman Blanco, had been humiliated and made 
victims of his pride and treachery. A strong " Anti-Guzmanista " 
party developed, and fomented several revolutions against the tyrant. 
All the revolutions, however, bloody and fierce as they were, crumbled 
to pieces before the talents and energy of this remarkable man, who, 
after his success, inaugurated a reign of terror greater and more tyran- 
nical than before. A prominent Venezuelan writer of this period 

"After the famous revolution of April came a tenacious despotism; the 
vengeances broke out again, and terror triumphed over civilization; that 
which terror failed to accomplish was done with gold, which corrupted every- 
thing; liberty startled fled with all the rights of Venezuelan citizenship, and 
since then has groaned beneath the irons of one of the worst tyrannies which 
has ever scandalized America." 

During this time, in the short space of six or seven years, Guzman 
Blanco had accumulated a fortune of millions of dollars. He had 
laid his hands on every man's property in Venezuela, and had looted 
the public treasury. With the money thus acquired he thought he 
could impress Paris, gay Paris, final haven of them all. He there- 
fore, in 1877, installed his most popular lieutenant, General Francisco 
Linares Alcantara, in the presidency, and visited Europe as Vene- 
zuela's diplomatic representative. 

General Alcantara ruled with much more moderation and regard 
for the personal rights of citizens, and became not undeservedly 
popular with the people, who thought that through him they might 
effectually be released from the tyranny of Guzman Blanco. Un- 
fortunately, General Alcantara died. A provisional government was 
formed, with Jose G. Valera at the head, and almost immediately 
General Gregorio Cedeno, President of the State of Carabobo, put 
himself at the head of an armed revolution, aided by the entire 
contingent of the Guzmanistas generals, Jefes, colonels, coman- 
dantes, etc., in the service of the government, but opposed to General 
Valera. In the space of a month anarchy reigned in all parts of Vene- 
zuela. It was an uprising of the adherents of Guzman Blanco against 
an attempt to form a constitutional government. A decisive battle 
was fought at La Victoria in which the forces of the government were 
completely routed, and General Cedeno at the head of his victorious 
troops entered Caracas, declaring that the supreme authority which 


he took he proposed to exercise until such time as Guzman Blanco 
should return. 

Blanco returned to Venezuela at once, and entered into posses- 
sion and enjoyment of all the rights, easements, emoluments, fran- 
chises, and hereditaments of the government of Venezuela, as fully 
and to the same extent as if he were the sole and exclusive owner 
thereof. His dictatorship, from 1879 to 1884, was carried on to suit 
himself. Several revolutions cropped up, but he suppressed them 
without much difficulty. To all practical intents and purposes he was, 
during this period, the entire government of Venezuela. His tyranny 
was even more stringent than ever, and his ingratitude led him to 
maltreat the very men who had so efficiently aided him in his last 
success. The prisons were filled with persons who had incurred his 
displeasure, and he disposed of the lives and property of men as 
though they were his legitimate heritage. 

Guzman Blanco 's vanity by this time had become inordinate. He 
began to plant statues of himself and tablets bearing his name over 
the country. These were inscribed: "The Illustrious American, 
Pacificator and Regenerator of Venezuela." He became ambitious 
to shine in the social life of the United States and Europe, so that in 
1884 he had a new President elected, Joaquin Crespo, a man in 
whom he could place implicit confidence. Crespo was an ignorant 
and utterly depraved brute-mixture of Indian, negro, and Spaniard, 
a man of horrible antecedents, a species of barbarian, and of such 
debauched character that it seems strange that even Guzman Blanco 
would put him into power. 

During Crespo 's rule a powerful revolution was initiated by 
Venancio Pulgar, but it was conquered. At the end of Crespo 's term 
Guzman Blanco became again President by acclamation. He was 
welcomed to Venezuela by many who had opposed him, who felt that 
anything was preferable to the barbarity of Crespo. Guzman Blanco 
arrived in Venezuela in August, 1886, and was received in the corrupt 
and dissolute capital of that commonwealth with a hysteria of acclaim 
like unto that which greeted Bolivar's triumphal entry. The town 
was decorated, military orders paraded, cannon boomed, and every 
evidence exhibited to convict the people of Venezuela of having fallen 
so low in the scale of civilization that they were proud of the corrupt, 
treacherous, vainglorious martinet who had debauched a nation with 
an odious and licentious reign of tyranny. By this time Guzman 
Blanco had become thoroughly enamoured of Paris. He had sold 
out every salable concession in Venezuela and pocketed the money, 
and had raised further millions by extortion. In 1887 he again left 
Venezuela, placing Hermogenes Lopez in the executive chair, and 
proceeded to Europe as diplomatic representative of the nation. 
General Joaquin Crespo, dissatisfied that he had not been designated 
President by Guzman Blanco, organized a revolution; but the Guz- 


manistas succeeded in overcoming it, and in June, 1888, selected, 
by medium of a so-called Congress, Dr. J. P. Rojas Paul for President, 
a result exclusively the work of Guzman Blanco. Dr. Paul was 
a man of high social position, but the people were at first suspicious 
of him. However, he gave a much better administration than his 

In November, 1888, Joaquin Crespo began a new revolution, but 
it was soon overcome, and he was made prisoner. Dr. Paul exhibited 
great generosity to the vanquished, granting them amnesty, and con- 
tinued administering the government decently and with order. At 
the end of his term Dr. Paul fell very ill, and declined to accept an- 
other period of office. Dr. Andueza Palacio was selected in his stead, 
and began his rule in March, 1890. With the advent of Andueza 
Palacio to power, the rule and influence of Guzman Blanco ended 
in Venezuela forever. Dr. Palacio openly attacked Guzman Blanco 
and his friends, and new issues and new revolutions possessed the 
public mind. Palacio, however, was compelled in a short time to 
leave the country. Anarchy rather than order existed in most parts 
of Venezuela, until Crespo with his armies fought his way into Caracas, 
took possession of the government, and instituted a worse adminis- 
tration than before. 

Properly to estimate the character of such a man as Guzman 
Blanco would be extremely difficult. He was a martinet, a tyrant, 
a libertine, a murderer with the manners of a gentleman, a scholar, 
a vain and puerile fop, a brave general, a mean and contemptible 
blackmailer, a man of keen and brilliant mind, a frivolous and vulgar 
character, the mixture of fine enthusiasm and sordid aims which 
characterizes the race from which he sprang. Admirers of Guzman 
Blanco are in the habit of extolling his alleged enterprise in pro- 
mulgating public works. Many writers of repute ascribe to him an 
activity in establishing needed public works which would be laudable 
if true. Thus a high German diplomat recently, in a magazine 
article on Caracas, spoke of its "excellent paved streets"; and Mr. 
Dawson, in his "South American Republics" (Part II, page 395), 

"Large sums were spent on public works and buildings; and the beauti- 
fication of the city of Caracas, one of the handsomest and best-built cities in 
America, dates from Guzman Blanco 's time." 

The obvious comment on this is that the German diplomat knew 
nothing whatever of street pavements, and his statement was a random 
assertion ; while Mr. Dawson had never seen Caracas, or he does not 
recognize a handsome and well-built city when he sees one. The 
streets of Caracas, with the exception of a few squares, are of cobble- 
stone pavements. The city does not possess a well-constructed build- 
ing. The more substantial of these are made mostly of mud or mortar, 


small stones or broken bricks, with a curious combination of wood and 
reeds. They are whitewashed on the outside and inside, and roofed 
with tiling. They make a showy appearance in a photograph, but 
their construction embodies the most rudimentary ideas of archi- 
tecture or masonry. 

The impression that Guzman Blanco made Caracas into a mag- 
nificent capital city is encouraged by Mr. W. E. Curtis, in his "The 
Capitals of Spanish America," where he says (page 287) : 

"It is nevertheless a fact that since Guzman Blanco has been ruler over 
this Republic, it has prospered and had peace something it never had be- 
fore. There have been varied and extensive improvements; the people have 
made rapid strides in progress; they have been given free schools and re- 
leased from the bondage of the Church; the credit of the government has 
been improved, its debts reduced, and the interest to its creditors is for the 
first time in history paid promptly, in full and in advance. The moral as well 
as the mental and commercial improvement of the people has been the re- 
sult of his acts, and as long as he lives their lives and property will be safe." 

Mr. Curtis, who was regarded as a good newspaper correspondent, 
seems to have taken Guzman Blanco seriously. Unfortunately, every 
statement made by him, as above quoted, is the reverse of the truth. 
Even a newspaper man cannot skip through South America, or any- 
where else, and get at the heart of things. Guzman Blanco did not 
establish "varied and extensive improvements." If he did, where 
are they ? He erected many monuments all over the country "to that 
illustrious American, the Pacificator and Regenerator of the United 
States of Venezuela, General Antonio Guzman Blanco," but apart 
from this, what improvements did he make ? No permanent work 
was ever attempted; the streets were not paved; no sewer system 
was installed, and Caracas to-day, which ought to be the healthiest 
city in the world, has a death rate more than double that of Chicago. 

Mr. Curtis cites other matters in favor of Guzman Blanco. He 
says (ibid, page 269) : 

"Guzman Blanco may be a tyrant, but he produced results which are 
blessing the people. Until he became President, the Church ruled the people 
as it formerly ruled in Mexico, but, like Juarez in the latter country, he went 
to radical and excessive measures to overthrow its tyranny. He confiscated 
Church property, drove out the nuns and Jesuits, seized the convents, turned 
them into hospitals and schools, and made the most venerable monastery a 
pest-house for lepers and small-pox." 

In driving out the nuns Guzman Blanco showed to what mon- 
strous depths depravity can sink and still find respectable people to 
praise it. In confiscating the property of the Church he merely illus- 
trated what a highwayman could do if he were a military Dictator. 
For my part I cannot cite the despoliation of Church property, or the 


insults and outrages committed on Church people, as a virtuous thing, 
because they were done by a military bandit, styled President. I can- 
not applaud the act of stealing other people's property, even though 
such property belonged to the Church. Neither have I much patience 
with these so-called " Liberates " in Venezuela and Colombia. A 
careful study of those countries will disclose the fact that the biggest 
rascals they have ever produced and among them is Antonio Guz- 
man Blanco called themselves Liberates. I begin to suspect that 
these men are opposed to the Church, not on any high moral or 
patriotic grounds, but rather because the Church says, "Thou shalt 
not steal," "Thou shalt not murder," "Thou shalt not commit adul- 
tery." Opposition to these commands, and a desire to appropriate 
the wealth of the Church for their own use, rather than any high- 
flown ideas of patriotism, lie, I suspect, behind the real motive of Guz- 
man Blanco and the men of his class, who are so antagonistic against 
the Church and who confiscate its property. 


Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was a unique specimen of the buc- 
caneering type of military bandit-statesman, ruler, dictator, intriguer, 
so inseparably identified with the history, past and present, of every 
Latin- American country. He was born at Jalapa, Mexico, in 1795. 
He served as a petty officer in the Spanish army until twenty-six years 
of age, when he enlisted with Iturbide, who made him Governor of 
Vera Cruz. The promotion fired Santa Anna's ambition. He at 
once started a movement against Iturbide, declaring himself in favor 
of a Republic. Iturbide finally resigned, and was later executed. In 
1828 President Pedraza gave Santa Anna another governorship, which 
he accepted and shortly after started another revolt, which aided in 
putting President Guerrero in the chair. At this period of Mexico's 
history the people seem to have had two or three different Presidents 
every year ; Santa Anna had something to do with the making or un- 
making of most of them. He headed a revolution against President 
Bustamente in 1832, defeated him, and declared himself as President. 
A number of revolutions being in progress in all parts of the country, 
he called Farias to the chair, and went out himself to subdue them. 
Then turning face he started a revolution against Farias, and had 
General Barragan elected President by the so-called Congress. 

About this time General Houston and other patriotic Texans 
started a little revolution on their own account. Texas had been 
settled by Americans who had no liking for the military half-breed 
jumping-jack government instituted in Mexico by Santa Anna and 
adventurers of his type. Santa Anna with over 6000 men attacked 
the Texans, at the Alamo, in San Antonio, before General Houston 
could come to their aid. The garrison consisted of but 140 men, com- 


manded by Colonel William B. Travis. Sixteen hundred Mexicans 
bit the dust ; but Travis and his brave garrison were killed to the last 
man. Santa Anna then captured Goliad, and 300 Texans surren- 
dered on promise from him that they should be treated honorably as 
prisoners of war. As soon as they were disarmed and at his mercy, 
he marched them out and shot them, every one. When Houston cap- 
tured Santa Anna a month later at San Jacinto, his soldiers cried for 
revenge for the massacre of Goliad ; but Houston prevented it. He 
kept Santa Anna prisoner for a year. 

When Santa Anna returned to Mexico, he set out to defend Vera 
Cruz against the attacks of a French fleet, which was defeated. Santa 
Anna had his leg shot off during the battle. Shortly after, President 
Bustamente left the capital to quell a revolution, and Santa Anna 
was appointed to act in his place. He formed a conspiracy against 
Bustamente, and became military Dictator. A report states that "in 
1842 the leg which he lost at Vera Cruz was given a military funeral 
and enshrined in a monument erected for the purpose. He attended 
the ceremonies and gravely listened while an eloquent funeral dis- 
course was pronounced over his leg. Two years later a revolution 
drove him from the capital, his statue was destroyed, his portrait 
was publicly burned, and his leg was dragged from the monument 
and kicked through the streets of the City of Mexico." 

When war opened with the United States in 1846, President Peralta 
was overthrown, and Santa Anna, who had been in exile, was recalled 
and made military Dictator. His armies were scattered to the winds 
by Generals Scott and Taylor, and at the close of the war he went to 
Jamaica, where he remained for five years. 

Another revolution in Mexico in 1853 called Santa Anna back to 
public life. It was decreed that he should be military Dictator for 
life, with power to name his successor, and the title of "Most Serene 
Highness." A year or two later, however, another revolution upset 
his plans, and he fled to Cuba. His former countrymen showed their 
gratitude to him by passing on him the sentence of death and con- 
fiscating his property, on the ground of treason. 

When the French invaded Mexico in 1864, Santa Anna was again 
ready for business. He accepted a place with the invaders, but soon 
issued a pronunciamento in favor of himself. The French banished 
him to St. Thomas. Maximilian later accepted Santa Anna's offer 
of services, and made him Marshal of the Empire. He was rewarded 
by a proclamation from Santa Anna favoring a Republic. Juarez, 
head of the republican armies, refused to have anything to do with 
Santa Anna, who was thus compelled to resort to other schemes. 

In 1866 he chartered a ship in the United States and sailed for 
Vera Cruz with quantities of printed matter and documents, alleging 
that he had been sent by Secretary Seward, and that Emperor Maxi- 
milian had promised to turn the government over to him. The com- 

VOL. 1 16 


manders of the foreign squadrons lying in the harbor escorted his ship 
six or eight leagues to sea, and ordered it not to come back. Santa 
Anna, however, sailed for another port; there he was captured and 
sentenced to death. President Juarez commuted his sentence to eight 
years' banishment on the ground that he was now a senile old man. 
Some years later he persuaded his son to begin a revolution in Mexico. 
He died at the age of eighty-one in obscurity and neglect. He had 
been Dictator of Mexico seven times, and had assisted in the seating 
or unseating of about twenty other so-called Presidents, during his 
stormy career. 

" Whosoever pays a debt, unless to escape the gallows, is an idiot." 

The above maxim has been attributed to Rafael Nunez, Dictator 
of Colombia. Whether he originated it or not it is certain he carried 
its meaning into excellent practice. During his reign an era of cor- 
ruption and pillage existed, such as even Colombia has seldom known. 
Nunez aimed to become President in 1875, but failed. In 1880, pre- 
tending to be a liberal, he succeeded. He at once entered on a career 
of despotism, brutality, and spoliation, seldom surpassed by even a 
Latin- American Dictator. He created, by an edict, a "National 
Bank" with authority to issue paper currency; and by other edicts 
he established the paper as a legal tender, and imposed heavy punish- 
ment on those who refused to accept it or exchange their gold for it. 
By this Nunez and his party made large sums. This is now the cur- 
rency in circulation in Colombia. 

In 1882 a liberal, President Laldna, was elected, but Nunez had 
control of the army and of the so-called Congress. In 1883 President 
Laldna died, and Nunez assumed dictatorial powers. A bitter revolu- 
tion broke out between the liberals and the conservatives in 1885, and 
in this struggle Nunez proved treacherous to his former friends, throw- 
ing his whole strength with the conservatives,, the Catholic Church 
party. He issued a decreta, stating that "the Constitution of 1863 
had ceased to exist," and such was indeed the fact. Dictator Nunez 
entered into a Concordat with the Vatican, recognizing the civil as 
well as the ecclesiastical authority of the Pope. The liberals were 
exceedingly bitter, and upbraided Nunez a renegade. A series of 
revolutions followed, of unparelleled atrocity, which stemmed the tide 
of progress in Colombia for half a century. 

The revolution of 1885 was led by General Reyes and General 
Velez, and was of great strength in the provinces of Panama, Boyaca, 
Magdalena, and Cundinamarca. In the early stages it gained many 
victories. But Nunez was able to raise and equip about 10,000 men, 
with which he gained several engagements in June and July, 1885, 
so that in August the revolutionary generals surrendered. Nunez 


was now absolute Dictator of Colombia, and ruled more tyrannically 
than ever. On August 6, 1886, he promulgated a new Constitution, 
abolishing the federal system of government, and making the States 
mere provinces, under the immediate control of the central authority. 
Drastic measures were also passed to punish the press for alleged 
libel or sedition, and freedom of speech was practically abolished. 
The term of the President was extended from two years to six, and 
on the following day, August 7, 1886, Nunez declared himself elected 
President for the ensuing term of six years. 

The greatest dissatisfaction spread over all parts of the country, 
and many local uprisings took place; but these were put down with 
merciless severity, and on August 7, 1892, Nunez declared himself 
elected President for six years more. The Dictator had been ailing 
for some time, so that he could not reside at Bogota on account of its 
high altitude. He ruled through a deputy at the capital, and himself 
lived at Cartagena until he died. 

Rafael Nunez was born on September 28, 1825, in Cartagena. 
He received a good education, and was a man of considerable literary 
ability. He wrote many poems, and some prose works of merit. His 
admirers heaped laudations on him. Thus the Baronesa de Wilson 
says : "In appearance Dr. Nunez was the ideal sage, thinker, philoso- 
pher. His look was profound, and searching, and it reflected the 
fountain of ideas which in that privileged cerebro had the stamp of 

The Baronessa thinks that Dr. Nunez' poetry had much of the 
extraordinary, "and from the depths of his compositions sprang ideas 
of the profound investigator, the illustrious literateur, and the pas- 
sionate idealist." "In the Colombian President, the life was in the 
cerebro, which was a fecund sanctuary, where wisdom and poetry 
continuously elaborated their rigorous conceptions." And this is 
the portrait of a man who was absolutely corrupt, treacherous, un- 
principled, and almost wholly devoid of moral conceptions ! 

Dr. Nunez, however, deserves one kind word, nobody ever 
called him the Washington of South America; and he personally 
made no pretensions to be named with Napoleon or Caesar. That 
is surely something to his credit. He died September 18, 1894. 


General Barrios was a typical Dictator of the Guzman Blanco 
type. He was not so mercenary nor so cruel as Blanco, but in his 
general characteristics, his love of display and adulation, his vanity, 
and his dramatic manner of doing things, he greatly resembled his 
Venezuelan prototype. An incident in the career of General Barrios 
will illustrate the man he was, and I give it in the language of Mr. W. 
E. Curtis, in his book, "The Spanish American Capitals": 


"On the evening of Sunday, the 28th of February, 1885, the aristocracy 
of Guatemala were gathered as usual at the National Theatre to witness the 
performance of Boccaccio by a French opera company. In the midst of the 
play one of the most exciting situations was interrupted by the appearance 
of a uniformed officer upon the stage, who motioned the performers back 
from the footlights, and read the proclamation issued by Rufino Barrios, the 
President of Guatemala, who declared himself Dictator and Supreme Com- 
mander of all Central America, and called upon the citizens of the five Re- 
publics to acknowledge his authority and take the oath of allegiance. The 
people were accustomed to earthquakes, but no terrestrial commotion ever 
created so much excitement as the eruption of this political volcano. The 
actresses and ballet-dancers fled in surprise to their dressing-rooms, while 
the audience at once organized into an impromptu mass-meeting to ratify the 
audacity of their President. 

"Few eyes were closed that night in Guatemala. Those who attempted 
to sleep were kept awake by the explosion of fireworks, the firing of cannon, 
the music of bands, and shouts of the populace, who, crazy with excitement, 
thronged the streets, and forming processions marched up and down the 
principal thoroughfares, rending the air with shouts of 'Long live Dictator 
Barrios ! ' ' Vive la Union! ' A people naturally enthusiastic, and as inflam- 
mable as powder, to whom excitement was recreation and repose distress, 
suddenly and unexpectedly confronted with the greatest sensation of their 
lives, became almost insane, and turned the town into a bedlam. Although 
every one knew that Barrios aspired to restore the old Union of the Republic, 
no one seemed to be prepared for the coup-d'etat, and the announcement fell 
with a force that made the whole country tremble. Next morning, as if by 
magic, the town seemed filled with soldiers. Where they came from or how 
they got there so suddenly, the people did not seem to comprehend. And 
when the doors of great warehouses opened to disclose large supplies of am- 
munition and arms, the public eye was distended with amazement. All these 
preparations were made so silently and secretly that the surprise was com- 
plete. But for three or four years Barrios had been preparing for this day, 
and his plans were laid with a success that challenged even his own admira- 
tion. He ordered all the soldiers in the Republic to be at Guatemala City on 
the 1st of March ; the commands were given secretly, and the captain of one 
company was not aware that another was expected. It was not done by the 
wand of a magician, as the superstitious people are given to believing, but 
was the result of a long and carefully studied plan by one who was born a 
dictator and knew how to perform the part. 

"But the commotion was even greater in the other Republics over which 
Barrios had assumed uninvited control. The same night that the official an- 
nouncement was made, telegrams were sent to the Presidents of Honduras, 
San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, calling upon them to acknowledge 
the temporary supremacy of Dictator Barrios, and to sign articles of con- 
federation which should form the Constitution of the Central American 
Union. Messengers had been sent in advance bearing printed official copies 
of the proclamation, in which the reasons for the step were set forth, and they 
were told to withhold these documents from the Presidents of the neighbor- 
ing Republics until notified by telegram to present them. 

"The President of Honduras accepted the dictatorship with great readi- 
ness, having been in close conference with Barrios on the subject previous to 


the announcement. The President of San Salvador, Dr. Zaldivar, who was 
also aware of the intentions of Barrios and was expected to fall into the plan 
as readily as President Bogran, created some surprise by asking time to con- 
sider. As far as he was personally concerned, he said, there was nothing that 
would please him more than to comply with the wishes of the Dictator, but 
he must consult the people. He promised to call the Congress together at 
once, and after due consideration they would take such action as they thought 
proper. Nicaragua boldly and emphatically refused to recognize the authority 
of Barrios, and rejected the plan of the union. Costa Rica replied in the same 
manner. Her President telegraphed Barrios that she wanted no union with 
the other Central American States, was satisfied with her own independence, 
and recognized no Dictator. Her people would protect their soil and defend 
their liberty, and would appeal to the civilized world for protection against 
any unwarranted attack upon her freedom. 

"The policy of Nicaragua was governed by the influence of a firm of 
British merchants in Leon with which President Cardenas has a pecuniary 
interest and by whom his official acts are controlled. The policy of Costa 
Rica was governed by a conservative sentiment that has always prevailed in 
that country, while the influence of Mexico was felt throughout the entire 
group of nations. As soon as the proclamation of Barrios was announced at 
the capital of the latter Republic, President Diaz ordered an army into the 
field, and telegraphed offers of assistance to Nicaragua, San Salvador, and 
Costa Rica, with threats of violence to Honduras if she yielded submission 
to Barrios. Mexico was always jealous of Guatemala. The boundary line 
between the two nations is unsettled, and a rich tract of country is in dispute. 
Feeling a natural distrust of the power below her, strengthened by consolida- 
tion with the other States, Mexico was prepared to resist the plans of Barrios 
to the last degree, and sent him a declaration of war. 

"In the mean time Barrios appealed for the approval of the United States 
and the nations of Europe. During the brief administration of President 
Garfield he visited Washington, and there received assurances of encourage- 
ment from Mr. Blaine in his plan to reorganize the Central American Con- 
federacy. Their personal interviews were followed by an extended corre- 
spondence, and no one was so fully informed of the plans of Barrios as Mr. 
Henry C. Hall, the United States Minister at Guatemala. 

"Unfortunately the cable to Europe and the United States was under the 
control of San Salvador, landing at La Libertad, the principal port of that 
Republic. Here was the greatest obstacle in the way of Barrios's success. 
All his messages to foreign governments were sent by telegraph overland to 
La Libertad for transmission by cable from that place, but none of them 
reached their destination. The comandante of the port, under orders from 
Zaldivar, seized the office and suppressed the messages. Barrios took pains 
to inform the foreign powers fully of his plans and the motives which prompted 
them, and to each he repeated the assurance that he was not inspired by per- 
sonal ambition and would accept only a temporary dictatorship. As soon 
as a constitutional convention of delegates from the several Republics could 
assemble he would retire, and permit the choice of a President of the con- 
solidated Republics by a popular election, he himself under no circumstances 
to be a candidate. But these messages were never sent. In place of them 
Zaldivar transmitted a series of despatches misrepresenting the situation, and 
appealing for protection against the tyranny of Barrios. Thus the Old World 


was not informed of the motives and intentions of the man and the situation 
of the Republics. 

"The replies of foreign nations and the comments of the press, based upon 
the falsehoods of Zaldivar, had a very depressing effect upon the people. 
They were more or less doctored before publication, and bogus bulletins were 
posted for the purpose of deceiving the people. The inhabitants of San Sal- 
vador were led to believe that naval fleets were on their way from the United 
States and Europe to prevent forcibly the consolidation of the Republics, 
that an army was on its way from Mexico overland to attack Guatemala 
on the north, and that several transports loaded with troops had left New 
Orleans for the east coast of Nicaragua and Honduras. 

"The United States Coast Survey ship Ranger, carrying four small guns, 
happening to enter at La Union, Nicaragua, engaged in its regular duties, 
was magnified into a fleet of hundreds of thousands of tons; and when the 
people of San Salvador and Nicaragua were convinced that submission to 
Barrios would require them to engage the combined forces of Europe and the 
United States, they rose in resistance and supported Zaldivar in his treachery. 

"The effect in Guatemala was similar, although not so pronounced. 
There was a reversion of feeling against the government. The moneyed men, 
who in their original enthusiasm tendered their funds to the President, with- 
drew their promises ; the common people were nervous, and lost their con- 
fidence in their hero ; while the Diplomatic Corps, representing every nation 
of importance on the globe, were in a state of panic because they received no 
instructions from home. The German and French ministers, like the minister 
from the United States, were favorable to the plans of Barrios; the Spanish 
minister was outspoken in opposition; the English and Italian ministers 
non-committal ; but none of them knew what to say or how to act in the 
absence of instructions. They telegraphed to their home governments re- 
peatedly, but could obtain no replies, and suspected that the troubles might 
be in San Salvador. Mr. Hall, the American minister, transmitted a full de- 
scription of the situation every evening, and begged for instructions, but did 
not receive a word. 

"The government at Washington had informed Mr. Hall by mail that 
its policy in relation to the plan to reunite the Republics was one of non- 
interference, but advised that the spirit of the century was contrary to the use 
of force to accomplish such an end; and acting upon this information, Mr. 
Hall had frequent and cordial conferences with the President, and received 
from him a promise that he would not invade either of the neighboring Re- 
publics with an army unless required to do so. If Guatemala was invaded 
he would retaliate, but otherwise would not cross the border. In the mean 
time the forces of Guatemala, forty thousand strong, were massed at the 
capital, the streets were full of marching soldiers, and the air was filled with 
martial music, while Zaldivar was raising an army by conscription in San 
Salvador, and money by forced loans. His government daily announced the 
arrival of so many ' volunteers ' at the capital, but the volunteering was a very 
transparent myth. A current anecdote was of a conscript officer who wrote 
to the Secretary of War from the Interior: 'I send you forty more volunteers. 
Please return me the ropes with which their hands and legs are tied, as I shall 
need to bind the quota from the next town.' 

"In the city of San Salvador many of the merchants closed their stores, 
and concealed themselves to avoid the payment of forced loans. The govern- 


ment called a junta, or meeting of the wealthy residents, each one being per- 
sonally notified by an officer that his attendance was required, and there the 
Secretary of War announced that a million dollars for the equipment of troops 
must be raised instantly. The government, he said, was assured of the aid 
of foreign powers to defeat the plans of Barrios, but until the armies and 
navies of Europe and the United States could reach the coast the Republic 
must protect itself. Each merchant and estandanado was assessed a certain 
amount, to make the total required, and was required to pay it into the treasury 
within twenty-four hours. Some responded promptly, others procrastinated, 
and a few flatly refused. The latter were thrust into jail, and the confisca- 
tion of their property threatened unless they paid. In one or two cases the 
threat was executed; but, with cold sarcasm, the day after the meeting the 
Official Gazette announced that the patriotic citizens of San Salvador had 
voluntarily come to the assistance of the government with their arms and 
means, and had tendered financial aid to the amount of one million dollars, 
the acceptance of which the President was now considering. 

"Barrios, knowing that the army of Salvador would invade Guatemala 
and commence an offensive campaign, so as to occupy the attention of the 
people, ordered a detachment of troops to the frontier, and decided to accom- 
pany them. The evening before he started there was what is called 'a grand 
funcion ' at the National Theatre. All of the military bands assembled at the 
capital a dozen or more were consolidated for the occasion, and be- 
tween the acts performed a march composed by a local musician in honor of 
the Union of Central America, and dedicated to General Barrios. A large 
screen of sheeting was elaborately painted with the inscription, 

All hail the Union of the Republic ! 

Long live the Dictator and the Generalissimo, 

J. Rufino Barrios!' 

This was attached to heavy rollers, to be dropped in front of the stage in- 
stead of the regular curtain at the end of the second act of the play, for the 
purpose of creating a sensation; and a sensation it did create an unex- 
pected and frightful one. 

"As the orchestra commenced to play the new march, the curtain was 
lowered slowly, and the audience greeted it with tremendous applause, rising 
to their feet, shouting, and waving their hats and handkerchiefs. But through 
the blunder of the stage carpenter the weights were too heavy for the cotton 
sheeting; the banner split, and the heavy rollers at the bottom fell over into 
the orchestra, severely wounding several of the musicians. As fate would 
have it, the rent was directly through the name of Barrios. The people, 
naturally superstitious, were horrified, and stood aghast at this omen of dis- 
aster. The cheering ceased instantly, and a dead silence prevailed, broken 
only by the noise of the musicians under the wreck struggling to recover their 
feet. A few of the more courageous friends of the President attempted to 
revive the applause, but met with a miserable failure. Strong men shuddered, 
women fainted, and Mrs. Barrios left the theatre, unable to control her emo- 
tion. The play was suspended ; the audience departed to discuss the omen, 
and everybody agreed that Barrios's coup-d'etat would fail. 

"The President left the city at the head of his army for the frontier of San 
Salvador, his wife accompanying him a few miles on the way. A few days 


later a small detachment of the Guatemala army, commanded by a son of 
Barrios, started out on a scouting expedition, and were attacked by an over- 
whelming force of Salvadoreans. The young captain was killed by the first 
volley, and his company was stampeded. Leaving his body on the field, they 
retreated in confusion to headquarters. When Barrios heard of the disaster, 
he leaped upon his horse, called upon his men to follow him, and started in 
pursuit of the men who had killed his son. The Salvadoreans, expecting to be 
pursued, lay in ambush, and the Dictator, while galloping down the road at 
the head of a squadron of cavalry, was picked off by a sharp-shooter and died 
instantly. His men took his body and that of his son, which was found by the 
roadside, and carried them back to camp. A courier was despatched to the 
nearest telegraph station with a message to the capital conveying the sad news. 
It was not unexpected; since the omen at the theatre, no one supposed the 
Dictator would return alive. All but himself had lost confidence, and it trans- 
pired that even he went to the front with a presentiment of disaster, for among 
his papers was found his will, written by himself a few moments before his 


Jose Manuel Balmaceda was born in 1838, and was educated 
under the influence of the clergy. He wished to become a priest ; but 
his father was prominent in politics, an adherent of President Manuel 
Montt, and through his influence the young man was appointed a 
member of a South American Congress which met at Lima in 1864 
to discuss Spain's attitude towards the Chincha Islands. This marked 
his entrance into active politics. Shortly after, he married Senorita 
Emilia Toro Herrera, of a prominent Chilian family residing in San- 
tiago. In 1870 Balmaceda, who had gained quite a reputation as an 
advanced Republican, became a member of the Chamber of Depu- 
ties, from the Department of Carelmapu. Balmaceda now became 
the leader of the Reformistas, an advanced party which on September 
26, 1875, at his instance, adopted a platform calling for the free 
exercise of the suffrage, non-interference of the military with the judi- 
ciary, and, in short, a constitutional program. In 1879 Senor Bal- 
maceda was appointed special diplomatic representative to Argentina, 
with a view to preserve the neutrality of that country in the war be- 
tween Chili and Peru-Bolivia, a mission in which he was successful. 

At the next presidential election Balmaceda was spoken of for the 
office, but he threw his influence in favor of Santa Maria, who was 
successful, and Balmaceda was given a place in the cabinet, as Minister 
of Foreign Affairs. In 1882 Senor Balmaceda became Prime Min- 
ister, owing to the resignation of Jose Francisco Vergara, the out- 
come of a cabinet crisis. 

When a young man, Balmaceda had strongly protested against 
government interference in elections; he now forgot his professions, 
and seconded Santa Maria in all the schemes of governmental fraud 
and coercion. In the congressional elections of 1885 Balmaceda 


actively, as Minister of the Interior, used all the power of the govern- 
ment to secure the return of the official candidates, and of course with 

In 1886 Balmaceda resigned his portfolio, and became a candi- 
date for the presidency. President Santa Maria had selected Bal- 
maceda as his successor, and his opponents, the conservatives, seeing 
that the election was fixed, and opposition therefore useless, withdrew 
their candidate, and refused to take any part in the affair. Balmaceda 
was, under these circumstances, declared elected, on June 25, 1886, 
and Congress ratified this on August 30. 

From the outset of his administration Balmaceda faced a hostile 
Congress, intrigues and treachery everywhere. There were dis- 
sensions in his cabinets, and one ministry after another resigned. 
Between April, 1888, and October, 1890, he had ten different cabinets. 

Balmaceda advocated many wise measures for the public welfare, 
but the legislative department opposed him at every step, until he 
realized that he must control Congress, or ultimately fall. At the 
same time he became autocratic and dictatorial in his relations with 
the other departments of the government. By the end of 1890 con- 
stitutional forms were almost entirely disregarded, and Balmaceda 
assumed practically a dictatorship. He determined to select Senor 
Claudio Vicuna as his successor in the presidency, and the latter was 
nominated on March 8, 1891, for that office. In the mean time his 
relations with all the leading authorities of Chili became more strained 
as his acts became more arbitrary. 

On January 5, 1891, Balmaceda issued a decree saying that as 
Congress had not despatched the Law of Estimates for the current 
year, and as it would be impossible to suspend the public services with- 
out endangering internal order and external security, he therefore de- 
creed that until the Law of Estimates for 1891 should be passed, that 
approved on December 31, 1889, should be in force. 


Immediately following this decree, the senior naval officer at Val- 
paraiso, Captain Jorje Montt, Vice-President of the Senate, Waldo 
Silva, and President of the Chamber of Deputies, Ramon Barros 
Suco, instituted a revolt in the navy. The vessels which immediately 
joined the movement were the Blanco Encalada, the Esmeralda, the 
O'Higgins, the Cochrane, and the Magallanes. After numerous en- 
counters with land batteries, this fleet succeeded in establishing 
blockades along practically the whole coast. A brief outline of 
this bloody war is given in our chapter on the History of Chili, in 
Part I. 

In passing we may note that the same disregard of civilized war- 
fare was shown in this revolution as in the other internecine strifes 


of Latin America. Thus Balmaceda, in August, 1891, gave orders 
that no mercy should be shown to insurgents who were captured, 
and under this order fearful atrocities were committed. On August 
19 the government troops surrounded a house at 'Lo Canas' where 
some fifty young men of the best families of Santiago were holding 
a meeting. These young men were massacred without mercy, although 
they were wholly unarmed. Only fifteen of them escaped. Bal- 
maceda's adherents alleged that they were plotting a revolution, which 
was doubtless true; but the assassination of unarmed men was not 
calculated to make Balmaceda popular, even in Chili. As the war 
progressed, Balmaceda became more bloodthirsty and cruel; prison- 
ers were flogged, or tortured to death, inconceivable outrages were 
practised upon helpless men, and a reign of terror ensued. No man's 
life was safe; pillage and devastation ruined the land; the foreign 
legations were filled with political refugees, and the cruel, vindictive, 
merciless Latin-American character asserted itself unrestrained. 


On August 29, 1891, President Balmaceda saw his army defeated 
at all points. He resigned, and turned the government over to General 
Baquedano. On the day preceding, the government troops, 9000 men, 
were overwhelmingly defeated at Palcillas, near Valparaiso and Vina 
del Mar, suffering a loss of 2000 men, while the revolutionists lost 
only 600. 

Immediately upon the resignation of Balmaceda bedlam broke 
loose in Santiago ; desperate mobs looted all the finest houses in town, 
murdering the inhabitants and destroying furniture, pictures, libra- 
ries, etc., valued at more than $5,000,000. Extreme hostility was 
shown towards the American minister, Mr. Egan, which resulted, 
six weeks later, in the cowardly murder of the unarmed sailors of the 
Baltimore in Valparaiso. 

After abdicating, Balmaceda sought refuge in the Argentine Lega- 
tion, where he remained concealed for twenty days, his family being 
in the American legation. Finally, convinced that his place of con- 
cealment could not be indefinitely kept secret, and fearing a harsh 
sentence should he fall into the hands of his enemies, he decided that 
he had "borne the whips and scorns of time " long enough. At about 
8 A. M. on September 19, 1891, Balmaceda shot himself in the right 
breast, and expired instantly. 

In his last letter, to his friends Claudio Vicuna and Julio Banados 
Espinosa, Balmaceda said : "The parliamentary system has triumphed 
on the field of battle, but this victory will not prevail. Either in- 
vestigation, convenience, or patriotism will open a reasonable way 
to reform, and the organization of a representative government, or 
fresh disturbances and painful occurrences, will happen among the 


same people who united for the revolution, and who remained united 
to assure the result, but who will end by divisions and conflict." 


Balmaceda was by no means the worst man of the type in which 
I have classified him. He was a proud, high-strung, sensitive man, 
who dreaded insult and feared ridicule. He brooded over his troubles 
until he became morose. Evidently there was some latent weakness 
in his character. Had he not given such bloody orders for the killing 
of insurgent prisoners, his name would have been fairer. While not 
a great ruler, or even a character to be imitated, he was, on the whole, 
much superior in intellectual and moral qualities to the typical mili- 
tary President of the average Latin-American country. 



DR. FRANCIA was born, probably, in Asuncion, the date of his 
birth being given by some historians as 1757 and by others as 
1761. His father, Garcia Rodriguez Francia, was a native of 
S. Paulo, in Brazil, but moved to Paraguay to take charge of a tobacco 
plantation. The son, Jose Rodriguez Gasper Francia, studied the- 
ology at Cordova de Tucuman, and later turned his attention to law 
at Asuncion. He made quite a reputation as a lawyer under the Span- 
ish regime, and when the Paraguayan declaration of independence 
was made, in 1811, Dr. Francia was appointed Secretary to the Revolu- 
tionary Junta. In this position he exercised great influence, because 
of his better education, his dominating personality, and his resource- 
fulness. The Congress, or Junta, was composed mostly of ignorant 
men who were wholly incompetent to govern, so that Dr. Francia's 
influence was all-powerful when, in 1813, they named a diumvirate 
to govern the country. This was composed of Dr. Francia and Gen- 
eral Fulgencio Yegros, the latter an ignorant soldier, but popular 
with the army. In 1814 Dr. Francia was designated as Dictator, and 
in 1816 declared perpetual and Supreme Dictator. From this date 
until his death, on September 20, 1840, he was the government of 
Paraguay, absolutely controlling with iron hand every part and func- 
tion of the administration. The record of this period is a story of 
blood, torture, cruelty, and terror, never surpassed in South America 
except by Quiroga, Rosas, and Lopez. He was superior to these 
latter men in many respects ; he did not utterly destroy and stamp 
out civilization, but he paralyzed all progress, and imbued the whole 
community with dread and terror. 

Dr. Francia heaped intolerable indignities upon the priesthood. 
He hated foreigners and was an implacable foe to the white people and 
all the better classes of his own country. His great power was based 
on the unswerving loyalty of his army of Indians, who looked upon 
him with superstitious awe and committed the most unexampled 
atrocities at his command. If he conceived the slightest dislike towards 
any person, it was equivalent to a sentence of death or of imprison- 
ment, a fate still more terrible. His appearance on the street 


was sufficient to make every one fly in terror, for he was always pre- 
ceded and followed by Indian troops, who sabred any person whom 
fancy might inspire them to kill. People were even afraid to pro- 
nounce his name, for fear some spy would place a false construction 
on the remark. He was usually referred to as "El Supremo," the 

Dr. Francia never married. He was strongly opposed to the mar- 
riage institution, but he left a brood of illegitimate offspring in utter 
abandonment. He kept no records of his office or acts. When he 
gave an order, it was always returned to him with the word "Exe- 
cuted " endorsed upon it; he would then destroy the record. He was 
a solitary, misanthropic tyrant, wholly devoid of the milk of human 
kindness. How many persons he caused to be assassinated will never 
be known ; there are authentic reports of more than forty such victims, 
but there are no official records. Thousands of persons had been 
imprisoned by his orders upon the slightest suspicion of their dis- 
loyalty to him, and after his death about seven hundred of these 
unfortunates were liberated. It is related, as showing Dr. Francia's 
relentless vindictiveness, that he quarrelled with his father, and 
they were estranged for several years. The old man on his death- 
bed wished to be reconciled to his son, and sent a message asking him 
to come. Dr. Francia returned the message with the reply that it was 
of no use, for he was busy and could not come. A second and more 
urgent message was sent to the Dictator: "Your father says he dares 
not die unless he sees his son; he fears he will never enter heaven 
unless you be reconciled." "Then let him enter hell," said Dr. 
Francia; "I will not come." 

In the latter part of Dr. Francia's life his deeds were so atrocious 
that many persons believe they can only be accounted for on the theory 
of insanity. He died in a peculiar manner. He was being treated for 
some slight indisposition, when his doctor offended him in some 
manner. Dr. Francia seized a sabre to kill the medical attendant, 
but at that instant he was taken with a fit, and soon after passed away. 
He was a strange man, morose, gloomy, cruel, austere, suspicious, 
treacherous, revengeful, murderous. He had no pity in his being. 
During his rule foreigners could not enter Paraguay without special 
permit, and once there, that was usually the last of them. There 
Were certain elements in his character, however, which appealed 
strongly to the imagination of men of a peculiar type, and there 
have not been wanting distinguished writers who have thought 
to make a kind of hero of Dr. Francia. Needless to say, these op- 
timistic opinions were expressed by men at long range, men who 
never had occasion personally to experience the venom of his curse. 
Thomas Carlyle wrote a brilliant article defending Dr. Francia, which 
was printed in the "Foreign Quarterly Review" for 1843, and re- 
printed in his "Critical and Miscellaneous Essays." Carlyle spoke 


of Francia "as a man or sovereign of iron energy and industry, of 
great and severe labor." He ended his curious essay with the follow- 
ing sympathetic utterance: "Oh, Francia, though thou hadst to exe- 
cute forty persons, I am not without some pity for thee ! " Curiously 
enough, Mr. Dawson, in his "South American Republics" (Vol. I, 
p. 191) says: "After reading all that has been written about this 
singular character, my mind inclines more to the judgment of Carlyle. 
I feel that the imagination of the great Scotchman has pierced the 
clouds which enshrouded the spirit of a great and lonely man, and 
has seen the soul of Francia as he was." 

Carlyle and Dawson have for company Captain Richard F. Burton, 
whose "Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay " (1870) is animated 
by a similar favorable opinion. My comment would be a paraphrase 

of Lincoln's recommendation of a certain politician, "Mr. is a 

very good sort of man for people who like the sort of man that Mr. 

In studying Dr. Francia, however, we are less interested in him 
personally than in the development of Paraguay under his rule. 
Summed up in a sentence, his reign was reactionary, despotic, de- 
structive to all enterprise. He did not exhibit the abandon of crimi- 
nality of Lopez ; he did not wholly obliterate and destroy civilization ; 
but he repressed it, retarded it, and rendered all progress impos- 
sible. In a single year Dr. Francia would not commit as much deviltry 
as would some of the other men treated in this chapter; but the sum 
total of his achievements is a blot on the history of the world's ad- 
vancement. The fullest account published in the English language 
of Dr. Francia's performances will be found in Charles A. Washburn's 
"History of Paraguay." 


Cipriano Castro was a cattleman of the Andes Mountains, in the 
Tachira district, prior to 1898. He figured in many episodes run- 
ning cattle from Venezuela to Colombia, or vice versa, during periods 
of revolutions. This brought him to be regarded by the local military 
rabble as a leader who was not afraid to undertake feats calling for 
daring, and who also was not afflicted with a conscience too tender. 

Castro's revolution against Andrade's government, and his en- 
trance into Caracas in virtue of a "transaction" with the faithless 
cabinet of the latter, are detailed in the official reports quoted in the 
chapter on "Presidential Elections." 

After entering Caracas and obtaining a firm hold on the army, 
Castro inaugurated a reign of extortion, terror, and vandalism, to make 
us feel hopeless and pessimistic as to the ultimate fate of these Latin- 
American countries. His outrages on Americans, English, French, 
Germans, Italians, and other foreigners finally led to the blockade 


of 1903, while powerful revolutions devastated the interior. The 
situation at this time was graphically described by Mr. Stephen Bonsai, 
in the "North American Review " (May, 1903) : 

"Many men, with whose views I am generally in agreement, have stated 
that in South America they never heard a word of praise of the Monroe Doc- 
trine, whether from native-born or immigrant. This was also my own expe- 
rience except on one occasion, and I do not care to accept the responsibility 
of suppressing either the names or the circumstances connected with the 
incident. After years of patient diplomacy, finding all their efforts to obtain 
justice and reparation for wrongs done their nationals of no avail, when I 
reached Venezuela, stern measures of coercion had been adopted by three 
of the leading World Powers. The coast was blockaded; and in the port 
towns, fifty per cent of the improvident population was already face to face 
with starvation. In Caracas, generally so rich and opulent, there was also 
suffering. The capital was not only cut off from the outside world by the 
foreign squadrons, but the rich back-country, whence provisions are drawn 
in ordinary times, was in the hands of the Revolution. The diplomatic prob- 
lem that confronted Venezuela was involved, the domestic situation was 
simply appalling. 'And where is Castro?' I asked, 'that sturdy American 
who would not bend the knee to European oppression, as the papers say.' 
Well, he was away on a 'picnic,' I learned, at La Victoria. He would spend 
a week there, in debauchery, the tongue of scandal (as I then thought) whis- 
pered. Only half believing, I followed the trail of the Dictator down to the 
orange groves on the border of the tierra caliente. There I found him guarded 
by his soldiers, surrounded by the Yellow House gang composed of debauched 
and dishonored men and outcast women, his only willing associates. It 
was a sharp transition. I had come from where thousands were starving to 
a camp where champagne was flowing like water, where the extravagant 
saturnalia continued day and night, though only a few yards away lay the 
unburied bodies of the stolid, ignorant Andinos who had died but a few 
weeks before to keep the Dictator on his throne. 

"I did not succeed in concealing, nor did I very much try to conceal, 
my astonishment at the scenes which met my eye. I had certainly thought 
to find our ally otherwise engaged. 'But why should you wonder?' said 
Castro, noting my surprise. ' Our part is played. We have picked the quar- 
rel, and now, blessed be the Monroe Doctrine, our role is finished and the 
fighting must be done by el tio Samuel. All the papers in the case I have 
given to your minister, who goes to Washington as my attorney.' 'Yes, viva 
la Doctrina Monroeyl ' exclaimed Tello Mendoza, the witty muleteer whom 
Castro has made Secretary of the Treasury. 'It spares us sleepless nights 
and gives us time for bailes.' 

"Well may they call it blessed, the Monroe Doctrine! It is better for 
them than an army with banners, because it never requires either black beans 
or straw shoes, and it is more serviceable than a squadron of battle-ships 
because it never gets out of repair." 

When the blockade of 1903 was ended by the intervention of the 
United States, it was hoped that Castro would mend his ways, but 
his record becomes blacker and blacker as the years go by. 


Men in Venezuela fear and dread Castro much as they did Dr. 
Francia in Paraguay. He has imprisoned hundreds, perhaps thou- 
sands, of men without cause, and left them to die, loaded with heavy 
irons and suffering unspeakable tortures. Although almost penniless 
when he entered Caracas in 1898, he is to-day a millionnaire, his 
wealth acquired by extortion. 

A recent writer in the "New York Herald" says: 

"Castro, convinced that he is heartily hated in Venezuela and abroad, 
has resolved on a policy of revenge on all classes, from the wealthy foreign 
merchant to the poor laborer. He has expelled from Venezuela, Americans, 
French, Germans, Italians, etc., under the slightest or most futile pretences. 
After having been helped by Mr. Bowen, the then American Minister to 
Venezuela, to stop the blockade of ports by Germany, England, and Italy, 
obtaining in time the release of his navy to prevent the almost victorious revo- 
lutionists from receiving the shipment of ammunition that would have brought 
them to the capital in triumph, he turned on the Americans with unusual 
fury. He seized the asphalt mines owned by an American company, he 
stopped and reversed the decision of the Supreme Court in behalf of an 
American claimant, Mr. Rudloff , and he changed the then existing mining 
laws because many Americans owned rich mine concessions throughout the 

"He has lately seized the Vela and Coro Railway, partly owned by Ameri- 
cans; he has unjustly expelled from the country Mr. Jaurett, editor of the 
'Venezuelan Herald,' an American commercial paper, and finally he has 
made it hard for Mr. Bowen, the American Minister, to hold his position 

"In fact, Castro has made life in Venezuela unbearable to all foreigners. 
He made a law regulating their admission into the country by asking them 
to present a passport from the Venezuela consuls, and even then refusing 
them permission to land at his whimsical will. 

"His home policy is yet worse and more tyrannical. He has ruined indus- 
tries by establishing government monopolies of sugar-cane, of rum, tobacco, 
of coal-mining, of matches, and forming private monopolies of the cattle 
business (one of the richest of the country), of the export of rubber, tonka 
beans, balata, the principal products of our rich Guayana, giving these monop- 
olies in partnership to Juan V. Gomes, Corao, Semidey, and others of his 
helpers in the gigantic work of the despoiling of the country. 

"Now, in regard to the internal affairs, things are yet worse. The Vene- 
zuelans have no country; the United States and Europe are full of those 
exiles, voluntary and forced, who can live in those countries; others, more 
unfortunate, linger and suffer in the near coasts of Curasao, Trinidad, and 
Colombia. In Venezuela the poor classes perish from want of the neces- 
saries of life ; the industries are ruined either by the monopolies or the exor- 
bitant taxes; the commerce is nearly bankrupt for lack of sales, and the 
stores have reduced the number of clerks. 

"The rich cannot live on their incomes, as the house and land tenants 
cannot pay their rents. Money is lent on mortgages and back sales at two 
and three per cent a month. Small loans on personal property are made at 


five and six per cent with brokerage. These loans are made and these mort- 
gages and back sales are taken up by Castro himself and his partners in the 
work of spoil. 

"I cannot speak, for morality's sake, of the life led by Castro and his 
fellow executioners. The reader of Roman history conversant with the Nero- 
nian vices and orgies may have an idea of the private and secret life of these 
men who have caused honorable society to close its doors and windows, to 
keep aloof from the lawless soldiery, broken loose from all family and social 

The writers above quoted might have added that General Castro 
is a man utterly without good faith ; that his most solemn contract or 
promise is not worth the paper it is written on ; that he is as vain- 
glorious as Guzman Blanco, as ignorant and brutal as Crespo, as 
venomous as Francia; that civilization is impossible under his de- 
bauched and cruel tyranny, and that notwithstanding all this, a gang 
of maudlin, fawning sycophants and disordered man -worshippers sur- 
round him with the same vile laudation which a similar coterie heaped 
upon the monster Lopez, and which in greater or less degree is dis- 
played in many other Latin-American countries. Venezuela is not 
yet so bad as Paraguay was under Lopez; but it contains all the 
diseased elements which made that reign of terror memorable. How- 
ever, we must face the fact that a decent man, with the elements at 
his command, cannot hold Venezuela in subjection and rule it. 
Unless he robbed property owners and divided up with his military 
chiefs, there would be dissatisfaction and revolution in a short time. 
Castro is a product of his time and environment. He was born and 
reared in a corrupt and semi-savage community. He is typical of his 


Most of the Latin- American rulers may be called "very bad." It 
is unnecessary to mention them by name, because it would be almost 
equivalent to calling the roll of the Dictators and Jefe Supremos of 
Central America and the northern part of South America. 

In Venezuela we have, belonging to the same class, Crespo, Falcon, 
Monagas, both father and son, Paez, and most of the rest who have 
ruled there. In San Domingo we find General Heureaux shooting 
prominent citizens because they refused to accept worthless paper 
money in exchange for their gold. Castro would not shoot men under 
such circumstances, he would merely incarcerate them in jail and 
let them lie there and rot. Nevertheless the two generals unquestion- 
ably belong to the same class. Hyppolite and practically all the rulers 
of Hayti are in the same category. Jose Maria Medina, who kept 
Honduras in an uproar for many years and was finally assassinated, 
was a stronger specimen of the same type. In Bolivia one military 
chief after another of this type has exercised power almost since the 
VOL. i 17 


date of independence. Among the more noted of these despots were 
Ballivian, Belzu, Acha, and Melgarejo. Of the latter Dawson in his 
"South American Republics" says: 

"Melgarejo frankly abandoned all pretence of governing by any sanction 
except that of brute force and terror. He kept a great army of spies, and 
the conspiracies which they reported were ruthlessly crushed by the well- 
paid ruffians who composed his army and blindly obeyed his capricious com- 
mands. One day the Dictator, drunk as was his habit, called the guard and 
ordered them to jump out of the windows in order to show a visiting for- 
eigner the superior discipline of the Bolivian soldier. Several had broken 
their arms or legs, but he did not even look to see, but continued his demon- 
stration by ordering his aide-de-camp to 'lie dead' like a poodle dog. 

"Taxes were arbitrarily levied; peaceable citizens were exiled and shot; 
around him circulated a crowd of parasitic functionaries. But in spite of 
his extravagances and cruelties Melgarejo gave some solidity and consistence 
to the governmental structure." 

People in the United States and Europe often ask how it is pos- 
sible that men of this type can become rulers of nations and hold their 
power. The answer is simple. They do it through the terror inspired 
by a brutal, savage army, which is loyal to them on the principle that 
makes savages loyal to their chiefs. If Castro should order his army 
to destroy a given town and kill every man, woman, and child in it, 
there would be no hesitation on the part of the "generates," colonels, 
and the black beetle-browed savages comprising the army. They 
would enjoy the butchery ; they would consider the execution of these 
helpless people as rare sport; the slaughter would in their opinion 
add to the glory of the Jefe Supremo. The fear of assassination 
that is the motive which inspires men to remain dumb, or give them- 
selves up to vile adulation, disgraceful alike to him who gives and him 
who receives, in the face of the Dictator and his army of desperate 



FROM 1812 to 1862 a continuous war, a war without rhyme or 
reason, without cause or pretext, raged in Argentina. The 
several provinces dissolved and recombined; there were con- 
flicts with Brazil and with Uruguay, which at times was "inde- 
pendent" and at other times considered as a portion of Brazil or 
of Argentina. 

In 1825 the provinces held a provisional Congress in Buenos Ayres, 
and selected Rivadavia as Executive. Each province was at that 
time ruled by a Caudillo, and many of these chiefs refused to rec- 
ognize the government. At this time Uruguay rebelled against 
Brazil, and the Buenos Ayres Congress declared that Uruguay was 
reunited to the confederation. This promptly produced a declaration 
of war from Brazil. Peace was patched up, on terms which the 
Argentine people did not like. They therefore overthrew Rivadavia 
and made Dorrego President. Buenos Ayres really exercised little 
authority over the country at this time. It was ruled for a short time 
by Dorrego ; the province of Santa Fe by Lopez ; Santiago by Ibarra ; 
Cordoba by Bustos, and Cuyo by Quiroga. Dorrego was overthrown 
by General Lavalle, and in trying to escape was captured and assassi- 
nated by Lavalle J s personal order. 

Civil war, or rather anarchy, now broke out in all parts of Argen- 
tina; every man's knife was against every other man's throat; scenes 
of horror and bloodshed were so common as to lead one to believe the 
whole nation had become insane. The war lasted two years, led by 
Lavalle on one side, and by Lopez, Quiroga, and Rosas on the other. 
In December, 1829, Lavalle was defeated by Rosas in conjunction 
with Lopez. 

John Manuel Rosas now became the most conspicuous figure in 
Buenos Ayres, while Quiroga occupied a scarcely less exalted position 
in the outer provinces. 

Juan Manuel de Rosas was a guacho, that is, a cow-boy. His 
parents were wealthy, and lived in Buenos Ayres. They possessed 
vast cattle ranches in Southern Argentina, and from his childhood 
Rosas had lived among the cattlemen. He was a splendid horseman, 


fearless and reckless, with a brutal disregard for human life and with 
great personal force of character and organizing ability. When he 
had reached the age of twenty-five, he was the recognized leader of 
large numbers of the semi-savage desperadoes of that part of Argen- 
tina. In 1820 the cavalry cow-boy troop of Rosas had been chiefly 
instrumental in placing General Rodriguez in power at Buenos Ayres. 

When Rosas defeated Lavalle in 1829, he became nominally the 
Dictator of Argentina; but Quiroga, no less terrible than himself, 
withstood him for a long time in Cuyo and other outlying provinces. 
Rosas, in a grasp of iron, held Buenos Ayres and the vast outlying 
districts for twenty-two years. Quiroga's grasp was on the remainder 
of the country for much of that period. The reign of terror which 
endured for this period has never been known in any other country, 
except in Paraguay under the bloody Lopez. Thousands of murders, 
betrayals, and intrigues took place; twenty-five or thirty thousand 
men were slaughtered in useless battles between themselves. The 
combatants usually fought under the black flag, and all prisoners 
taken were massacred. At Tucuman five hundred prisoners were 
murdered, after they had laid down their arms. 

Rosas maintained his authority through the terror inspired by his 
desperate guachos. He organized a secret society of assassins, called 
the Massorca, the members of which handed in lists of names for 
assassination, of those alleged to be disaffected or suspected of 
hostility to Rosas. Women, as well as men, were subject to assassina- 
tion at his will, and in all that part of the country in which he had 
authority a paralyzing fear filled the people. No man's life was safe. 
As the bloodthirstiness of Rosas increased, his exceeding vanity grew, 
until he began to believe himself to be greater than mere man. At 
his order the coins of the country were stamped with his image, under- 
neath which was printed "Eternal Rosas." Hordes of flatterers 
followed him, and newspapers lauded him as they have since praised 
Lopez, Guzman Blanco, Cipriano Castro, and the rest. Rosas 
assassinated his oldest friend, the man who had been as a father to 
him. If a man should wear a blue ribbon in Buenos Ayres, he was 
a marked man, for red was the color of the faction of Rosas, and blue 
was held to be the sign of treason. How many thousands of people 
he and his tools destroyed, of which no record was ever made, is 
impossible to guess; but there are official reports of the following 
assassinations: poisoned, 4; killed with swords, 3765; shot, 1393; 
throats cut, 722. It is also estimated that more than 23,000 men, on 
behalf of Rosas, fell in the continuous battles and skirmishes with 
Quiroga and other Jefes. 

Rosas was, like most of the other military Dictators, bitterly op- 
posed to foreigners. He committed numberless outrages against them, 
and France and Great Britain were compelled to blockade Buenos 
Ayres in 1835. Finally, all the elements opposed to Rosas made a 


great effort, under General Urquiza, who had been one of his chief 
lieutenants. Urquiza had defeated the enemies of Rosas, the Uni- 
tarians and Colorados in 1842, and been appointed Governor of 
Entre Rios. He, however, was not an insane despot, and he ruled 
his district decently, cultivating the friendship of Uruguay, Brazil, and 

The bloody Rosas came to distrust Urquiza and attempted to oust 
him. The inevitable rupture came in 1846. Thenceforth bloody 
war raged. In 1851 Brazil joined with Urquiza, and the Colorado 
faction of Uruguay came to his support. After many battles General 
Urquiza completely overthrew Rosas at Caseros, near Buenos Ayres, 
on February 3, 1852. The army of Rosas had proved treacherous. 
Of 20,000 men which he had, more than 10,000 turned against him. 
Rosas sought refuge at the British legation, was placed on an English 
man-of-war, and thus escaped. He died, March 14, 1877, on a farm 
near Southampton, England. 


Juan Facundo Quiroga was born in 1790, of poor parents, in the 
province of Rioja, Argentina. In early youth he was regarded as a 
desperado, and soon became leader of a band of robbers. With these 
robbers, or "revolutionists," which increased in number the farther 
he went, he raided cities, overthrew the local "governments," and as 
Argentina was at that time practically in a state of anarchy, he had no 
great difficulty in seizing Jujuy, Rioja, San Juan, Mendoza, Cata- 
marca, Tucuman, and other places. On February 20, 1827, the 
Argentines under Alvear defeated the Brazilians at Ituzaingo, and as 
a result of that victory a peace was declared, which was unpopular in 
Buenos Ayres and led to the overthrow of Rivadavia, an upheaval 
in which Dorrego became temporarily Dictator of Buenos Ayres, only 
to be overthrown and assassinated by Lavalle. Quiroga had estab- 
lished himself securely as Caudillo, or ruler, of Cuyo, and aided 
Juan Manuel Rosas in the revolution against Lavalle. 

Meanwhile Quiroga was practising the most inconceivable atroci- 
ties on his own account. Sarmiento says of him : 

"He did not believe in God, in any morality or virtue. He had a mag- 
netic will, and to exercise this thrilled him. He was like a hawk when the 
bush-bird comes before him. In the line of battle his soldiers trembled with 
terror, not of the enemy, but of their own chief, who strode behind them 
brandishing his lance. They fell upon the enemy merely to put something 
between their eyes and the figure of Quiroga, which haunted them like a 

Many of his acts were brutal in the extreme. It is said that he 
caused men to be assassinated merely because he fancied they had 


laughed at him. He murdered a girl whom he had promised to marry. 
At Mendoza he caused twenty-six of his own officers to be shot. He 
murdered his own son, with his own hand, in cold blood. 

In 1834 Quiroga and Rosas became bitter enemies and fought 
each other to the death. Quiroga had gone to Buenos Ayres, where 
he soon had a great following. While there, a great revolt occurred 
in Quiroga's provinces those of the North and he returned to 
settle it. But he had made an enemy of Rosas, and of every human 
being in his district, except the cut-throats in his band, most of whom 
were treacherous. He soon found himself hunted like a wild beast. 
He might possibly have escaped, had it not been for his insane frenzy, 
which seemed to make him think that he could not be killed. He 
was accompanied by Dr. Ortez, whom he desired to make President. 
A friend of Dr. Ortez warned them that a company was stationed at 
Barranca-Yacco with the intention of murdering them ; but Quiroga 
paid no heed. He drove like a madman right into the jaws of certain 
death. His driver was stabbed, and Quiroga, leaning out of the 
coach to know what was the trouble, was shot through the head, and 
his body pierced with a sword. 


In 1862 Francisco Solano Lopez declared himself elected Presi- 
dent of Paraguay. From that date until March 1, 1870, when he was 
killed, his career surpasses that of any other tyrant who has ever 
ruled in the Western hemisphere. Descriptions of these eight years of 
destruction and desolation will be found in other chapters of this 
work, a record of the practical annihilation of a nation. The reader 
interested in the details of this black period is referred to the "History 
of Paraguay" by Charles A. Washburn. It is unnecessary here to 
attempt even to describe the ferocity and malignity of Lopez. The 
bare recital of his deeds would horrify the reader. He tortured his 
own mother and murdered his brother. Innocent people were either 
tortured or assassinated in thousands to gratify his thirst for blood. 

The Hon. Charles A. Washburn, commissioner and minister 
resident of the United States at Asuncion from 1861 to 1868, thus 
pictures this tyrant: 

"In person he was short and stout. His height was about five feet four, 
and, though always inclining to corpulency, his figure in his younger days 
was very good. He dressed with great care and precision, and endeavored 
to give himself a smart and natty appearance. His hands and feet were very 
small, indicating his Indian origin. His complexion was dark, and gave 
evidence of a strong taint of Guarany blood. He was proud of his Indian 
descent, and frequently used to boast of it. As he could not pretend to be 
of pure Spanish blood, he would rather ascribe his swarthy color to a mixture 
with the Indian than the negro race. Hence he was as prone to talk of his 


Indian ancestry as ever were the descendants of Pocahontas. He also had 
many of the tastes peculiar to the savage. Before going to Europe he dressed 
grotesquely, but his costume was always expensive and elaborately finished. 
He wore enormous silver spurs, such as would have been the envy of a guacho, 
and the trappings of his horse were so completely covered with silver as almost 
to form a coat of mail. After his return from abroad he adopted a more civ- 
ilized costume, but always indulged in a gorgeous display of gold lace and 
bright buttons. He conversed with fluency and had a good command of lan- 
guage, and when in good humor his manners were courteous and agreeable. 
His eyes, when he was pleased, had a mild and amiable expression ; but when 
he was enraged the pupil seemed to dilate till it included the whole iris, and 
the eye did not appear to be that of a human being, but rather of a wild 
beast goaded to madness. He had, however, a gross animal look that was 
repulsive when his face was in repose. His forehead was narrow and his 
head small, with the rear organs largely developed. He was an inveterate 
smoker of the strongest kind of Paraguayan cigars. His face was rather flat, 
and his nose and hair indicated more of the negro than of the Indian. His 
cheeks had a fulness that extended to the jowl, giving him a sort of bulldog 
expression. In his later years he grew enormously fat, so much so that few 
would believe that a photograph of his figure was not a caricature. He was 
very irregular in his hours of eating, but when he did eat, the quantity con- 
sumed was enormous. He was a gourmand, but not an epicure. His drink- 
ing was in keeping with his eating. He always kept a large stock of foreign 
wines, liquors, and ale, but he had little discrimination in the use of them. 
. . . Though he habitually drank largely, yet he often exceeded his own 
free limits, and on such occasions he was liable to break out in the most 
furious abuse of all who were about him. He would then indulge in the 
most revolting obscenity, and would sometimes give orders for the most bar- 
barous acts. When he had recovered from such debauches, he would stay 
the execution of his orders if they had not already been enforced. ... It 
would generally be too late, the victims having already been executed. 

"Of the three most noted tyrants of South America, Francia, Rosas, and 
the second Lopez, all have been distinguished for one quality, that is, 
personal cowardice. Francia was in such perpetual fear of his life that he 
kept himself constantly surrounded by a guard, and imagined that an assas- 
sin lurked behind every bush or wall or building he passed. Rosas was a 
notorious coward. Many instances in which he showed the most craven 
fear are well known to the older residents of the Plata. But the cowardly 
nature of Lopez was so apparent, he scarcely took pains to conceal it. He 
never exposed himself to the least danger when he could possibly avoid it. 
He usually had his headquarters so far in the rear that a shot from the enemy 
could never reach him. Nevertheless, such a thing was possible, and he 
therefore had another house built close adjoining the one in which he lived, 
surrounded on all sides with walls of earth at least twenty feet thick, and 
with a roof of the same material, so thick that no shot or shell that might 
light upon it could ever penetrate deep enough to do any damage. While 
all was still along the enemy's lines, Lopez would bravely remain in the 
adjoining house; but so surely as any firing was heard in the direction of 
the enemy's nearest batteries, he would instantly saunter out in feigned care- 
lessness, trying hard to disguise his fear, and slink into his hole, and not 
show his face again outside until the firing had ceased. ... At the very 


time he was thus hid away from danger he had his correspondents for the 
Semanario around him, writing the most extravagant articles in praise of 
his valor, his sacrifices, and his generalship. The people of Paraguay could 
never pay the debt they owed him, who, while they were living in security 
and abundance, was daily leading his legions to battle." 

Colonel George Thompson, in his history of this dark period, 
draws a like picture. He writes : 

"One evening I was waiting to see Lopez, as were also several officers, 
and a sergeant of the guard entered into conversation with me. After a 
short time there was a great stir, officers going in and out of Lopez's room, 
the guard relieved, and the other officers who were waiting all arrested. One 
of Lopez's aides-de-camp came and said to me : ' His Excellency sends word 
to you to write down all the conversation you have had with the sergeant 
of the guard and bring it to-morrow morning.' I went away, not expecting 
to be able to remember a twentieth part of the silly talk of the sergeant ; but 
as things looked serious, I tried, and probably remembered it all. It filled a 
whole sheet of paper, and was all of it somewhat in this style: 'The sergeant 
asked me if Queen Victoria always wore her crown when she went out to 
walk. The sergeant asked me if I should wear the Paraguayan uniform when 
I went to England.' It was sealed and taken next morning to Lopez, about 
7 A. M. He was not up yet, but the sergeant was already shot, and all the 
soldiers of the guard had received one hundred lashes each." 

As this man continued in his career, the atrocities committed by 
him were so inhuman as to be unbelievable. He compelled the 
priests to betray the secrets of the confessional to him; he had his 
own sister dragged by brutal soldiers naked through the woods and 
left there to die. He imprisoned and tortured members of the United 
States legation, and had spies and well-paid assassins around him. 
His career, in short, has had no parallel since Nero. And yet the 
man has had his defenders among writers, diplomats, and others. 



FOR the purposes of discussion Latin-American countries may 
be divided into three groups, as follows : 

1st Group: Mexico, Peru, Argentina and Chili; 
2d Group: Costa Rica, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay; 
3d Group: Santo Domingo and Hayti, Nicaragua, Salvador, 
Guatemala, Honduras, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia. 


The material prosperity of Mexico within the past twenty-five 
years, the radical advancement which it has made along the path of 
civilization, is one of the marvels of the world. Not that Mexico is 
to-day to be compared, either in its political or social systems, with 
truly enlightened countries, or that it is in any sense of the term a 
republic, but that it has in so brief a time made such a wonderful step 
in advance of its previous condition of anarchy, revolution, and brig- 
andage, entitles it to be considered as almost unique among nations. 

The real progress of Mexico commenced with the advent of 
Porfirio Diaz as Chief Executive. He fought his way into power, just 
as preceding Presidents, and at the commencement of his reign was 
surrounded by the old elements of lawlessness and destruction which 
abound so plentifully in all Latin- American countries. 

But Diaz did not follow in the beaten tracks of other Dictators. 
A man of vast intellect, of great force of character one of the tremen- 
dous personalities of the world, he soon grasped firmly the reins of 
government, and from that day to this he has been the government of 
Mexico. He is not merely Chief Executive; his great personality, 
his unapproachable power of organization, his tremendous will power, 
his unflinching courage, his broad and enlightened statesmanship, 
have permeated, dominated, and controlled every artery and nerve 
of Mexico. He has added honesty, love of justice, and noble ambitions, 
with a sincere love of his country and people, to his other great charac- 
teristics, and he is unquestionably fairly entitled to be regarded as one 
of the world's greatest characters. In his personal character, no less 
than in those qualities which have secured him such conspicuous 
fame as a Chief Executive, Porfirio Diaz is justly entitled to the love, 
admiration, and veneration of mankind. 


With this great character not only at the head of affairs, but com- 
pletely dominating every department, as effectually as if it were his 
own private property, the history of Mexico during the only period 
in which its doings have been of the slightest importance to the 
world is in fact the personal biography of Porfirio Diaz. 

He was wise enough at the very outset of his administration to 
see that the true greatness of his country lay in the direction of 
material progress, and he has used his most strenuous endeavors not 
alone in attracting foreign capital to his country, but in affording it 
ample guarantees when once there. The influx of foreigners, particu- 
larly Americans, into Mexico during this period has been amazing, 
the great majority of them men of resolution, resources, and enter- 
prise. The statistics prepared by U. S. Consul General Barlow in the 
city of Mexico show that no less than five hundred millions of dollars 
of American capital are invested in that country at the present time. 
Most of this capital is profitably invested. The Americans in Mexico 
are generally well treated by the government, and although there are 
many things in Mexico which fall short of the high plane reached in 
our country, many mediaeval laws and customs still survive, which 
I shall duly criticise, yet, on the whole, the progress of Mexico has 
been so marvellous, and the government so admirably adapted to the 
people who inhabit the country, that usually nothing but words of 
praise will be heard from the foreigner, and a profound wish that the 
Great Ruler of Mexico may yet enjoy many years of health and 

The system of government in Mexico is different from that in any 
South American country, or perhaps any other country of the world, 
and it is worth while to note briefly the peculiar features which make 
it such a compact organization. 

The government professes to be modelled on the form of that of 
the United States, and in so far as words go to make a government, 
the pretence is made good. The national government has its execu- 
tive, legislative, and judiciary departments, and the federal union is 
composed of States, each with its governor, legislature, and courts. 
The State is divided into cantons, each with its Jefe Politico, an 
executive officer corresponding to the governor of a State, and the 
canton is subdivided into municipios, or municipalities. 

Mexico has a Constitution much the same as the United States, 
and so has each State. These Constitutions provide for the complete 
separation of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, and 
prescribe the times and manner of holding elections. Theoretically 
the elections for President, Governors, etc., should be held in Mexico in 
the same manner as they are held in the United States. 

The real government of Mexico is, and has been, Diaz ; its organ- 
ization is perfect, absolute, autocratic ; the Czar of Russia has never 
been able to exercise the same unbridled power in his domains. Every 


Jefe Politico in Mexico reports daily to the Governor of the State; 
every Governor reports fully to the city of Mexico. No boat can sail 
up a river, no movement of a body of men, however small, can occur 
without it being immediately known in the proper department of the 
central government. The Jefe Politico is at once sheriff, military 
commander, and chief of all departments in his canton. No judge 
would order a decision of any importance without consulting him. 
The Jefe Politico is, in more senses than one, a powerful man. 

The land of Mexico is divided mainly into great tracts, called 
"haciendas," usually consisting of many thousands of acres. The 
owner of this land is called a " haciendado." He is usually a Spaniard, 
and his family is a part of the country aristocracy. Each hacienda 
has its complement of peons and their families, the numbers often 
running into the hundreds. These peons own their horses and culti- 
vate farms or gardens in the hacienda, paying a small rent usually for 
the ground. They are under obligation to work for the hacienda at 
a certain wage rate, usually very small, for a certain number of days in 
the year. The relations of the peons to the hacienda are defined in 
their most general aspect by the law, but their several and particular 
duties are prescribed by the rules of the hacienda, which must always 
be approved in each individual case by the Jefe Politico. It will be 
seen that his relations, not only to the hacienda, but also to the peons, 
is very close, and that his word is all-powerful. To discuss in detail 
the peon system of Mexico is foreign to our purpose here, but it may 
be remarked in passing that the peon is by no means a slave, but, on 
the contrary, is entirely free; that the system gives him the benefit 
of the protection and help of a more intelligent man; that his direct 
responsibility to the owner of the hacienda tends to create habits of 
industry and to restrain him in the commission of crimes, although 
unfortunately drunkenness is universal rather than otherwise, for each 
hacienda has its store where liquor is sold. 

What the Jefe Politico is to his canton, the Governor is in a 
higher degree to the State. No laws are passed except such as he 
approves, no members of the legislature are elected except such as are 
satisfactory to the executive department and completely under its 
control. The judges are in no less a degree the absolute creatures of 
the executive department, and must be in perfect working harmony 
with it. Nor do the technicalities of judicial procedure interfere with 
the executive department in matters conflicting with its policy. It is 
unquestionably true that thousands of men in the past have been shot 
in Mexico by executive order, without trial and without reference to 
the law ; and it may be added, with equal candor, that in nearly every 
case they ought to have been shot. The power thus held by the 
executive, although great and dangerous in the extreme, has been 
their salvation and has seldom been abused. It is a species of the same 
power which in early days in the United States lynchers were com- 


pelled to adopt, in order to rid the country of dangerous characters, 
and which, although occasionally abused, generally was salutary. In 
recent years these occurrences have been reduced almost to a minimum, 
and it may also be said that the federal courts of Mexico are now in all 
ordinary litigation left unhampered by the executive, and the Federal 
Supreme Court is a body of really able jurists. 

Although this outline is necessarily brief and imperfect, it is suf- 
ficiently succinct to enable one to see that it is a personal following 
rather than that vital organization which really constitutes a permanent 
government. It pretends to be a republic, but it is not in any sense of 
the term, nor is there any considerable body of men in Mexico who 
have a definite or approximately correct notion as to what in fact 
constitutes a republic. 

If Mexico were a monarchy, with the definite law of succession 
which that implies, and if the people were as loyal to the reigning 
house as they are to Diaz personally, every element and condition in 
Mexico would indicate stability and permanency. But such is not 
the case. 

The vital defect of the Diaz government is that there is no method 
for selecting his successor. There are the Constitution and the laws, 
and they say that elections shall be held. The language used by them 
would convey to the people of the United States a definite idea as 
to just what should be done in order to select the next President when 
the day comes for the retirement of Diaz. But it conveys no such 
meaning to the people of Mexico. It is all right to re-elect Diaz by 
such pretended elections, for he has the army and all the machinery 
of the government with him, but will such an election suffice to seat 
the successor of Diaz ? And, if seated, will the personal organization 
of Diaz keep him there and support him? These are important 
questions difficult to answer. Reflections similar to these lead to the 
question everywhere asked, "Despues Diaz que?" "After Diaz 
what ? " It seems that the logic of the situation is, after Diaz another 
Diaz, or Uncle Sam. Anything else means grave upheavals, with a 
backward swing of the pendulum. 

Fortunately the United States is close at hand, a government 
which does not depend upon any man or any combination of men, 
but an organization as vital and self-existent as the solar system. 
Whether or not Mexico remains under exactly its present form of 
government is immaterial. Its future is reasonably secure. Foreign 
interests are now so vast in Mexico that if a bad government should 
succeed the present, precisely the same questions would arise which 
led to the Boer war, and the same result would inevitably ensue as in 
that case. 

The governments of Chili and Argentina are fully as absolute as 
that of Mexico, and resemble anything rather than republics, but they 
are not personal organizations to the same degree as is the govern- 


ment of Diaz. True, the Presidents have dictatorial powers, and the 
legislature and judicial departments are under complete subjection 
to the executive, but the strength of the latter does not consist in his 
personal following so much as in the fact that he has been put forward 
as the executive officer by the powerful clique which controls affairs. 
This clique of generals and politicians constitutes the real government 
of the country. It is the exact counterpart of the Tammany organiza- 
tion, with all its corruption and its lawless exercise of power, with 
this distinction, that Tammany owes its lease of life to the fact that it 
does control a majority of the voters, however ignorant and irresponsi- 
ble the majority of them may be, while the machines in Buenos Ayres 
and Santiago are never occupied with such trivial and unimportant 
things as elections or the will of the majority. 

It must be admitted, however, that this form of government, 
de facto, however indefensible it may be in other respects, contains 
more of the elements of stability than one which depends for its 
executive solely upon one man. So long as this clique of politicians 
and generals do not quarrel among themselves, so long as they have 
the army with them, so long as no man of extraordinary ability and 
strength appears to upset their calculations, they will maintain things 
in comparative equilibrium. 

Given the one simple element of peace, and countries so abundantly 
rich and fertile must make some progress, however bad the govern- 
ment. Although there have been many and vicious wars and revolu- 
tions among them, these disturbances have not been perennial, as in 
many other South American countries. The climate of Chili and 
Argentina is, in the main, splendid, and large numbers of foreigners 
have settled there. The presence of so many English and Germans in 
those countries, with a heavy sprinkling of Swiss and other European 
nations, unquestionably exercises a wholesome influence on all de- 
partments of the government, just as do the Americans in Mexico. 
Chili and Argentina are so far away from the United States, and the 
interests of England and Germany are so great there, while American 
interests are so small, that the ruling clique realizes that it could not 
very well appeal to the Monroe Doctrine to defend it, if it should 
seriously threaten foreign interests. There is a measure of progress 
in these countries, and the standard of civilization is becoming gradu- 
ally higher, and the path of progress, though slow and painful, is 
reasonably secure. 


" Whether we examine the Republic from the political, the social, 
or the commercial point of view, we are equally astounded by its 
blatant and obtrusive immorality. 


" The Argentine is a republic in name only ; in reality it is an 
oligarchy composed of men who make of politics a commerce. In the 
old days the sole object of the Conquistadores was to acquire wealth 
rapidly, and such remains the ideal of the Argentines of to-day. In the 
colonial days the Spanish or Creole population of the towns lived as 
functionaries and parasites, profiting by the labor of slaves and sub- 
dued Indian tribes, and their aim was wealth and never civilization. 
Hence we look in vain in the old provincial capitals for traces of past 
splendor or for monuments such as testify to the collective civic care 
of the common weal. In the provincial capitals we find the offices of 
the representatives of the authority of Spain and a Church on which 
no superfluous adornment has been wasted ; but we see no beneficent 
or educational foundations, and no evidences of unselfish social senti- 
ments. After the Declaration of Independence the intestine strife 
which for years agitated the country had rarely other than motives of 
selfish ambition, for to hold power in Spanish America has always 
signified to possess the means of rapidly acquiring wealth. 

" After the cessation of the wars of Federalists and Unitarians, and 
the formation of the actual republic, with its Constitution soi-disant on 
the model of that of the United States, the race for wealth became all 
the more furious as the development of the commercial relations of the 
country helped to create the great fortunes of the Creole estanrieros, 
or cattle-breeders. Piqued by jealousy, other Creoles threw themselves 
into politics, and became venal functionaries, the aim being always 
personal enrichment at the expense of the nation. Nowadays the 
Argentine political men, with very few notable exceptions that might 
be counted on the fingers of one hand, from the President down to the 
humblest local leader, are venal without concealment and without 
shame. They are rapacious parasities, like the Conquistadores, like 
the colonial functionaries, and like the ambitious adventurers who 
furnished the dictators and tyrants of the first half of the present 
century. Only at rare intervals does a good, patriotic man spring up 
and do something for the country, which, in the normal and iniquitous 
state of things, prospers not on account of its government, but in spite 
of it. The citizens are always crying out against their rulers, but they 
take no means to change their condition. Why do they not act instead 
of talking ? This question is natural. The answer is not easy to give 
in a few words. Briefly, we may say that the citizens do nothing, and 
can do nothing, against their parasitical rulers, because they are not 
organized and not prepared or educated for republican institutions. 
In the political struggles there are rarely questions of principles, but 
always questions of persons. President succeeds President, but the 
aim of all is equally selfish, and even if the Opposition were trans- 
formed into the Government, the whole result would be that one set 
of parasites would take the place of another. In the Argentine, 
Uruguay, Paraguay, Chili, and Peru, the political conditions are 


more or less the same ; they are ruled by presidents who are as absolute 
autocrats as the Czar of Russia, and even more so, because they are 
safe from the intrusion or influence of European criticism. The 
President of the Argentine or the President of Chili is master of the 
whole administrative organization of the country so completely that 
no legal and constitutional means can be brought to bear efficaciously 
against his personal will or caprice. He not only disposes of the armed 
force of the country, but the entire administrative personnel is his 
creature and at his devotion. Thus the manipulation of the whole 
electoral machinery is under his control, and the citizens enjoy in 
consequence a right of voting that is purely platonic. They may vote, 
it is true in many cases, as much as they please, but no account is 
taken of their suffrages. The whole apparatus of republicanism in 
these countries is a farce, and in spite of the sonorous speeches of 
after-dinner orators, they have not yet begun to enjoy even the most 
elementary political liberty." 


The governments of group two are vastly inferior to those of group 
one, yet they are not wholly and completely bad, as are those of group 
three. They are, each of them, dictatorships, of course, yet less 
vicious and corrupt, less intolerable and depraved than those of group 
three. That it would be an inestimable blessing to them and to the 
world if they were placed under the control of the United States needs 
no argument. Yet, owing to their vast extent and largely to the 
immature state of public opinion in our own country, I would recom- 
mend a provisional suzerainty over them rather than taking them 
completely under our control. It may be that in some manner the 
countries of group two will yet work out their own salvation ; it may 
be that some enlightened Dictator, like Porfirio Diaz, may arise in 
some of them to impress progress upon them, or it may be that by the 
adoption of the policy which I recommend in reference to them, 
foreign capital and immigration would become safeguarded to such 
an extent that they would flow in that direction, and, in the course of 
time, bring about substantial progress. Costa Rica for example, 
shows many signs of betterment, and is incomparably better than 
its surrounding neighbors. Uruguay and Paraguay are bad ; perhaps 
I should have classified them in group three, but we will give them 
the benefit of the doubt. Brazil is in territory a mighty empire, but in 
real progress only an infant. The northern portions are mostly popu- 
lated by Indians, with here and there a few trading-posts. The 
eastern portion contains large numbers of negroes and mixed breeds. 
The southern part of the country contains nearly all the foreigners, 
and is that portion which more nearly approaches civilization. There 
are many German colonies in this portion of the country, peaceful, 
VOL. i 18 


industrious, splendid concrete examples to the rest of the country 
of the blessings derived from industry and order. If the remainder of 
Brazil were equally highly developed, it could take high rank among 
the nations. The government of Brazil was a monarchy until 1889, 
when a revolution headed by General Fonseca overthrew Dom 
Pedro II and established a dictatorship. Each of the States of Brazil 
has its own dictator, some comparatively honest, some wholly bad, 
and so remote are many of their States and so inadequate the lines of 
communication, that the central government in Rio de Janeiro 
exercises but little supervision over affairs. 


The governments of group three are wholly bad, without any 
redeeming feature, and, so far as I can see, without a ray of hope for the 
future. They are lacking in even the most rudimentary elements 
which have been influential in raising the governments of group one, 
or even of group two, above the level of semi-barbarism. The con- 
dition of the governments of group three is fully described in the 
successive chapters of this work, with the remark that very similar 
conditions, though in a less hopeless and intolerable form, are to be 
found in all the countries of group two. 



THE dictatorship is a South American product, which, when 
viewed as a form of government, deserves either ridicule or 
contempt. If everything else in South America indicates light- 
ning changes bordering on anarchy, the military dictatorship may 
at least be considered as perennial. It has become there a perma- 
nent institution. A military dictatorship as thus understood differs 
from all other forms, or pretended forms, of government in this, that 
it more nearly approaches an ideal condition for anarchy and crime. 
There have been tyranny and oppression where there were no dicta- 
torships; but outrage in its lowest and most revolting forms is only 
possible under a dictatorship of the Latin-American type. The Czar 
is always a tyrant, if not actually, at least potentially ; but custom, the 
public sentiment of the nobility, the great restraining influence of 
foreign powers, with which he is in intimate relation, tend to act as a 
powerful restraint, even on a Czar of a vicious character. Further- 
more, he is surrounded by a great council of the nobles of the empire, 
who actually shape the destinies and policies of the government, and 
even the Czar would find himself impotent to resist the firm conviction 
of these strong and determined men. It often happens that the Czar 
himself is a kind-hearted and respectable gentleman, having a sincere 
desire for the welfare of his subjects. The civilization of China, 
mediaeval though it be, with its absolute government, affords an 
example of stability, even if at the expense of progress. The laws, 
however, are more or less uniform, the customs and institutions are 
established, and a citizen knows or can easily ascertain just what is 
expected of him under given conditions. If he complies with these 
requirements, he is secure in his life and property, and the government 
becomes a mighty engine to defend him within the limited rights 
which it grants him. A uniform law, executed impartially and surely, 
however unfounded it may be in reason for the public good, gives at 
least this benefit, that the transgressor is forewarned, and any penalty 
which may be visited upon him for its violation may be viewed in the 
same light as suffering caused by natural forces wherein no moral 
question is involved, but merely a conflict with the superior powers. 
If the law compelled one to kneel before a cap placed upon a pole, 
repugnant to all principles of liberty as such may be, the tyranny is 


less unendurable if applicable to all persons, and not employed as a 
means for personal humiliation. But the tyrant who would shoot or 
imprison a man because he failed to kneel before the cap, although 
he had had no previous notice that such act would be required of 
him, is the most intolerable of all. And to this class belong the Dicta- 
tors of South America. The specific act of kneeling to a cap may 
not have been required, but thousands of other forms and acts of 
tyranny have been practised more revolting and no less capricious. 

One of Daniel Webster's famous speeches was on the subject of 
"Restraints on Executive Power." "Mr. President," he said, in that 
speech, " the contest for ages has been to rescue Liberty from the grasp 
of executive power." But if the executive power has been a constant 
menace to liberty, even in those great nations where the ruler acquired 
his position by inheritance, and was not therefore obliged to fight his 
way into power; where he was born rich beyond his possible needs, 
with unlimited power by orderly process to acquire additional wealth 
to his heart's content, and therefore not subject to overweening 
ambition and lust of money ; where he was accustomed to the marks 
and signs of power from childhood, and hence was unlikely to become 
debauched in the dizzy maze of ostentation which, when experienced 
for the first time, is so certain to turn the head of a shallow, corrupt, 
brutal, or ignorant man ; in short, if the executive power has always 
been regarded with suspicion even in those great communities where 
powerful public sentiment and long-established customs exercise so 
great a controlling influence, then what must we say of that unbridled 
and irresponsible power which for the first time comes into the hands 
of a military dictator supported by an ignorant, licentious, and semi- 
criminal army? 

It is scarcely needful to say that a change from one dictator to 
another is nothing more or less than a change in the phases of an- 
archy. In such a country the favor of the ruling military Jefe is the 
only security, and even that is fickle ; for suspicion and intrigue, un- 
realizable illusions and extravagant pretensions, are not the atmos- 
phere in which firm and lasting friendships are cultivated. True 
friendship can be based only on mutual esteem, and no unswerving 
loyalty to party or government can be exacted from those who do not 
admire and fervently believe in the principles for which such party or 
government stands. When alliances are formed for mercenary pur- 
poses, even the parties to them must secretly despise each other ; and 
the more vociferous they are in their praises of the chief, the more 
likely are they to stab him in the back whenever it may appear advan- 
tageous to do so. 

In South America dictatorships may be divided into two types, 
of which Venezuela and Colombia respectively furnish excellent 

Venezuela is a one-man government. The military "boss" there 


is absolutely supreme. The members of the cabinet, although ostensi- 
bly government officials of a certain distinction, with definite powers 
and functions, are in fact nothing more nor less than messenger boys 
of the Boss Dictator. The simplest and most trivial thing in the 
government must have his approval, or it is not valid. It is he who 
decides upon the appointment of a janitor at a police station, and the 
signing of an international treaty ; and it may be that he will devote 
as much time and thought to one as to the other. In most cases the 
members of the cabinet, or the Presidents of the respective States, 
will not even dare to recommend a thing to the man who is called 
President, or Supreme Chief, or any other name. If a "concession" 
is being considered, the limit of the authority of these functionaries 
seems to be to inform him of how much there is in it, and he must 
decide. When business has to be done before one of these so-called 
governments, it is a question of months to procure even the slightest 
consideration. Even when the "rake-off" is large, nothing can be 
done for months, since the Dictator always has some hireling trying to 
find out if it cannot be increased. 

When an ignorant and brutal man, whose entire knowledge of the 
world is confined to a few Indian villages, and whose total experience 
has been gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his alpagartes, and, with 
his machete in hand, cuts his way into power in a few weeks, with a 
savage horde at his back who know nothing of the amenities of civ- 
ilization and care less than they know, when such a man comes 
to power, evil and evil only can result. Even if the new Dictator 
were well intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and constitutional 
forms, of commercial processes and manufacturing arts, and of the 
fundamental and necessary principles underlying all stable and free 
governments, would render a successful administration by him ex- 
tremely difficult, if not impossible. But he is surrounded by all the 
elements of vice and flattery, and he is imbued with that vain and 
absurd egotism which makes men of small calibre imagine themselves 
to be Napoleons or Caesars. Thus do petty despotisms, unrestrained 
by constitutional provisions or by anything like a virile public opinion, 
lead from absurdity to outrage and crime. 

The second form of dictatorship, as exemplified in Colombia, 
substitutes uncontrolled "ring-power" for the changing chimeras 
of one man. The "ring" is made up of military Jefes and semi- 
bandits, who "elect" one of their number President, and when he 
does not do just what they desire, or fails to divide up fairly, there is 
"un golpe de cuartel," and presto, another Constitutional President 
is elected. The tyranny of the "ring" in Colombia is greater than 
that of the single military "boss" in Venezuela, for the malevolent 
powers of one man are limited by physical causes, while that of a ring 
is great in proportion to the number of men who constitute it, and 
their tenacity in holding together for purposes of plunder. 


But whether the dictatorship is of the Venezuelan or of the Colom- 
bian type, its practical results are the same. It is the consolidation 
of legislative, judicial, and executive powers in the hands of one man, 
who exercises them in obedience to his own unrestrained will or in 
response to the demands of a clique. The result is always the same, 
anarchy, desolation, and crime; while industry, education, and 
justice are sacrificed. 

A South American dictatorship is not a government ; it is a travesty 
on government, an outrage on decency, a fungus in the garden of 
progress, a blot on the page of history. It can readily be seen that 
in such countries rights of person or property are entirely unprotected. 
The right of habeas corpus, that bulwark of American and English 
liberty, is unknown. As we have shown in the chapter on the judiciary, 
such a thing as a free and independent judiciary does not and cannot 
exist. In civilized countries the encroachments of an executive would 
be met by the fearless decisions of an incorruptible tribunal ; a man 
put in jail unjustly would be liberated by habeas corpus, and just 
damages awarded him, without any reference to the political power 
of his persecutors. But in a country where the judges are not only 
named by the military "boss," but where they must serve and obey 
his decrees whether they will or no, their only recourse being revolu- 
tion, no man can rely upon his rights. Those elementary rights which 
every civilized man is accustomed from childhood to regard as un- 
alienable are conceded to him, if at all, by such a government, as a 
great and special privilege, for which he should yield the most extrava- 
gant thanks and flattery to the chief. Every man must receive the 
simplest and most trivial concession from the public authorities in a 
spirit of servility, although he may not have obtained the tenth part 
of what simple justice would vouchsafe him. 

The blight of these dictatorships is so deep that no amount of writ- 
ing will ever cure it. It cannot be remedied from within; the vital 
organs are too far consumed. 


Every dictatorship is based upon the power of an unbridled army, 
the nucleus or heart of which is composed of criminal elements, but 
the body of which is usually made up, in war times, of raw soldiers 
obtained by the "recluta. " That the reader may form some definite 
idea of what "la recluta" means, I will describe one exactly as it 
occurred in my presence. 

I was building an asphalt refinery and some other buildings on the 
banks of the Rio Limon in Venezuela in the summer of 1901 ; also 
a railroad from that point to an asphalt deposit in the interior, a dis- 
tance of twenty-seven miles. Some 400 or 500 men were at work at 
the grounds on the bank of the river. These consisted of carpenters, 


blacksmiths, workmen, peons, etc., mostly Venezuelans, but including 
also quite a large proportion of Colombians, Cura9oans, and other 
nationalities. On the railroad, about ten to twenty kilometres from 
the Rio Limon, were about 1000 additional men, divided up into 
squads of 20 or 30, each with its foreman, cook, tent, etc. Many of 
these squads were cutting the right of way through the dense tropical 
forest ; others were throwing up the embankment or cutting through 
the hills, building bridges and culverts, cutting ties, laying track, etc. 
The tents of these men were formed into encampments covering a 
space of, say, ten kilometres along the right of way. 

One night, a little before dark, a steamboat came up the river. It 
tied up at our landing-place. In a few moments our grounds, com- 
prising about twenty acres, were surrounded by soldiers. The men 
working in the grounds were caught in a trap. They were completely 
unarmed and defenceless, while the soldiers had orders to shoot any 
one making the slightest sign of an effort to resist or escape. These 
men were driven like cattle on board the steamboat and held there all 
night. Women and children were shrieking and crying, and a scene 
of indescribable confusion prevailed. In the mean time several squads 
of soldiers had been sent out along the line of the railroad track to 
capture and bring in the laborers there. Arriving before daylight, 
while the men were asleep, small bodies of soldiers surrounded the 
tents, with their Mausers cocked ; the men were then awakened, and 
under cover of the Mausers, made to march like so many cattle down 
to the Rio Limon. Along the railroad track, however, the recluta had 
not been so successful, for hundreds of the peons had sprung from 
their hammocks and fled into the woods like startled deer. Mauser 
shots were sent after them, but, owing to the density of the forests and 
the darkness of the early hour, they usually went wide of the mark. 
One thing a fleeing peon never forgets to take, and that is his trusty 
machete. He might not have time to put on his pants or his hat, but 
the machete is never forgotten. All these machetes were the property 
of the company. They were worth about $2 apiece. In this raid 
more than a thousand machetes were stolen, either by the fleeing 
peons or by the soldiers. None of them was ever recovered, and the 
manager of the company was wise enough to know that the least said 
about it, the soonest mended. 

As misfortunes never come singly, so the poor peons fared doubly 
ill on this occasion. The only practical way in which payment could 
be made to the peons was to give their wages to their foremen, or cap- 
orals. Payment was made in this manner so that the caporal could 
settle the provision accounts of his gang of men and adjust their other 
innumerable debts, the residue being divided among the peons accord- 
ing to what was due them. The company had found by experience 
that it was impracticable to make direct settlement with the peons 
individually; so that all the peons of a gang gave the caporal full 


authority to collect and receipt for them and pay their just debts. In 
normal times this system worked well ; but on the day in question the 
caporals had all just received their money from the company, but had 
not yet had time to settle up with the individual peons of their respec- 
tive gangs. When the recluta came, every man who could do so took 
to his heels, the caporals first of all, carrying the money of the peons 
with them. As payday was only once every two weeks, the caporals 
had quite large sums with them. It is hardly necessary to add that 
many of them were never heard of again. 

The men were now herded on the boat like cattle, with nothing to 
eat or drink, for at least two days, until they should reach Maracaibo. 
Many of them attempted to escape by jumping overboard, but they 
were promptly shot. Dead bodies were washed ashore for weeks 
afterward. Once in the army these poor fellows are nothing more 
than hogs in the shute of an Armour's slaughter-house. Their food is 
obtained principally by robbing the small farmers of the country 
through which they pass. During the terrible rainy reason, oftener 
than otherwise they have no tents or covering of any kind, but sleep 
on the ground or on a few pieces of wood under a tree, soaking wet 
half of the time. Naturally their ranks are decimated by fevers, and 
the terrible scourge of dysentery thins them out worse than the battle's 
blast. These are the men who are put in the van of a battle. There 
are always a few trusty troops in the rear, so that if they start to run 
they are between two fires. Generally speaking, these recruits do not 
know what they are fighting for and do not care. They obey orders 
in the stubborn spirit of a mule ; they may resent, but they are com- 
pelled to yield without stopping to argue. The recluta takes many 
forms. A peon may start to market with his burro, when he will be 
seized by soldiers, and without one word hurried into the army. His 
provisions will be confiscated, for they are always needed, and so will 
his burro if they require it, otherwise it will be turned loose. When 
the peon fails to return home, his family will learn the facts of his im- 
pressment from some one who witnessed the affair. In tens of thou- 
sands of cases this is all that is ever known of the poor fellow, for the 
government which has seized him takes no further interest in the mat- 
ter. Whether fevers, dysentery, or the enemy's bullets lay him low, is 
never known. The wife and children weep for a time, the old mother's 
gray hair becomes whiter still, and the eternal hopelessness which en- 
velops all South America hovers a little closer over them. 

One strange thing about these reclutas, noted by every observant 
foreigner, is the fact that it is the honest, working peons, who are en- 
gaged in some occupation, who are always caught. The drunkards, 
the loafers, the gamblers, the semi-criminals, always seem to escape. 
The government always has its attention directed to any enterprise 
where men are employed, and when soldiers are needed, that is the 
first place to be raided. A saloon or a gambling hell may be filled with 


peons a street distant, but it will not be molested. It is literally true 
that all conditions in South America tend to stultify ambition to work 
or own property, and the recluta is no exception to the rule. 

Nearly all administrations in the respective South American coun- 
tries promise reform in this particular, but no promise is ever kept. 
The next monthly revolution witnesses the same reclutas and sees 
thousands of boys who can scarcely lift a Mauser forced into the 
ranks. When the "generates" meet on the field, they settle it some- 
times with the machete and Mauser, at other times one buys the other 
out. The army of the bought general serves with equal fidelity in 
the ranks of the other. And he is the greatest general who by re- 
clutas, purchased or otherwise, can get the biggest army together. 
For all that, many of their battles are sanguinary enough. "Why 
don't all these peons become outlaws when they are turned loose ? " 
I cannot say. "Why is a mule a mule?" Because it is a mule, I 

Into whatever classification the political student may divide 
governmental states, whether these be monarchies, aristocracies, 
plutocracies, hierarchies, republics, or democracies, he certainly can 
find no place for the dictatorship as seen in Latin America. The 
dictatorship there is no form of government at all ; it is a caricature 
on government, and were it represented on the stage, would be 
accounted a burlesque. 


" Mr. President, what is an individual man? An atom, almost invisible without 
a magnifying glass, a mere speck upon the surface of the immense universe ; not a sec- 
ond in time, compared to immeasurable, nevei^beginning, and never-ending eternity; 
a drop of water in the great deep, which evaporates and is borne off by the winds ; a 
grain of sand, which is soon gathered to the dust from which it sprung. Shall a 
being so small, so petty, so fleeting, so evanescent, oppose itself to the moral march of 
a great nation, which is to subsist for ages and ages to come ? " HENRY CLAY. 

EACH succeeding Dictator or Military Jefe in Latin America is 
greeted with rapturous and vociferous acclaim ; he is hailed as 
the Great Deliverer for which the world has been long waiting. 
It matters not that the same paeans have been sung a thousand times 
before ; it matters not that the vile objects of the adulation have proved 
a disgrace to the nation and humanity, nor does it matter particularly 
that the new-comer has waded through blood and pillage to his post ; 
a concourse of sycophants is always ready to receive him with flattery 
and adoration. Naturally as extravagant and ornate in speech as 
a newly rich negro is in clothing and personal decoration, the Latin- 
American is apt to describe an ordinary ball as a function which 
would fill European monarchs with amazement, or an edict by some 
half-breed chief as the mightiest bulwark of democracy on the earth. 
When it comes to painting word pictures of the immaculate and in- 
comparable hero, who has recently thrown off his alpagartes and cut 
his way to power, no other language than the Spanish, and no other 
people than a mixture of Spaniard, Indian, and Negro, would be equal 
to the task. 

For the purpose of studying this peculiar phase of Latin- American 
character I shall give here a few examples, none of them by any means 

(From EDUARDO O'BRIEN in El Combate, Caracas, December 4, 1903.) 

The last revolution, if we be permitted to qualify it as such, was a bloody 
test for Castro and his men. It was the ultimate proof to which was sub- 
mitted the work of the Restoration in the presence of the entire country, and 
from which General Castro emerged victorious, as Hercules in his battle with 
Antonio, and as Jupiter in his campaign against Cyclops. Castro vanquished 


the giants who believed themselves to be arbitrators of the Republic and pro- 
prietors of the steeds of Mars, and from the blood which flowed out of the 
arteries of the monsters were born the public liberties which will illuminate 
the pages of our history, and the military esteem which will elevate discipline 
to a practical and sacred dogma. 

New men require grand convulsions in their vicinity in order to make 
them known. The lightning, in order to illuminate the twilight, must shock 
the clouds, and it produces the thunder which terrorizes and intimidates. 
The flakes of foam which poetize the beach need the tempests of the ocean 
to raise the waves and break them upon the rocks. And great men, to com- 
mand with imperial grandeur the national conscience, need the boisterous 
deeds of arms to cover themselves with an immortal fame, and the Homeric 
triumphs which give them glory and renown. 

Aristides was thrown down by Atenos, and afterwards saved his country, 
being acclaimed as the most virtuous citizen of the Republic. 

Napoleon before Marengo, Wagram, and Austerlitz was considered as 
a simple official, obscure and humble. 

Bolivar was poorly spoken of by his countrymen, and foreigners referred 
to him as an insurgent, and his friends doubted the soundness of his judg- 
ment. Who then is surprised that General Castro was not considered as he 
really is prior to the rout of Victoria, and his resolute and patriotic attitude 
in front of the international emergency ? 

It is true that his campaign from the Andes to Caracas had a colossal suc- 
cess. But this campaign was a lightning flash, and because lightning is so 
rapid it astounds but does not convince. 

Castro has triumphed, and citizens and strangers, friends and enemies, 
everybody without distinction of politics or social hierarchy, bow before him 
as the most majestic figure and why not say it ? as the only majestic 
figure which the country possesses. 


A stranger who may at first think these eulogies fit for ridicule 
would, after he had read a hundred columns of such ecstasies, probably 
think them only mildly amusing. Here is another sample from El 
Constitutional, Caracas, August 18, 1904. 


Since the early hours of yesterday a sympathetic agitation of public en- 
thusiasm has dominated all opinions. Every one has bursted forth in ex- 
plosions of applause and in commentaries about the character and energies 
of General Castro. 

These applauses and these manifestations are condensed in a popular 
shout which may be translated thus: 


Happy the Magistrate who, interpreting the sentiment of the people deeply 
embedded in their own proper feelings, can say, with the unimpeachable au- 
thority of the high individual honor of General Castro: 



This ingenious protest of the Chief of the Country signifies subjection 
and destruction, which is a sacred cry, and whose echoes revive hope in the 
industries to a life of activity ; invigorates labor in its efficient action ; creates 
the grandest progress of the associations, and vivifies in the national spirit the 
love of peace and liberty, in the defence and protection of labor, production, 
and regeneration. 

This telegram of General Castro demonstrates the disposition of the char- 
acter of our citizenship, its love and enthusiasm for the normal in our in- 
stitutions, which represent the highest attributes of justice and equity. 

Since the national peace has been restored for the benefit of the Republic, 
there does not pass a day but what General Castro surprises and gratifies 
public opinion with measures filled with equity, and inspiration, in the august 
Empire of Labor. 

It is explained, then, perfectly, without the enthusiasm of partisan boast- 
ing, the creation of this immense popularity which lives palpitatingly in the 
sphere of the Great Chief. 

It could not be otherwise. The Venezuelan people who have been until 
yesterday the victims of the lying promises of Power, see to-day a Hero, 
victorious and acclaimed by the multitude, speaking the truth in the lan- 
guage of candor and simplicity, awaking the people from the immense 
sleep of pessimism which weighed down upon them, in order to give them 
the fruition of a flattering future in the realities of a political and social 

For this the work of the Restoration and its Conductor have experienced 
extraordinary events, which have animated the soul of the Commonwealth, 
making it vibrate in austere tones in unison and in patriotism. 

General Castro continues in this pathway, destroying the sad heritage 
of monopoly which has come to us from the tyranny of preceding regimens, 
in which the statue of the law, and the grandest energies, remained with hands 
tied at the post of secular conventionalities. 

Forward ! Grand Chief of the Restoration ! Those of us who know you 
have full conviction that you will not recede in the road you have commenced. 
Forward ! The future does not and cannot belong to those who vacillate 
in supreme decisions which they owe to the public, in the exercise of the 
supreme authority attained by them. 

Whatever may be thought of General Castro, "surprising and 
gratifying public opinion with the measures filled with equity and 
inspiration in the august Empire of Labor, " we know that he has 
practically destroyed the last vestige of industry and civilization in 


Here is a biographical sketch, quite picturesque in its narrative, 
by ANDRES MATA, in La Revista Telegrafica, Caracas, January, 



Year, 1886; location, a city of the Occident, at the foot of the mother 
Cordilleras. The afternoon fell over the mountain city, and an animated 
group of political personages conversed familiarly in the office of the Coman- 
dante of Arms. 

One of them, the Comandante, son of Caracas, accentuated the interest 
of the dialogue in terms which piqued the Andine pride. "I observe," said 
the Comandante, "that the principal regions of the country have invaded 
martially Caracas, and impressed upon the Federal Capital the most distin- 
guished of their Chieftains. All the principal regions can record one or more 
irruptions towards the capital, except the Andine provinces." 

"I will be the one that will invade it," answered arrogantly a youth 
of lustrous and pallid countenance, touching with his right hand the 
left side of his belt, in the erroneous belief that even now he carried 
the sword with which he was soon to distinguish himself in the local 

Who was that youth who expressed himself so arrogantly, leaving his 
hearers transfixed with admiration ? 

That young official, of pallid, lustrous countenance, ample forehead, deli- 
cate appearance and Napoleonic stature, aspects which might have been 
observed in conjunction after his unexpected "I will be the one to invade 
it," governed civilly for a short time his province; was elected legislator 
of the Republic; commanded armies; was never defeated in the field of 
battle; exiled himself voluntarily; fortified his spirit in exile; nourished 
his cerebro in solitude, beneficent friend of grand souls; and when our in- 
stitutions were endangered and the Republic clamored for a Savior, he passed 
the San Antonio as Csesar the Rubicon, and from combat to combat, victory 
to victory, opened with the edge of his sword the doors of Caracas, and as- 
cended with pomp the grand stairway of the Federal Capitol, escorted by a 
group of heroes, whom on the banks of the San Antonio he had rendered 
fanatical in former days by the eloquence of his inspired word and the expres- 
sive candor of a never defeated combatant. 

That young official of 1886 personified character. To-day Castro is more 
than a character or a man of reputation. To-day he is the country's glory, 
because that character has been refined in the crucible of the most complex 
obstacles, and this exalted character is ennobled and developed and logically 
fortified in the national conscience. 

It is the glory of the country, because that youth with his unexpected "I 
will be he who will invade it," has known how to fraternize in his being the 
virtue of valor with the virtue of intellectualism. It is finally a glory for the 
country because he with his own proper resources has carved his statue, and 
with his own heroic deeds raised it to its pedestal. 

Above this pedestal Justice will tell to future generations that that pallid 
youth saved our institutions, conquered the greatest of all revolutions, which 
had enveloped the country in blood, purified the political atmosphere, gave 
a mighty impulse to the upward movement of the country, raised the national 
honor to the highest apex of glory, silencing the warlike insolence of three 
powerful European nations, without soliciting the aid of any people on the 


Castro, the Savior, crossing the San Antonio as Csesar did the 
Rubicon ! Upon such stuff is the Latin-American mind fed. 


The final test of all things is the truth. If Castro were in fact a 
well-meaning or honest man, though ignorant, we might overlook the 
exaggerated praises of his personal friends. But the facts are that 
Castro is one of the most brutal, depraved, vicious, and wholly corrupt 
men that ever assumed the reins of power. The same laudatory lan- 
guage has been written, printed, and spoken thousands of times, of 
Marroquin, Nunez, Morales, Barrios, Balmeceda, Rojos, Gil y Wos, 
Reyes, Guzman Blanco, Crespo, and most of the other Latin-Ameri- 
can Dictators. 

Those who have doubted the transcendent virtue of Castro should 
read the following: 

(El Combate, July 25, 1904) 

Guzman and Castro are two parallel lines, in that no difference how long 
their extremities may be prolonged, they never meet. Guzman Blanco was 
the legitimate heir of an old servant of the country, whose name became illus- 
trious as Secretary of Bolivar and Paez, and gained laurels in the fields of 
journalism. Guzman harvested what was sown by the author of his days, 
and entered the political stage enveloped in an aureole of a popular man. 
Meanwhile Castro owed everything to himself, to his personal bravery 
and discernment, having assistants like planets, who seconded his gigantic 
work, it is true, but only as the sun has in its majestic career, shining when 
the stars are not present. 

Guzman was acclaimed by a party. Castro formed it, he made it, he 
brought it forth from nothingness, and it carried him to the Capitol. 

Guzman owed everything to the Liberals. The Liberals owe everything, 
to-day, to Castro. 

When Guzman Blanco gave a sumptuous ball, the rabble whistled at the 
doors of his house. Meanwhile they carry Castro with enthusiasm from his 
home in order to decorate it with unheard-of munificence and splendid 

Guzman arrived in power, crossing an immense field of cadavers. Castro 
ascended the grand stairway of the Yellow House beneath triumphal arches, 
the testimony of his former enemies. 

The day following Guzman's taking of Caracas by fire and blood, there 
were in the rotunda eight hundred prisoners of war. And twenty-four hours 
after the flaunting of the banner of Castro from the Capitol, there were put 
in liberty the same prisoners, which political convenience and the spirit of 
conservativeness would have demanded to keep well guarded. 

Guzman gave commands to fight, but he did no fighting. Castro com- 
manded and fought with the sword and Mauser. 


Guzman disembarked in Curamichate with vast quantities of munitions 
and arrived in the environs of Caracas with six thousand men. Castro in- 
vaded the territory of Tachira with seventy-four friends, badly armed, and 
when he gave the immortal battle of Tocuyito, he had scarcely three thousand 

Guzman bought men in order to overcome the revolutions. Castro casti- 
gates traitors so that they may not sell men. 

The Hero of April divided the Fatherland among buccaneers in order to 
sell it afterwards at auction to the foreigners. And Castro gathers with pious 
hands the bonds of the Fatherland, so that the foreign creditors may not soil 
even one of them. 

Guzman descended on occasion between burlesque and infamy, after 
having erected statues to glorify his life. Meanwhile Castro ascends to the 
zenith amid applause and joyous acclaims, throwing down the idols of flesh 
so that to-morrow they cannot make out of them idols of bronze. 

Guzman and Castro ! 

Castro and Guzman ! 

Parallel lines which will not encounter each other never ! 

(El Constitutional, Caracas, December 28, 1904) 

We all know General Castro will arrive wherever his duties lead him, 
because he has conscientious regard for his obligations before the Country 
and the Cause. 

He has triumphed until to-day, and he will triumph to-morrow also. 
There exists in his disposition such wisdom of doctrine, proposals so noble 
for good and the well-being of all, that the efficiency of these dispositions is 
the voice of permanent hope, which conducts us forward victoriously. This 
attitude creates in those who surround him, not only persevering faith and 
enthusiasm, but the stimulus which agitates groups of individuals to the 
compliance of duty and of obligations. . . . No one, then, is called to equi- 
vocation, nor venal deception, nor temporizing, with the Great Chief, in his 
pathway, which is already perfectly outlined. 

Castro commands: then nothing which is not of Honor can hope his 
favorable decisions, which are inspired always in the Saintly Cause of Justice, 
and shielded by the Sacred Emblem which Right has consecrated in all its 

With the vision directed to the Capitol, and the thought to the destinies 
of Venezuela in the future, nothing will carry him in a wrong direction. . . . 

Faith and Forward ! 

The Great Chief has already fixed the direction for the triumphal march 
of future progress. 


Upon congratulating you upon the transcendental act in the life of Democ- 
racy, it gives me extreme pleasure to signify to you that the people of Carabobo 
abound also in the same patriotic proposals, . . . because the designation 


of General Castro to preside over the destinies of Venezuela is a universal 
aspiration of the Republic. 

The people of Bermudez proclaim unanimously, in the form of a plebis- 
cite, your magical name, which synthesizes peace, order, and grandeur of 
the country. ... It is the most eloquent proof that the Liberal Restoration 
continues to go by tranquil waters to the realization of its grand ideals." 

CUMANA, September 26, 1904. 

With indescribable enthusiasm, presage of greater glories for the country, 
the people of Penalves have pronounced in favor of the candidacy of the 
Savior of the National Honor, the Illustrious General Cipriano Castro. . . . 
For this manifestation of justice and admiration towards the grand virtues 
of our Invincible Chief, we have the patriotic satisfaction to present to you, 
Gallant King of Arms of the triumphs of the Cause of Restoration, our most 
sincere congratulations. 

Signed by a Committee, 

September 26, 1904. 

(El Ciudadano, Maracaibo, August, 1904) 

Castro burned the black flag of the disturbances on the pyre raised by 
victory. . . . There is a heroism of the battlefield and a heroism of the 
Cabinet: Castro possesses both. Here is the supreme will which the Re- 
public needs ! He does not belong to the class of military braves who become 
enervated beneath the dome of the royal palace, and are guilty of weakness 
before the indifference of vulgar illusions. He did not come to seat himself 
as a blind man in the Supreme Chair in order to serve the pusillanimous 
factions, fluttering with pride, and threatening; he did not come to submit 
to halfway methods, but to subdue, to direct, to determine their location and 
direct them along the path of order and regeneration. To this aspiration 
of spirit we owe the resurrection of confidence which has extended far be- 
yond the horizon of the Commonwealth; to it we owe the luminous flashes 
of hope, which, as a happy augury, spring forth beneath the ashes of the 

Destiny charged him to give a deadly blow to chronic anarchy, dishonor- 
ing the revolutionary tumults, burning with dark ambitions. Anarchy dis- 
honored cannot raise its face for shame. Castro has conquered the spirit of 
disorder, and is therefore the Founder of Peace. This title expresses his de- 
cisive influence in the life of the Republic. The Great Chief can accept it. 
Simple in form, it does not wound the modesty, nor provoke the laughter 
of the envious. . . . 

The Roman soldiers, in the apogee of the Republic, saluted their victo- 
rious generals with the title of Imperial Majesty, inclining before them the 
golden eagles of the ensigns of the legions. . . . 

Castro is Castro . . . and the Honorable Title, Founder of Peace, is 
simply a translation of a fact, the formula of a Herculean enterprise, the syn- 
thesis of the work of a man who, dominating his epoch, has been able to 


establish himself solid as the eternal bronze, strangling the fabulous monster 
of Venezuela with "the hands of his energy." 
Founder of Peace ! Conqueror of Anarchy ! 


It would seem as if this peerless, immaculate, " invicto " Jefe 
Supremo is to be seen in his most sacred light when he is destroying 
monopoly, by which is meant the few foreign enterprises which are 
left in Venezuela ; while at the same time he is granting concessions 
to his generals for speculative purposes only, monopolizing every 
department of industry, and utterly destroying everything in the 
nature of free enterprise, thereby throwing out of employment practi- 
cally all laborers in his own country, and reducing them to a condi- 
tion of poverty worse than any system of peonage or serfdom ever 
witnessed in any other country. And yet his satellites have pro- 
claimed his crimes as virtues, and attempted to justify his gigantic 
system for the levy of blackmail as a patriotic policy. The following 
is one of numerous similar examples : 

(Don Timoteo, Valencia, August, 1904) 

The voice of the Chief of the Nation has been heard in solemn occasion, 
as he treats of nothing less than the welfare of the public, for which General 
Castro has always had an abundance of sympathy. Those who oppress the 
people, those who try to infringe their sacred rights, those who squeeze out 
the blood of the people by means of shameless monopolies, cannot be friends 
of General Castro, nor good co-workers in his administration, because the 
most anxious solicitude, like a torrent, of General Castro, is to correspond 
to the love which the people profess for him; and his administration is one 
of public liberty, of absolute guarantees, and of veneration for the laws which 
rule the Republic. The most glorious pedestal of the Restoration, which the 
blind, the vainglorious, and the evil-intentioned have not cared to compre- 
hend, is that which is founded in respect for alien property, and in the guaran- 
tees of industry which can only prosper under the protection of a government 
equitable and truly liberal. 

These monopolies, . . . these whose vehement desire had been to de- 
spoil the people, contravening in this manner the luminous program of the 
Revolution of the Restoration, these have no applause for the Chief of 
the Country in the present moments ; but the people, highly gratified, acclaim 
the Magistrate, enemy of the monopolies. 

Nothing is so gratifying as the applause and blessings of the people. 


These extracts are but a few examples selected at random from 
the press of Venezuela. They indicate very inadequately the low 

VOL. I 19 


stage of public morality to which Latin- America has sunk. The very 
atmosphere surrounding the Dictators is filled with debauchery and 
indecency. An ignorant man, of a naturally unstable mental equi- 
librium, arrives at the capital at the head of a victorious army, or in 
virtue of a bargain with the faithless cabinet of the previous Dictator ; 
such a man suddenly finds himself surrounded with all the parapher- 
nalia of corruption and the polluted but enticing blandishments of 
the unscrupulous or the fanatical is it any wonder that he loses his 
head and becomes a leader of a rabble of madmen ? 

Day after day, in unending phrase, streams of such vile adulation 
are poured out by the press, in the public circles, in the Capitol and 
the halls of the government. Thousands of newspaper columns are 
filled with this kind of rubbish ; so that wherever one travels there is 
no escaping the sight and sound of fawning and maudlin man-worship. 

What at first was laughed at as a joke, and later tolerated as a 
national idiosyncrasy, finally becomes an intolerable nuisance, more 
disgusting than the stenches which arise from the sewage flowing in 
the streets, or the carrions disporting themselves in the garbage boxes 
on the sidewalks. Any man may be gratified by judicious commenda- 
tion of friends, and insensibility to praise or blame is by no means a 
distinguishing mark of an exalted character. But commendation and 
condemnation alike must be submitted to the canons of truth, and be 
within the bounds of reason. There is neither sense nor decency in 
the incoherent laudation which greets the oncoming of a Latin-Ameri- 
can Dictator whose star is just then in the ascendant. Men who have 
the appearance of rational human beings, with some education and 
dignity of character, disgracefully debase themselves before the new 
"hero"; others follow suit, and the new arrival soon believes him- 
self to be a Napoleon, a Caesar, and an Alexander all in one. 

No American can understand this mercurial, volatile, hysterical, 
vociferous, erratic, unconstrained temperament; extreme in every- 
thing, in politeness, in cruelty, in revenge ; almost totally devoid 
of stability, solidity, or rationality ; in fine, that strange commingling 
of excitability, hospitality, superstition, absurdity, impracticability, 
subserviency, which is at all times ready, in the better as well as the 
lower classes, to greet each successive vagabond military chief as the 
Savior of Society. 


The greater the tyrant in Latin America, the more the people 
praise him to his face. This fulsome flattery is as difficult to ana- 
lyze as it is disgusting. At times the adultation is sincere; at other 
times it is hypocritical, designed to curry favor with the Dictator; 
and still again, it is the result of torture, the child of fear, written or 
spoken to relieve one's self of present dangers or future torments. 


To the latter class probably belongs the eulogy pronounced upon 
Lopez by Father Fidel Maiz, a priest who fell under the displeasure 
of the tyrant and was imprisoned. To reinstate himself with Lopez 
and reduce the tortures practised upon him, he wrote a letter at Paso 
Pucu, on November 17, 1866, confessing the commission of grave 
crimes, although as to the nature of those crimes the letter is very 
vague, because, in fact, the priest had done nothing wrong. 1 This 
letter was very grateful to Lopez. It was in part as follows : 

Who could bring me forth from such a deplorable state ? How could a 
stop be put to those indefinable aspirations of my heart, and cut short my 
wild chase after the madness of the age ? None but the very God of Heaven, 
none but Francisco Solano Lopez, who occupies His place upon earth. . . . 
Only He was able to call to me with his Sovereign voice, as to another Lazarus : 
Come forth ! . . . only he (Lopez) has known how not to break the bruised 
reed and not to quench the smoking flax : . . . only He has been able, fin- 
ally, to convert me from the error of my way, to save my soul from death, 
and cover the multitude of my transgressions. 

Wlfo but a Francisco Solano Lopez, full of mildness and suavity, and 
employing with the most surprising skill all the resources of the most intimate 
knowledge of the human heart, of the most consummate knowledge in 
all branches of science, whether religious and moral, historic and social, 
philosophical and juridical, canonical and civil, sacred and profane, 
could cause that where sin abounded grace should much more abound, that 
as sin reigned to death, so also may grace reign through justice to eternal 

O the grace ! the ineffable grace of my pardon and liberation ! How can 
I esteem it, or even admire it sufficiently? . . . There are no examples in 
history, there are no images in nature, there are no colors in art, there are 
no figures nor flowers in rhetoric, adequate to describe and appreciate this 
most singular grace as it really is, and its reality can only be believed by con- 
sidering the amazing magnanimity of soul, and the actions, all of them so 
rarely and wonderfully glorious and noble, of him who has granted that 
pardon. . . . Let us pray continually that his precious and never-to-be- 
replaced existence may be spared for ages and cycles of ages. Let his im- 
mortal name resound unceasingly from our lips ; let his glorious image abide 
forever at the bottom of our hearts; let his august Person be the entire ob- 
ject of our contemplations; let us think in Him, think with Him, think by 
Him, let us not sleep, let us not wake, but under the sweet and vivifying in- 
fluence and under the beneficent and refreshing shade of Francisco Solano 
Lopez, who is so justly the glory, the honor, and the joy of his country, 
its only and entire hope. 

Full of gratitude, of respect and love, let us venerate, applaud, and exalt 
this prodigiously Divine Being, this Guardian Angel, this Anointed of our 
people whom the Lord has given us in pledge of his divine paternal protection, 
and of that adorable Supreme Providence which watches ever for the pres- 
ervation of innocent and inoffensive nations like Paraguay, to insure their 
happiness. . . . 

1 See Washburn's History of Paraguay, vol. ii. pp. 61-62. 


Saint Bernard used to say he had no pleasure in reading or in conversa- 
tion unless the name of Jesus were perpetually used ; that Jesus is honey in 
the mouth, melody in the ear, and joy in the heart. I do not hesitate to say 
as much, for my own part, concerning him who holds His place among our 

Ah ! Francisco Solano Lopez is for me more than for any other Paraguayan 
a true Father and Savior; and for the same reason his is also for me very 
especially the only object of the new affections of my converted heart. May 
He deign to look ever propitiously upon his prodigal son prostrate at his 

ENCAMPMENT OP PASO Pucu, November 17, 1866. 

What madness could have seized the priest that he should have 
thus indited such a blasphemous laudation of one of the most inhu- 
man monsters of history ? That it was not wholly the exhalation of 
fear is seen in the fact that after writing this letter, and continuing 
in his attitude of indecent sycophancy, Padre Maiz became the 
favorite of Lopez, and supplanted Bishop Palacios, the represent- 
ative of the Pope in Paraguay, who was soon afterwards taken out 
and shot, utterly without cause, by orders of Lopez. Padre Maiz 
continued to be Lopez' spiritual adviser, and remained with him to 
the end, being taken prisoner when Lopez was slain, in the battle 
which ended the war. 




TO speak of Spanish-American elections is like talking of snakes 
in Ireland there are none. There is this difference, how- 
ever: in Ireland there is tradition to the effect that snakes 
did at one time exist there, but that they were banished by Saint 
Patrick ; in Spanish America there never has been anything resem- 
bling an election. It is true they speak and write there of elections ; 
the newspapers print reports of them in Mexico or Colombia or 
Argentina; and it is probable that ninety-five Americans out of a 
hundred suppose that they have elections in those countries similar 
to those they have at home or in England. The United States gov- 
ernment, however, is better informed ; and every American consul or 
minister in Spanish America realizes that an election is a ridiculous 
farce and pretence. These authorities, however, have never taken 
the trouble to lay the facts before the American people. 


It is difficult to say whether the authorities of Mexico are them- 
selves ignorant of the meaning of the word "election," or whether 
they go through their quadrennial farce with the intention of deceiv- 
ing the masses of the people, who have no more knowledge of the 
Australian ballot system than they have of the precession of the equi- 
noxes. Certain it is that occasionally a pretended election is held in 
which the candidates desired by Diaz are unanimously elected, and 
just as certain is it that the "elected" candidates are the only ones 

Elections are held in the following manner: The judges of elec- 
tion, designated by the Jefe Politico, sit, on election day, out in the 
plaza, or in some other public place, with a big show of books, papers, 
pens, ink, etc. As the citizens pass along, these judges ask them for 
whom they wish to vote. A man who votes for the government can- 
didate is certain to get his vote counted, and a man who is foolish 
enough to oppose the government candidate will have no attention 
paid to his vote. If he becomes obstreperous, he will be locked up 
in jail. No serious indiscretion on his part would be tolerated, and 


the time is not remote when he would have been shot as an enemy 
of his country for such an offence. It is needless to say there is no 
campaigning, speech-making, or any of the red-fire accessories which 
render a political contest so picturesque in the United States ; in fact, 
the elections pass off without one person in fifty knowing that there 
was even a pretence of such a thing going on. Just what the object 
is for holding these "elections, " I have never fully understood, unless 
it be a desire to comply with the letter of the Constitution. At the 
same time I would add that had the elections been conducted to really 
express the choice of the voters, Porfirio Diaz would have been over- 
whelmingly elected every time. He is looked upon by the people of 
all classes in Mexico with a respect and veneration seldom accorded 
a ruler. Truth also requires me to add my opinion that at no time 
within the past twenty-five years could an active, open candidate for 
the presidency against Diaz have lived in Mexico for six months with- 
out being either imprisoned or banished. 


Elections in Argentina are thus described by Frank G. Carpenter, 
in his work on South America: 

" During my stay in Argentina a new President was elected. General 
Julio A. Roca, the Ulysses S. Grant of the Argentine Republic, was again 
chosen as the head of the government. His election did not mean that he 
was the choice of a majority of the Argentines, but merely that he was the 
strongest man in the small coterie that governs the country. South American 
elections are not like those of the United States ; each nation is only nominally 
a Republic, and the people have only a nominal right to vote. A few persons 
in each country really control everything political, and the ballot boxes are 
stuffed to suit their designs and conspiracies. In Buenos Ayres the elections 
are held on Sundays in the porches of the churches. Outside the church 
doors are tables, around which sit several seedy-looking men, the receivers 
of the election. The ballots are of paper, and are dropped through slits in 
the boxes. Many voters hand their ballots to the receivers and ask them to 
vote for them. One man often repeats his votes, giving another name at each 
repetition. The receivers recognize the fraud, and are a party to it; at least 
they do not object. The better class of the people realize the impossibility 
of a fair election, and refrain from voting. As an instance of how things are 
done, take the last election for Senator in Buenos Ayres. The city has a 
population of 800,000. At the election there were only 2000 votes cast, whereas 
reckoning one vote to each family of five, there must have been 160,000 pos- 
sible votes. The election lists are scanned by the candidates beforehand, and 
added to or taken from as desired. . . . This corruption in politics extends 
to every part of the Republic." 


Elections in Chili, like those in Mexico and Argentina, are simply 
humbug. A pretended party division exists of Conservadores and 


Liberates; but the real power in Chili rests in the hands of about 
two hundred families. The really active members of this political 
ring are very much fewer, and it is this ring which decides who shall 
be President. The people have nothing to say about it; indeed, the 
only way in which they could obtain the right to vote and have their 
votes counted would be through a revolution. Even this method 
would prove of little avail, since the masses are not competent to 
vote, had they the right. 

Notwithstanding these undoubted facts, writers on Latin America 
continue to assert that genuine elections and republics exist there. 
These statements are made so often, and by men of such high stand- 
ing, that they are apt to pass unquestioned by people who do not 
know the facts. Marrion Wilcox, in the "North American Review" 
(June, 1903), quotes Senor Calderon, the Peruvian minister, who 
states that "the majority of the Republics of South America live in 
peace"; and as for his own country, he was able to say that "revo- 
lutions belong to the past," that "order is an accomplished fact, the 
Presidents being legally elected, and succeeding each other with the 
regularity ordained by the Constitution." 

That most of the South American countries live in peace is, I 
fear, too good to be true. But when Senor Calderon speaks of elec- 
tions, it is evident he has no conception of the meaning of the word 
as understood in the United States. 

On this point I shall quote again from Frank G. Carpenter, one 
of the keenest and most trustworthy observers, whose book, published 
in 1901, was written after more than a year's constant travel and study 
in nearly every Spanish- American country: 

"It was in company with the secretary of the American legation that I 
called upon Nicolas de Pierola, the President of Peru. His Excellency had 
appointed two p. M. for my audience, and at that hour we entered the long one- 
story building which forms the White House and the government offices of 
the Republic. Soldiers in uniforms of white duck were at the door, and as we 
passed in we went by a company of infantry ready for immediate action in 
case of revolution. Additional rifles stood along the walls in racks, and we 
seemed to be in a fortress rather than in the capitol building of a country sup- 
posed to be ruled by the people. Peru is a land of revolutions. Its present 
Executive is a revolutionist, who gained his position after months of hard 
fighting. In the houses and churches of Lima you may still see the holes 
where the cannon balls of his soldiers went crashing through. He besieged 
the city, and for days his army fought with that of the former President in 
the heart of Lima. They had Gatling guns trained upon one another, and 
swept the streets with them. The dead were carried out each morning by 
the cartload, and there were so many dead horses that they could not be 
buried, but were sprinkled with coal tar and burned. The end of the revolu- 
tion was the deposition of the old President Caceres, and the election of the 
present Executive. President Pierola's career is a typical one. It illustrates 
the ups and downs of South American politics, and shows us how Republics 


are managed below the Caribbean Sea. Nicolas de Pierola is the son of a 
Peruvian scientist, his father having been a co-worker with Alexander von 
Humboldt, Sir Humphry Davy, and Von Tschudi, the noted Austrian philoso- 
pher and traveller. Pierola was born in Southern Peru. He was educated in 
Paris, where he married the granddaughter of Iturbide, the unfortunate Em- 
peror of Mexico. On returning to Peru at the end of his school days, he 
began his life work as editor, supporting the President. A revolution over- 
turned the administration, and Pierola was banished. This revolution was 
succeeded by another, with one of Pierola's friends at its head, and the young 
man was brought back to the capital, and made Secretary of the Treasury, 
He had hardly received his seal before the President who had been last driven 
out appeared before Lima with another army, and again Pierola and the exe- 
cutive he had been supporting had to leave. Then the war with Chili came 
on, and Pierola was called back to be one of the generals in the Peruvian 
army. His soldiers were defeated, but, the President having fled the country, 
he became Dictator. After a short time, however, the Chilians conquered, 
and deposed Pierola. He was ordered to leave the country, and fled to France. 
Later on Caceres, who had been elected President, became very unpopular, 
and Pierola returned to raise a revolution against him. Caceres accused him 
of treason ; he concealed some guns on Pierola's estate, and based his charge 
on their discovery by the soldiers sent to find them. Pierola was arrested, 
brought to Lima, and confined in the palace. One day a French lady called to 
see him. She was admitted, and the two were left alone awhile in Pierola's 
cell. During this time they had changed clothes, and an hour or so after it 
was supposed the lady had departed, the guards found that Pierola had passed 
out instead, and that all that was left of him was his brown whiskers, which 
he shaved off in order to perfect his disguise. Pierola fled to the mountains, 
raised an army, and declared war. He skirmished about the country for 
some time, and then attacked Lima. After three days' fighting President 
Caceres was forced out of office, and a provisional governor was appointed 
until an election could be held. At the election Pierola was chosen President 
by an overwhelming majority. Thus trained in revolutions, the President 
is too good a soldier to sleep upon his arms. He does not go about without 
guards, and during our visit to his residence we found soldiers everywhere 
present. As we went on through the palace, going through one room after 
another, we passed many officers in uniform, until we met the President's 
private secretary, who told us that the palace, the President, and himself were 
at my disposal." 

The statements made by Mr. Carpenter are accepted by every 
one familiar with Peruvian affairs. When Simon Bolivar said 
" Our elections are combats," he stated the truth ; and they remain 
combats to this day. 



Elections in Mexico, Peru, Chili, and Argentina, being of the 
character which has been described, it may readily be inferred that they 
are even less dignified, if that were possible, in the other countries of 


Latin America. In Santo Domingo, Colombia, and Venezuela revo- 
lutions and anarchy take their place. The vast majority of the 
inhabitants of those countries are no better acquainted with the ballot 
than a Hottentot. The highest and most intelligent classes have no 
real idea of what is meant by an election, and it would be difficult to 
explain it to them; with the peons, any word to represent the fact 
would be as intelligent as another, since it would assure no correspond- 
ing idea. In Russia, even, there is at least the primary symptoms of 
democracy, for in the village communities the majority rules, in all 
affairs affecting community interests, by means of a sort of town 
meeting, where the affairs of the community are discussed and de- 
cided. But in Latin America there is not even this attempt to 
arrive at an expression of popular opinion. In no function of gov- 
ernment, by no method or manner, is the voice of the people or of 
any portion of the people of the slightest weight, influence, or conse- 
quence. And yet prominent writers would have us believe that 
elections of some sort really exist in those countries. Among this class 
it is worth while to call attention to statements made by Mr. W. L. 
Scruggs, in his book entitled "The Venezuelan and Colombian 

"South American revolutions are either local or general. They are said 
to be local when the state or provincial offices are in dispute, and to be general 
when the federal offices are involved. In both cases the pretext is usually 
some real or fancied irregularities at the polls, or some alleged failure of the 
federal administration to redeem its party pledges. In neither case are the 
masses in the slightest interested, for, as a rule, they care little or nothing 
about politics. They generally vote as they are directed by the bosses, and 
are quite indifferent as to who shall fill the little offices. The commercial 
and financial classes are almost equally derelict. They seldom attend a 
primary, and rarely vote at a popular election. The whole machinery of 
government is abandoned to the professional politicians. The party managers, 
or bosses, usually get together and 'fix up a slate,' as we would say; a packed 
primary ratifies the arrangement, and this, in turn, is ratified by the form of 
an election at which perhaps less than ten per cent of the property owners 
ever attend or vote. Even on extraordinary occasions when there is some- 
thing like a full vote, there is rarely a fair count. The result is that the de- 
feated candidate seldom acquiesces in the result." 

So peculiar a mixture of half-truths and falsehoods, containing as 
it does so much that is absurd, it would be difficult to compress into 
so small a space. Mr. Scruggs undoubtedly intends his brief descrip- 
tion of an "election" in South America to apply to Venezuela and 
Colombia, since it is of those countries his book purports to treat. 
Let us for a moment examine his statements. 

When he says that "their pretext is usually some real or fancied 
irregularity at the polls," the logical inference would be that "polls" 
of some kind really exist. As a matter of fact there are not, nor 


have there ever been, any polls in Venezuela or Colombia, irregular 
or otherwise, and Mr. Scruggs, who has been American minister to 
both of these countries, ought to have known this. The Presidents 
of those countries are "elected" with the machete; no ruling Dic- 
tator is ever defeated except by a revolution; every official of the 
government is appointed by the Dictator in Caracas or in Bogota, 
and holds his office at the will of the latter. The Chief Justice of 
the Supreme Court, the President of the Senate, is as liable to be 
deprived of his position and thrown into jail at the whim of the 
ruling military "boss" as is the janitor of a police station. 

Mr. Scruggs says, "The commercial and financial classes are 
almost equally derelict; they seldom attend a primary and rarely 
vote at a popular election." We are to infer from this that these 
classes are in some manner to blame for neglecting their political 
duties; that the primaries and elections exist, and that all that is 
needed is to attend them and vote. 

The falsity of Mr. Scruggs' statements lies rather in the inferences 
which they involve than in any direct or positive statement; and for 
this reason they are calculated to foster grave misunderstandings. 
The fact is that there are not nor have ever been any "primaries " or 
"popular elections" in either Venezuela or Colombia, or in San Do- 
mingo and Central America; while the "elections" in the four most 
advanced countries are of the nondescript variety already described, 
in fact, they are not elections at all. In reading Mr. Scruggs' article, 
the mental processes of the writer remind us of the operations of 
the toreado worm, which twists as it enters the wood, so that it is 
difficult to tell where it entered or where it came out, if it ever got 
out. If any financial or commercial man in either of those countries 
should make any effort to "attend a primary" or take any other part 
in government affairs, he would be locked up in jail, his property 
confiscated or destroyed, or perhaps he would be banished by an 
edict of the Dictator. It is hardly possible that Mr. Scruggs can 
be ignorant of these facts. 



It must not be inferred from the above statement of facts that I 
believe elections ought to be held in Spanish- American countries, 
or even that it is practical or possible to hold them. I simply record 
the facts. Being averse to humbug, I wish people to understand 
and know the truth; and the truth is that there are no such things 
as real elections in Spanish- America, nor in any part of it. To my 
mind the important thing is to maintain a good government, law, and 
order. If these can be brought about by popular elections, well and 
good ; but if not, then let them be brought about in some other manner ; 


since the maintenance of law and order and the protection of life and 
property are the very indispensable and prime functions of a govern- 
ment. Until these are established, theoretical discussions as to the 
form of government are a waste of time. It suffices to know that a 
discussion of the question of suffrage in connection with the people 
of Latin America would be absurd. Popular elections would be simply 
impossible. Dr. S. Ponce de Leon, a distinguished Latin- American 
scholar, from whom I have frequently quoted, shows a just apprecia- 
tion of this view in his Estudio Social : 

"The Colonial System of Spain, which was founded principally on igno- 
rance and oppression, could only produce weak and abject people; in them 
it was impossible to have either virile intelligence or exalted character. There 
could be no virile intelligence where books, pamphlets, and newspapers were 
proscribed and consequently thought enchained; where there did not exist 
academies, nor lyceums, nor literary nor political forums, establishments 
which are intellectual gymnasiums; where they impeded the flight of the 
spirit, thinking in this manner to drown the aspirations of liberty. There 
could be no nobility nor elevation of character where terror forever reigned ; 
where a systematic oppression accustomed the subjects to a blind and humili- 
ating obedience to one arbitrary and despotic will; where the most trivial 
actions of life were supervised by a gendarme or soldier ; where a man habit- 
ually saw on all sides violences and revenges, and if, perhaps, sometimes there 
arose within him against these outrages the natural sentiment of manly dig- 
nity, a still greater violence proved that self-respect is not permitted to men 
who live under the colonial yoke, to men who live the shameful life of slaves. 

"Very little adapted was the Spanish colonial education to qualify these 
South American people to govern themselves, and much less in order to con- 
stitute themselves under a Republican form. What idea did these people 
have of the suffrage ? What of the freedom of the press and speech ? Could 
they in any manner comprehend citizenship? When the privileged classes 
scarcely knew how to read and write; when the masses were born in the 
most profound ignorance; when the idea of a republic, as grasped by the 
people, was an impracticable Utopia, a monstrosity, fitted only to produce 
anarchy and disorder, how could they have correct notions of the duties 
and rights of citizenship ? The colonial education of Spain never in the world 
could form republics; and when we obtained our national sovereignty, we 
had made only the first step, done only half the day's work ; then there should 
have been commenced by every man who felt in his heart the sacred fire of 
patriotism, the further crusade to instruct the people in the mode of using the 
liberty which they had gained and give each individual the consciousness of 
his personal responsibility. But nothing of this was done. After the war of 
independence surged the disastrous civil wars, and with them came anarchy, 
disorder, ruin, the discredit of our nations, and disdain for the form of gov- 
ernment we had constituted. 

"Every time a revolution triumphs in these countries, there is a large part 
of the inhabitants who thinks that now society is saved and they therefore 
look into the future without fear ; they have absolute faith that the intellect- 
ual capacities, the pecuniary resources, the civic virtues, and other qualities 
of the men who constitute the new government are sufficient elements to solve 


the exceedingly difficult problem of social reconstruction. This is because the 
great majority of the inhabitants only see the surface of things ; they do not 
examine the depth ; they do not touch the social ulcers nor study their nature ; 
they have no consciousness of the gravity of the evil, and think its cure is easy. 
This is all the more lamentable because if all should study the structure of the 
social body, if they should dedicate themselves to an examination of the few 
good elements that can be opposed to an evil which has arrived to acquire a 
horrible intensity, they would not harbor illusions in regard to the actual state 
of society, nor fail to lend their patriotic services to those to whom is confided 
the delicate task of saving this society without possessing, however, the indis- 
pensable elements. 

"Moral and religious education, which is the most solid foundation of 
society, does not exist, speaking in general terms. . . . The father of a family 
to-day exhibits towards the education of his sons the same carelessness which 
his father did with him. It inspires ingratitude and sorrow to see how this 
generation is developing without a single notion of morality ; without knowl- 
edge of their most commonplace duties ; without any respect for man or for 
society; without instruction; without application to labor; wanting a pro- 
fession or employment; filling the gambling-houses and public places; dis- 
playing always and in every place an insolent and cynical disregard. And 
this child of to-day will be to-morrow the father of a family ; this boy, igno- 
rant and corrupt, will be in a short time a citizen, to whom will be entrusted 
the salvation of society in the legislator's chair or bench of a magistrate. Can 
the question of to-day, in these deplorable conditions, be the hope of to- 
morrow ? By no means. How can he educate who has received no educa- 
tion ? How can he be a good citizen who does n't know the duties of such ? 
How can one respect the individual or the society which has never learned 
self-respect? How can one give examples of order and morality who has 
developed in an atmosphere of corruption and idleness?" 

What this distinguished scholar and thinker says as to the colonial 
system of Spain is true; unhappily, the conditions are still worse 
under the dictatorships. The throwing off the yoke of Spain, in- 
tolerable as it was, made matters worse instead of better. The worst 
of civilizations is better than the best barbarism; almost any kind 
of government is preferable to anarchy. 

That the reader may clearly apprehend the absurdity of even dis- 
cussing "elections" in Latin America, authentic reports are given 
in the following chapters of recent "Presidential Elections" in those 
countries, as reported to the State Department by the minister of the 
United States, and published in our Foreign Relations for the cor- 
responding years. 



WHEN the Hon. Lewis Baker, with his two daughters, the 
Misses Anna and Virginia, left New York on April 29, 1893, 
for Managua, as the accredited United States Minister to 
Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Salvador, he probably did not realize 
just what a hornets' nest he was running into. The ship in which he 
sailed, the Costa Rica, was bombarded at Amapala, and when he 
reached Managua, on May 12, he found the legation barricaded with 
sacks of coffee and filled with American and other foreign refugees. 
Mr. Richard C. Shannon, his predecessor, had left about fifteen days 
previously, at about the time a formidable revolution had broken out 
which finally resulted in the election of a president. Mr. Baker shall 
narrate the facts leading up to this interesting and important event. 

On May 23, 1893, Mr. Baker reported to Secretary Gresham as 
follows : 

"I have to report to you a very sad condition of affairs in this Republic. 
For some months a conspiracy had been forming for the avowed purpose of 
overturning the established government and installing the members of the 
conspiracy in control. The fact was no secret, only the acts were hidden so 
far as possible. It was well known that the 4th of May had been agreed upon 
as the day for the outbreak ; but at what points the blows were to be struck, 
and who were to lead in the revolution were unknown. But some of the de- 
tails of the proposed emeute in the army becoming prematurely public, the 
blow was struck on the 28th of April by the delivery to the enemy of the mili- 
tary garrisons at Granada, San Juan del Sur, Rivas, San Carlos, and other 
points in the east and southern portion of the Republic, while the soldiers at 
Managua, Leon, and the masses of the people inhabiting the more westerly 
departments remained loyal to the government. Five of the twelve depart- 
ments, which embrace in large part the wealthiest and most intelligent sec- 
tions of the Republic, are in rebellion. . . . Several skirmishes have been 
fought at a barranca about two miles from Masaya, a deep cut in the rail- 
road leading to Managua, which the revolutionists have fortified with four 
cannon behind earthen breastworks. On the 19th instant the government 
attempted to capture this important position, but after a brisk fight lasting 
several hours, and the loss on the side of the government of many killed and 
wounded, the attacking party withdrew." 


Mr. Baker, like most other gringos, was of course very anxious 
to throw himself into the breach to stop this bloodshed. He there- 
fore wrote to President Sacasa, offering his services to "find a basis 
for an honorable settlement without further bloodshed and devasta- 
tion." President Sacasa was of course willing that Mr. Baker should 
"start work conducive to the establishment of peace, harmonized 
with the legitimate respect due to the authority and to the dignity of 
the Chief Magistrate of the Republic." 

The ladies of the foreign residents also organized a "Red Cross" 
Society, and set out to take care of the wounded soldiers of both sides. 
Mr. Baker procured for their use a locomotive, and placed it at the 
disposition of Mr. Frederick K. Morris, for the Red Cross. When, 
however, the locomotive got into the lines of the revolutionists, the 
engineer deserted it, and the revolutionists seized it for military uses, 
leaving the wounded soldiers to dress their own wounds. A hue and 
cry was immediately set up that Mr. Baker and the Red Cross were 
aiding the revolutionists, and the locomotive incident was cited as 
proof. President Sacasa, however, hastened to assure Mr. Baker 
that he had not doubted their good faith and integrity. 

On May 31, 1893, Mr. Baker reported to Secretary Gresham all 
the preliminaries of peace. He had gone to Granada, the capital of 
the revolutionists, and had held protracted interviews with them, in 
which they claimed they had stronger armies than the government, etc. 

Mr. Baker finally got the government and the revolutionists to 
appoint three commissioners each, who met and agreed upon a basis 
for peace, by which the President, Dr. Roberto Sacasa, agreed to 
place the executive power in the hands of Senator Salvador Machado 
at twelve o'clock, noon, on June 1, 1893; a constitutional convention 
was to be called within four months ; the President and his secretary 
were both to be ineligible for election during the first constitutional 
period ; the troops were to be disarmed ; expenses of the war on both 
sides were to be paid upon an equal footing; military titles of each 
side to be equally recognized; and mutual amnesty and uncondi- 
tional guarantee for everybody. 

On June 1, 1893, Mr. Baker wrote: 

"To-day at twelve o'clock I was a witness to the change in the presidency 
of this Republic by the resignation of Dr. Roberto Sacasa, and the inaugura- 
tion of Salvador Machado. . . . All parties to the agreement seem to be 
actuated by high motives and are performing their respective duties in perfect 
good faith.*' 

We must at least score one for the gringo, he had brought about 
peace. But let us see; what is the old saying- "Don't whistle till 
you 're out of the woods " ? However, Mr. Baker was happy, and 
he wrote: 


" The people of Nicaragua are naturally a peace-loving, well-meaning 
people. They are neither turbulent nor restless." 

Mr. Baker had now been in Nicaragua exactly nineteen days, having 
arrived on May 12, and the letter from which we quote was written 
on May 31; so that there could be no doubt about his knowing the 
people. A minister who is not able to understand the character of 
the people of Nicaragua in nineteen days would surely be unfit for 
his post. 


Other events occurred, however, which seemed to throw some 
doubts on the accuracy of Mr. Baker's hasty generalization. 

A typical incident is disclosed in the following report from Henry 
Palazio, United States Consular Agent, Corinto, on May 11, 1893, 
to Captain Johnson : 

"In compliance with your request that I should give you an official report 
with regard to the steps taken by this government to protect itself against the 
revolutionists from approach by sea, I beg to state that a Krupp breech- 
loading gun carrying a fifty-pound shell was pointed against the San Jose 
yesterday, and against your ship this morning, and pivoted on both ships 
from the time of rounding Icacos Point until anchorage. An officer held the 
firing-lanyard in his hand, and the slightest accident would have caused its 
discharge, and the possible sinking of either ship, especially at such close 
range. They probably thought that both ships had called at San Juan del 
Sur, supposed to be held by revolutionary troops, although I had officially 
advised Governor A. L. Rivas that the 'City of New York* was due this 
morning with the new American minister, the Hon. Lewis Baker, on board, 
and coming direct from Panama." 

How pleasant it must be to sail on a passenger ship carrying ladies 
and children, and realize that the guns of a fort are pointed at you, 
the firing-lanyard being in the hands of some ignorant black brute 
who would rather blow you to Kingdom Come than not ! 


Mr. Baker was so much occupied at the outset with his peace 
negotiations that there were other matters which had to be held in 
abeyance. The "government" of Nicaragua that is, the Dictator 
issued a decree, on April 29, 1893, for the collection of a "forced 
loan " of $600,000, which would fall, of course, almost entirely upon 
the foreigners. The details of this forced loan were most systemati- 
cally arranged, each department being levied upon, and the army 
directed to collect. 

To discuss "forced loans," firing upon passenger steamers, and 
other small matters hardly deserves consideration while noble efforts 


towards peace and enduring affection are being negotiated. Let us 
return to the thread of our narrative. 

On July 17, 1893, Mr. Baker wrote to Secretary Gresham: 

"After the peace of Sabana Grande the whole country apparently not only 
acquiesced but applauded. . . . But this naturally peace-loving people has 
again been plunged into another unfortunate internecine struggle. The presi- 
dent of the Republic, Senor Machado, and his chief cabinet minister Seiior 
Sanchez, both citizens of the Leon country and sympathizers with that politi- 
cal and local sentiment, had, in company with General Avilez, the general 
of the army, made a visit to Leon. As they were about to depart from the 
city, an attempt was made to capture and imprison these gentlemen. Machado 
and Sanchez were quite easily captured, but General Avilez eluded arrest, and 
arrived in Managua some three days later. This rebellion was headed by 
Colonel Anastacio J. Ortiz, who had been placed in command at Leon as 
Military Governor on the recommendation of General Zavala. By depriving 
the Republic of its President and chief minister, as well as its commanding 
general, they hoped to throw the government into anarchy. And in this they 
subsequently succeeded. Business is paralyzed, the farms are again robbed 
of the labor necessary to make crops, communication with the sea-coast by 
rail is cut off, prices of all commodities have extravagantly increased, and 
Americans and other foreigners doing business in this country are disap- 
pointed and disheartened. . . . On yesterday, Sunday, the 16th, the three 
remaining members of the Cabinet, viz. Vigil, Gomez, and Castillo, called 
a meeting of the citizens of Managua, Masaya, Granada, Jinotepe, Leon, and 
Rivas, for consultation. ... It was proposed that the power be placed in the 
hands of General Joaquin Zavala, an ex-President and distinguished citizen 
of Nicaragua. The suggestion was received with cheers, and a motion to that 
effect was unanimously and enthusiastically adopted. Thereupon a decree 
issued to that effect." 

Mr. Baker had now been in Nicaragua for two months and five 
days. He had already known three different Presidents, and is des- 
tined to know more. Mr. Baker now became rather less exuberant 
in the exercise of his prime function as a peace-maker. 

"While I shall hold myself in readiness to aid by patient counsel and 
friendly offices in the establishment of peace again, I shall not be forward 
in offering my services." 

Mr. Baker had done well ; it takes most gringo ministers longer 
than two months and five days to get an infiltration of common sense 
into their craniums. 

On July 24 Mr. Baker cabled : 

"Revolutionists cannonaded Managua from steamers this morning with- 
out warning, killing one woman near legation, wounding several persons." 

On July 25, 1893, Mr. Adee, Assistant Secretary of State at Wash- 
ington, cabled Mr. Baker to 


"present, either jointly with the other diplomatic representatives, or in a sep- 
arate note to the titular government, a protest against the waging of hostili- 
ties without warning, whereby foreigners are endangered." 

Protest ! Protest to whom and against what ? What right have for- 
eigners to live in Nicaragua, especially when we have an administra- 
tion like that which we then had in Washington ? 

In view of this bombardment, Mr. A. H. Rivas, Minister of 
Foreign Affairs under Zavala, suggested to Mr. Baker that he would 
do well to move his legation to Granada, where the cannon balls 
could not reach. Mr. Baker heroically declined, saying : 

"It seems to me that my official duty requires my presence, in these times 
of trouble, at the seat of the American legation, located at the capital of the 

Moreover, he thought the government, in such "able hands," ought 
to be able to put down the uprising. 

On July 31, 1893, Mr. Baker wrote of the bombardment of the 

"Two steamboats well armed with cannon in possession of the Leoneses 
came over from Mototombo between five and six o'clock on the morning 
referred to. They commenced throwing shells promiscuously into the city, 
without any notice whatever. Each steamer had aboard one modern Krupp 
gun of six and a half calibre. Fifty-two shells were fired into the city. . . . 
Ten shells passed over or very close to the legation, one of them killing a 
woman and wounding a man in a house still farther back from the lake." 

Evidently Mr. Baker had no liking for bombardment, since on 
July 24, 1893, he addressed a "protest" to General J. S. Zelaya and 
the revolutionary junta, saying that he had 

"noticed with pain and humiliation an act of barbarism, at an early hour 
this morning, committed by officers and men, presumably acting under your 
authority and direction. I refer to the bombardment, with death-dealing 
missiles, of this city, without previous notice, thus jeopardizing the lives of 
American citizens, the citizens erf other foreign governments, women, chil- 
dren, and other non-combatants. I need scarcely call your attention to the 
fact that such proceedings are condemned by civilized nations throughout the 
world, and in the name of the civilized sentiments of this age, in the name of 
a common humanity, in the name of the government which I represent, I 
enter this my firm and solemn protest.'* 

Indeed, and yet these are the people who are well-meaning and by 
no means turbulent ! 

The Junta de Gobierno that is, the revolutionary body headed 
by General J. S. Zelaya now retorted on Mr. Baker : 
VOL. i 20 


MATEAEE, July 25, 1893. 

The Junta de Gobierno, for which I speak in this instance, has been very 
much surprised at the harsh and insulting language used by the American 
Minister in his said communication, in appealing to the humanitarian senti- 
ments of said junta, a language which the junta attributes to the unpleasant 
impression created, as you say, by the act of war against the enemy, which 
is fortified in that capital, and not to any premeditated intention of offending, 
in the name of the government of the United States, a friendly nation like 
Nicaragua. . . . Nobody called us barbarians or savages because we made 
use of the artillery of the steamers and on land against the besieged place. 
There were numerous families there, who retired prudently when they saw 
us arriving with warlike purposes. ... As the American minister is pleased 
to believe that the revolution of Nicaragua must give him previous notice of 
its war operations against the enemy in the capital, I will make it a duty of 
courtesy to gratify him, and to give him notice by these presents that so soon 
as our land forces occupy certain positions, the artillery at its command on 
land and water will fire without interruption until it achieves victory or suffers 

defeat JOSE D. GAMEZ. 

It will be seen these wretches had not the slightest objection to 
be savages ; what they objected to was to be called savages. 

On August 5, 1893, Mr. Baker reported that the warring factions 
had again met, on July 30, at Managua, through commissioners, and 
signed a treaty of peace, which declared peace and amity between 
the parties, reciprocal forgetfulness of their dissensions, and ample 
and unconditional guarantees for all. 

A new Constituyente Assembly was to meet, on September 15, to 
frame a new Constitution "The principle of direct and secret 
suffrage is recognized," etc. ; the troops were to be disbanded, debts 
of both belligerents to be paid, etc. 

As a result of all this, General Jose Santos Zelaya, the head of the 
revolution, became President, an election which was on September 15 
ratified by the "Assembly." Before his formal election General Zelaya 
had of course to "resign " as Dictator. Mr. Baker naively remarks : 

"The Assembly accepted the resignation, and afterwards elected General 
Jose Santos Zelaya as President of the Republic. This election is for a term 
the length of which shall be fixed hi the Constitution which the Assembly 
has been chosen to frame." 

With all due deference to Mr. Baker, I affirm that General Zelaya 
was "elected President" for such length of term as the army would 
stand back of him, and overcome the armies which any "rival candi- 
date " might be able to raise. 


Under date, "Quito, September 1, 1895," James D. Tillman, 
American Minister, wrote to the Secretary of State as follows : 


"On the 13th and 14th of August General Savasti, Minister of War, in 
command of the government forces near Riobamba, was defeated, and his 
army, composed mainly of conscripts, was completely disorganized, and went 
some to Alfaro, many to their homes, and a few returned to the capital, where 
after a week of unsuccessful efforts to reorganize and increase the fighting 
force, the struggle was given up, and the chief actor for the government, 
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Senor A. Rivadeneira, left for Colombia, with 
his family, on the morning of the 19th, carrying with him, it is said, about 
one hundred thousand sucres, which had been raised by the priests a few 
days previously for the purpose of organizing a force, and preparing for the 
resistance of Alfaro at the gates of the city. The Vice-President, the Minister 
of Finance, and other members of the Cabinet remained in the city, some 
of them being in foreign legations and others in their own homes. The wife 
and daughters of General Savasti came to the house occupied by me on the 
night of the 17th of August, and are still here with my consent. 

"Since the flight of Mr. Rivadeneira, and the abandonment of the public 
offices by other members of the Cabinet, all the legations have been filled 
with women and children, especially during the 18th and 19th of August, 
when there was no government, either municipal, provincial, or national, and 
when the streets were filled with men and boys firing the abandoned rifles of 
the dispersed troops of the government." 

On August 29, 1895, Mr. Tillman was officially informed by Senor 
Louis F. Carbo that 

"On the 5th of August of the present year the people of Guayaquil pro- 
claimed General Aloy Alfaro Jefe Supremo of the Republic of Ecuador and 
General-in-Chief of the army. This popular proclamation was immediately 
seconded by all the provinces of the coast, and by some of the interior," etc. 

The rest of the screed need not interest us. General Alfaro had 
been elected President, or what not; he would play the game for a 
space until some other general dispossessed him ; and the merry-go- 
round would keep on going around. 


On April 3, 1893, United States Minister E. H. Conger, at 
Petropolis, Brazil, wrote the State Department: 

"With reference to the revolution now in progress in the State of Rio 
Grande do Sul, I have the honor to report that absolutely accurate informa- 
tion is impossible to be obtained here, since the federal government controls 
the telegraph lines and refuses to give out detailed information ; but as cor- 
rectly as can be obtained, this is the situation : There exists in the State two 
rival factions, the one headed by Julio de Castilhos, the present Governor, 
and the other by Gaspar Silveira Martins. The struggle is on the part of the 


latter and his followers to depose the former, and a majority of the people of 
the State are in sympathy with the Silveira Martins party. But the national 
government supports Castilhos, and has sent large bodies of troops from this 
and other parts of the Republic to uphold him. . . . There has already been 
severe fighting, with considerable loss of life." 

On May 3, 1893, Minister Conger advised our government of a 
rupture in the Brazilian cabinet. Dr. Innocencio Serzedello Correa 
had tendered his resignation as Minister of Finance, and Admiral 
Custodio Jose de Mello had surrendered the portfolio of Marine. 

Senor Correa resigned because of a general disagreement with 
the Vice-President, then Acting President, Peixoto. Admiral de 
Mello set forth as his grievance "the refusal of the Vice-President 
to adopt his views for a settlement of the civil war now in progress 
in Rio Grande do Sul." Mr. Conger thought this to be a very serious 
rupture, "Admiral de Mello having been the chief organizer and 
leader of the movement of November 23, 1891, which deposed Mar- 
shal Deodora from his assumed dictatorship, and restored the legal 
government with Vice-President Peixoto at its head." 

On May 26, 1893, Mr. Conger informed the State Department 
that charges had been formulated in the House of Deputies against 
Vice-President Peixoto, demanding his impeachment. They charged 
him with "numerous violations of the Constitution and laws, to wit, 
declaring martial law without warrant, improperly interfering in state 
affairs, carrying on unnecessary war, squandering the public funds, 
compulsory recruiting for the army and navy, chartering banks of 
emission, ignoring legal tribunals," etc. 

On June 9, 1893, Mr. Conger wrote that the House of Deputies, 
by a vote of 93 to 52, had refused to present articles of impeachment 
against Vice-President Peixoto. 

On July 24 Mr. Conger wrote Secretary Gresham that the struggle 
in Rio Grande do Sul was progressing without any material change 
in the situation. 

"Several battles have been fought with varying success on each side, no 
important advantage, however, having been gained by either. On the 6th 
instant Admiral Wandenkolk, one of the foremost officers of the Brazilian 
Navy, now retired and a member of the National Senate from the federal 
district . . . took possession, either by previous purchase or seizure, at Mon- 
tevideo of a Brazilian merchant vessel, the Jupiter, embarked thereon several 
hundred pretended emigrants, with a full equipment of fire-arms, including 
small artillery and ammunition, and proceeded at once to Rio Grande do Sul, 
in front of which city he arrived on the 9th. There he took possession of 
a couple of small Brazilian war-vessels and several merchant ships, issued a 
proclamation to his comrades in the navy, inviting them to join, and in the 
name of 'liberty* urging them to support him, and prepared to attack the 
city. The authorities there, however, immediately trained the land batteries 
on the fleet with such effect that it was compelled, after three days of manoeu- 


vring, to withdraw, the Jupiter sailing north towards Desterro. There is no 
doubt that a simultaneous attack by the revolutionary land forces, under 
General Gumerscindo Saraiva, had been agreed upon, but a failure on their 
part to reach the coast and co-operate in the attack rendered Wandenkolk's 
efforts fruitless. In the mean time the national government had despatched 
the cruiser Republica and the steamer Santos from Rio de Janerio, with in- 
structions to capture or sink the Jupiter. The Republica came up with her, 
on the 15th, near Canavieras, on the coast of Santa Catherina, where she 
immediately surrendered. . . . Admiral Wandenkolk was at once confined 
in Fort Santa Cruz." 

On September 6, 1893, Mr. Conger cabled the State Department 

" the navy of Brazil has revolted, assumed complete control over the 
harbors, and seized all the war-vessels. It has made no attack, but 
threatens, unless the Vice-President resigns, to bombard Rio de Janeiro. 
..." Admiral Jose Custodio de Mello, of the Brazilian navy, is com- 
mander of the revolting squadron. He has possession of the Brazilian war- 
ships Aquidaban, Jupiter, and Republica, and a number of merchant vessels 
which have been seized in the harbor of Rio. The government has posses- 
sion of the fort Santa Cruz, which commands the entrance of the harbor of 
Rio de Janeiro, and the army is apparently loyal to the legally constituted 
authorities. . . . Foreign commerce has been entirely suspended until to-day, 
when restrictions on telegraphic communications were partly removed. One 
French ship commenced to discharge cargo to-day. No shipments to for- 
eign ports have been made since the revolt commenced. Desultory firing 
has been kept up between the opposing naval and land forces, resulting in 
some deaths and considerable damage to property." 

On September 8, 1893, Thomas L. Thompson, of the United 
States legation at Petropolis, Brazil, cabled the State Department 
that the Brazilian Congress had declared martial law, and he re- 
quested the presence of an American war-ship. He was informed by 
cable that the U. S. S. Detroit had been ordered to Rio de Janeiro, 
and that the Charleston was then due to arrive there. 

On September 11 Mr. Thompson sent to the State Department 
a copy of the proclamation of Admiral Custodio Jose de Mello, leader 
of the revolutionary movement. 

This outburst of Admiral de Mello's secretary was a typical speci- 
men of Latin-American bombastes furioses. It commenced : 

"The revolutionary movement of the 23d of November had no other 
object than the restoration of constitutional government, and the free action 
of the constituted powers which the coup d'etat of the 3d of November de- 
stroyed, to the general consternation of the nation, and especially of all those 
who were responsible for the establishment of the republican government. 
The dictatorship of the 3d of November seemed to be utterly irresponsible in 
the administration of the finances of the Republic," etc. 


Admiral de Mello continued : 

"Bankruptcy already beats at our door with all its train of horrors and 
miseries. In the fatal decline of power that loses itself, the republican admin- 
istration descends to every abuse. Mutilated and wounded innumerable times, 
the Constitution of the 24th of February has no longer any form by which it 
may be recognized as the supreme law of public liberties and the guarantee 
of citizens. Self-willed power reigns everywhere." 

Then followed the grand peroration, the one on which the 
changes have been rung so many, many times. 

"In the life of nations, as in that of individuals, there are moments for 
decisive action. . . . No suggestion of power, no wish for government, no 
aspiration to obtaining control by the exercise of violent efforts on my own 
part, induce me to enter upon this revolution. That the Brazilian nation 
may assume possession of its sovereignty and know how to direct it within 
the limits of the Republic, is my desideratum, this my supreme purpose. 
Long live the Brazilian nation ! Long live the Republic ! Long live the 
Constitution ! " 

There have been so many of this type of pronunciamento written 
by Dictators, Jefes, Generals, Doctors, and other ambitious patriots, 
that it would seem unnecessary to comment upon this. The salient 
fact is that although every charge made by De Mello may have been 
true, there would have been no improvement by putting a new gang 
of freebooters at the public crib. Revolutionists and government are 
all of the same class ; it is merely a question of grades and degrees of 

On September 14, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled the State Depart- 
ment that "the fort commanding the entrance of the harbor and the 
arsenal situated on a wharf in the centre of the city were bombarded 
at eleven o'clock in the morning by the revolting squadron, which also 
fired a few shells into the city. " 

On September 28, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported by cable that 
the repeated firing on Rio de Janeiro has resulted in the death of 
many non-combatants and the destruction of property; "that the 
further bombardment of the city is a danger to American life and 

On October 2, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that "upon the 
announcement made by the admiral commanding the revolting war- 
vessels of his intention to bombard Rio de Janeiro, the French, Eng- 
lish, Portuguese, Italian, and United States ministers held on this day 
a conference, and advised the commanders of the foreign vessels, who 
agreed to do so, to take measures to prevent such bombardment in 
case of necessity. He reports that on the previous day the forts in 
the harbor were bombarded without results." 

On October 12, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that "the previ- 
ously neutral fort of Villegaignon has declared for the revolutionary 


cause, and participated in the general but fruitless bombardment on 
Tuesday last between the revolting vessels and the three loyal forts. 
. . . The revolutionists seized an English barge." 
On October 13, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote: 

"It is difficult under present conditions to fix the legal status of Admiral 
de Mello and the revolting squadron. No favorable demonstration has been 
made for them on shore. Almost a constant bombardment of Nictheroy 
opposite Rio has been kept up, and though the place is poorly provided with 
means of defence the insurgents have not succeeded in getting a foothold 

On October 13, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote to Secretary Gresham : 

"On the 21st ult. definite news was received of the appearance of the 
Republica at Santos, and a detachment of soldiers was despatched to Sao 
Paolo to reinforce that point. The 22d was full of excitement. The insur- 
gents captured four merchant steamers belonging to national companies, 
together with a quantity of provisions. At 3 p. M. heavy fire opened between 
Santa Cruz and the Aquidaban, Trajano, and Guanabara, and one of the 
torpedo boats, which lasted until 6 P. M. Owing to the remarkably bad 
gunnery, neither side suffered much from the firing. One shot entered the 
city and killed two persons. On the 23d a bombardment between Santa Cruz 
and the fleet lasted from 6 to 9 A. M., during which the Guanabara was struck 
by a shell. There was more or less firing all day on the 24th between Santa 
Cruz and the fleet. On the 25th about five hundred government troops con- 
centrated at the custom-house for embarking and crossing the channel to the 
island of Ilha das Cobras occupied by the marine hospital, and guarded by 
cadets of the Naval School, thus far neutral. Admiral Saldana da Gama had 
raised the 'red cross ' flag over the hospital. As the island with good artillery 
would endanger the fleet, it was decided by the government to occupy it. The 
insurgents, however, discovered the movement, and the Aquidaban threatened 
the first barge-load of soldiers that disembarked. At 4 P. M. firing began, and 
there was a rain of shot and shell over the business part of the city. The 
batteries on Sao Bento and Castle Hills were also bombarded, and the shots 
fell in various parts of the city, as far away as Rua Princeza Imperial. The 
troops at the custom house soon retreated, and the engagement came to an 
end. On the 26th the attempt was renewed, and Henry T. Watmough, a 
London and Brazilian bank clerk, while eating his lunch, was struck by a 
piece of shell and killed. The whistle of the shot was heard on the Rua do 
Ouvidor, and several shells burst directly over the city. The people fled in 
every direction. Many buildings were struck and damaged, though the actual 
loss of life was not very great. The government having relinquished the idea 
of capturing Ilha das Cobras, there was a lull in hostilities on the 27th. Busi- 
ness, however, was wholly suspended in the city. The situation was made 
more critical by an order from the Marechal to the shore batteries to fire on 
every vessel coming in range. . . . On the 28th a sharp engagement occurred 
at the Ponta do Caja, S. Christovao, which was visited by steamers and 
launches of the squadron for the purpose of obtaining coal. The insurgents 
captured six lighters of coal belonging to the Brazilian Coal Company, the 
representatives of Corey Bros. & Co. of Cardiff. ... On the 29th ... a 


boat being seen at the customary anchorage of the Aquidaban flying the 
British flag, a launch was sent from the British cruiser to investigate, with 
the result of finding that it contained a torpedo and was preparing to blow 
up the revolting ironclad. Two well-known Brazilian officers were of the 
party, an American named Boynton, an Englishman, and others. They were 
taken aboard the British cruiser, charged with illegally flying the British flag, 
and subsequently Boynton was turned over to the commander of the Charles- 
ton, and is still in his custody. It is also reported that Boynton openly talked 
of his intention to blow up the Aquidaban, and of the large sum he was to 
receive for the service. . . . On the 30th . . . firing was commenced on 
Santa Cruz at 2 p. M. It is estimated that 196 shots were fired by the fleet 
and about double that number from the forts in the two hours during which 
the engagement lasted." 

On October 13 Mr. Thompson wrote Secretary Gresham that 
Admiral de Mello had given notice that he proposed to bombard Rio 
de Janeiro, but the commanders of the foreign war-ships intervened 
and declared that they would not permit this. At the same time the 
government of Brazil was asked to remove all pretext for hostile action 
by substantially disarming the forts. 

On October 14 Mr. Thompson forwarded to the State Department 
a decree of the Brazilian government declaring that the revolting 
squadron and forts were placed outside the protection of the national 
flag. Admiral de Mello promptly came to the front with another 
proclamation, in which he accused the Executive of resorting to lying, 
bribery, cunning, and even crime, in his efforts to put down the 

On October 21, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported failures of the 
insurgents in their attempts to disembark forces, and the daily con- 
tinuance of bombardment between the forts. The U. S. S. Newark 
arrived on that day. 

On October 24, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported the "receipt, 
through the officer commanding the United States naval forces, of 
a communication from Admiral de Mello announcing that a Provi- 
sional Government of the United States of Brazil was established on 
October 14 at Desterro, the capital of Santa Catharina, and request- 
ing recognition by the United States." 

On November 7, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that "the daily 
fighting in the bay and along the shore is attended with no important 
results, that the government fire had destroyed two powder magazines 
on islands held by the insurgents, killing some English officers and 
sailors," and added: 

"A government force of fifteen hundred men is now advancing from Par- 
anagua, where ammunitions and supplies have been sent by Vice-President 
Peixoto, for the purpose of driving the insurgents from Catharina Island, 
which they hold." 


On November 8, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported the killing, from 
the machine-gun firing on the previous day in Rio de Janeiro, of several 
non-combatants, and of a young woman who was standing in front 
of the consulate of the United States. 


To prevent the bombardment of Rio de Janeiro by the revolu- 
tionists, the diplomatic corps and commanders of foreign war-ships 
had obtained an understanding with the government that it would not 
establish further military works there, or enlarge or strengthen those 
already in existence; that it would, in short, remove all pretext for 
bombardment by rendering Rio de Janeiro an unfortified town in 
the usual sense of the term. Thereupon Admiral de Mello was in- 
formed by the commanders that they would not permit him to bom- 
bard, and he agreed not to attempt it. This led to numerous acts of 
bad faith and breaches of the agreement, both by the government and 
the insurgents, and much correspondence on the part of the assembled 
ministers and admirals. 

On November 15, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that the State 
of Pernambuco had been placed under martial law. 

On November 23, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that a shell fired 
from one of the Nictheroy batteries had sunk the insurgent monitor 

On November 29, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that the attack 
of the insurgents on Nictheroy and Santa Catharine had been repulsed, 
the Pallas wrecked, and the Madeira burned. He said the situation 
looked favorable to the government. 

On November 30, 1893, Mr. Thompson transmitted a decree con- 
tinuing the Federal District and the States of Pernambuco, Rio de 
Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Parana, Santa Catharina, and Rio Grande do 
Sul under martial law. 

On December 4, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that on the first 
instant Admiral de Mello had sailed out of the bay, in face of a heavy 
fire from the forts, on his flag-ship Aquidaban, accompanied by the 
Esperanza, the fire being answered by the vessels and the insurgent 
fort Villegaignon. 

On December 5 Mr. Thompson cabled : 

" Fifteen leading American merchants in Rio de Janeiro send this message: 
* The city fired into daily with small shot and shell without any notice,. A 
number of foreigners have been killed. We ask that our squadron be in- 
structed to prevent firing into the city until proper notice is given, and to keep 
constantly a line of communication with the consulate.' " 

On December 5, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled that the insurgent 
vessels were in a very bad condition; that Mello had sailed in a 


southerly direction from the quarantine station at Ilha Grande, 
which he pillaged. 

On December 5, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote that the Diplomatic 
Corps was having great difficulty in dealing with the matter of the 
bombardment : 

"When launches or torpedo boats approach the shore, they are fired upon 
by the government troops stationed on the water front, and this is made a 
pretext for indiscriminate firing on all parts of the city with machine guns 
stationed at fort Villegaignon and on the war-ships of the insurgents. No 
regular bombardment with large guns has taken place, but many men, women, 
and children have been killed at points far removed from the location of the 
infantry on the city front, and the commanders of the foreign naval forces 
declined to interfere to prevent the indiscriminate firing." 


The Diplomatic Corps repeatedly called the attention of the for- 
eign naval commanders to this firing, and requested them to put an 
end to it. The commanders, perfectly safe in their own snug cabins, 
refused to interfere. The following letter explains their attitude : 

Rio DE JANEIRO, Nov. 17, 1893. 


The commanding officers of the naval forces, as a sequel to their telegrams 
of the 9th instant, have the honor to add that in their opinion the cannon firing 
tkat the Brazilian government reproaches the Aquidaban and Villegaignon 
with having directed against the city is not of a different nature from that 
which passes incessantly between the insurgents and the government troops 
along the quays, in the fusillades to which the government itself does not 
seem to attach much importance. . . . Indeed the shots from the Aquid- 
aban and Villegaignon in the direction of the city were evidently fired with 
mitrailleuse and other arms of small calibre, to reply to the fire of the land 
troops against the insurgent boats and the garrison of Villegaignon. The 
commanding officers have several times had to recognize that the insurgent 
forces could not always be accused of having provoked these little fights. 
They have probably been frequently brought about by the inexperience of 
the troops stationed along the quays, an inexperience which is proven by 
the fact that these troops fired upon a Portuguese boat carrying its war- 
flag. On this occasion the government excused itself, by saying that the 
troops had not recognized the flag and thought they were firing upon an 
insurgent boat. In this state of affairs the commanding officers think there 
is not sufficient reason to address a collective note to Admiral de Mello in 
order to remind him of this agreement. 

Signed by AUGUSTO DE CASTILHO (Portuguese). 

HOFFMAN (Dutch). 

HENRY F. PICKING (American). 

N. M. LANG (English). 

A. DE LIBRAN (French). 

G. B. MAGNAGHI (Italian). 


The very comforting and reassuring views of the naval com- 
manders, most of whom appear to have been great warriors in times 
of peace and great diplomats in times of war, did not seem to put a 
quietus on Mr. Thompson, who actually had the temerity to write: 

"I am still of the opinion that the indiscriminate firing upon innocent 
people should stop, or at least timely notice be given of the bombardment to 
enable non-combatants to place themselves beyond the reach of the fire." 

The American merchants in Rio de Janeiro also seem to have had 
a disregard for the opinions of the naval commanders almost amount- 
ing to contempt of court; for on November 29, 1893, a most vigor- 
ous protest was signed, in which the signatories stated that their lives 
were daily endangered without notice by the small shot and shells 
fired into the city. The following were the signers: 

James B. Kennedy, Wm. H. Lawrence, 

Louis R. Gray, J. S. Keogh, 

Wm. T. Anderson, S. T. Stratton, 

Wm. J. Erving, J. V. Bechtinger, 

Frank Norton, A. C. Hill. 
E. T. Lawrence, Jr. 

On December 9, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled that Admiral da 
Gama had declared in favor of the restoration of the government as 
it had existed before the Republic was established. He had joined 
the insurgent cause. Admiral Saldanha da Gama, an avowed mon- 
archist, had command of the naval school and arsenal situated upon 
the Ilha das Cobras. 

On December 17, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that the foreign 
naval commanders had ceased protecting the commerce of their respec- 
tive countries; that it was reported that Captain Picking, the senior 
officer of the United States forces, had withdrawn intervention, but 
that it had not been possible to verify this, as Captain Picking did 
not communicate with the land. 

On December 18, 1893, Mr. Thompson enclosed to his depart- 
ment a manifesto issued by Admiral Luiz Felippe Saldanha da Gama, 
in which that worthy declared that the present government was but 
a continuation of the military insurrection of November 15, 1889; 
that the "historic crisis" had arrived for "political redemption," and 
that he was ready to sacrifice his life, etc, 

On December 21, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that Captain 
Picking had refused protection to American vessels which had been 
allowed by the proper authorities to land their cargoes at the docks 
and in the neighborhood, and had based his action on the ground that 
the line of fire of the insurgents would be interfered with and neutral- 
ity consequently violated. 


On December 30, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled that Da Gama had 
been notified by the commanders that two days' notice must be given 
before bombardment. 

On December 31, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that Da Gama 
had asked recognition as a belligerent; he also enclosed a communi- 
cation from Da Gama, dated December 23, which stated that the 
government of Marshal Floriano Peixoto had fortified all the heights 
around the city, even the holy places, so that Rio de Janeiro had 
ceased "to be an open city and becomes a stronghold of war in the 
strictest sense of the term." He therefore declared that on the first 
cannon-shot from any of those points his squadron would reply with 
heavy artillery. 

On December 31, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote: 

"The usual fighting has been carried on daily, but has not resulted yet in 
any definite gain to either side. The government forces have gained a few 
of the islands in the northern and western part of the bay. The islands Gov- 
ernador, Eugenho, Mocangue, and Conceicao have come into their possession. 
They are apparently trying to surround the insurgents, so they can be reached 
by artillery in any part of the bay. During the attack on Ilha do Governador, 
General Telles, the oldest, bravest, and most successful officer of the gov- 
ernment, was mortally wounded and has since died. It is claimed that 300 
government troops were upon this occasion taken prisoners.'* 

On December 31, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote Secretary Gresham 
that Captain Henry F. Picking, U. S. Navy, commanding naval 
forces, South Atlantic squadron, had denied protection to Ameri- 
can vessels, and that now their commercial operations were carried on 
"by sufferance of the insurgent commander." Mr. Thompson ad- 
dressed a note to Captain Picking on the subject, and this is the reply 
he received: 

Rio DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL, Dec. 24, 1893. 

SIR, I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your communication 
of the 22d instant. I acted on your advice once, very much to my regret ever 
since. I have informed you of this verbally heretofore. 
I am, Sir, 

HENRY F. PICKING, Captain U. S. Navy, Commanding 
U. S. Naval Forces, South Atlantic Squadron. 

Evidently Captain Henry F. Picking's awful responsibilities 
weighed very heavily on him. Cruisers ought to be constructed for 
the express purpose, if for no other, of affording vantage-ground from 
which such distinguished naval officers could emit their epistolary 

On January 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson transmitted to the State 
Department a great deal of correspondence from the naval com- 


manders, the government, the diplomats, and the insurgent com- 
manders, relative to the proposed bombardment of Rio de Janeiro. 
Of course the government had mounted heavy guns on the heights 
of Morro do Castello and elsewhere, while they were affirming that 
they would do nothing of the kind. The foreign naval commanders 
on January 1 declared this a breach of faith, and added : 

"Under the circumstances the senior comandantes have the honor to 
state that they can no longer consider themselves under obligations to adhere 
to the attitude which they expressed in their communication of December 25, 
1893, to Rear Admiral Saldanha da Gama." 

This was another way of inviting them to begin their bombardment. 
On January 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote : 

"The fighting has been confined mostly to the islands and fortified points 
beyond the confines of the city. Within a few days the insurgents have taken 
forcible possession of an island used as a coal depot, and with it captured a 
large quantity of coal belonging to the Royal Mail Steamship Company of 
England. . . . The Aquidaban, Admiral Mello's flag-ship, returned from 
the South and entered the bay under heavy fire from the forts this morning 
between four and five o'clock. It is stated by some of our naval officers that 
Admiral Mello is not on board. . . . 

"The San Francisco arrived this morning with Rear Admiral Benham." 

On January 16, 1894, Mr. Thompson cabled that the U. S. S. 
New York had arrived ; that the insurgents had made an attack on 
Governor Island to-day, and that a serious engagement had occurred 
at Nictheroy the preceding night. 

On January 20, 1894, Mr. Thompson enclosed two manifestos of 
importance, one issued by Governor, Dr. Alfonso Augusto Moreira 
Penna, of the State of Minas-Geraes, and the other by Aimibal Falcao, 
a representative in Congress from Rio Grande do Sul. These mani- 
festos were written by men opposed to the government and friendly 
to the revolution, up to the date of Da Gama's pronunciamento favor- 
ing the re-establishment of the monarchy. They were likewise opposed 
to Da Gama's monarchial tendencies, and therefore threw in their 
support with Vice-President Peixoto. 

On January 22, 1894, Mr. Thompson confirmed the successes of 
the government at Bage, and reported the continuance of fighting at 

On January 26, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote: 

"An attack upon the island of Mocangue resulted in a severe defeat to 
the government forces and the abandonment of the island. . . . The repeated 
assaults of the insurgents upon Nictheroy have thus far been repulsed, but 
great damage has resulted to both life and property. 

"The victories of the government forces at Rio Grande do Sul culminated 
on the 8th inst. when the siege of Bage was raised. The revolutionists were 


disbanded and fled, without ammunition, and poorly horsed. The reports 
show that constant and incessant fire was kept up for eighteen days, during 
which the government losses were 36, while the revolutionists lost over 400; 
besides it is claimed 500 from Uruguayan bands deserted. The city of Bage 
was very much damaged, and many atrocious crimes said to have been com- 
mitted. In one instance two soldiers were burned to death." 

On January 31, 1894, Mr. Thompson cabled that Admiral Benham 
had notified 

"the insurgents and the city that he intended to protect by force, if necessary, 
and to place all American vessels which might wish to go to the docks along- 
side the wharves. The war- vessels of the United States got under way and 
cleared for action. The Detroit, which was stationed in the best position for 
the ends of protection, had orders to fire back if the merchant vessels were 
fired upon. A shot from one of the insurgent vessels was fired at, but missed 
the boat of one of the American vessels that was making preparations for 
hauling in by means of a line running to the shore. The Detroit replied 
with a shot from a 6-pounder, which struck under the insurgent's bows. The 
latter then fired one shot to leeward from her broadside battery, and sub- 
sequently another over the merchant vessel. The Detroit answered with a 
musket shot, which struck the stern post of the insurgent vessel . . . He 
states that the naval or military operations of either side were not in the least 
interfered with by Admiral Benham, who entertains no such intention. What 
he proposes to do is to fulfil his duty of protecting the citizens and trade of 
the United States, and of this the insurgents have been notified by him. . . . 
The insurgents are denied the right to search neutral vessels, or to seize any 
part of their cargoes." 

Here, at least, was one American naval commander who had some 
sense. After reading the screeds written by the pusillanimous Picking, 
it does an American good to realize that we have officers in the Ameri- 
can navy who are not poltroons. 

On February 2, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported : 

"The resignation of the Minister of War and Marine of the Brazilian 
government, and the march on Iguape of 1000 insurgents." He says that 
Curitiba is in their possession, that the insurgent ship Republica is now at 
Paranagua with Admiral Mello on board, and adds that a threat to bombard 
Rio without notice again made by the Admiral of the insurgent fleet is likely 
to be opposed by the foreign commanders. 

On February 3, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that Admiral da 
Gama asked for recognition, stating that they held the State of Rio 
Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, Parana, and part of Sao Paulo. 

He enclosed a letter from Admiral A. E. K. Benham to Da Gama, 
dated January 30, 1894, which is a manly, straightforward document, 
telling the insurgent that he must not interfere with American com- 
merce, that he had no right to search neutral vessels or seize any por- 
tion of their cargoes, that he had no right to exercise any authority 


whatever over American ships or property of any kind, and that "the 
forcible seizure of any such articles by those under your command 
would be, in your present status, an act of piracy." 
On February 6, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote : 

"News has reached here of dissensions in the Provisional government of 
the insurgents at Desterro, and the retirement of Senhor Annibal Cardoso 
from the cabinet. . . . Upon leaving the government, Senhor Cardoso is re- 
ported to have said: 'To-day the heads of the revolutionary movement are 
enveloped in a mesh of cabals, and far from seeing in them the energy needed 
to overcome these intrigues, I see these friends to be in great difficulties/ " 

The newspapers of the 16th of January had published long ac- 
counts of a government victory at Itajahy. This small town in the 
State of Santa Catharina, held by 800 men with 21 cannon, and 
assisted by two of the insurgent vessels, was captured by the govern- 
ment forces on the 10th of December, with but little loss of life to 
either side. 

On February 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson cabled that the insurgents 
on the preceding Saturday had landed at Nictheroy and had been 
repulsed, returning to their ships after an engagement, in the course 
of which both sides lost heavily, and Admiral da Gama was wounded. 

On February 15, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote: 

"The latest news from the South is to the effect that Mello, with 1500 
troops, is in possession of Paranagua. Gumacindo, commanding the revolu- 
tionists in Rio Grande do Sul, after defeating the government forces under 
General Machado, marched to Curitiba. The revolutionists control the small 
State of Parana, except the town of Lapa, which, strongly fortified, is defended 
by Colonel Carneira with a force of 1200 men. The revolutionists are poorly 
provided with artillery. There are but two national passes into Sao Paulo 
from Parana. These are at Itavare and Santos. The government has 2500 
troops defending Itavare and about the same number at Santos, with a re- 
serve of 2500 at Sao Paulo. General Machado is reported to have rallied 
his forces numbering 4000 men south of the position of revolutionists. . . . 
The recent announcement by the Vice-President of the Republic that the 
elections would be held March 1, has in a measure given the people more con- 
fidence in the government, although the partisans of Mello and Da Gama 
condemn it as a prearranged attempt to continue Peixoto's influence in 
the government." 

The government candidate, Prudente Moraes, had been brought 
forward for the presidency. 

On February 21, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that the Aquida- 
ban had run the forts under a heavy fire, and had joined the Republica, 
which was then standing off the port. He thought an engagement 
would take place near Bahia. 

On February 28, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote that the Nictheroy 


on the 18th had landed several hundred troops at the entrance to the 
harbor, that the insurgents had lost the Venus by an explosion, and 
that, the provisional government of the insurgents at Desterro having 
failed, they had organized a new one at Curitiba, capital of the State 
of Parana, which they unquestionably controlled. He added : 

"The yellow fever has become epidemic at Rio, especially upon the vessels 
that have been moored to the docks. The deaths average, according to official 
figures, about fifty-five a day, which represents in the large part foreigners. 
Several deaths have occurred on the foreign ships of war, but none so far on 

On March 2, 1894, Mr. Thompson transmitted the news sent by 
the Brazilian minister at Montevideo of a victory gained in Parana by 
General Hippolyto, who defeated a force of 500 rebels commanded 
by General David, the latter having lost sixty men killed and a large 
quantity of arms and ammunition. 


On March 6, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote: 

"The elections held on the 1st of March I am glad to report passed off 
quietly throughout the country, as far as heard from, resulting in the over- 
whelming election of Dr. Prudente de Moraes, a civilian, President of the Re- 
public, and Dr. Manoel Victorina Periera, a civilian, Vice-President of the 
Republic. The vote so far is about 100,000 for Dr. Prudente de Moraes, 
President, and 75,000 for Dr. Manoel Victorina Periera, Vice-President." 

Why a hundred thousand votes, and no opposition, and not a 
hundred million ? If the pretext of an election is needed at all, why 
not make the statistics imposing while we are about it ? 

Mr. Thompson naively added: 

"The vote appears small, but I understand by comparison it approxi- 
mates closely to that of preceding Congressional Elections." 

The vote does appear rather small for a country claiming fourteen 
or fifteen million inhabitants; but we may safely assume that it not 
only "approximates closely," but that it actually exceeds "preceding 
Congressional Elections " by at least 100,000 votes. 

It would seem that the incident might now be considered closed, 
and practically it is ; but there are still some precincts missing. 

On March 10, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that 800 men with 
General Salquado had deserted in Parana from the rebel army, and 
that insurgents were landing at Abatuba. He believed there was 
no doubt that the leaders of the revolution in the South were not in 
accord with Da Gama. 


On March 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that Saldanha da 
Gama had asked for an amnesty for himself and his supporters. 
Asylum was granted Da Gama on board the Mindello, a Portuguese 

On March 14, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported the surrender of the 
insurgents. The rebel war-vessels and the islands of Villegaignon 
and Cobras had been abandoned. Da Gama, with about 480 
officers and men, left Enxadas Island and went on board Portuguese 
war-vessels. The next day a Portuguese merchant vessel with 90 
insurgents aboard was stopped by the government, and the refugees 
taken off. This led to a diplomatic question between Brazil and 

On April 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that the Governor of 
Rio Grande do Sul had telegraphed the news of a serious defeat and 
great loss sustained at Port Alegre by the rebels, who had taken to 
their vessels, and being advised of the approach of the squadron sent 
by the Brazilian government, had fled in haste. 

On April 18, 1894, Mr. Thompson telegraphed that, according to 
intelligence received from the South, the revolutionary cause had been 
abandoned by Admiral Mello, who had gone with 1200 men and 4 
vessels of the revolting squadron to the Argentine Republic, which gave 
them protection. The sinking of the Aquidaban and the complete 
overthrow of the revolutionary movement were announced. Mello's 
ships had been seized by the Argentine Government, which would 
turn them over to Marshal Peixoto, when called for. 

On April 19, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that 4000 rebels had 
taken refuge in Argentina and Uruguay, and that the war was 

On June 17, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that the insurgent 
General Gumacindo engaged the government troops in the State of 
Rio Grande do Sul, but had been routed; that the government had 
been very severe with all persons suspected of having aided the revo- 
lutions, and that many had been thrust into prison, among them sev- 
eral foreigners. 

On June 28, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that "the Congres- 
sional Committee appointed to examine the returns and report upon 
the legality of the presidential election gave its conclusions, which 
were adopted in joint session June 22, and Prudente de Moraes and 
Victorina Periera recognized as President and Vice-President during 
the period from November 15, 1894, to November 15, 1898. The 
total vote reaches only 350,795, which is small considering the com- 
mittee estimates the number of electors at 800,000. But as there was 
no organized opposition, and this is the first election by the people, 
it is not surprising to find it small." 

"No organized opposition" that is really good. Most as- 
suredly there was an "organized opposition," but it was defeated, 

VOL. I 21 


after a brave struggle, and scattered to Portugal, Argentina, and Uru- 
guay, and most of the balance of it locked up in jail. 

So far as the small number of votes is concerned, that need not 
disturb us. They had increased exactly 250,795 over and above the 
returns of March 1, when the election was held; and future elections 
may show additional gains. 

C. E. Akers, in his "History of South America" (page 291), 
describing the " election " in 1894 in Rio Grande do Sul, writes : 

"At this juncture Admiral da Gama took the field. Up to the time of his 
arrival on the scene the conflict had been carried on with the greatest bar- 
barity, quarter on neither side being expected. An eyewitness described 
what occurred when 400 government troops fell into the hands of a strong 
party of insurgents, in these terms: 

"The prisoners were penned into a cattle corral, a guard surrounding 
the spot to prevent any attempt to escape. A man would ride into the yard 
and lasso a prisoner as though he were a bullock. Dragging his victim a few 
yards away, he would dismount, draw his long knife, and deliberately cut the 
prisoner's throat. This operation was repeated until half of the men in 
the corral were killed. The remainder were reserved for similar treatment 
the following day ' 

"This is horrible enough, but on June 24 the outbreak met with a reverse 
that destroyed any hopes of success its partisans may have entertained. At 
Camp Osorio, Admiral da Gama and 374 officers and men were surrounded 
by government troops, commanded by Colonel Joao Francisco. A desperate 
struggle ensued. Five times the troops assaulted the rebel trenches, and were 
repulsed with heavy loss. Then, the ammunition of the insurgents becoming 
exhausted, they endeavored to break through the enemy's lines, and some 
succeeded. Many others were killed or captured, and Admiral da Gama was 
wounded and his retreat cut off. To avoid being taken prisoner, he committed 
suicide, and his body was found some days later horribly mutilated." 


On January 11, 1902, William R. Finch, Montevideo, Uruguay, 
informed Secretary Hay of a revolution in Paraguay, enclosing a 
complete report from the Montevideo Tribuna of that date. It stated 
that at Asuncion, on the 10th, a revolutionary committee had been 
formed, composed of Generals Caballero and Escobar, Colonel 
Escurra, the Minister of War and Minister of Finance, Sefior 
Moreno and Senator Fleitas. This committee resolved at its night 
session to remove "the inconvenience to the government presented 
by President, Dr. Emilio Aceval, and the ex-President, General Egus- 
guiza." Disposing of the forces of the cavalry, a squad was detached 
at 4 A. M. to take possession of President Aceval and demand his resig- 
nation. This mission was fulfilled, but when he was asked to resign, 
President Aceval refused, and he was taken a prisoner to the cav- 


airy barracks. Another squad arrested the Chief of Police and other 
men known to be friends of Aceval and Egusguiza. 

A session of Congress was called, at which Senor Hector Carvallo, 
Vice-President, presided. He was in the revolutionary movement. 
Senor Fleitas moved that the rule of President Aceval be declared at 
an end, which was loudly cheered by a heavy revolutionary contingent 
which had been placed in the hall at Congress. Senator Bogarin pro- 
tested, stating that the proceeding was unconstitutional. 

" Suddenly the sound of a shot was heard, and after the first shot numerous 
others followed, sounding as if a great bundle of rockets had been thrown into 
the centre of the house. The confusion became terrible, and insults multi- 
plied, and blood flowed, the men having lost their presence of mind in the 
excitement and fury of the struggle. The firing of revolvers, the using of 
daggers and canes, throwing of chairs, and the exchange of blows transformed 
the house into confusion and chaos. While this was occurring, General Es- 
cobar, going along the corridor, reached the balcony of the house of Congress 
which faces the plaza, and, taking his handkerchief signalled to the commander 
of'the troops stationed there. The noise of the shots and the cries of the peo- 
ple caused General Escobar's signal to be wrongly interpreted, and the com- 
mander ordered the infantry and artillery to open fire against the house of 
Congress. The firing by the infantry and the cries of the people, who asked 
that the firing cease against Congress, caused a panic among the inhabitants 
of the city. Meanwhile the wounded were being attended to and the dead 
taken up in the room of sessions. Among the former was Senator Insfran, 
who had received three bullet wounds, Senators Corvelan and Fleitas, General 
Caballero and Deputy Carreras being gravely wounded. Senator Bogarin, 
against whom the firing began, was slightly wounded, as were also some other 
representatives, shorthand writers, the brothers Perez, and other individuals 
not very well known. In the street fifteen persons were wounded, some of 
whom will not recover." 


On August 7, 1890, Mr. W. W. Russell, Secretary of the American 
Legation, Caracas, Venezuela, wrote to Secretary Hay as follows : 

"I have the honor to state that last week the insurgent faction in the State 
of Los Andes, under General Cipriano Castro, was completely defeated by 
the government troops, in a bloody battle which lasted eighteen hours. The 
loss of the insurgents is placed at 800 killed and wounded, and the govern- 
ment loss 300." 

September 5, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "Revolutionists gaining strength. 
Government not secure. Advisable, send without delay nearest war vessel 
La Guaira." 

September 8, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "Leader revolutionists mentioned 
Castro. After defeat gathered about 3000 men. Government troops have 
not attacked. Trying mass forces. Revolution aided prominent political 
refugees Curocao. Government may succeed. Has 7000 troops." 


On September 8, 1899, Mr. Russell wrote: "The leader of this uprising 
is Cipriano Castro, from the State of Los Andes, and whose defeat by the 
government troops I communicated to the Department in my No. 313 of 
August 7. Castro, after his defeat, fled with the remnant of his band, about 
1000 men, and was making his way to Valencia, which was only a day's 
journey from Caracas. On his march he had captured one or two squads 
of the national troops, with their arms and ammunition. He arrived at a 
town called Nirgua, in the State of Carabobo, two or three days' march from 
Valencia, with about 3000 men, that he had collected on his march from Los 
Andes. The government officers reported to Caracas that the revolutionary 
force was too strong for them to attack, and that the only thing they could do 
was to act on the defensive. Castro, with his knowledge of the country, and 
his peculiar tactics, had separated by long distances the government troops 
and was encountering no opposition. One of the government generals was 
ordered to reinforce the national troops already in that section, but had to 
come by forced marches from Maracaibo, a three days' journey. These troops 
are supposed to have arrived by this time, and if the government's figures 
are correct, Castro will have to engage a superior force or retire. Nothing 
definite has been heard from the scene of action yet. When Castro was so 
badly defeated, it was thought the troubles were over. But just after this 
the government discovered a revolutionary plot of the followers of General 
Hernandez, the one who started the first revolution against Andrade. Her- 
nandez was arrested and placed in prison here, with a great many of his fol- 
lowers, and it is believed that Castro's forces have been increased by the 
Hernandistas joining him." 

September 14, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "President of Venezuela left 
Caracas to-day to take command in field against revolutionists. Vice-Presi- 
dent acting. New cabinet." 

September 15, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "Revolutionists took Valencia 
yesterday. President returning to Caracas. Where is war vessel ? " 

September 23, 1899, Mr. Russell wrote: " Valencia was taken after bloody 
battle, in which the government troops were severely defeated, . . . General 
Castro, the revolutionary leader has a powerful and well-equipped force. 
The government officials were badly demoralized, and the city of Puerto 
Cabello was abandoned by the custom-house officers, who fled to La Guaira 
on a man-of-war. After Andrade's return to Caracas there was a renewed 
effort on the part of the government to mass its forces for a resistance. . . . 
For the last two or three days there has been a dearth of any official news re- 
garding the movements of. Castro, but it is generally conceded that he has 
advanced a considerable distance from Valencia, and is supposed to be some- 
where near Maracay, which is five hours from Caracas. . . . The govern- 
ment has a great many troops, but the most of them have been recruited 
lately, and are a sorry lot. Treason exists on all sides, and the administration 
is not popular. . . . General Luciano Mendoza has been appointed chief 
of the government troops, and this has caused much alarm, as he is a des- 
perate man and stops at nothing. In 1892 he collected large amounts of 
money by force from merchants, and his name is coupled with many acts 
of lawlessness." 

October 9, 1899, Mr. Francis B. Loomis, American Minister to Caracas, 
writes: "It is impossible to forecast the situation at this time, or to give a 
very intelligible notion of it, for the reason that this is a season of intrigue 


and conference rather than one of military operation and fighting. Eight 
days ago a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon. The armistice expires 
Monday evening next, but may be prolonged a few days. General Castro 
is encamped at Valencia and is governing the city." 

October 14, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled: "Have been informed by Vene- 
zuelan Minister for Foreign Affairs, General commanding army of Venezuela 
deserted, and President of Venezuela will be forced to abandon Caracas with- 
out fighting." 

October 20, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled: "President of Venezuela left 
for La Guaira, daylight, with 800 men. Did not resign office. Some disor- 
der here. Heavy bomb dynamite exploded, against house of Matos, former 
Minister Finance." 

October 22, 1899, Mr. Loomis wrote that Vice-President Rodriguez as- 
sumed the reins of government, that Andrade had abandoned the country, 
taking about 1000 men with him, and that General Castro was expected 
within a day or two. Mr. Loomis said there was a condition of terror nigh 
general among the people of Caracas. 

October 24, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled that the government had been 
turned over to Castro. 

October 27, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled: "Hernandez, probably strongest 
leader after Castro, left Caracas, 2000 men, about midnight, probably to 
begin uprising against de facto government. Hernandez was given cabinet 
position by Castro, but demanded other important concessions." 

Of course there were more despatches, more blockades, more 
bombardments, more uprisings; but what matter so that our im- 
mortal Cipriano is duly elected ? 


United States Consular Agent W. Heyden, Amapala, Honduras, 
wrote on March 7, 1903, to Mr. Leslie Combs, American Minister at 
Guatemala : 

"A great part of the members of the Congress that was in session in 
Tegucigalpa, among them the President of the Congress, fled from the capital 
to the frontier of Salvador the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto 
dissolved on that date. It seems that the Council of Ministers formed a new 
Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes of the fugitives. 
The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel Arias President, and General 
Maximo B. Resales Vice-President, of the Republic. The new government 
was recognized by Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the 
other Central American Republics. 

In the mean time General Bonilla has gone ahead with his military opera- 
tions against the new government. His forces have taken the fortified towns 
of Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of Nicaragua. 

On the 22nd of February General Bonilla was attacked in El Aceituno 
by General Sierra, the ex-President, who was completely defeated, and es- 


caped with several hundred men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified 
town of Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of 
about 4500 men." 

On March 18, 1903, Minister Combs wrote to Secretary Hay: 

"President Estrada informed me a few days since, that his information 
was that Bonilla was making a successful struggle ; that Bonilla's forces were 
drawing closer and closer to Tegucigalpa, both from the east and from the 

On April 24, 1903, Mr. Combs wrote to Secretary Hay that ex- 
President Arias was a prisoner, and that he thought it advisable to 
recognize General Bonilla as President of Honduras. 

On April 24, 1903, Mr. Loomis authorized Mr. Combs to recog- 
nize General Bonilla as the President of Honduras, without precipita- 
tion, if he were effectively administering the government and in a 
position to fulfil international obligations. 


Revolution had been rife in Bolivia for a long time, and the coun- 
try devastated. Little or no mention was made of it in the United 
States, and the official reports were meagre in the extreme. The 
foreign legations laid down rules for refugees, stating under what 
conditions asylum would be granted. On December 15, 1898, George 
H. Bridgeman, American Minister, La Paz, Bolivia, wrote to the 
State Department: 

"I have the honor to state that on November 6 the government officials 
of the city of La Paz, with apparently the almost unanimous concurrence 
of the inhabitants, issued a proclamation announcing 'The regeneration of 
Bolivia under the rule of Federal Government,' and appointed a list of 
officials to act under the new government. This is an actual secession from 
the government at Sucre, and the rule of President Alonzo, on the part of 
the La Paz district. The reason for this action is the urgent desire on the 
part of all citizens of La Paz, official and private, that the seat of government 
remove from Sucre to this city. La Pasians have been given distinct reasons 
to think this removal would take place in December, if not earlier, and the 
decision of Congress to the contrary, on November 15th, has brought about 
the present crisis. Armed resistance is decided upon, and active prepara- 
tions to that end are being made as rapidly as possible. Up to date they 
have secured 400 rifles and 2500 rounds of ammunition only. They expect 
to have 5000 men at their command, 300 of these being native Indians. 
President Alonzo left Sucre, December 6, with 2000 men armed with Mauser 
rifles. On December 16 he reached Oruro, three days' march from this 
place. A telegram sent by him to the insurgents, urging cessation of hostile 
action, was disregarded, and active resistance by the people here is planned 
as soon as President Alonzo reaches La Paz with his troops. It is not yet 


fully decided whether to meet the troops on the 'Alto* or within the city 
limits. Several proclamations and announcements have been issued by the 
leaders of the revolution." 

Mr. Bridgeman made further reports on January 26, February 1, 
February 3, and February 10, 1899, explaining the serious condition 
of affairs. On March 28, 1899, he wrote : 

"I have the honor to report the occurrence of another hideous outrage 
and murder at the hands of the savages of Bolivia. On March 1 Colonel 
Pando sent, from his army at Sicasica, 120 men, commanded by Arturo 
Eguino, to Ayopaya, there to confer with Mr. Orellana as to the best means 
for simultaneously attacking Cochabamba. On arriving at the town of 
Mohoza, Eguino demanded a loan of 200 Bolivians from the priest of the 
town and 100 Bolivians from the mayor. 

"These demands being refused, the priest and mayor were imprisoned. 
Meanwhile, however, the priest had despatched couriers to the Indian villages 
asking that the natives attack Pando's men. 

"A large crowd of Indians came, and in spite of all measures taken to 
pacify them, the arms of the soldiers were taken away, the men subjected 
to revolting treatment, and finally locked inside the church for the night. In 
the morning the infernal priest, after celebrating the so-called 'Mass of Agony,' 
allowed the Indians to take out the unfortunate victims, two by two, and 103 
were deliberately murdered, each pair by different tortures. Seventeen es- 
caped death by having departed the day previous on another mission." 

Mr. Bridgeman speaks of the "infernal priest" as though that 
part of it were settled beyond argument. It may be confessed that 
the priest's methods were rather heroic; but if there had been more 
like him, there would have been fewer of these "infernal" forced- 
loans in the dictatorships. The imprisonment and maltreatment 
of the priest, because of his refusal to yield to highway robbery, is 
passed over by Mr. Bridgeman in a very matter-of-fact manner, and 
the disarming of the soldiers is referred to rather pathetically; while 
the atrocities committed by these brigands is not even mentioned. 
When groups of marauding soldiers have no respect for the property 
of the Church nor the persons of its ministers, and they happen to 
get the worst of it, as in this instance, I will let Mr. George H. Bridge- 
man, American Minister, do the weeping. 

On April 20, 1899, Mr. Bridgeman wrote : 

"I have the honor to state that since the battle reported in Despatch No. 
113, of April 13, matters have progressed quietly, and people generally accept 
the idea that the revolution has ended and that peace is declared. 

"Alonzo, on the day of the engagement, fled to Antofagasta, and is still 
out of Bolivia, with a number of his officers. The number killed of Pando's 
army is 117, wounded 127. Of Alonzo's men they estimate 400 killed and 
wounded. One thousand of Alonzo's army were taken prisoners; 20 pieces 
of artillery, 4 Gatling guns, 1700 rifles captured, with 38,000 Bolivianos 
from the treasure wagon. The local government of La Paz soon go to Oruro, 
there to arrange preliminaries for reorganization." 


On April 28, 1899, the "Junta" of Bolivia, through the "General 
Secretary of the Government Assembly," Fernando E. Guachalla, 
writing from Oruro, informed Mr. Bridgeman that a new national 
government had been organized, composed of Serapio Reyes Ortez, 
Jose Manuel Pando, and Marcario Pinilla. 

On August 22, 1899, Acting Secretary of State A. A. Adee author- 
ized Mr. Bridgeman to recognize the new outfit as the government of 
Bolivia if they were still administering an orderly de facto government. 


Colombia has ever stood in the vanguard of the cohorts of civiliza- 
tion, first in the "august empire " of pure democracy. No antiquated 
foolishness like the Australian ballot system exists in Colombia. They 
prefer vote-counting by automatic infallible machines. In a letter to 
the Secretary of State, John Hay, Mr. Charles Burdett Hart, United 
States Minister to Bogota, under date of August 5, 1900, thus de- 
scribes the more modern election devices : 

"I have the honor to inform the Department that on the night of the 31st 
ultimo Jose Manuel Marroquin, Vice-President of the Republic of Colombia, 
being at the time in Bogota, declared himself in the exercise of the executive 
power, named and installed a ministry, and, so far as this was possible, took 
possession of the government. This act was made possible by first getting 
possession of the garrison in Bogota ; and this in turn was made possible by 
an understanding with the commanders. Such commanders as were not 
favorable to the movement were superseded by friends of Marroquin and 
held under strict surveillance while the necessary steps were being taken to 
get possession. There was no resistance whatever, and, considering how the 
matter was accomplished, none was reasonably to be expected. 

"In a manifesto issued on the 1st instant, Mr. Marroquin gives as the 
reasons which moved him to take the step, the inability of President Sancle- 
mente to reside at the capital of the Republic, * and to give the attention and 
consecration which the executive action demands in all countries, and es- 
pecially in those ruled by a government purely presidential as Colombia is,' 
and the call of public opinion which for a long time had asked for the re- 
establishment of the lawful normal condition. The Vice-President says also 
that he is reluctant to enter upon the exercise of the executive power, and does 
so for the good of the country. He declares that he desires to bring to a speedy 
end the bloody civil war which is dividing the country, and he means to do 
this by his solemn promise to respect and cause to be respected the civil rights 
of all. If, however, his promise in this regard shall not bring about peace, 
he will prosecute the war with energy, to put down the revolution. In con- 
clusion, he calls on all Colombians who love their country to place themselves 
under the banner of constitutionality and legitimacy. 

"The first knowledge that President Sanclemente had of the coup d'etat 
was when a Marroquin force arrived at Villeta, President Sanclemente 's 
temporary residence, a day's journey from Bogota, and made him a prisoner, 


together with Rafael M. Palacio, his minister of government. The garrison 
at Villeta would have defended President Sanclemente, but since the force 
sent against him was far superior to his own, President Sanclemente refused 
to have any bloodshed there. He was allowed to remain a prisoner in his 

"On the 3rd instant President Sanclemente issued a protest to the nation, 
reciting what had happened and commenting on the manifesto of Mr. Marro- 
quin. In the protest President Sanclemente says, he is authorized by the 
Constitution and the law to reside outside the capital. He asks who had made 
Marroquin a judge in the matter. He says that Mr. Marroquin has violated 
the Constitution which he had sworn to support. Speaking directly to his 
fellow-citizens, President Sanclemente says: 'If your forefathers did not con- 
sent to be governed dictatorially by the great Bolivar, the liberator of five 
nations, will you consent to be so governed by Mr. Marroquin, and those who 
support so arbitrary an act ? Will you regard with indifference that the legiti- 
mate government of the nation shall continue to be outraged ? And will the 
army, which has given so many proofs of loyalty, so regard it ? " 

President Sanclemente 's protests were of no avail; General 
Rafael Reyes and the army were at the back of Marroquin. It was 
then supposed that Colombia would get millones y millones out of the 
United States for the Panama Canal Concession. General Reyes 
and the clique did not intend that Sanclemente should handle any 
of this fabulous wealth. 

As a rule, a presidential election in Colombia lasts for three or 
four years, results in two or three hundred battles, and the loss of 
30,000 or 40,000 or 50,000 lives, in addition to the burning of towns 
and the sacking and looting of all foreign property. Marroquin 's 
greased-lightning scheme of election seems far preferable. 



IN a despatch to the State Department on July 27, 1899, Minister 
W. F. Powell reported the assassination of "President" Ulysses 

Heureaux, of Santo Domingo. 

The cause of the assassination was given as follows: General 
Heureaux had caused large quantities of paper money to be issued, 
about $4,000,000, which was circulated under . compulsion among 
the smaller merchants and people generally. The President claimed 
that the grave financial conditions confronting the country compelled 
him to do this ; but the paper money was received by the people with 
apprehension and under strong protest. "They finally refused to 
receive the paper money, and would only exchange their products 
for gold. In and around Puerto Plata they would only receive it in 
exchange at the rate of 10 to 1, and in some cases 12 to 1. To repress 
this discontent and to suppress these murmurs, several of the parties 
who had severely criticised the policy of the government in issuing 
paper money were shot, as examples to others or like discontented 

By this time great dissatisfaction had arisen, especially at Moca, 
a town of about 3000 inhabitants, within twenty-five miles of Santiago, 
the principal town in the interior. Mr. Powell continues that Presi- 
dent Heureaux, "hearing of the dissatisfaction, proceeded there. It 
is reported that he caused some of the leading men of the place, who 
he was informed were plotting against him, to be shot, and orders 
were given to inflict the same penalty upon others." The day on 
which he was to leave for Santiago, . . . three men, Ramon Caceres, 
Juan Ricardo, Horacio Vasquez, whom rumor stated were to suffer 
the same fate, attacked him, firing six bullets into his body. A beggar 
near by was also accidentally shot. The assassins escaped, but some 
of them were caught afterwards and executed. Ramon Caceres be- 
came later Secretary of War. 

The Vice-President, M. Figueroa, took the oath of office. He 
resigned soon afterwards. The financial condition was so bad that 
the soldiers, unpaid and ill-fed, refused to fight. Mr. Powell says: 
"This country is hopelessly bankrupt; its foreign debt amounts to 
$25,000,000; its interior debt no one knows." 


Mr. Jiminez now aspired to be President. "A battle was fought 
at Monte Christo, August 25; the government forces were led by 
General Cordillas, the Minister of War. At first he was successful, 
but was finally compelled to retreat to Puerta Plata, since which time 
his army has largely deserted him." 

On September 26, 1899, C. L. Maxwell, United States Consul 
General at Santo Domingo, reported the formation of a provisional 
government, with Horacio Vasquez as President, among the ministers 
being Ramon Caceres, who had killed the former President. 

On November 11, 1899, Minister Powell reported that Mr. Juan 
Isidro Jiminez had been elected President of Santo Domingo and 
would be installed on November 15. 

In his message to Congress, December 3, 1900, President William 
McKinley remarked: 

"A revolution in the Dominican Republic toward the close of last year 
resulted in the installation of President Jiminez, whose government was 
formally recognized in January." 

Having thus caught up the threads of constitutional succession 
in Santo Domingo, it will be interesting to note the scientific improve- 
ments and labor-saving devices which have been grafted upon the 
election machinery of that glorious and majestic commonwealth. 
That the reader may not overlook some of the manifest advantages 
which the Santo Domingo system has over the obsolete Australian 
system, I shall quote mainly from official reports to the United States 
government, made by its minister, Mr. W. F. Powell. 

Jiminez had been upset and Vasques installed as Provisional 
President, when our narrative commences. 

From Port au Prince, on April 10, 1903, Mr. Powell writes to 
Secretary Hay: 

"The political prisoners confined in the fort in the city on March 23 at 
one P. M., when both the military and naval authorities were at their homes, 
and about two thirds of the inhabitants of that city were enjoying their noon 
siesta, were released by some one, and to the number of seventy were supplied 
with arms, and headed by General Pepin, one of the prisoners, liberated those 
who had been confined for various crimes. These people were also given 
arms. Among the political prisoners released was Navarro, the former Gov- 
ernor of Monte Christo, and the leader in that movement a few months ago 
and who had been captured and confined here ; another was released by the 
name of General Martines. These men and their followers soon disarmed the 
few guards on duty, and within a few minutes after their liberation had se- 
cured possession of the fortress. At a given signal the partisans of these people 
in the city, who were opposed to the provisional government under General 
Vasques, made an attack on the military authorities of the city and afterwards 
on the police force, and being successful in both, secured full possession of 
the city. After fighting nearly two hours, many being killed or wounded, 


General Sanchez, Minister of Foreign Relations, and the Postmaster-General 
Mr. Castillon, sought asylum at the American consulate, Mrs. Vasques, the 
wife of the President, going to the Haitian legation. General Pichardo, the 
Minister of War, was made a prisoner, and confined in the fortress. General 
A. W. Gil was named by the insurgents as the Provisional President in place 
of General Vasques. . . . The revolutionists, immediately after securing 
possession of the city, seized the two Dominican naval vessels, one of which 
is not much larger than the steam-tugs used in towing on our rivers. She was 
armed with two cannon and named the Colon. The other, the Independence, 
is of the type of the Topeka. Quiet prevailed in the city from March 23 until 
April 2. From that time up till the departure of the French steamer, fighting 
has been constantly going on, in which many on both sides have been killed. 
The Atlanta, Captain Turner, arrived on the 2d, and landed a party of sailors 
to protect the consulate and the ' La Fe ' estate, where is located the office of 
the mining and railroad companies, and where the Vice-President, Mr. Adams, 
and his wife and a party of engineers are stopping. This place is about four 
miles from the city. 

"General Vasques, it is said, with an army of 3000 men, reached by a 
forced march the environs of the city two days before the arrival of the Atlanta, 
and since that time fighting has been going on. He has occupied three sides 
around the city, on the highlands which command the city. His position is 
very strong, as he holds the city at his mercy, and unless dislodged by the 
forces of General Gil, will compel the latter to surrender, as he controls all 
the approaches to the city. Several attempts have been made to dislodge 
him by the revolutionists, but they have failed, while General Vasques on his 
side has endeavored to enter the city, but each time has been repulsed with 
loss. In one point of view the revolutionists have slightly the best of it, as, 
aside from holding the city, they are in possession of the fort, in which there 
is stored a large amount of arms and ammunition, which is a serious loss to 
General Vasques. . . . The Presidente, Vasques' vessel, attempted to bom- 
bard the city without previous notice. One shell fell in the courtyard of the 
German consulate, but fortunately did not explode. Captain Turner sent 
a message to this vessel, requesting firing to cease. As the Presidente con- 
tinued, Captain Turner prepared his vessel for action. The Dominican 
vessel, seeing this, ceased firing and left. The next day the Vineta, German 
naval vessel, arrived, and learning the Atlanta had landed sailors, sent ashore 
150 of its crew to protect, as was stated, the German consulate and to look 
after English interests, and shortly after its arrival an Italian and a Dutch 
naval vessel reached the harbor, making four foreign naval vessels. The 
city is entirely isolated from the outside world, the cables being cut, so that 
telegrams have to be sent by special messenger to Cotuy, a place about thirty 
miles from the city. ... A battle took place on the 5th, the day the mail left 
this place. . . . The streets are being barricaded. ... I am informed by 
the Dominican minister, Mr. Gonzales, that the revolutionists under General 
Gil made an attack on General Vasques and had been repulsed with great 
loss, four of their leading generals being killed, among whom were Generals 
Pepin, the leading spirit in the present movement, Navana, and Martinez. 
This movement should not be classed as one in favor of the last President, 
Mr. Jiminez, as it is not. The present movement is as much opposed to Mr. 
Jiminez as it is to General Vasques, its main object being to make the Hon. 
Alexandro W. Gil President." 


On May 12, 1903, Mr. Powell added another chapter to the history 
of this presidential election : 

"By letters received, it is stated that General Vasques had the city closely 
besieged on all sides except its sea-front. The revolutionists, on their part, 
were strongly intrenched, and besides, strong barricades had been erected 
in many of the streets leading from the gates of the city. These barricades 
were well supplied with rapid-fire guns. General Vasques' force numbered 
about 2000 men ; the revolutionists one half this number. General Vasques 
established his headquarters at a village known as San Carlos, a place of 
about 800 houses, and a short distance from Santo Domingo. This place is 
entirely destroyed, not a house standing. General Vasques made several 
attempts to take the city by assault, but was repulsed each time with heavy 
loss. His last attempt was partly successful, as his troops had made a breach 
in the works of the revolutionists ; but the assaulting party not being supported 
at a critical moment by General Vasques, the revolutionists rallied and drove 
Vasques' force out of their intrenchments, killing the general, Cordrew, who 
led the assault. Vasques failed to grasp the situation in time. The sudden 
attack, and the failure to receive reinforcements, caused a panic in his forces, 
which eventually ended in a rout, his force scattering and fleeing in all direc- 
tions; and Vasques himself had to seek safety in flight. At the time of his 
defeat the whole Republic was in his favor, with the exception of the city of 
Santo Domingo. . . . Vasques left with a chosen few (150) for Puerta Plata, 
and there embarked on the Presidente for Santiago, Cuba." 

Some months later, General Alexandra W. Gil y Wos declared 
himself President, and was recognized by our government. 

A new revolution broke out, headed by the old President, Jiminez ; 
and still another headed by Carlos F. Morales. 

Time is too short in which to follow the interminable and un- 
profitable wranglings of these semi-savage degenerates in their bloody 
details. The three-cornered revolution progressed with varying for- 
tunes until Carlos F. Morales secured a virtual triumph and was de- 
clared President. 



The Hon. J. N. Leger, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- 
potentiary from Haiti to the United States, wrote an article for the 
"North American Review" (July, 1903), entitled "The Truth about 

Mr. Leger denied that there is voodooism or cannibalism in Haiti, 
and asserted that "personal safety is everywhere assured; one can 
travel from one end of the island to the other without trouble or 
danger." Mr. Leger also claimed that "Hayti is no worse than the 
other Central and South American Republics, and it is very far from 


relapsing into barbarism." Mr. Leger therefore strongly criticised 
Mr. Colquhoun's statement in the same "Review " for May, 1903. 

"Hayti has become a by- word among the nations, and it is incontroverti- 
ble that, with the removal of white control, the negroes have reverted to a 
condition almost of savagery." 

Mr. Leger may be right, and Haiti may be no worse than some 
Central and South American Republics. He is, however, mistaken 
if he includes Peru, Chili, and Argentina among the Republics. To 
give my readers an idea of what Haiti is like I will make a few extracts 
from official reports to the United States government, written but a 
short time previous to the date of Mr. Leger's article : 

May 11, 1902, Port au Prince, Legation of the United States, Mr. Powell 
reports that the situation is extremely interesting, it being reported that the 
President will probably leave on May 12, in which event bloodshed is feared; 
that the South demands the presidency ; that Firmin and Leconte are candi- 
dates from the North. 

May 12, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the President of Haiti has resigned 
and is to leave the Republic, and requests the presence of a naval vessel to 
protect American interests. 

May 12, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the Chambers were fired upon and 
closed by the populace; that one deputy was mortally wounded; that the 
palace and arsenal were attacked on the night of May 11, when several were 
killed and wounded; that the Diplomatic Corps is to embark the President 
of Haiti at noon, May 12; that the Minister for Foreign Relations and the 
Minister for War are at the United States legation ; that Firmin with an army 
is marching on Port au Prince, and that business is for the present suspended. 

May 15, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that a committee of eleven, with ex- 
President Canal as chairman, has been named to conduct affairs at Port au 
Prince, and that a similar committee has been named in all the cities of the 

May 15, 1902, Mr. Powell says presence of naval vessel urgently needed. 

May 16, 1902, Department of State, Washington. Mr. Hill states that 
the U. S. S. Topeka sailed from Port Royal, S. C., for Port au Prince on the 
morning of May 16. 

May 17, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote that General Sam, President, had em- 
barked for France. "At the present moment the Republic is without an 
executive and a legislative branch of the government, except the committee 
above named; yet one arriving here would scarcely believe that a violent 
revolution had occurred, a government driven from power, almost, one might 
say, without bloodshed." 

Mr. Powell narrated the history of the cause of the trouble, stating 
that General Sam was elected President April 1, 1896, by the National 
Chamber upon the sudden death of General Hyppolite ; that Congress 
required him to enter upon his duties at once and to remain in office 
until May 15, 1903; that this was "unconstitutional" and caused 
grave dissatisfaction, which continued to grow; that "the several 


political arrests and the exile of many persons within the past two 
years have been on account of this discussion." 

"The first dissatisfaction on the part of the people toward the govern- 
ment was caused by the course pursued by the President in the late election 
for members of the House of Deputies, held in January last. It is said in 
many places where elections were held that only those were allowed to vote 
who would promise to cast their votes in favor of the government's candidate. 
Those who would not do so could not vote. In other cases where the oppos- 
ing candidate received a majority or a plurality his election was set aside, 
and some one else named in his place. If any one maintained such action to 
be illegal, he was arrested or exiled." 

The men who aspired to become President were C. Fouchard, 
Minister of Finance in General Salomon's cabinet, who had been 
exiled by General Sam; Solon Menos, Secretary for Foreign Rela- 
tions in General Sam's cabinet; Seneque Pierre, an old Senator (all 
these men being from the South); A. Firmin, Haitian Minister to 
France; Alexis Nord, Governor of one of the northern provinces; 
General Tancred August, Secretary of Public Works; Vibrum Guil- 
laume, Secretary of War; and General C. Leconte, Secretary of 
Agriculture (all from the North), with General Maxime Monplaisir, 
brother-in-law of the President, as a "dark horse." 

" After the determination that the President would resign, Minister Leconte 
[the government candidate] felt certain that he would be elected, as he had 
sufficient votes pledged in both houses to elect him. This news spread 
rapidly, the streets became full of armed citizens wending their way toward 
the Chambers to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it was 
difficult to get the members together. The streets in the neighborhood of 
the legislative halls were thronged with people, and the government troops, 
the latter to protect the members in case of violence. Several secret meetings 
of the members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon as 
opened every available space not occupied by the members of the two houses 
was filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the balloting was 
about to commence, some one in the Chambers fired his revolver. In an 
instant shooting commenced from all parts of the room. One or two 
were killed, and the same number wounded. The members all sought 
shelter in the most available places they could find, under benches and 
desks. Others forgot the way they entered, and sought exit by means of the 
windows. By this means the populace prevented the election of General 
Leconte, forcibly adjourned the Chambers without date, and dispersed the 
members of both Chambers. The government troops immediately retired 
to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks, or the arrondissement, as it was 
thought that an attack would be immediately made on each place. . . . 
A concerted attack was made on each of the above places at ten P.M., 
lasting about twenty minutes, in which the government troops were the 
victors. It is supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons 
were either killed or wounded. . . . 

"Another attack was made on the palace and arsenal on Thursday, 


May 15, by some hot-headed individuals, but as on the former occasion, they 
were repulsed. For a time this unexpected movement created great uneasi- 
ness. What is most to be feared is the danger arising from fire. As the town 
consists mainly of wooden structures, a fire once commenced will sweep the 
city ; then will come the uprising of the lower classes to loot and pillage." 

On May 19, 1902, the Committee of Safety, Boisrond Canal, 
President, notified the Diplomatic Corps that the Committee of the 
North, at present at Gonaives, was disposed to march on the capital. 

May 19, 1902, Mr. Powell inquires of the State Department if he may 
take the U. S. S. Topeka to St. Marc to consult with the Commander of the 
Army of the North and advise him not to go to Port au Prince. He states 
that if the army, which is said to number 5000 men, is not prevented from 
reaching Port au Prince, a severe contest is to be expected, in which American 
interests will suffer. 

May 19, 1902, Mr. Hill, of the State Department, replies in the negative 
to Mr. Powell's request. 

May 24, 1902, Mr. Powell reports everything very quiet, but that in- 
formation had been received that Mr. Firmin, and Generals Nord and Jean 
Jumeau, were approaching the city with hostile intent at the head of 5000 men. 

The arms and ammunition in the hands of Generals Nord and Jumeau 
were given them by Admiral Killick. Five thousand Remingtons and 
1,000,000 rounds of ammunition were recently bought and delivered to the 
government. The Admiral was charged to have them conveyed to the 
arsenal. Two thousand of these guns were landed ; the remainder, 3000, and 
all the ammunition, he retained and delivered to Mr. Firmin. It is by this 
means that the present force under Firmin, Nord, and Jumeau was armed. 

May 27, 1902, Mr. Powell reports the establishment of a provisional 
government, with Canal as President; Nord, Secretary of War; St. Fort 
Colin, Secretary of the Interior; Jeremie, Secretary of Foreign Relations; 
Cesarious, Secretary of Agriculture; Dennery, Secretary of Finance; La- 
lanne, Secretary of Justice; and that affairs are rather better. 

May 30, 1902, Mr. Powell reports: "There is still some danger on ac- 
count of the proximity of what is known as the * Army of the North ' to the 
capital. It was supposed they would return to Cape Haitian, Gonaives, 
and St. Marc ; but such is not the case ; and in the appointment of General 
Nord Alexis as the Minister of War and Marine, this body of troops can 
enter the city at any time by his orders. The danger then will be that a coup 
d'etat may occur at any moment. The North will have the advantage in 
having control of the government's arsenal and the assistance of the two 
Haitian war-vessels. The palace still remains under the control of the gov- 
ernment troops. The commandant refuses the provisional government, or 
its President, an entrance thereto, and states he will only give way to a 
constitutionally elected President." 

" Another matter I have the honor to mention in connection with this has 
been the forced loans made by Mr. Firmin in the North, giving as guarantee 
for repayment certain revenue derived from the exportation of coffee, which 
revenue has already been guaranteed for certain outstanding bonds. I have 
been requested by commercial houses to protest, but have not done so, as 
there was at the time no government to which such a protest could be sent." 


Practically all the American citizens of Port au Prince joined in this 

June 19, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote to Secretary Hay that nothing had 
occurred to disturb the tranquillity prevailing there; that one or two little 
affairs had occurred at Cape Haiti in which a few were injured; another 
disturbance at Jacmel, where Military Governor Delegat was compelled 
to seek asylum in the Dominican Consulate. 

"The provisional government is about to negotiate a loan to pay some of 
the back salaries of the public employees, who have received no money for 
four months. The government has expelled Hon. Brutus St. Victor, late 
Minister of Foreign Relations." 

June 27, 1902, Mr. Powell reports the receipt of a telegram from Consul 
Livingston that the Haitian Admiral intends to bombard Cape Haitian at 
two o'clock, June 28. 

June 28, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the Haitian government styles 
the Admiral a pirate and disavows his action. 

June 30, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that a telegram received from Cape 
Haitian states that the Admiral fired on the city, killing several people; 
that Firmin leaves Cape Haitian on a Haitian naval vessel under protection 
of consuls. On the same date Mr. Powell had written that he thought 
Admiral Killick's threat to bombard a mere bluff, that it would injure 
his friends as much as his enemies, etc.; but subsequently acknowledged 
himself mistaken in his estimate of Killick's character. 

July 7, 1902, Mr. Powell writes Secretary Hay: "All over the Republic 
there have been more or less disturbances, the most serious being at the Cape, 
where Admiral Killick endeavored to give aid to the Hon. A. Firmin (in the 
presidential election), in so doing disobeying the orders of the Secretary of 
War and Marine, General Nord Alexis, who was also a candidate for the 
presidency and therefore an opponent to Mr. Firmin. The Admiral, in 
order to protect Mr. Firmin, landed some of the troops and sailors from his 
vessel, and also four of his guns. This action on his part was resisted by 
General Nord, and brought on an engagement between his force and the 
troops of General Nord resulting in Killick's retreat to his vessel after 
the loss of two of his guns, and also being compelled to leave a portion of 
his troops behind, who were immediately disarmed by General Nord." 

Mr. Powell continued: "At the capital the elections which closed yester- 
day were fairly quiet; there has been some little shooting at night, making 
the timid and nervous rather unsettled. A few have been killed, more 
through accident than by design. . . . Some of the houses above the first 
floor are pretty well riddled. . . . We do not dare to sit on our gallery 
for fear of some stray bullet." 

July 19, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote giving details of the Cape Haitian 
affair ; stating that the provisional government had dismissed Killick, who 
defied the government, and stated that as soon as he could obtain coal, which 
was then on the way to him, he proposed to return to the Gape, destroy it, 
and then proceed to Port au Prince to finish his work of destruction ; that 
he would never surrender the vessel, but would if necessary blow her up 
with all on board. 

President Canal had requested the French minister to send the D'Assas 
to Gonaives to capture Killick, but was refused ; he then requested Minister 
Powell to send the Marietta to capture the Crete and bring her in, but was 
VOL. i 22 


also refused, on the ground that the Marietta was there solely for the protec- 
tion of foreign interests. Admiral Killick was declared a pirate by the gov- 
ernment, but the Diplomatic Corps refused to take any action whatever in 
the matter. 


July 26, 1902, Minister Powell, from Port au Prince, notified the State 
Department by cable that civil war had been declared, that the cabinet had 
been dissolved, and that Firmin was marching with an army on Port au 

July 30, 1902, Acting Secretary David J. Hill informed Mr. Powell that 
the government would not regard Admiral Killick 's vessel as a pirate ; that 
the expedient of declaring a revolted national vessel to be a " pirate" has 
often been resorted to among the Spanish-American countries in times of 
civil tumult; but while such vessel may be outlawed so far as the out- 
lawing State is concerned, no foreign nation is bound to respect or execute 
such outlawry. Treason is not piracy. 

August 1, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote: "The Provisional President, General 
Canal, has informed the public that civil war has commenced through 
the action of Mr. Firmin and of his friends. General Jean Jumeau, the 
Governor of the Artibonite and said to be one of the ablest of the Haitian 
generals, has taken up arms in behalf of Mr. Firmin, and left Gonaives with 
an army of 2000 men and several field guns, for the purpose of attacking this 
city. At the time of General Jumeau 's departure with his troops, General 
Salnave left for the Cape with 3000 men. It was rumored, as an inducement 
to the men in the two armies, that in the event of the capture of either place 
the followers of Mr. Firmin would have the full privilege to pillage and de- 
stroy. . . . For several days during the past two weeks almost a reign 
of terror prevailed, as if some great calamity were pending over the place. 
All business was paralyzed. . . . Mr. Fouchard called at the legation to 
know what steps the Diplomatic Corps would take to prevent General 
Jumeau carrying into execution his plans to destroy the city. We informed 
him that the Diplomatic Corps could not take any steps in that direction; 
that this government must itself prepare to defend the capital. . . . Owing 
to the close proximity of General Jumeau 's army, the government on the 
night of July 26 sent a body of troops numbering 500 men to prevent a 
further advance of this army. The next morning, July 27, at six A. M., the 
alarm gun was fired, calling the citizens to arms and warning the in- 
habitants of the near approach of General Jumeau's troops. Within an 
hour thereafter 300 volunteers were sent to reinforce those sent out the night 
previous. Later in the morning General San Fort Colin, with three regi- 
ments of the national troops, left for the same destination. General Ju- 
meau's troops were met at a place called Duvivier, about eight miles from 
the city, where an engagement took place, in which about 50 were killed 
and 100 wounded, the loss on General Jumeau's side being unknown. 

" It was reported that General Jumeau's troops had retreated. . . . Vice- 
Admiral Killick has seized many of the small Haitian coasting- vessels freighted 
with fruits and vegetables for this market, one of which was a vessel flying the 
American flag. . . . News has reached the government to-day of the defeat 
of the army under General Salnave, who was marching to Cape Haiti, by the 
troops under General Nord Alexis. . . . Street firing at night continues, 


much to every one's discomfort, as no one feels safe from stray bullets. Since 
May 12th more than 900,000 rounds of ammunition have been uselessly wasted. 
... A quorum of members elect has reached the capital. . . . Mr. Firmin 
has but 23 of 95 members ; how the other 72 stand no one knows, not even the 
candidates themselves. Mr. Firmin can only win by force of arms. . . . The 
presidential contest is thus narrowed to the two candidates, Mr. Pierre and 
Mr. Fouchard. . . . The real danger at the present time is that the partisans 
of these will clash." 

August 5, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that Firmin set up a new government 
on August 4 at Gonaives, known as the Provisional Government of Artibonite 
and the Northwest, with Firmin, President ; Killick, Secretary of the Navy and 
War ; Bouraud, Secretary of the Treasury ; Henriquez, Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs ; St. Louis, Secretary of Public Works ; Chicoye, Secretary of 
the Interior ; Lamour, Secretary of Agriculture. 

August 5, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote: "The defeat of General Salnave by the 
army of General Nord Alexis, and the threatened attack upon Gonaives by 
the latter, has caused General Jean Jumeau to change his base of operations. 
. . . He has taken the field in person, and is moving with his army towards 
the Cape to meet General Nord Alexis. . . . The contest at the Cape will no 
doubt be a bitter one, as the men at the head of the opposing armies are both 
old men, are bitter enemies, and, as each has the prestige of having never suf- 
fered defeat, neither will succumb to the other without a severe struggle. . . . 
If General Nord Alexis succeeds in defeating General Jumeau, it brings him 
prominently before the people as a presidential candidate." 

August 9, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the provisional government of 
Haiti has notified the legation that Gonaives, Port de Paix, and St. Marc are 
in rebellion, and requests the United States to prevent shipment of arms and 
ammunition to those places. 

August 10, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that Admiral Killick prevents the 
steamship Paloma from entering Cape Haitian ; that he has cabled to Com- 
mander McCrea, at Gonaives, that the government at Cape Haiti is not recog- 
nized, nor the blockade, and to give protection to American and Cuban or 
foreign vessels desiring to enter the Cape. 

August 11, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the French vessel D'Assas has re- 
turned; brings news that Petit Goave is entirely destroyed, 10,000 people 
homeless, the D'Assas brought 150 women and children to Port au Prince; 
that Killick blockades the Cape, refusing the Paloma entrance ; that he has 
instructed Consul Livingston to ignore the blockade. 

August 15, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote Secretary Hay that the principal events 
which had occurred since his last despatch were : 

1st. The attempt to declare the port of Haiti in a state of blockade by the 
Firmin government ; 

2d. The total destruction of Petit Goave ; 

3d. The refusal to permit foreigners to land at Gonaives ; 

4th. The control at the Cape between the two armed forces under General 
Nord Alexis and General Jean Jumeau. 

"The saddest event of which I have to write," says Mr. Powell, "is the 
total destruction of Petit Goave, a coast city of the Bay of Gonaives, about fifty 
miles from here, with a population of about 12,000 ; it was beautifully situated 
and represented a thriving community. It was one of the chief ports of the 
Republic. Many of the foreign houses had branches here. One of the largest 


and most complete coffee usines in the Republic is located there. To-day there 
are but two houses standing, and over 10,000 people are practically home- 
less. This place was held by the adherents of Mr. Firmin, the command- 
ant in charge, Chicoye, Minister of Interior and Police, being a member of 
his cabinet. The provisional government sent from here 900 men under 
General Carrie to dislodge him and to restore it to the control of this gov- 
ernment. On the morning of the 9th General Carrie sent word to General 
Chicoye to surrender. General Chicoye with a small force made a sally from 
the city on the force under command of General Carrie, and was repulsed. 
While this attack was being made in the front, a strong detachment was sent 
to enter the city from the other side by General Carrie, so that General 
Chicoye was between two fires. Seeing this, he retreated towards the city. 
On entering it, it is said, he repaired to his house, put it to the torch, and was 
consumed with his wife and children. Others did likewise, and the place was 
soon destroyed. Another report is that a number of young men who had been 
driven from the city by the Firminists returned with General Carrie's army. 
When this army entered the city, they set fire to the houses of the most promi- 
nent partisans of Mr. Firmin. Owing to the high wind prevailing at the time, 
the flames from these houses communicated with others, and in a litt e while 
the whole city was in flames. It seems that no effort was made to stop it or to 
cease fighting, which at that time was going on in the streets. The women 
and children fled to the coffee usine, which is a short distance from the city 
and which escaped the flames. To this place also what was left of General 
Chicoye's force retreated. Many of the wounded were consumed in the flames. 
It is stated that 450 were killed. There were but few wounded, as they were 
burned with the houses. 

" After the French consulate was destroyed, the consul raised his flag at the 
usine, which is French property, and gave asylum to all who came there. Gen- 
eral Carrie demanded that the people there be surrendered to him, about 
400 in number. . . . The provisional government has ordered their embarka- 
tion to foreign shores. . . . They have no money to pay their passage or sus- 
tain themselves after they may reach a foreign shore. All they have is on 
their bodies." 

Mr. Powell also reported that the French, German, Dutch, and 
other foreign ministers and citizens contributed from their private 
funds to help these poor destitute people. The provisional govern- 
ment not only did nothing, but committed an additional outrage 
by driving these poor people from their homes, penniless, into for- 
eign countries. 

"The provisional government has established a censorship over the press, 
so that but little news can be gleaned from it. Nothing adverse to the govern- 
ment can be stated in the columns of the papers. Any departure from this 
rule consigns the editors, and those connected with them, to prison." 

August 20, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote that General Jumeau, on the 18th, had 
reduced St. Michel, a small town in the interior, to ashes in order to prevent 
it from falling into the hands of the government troops. 

"In the North, toward the Cape, affairs are still in a desperate state. The 
armies of the two sections confront each other; a battle is momentarily ex- 
pected. It is stated that each numbers about 3000 men. ... At Petit Goave 


the condition of the people that remain there seems most distressing. The 
women and children who are at the usine are without food or raiment, except 
such as has been sent them from here ; those who have escaped are in hiding 
in the mountains. The women and children who have fled from the city are 
subsisting on what they can find near them." 

August 29, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that severe fighting near Cape Haitian 
occurred August 28th and 29th ; that Nord is at the head of the provisional 
army and Jumeau in command of the revolutionists; that the loss on both 
sides is very heavy ; that Limbe and Marmelade are totally destroyed. 

August 29, 1902, Mr. Powell reports there are many rumors, but little 
definite news, as all communication is cut off, and Mr. Firmin has issued a 
decree prohibiting the consuls and consular agents from communicating with 
the legations. . . . "One of the peculiar features of this contest is that as 
soon as the defeated army finds that it is compelled to leave a place, it at once 
places a torch to it." 

September 3, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that Admiral Killick searched a 
German vessel on September 2, and took from her goods consigned to Cape 
Haitian for the Haitian government ; that the charge d'affaires of Germany has 
cabled to his government for instructions to seize the Crete (Killick 's ves- 
sel) ; that the German naval vessel Panther is expected to arrive September 4. 

September 6, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote: "In the North affairs are a little 
more lively. Two battles have been fought. General Jumeau seems to have 
regained some of his lost ground. A battle was fought at Limbe on Sep- 
tember 1 and 2, at which the government troops were compelled to retire. 
... It is reported to-day that the government troops have suffered another 
reverse at a place thirty-six hours' march from here, called Mirebalais. . . . 
The German naval vessel Panther arrived to-day. . . . 

The Paloma, which arrived to-day, brings to Mr. Firmin $2,000,000 paper 
money, printed for him in New York; 800,000 rounds of ammunition, and 
a quantity of firearms. . . . Mr. Firmin now has all the sinews of war that 
he needs, money to pay his soldiers, which he will compel all to accept ; 
arms, ammunition, and provisions for the same. . . . Mr. Firmin has also 
seized all the custom receipts at the ports of Gonaives, St. Marc, and Port de 
Paix. The revenues from these, as well as other ports, have been set aside 
to meet the bonded obligations of the government as they fell due. A large 
proportion of these bonds is in the hands of the French and German bankers 
and the merchants of those countries. 

September 7, 1902, Mr. Powell reports a communication from Boisrond 
Canal, Provisional President, stating that "ex- Admiral Killick, at present 
in rebellion against the legitimate authority, has seized on board the German 
merchant steamer Markomannia arms and ammunition shipped from the 
capital for Cape Haitian. The government sent out another protest to the 
world, calling the Crete, Killick's vessel, a pirate." 

September 7, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the Panther sunk the Crete 
yesterday; ordered her to surrender ; Killick refused ; 30 shots fired into her ; 
the Crete was sunk in the harbor of Gonaives ; Killick and his crew escaped 
uninjured to the shore. Mr. Powell added that "The Panther returned to 
this port this morning. There was much rejoicing on the part of some of the 
inhabitants, while with others there is a bitter feeling of resentment against 
the provisional government and German colony, which may result in some 
grave events the coming week." 


September 9, 1902, Mr. Powell states that it is reported that Admiral 
Killick and two of his officers went down with the Crete. 


Readers of this narrative will remember the excitement caused in 
the United States by the action of the German vessel Panther sinking 
this pirate outfit. While not strictly piratical, in the eyes of interna- 
tional law, it was a bandit vessel, cruising without papers issued by 
any government, and not in the service of any revolution which had 
been recognized by a foreign nation. Had this vessel confined its 
attacks to the forces of the government, there would have been no 
trouble. But it issued paper blockades, which our own government 
refused to recognize; and when it held up our vessels and searched 
them, our government did nothing. Seizing merchandise from a 
German vessel, however, was an entirely different matter, and the 
German government deserves great credit for doing what we our- 
selves ought to have had the decency to do long before, that is, to 
put a practical and effectual end to the depredations of the Crete. 

The actions of the Panther caused the strongest of animadver- 
sions in the United States, and was responsible for thousands of red- 
hot editorials on the Monroe Doctrine applicable to such a case. I 
must content myself, reflecting on the attitude of the American press 
and people with reference to this and similar cases, with the same 
conviction which the moujik of Russia entertains concerning "The 
Little Father," "He doesn't know the truth, but if he did, it 
would be all right." 

September 13, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote that the political situation was get- 
ting worse ; that General Nord Alexis had again been defeated in the North ; 
that a movement had been started to depose General Canal, the Provisional 
President, on the ground that he was too old. 

Full reports of the sinking of the Crete were given, from which 
it appears that Killick had tried to blow up the vessel. A maddening 
crowd of people filled the streets crying, "Kill the Germans," "kill 
the whites"; but the Panther steamed away without waiting to 
protect them. 

"The feeling throughout the Republic is very bitter toward the Germans. 
Placards have been affixed on the doors of many of the German houses, call- 
ing upon all Haitians who love their country, irrespective of party or faction, 
to arise and avenge the death of Killick by any means in their power. What 
is to be the result of this no one can predict." 


While these events are transpiring, we may pause, as lovers of 
literature, to read some of the productions from the pens of Haitian 
generals. This, by Firmin, sounds rather well: 



The infamous government of Port au Prince continues its ill-omened work. 

It has so far excited the foreign governments against our cause that it has 
finally led the German cruiser to bombard in our harbor of Gonaives the gun- 
boat Crete-a-Pierrot that was anchored there. 

Our vessel, taken by surprise, was not able to defend itself ; Admiral Kil- 
lick has immortalized himself in blowing it up. He has met the death of the 

Boisrond Canal and the anti-patriots who surround him will render an 
account of that action before history. 

Never would the foreigner have thought to act so brutally toward us with- 
out the request of that man, who wished to avenge himself thus for the seizure, 
regularly made by us, of the arms and ammunitions sent to his accomplices 
at the Cape on the steamship Markomannia. 

Haitians, shame to those who, forgetting their duty to the country, call 
on foreigners to disgrace it. 

The fifteen cannon-shots fired on the Crete-a-Pierrot already on fire, 
instead of shaking my courage, have strengthened it. I shall remain at the 
height of my duties. 

Dessalines, illustrious founder of our independence, and thou, Petion, 
and thou, Capiox, braver than death itself, your sublime souls soared silently 
over this generous city of Gonaives during that act of iniquitous aggression. 

But I swear, with the brave citizens and soldiers who surround me, to pre- 
serve the national honor entire. 

Live Admiral Killick ! 

Live the heroes, founders of national independence ! 

Live the institutions ! 

Live the Haitian native ! A. FIHMIN. 

Given at the National Palace at Gonaives, September 6, 1902, 
99th year of independence. 

If the reader be not yet satiated with the peculiar style of opera- 
bouffe which the Monroe Doctrine has brought forth among our 
"Sister Republics," the following additional sample may be of 
interest : 

(Republic of Haiti Order of the Day.) 

Citizens and soldiers, let us render homage to Admiral Killick, and to the 
officers of the Crete-a-Pierrot, to the valorous Generals Ney Pierre, Albert 
Salnave, Laborde Corvosier, Malvoisin, Macombe, Catabois, and their other 
companions of War. 

They have merited the fatherland. 
Live order ! 
Live liberty ! 

Live national independence ! 
Live the unity of the Haitian family ! 
etc., etc., etc. 


Councillor Depts. Finance and Commerce. 


September 22, 1902, Mr. Powell writes: "The partisans of the two candi- 
dates resident here, Fouchard and Pierre, are accusing each other of bad faith, 
thus causing much bad blood between them. The friends of the one assert 
that Fouchard shall not be President, and the friends of the other candidate 
declare that Pierre shall not be. The only thing that prevents an open rupture 
at the present time is that both have united in giving assistance to the provi- 
sional government against Mr. Firmin. After Mr. Finnin has been defeated, 
and is no longer a menace to either, then they will commence a conflict for 
the mastery here, in which the city will be the theatre of conflict. . . . Each 
candidate is quietly arming his side for this conflict . . . The color of the 
candidates is another danger that is gradually assuming shape. The pure 
blacks declare that only a black man shall be elected as President. For this 
reason a large number of this class espouse the candidacy of Mr. Pierre, who 
represents that element ; those of a lighter hue and the mulattoes are supposed 
to be with Mr. Fouchard, who is not quite so dark. 

"The provisional government is pressing all the country people into mili- 
tary service. In the mountain districts they are hunted like wild animals, 
and are driven into the cities like droves of cattle, with their legs tied together 
with rope, sufficiently long to enable them to walk, their arms tied behind 
them. They have two or three soldiers and an officer to guard them and see 
that none escape. These people range in age from fourteen to sixty-five years. 
If any resist, or endeavor to escape, or flee from the officer in charge, they are 
shot as they run. The country people, especially those in the mountainous 
districts, are not in sympathy with any of the candidates, stating 'We have 
no President, why should we fight?' All they desire is to be let alone, to 
cultivate their little patches of ground. . . . The principal events of the past 
week are the successive defeats of the force of General Nord Alexis by the 
troops of Mr. Firmin at Limbe. . . . For the last three days the provisional 
government has been sending troops to attack St. Marc and Gonaives. About 
3000 men are on the march, going by three routes. ... It is the settled 
purpose of Mr. Firmin to destroy both cities if he finds his troops cannot 
hold them." 

October 7, 1902, Mr. Powell writes: "The provisional government daily 
exhibits greater weakness and inability to cope with the present situation. 
There are virtually but two men in the cabinet. General Nord Alexis, one 
of the members, is in the field at the North. The President, General Canal, 
is also filling the following cabinet places: Secretary of Foreign Relations, 
War and Marine, Justice, Public Worship, Agriculture and Public Works. 
The President, who has taken these several cabinet places upon himself, is 
seventy-seven years old." 

October 16, 1902, Port au Prince, Legation of the United States, Mr. 
Terres reports that St. Marc has capitulated to the provisional government. 

October 17, 1902, Mr. Terres reports the surrender of Gonaives, and that 
Firmin, with his followers, has embarked in the Adirondacks. 

October 22, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that since the surrender of St. Marc 
and Port au Paix and the evacuation of Gonaives, the civil war is over ; that 
it is supposed a general amnesty will be granted. 

November 5, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that General Nord Alexis demanded 
of Consul Livingston, Cape Haitian, surrender of political refugees, which 
was refused. The answer of Secretary John Hay, November 21, 1902, 
throws a curious light on the attitude of the American State Department. 


Mr. Hay says: "Mr. Terre's statement to the President (in refusing to 
deliver up the refugees) appears to have lacked the necessary qualification. 
The government could rightly object to the taking of political refugees from 
one of its consulates by force, but it could not shelter fugitives from the 
orderly processes of the courts when charged with common crimes not 
political in their nature." 

I confess that the man who can coolly and dispassionately write of 
the "orderly processes of the courts," in face of the record of pillage, 
devastation, and anarchy disclosed in these letters to Mr. Hay, is of 
a character incomprehensible to me. Under this ruling, the only thing 
necessary to get at a political refugee would be for one of these black 
descendants of Ananias to charge the victim with some crime, and 
thus make him subject to the "orderly processes of the courts" ! 

November 7, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that "some 300 volunteers, who 
had left this city about three weeks ago for Gonaives, to operate against the 
army of Firmin, returned to the capital on the 3d instant about five P. M. On 
entering, General St. Fort Colin, Minister of the Interior and Commandant 
of the Arrondissement of Port au Prince, demanded them to disarm. They 
refused to give up their arms, and the consequence was a conflict between the 
troops of General St. Fort Colin and the volunteers commanded by General 
Emmanuel Thezan. The whole city was thrown into a commotion, a perfect 
panic ensuing; the firing continued during the remainder of the afternoon, 
all through the night, and recommenced on the following morning, continuing 
until eleven o'clock, when things quieted down, and the volunteers withdrew 
to the suburbs of the city, where they are now encamped, retaining their arms 
and two Gatling guns. During the disturbance there were some 10 or 12 killed 
and about 20 wounded ; some of the victims were persons not engaged in the 
melee. The state of affairs here is very unsettled, and when the different corps 
return, one under General J. Carrie, with volunteers who are partisans 
of Mr. Fouchard, the same as those under General Thezan, and the two corps 
under Generals Buteau and H. Monplaisir, respectively, who support as their 
candidate Mr. Seneque Pierre, with General Alexis Nord, who is coming with 
his army, and who is also a candidate for the presidency, it will be very 
difficult to avoid serious complications." 

November 21, 1902, Mr. Terres writes: "General Alexis Nord, with the 
main corps of his army, is still at Gonaives; he is expected to arrive here 
within the next ten days, and then he will have in this city about 15,000 troops. 
Should he not pose himself as a candidate for the presidency, with a certainty 
of being elected, whichever one of the other two candidates that he may favor 
will surely be elected." 

December 16, 1902, Mr. Terres reports the arrival of General Nord on 
December 14; that great excitement prevails; that shooting is going on in 
the city; that serious trouble is expected; that the Haitian Secretary of the 
Interior, with the general police, is at the United States Legation. 

December 22, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that General Nord has been 
elected President of Haiti, and that everything is quiet at Port au Prince. 

"On the 14th instant General Nord Alexis entered the capital with his 
army of about 5000 men. He immediately distributed his troops at the differ- 


ent important posts and forts of the city. . . . During the day there was some 
disorder ; some 15 persons were killed ; later, however, all quieted down. 

"On the evening of the 17th there was a salute fired at about eight p. M., 
and the army acclaimed General Nord as the President of Haiti. The next 
day General Nord, escorted by his cavalry, passed through the principal 
streets of the city, and then entered and took up his residence in the palace, 
which, since the departure of ex-President Sam, had been closed and guarded 
by General Darius Hyppolite. A proclamation was issued by General Nord, 
accepting the acclamation, subject to the sanction of the National Assembly. 
. . . General Nord received 100 out of the 115 votes cast, the 15 others being 
blank ballots." 

This is the story of an " election" in Haiti, a chapter which 
has been repeated with a thousand variations, a hundred different 
times, ever since the Black Dictatorship was established. 

Whether the stories of voodooism and cannibalism in Haiti are 
true or not is a matter of little importance ; the prime fact is, that to 
all intents and purposes Haiti is a barbarous community. So far as 
I know, Haiti is the highest type of government ever established by 
the negro race, and with reference to it I must agree with Mr. 
Colquhoun, who terms it "a by- word among the nations." 


PROMINENT Colombian authority says: 

"In no other country of the world have there been adopted as many 
Constitutions as in Colombia. Counting those which took root from 
the proclamation of independence by the united provinces of New Granada 
(1811-1815) ; those that governed in all the Republic in 1821, 1830, 1832, 1843, 
1853, 1858, 1863, and 1886; the thirty-five Constitutions adopted by the 
provinces, in virtue of Article 48 of the Constitution of 1853, and the forty-two 
sanctioned by the Sovereign States under the regimen of the Constitution of 
Rionegro, and the result is that we have had since 1811 ninety Constitutions. 
In them have been adopted, within the republican regimen, all possible combi- 
nations, rigorous centralization, mitigated centralization, relative federa- 
tion, absolute federation, and confederation. Some of these Constitutions 
have been the work of a single party; others, as those of 1843, 1858, 1886, 
were partially the joint work of diverse parties.'* 


If the Constitutions of Colombia have been somewhat more numer- 
ous than those of Venezuela, they have at least not been more amusing, 
nor have the mandates of these Constitutions been more generally 
disregarded in one country than in the other. Every incoming Dic- 
tator has had a Constitution of his own, each one designed to be 
prettier than the preceding, but without the slightest intention of 
making it practically applicable in any respect to the actual admin- 
istration of affairs. Nor is the majority of the other Spanish-American 
countries particularly better than Venezuela or Colombia in this re- 
spect. Their Constitutions have been changed, altered, abolished, or 
amended at the whim of the reigning Dictator. The dates of the 
adoption of the latest Constitutions of several of these countries have 
been given as follows : Ecuador, 1897 ; Nicaragua, 1894 ; Santo Do- 
mingo, 1896; Honduras, 1895 ; Haiti, 1889; Salvador, 1886; Bolivia, 
1880; Peru, 1885; Colombia, 1904; Venezuela, 1904. 

In Brazil one Constitution only existed during the empire, from 
1824 to 1891. In Chili, Argentina, Uraguay, Paraguay, and Gaute- 
mala, the Constitutions are not changed so often. When a revolution 


sweeps the government out of power, the new crowd contents itself 
with filling the offices, probably considering that the Constitution is 
not of enough importance to justify interfering with it. 

All Spanish- American Constitutions are much alike; they are 
mainly copies of our Constitution, with some French ideas grafted on 
to it, and a few Utopian ideas of the reigning Dictator tagged on. The 
Constitution which comes nearest to practicality is that of Mexico. 
It was adopted in 1857, but fulfilled Bolivar's definition, "Our Con- 
stitutions are books," until General Porfirio Diaz fought his way into 
power and resolutely set about organizing a real government. As 
stated elsewhere, the Mexican Constitution is almost universally 
respected and enforced by the courts, and reference has been made 
to its articles for so long a time that a compliance with its mandates 
has become habitual. It has become interwoven in the legal thought 
of the country ; and it is worthy of great respect. In a lesser degree, 
and yet to an extent which makes us hopeful, the Constitutions of 
Chili, adopted in 1833, the body of which is still in force, and that 
of Argentina, adopted in 1860, are being more and more accepted 
by the governments and the courts as of paramount authority, al- 
though in their more important provisions those relating to the 
election of executives and legislators and to the independence of the 
judiciary they are as if they were not. 


For the purpose of revealing the relations which a typical Spanish- 
American Constitution has to the actual administration and to show 
how utterly puerile and ridiculous are its pretensions to be the funda- 
mental law of the land ; how unworthy of any consideration whatever 
it is as a governing factor or as controlling the actions of those 
in authority, I shall analyze one of the most recent productions of 
Latin-American countries, namely, the Constitution of Venezuela. 
This document is certainly one of the most remarkable specimens of 
constitution-making to be found in history. 

Almost every revolution in Venezuela has brought a new Consti- 
tution into existence. The new Dictator usually appoints one of his 
partisans from each State, or district, to be a member of an Asamblea 
Constituyenti a sort of provisional congress and this body pro- 
mulgates the Constitution desired by the Dictator. I have in my pos- 
session several of these Constitutions, but the five most important 
may be regarded as follows: 

1830 The Constitution promulgated at Valencia, September 24, 
1830, by Jose Antonio Paez; 

1874 The Constitution promulgated by Guzman Blanco ; 

1881 The Constitution promulgated by Guzman Blanco at 
Caracas on April 27, 1881 ; 


1893 The Constitution promulgated by Joaquin Crespo at 
Caracas, June 21, 1893; 

1901 The Constitution promulgated by Cipriano Castro, Ca- 
racas, March 29, 1901; 

The Constitution of 1830 was alleged to have been formed by the 
Diputados of the provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, Margarita, Ca- 
racas, Carabobo, Coro, Maracaibo, Merida, Barinas, Apure, and 
Guayana. It declared that: 

The Venezuelan nation is forever and irrevocably free and inde- 
pendent of all potencies and foreign dominion, and is not and never 
will be the patrimony of any family ; 

That sovereignty resides essentially in the nation, and can only 
be exercised by those political powers which this Constitution 
provides ; 

That the government will be formed republican, popular, repre- 
sentative, responsible, and alternating; 

That the people will not themselves exercise other attributions of 
sovereignty than the elections, nor deposit the exercise of such sov- 
ereignty in the hands of any single person; 

That the supreme power is divided into legislative, executive, and 
judicial ; each power will exercise the attributions designated by this 
Constitution, without exceeding their respective limits ; 

All Venezuelans, in the enjoyment of their rights of citizenship, 
are eligible for election to public office. 

Very formal and complete directions were given for the holding of 
elections and the recording of the popular vote. 

The restrictions placed by this Constitution upon the exercise of 
power by the Executive might incline us to believe that these people 
were seriously engaged in working out the problem of free govern- 
ment, were it not for the fact that Paez was at the very moment of its 
formulation an autocratic Military Dictator. 

The Constitution states: 

The President of the Republic cannot: 

1st. Leave the territory of the Republic while he exercises the Executive 
power, nor for one year afterwards [if the writer of this clause could have seen 
Andrade skipping out from La Guaira, he would probably have changed his 
phraseology to "ought not" instead of "cannot"]; 

2d. Command in person the military and naval forces without the pre- 
vious consent of Congress; 

3d. Employ the armed forces permanently in case of internal commotion, 
without the previous consent of the cabinet; 

4th. Admit foreigners to the service of arms in the class of officials and 
chiefs, without the previous consent of Congress; 

5th. Expel from the territory, nor deprive of his liberty, any Venezuelan, 
except in cases prescribed by Article 118 (rebellion or foreign war), nor pre- 
scribe any punishment whatever; 

6th. Exercise any control over judicial proceedings; 


7th. Prevent or interfere with the election prescribed by this Constitu- 
tion, nor prevent the persons elected from taking their offices and exercising 
their functions; 

8th. Dissolve Congress nor suspend its sessions. 

A great many more restrictions were placed upon the Executive, 
for the purpose of rendering tyranny impossible; and Venezuela 
became at once quite a model republic on paper. 

The Constitution promulgated by Guzman Blanco was more 
profuse than even that of Paez in its alleged guarantees. One 
would think to read it that the millennium had arrived in Venezuela. 
The following will illustrate its pretensions (Constitution of 1883) : 

ART. 14. The nation guarantees to Venezuelans 

1st. The inviolability of life, capital punishment being abolished, no 
difference what law may be established. 

2d. Property with all its rights, emoluments, and privileges ; it can only 
be subject to the contributions decreed by the legislative authority and the 
judicial decision, and be taken for public works, previous indemnization, 
and judgment of condemnation. 

3d. The inviolability and secrecy of correspondence, and other private 

4th. The domestic residence, which cannot be entered except to prevent 
the perpetration of a crime, and this even must be executed in accordance 
with the prescription of law. 

5th. Personal liberty, and for it ; (a) there remains abolished the forcible 
recruiting for the service of arms; (b) slavery forever prohibited; (c) free- 
dom for slaves who tread the Venezuelan territory ; (d) no one is compelled 
to do what the law does not command, nor prohibited from doing what the 
law does not prohibit. 

6th. The liberty of thought, expressed by words, or by medium of the 
press, is without any restriction or previous censorship. In the cases of cal- 
umny, or injury, or prejudice to third parties, the aggrieved has the right to 
bring actions before the tribunals of justice, in accordance with the common 

7th. The liberty to travel without passports, to change the domicile, ob- 
serving for this purpose the legal formalities, and to absent himself , or return 
to the Republic, taking his property and chattels. 

8th. The liberty of industry, and, in consequence, the ownership of his 
discoveries and productions. For authors and inventors the law will assign 
a temporary privilege, or indicate the manner of indemnifying them. 

9th. The liberty of reunion and association without arms, publicly or 
privately, the public authorities having no right to exercise any act whatever 
of inspection or coercion. 

10th. The liberty of petition, with the right of obtaining a resolution 
thereon, before any functionary, authority, or corporation. If the petition 
is signed by many, the first five will respond for the authenticity of the signa- 
tures, and all for the truth of the statements. 

llth. The liberty of suffrage for the popular elections without other 
restrictions than that of a minority of eighteen years of age. 


12th. The liberty of instruction, which will be protected in all its extension. 
The public power remains obligated to establish gratuitously primary educa- 
tion and that of arts and occupations. 

13th. Religious liberty. 

14th. Individual security, and for this (a) no Venezuelan can be arrested, 
nor imprisoned for debts which do not spring from fraud or crime ; (6) nor 
be obliged to receive military persons in his house, nor lodge nor feed them; 
(c) nor be judged by special tribunals nor commissions, but only by the 
regular judges, and in accordance with the laws dictated prior to the crime, 
or commencement of the action ; (d) nor be imprisoned nor arrested, except 
upon summary information of having committed a crime which merits cor- 
poral punishment, and an order in writing by the functionary who sentences 
him to prison, with a statement of the cause, unless the person has been 
caught infraganti; (e) nor be held incomunicado for any cause; (/) nor be 
obliged to testify, nor be interrogated, in criminal affairs, against himself, or 
his relatives within the fourth degree of consanguinity, second of affinity, and 
matrimony; (g) nor remain in prison if the motives have been destroyed; 
(h) nor be condemned to suffer pain in criminal matters without first having 
been cited and legally heard; (i) nor be condemned to imprisonment for 
more than ten years ; (j) nor continue to be deprived of his liberty for political 
motives after public order has been established. 

15th. The equality in virtue of which (a) all must be judged by the same 
laws, and submitted to equal duties, services, and contributions; (6) Titles 
of nobility will not be conceded, nor hereditary honors and distinctions, nor 
public office whose emoluments endure longer than the service ; (c) No other 
titles or address will be given to officials or corporations than " Citizen" and 


Very many other alleged "guarantees" were expressed by the 
so-called Constitution of Guzman Blanco, but none of them was worth 
the paper it was printed upon. These constitutional guarantees seem 
a cruel and wicked mockery. If Blanco and his satellites had been 
men of good faith, we might have patience with their frailties and 
shortcomings; but their alleged constitutional guarantees, like those 
of Crespo and Castro, who succeeded them, were only the crafty 
devices of corrupt and debauched men, who "steal the livery of 
heaven to serve the devil in." 

The Constitution promulgated on April 13, 1901, by Cipriano 
Castro, contained all the above guarantees, and many more. Some- 
thing occurred which caused Castro to dislike this Constitution; he 
therefore promulgated a new one, on June 12, 1903. Some of the 
provisions in Castro's Constitution are really worthy. Take this, for 
instance : 

"ART. 63. The election of President of the United States of Venezuela 
will be made by all the citizens of all the States and the Federal District, by 
direct and secret ballot ; and in order to be elected it is necessary to be a Vene- 
zuelan by birth, and to have completed thirty years of age." 


As a matter of fact, "in order to be elected," it is necessary to have 
more half-breed soldiers and more machetes than the other fellow. 
It disgusts a sensible man to read this drivelling talk of the elections 
in Venezuela. 

On April 27, 1904, General Castro promulgated yet another Con- 
stitution for Venezuela. This Constitution seems to be aimed more 
particularly at foreigners, of whom, however, there are very few re- 
maining. It declares: 

"The law shall determine the rights and duties of foreigners. 

"If foreigners take part in political disputes, they shall have the same 
responsibilities as Venezuelans. 

"In no case shall nationals or foreigners claim to be indemnified by the 
nation or the States for damages or expropriations which have not been com- 
mitted by lawful authorities acting in their public character." 

The Federal Executive is given the power 

"To prohibit, when it is deemed expedient, the entry into the national 
territory of foreigners, who have no settled domicile in the country, or to expel 
them therefrom. 

"To prohibit and prevent the entry into the territory of the Republic of 
foreigners specially devoted to the service of any worship or religion, whatever 
may be the order or hierarchy with which they are invested." 


The Constitutions of Ecuador have been many and excellent on 
paper. Some of the principal Constitutions were as follows : 

Place Promulgated Duration 

1. Riobamba 1830-1835 

2. Ambato 1835-1843 

3. Quito 1843-1845 

4. Cuenca 1845-1850 

5. Quito 1850-1852 

6. Guayaquil 1852-1859 

7. Quito 1861-1869 

8. Quito 1869-1876 

9. Ambato 1877-1883 

10. Quito 1883-1887 

11. Quito 1887-1896 

12. Quito 1897- 

The Constitution of Ecuador, like that of Venezuela, is useless for 
practical purposes. If the provisions of this Constitution were in any 
degree respected, there might be some hope for the future. But it is 
merely an aggregation of words which may be shown to foreign pow- 
ers when complaint is made about the low state of civilization which 
permits the levying of forced loans on their citizens. The guarantees 
of the Ecuadorian Constitution are as follows : 



In the name of God, the Author and Legislator of the earth, the National 
Assembly of Ecuador makes and promulgates the following political 
Constitution : 


ART. I. The Ecuadorian Nation is composed of all the Ecuadorians 
united under the dominion of the same laws. 

ART. II. The territory of the Republic embraces that of the provinces 
which formerly constituted the Presidency of Quito and that of the Archipelago 
of Galapagos. The limits shall be finally fixed by treaties with the neighbor- 
ing nations. 

ART. III. The sovereignty is vested in the nation, but it is delegated by 
it to the authorities established by the Constitution. 

ART. IV. The Government of Ecuador is popular, elective, representative, 
alternative, and responsible. It is vested in three powers: the Legislative, 
the Executive, and the Judicial. Each one of them fulfils the duties and func- 
tions allotted to it by the present Constitution, but none shall exceed the 
limits established by its provisions. 

ART. V. The Republic is indivisible, free, and independent of all foreign 


Section 1 
ART. VI. The following are Ecuadorians: 

1. All persons born in the territory of Ecuador of Ecuadorian fathers or 

2. All persons born in Ecuadorian territory of alien fathers, if residing 
in it. 

3. All persons born in a foreign state of Ecuadorian father or mother, who 
reside in the Republic, and express their desire to be Ecuadorians. 

4. All the natives of another State who enjoy the Ecuadorian nationality. 

5. All aliens professing sciences, arts, or useful industries, or owning real 
estate or having capital invested in business, who have resided for one year 
in the territory of the Republic, have declared their intention to become 
domiciled in it, and have obtained naturalization papers. 

6. Those who have obtained naturalization by act of Congress for services 
rendered to the Republic. 

ART. VII. No Ecuadorian, even if he has acquired another nationality, 
shall be exempted from the duties imposed upon him by the Constitution and 
the laws as long as he remains domiciled in the Republic. The provisions 
made on this subject in treaties anterior to this date shall be respected. 

ART. VIII. A special law shall define who are domiciled foreigners and 
their rights and duties. 

Section 2. Citizenship 

ART. IX. Every male Ecuadorian who can read and write and is over 
twenty-one years of age, whether married or single, is a citizen of Ecuador. 
VOL. i 23 


ART. X. The Ecuadorian citizenship is lost 

1. By entering the service of a hostile nation. 

2. By naturalization in another State. 

3. In all other cases established by law. 

ART. XI. Ecuadorians who have lost the rights of citizenship may be 
restored to them by the Senate. But convicts sentenced to a term of imprison- 
ment longer than six months cannot obtain their restoration to citizenship 
until the full term of their sentence is served. 

An Ecuadorian naturalized in another country may recover his native 
citizenship by returning to Ecuador, renouncing his foreign allegiance, and 
declaring his intention to reassume his original citizenship. 

ART. XII. The rights of citizenship shall be suspended 

1. By judicial order enjoining their exercise. 

2. By sentence passed in cases of violations of the law which entail the 
loss of citizenship. 

3. By decree issued against a public functionary. 


ART. XIII. The religion of the Republic is the Roman Catholic Apostolic, 
and all others are excluded. The political powers are bound to respect it, to 
cause it to be respected, and to protect it hi its liberty and all its other rights. 


ART. XIV. The penalty of death shall not be imposed for offences purely 
political, except when they consist in the forcible alteration of the constitu- 
tional order by armed people militarily organized. 

Treason to the country, parricide, murder, arson, pillage, and piracy, even 
if committed under cover of a political purpose, shall never be considered 
political offences, nor shall offences committed by military men Awhile in active 
service be clothed with that character. 

ART. XV. All persons are entitled to be presumed innocent and to retain 
their good reputation until adjudged guilty in the manner provided by law. 

ART. XVI. There are no slaves, nor shall there be any, in the Republic, 
and all slaves who tread upon Ecuadorian territory shall become free. 

ART. XVTI. Forced recruiting is forbidden. 

ART. XVIII. No person shall be forced to lend services not required by 
law, and in no case shall tradesmen and laborers be compelled to work unless 
in fulfilment of a contract. 

ART. XIX. There shall be liberty of reunion and association without arms 
for lawful purposes. 

ART. XX. All persons are entitled to exercise the right of petition, to ad- 
dress their requests to all authorities, and to ask for and secure a proper deci- 
sion on the same; but the petitions shall never be made in the name of the 

ART. XXI. No persons shall be detained, arrested, or imprisoned except 
in such cases, in such form, and for such time, as provided by law. 

ART. XXII. No person can be excluded from the protection of the laws, 
or subjected to other jurisdiction than that of his natural judges, or tried by 
special commissions, or by laws enacted subsequent to the date of his offence, 
or deprived of the right of defence in any stage of the trial. 


ART. XXIII. No husband or wife shall be compelled to testify against 
the other in a criminal case. No person shall be forced to testify against his 
relations, whether hi the ascending, descending, or collateral line, within the 
fourth civil degree of blood relationship or the second degree of affinity. No 
one shall ever be compelled by oath, or otherwise, to give testimony against 
himself in any matter which may entail penal responsibility. No person shall 
be kept in close confinement for over twenty-four hours, or put in irons, or be 
subjected to any kind of torture. 

ART. XXIV; Whipping, and confiscation of property are forbidden. 

ART. XXV. No one shall be deprived of his property except by a judicial 
decision, or by condemnation for public use in the form prescribed by law and 
upon previous indemnification. 

ART. XXVI. No tax or duty shall be levied except in conformity with the 
law and by the authority designated by it for that purpose. Taxation shall 
always be in proportion to the capital or industry of the taxpayer. 

ART. XXVII. All persons shall enjoy liberty of industry and the exclusive 
ownership of his discoveries, inventions, or literary productions in the manner 
and form prescribed by law. 

ART. XXVIII. All persons shall have the power to express their thoughts 
freely, either orally or through the press, provided that they respect religion, 
decency, morals, and private reputation; otherwise they shall incur legal 

Those who, either orally or through the press, incite rebellion or disturb 
the constitutional order, shall likewise incur legal responsibility. 

ART. XXIX. The residence of all persons whatever is inviolable. No 
dwelling-place shall be entered except for some special reason provided by 
law and by order of competent authority. 

ART. XXX. Suffrage shall be free. 

ART. XXXI. Epistolary correspondence shall be inviolable. The inter- 
cepting, opening, or searching of letters, papers, or effects belonging to private 
persons, except in the cases provided by law, is forbidden. 

ART. XXXII. All persons are allowed to travel freely in the interior of the 
Republic, to move from one place to another, to leave the country, whether 
taking or not taking with them their property, or to return to the same. In 
case of war, passports shall be required. 

ART. XXXIII. Public credit is guaranteed. Therefore the funds appro- 
priated by law for the payment of the national debt shall not be applied to any 
other purpose, except in the case provided by No. 9 of Article XCIV. 

ART. XXXIV. All persons shall have the power to establish educational 
institutions, on condition, however, that they comply with the law of public 

Primary instruction is gratuitous and compulsory, but parents shall have 
the right to select the school which they may deem best. The imparting of 
this instruction, as well as the teaching of trades, shall be paid out of the 
public funds. 

ART. XXXV. The entailing of property, whether in the form of mayor- 
azgos or any other form, is forbidden in Ecuador, in whose territory real estate 
shall not be allowed to become untransferable. 

ART. XXXVI. Only those Ecuadorians who are actually enjoying the 
rights of citizenship can be public functionaries. 

ART. XXXVII. The violation by any public functionaries of any guar- 


antee established by the present Constitution shall render them and their 
property liable to indemnity for the damages they may have caused ; and in 
case of crimes or offences committed when violating the same guarantees, the 
following provisions shall be observed : 

1. Accusation may be formulated against the functionaries with or with- 
out the intervention of a lawyer and without the obligation to give bonds. 

2. The penalty imposed in these cases shall neither be remitted by pardon 
nor modified by commutation or reduction, during the constitutional period 
in which the offence was committed or the following period. 

3. No action, whether criminal or civil, arising out of the offences herein 
referred to, shall be barred by limitation, except after the expiration of the 
two periods above named. 


ART. XXXVIII. There shall be, in conformity with the law, popular 
elections by direct and secret vote. The President and Vice-President of the 
Republic, the Senators, the Deputies, and all other functionaries designated 
by the Constitution and the laws, shall be elected in this manner. 

ART. XXXIX. All Ecuadorians in the exercise of the rights of citizenship 
are electors. 

ART. XL. The election shall take place on the day appointed by law. 
The respective authorities shall, on that day, under their strictest responsi- 
bility, carry on the electoral law, without waiting for any order from their 


Haiti, of course, has had Constitutions. The first was promul- 
gated in 1801, by Toussaint L'Ouverture, which conferred special 
powers upon himself. He was ambitious to be Emperor. 

1804. Dessalines promulgated a "Declaration of Independence," 
and a new Constitution, outlining a bloody policy of extermination 
against the French. He proclaimed himself Governor General for 
life, and then Emperor, but was assassinated in November, 1806, and 
this of course made a new Constitution necessary. 

1806. A new Constitution was adopted which prohibited white 
men from ever becoming citizens or owning property in Haiti. Al- 
though the Constitution of Haiti has been changed many times since, 
this provision has remained in all succeeding instruments to the present 

There were now two "governments" in Haiti, one established 
by Christophe in the North, under the title of Henri I, King of Haiti ; 
and the other in the South, under Petion, President, under the Con- 
stitution. They kept up a continual war for twelve years. Petion 
died in 1818, and Christophe committed suicide in 1820. Boyer took 
possession of the whole country, and ruled until 1843. 

In all there have been twenty rulers in Haiti and almost as many 


A writer on Haitian affairs in 1896 said : " Altogether, Haiti has 
had, during her eighty-eight years of independence, seventeen chiefs 
of States, and the United States has had twenty-one during the same 
period." He might have added that every President of the United 
States had held his office through and in virtue of a legal election, 
under the Constitution; while not a single Haitian ruler has held 
his office other than through force. 


An observer in Latin America is always impressed by the tender 
solicitude exhibited towards the legislative and judiciary departments 
in the Constitutions. The provisions for an independent judiciary 
and legislature run side by side with the guarantees of individual 
rights. And yet, notwithstanding the powers which Congress has 
vested in it, it may not barter away the precious liberties of the people. 
Thus, the Constitution of Bolivia provides : 

"ART. 30. Neither Congress nor any association of public gathering can 
grant to the Executive power extraordinary faculties, or the entire national 
jurisdiction, or agree to give it supremacy by which the life, honor, and prop- 
erties of the Bolivian people shall be at the mercy of the government, or of 
any person whatever. Any deputy or deputies who promote, favor, or exe- 
cute such act, are, by so doing, unworthy of the confidence of the nation." 

But while Congress is somewhat restricted in that particular, it 
has great and expansive powers in other directions. 

It is unnecessary to enter now into the consideration in detail, of 
any of these so-called Constitutions, since this entire work is devoted 
to a refutation of their pretensions in every clause. They may be 
taken as a schoolboy's essay a dissertation with which the "Doc- 
tores" entertain the Military Jefes. And yet many of these men 
think that they have established real governments. Like school- 
boys playing at make-believe, they go through the farce of pretending 
to the possession of Constitutions and legislatures and courts of 

These are frivolous peoples ! Why the United States should take 
them so seriously is hard to explain. 

So far as legislation is concerned, there is nothing in Latin America 
which resembles an independent legislature. I would be the last to 
assert that such a thing is desirable, or even possible under present 
conditions. The laws are mostly copied from the French code. When 
the on-coming Dictator promulgates a new Constitution, he usually 
selects some Doctores to rewrite the commercial and other codes. As 
the Doctores are usually fairly good lawyers, with a free flow of lan- 
guage, and have the French codes before them, they usually compose 
something high-sounding. The Dictator then issues a decreta, pro- 


mulgating the new code, and has it printed in the Gaceta Oficial. It 
is then law. Of course, "Congress" is ready to pass any act which 
the Dictator sends to it ; but usually it is not worth while to take up 
its valuable time with such matters. That is how legislation is ef- 
fected in Latin America. 

At irregular intervals the Dictators issue decretas suspending the 
Constitutions, or the constitutional guarantees. Why they trouble to 
issue these decrees, is not evident. The Constitutions are never en- 
forced or respected, the Jefes never pay any attention to their pro- 
visions, so that to suspend a thing that has no living existence would 
seem absurd. 


THE first function of a government is to administer justice. To 
provide for the common defence is a burden chiefly devolving 
upon the executive, but to secure and administer justice, not 
only among the citizens, but as between the government itself and the 
citizens, is a duty devolving on all the departments of the government, 
and especially on the judiciary. 

It may safely be asserted that the proper organization of the judi- 
ciary, the conservation of its independence, the enforcement of its 
decisions, the preservation of its purity, its defence against undue 
political and personal influence, the undisputed maintenance of its 
intellectual and moral supremacy, these are all grave and serious 
problems, requiring the profoundest thought of a nation's ablest 
thinkers. We ourselves may not say that we have really succeeded 
in securing a reasonably perfect administration of justice. In this 
respect we are no further forward than Germany, and undoubtedly 
behind our English cousins. 

The one supreme essential to an efficient judiciary is that it be in- 
dependent and untrammelled, either by the executive or the military, or 
even by the legislature. Indeed, it is likewise necessary that popular 
clamor be unable to swerve a judge from his duty, and that a strong, 
wholesome, educated public opinion be ever ready to sustain an honest 
and capable court. These ideas are thoroughly incorporated into 
the minds of the American people and have become a part of our 
national creed. In the United States an efficient and honest tribunal 
can rely upon an overwhelming and well-nigh unanimous public senti- 
ment to sustain it, even though its rulings conflict with current political 
sentiment. Perhaps in no other part of the world are the decisions 
of the courts treated by the public at large with such respect, and 
such implicit confidence expressed in their purity, whatever opinion 
might be entertained regarding their merits from a legal standpoint. 

A legitimate inference from this statement of facts would be that 
in America there is an approximate realization of the high ideal ex- 
pressed in the constitution of the State of Illinois, that every man 
is entitled to justice, speedily and without delay, freely and without 

But it is not so. Much of the anarchy and notorious lawlessness 
of Chicago is directly chargeable to the fact, that in spite of the evident 


ideal of the framers of the constitution and the unquestioned desire 
of the overwhelming body of the citizens, and notwithstanding that 
the judges as a body are men of the highest ability and incorrupti- 
bility, it is yet impossible to attain such administration in civic affairs 
in the City of Chicago as to accord its citizenship that prompt and 
full compliance with law and order vouchsafed to it under our form 
of government. 

Unfortunately other cities, and some of our other States, are little 
better off in this respect than Illinois, and it becomes pertinent to 
inquire just why the administration of justice is such an exceedingly 
difficult task, even under the most favorable conditions, such as we 
confessedly have in the United States ; so that the reader may ap- 
preciate the utter hopelessness which envelops the question when the 
wholesome constitutional restrictions which we have give way to the 
unbridled passions, greed, and vindictiveness of military dictators, as 
will be presently described. 

A lawsuit as it takes place in one of our courts partakes of the 
nature of a free fight between two gladiators, in which the victory is 
more often to the man who has the greatest strength and skill rather 
than to him who is right. Among business men, and even among 
judges, it is understood that it is better to have a good lawyer and a 
poor case than a good case and a poor lawyer. It may be remarked 
in passing that the fees of these gentlemen of the bar are often unduly 
high, not to say exorbitant, especially in the large cities. An average 
physician, who has the need of an equally thorough and in some direc- 
tions a finer technical education than the average lawyer, and who is 
a man of at least equal or superior brain power, will ask a fee of $1 or 
$2 up to $5 or $10, while a lawyer, for a service involving no more labor 
and not so much professional skill, would probably ask $50 or $100. 
Indeed, if physicians charged as much pro rata for their services as 
the lawyers do, the great majority of the American people would be 
born and die without medical attendance, such as now actually hap- 
pens in most of the Latin-American countries. 

For a man to attempt to handle his own case before an American 
court would be to invite certain defeat. It has become axiomatic that 
a lawyer who prosecutes or defends a case in which he is personally 
interested has a fool for a client. Still more foolish would it be for a 
man to attempt such a thing who himself was not learned in the law. 
The judge is not a judicial officer, who patiently and impartially in- 
vestigates the facts in a case and administers justice without fear or 
favor; he is rather an umpire, who rules the game, deciding on each 
technical point as it is presented. 



The maladministration of justice may in no small measure be as- 
cribed to the low standard of the legal profession, its lack of moral 
responsibility, and its complete indifference to the requirements of 
justice. With notable exceptions, it is asserted that it is too often the 
chief concern of the American lawyer to secure a fat fee, without any 
reference to the equities of the case. His advice to a client is infre- 
quently given conscientiously, but on the other hand often in accord- 
ance with his own selfish interests, and it is directed to the one question 
as to the probability of winning the case rather than to any ethical 
examination of the facts involved. Although the lawyer is an officer 
of the court, and it would appear to be his solemn duty to aid the judge 
in ascertaining the absolute truth, and in deciding in accordance with 
law and justice, quite the reverse usually happens, and lawyers of the 
highest professional standing will be found using their great talents to 
obscure the issue and throw dust in the eyes of the court, or endeavor- 
ing to defeat their antagonist by technical means rather than by an 
appeal to absolute truth and justice. No one can overestimate the 
importance of raising the standard of the legal profession, not alone 
as regards education and intellectual power, and those broadening 
influences which come from experience with large affairs and contact 
with bright minds, but more particularly as regards high morality and 
a sincere love of justice. When lawyers become in fact what they are 
in theory, namely, officers of the court, and scrupulously observe the 
great moral burden which this imposes upon them, many of the other 
evils which beset the administration of justice will disappear. 


It is authoritatively stated that fifty-five per cent of all the reversals 
by courts of appellate or supreme jurisdiction in the United States 
are upon technical grounds rather than upon the merits of the case. 
That is to say, the reversal occurs because the pleadings do not con- 
form to the practice, or because of technical rulings in the nisi prius 
court, or for other causes foreign to the equities involved. The in- 
tolerable hardship which this causes to litigants may be seen when it 
is reflected that the courts of original jurisdiction are no less technical 
in their rulings than are the appellate courts, and that from the moment 
the action has been brought, both plaintiff and defendant have been 
lost in a maze of absurd questions, not as to who has right or jus- 
tice on his side, but rather touching the common counts, the form of 
action, demurrers, replications, etc. 

Years are often consumed in such unprofitable proceedings, the 
client paying the piper, so that however just his case or urgent his 
necessities, he finds himself throwing good money after bad money, 


his time and means wasted in a hopeless whirlpool of chicanery, and 
quibbling over technical matters which to a man of common-sense 
appear wholly foreign to any rational conception of law and justice. 


The system of appeals provided by our laws, while designed to 
protect a litigant against any unjust ruling of the lower court, has been 
abused to such an extent that it has in turn become an instrument of 
injustice. In nearly all States an appeal is granted from the nisi prius 
court to an appellate court, and thence to a supreme court. Nor is 
this all; in many classes of cases appeals are taken, or sought to be 
taken, to the United States courts, while it is not uncommon to find 
two or more courts of concurrent jurisdiction grinding away on the 
same case, issuing conflicting orders, and threatening to punish with 
contempt persons who should attempt to carry into effect the orders 
made by each other. 

In a fight between the strong and the weak, the strong will neces- 
sarily conquer, and it is precisely for the purpose of protecting the 
weak, to see that justice is done without reference to the strength or 
wealth of the parties, that governments are established and courts of 
law and equity are organized among men. That a weak man who has 
justice on his side may not be at the complete mercy of a gigantic 
brute, the law institutes courts whose function it is to ascertain the 
truth and administer justice accordingly. But we are yet far from 
reaching this ideal. The fight is merely transferred from the domain 
of the common world to that of the law. But it nevertheless remains 
a battle, where the final outcome depends vastly more on the financial 
strength and tenacity of purpose of the contending parties than it 
does on the merits. The rich man can appeal and keep on appealing, 
with the chances always largely in favor of procuring a reversal, if 
not on the merits, then on some technicality. He has not hired a 
shrewd lawyer for nothing, and it is highly improbable that this man 
will fail to find some flaw in the proceedings, or at least something 
which looks like a flaw, and which will afford ample ground for re- 
manding the case. If the nisi prius court has been so extremely 
careful, or astute, as to avoid pitfalls of this character, it is hardly 
probable that the appellate court will be similarly lucky, for it appears 
to be a matter of good luck rather than of legal acumen ; and that 
two courts of inferior authority, each making diverse rulings, should 
on all the complicated questions of law and fact not only agree with 
each other, but also with a majority of the judges of the Supreme Court, 
would seem to be well-nigh a miracle, especially in an atmosphere 
surcharged with a spirit of quibbling, where the two litigants are 
looked upon as the two traditional geese in which the height of 
professional honor was summed up in the words, "You pluck one, 


and I '11 pluck the other." If, after two or more successive appeals, 
the Supreme Court would issue a decree in accordance with its ideas 
of the law and equity of the case, the situation would not be so bad ; 
but ordinarily it does nothing of the kind. It merely remands the 
case for a new trial, where the whole preceding performance is gone 
over again with sufficient variations to justify succeeding reversals on 
similar grounds. 

Much of the difficulty in the way of properly administering justice 
is inherent in our social system, and would be inseparable from any 
social organization possible to be devised. Any one who contemplates 
absolute justice among men is probably doomed to disappointment, 
at least so long as human nature remains, as it seems likely to for 
many thousands of years to come. Evolution is slower than the 
wrath of the gods, and it alone offers any promise worthy of confi- 
dence in the future. 

While it is certain that vast improvement can be made and ought 
speedily to be made in our judiciary, which itself deserves grave censure 
for not having of its own motion and volition brought about a more 
perfect system, it must be considered that there are really serious 
difficulties in the way of the proper administration of justice which 
will ever demand the highest talents and abilities as well as the pro- 
foundest patriotism and sense of honor for their solution. 

Our laws are complicated, and necessarily so; and as civilization 
advances and the departments of human activities become more 
specialized, a corresponding multiplication and specialization in law 
will be inevitable. At the present time we not only have the common 
law as our great foundation, or the Civil Law, as in Louisiana, 
but we have the Federal constitution, the United States Statutes at 
Large, the decisions of the United States Supreme Court, and of the 
several circuit and district courts of the United States, all of which 
modify, restrict, control, or in some manner relate to the several 
States and their citizens. But each State has its own constitution 
and its body of statutes, which are constantly changing in obedience 
to the supposed requirements of the Commonwealth, while the 
decisions of the Supreme and appellate courts, each with its own 
peculiar authority, added to the ordinances and local laws of the 
multiplied municipalities which dot the land, like the stars of the sky, 
make a bewildering array of law, constitutional and legislative, 
judge made and inherited. It would appear that there is much more 
law in the United States than is really necessary, and that much of 
the energy which is expended in the mere passing of laws, and render- 
ing a necessarily complicated system more hoplessly entangled, might 
with great usefulness be applied to improving the laws which we 


already have, assuming that in this, the same as in most other things, 
quality is of more importance than quantity. But it cannot be dis- 
guised that in the highly specialized forms which modern industry is 
taking, and the inevitable necessity of the law developing along 
similar lines, the very bulk and magnitude of the law will always 
render the perfect administration of justice a matter of exceeding 
difficulty. Nor can any patent ready-made Utopian scheme bring 
about speedily what the ablest minds of the world have striven so 
long and earnestly to bring about. The subject is confessedly hedged 
about by grave inherent difficulties. 


Much of the tribulation which afflicts us under the name of law 
is due to the unbaked legislation issuing biennially from Congress 
and from every State legislature. The Solon who can secure the 
enactment of the largest number of laws is perforce the most faithful 
representative of a district, and it little matters how these new laws 
jostle or push aside the former enactments. The efforts of the Supreme 
Court to dovetail these recent products of legislative genius into the 
body of law previously existing is often pathetic or amusing. Self- 
confidence rather than a deep knowledge of the law and of industrial 
requirements is a prime quality of a legislator, for without this he 
could probably never be elected. But this same good opinion of his 
own abilities often leads to legislative work, highly entertaining, to 
say the least. So we find legislation of the crudest character relating 
to corporations, and all kinds of subjects, indicating that the body 
passing the laws had only the most rudimentary conception of the 
fundamental principles governing the subject and less realization of 
the proper manner in which it should be treated. 


After having indicated a few of the principal causes of the mal- 
administration of justice, it yet remains to discuss the principal 
difficulty; and this relates to the personality of the judiciary rather 
than to its external relations. There are many elements indispensable 
to the making of a good judge. Personal integrity and a deep knowl- 
edge of the law are of course the foundation rocks, the chief corner- 
stones, without which the edifice will fall. But they are not enough. 
Some of the greatest failures on the bench are men of profound knowl- 
edge and unquestioned honesty. A scoundrelly barrister would always 
rather risk his case to a man of this class than to a man who knows 
less of books but more of the world. Profound learning and splendid 
character are worthy of universal admiration ; but the power of gaug- 
ing the motives of men, in other words, of spotting a rascal, 


familiarity with the tricks, intrigues, and schemes, the corruption, 
bad faith, and double dealing which have their birth in the murky 
pool of politics ; the power of discriminating between the statements 
of a modest, diffident, but honest man, and the positive and ingenuous 
but false declarations of a fraud, are of equally great importance. 

But integrity, legal learning, a love of justice, and knowledge of 
the world are not enough to make a good judge. Industry, enter- 
prise, fearlessness, patriotism, energy, may all be added ; and still it is 
not enough. 

The ability to reason accurately, logically, mathematically, as 
certainly as the operation of a machine, unerringly, is the supreme 
attribute of an able judge, and the one in which the most alarming 
deficiency is observable, in all tribunals, from the cross-roads justice 
of the peace to the Supreme Court of the United States. 

Adequately to discuss this phase of the question would require a 
volume in itself, and vast though its importance be, only the most 
cursory suggestions can be made regarding it. It requires no very 
high order of intellect to see that if the Supreme Court reverses itself, 
that is, if it makes two diametrically opposite rulings on the same 
identical question, there having been no intervening legislation, its 
reasoning must have been defective in the one case or in the other. 
But this very thing occurs regularly and frequently, not only in the 
supreme courts of the several States, but in the United States Supreme 
Court. If, having discovered its former error, a Supreme Court 
should reverse itself, and thereafter abide by its later interpretation of 
the law, we might submit with good grace, for to err is human, and 
it were better to frankly acknowledge the mistake, and correct it, 
than to follow in a path of error. But unfortunately even this is 
not the case, and supreme courts seem to go bobbing around like a 
fisherman's cork on the waves, so that it is impossible for any lawyer, 
however able, to state positively to a client that the law is thus and so, 
and that the court will surely decide in a certain way and manner. 
He who reads carefully any work on the Conflict of Laws, or who 
will take the trouble to read the decisions on such subjects as Public 
Policy, Divorce, Corporations, Municipalities, Bonds and Assessments 
for Local Improvements, etc., will realize how near we are to anarchy 
in many of the great departments of our law. 

A judge may be of the most distinguished antecedents, with a 
mind filled with legal lore, and yet be incapable of distinguishing an 
axiom from an hypothesis. Mere knowledge is not an earnest of 
good reasoning power, and I am inclined to think that a thorough 
reading of John Stuart Mill, Kant, Herbert Spencer, and a standard 
work on geometry, would go farther towards making a really com- 
petent judge than any amount of stuffing with precedents and musty 
decisions. Certain it is that a vast number of decisions are badly 
reasoned : they show signs of that cramming which inevitably breeds 


indigestion. And while it is not possible to devote the necessary 
space here to the amplification of this subject or to a citation of 
cases in corroboration of the contention here made, I am deeply con- 
vinced of the wisdom of the old judge who advised his younger 
brother on the bench to give no argument in support of his opinions, 
on the ground that although his decisions might sometimes be right, 
his reasoning was almost certain always to be wrong. 


The decision of a case not only involves a ruling on questions of 
law by the judge, but also a finding of facts by the jury. If the jury 
were composed of intelligent men, such as contemplated by the 
Struck Jury Act of New Jersey, the probability is that it would more 
nearly gauge the creditability of witnesses than would a single judge, 
and hence that its finding of facts would be entitled to some weight. 
Unfortunately juries are usually ignorant, and too often burdens are 
thrown on juries which properly belong to experts. Thus, in cases 
involving accounts it is not uncommon to submit to juries long and 
complicated statements, with columns of figures, where there is a 
mass of conflicting testimony which might well puzzle the most 
accomplished bookkeeper, accustomed to unravelling such skeins. 
When states-attorneys and judges seriously ask juries to hang men 
on the conflicting testimony of alleged handwriting experts, paid so 
much a day for testifying under oath, stating as facts things which 
are self-evidently beyond the possibility of definite knowledge, but 
which nevertheless are accepted as gospel truth by a jury untrained 
in the power of reasoning, or even of accurate observation, it becomes 
obligatory upon us not to omit the jury system in any study which 
we may make regarding the failure of justice. My personal feeling 
is that the jury system is an absurdity so great that it seriously reflects 
on the intelligence of the Anglo-Saxon race. 

The administration of justice naturally falls under two divisions : 
first, the decision of civil controversies between citizens, either in- 
dividually or organized, as in the forms of companies and corporations ; 
secondly, those controversies which arise out of the relation of a citizen 
to the government, or to the authorities of the government, or some 
subdivision of it. This latter may be further subdivided as follows : 
first, suits brought by citizens or companies against the government 
or some subdivision or official, either in law or equity, as for moneys 
due or damages sustained, or to restrain the commission of some 
alleged illegal or unconstitutional act, or to compel performance of 
some public duty; secondly, those actions brought by the govern- 
ment or some subdivision thereof against a citizen, which may also be 
civil, quasi-criminal, or criminal in their nature. 

All these classes of cases will receive pretty much the same treat- 


ment in courts of competent jurisdiction in the United States. The 
fact that the government or municipality is prosecutor or defendant 
in a case would in very few instances make any difference whatever in 
the rulings of the presiding judge. In some cases where the "graft" 
of a powerful political organization was at stake, it is possible that 
local judges might be influenced to decide in their favor. 

In the investigation held by the Lexow Committee in New York, 
it was disclosed that certain of the local judges admitted that they had 
paid as much as $17,000 for their nomination. It cannot be supposed 
that a judge thus contributing would rule against the power which 
made him. But in the United States such unfortunate conditions are 
extremely rare, and even in New York they would be the exception 
and not the rule. 

Subject to the limitations hereinbefore described, some of which are 
inherent in all systems of law, and others of which are likely to dis- 
appear gradually, as the machinery of law becomes more simplified, 
even though the law itself is becoming more specialized, it may be 
said that the courts are a very important and by no means inefficient 
refuge for the citizen in case of attempted oppression by the State, or 
some functionary; that they are a powerful deterrent to criminals 
and a bulwark of safety to the community; and that they afford a 
more inadequate but nevertheless useful means of enforcing the pay- 
ment of obligations, and of adjusting with some degree of reason and 
equity the myriad of civil questions arising out of modern commercial 


But if the perplexities we have indicated as attendant upon the 
administration of justice are in fact as serious as are herein indicated 
in the United States, where the judiciary is absolutely independent, 
where the position of judge is one of great personal honor, where the 
tenure of office is relatively long, with a constant tendency to increase, 
where the judges are, as a class, men of high moral character and in- 
tellectual capacity, where an overwhelming public sentiment is ever 
ready to defend the bench as against any partisan attacks, where the 
attempt to introduce partisan questions in the selection of judges 
would be the very poorest kind of politics, where there are unnum- 
bered libraries and unequalled facilities for procuring information 
on any point, where there are thousands of bright minds at the bar, 
and many profound ones whose very alertness and ability compel 
courts to exercise caution in their rulings; if under all these most 
favorable conditions the Goddess of Justice is still blindfolded; if it 
is still impossible to secure justice among men, and the most that 
practical men can hope for from our courts is that in the long run the 
percentage of wrong shall not exceed the percentage of right, then 


what must we say of the larger number of the countries of Latin 
America, and particularly of all those embraced under our third 
classification, and known by their own people as "los paises perdidas " 
the lost countries ? 


In no part of Latin America is there anything in the nature of an 
independent judiciary. In the best of them the judge is at the com- 
plete mercy of the executive. In the worst of them he is nothing 
more than a clerk of the Dictator, or the military Jefe. There are 
many very fair lawyers in every Latin-American country, and some 
very excellent ones. Their systems, based upon the Civil Law, are 
entirely unlike our own, and the facilities for obtaining a profound 
knowledge of the law are lacking. Their notions are theoretical 
rather than practical, and in common with the entire race to which 
they belong, their views of life, and particularly of business, are de- 
cidedly amateurish more nearly what would be entertained by a 
vivacious American woman, or by a spirited boy just out of high 
school. But many of these men have an exact sense of honor; they 
are extremely smart when it comes to seeing through schemes, or 
reading human nature, so indispensable in weighing the testimony of 
a witness. They constitute the material for a creditable judiciary, 
and with the same background of independence, stability, tenure of 
office, and sense of personal security and responsibility which our 
judges have, as fine a judiciary could be organized in Latin America 
as is found in any other country. The material is there. 


In June, 1900, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in Caracas 
made a tour of the prison, as was his duty under the law. He found 
the sanitary condition of the prisons too horrible to describe, and a 
shocking state of demoralization in their management, and in every- 
thing pertaining to them. Among other things he found large num- 
bers of prisoners who had never been committed by any court, and in 
reference to whom there were no records whatever, to show when 
they were committed to jail, by what authority, for what reason, nor 
for what period of time. A considerable number of prisoners were 
not to be found that had been sentenced for crimes by the judges of 
criminal jurisdiction. No one could tell when these prisoners had 
been turned loose, or what had happened to them. It was not known 
whether they had been liberated or had died in their cells, or whether 
they had been murdered by the prison authorities or by their con- 
nivance. There was grave reason to suspect that something of this 
kind had happened to at least one of the prisoners, who had been 
accused of having attempted the life of the President. 


Of course all of these conditions were precisely such as had existed 
from time immemorial, with slight intervals of temporary improve- 
ment, and no one was accustomed to devote a second thought to 
them. The Chief Justice, however, assuming that the period of con- 
stitutional government had indeed been ushered in, as the reigning 
Dictator had officially declared, made a brief and rather reserved 
statement the next day that it was incumbent upon the government to 
remedy the evils which he had found, describing them in much the 
same manner as they are set forth in this paragraph, and indicating 
what reforms were urgent in order to comply with the law governing 

One of the local newspapers published what the Chief Justice had 
to say on the subject. Within three hours after this appeared in 
the newspaper, the Chief Justice was seized by the order of General 
Castro, then as now Dictator of Venezuela, and thrown into the same 
jail about which he had complained, and he had for company the 
entire staff of the newspaper which had published the article. The 
newspaper was suppressed, its property destroyed, an ignorant hench- 
man of the Dictator appointed Chief Justice, and the prison remained 
even more unsanitary than before. 


A case as flagrant as the above would not occur at the present 
time under the governments now existing in Mexico, Peru, Chili, or 
Argentina. No one can say that the next Dictator who appears in even 
these countries may not be as violent and irresponsible as the above 
narrative would indicate; but fortunately at the present time such 
is not the case. The judges are no less under the domination and con- 
trol of the executive, but the executive is a dignified and responsible 
man, who has a sense of the duty devolving upon him. But hun- 
dreds of similar usurpations of the functions of the judiciary by the 
military, or executive, have been witnessed in every Latin-American 
country. Castro is by no means the chief sinner; indeed, he is com- 
paratively blameless in this respect, and probably he really imagines 
himself to be rather a model. It will be found upon investigation that 
the judiciary in these countries is not a co-ordinate department of the 
government, or indeed any department of the government at all, in 
any proper sense of the term. A judge is more nearly like a clerk in a 
mercantile establishment, who must obey the orders of his superior 
or lose his job, except that in case of the judge the alternative of im- 
prisonment stares him in the face. 


Dr. S. Ponce de Leon, in his "Social Studies" of these countries, 

VOL. i 24 


"But there is something in this organization which demands the most 
special attention; it is the invasion of the judicial sphere by the military. 
This invasion makes difficult, dangerous, almost impossible the administra- 
tion of justice, leaving society exposed to the attacks of criminals, singularly 
encouraged by their immunity from punishment. The power of military 
force and political passions, invading and devouring as they are, have always 
dominated the criminal jurisdiction, making its work ridiculous, and leaving 
society unvindicated, and the judges exposed to meet face to face in the streets 
individuals against whom they have pronounced sentences of condemnation. 
How many times in the course of a criminal proceeding the judge has re- 
quired the presence of the murderer, and he was not to be found in the jail ! 
He had been put at liberty by the Governor, the Comandante of arms, or by 
some general or colonel of the place, and he was to be found in perfect liberty, 
perhaps with a Remington on his shoulder, charged with the custody of the 
law with the defence of the society he had outraged, with the rights of 
citizenship, the primary one of which he had desecrated ! And has attention 
been fixed on the lamentable consequences of this scandalous abuse, which 
mocks and falsifies all that is august and noble in society ? Has thought been 
given to this gigantic immorality, which must produce social disorganization, 
and even dissolution ? Things are in such a condition, how can we demand 
from those charged with the administration of justice strict compliance with 
their duties ? 

"How can we impose upon them the moral, legal, and social responsibility 
which should exist for all functionaries ? We remember very well the dialogue 
we have had with one of our friends, then President of the Tribunal (Chief 
Justice of the Court), young, honored, and of sound principles. We were 
talking of a murder case, noted and grave; the relatives of the murderer, 
military men of influence, had tried the seduction of gold ; when this was re- 
fused with dignity and energy, they had recurred to intimidation ; the judge 
had raised his complaint to the local authorities, and these objected that the 
murderer had lent his services in the preceding campaign. 'Comply with 
your duty,' we said to him. 'If I condemn this murderer,' he responded, 
'to-morrow they will assassinate me.' 'Raise your complaint to the superior 
authority.' 'Ah, you deceive yourself; the evil comes from above.' 'Well, 
then,' we objected, 'resign from a position which you cannot discharge in 
accordance with the law and your conscience.' 'They would believe me dis- 
affected ; they would put me in jail, and to-morrow my family would want 

"We have here a real social ulcer. Although the good disposition of the 
people may enable them to exist socially for some time in spite of this disor- 
ganization, in the end they will succumb, because existence is not possible 
without organization of any species, without justice, without law. A society 
under these circumstances is approximately barbarous, because where there 
is no law which punishes, the law of brute force rules, the law of primitive 
times, the law of savages. The citizen cannot rest, confiding in a protecting 
force which will defend all that is most precious to him, life, honor, in- 
terests, family, home, and he must be ready at any moment, and under 
any and all circumstances, to defend them, and guarantee their safety at the 
mouth of his revolver or at the point of his sword. 

"We cannot close without calling the attention of the authorities to other 
lamentable deficiencies which are noted in this branch of public administra- 


tion. There are no codes. The proceedings are too unwieldy, and even im- 
possible, for want of proper legislation. The laws of France rule, and they 
are not adapted to the peculiar conditions of this society ; and this is a grave 
evil, because there is no analogy in the institutions, in the state of public in- 
struction, or in the national ideals, in order to make proper application of the 
letter and spirit of the laws. It is then an imperious necessity to have a proper 
legislation, which is in harmony with local conditions. Even though the 
principles of justice be absolute and eternal, they cannot be reduced to for- 
mulas for their application. 

"In addition, it is obvious that nothing can be accomplished by laws un- 
less they are properly enforced. Inutile will be the best codes, and the most 
erudite personality, if the judiciary does not enjoy absolute independence in 
the exercise of its august functions. Without this requisite there can be no 
administration of justice, in the absence of which no regeneration of society 
is possible." 


In another chapter the punishment of crime in Spanish- American 
countries will be more thoroughly discussed. Enough has already 
been said here to indicate that in any suit as between a Latin- Ameri- 
can government and private citizen, whether native or foreign, or 
between such citizen and an official of the government, or any military 
man or politician of influence, nothing in the semblance of justice can 
be obtained in any of the countries, except Chili, Mexico, Argentina, 
and Peru, and that even in these a foreigner will probably require to 
procure the intervention of his own government in any matter of 

It remains to be asked what chances there are of securing approxi- 
mate justice before these courts in a litigation wholly between private 
citizens. I am sorry to be compelled to express the opinion that they 
are very remote indeed. Despite the monstrous political conditions 
which inthrall Spanish America, there are many very decent gentle- 
men on the bench and an overwhelming proportion of ignorant 
thieves and scoundrels. The latter sell their decisions outright 
often at pitiably low prices. But the decisions of the former, which 
could not be influenced in such a manner, are nevertheless controlled 
through the power of the reigning Dictator, or his henchmen. Often 
have I had a man tell with great gusto about a decision which the 
judge had just rendered in his favor, dwelling on the strong points 
made in the opinion, when I have abruptly asked: "How much did 
you give General So-and-So to get this done ? " and my informant 
would admit, often with every evidence of self-satisfaction, that he 
had promised "la mitad" the half interest in the proceeds of the 

I am thoroughly convinced, after years of careful observation and 
a great deal of personal experience in these affairs, that no civilized 


power ought to permit its citizens to be bound, either civilly or crimi- 
nally, by any act or decision of any Latin-American court, except in 
the four countries already named, and that they should always be 
ready to insist on the correction of any manifest injustice, even in 
these countries. 


A very conservative opinion is expressed by Mr. Akers, in his 
" History of South America," regarding the administration of justice 
in the several countries, from which I quote the following : 


"In the administration of justice Ecuador lags behind the standard of 
other republics in South America a severe condemnation, for in none is it 
on a satisfactory footing from the standpoint of modern civilization. Less 
is heard abroad of corrupt methods in the Ecuadorian courts because the 
number of foreign residents is limited, but the entire system is degenerate. 
The laws, as in all former Spanish colonies, are founded on those in force 
before independence, and reproduce the worst faults of the Spanish system 
with the additional mischief of interpretation by ignorant officials who pos- 
sess neither capacity nor intelligence to discharge the duties of their posts. 
The Supreme Court is at Quito, and there are six superior courts which sit 
at different centres, with the addition of thirty-three superior and three hun- 
dred and fifty-nine subordinate magistrates to deal with civil, criminal, and 
commercial cases in the country districts, while consular courts are held at 
Quito, Guayaquil, and Cuenca. Ecuador has only one penitentiary at Quito, 
and in this male and female prisoners convicted of serious crimes are con- 
fined; but as a general rule the people have small tendency towards really 
serious offences, although petty crime is frequent in all parts of the country. 

"The police system is under municipal authority, with the exception of a 
small force maintained by the national government at Quito and elsewhere 
for special duty." (AKERS, pp. 586-587.) 


"The administration of justice in Colombia is on no more satisfactory 
footing than in Venezuela and Ecuador, the procedure in the courts being 
dilatory and costly, and corrupt practices frequent. But constant protests 
against this state of affairs pass unheeded, and no attempt at reform has been 
made during the past quarter of a century. Both civil and criminal law is 
codified, and does not in itself offer serious ground for complaints. It is only 
the interpretation that fails. The basis is Spanish law, as everywhere in Latin 
America, and the Supreme Court consists of seven members appointed for 
life, who elect one of their number as president for four years. Superior 
tribunals sit in the various departments, where are also inferior courts and a 
number of magistrates (jueces de paz) appointed for the rural districts, these 
officials frequently gaining considerable local power and using their influence 
most unjustly." (Ibid., p. 609.) 



"Justice in Bolivia is administered by a Supreme Court, eight district 
courts, and a number of local minor courts presided over by magistrates em- 
powered to deal with petty crimes. The judiciary is corrupt and legal process 
is dilatory and costly, and in the civil courts blackmailing practices, espe- 
cially in connection with mining claims, are so notorious that few people refer 
disputes to the judicial power, preferring to pay or make some other arrange- 
ment to avoid legal proceedings, no matter how far in the right they may be. 
Bolivian law, as that of other South American States, is founded on that 
existing under the former Spanish regime, is codified in all branches, and 
not ill adapted to serve the ends of justice if intelligently and impartially 
administered." (Ibid., p. 609.) 


"The administration of justice in Chili leaves much to be desired. Com- 
plaints are frequent that the formalities of the courts are often so unwieldy 
as to render equitable dispensation of the laws a practical impossibility. The 
sum allowed from the national revenues in 1899 for the maintenance of the 
judiciary was $1,881,360, which is more than adequate payment for the duties 
entailed. The laws are codified, and would meet the public needs if reforms 
were introduced to expedite civil and criminal procedure, and, as elsewhere 
in South America, the system is based on the Spanish laws in force when 
these countries were colonies of Spain. While the courts are unsatisfactory, 
the condition of the police is infinitely worse, and protection for life and prop- 
erty can hardly be said to exist in outlying districts ; and even near Santiago 
and Valparaiso cases of assault and highway robbery in broad daylight daily 
occur. An organized system of brigandage has developed of late years, and 
although the authorities are perfectly cognizant of this condition of affairs, 
no steps are taken to clear the country of a pest which retards progress and 
threatens ruin to many branches of industrial enterprise." (Ibid., pp. 418-419.) 


"The administration of justice in Peru could not be more unsatisfactory 
than it is, and to designate as justice the manner in which the laws are ad- 
ministered is to convey an erroneous impression. To obtain a favorable ver- 
dict bribery must be practised, and it is a question of who has the longest 
purse when a decision is reached. To this widely sweeping assertion there 
are no exceptions, the Supreme Court being no cleaner than the lower tribu- 
nals ; it differs only in that payment must be on a higher scale. An example 
of the existing conditions occurred recently when an important suit involving 
two hundred and fifty thousand gold dollars was pending in the Supreme 
Court. On the bench were five judges, and the evidence on one side was 
clear and concise, leaving no doubt of the rights of the case. A few days be- 
fore judgment was delivered, the principal litigant received information that 
an adverse verdict would be given unless a bribe was forthcoming, and not 
haying the funds he applied to a banker for an advance of ten thousand gold 
dollars to buy a third vote, explaining that he had secured two others. The 
loan was obtained, and after a favorable judgment was pronounced the ten 


thousand dollars were paid to the member casting the deciding vote. In this 
case a just verdict was bought, but it happens quite as often that injustice 
is obtained by similar means. 

"The judicial officials are as a rule too ignorant to turn to best use the 
legal power entrusted to them. They are so inadequately remunerated that 
they are tempted to corrupt practices at every turn, and it is due to these cir- 
cumstances that blackmailing has become of such common occurrence. No 
redress can be obtained as affairs are conducted to-day, and the most hope- 
less feature of the situation is that the ordinary citizen does not appreciate 
the necessity for an impartial administration of justice. He has a vague idea 
that there are such persons as honest judges in other parts of the world, but 
he is not sure that an upright judiciary in Peru would be an unmitigated 
blessing." (Ibid., pp. 536-537.) 


"With a defective educational system, it is not surprising that the ad- 
ministration of justice is on an unsatisfactory footing. Brazilian law is codi- 
fied, and in the hands of impartial and intelligent judges would meet the 
necessities of criminal and civil proceedings; but corruption is common in 
all branches of the judiciary and the cost of litigation is abnormally high. 
Delay of decisions in contested cases is one serious complaint; and an in- 
vestigation into the condition of the principal prison in 1899 in Rio de Janeiro 
(Casa da Detencao) brought to light grave abuses. Prisoners arrested for 
trivial offences were kept in confinement without trial for months, in some 
instances for years. Ten and twelve prisoners were crowded into cells intended 
to hold four only, with the excuse of 'no room.' No discrimination of class 
was made, hardened criminals and offenders for petty illegal acts being herded 
together. The prison was condemned as unsanitary by medical experts, 
and no discipline was observed. The scandal led to some reforms in this 
particular establishment, but nothing was done toward reform all round." 
(Ibid., pp. 313-314.) 


"Administration of justice in Argentina leaves much to be desired. A 
quarter of a century ago the reputation of the Supreme Court was excellent. 
It was noted for freedom from bribery and corruption, but this standard has 
not been maintained in recent years. President Roca in his message to Con- 
gress in May of 1899 called special attention to the subject, and certain noto- 
riously venal judges were removed from office, but there the matter dropped. 
The legal system is based on Spanish law, and the civil, criminal, and com- 
mercial statutes are codified, but procedure is cumbersome and tedious, lead- 
ing to unnecessary delay in litigation and heavy expenditure. In the minor 
branches opportunities for corrupt practices are widespread, and complaints 
are heard in all quarters of the ignorance and venality of magistrates and 
minor officials. To some extent this is due to the scanty and irregular pay- 
ment of judicial representatives, for the salaries are insufficient for the duties 
assigned to these officials." (Ibid., p. 125.) 



"The administration of justice is another cause of constant complaints, 
procedure in both criminal and civil courts being tedious and costly. The 
criminal, civil, and commercial laws are codified, and if intelligently and 
honestly administered, would serve. No discretion is used, however, in making 
judicial appointments, and the result is ignorant judges and magistrates. 
Necessary reform would entail the elimination of the personal influence can- 
didates can bring to bear upon politicians in power, and this is unlikely at 
present. In the matter of criminal justice, no better example of the inade- 
quacy of punishment for serious offences can be quoted than the sentence 
passed upon the murderer of President Idiarta Borda. The assassination 
was committed in cold blood ; no extenuating circumstances were brought to 
light, and the verdict was one of two years' imprisonment only. Nor is this 
an isolated case. Uruguayans and foreigners have been murdered on many 
recent occasions, and no severe penalties were inflicted as a deterrent to such 
crimes in the future." (Ibid., p. 226.) 


But I do not wish to be too insistent on this point. No one realizes 
more keenly than do I the widespread and scandalous maladminis- 
tration of justice in the United States. Let it be premised that anarchy 
must be put down and stamped out mercilessly, and we are brought 
face to face with the fact that a stream cannot be dried up but at its 
source. To the simple-minded native of India the policeman is the 
government ; to the peon of South America, the military Jef e ; and to 
the recently arrived immigrant in the United States, the local judge 
or police magistrate. Think what an idea of government an ignorant 
man must get if it be typified to him by the Chicago justice or the 
New York police court ! Horrible as are these types of the judiciary, 
I would rather attempt to defend them in their naked and revolting 
indecency than to act as apologist for many of the United States 
circuit courts, and some of the supreme courts of the States. I 
have neither time nor space here to cite facts in detail in corroboration 
of this opinion, but that the facts amply justify this criticism, harsh 
though it be, is to my mind clear. 

We must have courts of justice, human society cannot exist with- 
out them, and we should have justice so administered that there 
could be no reasonable ground of complaint, even by the most ignorant 
and humble citizen. 

When we have established justice, then may we be severe on an- 
archists, criminals, and evil-doers; but so long as rotund ignorance 
and bovine stupidity sit on the supreme bench and passes itself off 
for wisdom ; so long as red tape and inane technicalities bar the path 
of equity and common-sense; so long as an injured man must wait 
years, perhaps till his witnesses are all dead, in an attempt to secure 


something like a redress of grievances at the play of conscienceless 
lawyers and stuffed owls on the bench ; so long as the trial of a law- 
suit is a matter of intrigue and cunning, rather than a vigorous and 
impartial investigation of what is right and just ; so long as our courts 
squander the estates of widows and orphans, and foster blackmail 
and perjury, for such a period will ignorant, misguided, and ill- 
balanced men rant against all government and advocate violence. 
The inability to secure justice is what makes criminals and demons 
of men. Inspire men with a profound confidence in the efficiency of 
our administration of justice, and a