From the Library of
Henry Tresawna Qerrans
Fellow of Worcester College, Oxford
1882-1921
Given /0\J.ni V.ers.i.T\j.O.r>.T6r.o..nTo..k).b.rQ ry
<By his Wife
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
VOL. I
AMERICAN
SUPREMACY
THE RISE AND PROGRESS
OF THE LATIN AMERICAN REPUBLICS AND THEIR
RELATIONS TO TtlE UNITED STATES
UNDER THE MONROE DOCTRINE
BY
GEORGE W. CRICHFIELD
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME I
NEW YORK
BRENTANO'S
1908
H. T. libhn^.-,
COLLCOfe.
OXFORD
Copyright, 1908
BY BRENTANO'S
THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, CAMBRIDGE, U. S. A.
the Great American Voter, the man behind the ballot ,
the man who makes governments and unmakes them,
the man before whose dread opinion the mighty of the earth
stand in awe, the man in whose hands is confided the destiny
of the Western Hemisphere, the man of multifarious and
perplexing mien, but whose heart is true as steel and pure
as gold, I inscribe this work, in the profound conviction
that while we may neglect our opportunities and evade our
responsibilities, we cannot escape the inevitable consequences
of so doing.
GEORGE W. CRICHFIELD
CONTENTS
BOOK I
LATIN AMERICA, HISTORICAL AND ACTUAL
PART I — HISTORICAL PAOE
INTRODUCTION 7
CHAPTER
I. REVOLUTION OF INDEPENDENCE IN VENEZUELA ... 13
II. EVENTS LEADING TO THE OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER
IN VENEZUELA 40
III. SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF
VENEZUELA SINCE INDEPENDENCE 68
IV. SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS OF
COLOMBIA 79
V. SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS OF BOLIVIA 86
VI. SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS OF ECUADOR 90
VII. SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS OF PERU . 93
VIII. SOME OF THE RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF BRAZIL . 103
IX. SOME OF THE RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA 115
X. A BRIEF OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI . . . 128
XL A BRIEF HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF URUGUAY . . . . 145
XII. RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF PARAGUAY . . . . . 155
XIII. SANTO DOMINGO AND HAITI 157
XIV. SOME OF THE RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF MEXICO . 159
XV. SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS, PRESIDENTS, DICTATORS,
AND JEFE SUPREMOS OF CENTRAL AMERICA . . . 164
XVI. CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 170
XVII. LATIN- AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS IN 1906 AND 1907 . 185
PART II -CHARACTER SKETCHES OF NOTED ;
LATIN-AMERICAN LEADERS
XVIII. LEADERS IN THE REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN — MIRANDA
AND BOLIVAR 197
XIX. NOTED REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS — PAEZ, SAN MARTIN,
AND SUCRE . 214
viii CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
XX. GREATEST RULERS OF LATIN AMERICA — PORFIRIO
DIAZ AND DOM PEDRO II . . 221
XXI. LATIN-AMERICAN RULERS OF THE BETTER TYPE . 229
XXII. TYPICAL LATIN- AMERICAN DICTATORS — BAD . . 234
XXIII. TYPICAL LATIN- AMERICAN DICTATORS — VERY BAD 252
XXIV. TYPICAL LATIN- AMERICAN DICTATORS — THE WORST 259
PART III — THE DICTATORSHIP AS A KIND OF
GOVERNMENT
XXV. CLASSIFICATION OF LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES . 267
XXVI. THE DICTATORSHIP AS A FORM OF GOVERNMENT . 275
XXVII. SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS 282
XXVIII. THE ALLEGED ELECTIONS OF LATIN-AMERICAN
COUNTRIES 293
XXIX. How THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM WORKS BELOW
THE CARIBBEAN SEA 301
XXX. How OUR SISTER REPUBLICS SANTO DOMINGO AND
HAITI ELECT PRESIDENTS 330
XXXI. SPANISH- AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS 347
XXXII. ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 359
PART IV— SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN LATIN AMERICA
XXXIII. CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE 379
XXXIV. NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 389
XXXV. GENERAL SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN LATIN AMERICA . 400
XXXVI. LATIN- AMERICAN TYPES, INSTITUTIONS, AND CUSTOMS 414
XXXVII. LIVING IN SOUTH AMERICA 417
XXXVIII. CRIME AND ITS PUNISHMENT 422
XXXIX. A GAGGED AND MUZZLED PRESS 427
XL. INSUFFICIENCY AND INADEQUACY OF EDUCATIONAL
FACILITIES IN LATIN AMERICA 431
XLJ. INSTITUTIONS WHICH MAKE FOR INTELLECTUAL
DEVELOPMENT AND MORAL IMPROVEMENT. —
LITERATURE 435
XLII. THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN SPANISH AMERICA . . 440
XLIIL AN ESTIMATE OF THE INFLUENCE OF SPAIN ON
THE LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES 445
CONTENTS ix
PART V — BUSINESS CONDITIONS IN LATIN AMERICA
CHAPTER PAGE
XLIV. CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES 453
XLV. STAMPS AND TARIFFS 465
XL VI. CURRENCY AND FINANCE 475
XL VII. THE LABOR PROBLEM AND AGRICULTURE .... 485
XLVIII. MINING AND MINERALS 493
XLIX. RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING 506
PART VI — GOVERNMENTAL BAD FAITH AND
INCOMPETENCY
L. ENTIRE LACK OF GOOD FAITH AMONG LATIN-AMERICAN
DICTATORSHIPS 519
LI. VALUELESSNESS OF SPANISH- AMERICAN STATISTICS . . 525
LII. BOUNDARY SURVEYS, COAST SURVEYS, AND LIGHT-
HOUSES 528
LIII. LATIN- AMERICAN PRISONS 534
LIV. THE PASSPORT NUISANCE 539
PART VII -CLIMATIC CONDITIONS, INSECTS, REPTILES
AND COMMON DISEASES
LV. INSECT PESTS AND REPTILES 547
LVI. COMMON DISEASES IN THE TROPICS 552
LVII. LEPROSY . 555
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
BOOK I
LATIN AMERICA, HISTORICAL AND ACTUAL
PART I. — HISTORICAL
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
INTRODUCTION
OUR people believe in justice, and in the liberty which carries the
torch of civilization over the earth. They have always earnestly
desired to see stable republics established in South America.
They do not believe in monarchies. They believe in "a government
of the people, by the people, and for the people." Our people en-
thusiastically upheld President Monroe when he declared that Euro-
pean monarchies should not extend their territory on American soil,
and each succeeding administration, without exception, has striven
to aid in the establishment, maintenance, and development of decent
republican governments in these countries.
When our State Department has seen revolutions, anarchy, and
crime rampant in South America, foreigners being looted, robbed, and
murdered (Americans suffering worse than any other class), in-
famy, perfidy, intrigue, and scoundrelism covering Spanish America
as with a pall, — it has not shut its eyes to the facts. On the
contrary, no father ever watched over his wayward offspring with
more care, sorrow, and anxiety than has the beneficent government
of the United States observed these countries, studying by what means
it could bring order out of chaos, decency out of crime.
For three quarters of a century this has been our policy, followed
with patience and a spirit of philanthropy to which history affords no
parallel. As one bandit government after another has appeared on
the horizon of South America, our government has counselled it to
exercise moderation, to walk in the paths of civilization, to respect
the lives and property of foreigners ; and we have stood between these
so-called "governments" and the civilized powers of Europe.
In spite of all that our country has done for them, the incontestable
fact remains that Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Santo
Domingo, Hayti, and practically all of Central America are in a worse
condition to-day, politically, socially, commercially, and deeper in
barbarism, than they were three quarters of a century ago. Dilet-
tante philosophers, reactionists who are against every policy which
has made the United States the peerless giant which it is, will go on
shouting in behalf of our "poor oppressed Sister Republics." On
such people the facts stated in the following pages will have no effect.
But Americans, — the hardy, brainy, practical race which has
founded the Great Republic, before the tremendous power of whose
8 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
solemn and deliberate judgment governments must stand or fall, —
that innumerable army of men who have made and who constitute
"God's country," — men who hate brigand governments (all the
more if they assume the name of Republics), who love justice and
truth, and hate wickedness whatever may be its form, — should know
these Spanish-Indian-Negro countries as they actually are. If they
could see Americans and American enterprises wiped off the face of
the earth by the aggregations calling themselves Republics, it would
not be long before the machinery of the government of the United
States would be diverted towards bringing about a most thorough
renovation in their conditions.
To many people it may seem impossible that in this day and age,
and on the Western hemisphere, there could exist such conditions of
semi-barbarism in Colombia, Venezuela, Santo Domingo, and Central
America as are here disclosed. . To know a country thoroughly
one must have lived in it and done business in it. Distinguished
writers have written admirable descriptive works of South America,
— of landscapes, of cities and rivers and lakes, of mountains and
llanos, with a coloring of individual incident and interesting anec-
dote; they are admirable productions of scholarly men. One may
describe a landscape from the window of a Pullman car, but one
cannot in such a manner apprehend the social and political problems
of the peoples through whose country the railroad passes. However
brilliant a traveller may be, however acute his power of observation,
it is not possible that he can probe into the depths and analyze the
character and capabilities of a people, except by long and varied in-
tercourse with them. Equipped with letters of introduction from the
Secretary of State to the various American ministers or consular
representatives, and by them introduced to the governments of the
countries which he visits, he always encounters an atmosphere of
official politeness. It is hard for him to realize that the suave
Dictator or Military Jefe who says so blandly, " Yo me pongo a sus
ordenes, Caballero" — "I place myself at your orders, sir," — is
perhaps a man whose past would have sent him to Sing Sing
or would have hanged or electrocuted him had he lived in another
country.
Nor will the traveller derive from the American minister reliable
information. This officer is bound by diplomatic precedent, and
possibly by positive instructions, to be guarded in his speech ; and the
adulation which he shares in common with others in power will often
blind his eyes to the real nature and character of the country to which
he is accredited.
But a business man who builds wharves or railroads, who imports
goods and employs labor, who comes in contact with every depart-
ment of the government and every class of the people, who must of
necessity study the laws, political institutions, and social peculiarities
INTRODUCTION 9
of the people, and who has spent years in the most varied business and
social relations with them, must obtain a more definite and accurate
notion of the true state of affairs, particularly if he be at the same time
thoroughly familiar with the laws, institutions, and people of his own
country and all portions of it. There are many such American
business men to be found in Mexico and in all parts of South America.
Their experience and opinions would be of untold value to the
government and people of the United States could they be ascer-
tained. Most of them are, however, busy men, engrossed with their
own affairs. Many of them are not accustomed to write for the press,
and could not unaided put their thoughts into acceptable form. A
larger proportion would hesitate boldly and frankly to tell the truth,
realizing that to incur the enmity of the Dictator would jeopardize
their financial interests.
What of the great American newspaper ? it may be asked ; why does
it not print the facts? It is difficult to answer this question. Our
American dailies have no correspondents to speak of in South America.
Even in Mexico their facilities for getting news — in other words,
their news organizations — are pitiably inadequate. Venezuela and
Colombia are at our very doors, yet a revolution in them, jeopardizing
all foreign interests, involving complete anarchy over half a million
square miles of territory and the loss of ten or twenty thousand lives,
may receive as much notice as can be crowded into a typesetter's
stick.
Occasionally a really able and keen newspaper correspondent
is sent to these countries, and his reports in all their horrible truthful-
ness awaken our people to some conception of the facts. If there were
more of the light which emanates from such pens, there would be
fewer crimes chargeable to the machete in South America.
It is a difficult task to combat error and prejudice, particularly
when deep-seated ; and the erroneous views entertained by the people
of the United States with reference to Latin America are so numerous
and so imbedded in their thought that an overwhelming array of facts
is necessary successfully to attack and overcome them.
Our newspapers speak of a presidential election in Honduras or
Paraguay, and the American minister or consul reports from these
countries that some distinguished general has been elected President.
With us the word "election " implies ballot boxes, voting, the counting
of votes, judges and clerks of election, antecedent discussion, and, in
general, a free vote and a fair count. When the word is used with
reference to Latin America, our people naturally and instinctively
assume that it connotes all these several functions and things. As a
matter of fact, nothing of the kind is to be found in Latin America.
But a general disclaimer of this character is not sufficient to erase
from the minds of the American people the impression that there are
elections in Latin America. In order to settle this question and place
10 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
it beyond the bounds of discussion, a typical "election" in each of
these countries should be described, — a description not in the words
of the writer, but taken from the official reports made to the United
States government by its representatives. When the reader has care-
fully examined these reports of elections in our "Sister Republics,"
he will see how absurd it is to talk of an elective or parliamentary
system in South America.
There is also a widespread belief among American citizens that
the assaults made upon foreign interests in Latin American countries
are comparatively unimportant, and that the foreigners usually have
themselves to blame for them. To destroy this erroneous idea requires
the citation of vast numbers of illustrative cases, though not even an
attempt can be made to mention hundreds of sensational and horrible
cases which deserve condemnation.
There is also a prevalent belief among writers that revolutions in
South America are tame affairs and of small consequence. A direct
statement to the contrary would carry little weight. Here, again, evi-
dence of a conclusive character is produced sufficient to forestall
denial.
In order to understand a people thoroughly it is necessary to know
their antecedents. Mankind is not developed into a civilized mass
in a day. The key to the future is the record of the past. It has been
deemed necessary, therefore, to give an outline of the history of the
several countries within the past century sufficient to indicate their
character and the performances we may expect from them. Only
in the light of this record can the description of present-day social and
political conditions be correctly apprehended.
The plan of this work is simple. It is not a history, though strict
accuracy in statement of historic fact is sought. As the author prefers
to rest statements of fact upon the testimony of others, extensive quo-
tations from reliable authorities will be found in all parts of the work.
This policy has been carried to some length in certain respects, as the
descriptions of many of the Presidents, Dictators, and Jefe Supremos
known personally to the writer are quoted from others. But while
the facts thus produced are the property of the world, the argument
and conclusions drawn are the writer's.
What are the actual conditions of the several Latin- American coun-
tries to-day ? What is the status of foreigners, of foreign interests,
and of the civilized natives who live in them? What influence has
the Monroe doctrine, the national policy of the United States, in the
premises ? What are the prospects for the future, and what ought to
be our own national policy ? These are the questions to the consider-
ation of which this work is devoted. These questions must be dis-
cussed fearlessly and without passion, honestly and without prejudice,
with a desire to get at the truth. The writer has no prejudice against
any man or race or creed or color, nor would he willingly offend
INTRODUCTION 11
them, but he subscribes in its entirety to the doctrine of Bancroft
when he says, "If I read life's lesson aright, truth only is immortal
and omnipotent ; therefore from all those I wrongfully offend I crave
beforehand pardon ; from those I rightfully offend I ask no mercy —
their censure is dearer to me than their praise."
CHAPTER I
REVOLUTION OF INDEPENDENCE IN VENEZUELA
IN 1806 Francisco Miranda organized an expedition in New York,
with the avowed intention of invading Venezuela for overthrowing
the power of Spain. He was defeated in a sea-fight, losing 60
prisoners, 10 of whom were Americans, who were taken by their
Spanish captors to Puerto Cabello, and shot. Miranda escaped to
Jamaica and organized another expedition, and three or four months
later captured Coro, but was forced to retire.
In 1807 there were many local uprisings against the Spanish
Captain General, and the seeds of independence were widely sown
by republican agitators.
In 1808 French commissioners arrived in Caracas, bringing news
of Ferdinand's expulsion. They desired to unite Venezuela to France,
but received no encouragement.
In 1809 Caracas decided to recognize the authority of the Seville
Junta, pending the return of Ferdinand to Spain, but there were
widespread disorders and dissensions.
In April, 1810, the Spanish Captain General informed the
people of Venezuela that the French armies had overrun Spain.
Revolutions broke out in all parts of Venezuela, a junta was formed
at Caracas, and the Captain General was exiled. Coro and Mara-
caibo refused to follow the Caracas Junta, and under Jose Ceballos
sent troops into the provinces in revolt. Caracas sent troops to Coro,
which were defeated by Ceballos.
In 1811 a "Congress" met in March at Caracas, and on July 5
adopted a declaration of independence, on behalf of Cumana, Bar-
celona, Caracas, Barinas, Trujillo, Merida, and Margarita. A
caricature of a government was organized, unlimited quantities of
worthless paper money were issued, and a riot of disorder and cor-
ruption was ushered in, which has continued to this day.
In February, 1812, Monteverde, the Spanish General, started
out from Coro on a campaign through Trujillo towards Caracas,
defeating the revolutionary army at almost every step and practising
horrible atrocities.
On March 26 an earthquake almost destroyed Caracas, Barquisi-
meto, Merida, and other towns. Twelve thousand lives were lost in
14 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Caracas. The ignorant, superstitious revolutionists took this as a
punishment for rebelling, — a view which the priests were careful to
foster. Miranda, who had been made Dictator, was an impractical
visionary; Bolivar, his lieutenant, had been defeated at Puerto
Cabello; there was much jealousy and fear of treachery among the
"patriots," and, their peons having no desire to fight, Miranda,
with the consent of "Congress," signed a capitulation, and Monte-
verde took possession of Caracas on July 30.
Bolivar and his fellow patriots treacherously made Miranda
prisoner while he slept. He remained in prison until his death, on
July 14, 1816, in Cadiz.
Monteverde imprisoned more than 1500 of the revolutionists in
the month of August, confiscating their property and putting many
of them to death. In September he was made Captain General of the
Audencia of Venezuela, and was duly installed on October 3 at
Valencia.
On October 9 Monteverde sent several of the principal patriot
prisoners to Spain, thereby causing great consternation throughout
Venezuela. He also sent troops to pacify the provinces of Barcelona,
Cumana, and Margarita. Hundreds of non-combatants were taken
prisoners because of suspected sympathy with the revolutionists.
On December 3 there was published in Caracas the Spanish
"Constitution," but every precept of it was disregarded. Monte-
verde, on December 11, decreed the arrest of 1200 persons suspected
of disloyalty to Spanish rule, and placed them in the dungeons of
La Guayra and Puerto Cabello. Venezuela was one vast charnel-
house of death and mourning.
THE REVOLUTION BREAKS OUT AFRESH AGAINST THE SPANISH
MISRULE EN VENEZUELA
In 1813 Don Santiago Marino and other Venezuelan refugees in
Trinidad raised 45 men and 6 cannon, and with these left Port of
Spain for Chacachacare. On January 13 he arrived at Guiria,
whose guard fled. Marino recruited here, gathering about 200 men
well armed. Bernardo Bermudez, in co-operation with Marino, with
75 men, seized the town of Maturin.
Monteverde sent 300 men, under Zuazola and Boves, to aid
Governor Antonanzas of Cumana. These troops defeated the
revolutionists, March 16, at Magueyes, and later in Aragua, commit-
ting the most horrible atrocities on the inhabitants. The soldiers
were given one dollar for each ear of an insurgent they brought to
the chief, and about 500 inhabitants were mutilated in this manner
at Aragua. At Cumana boxes of these ears cut from the bodies of
persons assassinated were received.
In April the Spaniards were severely defeated in Maturin by 500
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 15
patriots. Monteverde had to sustain a division of 2600 men in
Barinas, under Antonio Tizcar, to repel an invasion from the province
of Casanare. He sent 700 men against Maturin, sailing from La
Guayra on April 27, arriving at Barcelona on May 3. They were
under command of Fernandez de la Hoz and Zuazola. Here they
were reinforced by the Spanish governors of Barcelona and Cumana,
until there were 2000 men, and Monteverde now led in person. They
marched immediately to Maturin, and demanded its surrender on
May 25. The patriots answered that they wanted "liberty or death."
The battle opened with great fury. In a short time the royalists were
completely defeated, leaving 479 dead on the field, among them 27
officials.
The island of Margarita now arose in rebellion, under Arismendi,
and placed the Spanish Governor, Martinez, in prison on June 13.
On the western frontier of Venezuela Bolivar was preparing for
an invasion. On February 28, after a four hours' battle, he overthrew
a Spanish troop of 800 men at San Jose de Cucuta. He captured
much artillery, and a great amount of merchandise belonging to
business men in Maracaibo. He now united with the forces of
Colonel Castillo, making in all 1000 men and 1200 rifles in the repub-
lican forces ; but Castillo and Bolivar engaged in a bitter controversy,
— the latter wishing to invade Venezuela, and the former declaring
that his troops would not aid Bolivar in such a purpose.
In April Merida had risen in rebellion against the Spanish yoke,
and Bolivar heard of this in Cucuta on the 30th of that month. He
sent Dr. Cristoval de Mendoza to organize a provisional government
there.
At about the same time Colonel Antonio Nicolas Briceno arrived
at Cucuta from Cartagena, Colombia, with some soldiers, and was
given command of the artillery. He proposed to Bolivar assassination
of prisoners and "war to the death." He left San Cristobal to attack
the royalists, but was surprised, on May 16, by about 500 Spaniards,
when his force was practically destroyed.
Bolivar now set out for Merida, Venezuela, arriving there on May
30. He raised about 1000 men, cavalry and infantry, and at once
gave orders to D'Elhuyar to proceed to Escuque to capture the
Spanish colonel, Correa, who at once fled to Maracaibo. Girardot,
one of Bolivar's lieutenants, occupied the city of Trujillo and the
province of that name on June 10. This officer attacked the
Spaniards, composed of 450 infantry under Manuel de Canas, near
Agua de Obispos, on June 19, and defeated them, taking 73 prisoners,
1 cannon, and 80 rifles.
On June 10 Bolivar left Merida for Trujillo, arriving there on
the 14th. Before leaving, he issued his decree of war to the death,
dated Merida, June 8, saying, "Our hatred will be implacable, and
the war will be to the death."
16 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On June 15, in Trujillo, he issued another proclamation : "Every
Spaniard who does not conspire against tyranny in favor of the just
cause, by methods the most active and efficacious, will be accounted
as an enemy, and punished as a traitor to the country, and conse-
quently will be without mercy shot as a criminal. Spaniards and
Canarios, count upon death, even though you are indifferent, unless
you work actively in aid of the liberty of America. Americans, count
on life, even though you are criminals ! "
In virtue of these proclamations all the prisoners captured by
Girardot at Agua de Obispos were killed; while the Spaniards
assassinated Antonio Nicolas Briceno, 8 companions, and 15 other
prisoners, captured by them at Barinas, — the same Briceno who
originally proposed the program of "war to the death" to Bolivar.
On July 2 Rivas and Urdaneta, under orders of Bolivar, with
450 men, attacked the Spanish Captain Jose Marti, with 800 men,
in Niquitao. After five hours' fighting the Spaniards were over-
thrown, and 450 prisoners left in the hands of the patriots. Three
Spanish captains and 8 Spanish soldiers were assassinated after being
taken prisoners, but the remainder of the prisoners, on a promise to
fight for Bolivar, were spared and incorporated in the patriot army.
On July 6 Bolivar occupied Barinas, the Spanish General Tizcar
fleeing towards Nutrias with 700 men and 30 pieces of artillery.
On July 13 Bolivar organized a government for the province of
Barinas, with Manuel Antonio Pulido as Governor, and on the 16th
left for Guanare.
On July 6 the Spanish General Monteverde left Caracas for
Valencia, intending to intercept Bolivar. In Barquisimeto the
Spaniards had 1000 men under Francisco Oberto, and in San Carlos
2200 men under Julian Izquierdo.
On July 22 Bolivar's Colonel Rivas, with 500 men, attacked the
royalist Colonel Oberto, with 1000 men, at Horcones. The latter
was seriously defeated, leaving 100 dead on the field, and many
prisoners, who no sooner surrendered to the patriots than they
were murdered without mercy.
On July 31 Bolivar, with 1000 men, engaged the Spanish General
Izquierdo, who had over 2000 men, at San Carlos. The battle was
fought on the plains of Taguanes, where, after six hours of desperate
fighting, the royalists were defeated, leaving their commander,
Izquierdo, many officers, and 700 men dead on the field. More than
200 prisoners were taken. Those who promised to fight for Bolivar
were put in the patriot army, and the remainder were shot.
Monteverde, who was on the road to aid Izquierdo, heard of the
disaster at Carabobo. He hurriedly returned to Valencia, and with
250 men left there for Puerto Cabello.
On August 1 Bolivar set out for Valencia, where he captured 30
cannon and a great quantity of stores.
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 17
On August 3 Acting Captain General del Fierro called an extra-
ordinary session of the Junta, agreed to capitulate, and sent commis-
sioners to meet Bolivar, who was encountered the following day in
Victoria. The Spaniards surrendered the entire power to Bolivar,
who promised to spare their lives. But the night of August 4 was one
of terror in Caracas. Over 6000 men, women, and children, royalists,
fearing the vengeance of the revolutionists, fled from Caracas for
La Guayra on foot, carrying what little food they could, while ex-
cited mobs paraded the streets of Caracas, shouting, " Viva la inde-
pendencia! " " Viva la libertad! " " Mueran los tiranos."
BOLIVAR ENTERS CARACAS IN TRIUMPH AND ASSUMES SUPREME
POWER ON AUGUST 6, 1813
Thousands of Spanish refugees were cooped up in La Guayra, or
hiding in the mountains. The troops of the Captain General, under
Colonel Budia, with 600 men reached La Guayra and there surren-
dered to Bolivar, as did Colonel Francisco del Marmol, with 400 men,
and the garrison of La Guayra. Prior to this time Bolivar had claimed
to be operating under the authority of the so-called Congress of Nueva
Granada. He now threw all pretension aside, and assumed supreme
military power in his own name and authority. He threw thousands
of Spaniards into jails or locked them up in warehouses or corrals,
shot large numbers of them, and confiscated the property of all of
them, leaving hundreds of families in the most abject misery.
After the defeat of Monte verde, on May 25, at Maturm, the
revolutionary armies in the eastern part of Venezuela had made
campaigns no less daring and successful than those in the West. The
patriot Colonel Marino fought no fewer than ten battles, at Magueyes,
Corosillos, Cumanacoa, arriving in July in front of Capuchinos,
where there were about 800 Spanish troops. Colonel Arismendi,
Governor of Margarita, sent Marino three vessels, and fourteen
smaller boats, under Captain Jose Bianchi, to aid in the blockade of
Cumana.
On July 30 Marino demanded the surrender of the place, but
Governor Antofianzas answered that he would fight to the death.
Nevertheless, under cover of darkness, Antonanzas embarked with
all his valuables and many troops, leaving the town at the mercy of
Marino. The place at once surrendered, but Marino, with the vicious-
ness of a savage, assassinated immediately 47 of the most prominent
Spaniards, residents of the city. All the others were thrown in
prison, and the following day 122 other Spanish prisoners were taken
out and mercilessly shot. Marino ordered his lieutenant, Jose
Francisco Bermudez, to occupy the ports near Cumana. He cap-
tured Carupano, Rio Caribe, and Cariaco, and assassinated every
Spaniard he captured, among them many women and children.
VOL. 1 — 2
18 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Marino now sent Colonel Piar to capture Barcelona, which was
held by Field Marshal Juan Manuel Cajigal, with 1100 men. This
general, upon learning of the loss of Caracas by the Spaniards on
August 19, dispersed his troops and fled to Guayana.
Marino now became Jefe Supremo of the provinces of Cumana
and Barcelona; while Bolivar was Jefe Supremo of the remainder
of the country, except Puerto Cabello, which was still in the hands of
Monteverde.
Marino desired to establish a series of feudal states, each with its
Jefe Supremo; but Bolivar aimed at a vast confederation, with
only one Jefe Supremo, and, in consonance with his modest and
self-effacing disposition, he was to be that one. Both Jefe Supremos
were bloodthirsty, savage, and ambitious, and cared less for the sacred
patria, if one can judge from their actions, than they did for the
gratification of their personal aspirations.
On August 26 Bolivar's generals, Girardot, Rivas, and Urdaneta,
commenced an attack on Puerto Cabello, capturing the outworks
known as Vigias Alta and Vigias Baja. On the 29th the royalists
attacked the revolutionists and were repulsed. On the 31st the
revolutionists attacked the royalists and were repulsed. The
Spanish General Zuazola, commanding the fort Mirador de Solano,
abandoned his post and fled to the mountains. He was captured by
the revolutionists on the following day and publicly hanged in full
view of both armies.
On September 6 Jose Francisco Montilla, who had been sent by
Bolivar to quell an insurrection in San Casimiro de Guiripe, attacked
800 men and dispersed them. The negro slaves arose in the valley
of Tuy in favor of Spain, and insurrections started like wild-fire in all
parts of the country. The towns of Santa Teresa, Santa Lucia, Yare,
and many others, were sacked and burned, and their inhabitants
massacred.
On September 16 reinforcements arrived at Puerto Cabello from
Spain, consisting of 8 war-ships and 1200 men, under command
of Colonel Jose Miguel Salomon. Counter-revolutions having started
up against Bolivar in the interior, he hastily abandoned the siege of
Puerto Cabello.
On September 16 Ramon Garcia de Sena, under direction of
Bolivar, attacked and defeated 100 men near Barquisimeto, who had
declared in favor of the King of Spain, and were led by Reyes Vargas
and a priest named Torrellas. About the same time the royalists of
Maracaibo organized a force and captured the garrison of Bailadores,
of about 60 men, and then cut all their throats.
On September 21 General Boves, royalist, surprised Bolivar's
colonel, Thomas Montilla, with 600 men, in the prairies of Calabozo.
Boves had about 800 men, cow-boys and desperadoes, with which he
had terrorized that province, murdering people by the hundreds and
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 19
confiscating their property. In this fight Montilla was taken prisoner,
and his troops were almost completely destroyed. His cavalry went
over to the royalist General in a body. The prisoners taken were
massacred. The next day Boves occupied Calabozo, captured all the
anti-royalists he could lay hands on, and cut off their heads.
Francisco Tomas Morales and Jose Yafiez, royalists, with forces
of from 500 to 1000 desperadoes each, overran the provinces of
Barinas and San Fernando de Apure, in the eastern part of Venezuela,
committing unspeakable atrocities.
On September 25 Monte verde left Puerto Cabello with 1600
excellent troops, to attack Bolivar at Valencia.
On September 30 a sanguinary battle was fought on the outskirts
of Naguanagua, in the plains of Valencia. The attack was made
by Bolivar in three columns, led by Colonel Atanacio Girardot,
D'Elhuyar, and Urdaneta. In this battle Girardot, Bolivar's ablest
lieutenant, was killed.
On October 3 D'Elhuyar, with 1000 men, made a gallant attack
on Monteverde in Aguacaliente, and after several hours' desperate
fighting dislodged him, and drove his army back to Puerto Cabello,
where he was again besieged.
On October 14 the man appointed Governor of Caracas by
Bolivar called his other co-appointees together, and acclaimed Simon
Bolivar, "Liberator, Captain General of the Armies of Venezuela."
On October 14 Campo Elias, Bolivar's lieutenant in the East,
with 2500 men, attacked the royalist, Boves, at a place called Mos-
quitero, near La Puerto, and almost completely destroyed him. Elias
took several hundred prisoners, but murdered them all. No quarter
was given.
On October 17 Colonel Jose Ceballos, royalist, Governor of
Coro, with 350 infantry and cavalry, attacked a republican column
under Juan Manuel Aldao in Bobare, and dispersed it.
Reinforcements of 250 men, under Manuel Valdez, arriving in
Orachiche for the anti-royalists, they reorganized the remnants of
Aldao's force, and retired to Yaritagua ; but Ceballos attacked them,
and killed 126, among them Aldao and other officials.
On November 10 Bolivar in person attacked Ceballos at Bar-
quisimeto. He had left Caracas precipitately, united with General
Urdaneta in Gamelotal, and with a total of 1300 troops attacked
Ceballos, who had 500 infantry and 300 cavalry. Bolivar's troops,
at the moment of apparent victory, became panic-stricken for some
unknown reason. The shout went up, " Salvese quien pueda" —
" Save yourselves who can," — and uncontrollable terror seized them.
They fled in all directions, leaving 350 dead on the field, among
them 18 officers, 400 prisoners, many missing and deserters, 2 can-
non, 3 flags, 600 rifles, and a great quantity of ammunition. Boli-
var returned to Valencia.
20 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
The royalist Yanez in the mean time had been causing great
havoc in the East, taking possession of and destroying numerous
towns.
On November 2 Yanez captured the capital of Barinas. He got
into communication with the Acting Captain General, Salomon, and
with Governor Ceballos, by which a plan of campaign in unison was
agreed upon.
On November 16 Colonel Salomon left Puerto Cabello with 1000
soldiers, and placed himself on the heights of Vijirima, commanding
the road from Caracas to Valencia.
On November 23 D'Elhuyar, having been joined by Bolivar
with the remnant of his army, attacked Salomon, but was badly
defeated.
On November 25 Bolivar and D'Elhuyar renewed the attack,
and dislodged the Spaniards, and Salomon again retired to Puerto
Cabello.
On December 1 Bolivar, who had reunited about 3000 soldiers
in San Carlos, near Valencia, took the road for Barquisimeto, again to
attack Ceballos, who in the mean time had formed a junction with
Yanez in Araure.
On December 4 Bolivar camped in front of the city of Araure.
On December 5 Bolivar gave battle to Ceballos and Yanez and
severely defeated them. The royalists lost 500 men killed, 300
prisoners, 10 cannon, 1000 rifles, 5 banners, and a great quantity of
ammunition. The royalists fled to Nutrias, their power in the West
being apparently broken.
On December 13 the royalist Boves, operating in the eastern
districts, had raised 3000 men with machetes, and united them with
100 soldiers and 1000 rifles under Morales.
On December 14 this army, in attempting to cross the river
Guarico at San Marcos, encountered resistance from the anti-royalist
lieutenant, Pedro Aldao, who commanded in Calabozo. The repub-
lican division was surrounded, and nearly every man had his head cut
off.
Among the royalists in Puerto Cabello there was an uprising,
and Monteverde was deposed and sent to Curc^ao. Field Marshal
Don Francisco Montalvo was sent by the Cadiz regency to take
political and military control of New Granada and Venezuela, with
Field Marshal Juan Manuel Cajigal as his assistant.
On January 2, 1814, Bolivar convoked an assembly of the govern-
ment employees of Caracas, presided over by the Governor, Cristoval
de Mendoza, and had himself declared Dictator.
Bolivar now sent two commissioners to see Marino, the Jefe
Supremo of the eastern provinces, and the two Dictators decided
mutually to recognize the authority of each other in their respective
territories, and work together to expel the Spaniards.
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 21
On January 4 Yanez, royalist, with 2000 cavalrymen, reinforced
Nutrias.
On January 10 Yanez besieged Barinas with 1000 cavalrymen.
The Governor, Garcia de Sena, anti-royalist, who had 400 cavalry-
men and 500 infantrymen, escaped at night, on the 18th, without
fighting, leaving 80 soldiers in the town. Yanez and his troops at
once took possession of the town, slaughtered the 80 soldiers, massacred
every man, woman, and child in the place, and burned the town,
leaving no trace of it on the map.
At the same time Bolivar's lieutenant, Urdaneta, with 1600 men,
defeated 500 royalists in Baragua, commanded by Reyes Vargas.
On February 2, 700 anti-royalist infantry, under Colonel Jose
Maria Rodriguez, attacked Yanez at Ospino, and were severely
punished, but the terrible Yanez was killed, and his cavalry retreated
to Guanare. His body was found by the anti-royalists, and horribly
mutilated, under orders of the leading officers.
The troops of Yanez selected Colonel Sebastian de la Calzada as
his successor, and he at once proceeded to attack the town of Ospino
and destroyed it utterly.
On February 1 an important battle was fought at Florez, near
Calabozo, between the royalist Boves and Bolivar's General Campo
Elias. Boves had 3300 soldiers, and Elias about 1800. The fight
lasted two hours; Elias was completely defeated, and escaped with
only a few officers and soldiers to Cabrera. He lost more than 1000
men.
On February 12 Rivas, with 1000 men and 5 pieces of artillery,
who had been sent by Bolivar to attack Puerto Cabello, was attacked
by the vanguard of Boves' army, under Colonel Morales, near Vic-
toria, and after ten hours of fighting the anti-royalists had lost 500
in killed and wounded; but at this juncture Campo Elias came up
with 220 fresh troops, and attacked Morales in the rear, compelling
him to retire. The next day Morales renewed the attack, but was
repulsed, with losses, however, which were not materially greater
than those of the anti-royalists.
On February 8 Bolivar ordered the massacre of all the prisoners
in Caracas, La Guayra, and elsewhere under control of the anti-
royalists. This butchery was continued daily in Caracas until 866
Spaniards were assassinated and their bodies burned. Hundreds
met a similar fate in La Guayra and elsewhere.
On February 20 Bolivar's General Rivas, with 1000 men, en-
countered the Spanish General Rosete, with 800 soldiers, in Charayave,
seven hours' march from San Mateo. After a fierce combat Rosete
was defeated. No quarter was given, and several hundred prisoners
were assassinated. Rosete only a few days before had murdered
300 persons in the same locality, among them 100 women and
children.
22 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On February 28 the Spanish General Boves, with 2000 infantry
and 5000 cavalry, attacked Bolivar at San Mateo, with 1500 infantry
and 600 cavalry. The battle lasted all day ; Boves was wounded, and
the anti-royalists, Campo Elias and Villapol, killed. Bolivar lost 203
men the first day, and the Spaniards a somewhat greater number.
On March 11, 16, 17, 20, and 25, the Spanish army attacked Boli-
var, with varying fortunes. The engagement on the last day became
general, with heavy losses on both sides. The royalists finally cut off
the troops guarding the ammunition and stores of Bolivar's forces, and
their commander, Ricaurte, seeing that their capture was inevitable,
set fire to the magazines, killing himself and many of the royalists.
About 900 men were killed in this fight, by far the greater number
being royalists; but the loss of the magazines was irreparable to
Bolivar. This series of battles was disastrous in the extreme to Boli-
var, his total losses being 200 officers and 1500 soldiers.
On March 11 the anti-royalist Arismendi, with 800 men, — or
rather children, for the greater number were under twenty years of
age, and many of them only twelve or fifteen, — was completely
destroyed by the royalist Rosete, on the plains of Ocumare, losing
almost every soldier as well as all arms and supplies.
On March 9 General Juan Manuel Cajigal, royalist, appeared
before Barquisimeto, with 1000 troops, to attack the anti-royalist
Urdaneta, who had but 180 soldiers in the town, and 500 others under
Domingo Meza, within a reasonable supporting distance. Urdaneta
retreated, Meza retired to Trujillo, and the royalists wreaked their
customary vengeance on the helpless inhabitants of Barquisimeto;
looting, murdering, outraging women, with as much enthusiasm as
the patriots themselves committed similar atrocities.
On March 17 General Urdaneta, anti-royalist, with 500 men, was
driven from San Carlos by the royalists under Ceballos and Calzada,
with 1200 cavalrymen. Urdaneta retreated in good order.
On March 20 General Rivas, with 600 men, attacked the royal-
ist Rosete at Ocumare, and after a desperate conflict compelled him
to retreat.
On March 29 General Urdaneta was shut up in Valencia, with
only 280 infantry, by the royalist Ceballos, with 3000 soldiers, who
laid siege to the town. Unspeakable atrocities were committed on
the inhabitants.
On March 31 General Marino, anti-royalist, attacked General
Boves, royalist, at Bocachica. Boves lost 500 men, and Marino 200.
Boves retreated to Valencia, arriving there with 3000 men, having
lost 300 prisoners and 1000 horses on the road. Boves and Ceballos
immediately abandoned Valencia, which was soon occupied by Bolivar
and Marino.
On April 16 General Marino, with 2000 infantry and 800 cavalry,
attacked the royalist, Ceballos, with 2500 soldiers, in Arado, and was
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 23
disastrously defeated, and only able to save his retreat by aid of
General Urdaneta.
On May 28 Bolivar gained the important victory of Carabobo,
over the Spanish Field Marshal Cajigal. The royalists lost 300 men
killed, 500 guns, 400 horses, artillery and supplies.
On June 14 Bolivar's army was almost completely destroyed at
La Puerto by the royalist Boves, who had united an army of 3000
infantry and 5000 cavalry. Half of Bolivar's forces were killed out-
right, and almost all the remainder were wounded or else deserted.
Boves also lost heavily. No official report was made of losses, but
Bolivar's officers claimed the Spaniards lost 2600 men. This battle
was decisive. The power of the anti-royalists was completely shat-
tered. Bolivar, Marino, and Rivas fled to Caracas.
On June 19 Boves laid siege to Valencia, which was defended by
Juan Escalona with 500 men.
On June 25 D'Elhuyar abandoned the siege of Puerto Cabello,
and united with Bolivar in Caracas.
On July 6 Bolivar abandoned Caracas, and started for Barcelona,
taking with him everything portable of value. Hundreds of families
fled from Caracas, fearing another reign of terror. They lived in the
mountains like wild animals, and were hunted and shot by royalists
and anti-royalists alike.
On July 7 the royalist Ramon Gonzalez, with 1500 men, under
the direction of Boves, marched upon Caracas and took possession of
the town.
On July 9 the Governor surrendered Valencia to Boves, on con-
dition that the lives of all persons should be spared, — a stipulation
violated by Boves, by murdering 65 officers, 300 soldiers, and 90
citizens.
On September 7 General Urdaneta, anti-royalist, after a rapid
march, was surprised at Mucuchies by the royalist Calzada, and
completely routed. He lost 400 men. With the broken remnants of
his army, some 800 men, he fled to Cucuta, Colombia.
On August 18 the royalist Morales, with 8000 men, attacked
Marino, Bolivar, and Rivas, with about 3000 men, at Aragua, near
Barcelona. Marino and Bolivar (in these provinces Bolivar was
second in command, for Marino was Supreme Chief) were overwhelm-
ingly defeated. A general massacre ensued, in which the anti-
royalists of the town were slaughtered without mercy, the total loss
to this side in soldiers and sympathizers being about 3000 killed,
while the royalists had 1011 killed and 832 wounded.
On August 25 Marino and Bolivar embarked at Barcelona, and
were taken to Margarita, whence they went to Costafirme, disem-
barking in Carupano. These Jefes claimed that the voyage was
caused by the treachery of Bianchi, the commander of the small
squadron of vessels at Barcelona, but the anti-royalists claimed that
24 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
the two Jefes had abandoned the patria, through cowardice, in the time
of greatest need. They therefore selected General Rivas as First
Chief, and General Piar as Second Chief; and when Marino and
Bolivar arrived at Carupano, they were made prisoners by their own
countrymen.
On September 8 Marino and Bolivar were liberated and sent to
Cartagena, but not before Bolivar was given an opportunity to issue
another manifesto.
On September 8 the anti-royalists under Bermudez, at Maturin,
numbering 1250 men, were attacked by about 6500 soldiers under
Morales, royalist. Battles continued daily until the 12th, when the
royalists were badly defeated, losing 2200 men, 2100 rifles, 700 horses,
and 150,000 cartridges. The anti-royalists claimed to have lost
only 74 men killed and 100 wounded.
On September 29 General Piar attacked 2000 royalists at
Cumana and defeated them.
On October 17 General Boves, royalist, who had come to the
relief of Morales, attacked General Piar, who had about 2000 poorly
armed men, in the plains of Salado. Piar lost almost every one of his
men, and Boves entered Cumana with fire and sword, killing more than
1000 men, women, and children, and practically annihilating the town.
At the same time General Bermudez, anti-royalist, defeated
Morales, with 800 men, at Maturin. Generals Rivas and Bermudez
now united, and recruited an army of 2000 infantry and 2500 cav-
alry. The two generals, however, quarrelled and separated, and Ber-
mudez was severely defeated by Boves in Corosillos.
On December 5 General Boves, with 7000 men, was attacked by
the combined forces of the anti-royalists, amounting to about 4500
men, in the valley of Urica. General Boves was killed, but the anti-
royalists were routed and lost almost the entire army.
On December 6 a royalist column defeated 800 anti-royalists
in the town of Cari.
The scattered remnants of the anti-royalists, a body of but 600
men from an army of 4500 prior to the defeat of Urica, were now
reunited in Maturin.
On December 10 the royalists, under Morales, attacked Maturin,
killed almost all the 600 soldiers, and practically every man, woman,
and child in the town, themselves losing 1000 men. With this battle
the anti-royalists were overthrown to such an extent as to make
further resistance useless. The island of Margarita alone remained
in their power. Generals Rivas, Piar, and Bermudez fled ; but General
Rivas was captured and decapitated by the Spaniards, and his head
sent to Caracas as a trophy.
The royalist General Morales at once took possession of Soro,
Irapa, and Guiria, assassinating more than 3000 of the peaceful inhab-
itants of those towns, sparing neither age nor sex.
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 25
Thus was overthrown the dictatorship of Simon Bolivar, falsely
called a Republic, a regime as cruel and bloody as can be found in the
annals of history. Bolivar's discomfiture came not from the Spanish
government, but from the Venezuelans themselves. The fierce hordes
led by Yanez, Boves, Ceballos, Morales, and other royalist chief-
tains, were recruited from the natives of Venezuela. It was in truth
a war among themselves, in which real Spanish troops took no impor-
tant part. Under pretence of assassinating Spaniards and " Canarios,"
the anti-royalist troops were merely slaughtering the white people of
Spanish origin who lived in Venezuela, and were in fact Venezuelans
of the better type. On the other hand, the massacres by the royalist
troops were merely the slaughter of Venezuelans who had less Spanish
blood in them.
This "War of Independence" can best be characterized as an
internecine strife, in which bandit chiefs strove with each other for
power, the ignorant soldiery knowing little or nothing about the origin
or nature of the strife. It was a war of loot and passion, not of
principle or patriotism.
THE ROYALISTS ONCE MORE ASSUME CONTROL OF VENEZUELA.
On April 3, 1815, there arrived at Puerto Santo an important expe-
dition sent by Ferdinand VII. of Spain, to aid in conquering Colombia
and Venezuela. It consisted of 10,642 men, 3 frigates, 25 sailing
vessels, and 60 transports. These were placed at the command of
Chief Field Marshal Paplo Morillo, with Pascual Enrile second in
command.
On April 7 the Spanish squadron of 100 vessels, under Juan
Gavazo, with 14,000 men under Morillo, took possession of the island
of Margarita, the inhabitants, in face of the imposing force displayed,
making no resistance.
On May 11 General Morillo arrived in Caracas, after leaving
heavy detachments in Cumana, Barcelona, Margarita, Guayana,
Puerto Cabello, and La Guayra.
On May 19 Morillo decreed a forced loan of 200,000 pesos in
Caracas. He had previously levied 80,000 pesos on the inhabitants
of Margarita. A policy was begun for confiscating all the property
of the revolutionists in all parts of the country.
On July 10 to 12 Morillo set sail for Santamarta, Colombia, with
56 war vessels and transports, and 8000 soldiers, 3000 of them Vene-
zuelans from the army of Morales. In this short time Morillo had
succeeded in sowing seeds of discord in Venezuela among the royal-
ists themselves, by dismissing many of the Venezuelan generals and
colonels, and filling their posts with Spanish officers. His junta of
confiscation had seized nearly all the property of the revolutionists,
amounting to about 15,000,000 pesos, and sold it.
26 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On June 22 guerrillas to the number of 1600, made up from rov-
ing bands under such chiefs as Monagas, Canelon, Pareja, Sotillo,
Ranjel, Cedeno, Zaraza, Rojas, Barreto, which had been plundering
the provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, and Calabozo, attacked the
royalists in Angostura, to the number of 2000, under Lieutenant-
Colonel Gorrin, but were defeated and dispersed.
The guerrilla chief Cedeno, with 1000 men, captured nearly all
the towns of the upper Orinoco, and the other chieftains continued
terrorizing all that section of the nation.
In the mean time a powerful revolution broke out against the Span-
iards in the island of Margarita, led by Arismendi, who took possession
of the northern portion of the island, and confined the Spanish
Governor Urreistieta in the fort of Santarosa. "War to the death "
again ruled, towns were completely exterminated, and either side
spared neither age nor sex.
Captain Jose Antonio Paez and Miguel Guerrero led desperate
bands to attack the royalists in all parts of Venezuela.
On May 26 the anti-royalist Jefes of Eastern Venezuela met at
San Diego, elected Monagas and Zaraza First and Second Chief of
the armies, and raised 1500 men.
Cedeno held control of the upper Orinoco, with 1300 men, with
headquarters at Caicara.
Margarita remained in revolt under Arismendi.
Jose Antonio Paez, with his terrible cavalrymen from the plains,
the llaneros, or cow-boys, harassed the Spanish troops in all parts of
the country.
On October 31 Paez, with 500 men, in a night charge attacked
the royalists under Calzada, in Chire, to the number of 1400 men.
These troops had been left by Morillo with the Governor of Barinas
for the purpose of invading Colombia, via Cucuta. Paez defeated
the royalists, killing 200, and taking 150 prisoners and 800 horses.
The prisoners enlisted to fight for Paez.
In December Paez occupied Guadualito, Mata de la Miel, and
other points, after desperate engagements.
BOLIVAR, A REFUGEE IN HAYTI, ORGANIZES AN EXPEDITION
TO VENEZUELA
When Bolivar saw that the Spanish General Morillo was about to
capture Cartagena, and re-establish royalist rule in Colombia, he fled
to Hayti, where he was kindly received by President Petion. On May
8, 1815, he went to Jamaica, living for some months in Kingston,
where an attempt was made to assassinate him by bribing his servant.
From Kingston he went to Cayos de San Luis, Hayti, where he was
joined by many refugees from Cartagena, which had been captured
by the Spanish.
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 27
On March 30, 1816, Bolivar sailed from the port of Aguin for
Venezuela, with 3500 rifles, and quantities of supplies, furnished by
Robert Sutherland, Luis Brion, and others, though largely paid for
out of the treasury of Hayti. Quarrels and dissensions arose among
Bolivar's chiefs, and Mariano Montilla and General Bermudez, refus-
ing to recognize Bolivar's authority, separated from the expedition.
General Marino was made second in command under Bolivar. The
expedition consisted of 6 vessels, 250 men, and an abundance of arms,
ammunition, and supplies.
On May 2 Bolivar's fleet encountered two Spanish war-vessels,
the Intrepido and the Rita, and captured them both, after a hand-to-
hand conflict.
On May 3 the expedition arrived at the port of Juan Griego,
island of Margarita.
On May 7 the inhabitants and officials of Juan Griego held a
meeting in the church, in conjunction with Bolivar's troops, and
formed a junta which conferred upon Bolivar the title Jefe Supremo
de la Republica. Whether or not Bolivar took this farce seriously
is not recorded.
On May 17 Bolivar demanded of Brigadier Pardo, royalist, the
surrender of Pampatar, which was refused. Pardo, however, agreed,
if the anti-royalists would cease their assassinations of prisoners and
non-combatants, that the royalists would do likewise, — a proposition
to which Bolivar acceded.
Moxo, Captain General of Venezuela, had offered 10,000 pesos for
the head of Bolivar.
On June 1 Bolivar disembarked in Carupano, the royalist Com-
mander Martinez retiring to San Jose. Bolivar now made Monagas,
Zaraza, Cedefio, and Rojas his generals of brigade, and these ac-
knowledged him as Jefe Supremo.
On July 1 Bolivar, threatened by superior forces, embarked, with
600 men, at Carupano for Ocumare.
On June 30 the royalist Rafael Lopez fought and defeated Gen-
erals Monagas, Rojas, and Zaraza at Punche, and killed 200 of their
men.
On July 6 Bolivar arrived at Ocumare, and issued a manifesto to
the people of Caracas, saying he had come to liberate them, that from
now on he would not assassinate prisoners or non-combatants, and
that the slaves should be free, "for all Venezuelans were to be
equal."
On July 14 the forces of Bolivar and Soublette were attacked by
the royalist Morales, with 700 men, at La Piedra, in the coast of
Ocumare, and seriously defeated, losing 200 men, 300 guns, and
nearly all their supplies.
On July 14 Bolivar abandoned Ocumare with the remnants of
his fleet, and proceeded to Choroni, arriving there on the 19th.
28 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On July 16 Bolivar's land troops, of 630 men, under MacGregor,
having arrived at Choroni and found it in the hands of the royalists,
started across the country to unite with the anti-royalists in the
eastern provinces.
On July 19 Bolivar, having united with the vessels under Brion,
sailed for Guiria.
On July 18 MacGregor encountered a royalist column in the val-
ley of Onoto, and defeated it. He entered Victoria and dispersed the
garrison. On the 20th he arrived at Pao de Zarate, on the 22d at
San Francisco de Cara, and on the 29th at Chaguaramas, where a
brisk fight occurred.
On August 1 General MacGregor united with Julian Infante, with
a squadron of cavalry from General Zaraza's division.
On August 2 the united armies were attacked by 2200 royalists,
under Sergeant Major Quero, in Santa Maria de Ipire. The fight was
renewed the following day, involving serious loss to both sides.
On August 10 General MacGregor united with the main part of
Zaraza's division, that of General Monagas, in San Diego de Cabrutica.
On August 25 the combined armies marched to Aragua, encoun-
tering Colonel Rafael Lopez, royalist, who was defeated with the loss
of 500 men killed, 300 prisoners, and all his supplies.
On August 25 the anti-royalists took possession of Barcelona,
but found that Colonel Lopez in his flight had passed through Bar-
celona, and, in revenge for the declaration of independence made by
the people of that city on the 12th, had sacked and burned the place
and killed all the inhabitants.
On September 26 General Piar, having arrived at Barcelona and
taken command, marched, with 2000 soldiers, to Play on del Juncal,
where on the 27th he encountered the royalist General Morales, with
3000 men. The royalists were completely defeated, losing 300 killed,
400 prisoners, 500 rifles, and quantities of supplies. The anti-
royalists lost 100 killed.
On August 16 Bolivar arrived at Guira. He encountered hostil-
ity and mutiny everywhere among his own people. Generals Marino
and Bermudez were jealous of Bolivar, and incited the populace
against him. He found it necessary to force his way, sword in hand,
through the rabble to his vessels. He at once set sail for Puerto
Principe, Hayti.
On August 27 General Piar, in Barcelona, and General Arismendi,
of Margarita, sent Francisco Antonio Zea to Hayti to declare their
allegiance to Bolivar, and to assure him that they would continue to
recognize him as "Supreme Chief of the Republic." This is the
General Piar who was afterwards shot by order of Bolivar.
On October 8 General Piar, with 1500 men, started for Guayana.
On November 13 the royalists abandoned Margarita.
General Marino now raised the siege of Cumana. The royalists
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 29
attempted to retake Barcelona, but were defeated, with a loss of 600
men, by General Freites, on the plains of Maurica.
In December General Paez, with 700 men, dispersed 2100 royalist
soldiers under Colonel Francisco Lopez, who was killed in battle, on
the plains of Apure. At the same time the royalist Morillo descended
on Venezuela with heavy forces. Bolivar was busy organizing a new
expedition in Hayti. Paez retired to the island of Achaguas.
While these events were transpiring in eastern Venezuela, Captain
General Moxo, royalist, in command at Caracas, had inaugurated a
reign of terror throughout all that part of Venezuela under his control,
while Morillo, royalist, had instituted similar systems of outrage in
Colombia. Moxo caused the assassination of 125 of the most dis-
tinguished men of Venezuela in the latter six months of 1816, and
committed numberless atrocities indescribable in character. Neither
time nor space suffices to depict the details of this period of shocking
barbarism.
If the Spanish rulers had had the least particle of decency or sense,
they would have treated the people kindly. Such conduct would
have brought into stronger relief the terrible atrocities committed by
Bolivar and the other revolutionists, and would have gained them the
gratitude and allegiance of the Venezuelan people. But the Span-
iards were as cruel, corrupt, and infamous as the revolutionists. The
difference between the parties was but the difference between tweedle-
dum and tweedledee, and the like exists to-day between the govern-
ment troops and the later revolutionists.
BOLIVAR'S SECOND EXPEDITION.
The Commissioner Zea, sent by Piar and Arismendi, found Bol-
ivar in Hayti. Bolivar became reanimated by the news of the
loyalty of these chiefs, and proceeded at once to organize a second
expedition, generously aided by President Petion.
1816. — On December 21 Bolivar sailed from Jacquemel, with a
few boats, some refugee officers and soldiers, and considerable quan-
tities of arms and ammunition. He arrived at Juan Griego on
December 28. The day following he issued a manifesto.
On December 30 Bolivar arrived at Barcelona, and met Aris-
mendi with 400 men. They recluted 300 more.
1817. — On January 9 Bolivar and Arismendi attacked the royalist
Captain Francisco Jimenez, with 550 soldiers, at Clarines, and were
completely routed, losing almost their entire force. They hurriedly
returned to Barcelona, without either men or supplies.
On January 19 General Marino attacked, with 2000 men, the roy-
alists in Cumana, without decisive result.
On February 1 General Marino went to Barcelona, which was
threatened by 4000 royalists under Brigadier Real, and there united
30 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
with Bolivar. The two generals became reconciled, in face of the
danger confronting them, and Marino recognized Bolivar as "Supreme
Chief of the Republic."
On March 25 Bolivar left for Guayana, with 15 officers, for the
purpose of organizing all the guerrillas of the plains into one army.
On April 5 Colonel Juan Aldama, royalist, took possession of
Barcelona. The anti-royalists, 700 strong, under Generals Pedro
Maria Freitas and Francisco Estevan Rivas, retired to the fortified
convent of San Francisco.
On April 7 the royalists, under Colonels Joaquin Urreistieta,
Augustin Noguera, Francisco Jimenez, and Sergeant Major Vicente
Bauza, and Commander Jose Navas, took this fortified point by
assault, massacred every one of the 700 anti-royalist soldiers as well
as 300 old men, women, and children. In their fury many royalists
were also killed. The lives of only 14 persons were saved, 4 of whom
were women. Generals Freitas and Rivas were captured in the woods,
and sent to Caracas, where the Spanish General Moxo assassinated
them. Many women were outraged and murdered by the soldiers,
among them Mrs. Eulalia Buroz Chamberlain, the wife of an English-
man. She shot the royalist officer who attempted to rape her and
was herself murdered.
On January 17 General Piar, anti-royalist, with 2800 men, as-
saulted Angostura, losing 300 men.
Bolivar now arrived at Guayana, and met General Piar near
Angostura. He decided to use Guayana as a base for military opera-
tions, and therefore returned to the plains of Barcelona to obtain
reinforcements.
On April 17 Bolivar encountered in Palmita, near Chaparro, three
divisions left by General Marino, under Bennudez, Arismendi, and
Zaraza.
On May 2 Bolivar, with these three divisions, united with General
Piar. General Marino went towards Cariaco.
While these events were transpiring in the eastern part of the
country, important movements were being made in the West.
On January 28 General Paez, with 1000 llaneros, the desperate
cavalry of the plains, fell upon 1700 cavalrymen, under the Spanish
General Morillo, in the savannas of Mucuritas, and dispersed them.
Morillo, who was on his way from Colombia with 4000 infantry and
the 1700 cavalry dispersed by Paez, now realized for the first time that
a revolution of great magnitude and force had broken out in all parts
of Venezuela. He sent Brigadier Latorre, with a division, to Guayana,
to attack Piar and Cedeno.
On April 11 Brigadier Latorre, with 1600 infantry and 200 cav-
alry, encountered General Piar, with 500 infantry, 400 cavalrymen,
800 lancers, and a body of Indians with bows and arrows, at a point
between San Felix and San Miguel. The royalists were completely
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 31
defeated, losing 500 killed on the field, 200 wounded, and more than
300 prisoners, among them 75 officers. Immediately after the battle
General Piar ordered the assassination of all the Spaniards taken
prisoners. All the officers and more than 300 men had their throats
cut with butchers' knives.
On May 8 General Marino, with 2000 soldiers, organized a new
Congress, in Cariaco, which passed a number of resolutions, and
formed a provisional government, with the city of Asuncion for the
provisional capital; thus ignoring the Congress which had con-
ferred the title of Jefe Supremo de la Republica on Bolivar, in the Isla
de Margarita.
On May 13 the Spanish General Morillo united with Aldama, at
Chaparro, the combined forces numbering 6000 men.
On May 19 an expedition of 2800 men arrived from Spain, under
command of Brigadier Juan Canterac. Morillo sent these troops to
Cumana.
On June 10 the troops under Morillo and Canterac captured
Cariaco.
On June 13 the same army captured Carupano. A few days later
they took possession of Guira. The anti-royalists lost 150 killed,
many wounded, all their stores, 8 cannon, and several prisoners, among
them 3 officers, who were shot by orders of Morillo.
When General Morillo arrived at Chaparro, the anti-royalist
General Soublette ordered his Indians to assassinate 22 Catholic
missionaries in Carache, which order was carried into effect with
savage delight.
On July 4 Bolivar narrowly escaped capture. He had fitted out
11 boats on the Orinoco, and started to unite with Brion's fleet,
for the purpose of attacking the Spanish squadron, near Margarita.
With a small guard he was marching along the Orinoco's bank, to
protect the boats on the journey down the river, when he was at-
tacked by a heavy Spanish force. He rushed into the water, and
with knife in hand made ready to cut his own throat if he saw that
capture was inevitable; but his companions in the boats succeeded
in defeating the attacking party.
On July 5 the Spaniards captured these 11 boats of Bolivar, in
the Cano of Casacoima, but Bolivar again escaped.
That very night, hiding in the forests, near the banks of the Cano,
Bolivar was haranguing his men, telling them that he was going to
liberate Venezuela, Colombia, Peru, etc., when Captain Martel, one
of his adherents, said, "Now we find ourselves plunged into the
ultimate disaster, because Bolivar is crazy."
On July 8 five sailing-vessels, with troops, under Captain Antonio
Diaz, had a bloody fight with the Spanish squadron, near the island
of Pagallos, but were compelled to retire to Margarita.
About the same time the anti-royalist squadron, under Brion, ar-
32 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
rived in the Orinoco, carrying all the officers and troops of Margarita,
except a detachment of only 1300 men, thus leaving the patriotic island
of Venezuela very inadequately defended.
On July 19 Brigadier Latorre, royalist, abandoned Angostura for
Vieja Guayana, taking with him in his vessels 300 able-bodied men,
many sick, and quantities of supplies.
On August 3 Latorre abandoned Vieja Guayana, taking 600 men
in 30 vessels. This gave the anti-royalists command of the Orinoco,
and from that date it was used as the base of their military operations.
On July 15 General Morillo, royalist, with 3000 soldiers, disem-
barked from 17 vessels, at the port of Guamache, in the island of
Margarita, where 13,000 inhabitants were under the protection of only
1300 soldiers. Morillo demanded unconditional surrender, under
penalty of extermination, but his demand was rejected.
On July 22 the anti-royalists retired from the castle of Porlamar,
Margarita, in face of an attack by Morillo.
On July 24 the Spanish forces captured Pampatar.
On July 31 Morillo attacked the anti-royalists on the hill of
Matasiete, near Asuncion, but after a bloody conflict, lasting all day,
was compelled to retire.
On August 6 the Spaniards occupied San Juan without resistance.
On August 8 Morillo attacked Juan Griego, defended by 2000
men. The anti-royalists met a terrible mishap, many being killed
by the premature explosion of a mine which they had prepared for
the Spaniards. Several hundred anti-royalists were killed in battle ;
the others fled to the swamps of Laguna Salada, where they were sur-
rounded by the royalist cavalry, and every man of them slaughtered
without mercy, Morillo himself killing 18 with his own hands.
The Spaniards now sacked and burned Juan Griego and San Juan ;
but the islanders had been rendered furious and desperate by these
acts. With implacable revenge, singly and in squads, with women
as well as men, by stealth and cunning, bushwhacking with groups of
guerrillas, they assaulted and slew the Spaniards in a frenzy of hate.
On August 17 Morillo found it necessary to abandon Margarita,
and went to Cumana. Spanish authority was never re-established
in the island. Before leaving Margarita, however, Morillo assassi-
nated 300 anti-royalist prisoners he had taken from Barcelona.
On August 20 Morillo arrived at Cumana, having lost 1000 soldiers
as a result of his expedition to Margarita.
Early in September Morillo returned to Caracas, while General
Paez, anti-royalist, scoured the province of Barinas with his desperate
llaneros, defeating the royalists in numerous fights.
On October 10 Bolivar decreed the division among his Jefes and
soldiers of all property belonging to the Spaniards, or to Venezuelans
sympathizing with the royalist cause. Pillage and plunder was to
be the rule, and only those loyal to Bolivar were to share in the loot.
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 33
On October 17 Bolivar ordered the execution of General Piar, —
an act of perfidy to the man who had made his career possible.
On October 30 Bolivar formed a so-called government, and named
Angostura as its capital, every member, of course, being his own
appointee.
On December 12 General Zaraza, anti-royalist, on his way from
Belen to unite with Bolivar, was attacked at Hogaza by General
Latorre, royalist, with 1700 soldiers. Zaraza's division was destroyed,
with a loss of 1200 killed, 1000 rifles, 1000 horses, 3 cannon, and all
supplies. The Spaniards lost 200 in killed and wounded.
On December 31 Bolivar, with 29 boats and a convoy, embarked
for Urbana, reuniting all his army.
1818. — On January 22 Bolivar joined General Paez at San Juan
de Payara. He now had 2000 cavalrymen.
On February 8 Bolivar and Paez prepared to attack the Spanish
division under Morillo in Calabozo.
On February 12 Morillo was surprised by Bolivar's troops,
who killed 300 royalists, giving no quarter. Morillo retired to
Sombrero.
On February 16 Bolivar and Paez again attacked Morillo, at
Sombrero, who lost 100 men, and then retired to Valencia, where he
joined his main army.
On March 6 General Paez, after several desperate assaults, com-
pelled Commander Jose Maria Quero, royalist, to evacuate San
Fernando. Quero was vigorously pursued by Paez, and after four
bloody contests, compelled to surrender, with 174 men and 11 officers,
— all that remained alive out of 650 men. General Paez reported a
loss of only 100 men. Twenty cannon, 665 rifles, 11 boats, and
various other articles and supplies were also captured.
On March 5 Bolivar started from San Pablo, with 1200 men, for
Victoria, which he made his headquarters, recruiting 500 men on the
march and overrunning the valleys.
On March 13 Morillo, royalist, left Valencia on a flying campaign.
On March 14 he dispersed the anti-royalist cavalry of Zaraza in
Cabrera, and the following day did the same to the force under Gen-
eral Monagas in Maracay.
On March 16 Morillo encountered Bolivar, with 2000 soldiers, on
the plains of La Puerto. Bolivar lost 400 men killed, 500 or 600
wounded, 500 rifles, and a large quantity of stores. Morillo was
dangerously wounded.
On March 19 the remnants of Bolivar's troops reunited in Rastro,
and retired to Calabozo, where they could rely upon the aid of Paez
and his llaneros.
On March 26 Bolivar attacked Brigadier Latorre in Ortiz, but
after heavy losses on both sides he retired to San Pablo. Bolivar now
went through the country, forcing every peon into his army.
VOL. i — 3
34 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On March 31 he turned over to General Paez 2000 men, and by
April 8 had raised 600 more by recruiting.
On April 17 an attempt was made to assassinate Bolivar, in a
place called Rincon de los Toros.
On April 18 Lieutenant-Colonel Rafael Lopez, royalist, attacked
Bolivar near Rincon de los Toros, killing 300 of his men and captur-
ing 400 rifles and nearly all his supplies. Bolivar again narrowly
escaped with his life. He was entirely deserted, and travelled on foot
with the enemy all around him. A peon soldier, Leonardo Infante,
gave Bolivar his horse, on which the Jefe Supremo managed to
escape.
On May 2 Latorre, royalist, with 4000 men, gave battle to Gen-
eral Paez on the plains of Onoto, near Cojede. Paez lost 200 killed
and a large number of wounded, and was compelled to retire to Apure.
On May 20 General Cedeno, anti-royalist, was attacked by
Brigadier Morales at Los Patos, six miles from Calabozo, and was
seriously defeated, being able to save but 200 men. In less than one
month the anti-royalists in the immediate vicinity had lost over
1300 men.
On June 7 Bolivar, with the broken remnants of his dispirited
troops, a handful of men, arrived at Angostura. Nearly the entire
country was in the control of the royalists. Not satisfied with fight-
ing the common enemy, the anti-royalist Jefes fought among
themselves.
On May 1 Bermudez, under orders of Bolivar, who had not yet
had enough of defeat, started with 800 men for Aragua, with the inten-
tion of overcoming General Marino, Bolivar's ancient rival. Gen-
eral Bermudez made certain demands, as directed by Bolivar, upon
General Marino, with which the latter refused to comply. The
former took a position at the port of La Madera, six miles from
Cumana.
On May 30 General Bermudez was attacked by Brigadier Tomas
de Cires, Governor of the province, and nearly all his men killed.
This attack was made at the instance of General Marino, whom Ber-
mudez had threatened. General Marino thereupon established him-
self at Cumanacoa, and the two Supreme Chiefs were at daggers
drawn.
At this point Bolivar, driven to desperation and realizing that he
could not shoot Marino, as he had Piar, exercised a common-sense
greater than it was supposed he had. He compromised with Marino.
The latter was made General Commander of the province of Cumana,
and he agreed to recognize Bolivar as Jefe Supremo. A movement
was also inaugurated to make General Paez Jefe Supremo of the
Republic, but without his consent.
Guerrilla attacks were made by both sides in all parts of Vene-
zuela, and a condition of anarchy prevailed.
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 35
On August 26 an expedition left Angostura, headed by Francisco
de Paula Santander, under orders of Bolivar, to reclute and organize
men at Casanare, where there were scattered troops with 1200
rifles.
On August 25 General Bermudez and Captain Brion, with 100
men and several vessels, defeated the royalists near Guira, taking
8 boats, 100 rifles, and some supplies.
On September 13 General Bermudez, with 200 men, was de-
feated by the royalists near Rio Caribe, and compelled to flee to
Margarita.
In October General Marino, who had recluted 1150 infantry with
350 cavalry and 41 artillery, in the province of Cumana, attacked
the royalists in Cariaco, but was severely defeated, losing 370 killed
and several hundred prisoners. This was the last important fight of
the year, — a year of disaster from beginning to end for the anti-
royalists.
On October 1 Bolivar opened a so-called Congress, every mem-
ber of which was appointed by himself, and convened it to meet
in Angostura, on January 1, 1819, for the purpose of forming a
Constitution.
On November 20 this Congress issued a declaration of inde-
pendence, to the effect that Venezuela, by human and divine right,
was free and independent.
On December 21 Bolivar left Angostura with a convoy of 20 ves-
sels, and united with General Paez at San Juan de Payara.
THE CAMPAIGN OF 1819 OPENS UP WITH THE ARRIVAL OP
ENGLISH TROOPS
1819. — On January 23 Bolivar was notified of the arrival of a bat-
talion of English soldiers at Margarita, to aid the flagging fortunes
of the anti-royalists. His agents in England had contracted for these
mercenaries, promising to pay "each man $80 per man on enlist-
ment, and $500 each at the conclusion of the war." Of course none
of the money was ever paid; but the promise secured him several
thousand men.
On January 24 General Morillo, royalist, arrived at Calabozo.
On January 30 Morillo drove the anti-royalists out of San Fer-
nando, when they retired to San Juan de Payara. Morillo had 6500
men, and the anti-royalists 2000.
On February 4 Morillo, who had taken possession of San Juan de
Payara, took the passes of Marrero and Caujaral, which although
fortified were abandoned without resistance. As the anti-royalist
army fled before the Spaniards, it was accompanied by about 10,000
men, women, and children — the men being mostly infirm from age
or disease — who lived like wild beasts in the woods for fear of the
36 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Spanish soldiers, or, to speak more correctly, of the Venezuelan
soldiers who were fighting for the royalist cause.
On February 20 General Morillo established himself in the island
of Achaguas. Here he learned of the arrival of the English troops.
He issued a proclamation declaring the anti-royalists bandits and
asking the Englishmen to join his ranks.
On February 15 Bolivar's Congress met in Angostura. He se-
lected his faithful subordinate, Francisco Antonio Zea, as President.
Bolivar now unfolded magnificent schemes of government, with con-
stitutions, departments, and all those appurtenances which belong
to a great nation. There were 26 of these swarthy deputies, — just
23 more than the "Tailors of Tooley Street."
Bolivar made a hair-raising, brain-fagging address, placing his
resignation as Jefe Supremo into the hands of this "august popular
assembly," and offering to serve in any capacity, however menial.
This Congress was made up exclusively of colonels, generals, etc.,
who were extreme partisans of Bolivar, and each of them with a
picture of the cadaver of Piar firmly impressed upon his memory.
Of course they refused to accept the "resignation." Zea delivered
a brilliant speech, undoubtedly written for him by Bolivar, after which
Bolivar was unanimously elected President, and Zea Vice-President.
This mock government sent two emissaries to England to raise a loan.
They had already stolen, robbed, or confiscated everything the poor
people of Venezuela had, and stood in need of ready cash, but they
did not get it that time.
On February 27 Bolivar and Paez made attacks on the royalists
on the right of the Arauca, but suffered loss. For several weeks heavy
guerrilla fights took place almost daily.
Juan Gomez defeated a royalist squadron in Totumo. Colonel
Cornelio Munoz was defeated by 400 royalists at a ranch called Sarero.
On March 27 Colonel Jose Pereira defeated a squadron of troops
under Bolivar.
On April 2 General Paez, with 151 men, passed the Arauca in
Queseras del Medio, and attacked the Spaniards, defeating them
with severe loss.
On April 11 Morillo, royalist, returned to Achaguas.
On May 2 Morillo left 600 men at San Fernando and returned
to Calabozo. He had lost 1000 men in four months and had accom-
plished nothing.
BOLIVAR FORMS A GREAT PROJECT TO INVADE COLOMBIA
Bolivar had sent, some time before, a commission to Nueva Gra-
nada, to interview the revolutionary elements there, and Colonel Lara
returned as representative of the commission, informing Bolivar that
the time was ripe for a revolt in that country. On this the Supreme
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 37
Chief secretly arranged to start on this expedition, which he hoped to
have ready by the 20th or 25th of May.
Urdaneta was sent by Bolivar to Margarita to organize the foreign
troops there, — 1200 Englishmen and 300 Germans, — but he encoun-
tered great difficulty in dealing with the men. They had received their
advance payment of $80 each from Bolivar's agent in the coin with
which Latin-American Dictators have been and still are accustomed
to pay their debts — that is, in wind, moonshine, hot air — and they
were dissatisfied and mutinous. Urdaneta also had trouble with
Arismendi, the man who had joined with Piar in recalling Bolivar from
Hayti. Urdaneta wanted 500 soldiers for what appeared to Aris-
mendi to be a wild-goose chase of Bolivar into Colombia, and Aris-
mendi refused to furnish them. To settle the dispute Arismendi was
made prisoner and sent to Guayana.
On July 15 General Urdaneta sailed for Barcelona, which he
attacked on the 17th, defeating the Spanish garrison, killing 200 men,
and scattering the entire population to the tall grass.
On August 5 Urdaneta, having been reinforced by 300 men under
Colonel Montes, attacked the royalists at the port of Bordones, some
five miles from Cumana, but was defeated, losing 150 men.
On August 9 Urdaneta determined on a march to Maturin, — a
long distance, through rain and mud. He had no supplies, and for
days at a time the Venezuelan soldiers had nothing to eat except a
piece of a stalk of sugar cane. Horse meat was considered a rare and
juicy viand. The English and German mercenaries did not like this
food, and they had not as yet received their $80. They deserted in
large numbers, the Venezuelan troops attempting to restrain them by
force. Some sanguinary fights ensued as a consequence.
On August 20 Urdaneta arrived at Maturin with only a few men ;
the others had either died on the way or deserted.
In the mean time General Bermudez, anti-royalist, had made a
disastrous retreat from Barcelona to the province of Cumana, har-
assed by the royalist Colonel Pereira, and suffering great losses in
numerous guerrilla fights.
On August 15 Bolivar's Congress at Angostura gave birth to
one of the numerous progeny known in Latin America as "constitu-
tions." It also decreed the sale of 500 square leagues, or 4500 square
miles, of public lands, and authorized the President to get a loan of
$3,000,000, if he could. It also ordered to be seized and confiscated
all the real estate, personal property, money, or other things of value
owned by any Spaniard in Venezuela, or by any Venezuelan or other
person sympathizing with the royalist cause. Why the pretended
Congress should "authorize" Bolivar and his chiefs is not clearly
seen, since they had been doing these things habitually without the
authorization.
On May 25 Bolivar marched for Guadualito, where he left Gen-
38 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
era! Paez with 1000 cavalry, with which to scour the province of
Barinas, making the Apure River his base. With the rest of his army
Bolivar continued to Casanare, where he arrived on June 11, the van-
guard being under General Santander.
On June 25 Bolivar and Santander arrived at Pore, with 2500
effective men, about 500 of whom were English and Germans still
hoping to receive their $80 apiece.
On July 11 the divisions of Santander and Anzoategui, under
Bolivar, fought eight hours, at Gameza, with 1000 royalists, under
Colonel Barreiro, with heavy losses to both sides, and no important
advantage to either.
Bolivar now left the valley of Sogamoso and passed to that of
Serinza. In Nueva Granada, high up in the mountains, his troops
suffered greatly from the cold. They were accustomed to the warm
temperature of the Orinoco, and in these high regions, where there
was incessant rain, 100 of his men and all his horses died from the
cold. But the inhabitants were friendly, and they gave supplies
freely.
On July 25 Bolivar's forces encountered the royalist troops under
Barreiro at a marsh called Vargas, near the Sogamoso River, and an
all-day battle resulted, in which the royalists were worsted. Bar-
reiro's men showed no enthusiasm in the fight.
On August 5 Bolivar, after a series of rapid manoeuvres, in which
he completely outgeneralled Barreiro, took the important city of Tun ja,
making its garrison prisoners. He also captured 600 rifles, large
stores, and supplies, and was received by the inhabitants with every
demonstration of enthusiasm.
BOLIVAR GAINS THE DECISIVE BATTLE OF BOYACA
On August 7 was fought the important battle of Boyaca. Bar-
reiro, with 2500 men, was endeavoring to outflank Bolivar, and cut
him off from Bogota. Bolivar, with 2000 men, contested the move-
ment. On this day, at two o'clock in the afternoon, as Barreiro at-
tempted to cross the bridge over the river Boyaca, he was attacked
by Bolivar's entire force, — the left under Santander, and the right and
centre under Anzoategui. Barreiro and most of his officers and 1600
men were taken prisoners, although there were only 100 men killed
in the fight. The Spaniards lost all their artillery, arms, ammunition,
and supplies.
There was nothing now to prevent Bolivar from capturing Bogota.
This battle illustrates the strange freaks of fortune. It turned the
tide in favor of Bolivar, who for years had met nothing but misfortune.
A man with less of the frenzy of insanity, or its allied disease, ambition,
would have given up the struggle long ago. In Venezuela, where the
merciless massacres of prisoners and non-combatants by Bolivar was
REVOLUTION IN VENEZUELA 39
well known, the royalists fought like demons. They knew that to
be captured meant to be murdered. In the face of this desperate
fighting Bolivar had been driven from the arena of Venezuela three
different times. At the moment he projected his campaign across the
Cordilleras he had been discredited and beaten in dozens of bloody
conflicts. Doubtless his military career in Venezuela would have
been more fortunate had he not aroused such implacable hatred by
his "war to the death." At the same time he knew nothing of strat-
egy ; he was not a military man in any real meaning of the term ; he
was guiltless of common-sense in the prosecution of his campaigns;
and the real battles up to that date had been fought, and the real
victories won, by Generals Marino, Paez, Piar, Urdaneta, Bermudez,
Arismendi, and by many colonels and local chiefs, in their eternal
guerrilla fights.
In this situation Bolivar's plan to invade Nueva Granada would
seem to be the dream of a madman, not the project of a prudent
commander. No sooner had he left Venezuela than the generals
met, and resolved to oust him from his position as President, or
Jefe Supremo, and appoint General Marino in his stead. These
generals condemned Bolivar for having left the soil of Venezuela, and
they all recognized that he was half crazy and all scoundrel. Holding
Bolivar in light esteem, they instinctively realized that they needed
some one among them who could read and write, — who could get up
pronunciamentos and constitutions and make frenzied speeches.
It was on this plane that Bolivar outclassed them all.
If Bolivar had been defeated in his campaign into Nueva Granada,
it would seem that his career would have ended, — the Venezuelan
generals were not loyal to him, and he had shot or imprisoned his own
best friends. And he would have been defeated and driven out of
Nueva Granada but for one thing, — the royalist soldiers did not
want to fight. They had not heard of Bolivar's assassination of
prisoners in Venezuela ; they regarded him as a great liberator ; the
Spaniards in Colombia had been committing nameless atrocities, rul-
ing all parts of the country like tyrants ; their own soldiers were dis-
loyal. Bolivar received the full benefit of this disaffection. The
battle of Boyaca was merely an afternoon lawn-tennis game in com-
parison with dozens of the horrible conflicts on the plains of Venezuela.
Yet on its result hung the destiny of Bolivar; and in its effects upon
the cause of independence it may be classed as one of the five most
important engagements fought in South America.
CHAPTER II
EVENTS LEADING TO THE OVERTHROW OF SPANISH
POWER IN VENEZUELA
ON August 8, 1819, like a flash of lightning from a clear sky came
the news of Boyaca to the startled Viceroy Samano and the
Spanish authorities at Bogota. Panic-stricken, they laid their
hands on whatever they could, and fled, leaving 700,000 pesos in coin
hidden in the treasury building, which was delivered to Bolivar upon
his arrival.
On August 10 Bolivar arrived and took possession of Bogota,
the garrison of 450 men having fled to Popayan, and was received
with acclamations of joy by the people. He took possession of the
government, and at once appointed a comision de secuestros, — that is,
a body for the purpose of confiscating the property and everything of
value belonging to the royalists or persons supposed to sympathize
with them.
On October 11 Bolivar, through Santander, ordered the execu-
tion of Colonel Barreiro and 38 officers taken prisoners at Boyaca,
and of such soldiers as refused to join his own army. Most of them
joined cheerfully. Their chances for loot under Bolivar were better
than under the Spaniards.
On September 11 Bolivar issued a decree selecting General
Santander as Vice-President of Colombia, he himself, of course,
being President, and at the same time stated that Venezuela and
Colombia were to be united in one Republic. He continued the
"war to the death" in Colombia, murdering many prisoners and
robbing thousands of families of their property. He had the Congress
of Bogota decorate him with a cross of honor, called Boyaca.
Extravagant, fanatical demonstrations, parades, balls, festivals,
banquets, were held in his honor, and at one of them a body of
senoritas decorated him with a laurel crown. Triumphal arches
were erected, and the sickening adulation typical of Latin- American
hero worship filled Bolivar's cup of joy to the brim.
On September 20 Bolivar, with a considerable army, left San-
tander in charge at Bogota, and returned to Venezuela, passing
through the provinces of Tunja, Socorro, and Pamplona, where he
recluted about 2000 men.
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 41
On September 23 General Soublette, Bolivar's advance guard,
fought with Latorre, royalist, with 1000 soldiers, at Rosario, without
important result. Fighting and moving to gain position occupied
several weeks, but in the end Latorre was compelled to retire, and
Soublette occupied San Cristobal, and later united with General Paez
at Mantecal.
While Bolivar had been in Colombia, his enemies in Venezuela
had asked for the resignation of his faithful follower, Vice-President
Zea, and had taken General Arismendi from prison and made him
Vice-President. The supreme military command was given to Gen-
eral Marino. The patriots also experienced some severe fighting in
Venezuela.
On September 30 there was a fight between boats on the river
Apure, in which the royalists lost 10 small boats and 80 men out of
250 engaged, thereby being compelled to abandon San Fernando,
which was at once occupied by General Paez.
On November 20 Bolivar left La Salina de Chita, moving with
great rapidity. He touched at Casanare, inspected the troops of Paez,
and on December 11 arrived at Angostura, where he was received
with a frenzy of acclaim. He now awaited the arrival of 5000 Irish
troops, contracted by General Juan d'Evereux.
In the mean time the 200 English soldiers, sent by Dr. del Real
from England to MacGregor, had invaded Colombia, and were prac-
tically all killed at Rio Hacha.
On December 14 Bolivar reunited his Congress, with Zea as
Vice-President. He gave a vivid account of his brilliant campaign,
and issued a proclamation uniting Venezuela and Colombia, the rati-
fication for which was made three days later by the Congress,
after many pompous orations anent Liberty. Vice-President Zea
declared the child born by shouting, "The Republic of Colombia is
constituted : Live the Republic of Colombia ! "
This paper Republic was divided into three departments, — Ven-
ezuela, Cundinamarca, and Quito. Caracas, Bogota, and Quito were
designated as capitals. Congress also decorated Bolivar with the
title of Libertador.
CAMPAIGN OF 1820 — Six MONTHS OF ARMISTICE AND END OF THE
"WAR TO THE DEATH"
At the opening of the campaign of 1820 Viceroy Samano occupied
Cartagena, with 2000 men, and controlled the rivers Cauca and
Magdalena. The Spanish Captain General of Quito had 3000 men,
and General Morillo had about 12,000 soldiers in Venezuela.
The anti-royalists had 3000 men under General Paez, about
2500 in the armies in the northern part of Venezuela, and about
42 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
2000 in other parts of Colombia. They held the Orinoco and the
interior of both countries, while the Spaniards held the coasts.
On March 14 Bolivar arrived once more at Bogota. He raised
an army of 3000 slaves by taking them forcibly from their masters,
who were given "promises to pay."
On March 7 a strong anti-royalist expedition under Colonel
Montilla, consisting of 14 vessels and 1300 soldiers, more than half
of them Irishmen, left Margarita, and five days later arrived in front
of Rio Hacha, Colombia, which was abandoned by the royalists.
These Irish troops and their Venezuelan companions fought among
themselves, the Irishmen claiming that they did not get enough
to eat.
On June 7 the new Spanish Constitution was proclaimed in
Caracas, Cartagena, Cuba, and other colonies. Ferdinand VII of
Spain, sitting unsteadily on his throne, found it impossible to de-
spatch troops to the colonies. Twenty thousand of his soldiers in the
Isla de Leon, designed for South America, mutinied. He did then
what a monarch of sense would have done many years before, —
he granted a Constitution, — but it was too late.
Ferdinand VII directed Morillo, at Caracas, and his other gen-
erals and viceroys, to obtain from the rebellious chiefs their recog-
nition of this Constitution, agreeing that those revolutionary military
Jefes and civil governors who would do this should continue under
the new regime in the same grade in which they had served the
revolution. A truce was to be declared at once. Morillo sent com-
missioners to Angostura, and to Generals Paez, Bermudez, Zaraza,
Cedefio, Rojas, Montes, Monagas, Montilla, setting forth the propo-
sitions of Ferdinand VII and requesting a suspension of hostilities.
Morillo's terms were rejected by the Congress of Angostura, which
stated it would consider nothing short of complete independence.
The several generals approached said they would refer the matter to
the President.
On July 7 Bolivar received the circular from Morillo, as well as
a proposition for suspension of hostilities for one month from Field
Marshal Miguel de Latorre. He agreed to the suspension of hostilities,
but declared that the only basis of peace would be the "recognition of
the Republic as an independent, free, and sovereign State."
Early in August Bolivar made a rapid excursion along the Atlantic
coast, as well as to Cucuta, Ocano, Mompos, Barranquilla, and Tur-
baco. About this time also there was much desperate fighting in the
vicinity of Cartagena, Rio Hacha, and other points in Colombia.
On October 22 General Monagas, anti-royalist, with 1000 infantry
and 200 cavalry, attacked Saint Just at Barcelona, and the royalists
were forced to retire.
On September 23 an uprising took place among the royalist troops
in Cumana, and in Carupano and Cariaco the day following. These
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 43
were aided by anti-royalists, who succeeded in taking possession of
this entire province.
On September 21 Bolivar arrived at San Cristoval, whence he sent
a commissioner to Morillo urging that the Spaniards recognize inde-
pendence and so end the war.
On October 2 Bolivar, with 5000 men, occupied Merida, and in a
week's time took possession of the provinces of Merida and Trujillo.
On October 20 Colonel Reyes Vargas, royalist, who commanded
in Carora, deserted the Spanish cause, and with his troops went over
to Bolivar.
In the latter part of October Morillo sent three commissioners
to meet Bolivar, to arrange an armistice, but they failed to meet
him.
BOLIVAR is WILLING TO TERMINATE THE "WAR TO THE DEATH"
On November 3 Bolivar sent three commissioners to meet Morillo,
stating that he desired to make a treaty, truly "sacred," which should
"govern the war and free it from the horrors and crimes which were
committed in it." In short, he "proposed the cessation of war to the
death which had been made up to that date, although it was certain
that now it was not made with the same fury as in the first years."
Bolivar had proclaimed "war to the death," first at Merida, on
June 8, 1813 ; later at Trujillo, on June 15, 1813. In the latter decree
he had stated that every Spaniard who refused or failed to take up
arms actively in support of the revolution should be " irremisiblemente
pasado por las armas" — "irrevocably condemned to death."
Seven years and five months of murders, horrors, cruelties, assas-
sinations, outrages, infamies, robberies, incendiarism, anarchy, crime,
villany, diabolism, and hellishness unspeakable over the whole
northern half of the great continent — and still our Boston professors
call Bolivar the "Washington of South America"!
On November 25 Bolivar's commissioners signed an armistice
with the commissioners sent by Morillo, at Carache, the headquarters
of the "Liberator." The terms called for a six months' truce; com-
missioners were to be appointed to form a treaty definitely to end the
war, failing which forty days' notice was to be given by each side be-
fore beginning any act of hostility; prisoners were to be exchanged
and humanely treated ; and neither side was to reinforce or strengthen
itself in the interim. It was agreed that the burning and pillage of
cities should cease, that deserters found in the ranks of the other side
should not be executed, and that cadavers lying unburied (of which
there were tens of thousands in all parts of the country) should be
interred or cremated.
On November 27 Generals Morillo and Bolivar met in the par-
ish of Santana, midway between Trujillo and Carache, with their
44 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
respective aide-de-camps. They embraced each other, like long-lost
brothers, dined, made speeches, and held a general jubilation.
Benedetti says:
" Continuing the gallantries, Morillo proposed that in the place where
they had embraced there should be erected a pyramid, on the base of which
should be engraved the names of the commissioners of Colombia and Spain
who had concluded the treaty putting an end to the war to the death, and that
the first stone should be conducted there by those who had ratified and ap-
proved the treaty [himself and Bolivar]. The idea was caught up with en-
thusiasm ; the Liberator and General Morillo carried an angular stone, which
should be the corner-stone of the pyramid, between the two of them, to the
designated place, and over it they embraced again, reiterating their protests
to rigorously comply with the treaty whose celebration had been made in that
point ; and Morillo added then to the proposal which was agreed to, that both
the governments of Colombia and Spain should designate engineers who
should be charged with the erection of the work.
"But, like every other project in Colombia, the said pyramid remained
merely a project ; it was never carried to a reality ; and the desire to execute
it passed with the general armistice for six months, upon the commencement
of the war again, although not to the death."
I am not able to divert from my mind the thought that the Latin
Americans, even the greatest of them, are silly, frivolous, treacherous,
irresponsible ; even the sight of Bolivar and Morillo hugging each other
over an angular stone is not able to modify this disagreeable impression.
On December 22 Bolivar set out from San Cristoval for Bogota.
He left General Urdaneta, with 5000 men, on the right bank of the
river Santo Domingo between Barinas and Trujillo; General Paez,
with 4000 troops, mostly cavalry, covered the right of the river Apure
from its mouth to the Santo Domingo ; General Bermudez, with 3000
men, stood on the right of the river Unare covering the provinces of
Barcelona and Cumana and part of the plains of Caracas.
In the latter part of this year Zea, Vice-President, was sent as com-
missioner to England to raise funds and equipment. About 5800
English and 300 German soldiers had been contracted for employ-
ment in the revolutionary armies. Of course the payments promised
to these soldiers had never been made, nor had any money been paid
for arms and supplies purchased on the good faith of Bolivar's
"government." These debts in England amounted now to £731,762
sterling, for which Zea gave certificates purporting to draw 10
per cent interest.
CAMPAIGN OF 1821 — THE ARMISTICE ENDS AND FIGHTING
IS RESUMED
1821. — On January 5, Bolivar arrived in Bogota. Here he re-
ceived a Spanish commissioner from Caracas, at whose instance
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 45
commissioners were sent to Spain for the purpose of making a
treaty of peace.
Notwithstanding that an armistice had been signed for six months,
Bolivar occupied himself in furnishing supplies to the revolutionists
of Quito and Peru, and his own generals everywhere went on recluting,
and attacking detached squads of Spanish troops, just the same as if
no armistice existed. They began the siege of Cartagena, and wrested
almost the entire coast of Colombia from the Spaniards, under cover
of this treaty, before the Spanish generals realized their treachery.
At Maracaibo the anti-royalists had an understanding with General
Urdaneta that they would proclaim independence and rely upon his
troops to aid them.
On January 28 the officials of Maracaibo declared the inde-
pendence of the province and united it to Colombia.
On January 29 Colonel Heras, with a battalion of tir adores, under
orders of General Urdaneta, went to Maracaibo and took possession
of it. Urdaneta notified Marshal Latorre, royalist, of these facts, and
the latter at once demanded that the anti-royalist troops be taken
away from Maracaibo, in compliance with the armistice. Bolivar,
who had returned to Cucuta, replied to Latorre that as Maracaibo
had made itself independent of Spain, the Colombian troops in occu-
pying that place had not occupied Spanish territory, and therefore had
not violated the armistice, which, he alleged, did not prohibit Colom-
bia from taking under its flag people who might apply for protection.
He concluded by demanding that Latorre should deliver to Colombia
the armory of Cucuta and the provinces of Maracaibo and Rio Hacha,
and threatened that if his demands were refused he would commence
hostilities again within forty days.
Marshal Latorre replied to Bolivar, that his demands were incon-
ceivable, and entirely unexpected in view of the negotiations for the
termination of hostilities. He thereupon notified Bolivar that hostili-
ties would commence on April 28. Both sides now forgot all about the
hugging episode between Bolivar and Morillo over the angular stone,
and made ready again for their customary pastime of throat-cutting.
On April 20, eight days ahead of the game, Colonel Candamo, roy-
alist, with 300 men, was completely destroyed by Colonel Lara, with
about the same number, at Lorica, in Colombia, and war broke out
in all parts of Colombia, in Guayaquil and Venezuela.
On April 28 General Urdaneta, anti-royalist, took possession of
Altagracia, a few miles across the lake from Maracaibo.
On May 11 Coro declared its independence, the royalist troops
blowing up their powder magazine and running away. Desperate
guerrilla warfare ravaged this province, and, in fact, the whole of
Venezuela.
General Bermudez in the mean time, with 800 men, had completely
destroyed 250 royalists near Guapo, at the hacienda Chuspita.
46 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Colonel Jose Maria Monagas, royalist, came from Caracas, and
attacked Bermudez, with 500 men, near Guatire, but was defeated,
losing 1 officer and 66 men killed.
On May 14 General Bermudez occupied Caracas, with 700 men.
It had been abandoned by the royalist Colonel Ramon Correa, who
retired to the valley of Aragua. Caracas was almost deserted, its few
remaining inhabitants having taken to the woods at the sight of their
" liberators."
General Bermudez pursued Correa at once and attacked him at
Consejo. Correa had only 700 men, and as he was outnumbered and
taken by surprise, he was completely defeated, and his troops either
killed or dispersed.
On May 24, in the highlands of Cocuisas, General Bermudez was
attacked by 2000 royalist soldiers, under Morales. The battle lasted
all day, without decided advantage to either side. During the night
General Bermudez retreated.
On May 26 General Morales, royalist, took possession of Caracas
without resistance, Bermudez retreating to Guarenas.
On May 30 General Bermudez was reinforced with 400 men under
Arismendi, and shortly after received 300 from Colonel Avendano,
and 500 from Colonel Macero from the valley of Tuy. He now
assumed the offensive. He sent Colonel Macero with 500 men to
attack Colonel Ramon Avoy, royalist, but Macero was defeated near
Santa Lucia, and lost 300 men.
On June 15 General Bermudez attacked the royalist Pereira at
Santa Lucia, and dislodged him, although Bermudez lost 200 men to
Pereira's 100 in killed and wounded.
A few days later, Pereira fought Colonel Cora, anti-royalist, at
Dos Caminos, and defeated him.
General Bermudez, with 1200 men, now attacked Pereira, in the
heights of Calvario, to the west of Caracas, and although the royalists
were inferior in numbers, they almost completely destroyed Ber-
mudez's army, the loss in killed, wounded, and deserted being about
1050 out of a total of 1200.
On June 20 Bolivar left San Carlos, with 6000 men, to meet
Latorre, who had an almost equal force.
On June 24 Bolivar attacked the troops of Latorre at Carabobo.
General Paez with his llaneros executed a flank movement, but was
driven back by the right wing of Latorre's army. Bolivar had here
1000 English soldiers, whose desperate fighting saved the day for the
anti-royalist arms. The Spaniards who were pursuing Paez were
driven back by the British soldiers by means of a desperate fire. The
Englishmen ran out of ammunition, however, and were compelled
to attack the Spaniards with bayonets. Seven bloody charges were
made, and the Spaniards, though they outnumbered the Englishmen
four to one, could not withstand the attacks and fled in disorder,
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 47
whereupon Paez and his llaneros rode over them in a pell-mell charge
and scattered them in panic. The English mercenaries have never
received proper credit for the work they did at this battle ; in fact, they
were treated like dogs by Bolivar, and despised by his soldiers. While
these events transpired, Bolivar attacked the battalion of Valencey
in the rear with artillery, and in a short time it retreated in confusion,
large numbers of the soldiers fleeing to the woods. The actual battle
did not last much over an hour, and the anti-royalists had no more
than 3500 men in action, although they had 6000 men on the field.
Their losses did not exceed 200 men. The Spaniards retreated to
Puerto Cabello, where they arrived with something over 4000 men,
their losses in killed, wounded, and deserted being between 1500 and
2000. This battle, apparently no different from any one of a hundred
others as regards its magnitude or the number killed, was in fact one
of the decisive engagements of South American independence. The
power of Spain had been broken in Europe and elsewhere. The
psychological moment in military matters had arrived, so that no great
victory was needed effectually to discredit Spain in Venezuela. Pe-
reira, who had signally defeated Bermudez at Calvario, in the confines
of Caracas, fearing to measure arms with Bolivar, left in hot haste
for Puerto Cabello, but, afraid also to meet Bolivar in the road,
returned to La Guayra.
On June 29 Bolivar entered Caracas.
On July 3 Pereira surrendered to Bolivar his troops, to the
number of 700 men. Of these 500 at once entered the army of
Bolivar.
On July 11 Escalona, the anti-royalist Governor of Coro, was
attacked by 800 royalists at Cumarebo, but after a whole day's
battle defeated them.
On August 8 Escalona was attacked by 2000 royalists, under
Colonel Tello, but succeeded in winning a second victory, although
he had greatly inferior numbers. Tello fled to Puerto Cabello, and a
number of important royalist guerrilla chiefs, with their men, went
over to the other side.
On August 22 Latorre tried to escape from Puerto Cabello, but
lost two companies in a battle with Colonel Manrique, and was com-
pelled to return.
On September 2 the commissioners sent by Bolivar to Spain to
treat for peace were expelled from the country. The Corte had heard
of the revolution in Maracaibo during the armistice, and claimed it to
be an act of bad faith.
On October 16 Cumana was surrendered, with 800 men, by the
royalist Colonel Jose Caturla to General Bermudez. The latter
had only a short time before seized San Carlos, and captured 400
royalist troops.
On November 10 General Latorre, royalist, sent General
48 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Morales, with 800 picked men, in eight boats to attack La Guayra,
where he lost one boat. He then sailed for Catu, where he dis-
embarked 600 men, and marched upon Ocumare, sacking the town.
He then returned to Puerto Cabello.
At the same time General Latorre sent 500 men under Colonel
Tomas Garcia to make an attack on Valencia, but, meeting resistance
at Naguanagua, the troops returned.
In Coro Colonel Justo Briceno, anti-royalist, reunited 1100 in-
fantry and 200 cavalry, and took possession of La Vela de Coro and
the city of Coro, after two combats with Manuel Carrera, a royalist
guerrilla chief.
After several months of guerrilla fighting in the peninsula of Para-
guana, the anti-royalist Colonel Francisco Gil was driven out in
September. The royalist guerrilla Colonel Carrera, in the moun-
tains of San Luis, defeated the anti-royalist chief Vargas, and com-
pelled him to retreat into the valley of Baragua ; and when Escobar,
another anti-royalist guerrilla, was sent against him with reinforce-
ments, Can-era was again victorious, and drove his antagonist to
Casicure.
At the end of September Carrera, with 500 men, attacked the
anti-royalist colonel, who had only 130 soldiers, at Coro; but
the latter were in houses and behind walls, well protected, and with
four pieces of artillery they succeeded in defeating the royalist
colonel.
On November 6, 500 anti-royalists, under Colonel Gomez, in
Coro, were attacked by an equal number of men under Carrera. The
battle lasted four days, when the anti-royalists were reinforced by
200 men under Colonel Perez. They then assumed the offensive, and
drove Carrera back into the mountains.
On December 3 Bolivar ordered the execution, in Caracas, of
Colonel Antonio Ramos, a royalist guerrilla chief, who with 60 men
had been taken prisoners near Calabozo. Generals Latorre and
Morales, royalists, upbraided Bolivar bitterly for this vile disregard
of his solemn treaty to terminate the "war to the death " and to treat
prisoners of war in a civilized manner.
Guerrilla bands were now roving in all parts of Venezuela,
operating on either side, murdering and robbing to their hearts'
content.
In the mean time a Congress had been held in Cucuta, which
declared the union of Venezuela and Colombia; a constitution was
adopted, and Bolivar elected President.
The year 1821 ended with the Spaniards practically confined to
Puerto Cabello, and part of the province of Coro, in Venezuela.
Guayaquil had gained its independence the preceding year ; Panama
declared its freedom in 1821, and Colombia was now almost free
from Spanish control.
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 49
EVENTS IN VENEZUELA DURING 1822
The campaigns of great importance during this year were in Peru
and Bolivia, where the chief interest is centred in the movements of
San Martin and Sucre.
On January 1 Bolivar arrived at Cali, and directed himself to the
task of co-operating with Sucre and San Martin in driving the Span-
iards out of those countries. He met San Martin in Guayaquil on
July 26. The campaign in Venezuela, which was relatively unim-
portant, was intrusted to his generals, under the direction of General
Soublette.
On January 9 General Latorre, royalist, who had arrived from
Puerto Cabello at Los Teques, near La Vela de Coro, with 1200
veterans, occupied the city of Coro, and attacked the anti-royalist
Colonel Juan Gomez, who had about 1000 men. After two battles
he compelled the latter to capitulate. Latorre then recluted about
1500 new soldiers among the inhabitants of Coro.
On January 16 the royalist Colonel Lorenzo Morillo, with 900
men, attacked Colonel Reyes Vargas, anti-royalist, who had 500
men, in the valley of Baragua. The latter was completely surprised
and lost every man he had, in killed, wounded, or deserted. Morillo
then made a raid as far as Carora, taking much booty and 4000 head
of cattle.
Soublette, Bolivar's Director General, sent General Paez to pacify
the western part of Venezuela. He had ample forces under his
orders.
On February 23 General Paez arrived at Yaritagua, and Latorre
ordered all his troops to retreat to Coro. Paez sent in his resignation
from this place, saying that he, being superior in rank to Soublette,
did not care to take orders from the latter. He was induced, however,
to withdraw his resignation. Colonel Reyes Vargas, anti-royalist,
now drove Morillo back into the interior of the province of Coro.
On February 26 General Latorre, royalist, sent 200 soldiers from
Puerto Cabello, to take possession of the heights of Vijirima, but they
were destroyed by anti-royalists who, under Soublette's orders, were
besieging Puerto Cabello. A similar fate met an equal body at Pan-
tanero. The lines of the anti-royalists drew closer to the last strong-
hold of the Spanish, and there were many bloody fights.
Early in March, Brigadier Morales, royalist, took personal com-
mand of the Spanish troops in the province, and forced Colonel Heras,
anti-royalist, with 2000 soldiers, to retire from Altagracia, — a position
which protected Maracaibo.
On April 17 Colonel Pinango, anti-royalist, under immediate
orders of General Soublette, with 2000 infantry and 200 cavalry,
attacked 500 royalists in Chipare, near Coro, under Colonel Tello,
VOL. i—4
50 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and killed 120 men, compelling the others to flee. Pinango then
captured Coro. General Paez refused to take part in the campaign.
On April 23 General Morales, royalist, from Altagracia, sent across
the lake by sail-boat two expeditions against Maracaibo. One
body of 220 men, under command of Captain Juan Ballesteros, dis-
embarked at Hoyada, 3 miles from Maracaibo; the other of 600
men, led by Lieutenant-Colonel Morillo, at Canada, about 18
miles to the south of the city. General Morales now learned of Pin-
ango's movement against Coro. He therefore left his two columns on
the west side of Maracaibo Lake, and with his main force returned to
meet Pinango, who retired to Carora, and on May 9 reunited with
General Soublette. The anti-royalist forces were greatly weakened
by desertions, and had 700 men sick.
On April 24 the column of 220 men, under Captain Ballesteros,
was attacked by General Lino Clemente, anti-royalist commander
of the State of Zulia. The fight occurred at the ranch of San Juan
de Avila, and Ballesteros was compelled to surrender his force, after
losing 47 killed.
On May 4 the column under Morillo was captured in Perija by
General Lino Clemente, there being 44 officers and 518 men taken
prisoners.
On June 7 General Soublette, with 700 men, encountered the roy-
alist General Morales, with 1200 men, in Dabajuro. General Soublette
was defeated, losing 100 men killed and many prisoners, several of
whom were treacherously assassinated by Morales, among them being
Captains Telechea and Trainer, and sub-Lieutenant Velazco.
On July 17 General Soublette, after having recluted 1000 infantry
and 100 cavalry, united with an equal force in Juritiba, under a
German colonel, Julio Augusto Reimboldt.
On July 23 General Morales, finding himself greatly outnumbered
by the opposing troops, embarked for Puerto Cabello from La Vela,
with 700 soldiers, in the Spanish squadron, and sent the remainder
of his army, 400 men, for the same destination, via Valencia. During
the final part of his campaign in the province of Coro, General Mo-
rales had committed unspeakable outrages, assassinating more than
200 non-combatants and prisoners of war.
On July 30 General Paez abandoned the siege of Puerto Cabello.
He had 2000 men, but most of them were sick, and his bombardments
of the fortress had accomplished nothing. Paez was ambitious to be
Jefe Supremo, and was jealous of Soublette. He issued extraordinary
orders, and was guilty of arbitrary and tyrannical practices.
On August 11 General Morales, royalist, with 1800 men, ap-
peared before Valencia, and after a fight with 500 men under Colonel
Woodbury was compelled to retire, with a loss of 50 killed, the anti-
royalists losing 74.
On August 18 Morales returned to Puerto Cabello.
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 51
Desperate guerrilla warfare continued in the province of Caracas
and other places.
On August 24 General Morales, with 14 vessels and 1200 men,
arrived in Curo9ao, en route for Maracaibo. He had left Puerto
Cabello, on this expedition, entirely without the knowledge of either
Soublette or Paez. He remained twenty-four hours in Curo9ao, re-
ceiving supplies from Spaniards there.
On August 30 General Morales disembarked at Cojoro, in the
port called Teta, in the Goajira peninsula, and marched at once for
Maracaibo.
On September 4 General Morales, having crossed the river
Sucuy near its junction with the Guasare, was attacked at midnight
by Colonel Carlos Castelli, with 500 men, but after two hours of fight-
ing the latter was compelled to retreat with a loss of 33 men.
On September 6 General Morales had arrived at Salinarica, one
day's march from Maracaibo, when he was attacked by General Lino
Clemente, the anti-royalist commander of Zulia, with about 800
men. General Clemente was overwhelmingly defeated, having 500
men killed and wounded. He fled to Canada with hardly 300 men,
leaving Maracaibo to the mercy of the Spaniards.
On September 7 General Morales took possession of Maracaibo.
On September 8 Morales demanded the capitulation of Fort San
Carlos, which commands the entrance to Maracaibo Lake. It was
commanded by Sergeant Major Natividad Villamil, with 300 infantry,
37 artillerymen, 4 war-vessels, and ample provisions and supplies.
As Morales had 1000 men with him, Villamil surrendered without a
fight. Morales now became supreme on both shores of Maracaibo
Lake and in the State of Zulia.
Shortly after this, Pedro Valiente and Manuel Martinez, royalist
guerrilla chiefs, operating in the provinces of Caracas, Guardatinajas,
and Tiznados, destroyed a force under Manuel Perez, and committed
serious depredations.
General Soublette now decreed a forced loan of $300,000.
On September 15 General Morales issued a decree stating that
all foreigners in the service of the anti-royalists who should be taken
prisoners would be condemned to death, — this order was directed
against the English and German mercenaries.
On October 15 General Montilla, anti-royalist, arrived at Rio
Hacha, Colombia, with 1500 men, supported by a fleet of boats under
Colonel Jose Padilla, with the intention of marching upon Maracaibo,
via Sinamaica.
On November 3 Colonel Jose Sarda, with 1000 infantry and 150
scouts and a body of artillerymen, under the general orders of Mon-
tilla, took possession of Sinamaica, defeating the royalist garrison of
two companies.
On November 13 Colonel Sarda was attacked at Sinamaica by
52 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
General Morales, royalist, who by rapid marches from Maracaibo,
with 1800 infantry and 120 cavalry, had crossed the Rio Limon near
where it is formed by the junction of the Sucuy and Guasare, and
thence came upon Sarda from the rear, cutting him off from his base.
Sarda was completely defeated, having 400 killed, losing 600 prisoners
and all his equipage. Less than 300 men got back to Rio Hacha. Of
one battalion of 228 soldiers, only 8 escaped ; another of 482 men lost
393. The Spaniards lost 238 soldiers in killed and wounded.
On November 26 General Morales, royalist, disembarked 1000
men in Ancon, intending to invade the province of Coro. He also
sent other forces to occupy Seibita and the coasts of Trujillo.
On December 3 Morales arrived at Coro, and took possession of
the town, the anti-royalists, 300 in number, under Colonel Torrellas,
retiring to the mountains of San Luis.
On December 5 Morales attacked Torrellas with superior forces,
and after a whole day's fight compelled him to retreat, with the loss
of his artillery. Owing to the darkness of the night, with a desperate
storm raging, the royalists were unable to give effectual pursuit.
On December 24 Morales, having left royalist governors in con-
trol of Coro, returned to Maracaibo, and sailed with 1400 men to
attack the anti-royalist General Clemente, who was in Gibraltar
with 240 infantry. The latter retired to Motataco, where he united
with Colonel Cruz Carrillo, with 60 infantry and 60 cavalry, and con-
tinued the retreat to Carache.
On December 28 General Morales occupied Trujillo. He left
Calzada with the main army at Mendoza and continued to Merida
with 500 men, leaving a garrison of only 26 men in Trujillo.
With these events ended the military campaign of 1822 in Ven-
ezuela. The warlike operations of real importance were being carried
on in Quito, Peru, Chile, and what is now Bolivia. The decisive
victory of Pichincha had been won in that territory by Sucre.
THE FINANCIAL STATUS OF THE ANTI-ROYALIST GOVERNMENT OF
NUEVA GRANADA AT THE END OF 1822
The light and airy way in which Venezuela and Colombia plunge
themselves into debt, with no intention of ever paying up, is displayed
at the very outset of their existence. It has already been noted how
their agents enlisted English and German soldiers, promising pay-
ments which were never made.
In 1821 Zea, Bolivar's Vice-President, had been sent as a com-
missioner to London to procure funds and arrange for extension of
time on the debts already owing there. He had issued debentures
drawing 10 per cent interest, and in this manner compromised with
the creditors. But the interest had never been paid on them, nor had
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 53
pajTnents been made for large quantities of supplies. To meet these
obligations, Zea negotiated, in February, 1822, with Messrs. Herring,
Graham & Pawles, debentures to the amount of £140,000 sterling,
at 65 J per cent of their face value, which produced .£91,712 sterling,
it being proposed to pay debts, interest, and buy needed supplies with
this money. Zea now contracted a loan in Paris of £2,000,000 sterling,
issuing debentures at 80 per cent of their face value. These deben-
tures purported to draw 6 per cent interest. This loan also was
effected through Herring, Graham & Pawles, on March 13, they
receiving 2 per cent commission for procuring the loan, 2^ per cent for
paying the interest on former debentures, and 1 per cent for attending
to the amortization. These debentures were to fall due in 1849.
In the mean time the Congress in Cucuta learned that Zea was
obtaining these loans, and it promptly revoked his power of attorney,
and sent Jose Rafael Revenga to Europe to take charge of this de-
partment. Zea was living like a millionaire, and spending money as
though it grew on trees. Some things, however, he did buy for the
Republic. The vessel Zafiro with 28 cannon arrived at La Guayra
in November, and, a short time later, the Mosquito, a brigantine
with 20 cannon. After having bought these boats, as a result of his
deals in debentures, the Republic declared that the debentures were
illegal, and that Zea had acted without authority. When the vessels
arrived, the authorities of the anti-royalists received them, and
valued them to suit themselves, and said they would pay for them in
cash — in the future. Revenga, the new commissioner, was locked
up in jail in England, Mackintosh and Lopez Mendez claiming that
he had defrauded them out of £90,000 sterling.
It seems strange that business men of any sense would advance
money or goods under such circumstances to such a people. This is
one case to which the doctrine of caveat emptor might very properly
be made to apply.
CAMPAIGN OF 1823 AND FINAL OVERTHROW OF THE
ROYALISTS
On the 2d of January "Congress" met in Bogota, representing
the federation of Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador. Heavy insur-
rections existed in all parts of the countries named, and guerrilla
fights were too numerous to mention. Groups of 50 or 100 men, or
even 200, sallied forth from mountain towns or inaccessible places.
In Mantecal, in Bajo Apure, guerrillas flew a black flag, declaring
"death to the whites"; but the principal Venezuelan generals cen-
sured this movement, and General Paez finally induced these chiefs
to modify their savage decrees. A similar war against the "whites"
was instituted in the towns of Guayana and Santa Cruz, in the province
of Cumana, where 200 fanatical half-breeds defied the authority of
54 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
General Bermudez, anti-royalist commander, and instituted a war
of extermination against persons of white skins. General Bermu-
dez subdued them, and shot about 15 of them, after taking them
prisoners.
A rebellion also broke out against anti-royalist authority in San
Juan de la Cienaga, Santa Marta, and at many other points.
On January 4 General Clemente captured the garrison of
Trujillo. He united with 600 infantry and 100 cavalry, commanded
by Torrellas, and they followed Morales to Carache. Calzado, fearing
to encounter Clemente, embarked his forces at Gibraltar for Mara-
caibo, leaving Morales to look out for himself.
On January 8 Morales took possession of Merida, which had only
a small garrison of anti-royalists, under Governor Paredes. He,
however, soon returned to Maracaibo, after many skirmishes, his
total loss in the campaign being 200 men.
On February 10 General Morales, the energetic royalist com-
mander at Maracaibo, sent 600 men, under Colonel Narciso Lopez,
via Perija, to aid the counter-revolution in San Juan de la Cienaga.
On the same day he sent 400 men, under Colonel Antonio Lopez
de Mendoza, via the Goajira peninsula, with the same object.
On March 10 General Montilla, anti-royalist, who had been in
Santa Marta, united with General Sarda at Rio Hacha. The Span-
iards had taken Fonseca. Colonel Carmona, with 700 men, was de-
tached by the anti-royalist general for the purpose of attacking
Mendoza, and the latter commenced a retreat to Maracaibo, although
suffering relatively small losses.
Colonel Narciso Lopez raided the valley of Upar ; occupied Molino,
where he inaugurated a magnificent government, on paper, which
lasted twelve days; fought several skirmishes, at Voladorcito, Agua
del Monte, and other points, and arrived at Maracaibo at the end
of March with a loss of 200 men in the campaign.
General Montillo, anti-royalist, took possession once more of
Molino, Tablazo, and other points which had been abandoned by
Mendoza. He assassinated 15 royalists who had given aid to the
latter, and sent 20 of them prisoners to Rio Hacha.
On April 17 Colonel Manrique, anti-royalist, completely defeated
at Gibraltar a royalist detachment of several hundred sent against
him by Morales.
A few days afterwards Manrique sent a detachment under Colonel
Reyes Gonzalez to attack the royalists at Coro. He suffered a defeat,
which was not serious ; but, reinforcements arriving, he with 600 men
attacked Coro, and occupied it. This entire province had been utterly
destroyed; the remnants of the population were starving, desolation
was everywhere, skeletons covered the land, and the soldiers for
once found nothing which they could take by force to sustain them-
selves. Even burro meat was scarce ; and men, women, and children,
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 55
reduced to skin and bones, lived on the only available substance, — a
poisonous fruit called cuji, which caused horrible sickness and death.
Colonel Manrique found the same conditions in Betijoque. In
fact, all Venezuela was a scene of misery which beggars description.
On May 1 Colonel Antonio Gomez, with 600 men, sent from
Maracaibo by General Morales, attacked Colonel Reyes Gonzalez
at Coro, who with 600 men repulsed the Spaniards, and the latter
retired to Los Teques.
On May 2 Colonel Gonzalez assumed the offensive, attacking the
Spaniards and defeating them after a fierce battle. The royalists
lost 200 killed, 75 prisoners, and many deserters.
A few days after this, General Morales sent another expedition of
600 men, under Colonel Manuel Lorenzo, against Coro, and Colonel
Reyes Gonzalez retired.
On May 1 the anti-royalist brigantine and two sloops blockading
Puerto Cabello were attacked by a frigate, a sloop, and two smaller
sailing-vessels, well armed and manned by Spaniards, under the com-
mand of Angel Laborde. The anti-royalist brigantine, after two
hours' fighting, escaped, but the two sloops were boarded and cap-
tured by the Spaniards in a hand-to-hand encounter. Puerto Cabello
now obtained its needed supplies.
On May 3 Colonel Padilla, the anti-royalist commander of the
vessels which were blockading the port of Maracaibo, called a council
of war, and decided upon as desperate and brave a feat as was ever
performed by men, — that is, to force his way past Fort San Carlos
into Maracaibo Lake, and there attack the Spanish squadron, the
strength of which was largely conjectural.
On May 7 at nightfall, Padilla anchored in front of Fort San
Carlos, but out of reach of the guns. He had 2 brigantines, 5 three-
mast schooners, 2 smaller vessels, all of which were well manned and
armed, and 2 brigantines and 2 three-mast schooners unarmed. The
Spaniards had at Punta de Palma, half-way between Fort San Carlos
and Maracaibo, 2 brigantines, 7 three-mast schooners, and 2 smaller
boats.
On May 8 the brave Padilla, the Dewey of that day, spent the
entire day and night getting his fleet past Fort San Carlos. They were
compelled to go within one-half mile of the fort, which fired more than
300 cannon shots at them. One boat was burned by the fire, and sunk,
but most of the crew were saved. The very poor marksmanship of the
Spanish gunners enabled the fleet to pass the shoal and dangerous wa-
ters, the vessels being aground several times under the fire of the fort.
A few miles south of Fort San Carlos in the Lake is an extensive
shallow place, called Tablazo, with a crooked narrow channel. It
took four days to pass this place, many of the boats going aground in
the soft mud, making it necessary to take off their artillery and other
cargo in order to get them afloat again.
56 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On May 20 Padilla's fleet was attacked in front of Punta de Palma
by the royalists, with 11 boats of large size and 14 smaller, but after a
bloody combat the Spaniards retired.
A few days afterwards Padilla attacked the Spanish fleet in front
of Mojan, and then near Maracaibo, without decisive results, although
the Spaniards were worsted.
On May 30 Padilla, after scouring Maracaibo Lake and com-
municating with the anti-royalists of Coro and Rio Hacha, weighed
anchor at Ceibita and Moporo, where he communicated with Colonel
Manrique. Here there were skirmishes with the royalists, whose
guerrilla chief, Rosario Tales, was creating havoc at Gibraltar.
On June 6 Colonel Padilla sailed, having been reinforced with the
division of Colonel Manrique. At Corona they disembarked 100
men and fought a detachment of Spaniards.
On June 14 Padilla sailed for Altagracia, on the opposite side of
the lake from Maracaibo.
On June 16 Colonel Padilla made an attack on Maracaibo, where
there were only 250 royalist troops under Colonel Jaime Moreno,
Morales having taken all the others to Fort San Carlos. Padilla's
boats fired 500 cannon shots at the batteries, without doing serious
damage. Thereupon, at five P. M., Colonel Manrique at the head of
250 infantry and 50 dragoons, commenced an all-night attack, which
was carried on from street to street and house to house. At about
eight P. M. both sides were reinforced. At ten p. M. the anti-royalists
captured the fort and artillery, and the serious fighting was over.
The royalists lost 80 killed and 150 wounded; the an ti -royalists,
52 killed and 130 wounded. The Spanish Governor, Moreno, was
taken prisoner, and the royalists lost all their artillery and
ammunition.
General Morales was now reinforced by Colonel Lorenzo, who
had made a flying march from Coro, and crossed the lake in such boats
as he could find.
On June 19 General Morales, with 2500 soldiers, returned to
Maracaibo, and took possession of the city, Colonels Padilla and
Manrique sailing for the island of Los Burros.
On June 25 Colonel Padilla's force was reinforced with 900 men
under Colonel Torrellas, who had come from Coro. Padilla also
armed 5 vessels.
On June 29 Padilla appeared before the Spanish fleet of 17 armed
boats in front of Mojan, but the latter evaded battle, and retired to the
mouth of the river Garubaya. The troops on both sides were almost
starving, and Padilla had 700 men sick. His smaller boats attacked
the Spanish vessels, but were compelled to retire.
On July 16 a Spanish fleet, under Captain Anjel Laborde, arrived
in front of Fort San Carlos, with 1 sloop of war, 1 brigantine, 3
schooners, and 2 merchant vessels, with 90 men, which was placed
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 57
at the orders of General Morales. The latter now demanded that
Padilla surrender, and was answered with a haughty refusal. Both
sides now prepared for the great naval battle.
On July 23 the manoeuvring for position commenced between the
contending forces. The Spanish squadron was composed of 14 large
vessels and 15 smaller ones; the anti-royalist of 3 brigantines, 7
three-mast schooners, 10 smaller vessels, and 12 light boats. The
Spanish vessels drew up in line of battle off Punta de Palma, and those
under Padilla in front of Altagracia.
On July 24 the wind was unfavorable until two P. M., when Padilla's
vessels got under way, with orders to board the Spanish boats and
take them with the machete. At four p. M. the attack was made with an
indescribable fierceness. The water in a few moments was red with
blood — arms, legs, and heads were cut off and thrown overboard,
and wounded men threw themselves into the water, hoping to swim
ashore. The royalists lost 11 boats, captured, and 2 sunk. They
escaped to Maracaibo with only 3 schooners and 2 small vessels.
Padilla had lost, in killed, 8 officers and 36 men; wounded, 14
officers and 105 men. The Spaniards lost 473 men in killed and
wounded, and 68 officers and 369 men prisoners.
On August 3 General Morales surrendered Maracaibo, Fort San
Carlos, and his remaining vessels to General Padilla, stipulating that
his troops should be sent to Cuba at the expense of the Republic.
On August 20 Morales evacuated Maracaibo, but only 931 men
went to Cuba, of which 450 were officers, the remainder of a total force
of 2156 men being Venezuelans. These elected to remain and serve
in the armies of the anti-royalists.
Puerto Cabello now remained the only important point held by
the Spaniards in Venezuela.
On October 28 General Paez, after severe firing, received the sur-
render of the battery, La Vijia, one of those defending Puerto Cabello.
He now changed the course of the river which supplied the town
with water, causing extreme suffering to the inhabitants and garrison.
On November 7 General Paez directed a night attack upon Puerto
Cabello, which led to its surrender the following day. He selected
500 men from the battalion Anzoategui and 100 picked lancers, plac-
ing them under Major Manuel Cala, with Lieutenant-Colonel Jose
Andres Elorza second in command. A negro slave went as guide.
He knew every foot of the shallow laguna Mangle, in the rear of Puerto
Cabello, the banks of which were inadequately defended by the
Spaniards. At ten o'clock at night, covered by the intense darkness
of the tropics, these 500 men, observing the strictest silence, with
machetes in hand, being entirely naked except for breech-clouts, started
wading across the laguna, — a large expanse of water, with muddy
bottom, filled with decayed vegetation and snakes. After four and
one-half hours the vanguard reached dry land, between the batteries
58 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Constitucion and Princesa. A desperate fight now commenced in all
parts of the city. General Paez with his artillery opened fire upon the
Spanish batteries, while the 500 men in their breech-clouts fought like
demons — and looked like them. The royalists were whipped at all
points, and before daylight 156 of them had been killed, 56 wounded,
and 250 taken prisoners, among the latter being Brigadier Calzada,
commander of the place. The anti-royalists claimed to have lost
only 45 men.
On November 10 the fort of San Felipe, which commanded
Puerto Cabello, was surrendered to General Paez, and five days later
the Spaniards embarked for Cuba, in accordance with their terms of
capitulation, leaving Venezuela free, with the exception of guerrillas.
There yet remained a strong rebellion in Pasto, and other parts of
Colombia, which required many battles to subdue. Some of the most
desperate fighting of the whole war was also taking place in the south-
ern part of Colombia and what is now Ecuador, Bolivia, and Peru*
EVENTS OF 1824 IN VENEZUELA
What is now Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador had, at the end
of 1823, practically gained its independence. The new Republic
had been recognized by the United States the previous year (May 22,
1822), and diplomatic representatives had been sent to Bogota by our
country and Great Britain. The threatened interference of the "Holy
Alliance," if it was ever seriously contemplated, which is extremely
doubtful, had been given its quietus by the declarations of Mr. Chan-
ning, the English Prime Minister, and by the message of President
Monroe to Congress in December, 1823.
What may we now expect to be the next thing on the program of
our "Sister Republic"? Evidently, to get more money, if possible,
somewhere, and then start more revolutions.
The financial part did not seem difficult — in fact, the English
bankers were "easy."
Although the Republic had repudiated its former obligations,
a new commissioner, Jose Manuel Hurtado, was sent to London to
get a new loan of 30,000,000 pesos. He had unlimited powers — just
such as a genuine republic would be likely to grant. Senor Hurtado
found that the refusal to recognize the validity of the Zea loans had
injured the "credit" of the Republic, and as he could not permit a
liUle thing like that to interfere with the new scheme, he decided to
recognize Zea's debentures and pay interest on them by issuing new
ones. This method of robbing Peter to pay Paul seems to have satis-
fied the English bankers, for on April 22, 1824, B. A. Goldschmidt &
Co., of London, signed a contract with Hurtado to give the money at
85 per cent of the face of the debentures, which purported to draw
6 per cent interest. After paying back interest, allowing commissions,
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 59
etc., the Republic had 23,750,000 pesos out of this loan, or £4,750,000
sterling. The foreign indebtedness now exceeded 40,000,000 pesos.
1824. — On April 5 the Congress met in Bogota, adopted a mag-
nificent Constitution, decreed a levy of 50,000 men for the army, and
passed a number of as pretty laws as ever graced a statute book.
Theoretically Venezuela was now at peace. Actually there was a
reign of terror in all parts of the country. Guerrillas, led by such des-
perate characters as Doroteo Hernandez, Juan Celestino Centefio, and
others, robbed and murdered to their hearts' content. Others infested
the provinces of Caracas, Apure, and elsewhere, robbing farmers of
cattle which were killed for their hides. The rivers were filled with
boats engaged in this business, and General Paez, who was now Chief
Commander of the Armies of Venezuela, had great difficulty in pre-
serving even a semblance of government. He enlisted many of these
desperadoes for Bolivar's army, and sent them to Peru.
In August and September there were serious disturbances in the
provinces of Guayana and Barcelona, but they were overcome, and
the leaders shot.
On July 31 Colonel Jose Joaquin Maneiro, in the island of Mar-
garita, recluted, that is, seized by force, 31 men and placed them in
the army, to send them to Peru, upon a requisition from Bolivar for
100 men, it being understood that the remainder would be recluted
in a few days. The people of Margarita arose in a rebellion against
this, and set the reclutas at liberty. General Bermudez, Commander
of the Department of the Orinoco, sent a small force against them;
but the Margaritanos raised 600 armed men, and the force of Ber-
mudez desisted.
On December 9, 200 negro slaves attacked the garrison of Petare
with machetes, but after two days' fighting were repulsed.
These relatively unimportant events closed the year 1824 in
Venezuela, — a land utterly desolated. Yet Bolivar's agents had man-
aged to reclute, by force, 4000 men during this year and sent them to
Peru!
The year was one of great importance, however, in the military
operations of Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador.
AFFAIRS IN THE NEW REPUBLIC IN 1825
On January 1 Congress met in Bogota, and decreed medals, etc.,
to Bolivar and Sucre for their victories of Junin and Ayacucho.
On January 8 Congress read a letter from Bolivar, offering his
resignation, which was refused.
At this time treaties were made with the United States, Central
America, Peru, Chili, and Mexico.
On April 18 the Republic celebrated a treaty of amity and com-
merce with Great Britain.
60
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Manuel Jose Hurtado was accredited as the first minister to Eng-
land, and Jose Maria Salazar to the United States.
Serious revolutions broke out in April, lasting several months, in
the province of Pasto, within the present limits of Colombia. Guer-
rilla warfare continued in many parts of Venezuela, but there were no
battles of importance.
An alleged census taken in 1825 (although how it was taken is not
stated) gives the population as follows:
VENEZUELA
CUNDINA-
MARCA,
NOW
COLOMBIA
ECUADOR
TOTAL
609,545
1,182,500
485,021
2,277,066
Slaves ....
50,088
45,839
6,975
102 902
26,579
144,771
32,481
203 831
Total
686,212
1,373,110
524,477
2 583 799
At the end of the year 1825 the finances of the new Republic
were in desperate condition. Most of the money which had been
raised in London and Paris had been squandered, and of course no
interest had ever been paid on the debentures. The expenses exceeded
the income by millions of dollars. Resort was had to forced loans
and confiscations, but these did not replenish the treasury. The de-
bentures went down to 41 in London and the banking-house of B. A.
Goldschmidt & Co., which had floated the loan of 30,000,000 pesos,
became bankrupt. With the rebellion of Paez, which came later, the
credit of the country was completely ruined. The truth is, the gentle-
men who composed this so-called Republic were excellent warriors
and fathers of families, but as producers they were and are of no
account.
In December General Paez sent a commissioner to Peru to pro-
pose to Bolivar that they make a constitutional monarchy of the
country; and a large number of Jefes with monarchial tendencies in
Caracas sent another commissioner to Bogota on the same mission.
The fact is, none of them knew what they wanted — and their suc-
cessors are equally as undecided to-day.
EVENTS IN THE NEW REPUBLIC IN 1826 — REBELLION OF PAEZ
The Congress met at Bogota on January 2, and on March 15
elected Bolivar President, and Santander Vice-President.
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 61
On January 6 General Paez, Commander-in-Chief of the Armies
of Venezuela, arrested practically all the able-bodied men of Caracas,
and forced them into the army. These men, many of whom were
prominent, raised such a hue and cry that General Juan Escalon, the
Intendente General, opposed the recluta, and made complaint before
the Senate, which impeached Paez.
This gave rise to a bitter controversy between the military element
and those who desired to make the civil power supreme. The Senate
at Caracas heard all the evidence, and decreed the suspension of Gen-
eral Paez from his post, and appointed General Escalon in his stead.
This was the first and last time that the Senate of Venezuela ever dared
to exercise its independent prerogatives in conflict with the Military
Executive.
On April 27 Fernando Penalver, Governor of Carabobo, a parti-
san of Paez, called together the troops under him, and gave them to
understand that the impeachment of Paez would cause the army great
losses and disadvantages. Soldiers were secretly sent to cause dis-
turbances in all parts of the country; armed bands appeared in a
mysterious manner, — apparently robbers, but actually soldiers, sent
out to play their part, — innocent citizens were shot without cause or
mercy by the same soldiers, acting under orders of the friends of Paez,
and then the cry was raised that the civil power was unable to main-
tain law and order or protect life and property, and that a military
dictatorship was therefore necessary.
On April 30 the Consejo of the municipality of Valencia acclaimed
General Paez as Military Chief of the Department, with Colonel
Francisco Carabano as second in command, and Penalver as Gov-
ernor. General Marino now arrived at Valencia ready to aid the rev-
olution. This city also declared that General Paez should be recog-
nized as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, as heretofore.
On May 4 the village of Maracay followed the example of Valencia.
On May 5 the municipality of Caracas did the same thing — the
city which had caused the downfall of Paez by objecting to his out-
rageous reclutas ! Talk of consistency and stability !
On May 11 Valencia, and on May 16 Caracas, passed acts des-
ignating General Paez as Jefe Civil y Militar de Venezuela, with
authority to "conserve the public order" — and see that their beau-
tiful Constitution was not in any manner violated — until Bolivar
should arrive to straighten out matters.
On June 17 a severe earthquake occurred in Venezuela and Colom-
bia, causing great damage, there being recurrent shocks for more than
a month. The superstitious people thought this augured a change
in the government.
On June 26 a Congress was held in Valencia, which condemned
the administration of Santander and declared for Paez as head of the
nation.
62 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
At this time Bolivar was obtaining the adoption of the Bolivian
Constitution by the departments of Quito, Guayaquil, Lima, Panama,
and by most of the departments of Colombia and Venezuela. This
Constitution created a President for life, with power to name his
successor, the office to be completely independent and above any
and all other departments of the government.
As against this program, the Paez movement took another direction,
favoring the separation of Venezuela from the remainder of Nueva
Granada and declaring in favor of federation.
On August 22 the battalion "Apure, " in Caracas, 500 soldiers,
revolted, under Felipe Macero, and marched to Barcelona, placing
itself under General Bermudez, who was opposed to Paez.
On October 3, in Margarita, 2000 declared for "federation,"
asking that the island be united to Venezuela.
On October 19 the garrison of Angostura revolted during the
night, shouting, "Viva el General Paez! Viva la federation!"
On November 5 General Bermudez arrived at Cumana with 250
men, finding it already occupied by 600 soldiers.
On November 19 a battle was fought by the troops under Ber-
mudez with the forces of Paez, in Cumana, in which Bermudez was
defeated and driven to Barcelona.
On November 7 General Paez called a meeting in Caracas, which
passed a resolution declaring that Venezuela ought to constitute itself
an independent State, severing all relations with the other parts of
Nueva Granada. He immediately approved this act, and issued
a decree calling a Congreso Constituyente to meet in Valencia on
January 15, 1827.
Puerto Cabello now opposed this movement, although it had been
the first city to declare in favor of this very thing. Her garrison arose
in rebellion against Paez on November 21.
On November 14 Bolivar arrived in Bogota, from Peru, having
returned because of the Paez revolution in Venezuela. He was
received very coldly, and entered Bogota almost alone.
On November 24 Bolivar left Bogota for Venezuela.
On November 25 General Paez declared that all the provinces
of Venezuela were subject to his commands.
On November 26 General Paez sent troops against Puerto Cabello,
under Colonel Jose de la Guerra, but after a skirmish both sides
declared a truce.
On November 26 Colonel Diego Vallenilla called a meeting at
Cumana which declared allegiance to General Paez.
On December 3 and 4 Angostura declared in favor of Paez, and
refused further to obey the orders of General Bermudez.
On December 5 General Bermudez was compelled to retire from
Barcelona.
On December 18 General Paez sent 900 men to take charge of
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 63
Bariiias, but they were compelled to retire by the forces under General
Miguel Guerrero, who declared in favor of the "Liberator."
Bolivar, who now realized the state of affairs, left a letter with
Santander in Bogota, investing him with extraordinary faculties,
dating that letter at Rosario de Cucuta, December 12. Santander
caused the letter to be published on January 2, 1827, which would
allow time for a messenger to arrive in Bogota, and it served its pur-
pose to keep Santander in power that year, because no Congress met
to hold an election. As a matter of fact, Bolivar never went to Rosario
de Cucuta at all.
On December 16 Bolivar arrived in Maracaibo. He found Vene-
zuela in a state of great turmoil, — indeed, anarchy. Here he issued
the customary batch of decretas and alocuciones, and proceeded to
Puerto Cabello to meet Paez, who had published a proclamation that
Bolivar was coming to Venezuela as a private citizen. Bolivar, the
"Liberator" and Jefe Supremo, at once addressed a letter to Paez,
advising him that he came to Venezuela as its Jefe, but that he would
be very kind to Paez and everybody else.
On November 30 the Congress of Peru had declared that Bolivar's
Constitution had been adopted, and that he had been elected Presi-
dent for life. Bolivia elected Sucre President for life, but that gentle-
man did not want the office, and agreed to hold it until 1828 only.
Bolivia and Peru, on December 9, formed a union, calling themselves
Federation Boliviano,, and Bolivar was elected President for life.
BOLIVAR MAKES A DECREE AND MOLLIFIES PAEZ —
EVENTS OF 1827
On the last day of 1826 Bolivar arrived at Puerto Cabello. On
January 1, 1827, he issued a decree declaring all sorts of guarantees,
and proclaiming Paez as civil and military authority of Venezuela,
under the title of Jefe Superior, while Marino was to be Commander
of Maturin, and he, Bolivar, was to be recognized and obeyed as
President.
Paez immediately agreed to this, as it gave him all he had ever
asked for. Bolivar had no power with which to oppose Paez, if he
desired, and revolutions and counter-revolutions had shown him the
futility of further fighting.
On January 10 Bolivar arrived in Caracas and was received with
great ovations. The remainder of January and most of February
were spent in fiestas, — dances, banquets, parades, etc.
In the mean time a small revolution had started up in Maturin,
but it was put down, and the leaders shot.
Great uprisings occurred against the authority of Bolivar at this
time in Peru, Colombia, Ecuador, and Bolivia, his Constitutions being
repealed and his governments upset.
64 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On May 2 the Congress met provisionally at Tunja, thence re-
moved to Bogota, reassembling on May 12, and deprived the "Lib-
erator" of his extraordinary dictatorial faculties. It declared public
order re-established, granted a general amnesty, and passed resolu-
tions to call a convocation in 1828, the object being to disunite the
several members of Nueva Granada.
On July 5 Bolivar left Venezuela for Bogota, via Cartagena, in
the English frigate Druida, placed at his disposal by Sir Alexander
Cockburn.
On September 10 Bolivar arrived in Bogota, and at once occupied
himself in subduing a rebellion in Popayan and Guayaquil.
No sooner had the fiestas ended, and Bolivar left Venezuela, than
General Paez found himself with a dozen revolutions on his hands
hi different parts of the country.
There were seditious movements in San Sebastian, Los Teques,
Orituco, Charallave, and other places within easy reach of Caracas;
and guerrillas under Doroteo Hen-era and Juan Centeno overran
those places, claiming to be defending the interests of Spain. A group
under Cisneros, practically desperadoes, sacked, robbed, and com-
mitted great atrocities in Guarenas, Petare, Santa Lucia, and the
valley of the Tuy. These guerrilla troops comprised more than
3000 men.
General Paez sent troops against them, and after many fierce
conflicts succeeded in capturing or dispersing the larger bodies and
in executing their leaders.
In August there was an uprising of the half-civilized Indians of
Cunaviche, of the province of Apure, department of the Orinoco.
They were finally overcome, and 300 of them taken prisoners and
sent to Caracas.
In October uprisings occurred in the provinces of Barinas and
Coro, but these were overcome by the troops of General Paez. Their
leaders were executed.
In the provinces of Guayana and Cumana similar uprisings
occurred. In the latter the revolutionists were intrenched for several
months at Cumanacoa, but were finally completely destroyed by
General Bermudez.
Revolutions occurred also in the province of Maturin, but General
Marino was unable to quell them until the following year.
In the closing months of 1827 General Juan Bautista Arizmendi
organized a military force, under directions of General Paez, which
was sufficient to clear the valley of the Tuy of the guerrillas.
AFFAIRS IN VENEZUELA IN 1828
On February 19 Bolivar declared that he was reinvested with
extraordinary powers by virtue of Article 128 of the Constitution.
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 65
In plain words this meant that he exercised the unlimited military
power of a Dictator over the departments of Maturin, Orinoco, Vene-
zuela, and Zulia.
On March 13 Bolivar issued another decreta, declaring himself
the supreme power in all parts of Colombia and Venezuela, except
in the province of Ocana, in which the Congress was in session.
On March 16 Bolivar left Bogota for Cucuta, via Tunja.
On April 9 a convention was installed at Ocana to make a new
Constitution. The majority were opposed to Bolivar's scheme of a
life dictatorship, known as the Bolivian Constitution. They wanted
to form a real government, in theory at least
On June 10 the Ocana convention dissolved without having
accomplished anything. The country now verged on anarchy, and
the opposition to Bolivar grew in intensity.
On June 13 a Junta of "fathers of families" was called by the
military commander of Cundinamarca, who issued a proclamation
conferring upon Bolivar absolute, unlimited dictatorial powers, for
such time as he might deem proper to exercise them. This was pub-
lished in Bogota on the 24th. Similar "acts" were proclaimed by
the Jefes friendly to Bolivar in all parts of the country.
On August 27 Bolivar issued a new decreta, calling himself Lib-
ertador Presidente, constituting himself the supreme power, stating
that he would call a "Constitutional Convention " on January 2, 1830.
In this decree he said: "Under the dictatorship nobody can speak
of liberty. We should feel sorry mutually for the people who suffer
and the man who alone commands."
The new dictatorship was welcomed with extraordinary fiestas
and expressions of joy in all parts of the country. "What fools these
mortals be !"
On September 2o an attempt was made to assassinate Bolivar
at night in his palace in Bogota, as the result of a conspiracy. His
mistress, Manuela Saenz, saved his life by procuring his escape
through a rear apartment. He hid under a bridge until the con-
spiracy was put down.
BOLTVAB IX HIS STAB RoLE AS ASSASSIN
On September 30 Bolivar began killing the persons suspected of
having been in the conspiracy to assassinate him. On that day were
put to death Horment, Zulaivar, Commander Silva, Lieutenants
Galindo and Lopez : on the -29th, General Jose Padilla and Colonel
Ramon Guerra ; on October 14, Pedro C. Azuero, Professor of Phil-
osophy in San Bartolome College, and Lieutenant of Artillery Juan
Hinestroza : and many others on succeeding dates.
General Jose Padilla. thus foully murdered by Bolivar, was one
of the ablest and most noted generals in the revolution of independ-
VOL. i — 5
66 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ence. He was in prison, by Bolivar's orders, at the time of this con-
spiracy, and it was physically impossible for him to have been one
of the instigators of it. General Padilla will be remembered as the
hero of the great naval combat in Maracaibo Lake, which destroyed
the power of Spain, — as brilliant and brave a feat of arms as was
ever performed by a man. Padilla had fallen into disfavor with
Bolivar for exactly the same reason as did General Piar, — he refused
to worship at the shrine of the Great Conscienceless Murderer. When
the convention of Ocana met in 1828, a majority wanted to establish
a republican government. This angered Bolivar. General Padilla
sent to this convention a statement of the sufferings of the army, and
the legislative measures which were needed for its relief. Padilla
declared that he would defend the convention with his person and
influence, and Bolivar promptly threw him into jail. His pitiable
reward for services to his country was to be shot like a dog.
On November 7 General Santander, who had been Vice-President
of Colombia for years, was sentenced to death by Bolivar's orders;
but the Dictator feared to face the uprising which this would have
caused, and he commuted the sentence.
A war broke out in the latter part of 1828 between Colombia and
Peru in which many sanguinary battles were fought.
AFFAIRS EN VENEZUELA EN 1829
The year 1829 in Venezuela was one of "peace " — after a fashion.
There were no organized revolutions. General Paez was in supreme
power, and there was no Congress to bother him.
True, there were a few hundred skirmishes and guerrilla engage-
ments, but nothing serious. The royalist guerrillas had companies
in the mountains of Guires, Tamanaco, and Batatal, between Orituco
and Rio Chico. These were under command of Jose Maria Ariza-
babo, with the somewhat imposing title of "Commanding General
of the American Troops of His Catholic Majesty." The troops
surrendered to General Paez on August 18, and were sent to Porto
Rico.
Somewhat later the veteran guerrilla chief Cisneros also
surrendered.
At the end of this year a definite movement was inaugurated in
Venezuela for separation from Colombia. On November 17, at
Puerto Cabello, a resolution was drafted by Soublette, the secretary
of Paez, in the form of a petition to Congress — which was to meet
January 8, 1830 — for a dissolution of the federation.
On November 25 a convention of "fathers of families" was held
in Caracas, upon invitation of General Arismendi — of course in
accordance with the ideas of Paez — in which it was declared that
Venezuela ought to be free from the Union. On November 26 a
OVERTHROW OF SPANISH POWER 67
resolution to this effect, signed by 486 persons, was presented to
General Paez, who, on December 8, issued a decreta, saying that
Venezuela had separated, and notifying Colombia of that fact. Gen-
eral Paez prepared to defend the new order of things, but requested
Bolivar not to interfere.
By this time Bolivar had begun to see the handwriting on the wall.
Revolutions and counter-revolutions had devastated Colombia, Peru,
Ecuador, and Bolivia. Intrigues, treachery, assassination, filled the
very air. For twenty years there had been an almost continuous
reign of anarchy and murder. Bolivar realized that it was impossible
for him to whip Paez; so he bowed to the inevitable, and told his
Bogota generals that they would not again invade Venezuela.
CHAPTER III
SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS
OF VENEZUELA SINCE INDEPENDENCE
ON January 13, 1830, General Paez issued a decree that Vene-
zuela was sovereign and independent, and made certain
changes in the organization of the government.
On January 16 the State of Zulia ratified Paez's decree of separa-
tion. Merida, Trujillo, and other departments, or States, at once
followed the example.
General Paez now called a Congreso Constituyente to meet in
Valencia, on April 30, to form a Constitution. In the mean time the
Congress which was scheduled to meet in Bogota on January 2 lacked
a quorum, but towards the end of the month the "Liberator" ap-
pointed new members, and inflicted on them one of his flamboyant
messages. He then offered to resign, saying that all other citizens
enjoyed the inestimable privilege of appearing innocent to the eyes
of suspicion, while he alone was stigmatized as aspiring to be a tyrant.
Congress did not deny his deductions, but refused to accept his "resig-
nation," no individual congressman caring to take the personal risk
which that would involve, well knowing that he who should have that
temerity would be shot before breakfast some fine morning.
The Congress opposed the separation of Venezuela, proposed
more Constitutions, and sent General Sucre to see if he could not
reason with Paez.
In March General Sucre and his companion, Bishop Esteves,
arrived at Cucuta, where they were notified that they would not be
allowed to enter Venezuelan territory.
On April 18 General Marino and other commissioners appointed
by Paez met General Sucre. They patted each other on the back,
saw that they could not reach an agreement, and returned to Bogota
and Caracas respectively.
The province of Casanare had joined Venezuela, and there was
a general disposition for all the portions of Nueva Granada to fall
apart. They had been held together in the past only by force.
Various Juntas and Congresses were now called by Bolivar to see
if he could stem the rising tide, but in vain. In May he called together
another Congress in Bogota, and again handed in his resignation.
Everywhere were rebellions against his authority. In Bogota the
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS 69
troops, composed mostly of young men, tore to pieces Bolivar's
picture, which was hanging in the High Court of Justice, and his life
was in serious danger.
On May 9 Bolivar's resignation was accepted by the Congress,
which voted him a pension of 30,000 pesos. He left for Cartagena,
his power forever broken. On the same day the Congress in Bogota
promulgated a new Constitution, and proceeded to elect a President.
Mosquera was elected by the most resolute display of force.
On May 11 the Bogota Congress decreed that if Venezuela did
not recognize its authority, force should not be used, — at least not
until a succeeding Congress should ordain it.
On May 6 the Congress of Venezuela met at Valencia.
General Marino had been sent to the frontier, with a strong
army, to resist any attack from Colombia, which was at that time
expected.
On May 19 the Venezuelan Congress in Caracas proposed that
if Colombia did not at once recognize its independence that would
be regarded as a sufficient cause of war. On May 22 this was changed
to the statement that unless recognition were at once made by Colom-
bia no business or other relations should be maintained between the
two countries. On May 28 Venezuela also demanded of Nueva
Granada the immediate expulsion of Simon Bolivar, and stated that
if this general went to Curocao, he and all who accompanied him
should be branded as outlaws. This resolution was sent to Bolivar
by President Mosquera, of Colombia, immediately upon its receipt
from the Venezuelan Congress ; but the immortal "Liberator" and
"Pacificator" never replied to this latest manifestation of the alleged
ingratitude of self-styled republics.
In June, July, and August Paez's Congress ground out decretas
such as the General and his army wanted. But Venezuela had now
had peace a long, long time. It had been several weeks since a revolu-
tion occurred. The machetes were getting rusty. The calves were
growing into yearlings, and the patriots were becoming more patri-
otic — in expectation of again eating veal. So the merry butchery
began once more.
In June General Julian Infante, Colonel Vicente Parejo, Com-
mander Lorenzo Bustillos, and other Jefes in Riochico, Chaguaramas,
Orituco del Alto Llano, and other places raised the thrilling cry of
liberty, so seldom heard in recent times, and proclaimed Bolivar as
Jefe Supremo. This revolution died out in a short time.
On June 7 the new Constitution adopted in Bogota was presented
to the Congress of Venezuela, which rejected it.
On August 16 the Congress of Venezuela added insult to injury
by declaring once more that it would enter into friendly relations
with Colombia as soon as both States were constitutionally organized,
and General Simon Bolivar safely out of the country forever.
70 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On September 22 a new Constitution was promulgated by the
Congress of Venezuela — the reader should remember that this is
no joke, but a serious fact of history — and General Paez was elected
President.
A revolution was now planned against Paez in Venezuela, headed
by Monagas, the ostensible cause being the actions of Paez in causing
separation. A vicious revolution was raging in Colombia for the
alleged purpose of preserving the federation.
Bolivar, after his exile from Bogota, went to Cartagena, where
he publicly advised his friends to revolt, and told them that he would
accept the Presidency if the majority desired it. These uprisings
were by Bolivar's friends.
On December 17 Bolivar died. Thus ended the career of one
of the most erratic, treacherous, and mean of humankind, — a man
of indomitable energy, courage, ambition, and determination, — a
man whose counterpart has never existed on the globe.
THE YEAB 1831 is USHERED IN WITH THE CUSTOMARY
BATCH OF REVOLUTIONS
Bolivar's death made but little difference to his partisans. They
wanted loot, and incidentally they loved the smell of blood.
On January 15 "Long live the Liberator" — he was already
dead — rang out in the province of Barcelona, in the village of Aragua.
General Jose Tadeo Monagas, one of Paez's most trusted advisers,
had gone wrong, and many Jefes, each with his squad of half-breed
peons, took up the sacred and patriotic cause.
By the end of January the provinces of Cumana, Margarita,
Barcelona, and many cantons of the province of Caracas had all
declared in favor of the Liberator — whatever that might mean.
Early in February the province of Guayana declared in favor of
the revolution. Guerrillas sprang up everywhere like toad-stools in
a night. Paez placed General Marino at the head of his troops, who
made an incursion into Chaguaramas ; but the attacks of guerrillas,
desertions of soldiers, sickness, and lack of supplies compelled him
to return.
On March 18 the Congress of Venezuela united and declared Paez
to be Constitutional President, and Dr. Urbaneja, Vice-President.
On March 29 General Bermudez and his troops in Guira declared
in favor of Paez. Rio Caribe, Cariaco, Carupano, and Cumanacoa
now recognized Paez as President.
On April 10 General Bermudez took possession of Cumana, and
General Rojas, the Governor, who was hostile to Paez, was killed.
In April several battles took place between the troops under Gen-
eral Monagas, the revolutionary leader, and those of the government.
On April 18 Congress authorized General Paez to treat with
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS
71
Monagas with a view to ending the struggle. General Marino was
commissioned to represent Paez. Marino and Monagas met on the
banks of the river Unare. Monagas proposed that the four provinces
of Cumana, Barcelona, Margarita, and Guayana should be united
into one nation to be called the Estado de Oriente, of which Marino
was to be Jefe Supremo, and he, Monagas, was to be second in com-
mand. Marino jumped at the idea. He would rather be Jefe Supremo
of a mill-pond than play second fiddle in a big orchestra. Paez and
his Congress pricked this bubble in short order by disapproving
Marino's act.
In May a revolution broke out in Caracas which threatened the
extermination of all persons owning property, but it was quelled and
the leaders executed.
A swarm of generals took possession of the local governments in
Venezuela, and the better citizens paid tribute to them for protection.
In places there were guerrilla fights, in other places anarchy, but in
most parts of the country the producing citizens paid heavily to local
generals, and in this manner preserved some semblance of order.
Other events of this character from 1831 to 1835 are scarcely worth
recording.
DIVISION OF THE COLOMBIAN DEBT
On December 23, 1834, the representatives of Nueva Granada,
Venezuela, and Ecuador signed an agreement relative to the portions
of the general public debt which each should assume. The basis
agreed upon corresponded to the supposed population of the three
sections of Bolivar's nightmare, — the dream of a great Latin-
American Confederation. On this basis Colombia assumed 50
per cent, Venezuela 28 J per cent, and Ecuador 21 ^ per cent of the
whole. It is not recorded that there were any serious discussions on
the matter. A pretence, however, of some sort was necessary in
order to give our three "Sister Republics" the requisite credit for
obtaining additional loans.
The debts thus divided among themselves, as appeared from the
records, on May 16, 1839, were as follows :
ORIGINAL
DEBT
INTEREST
ACCRUED
TOTAL
Colombia
$29 695 508 99
$22 003 634.35
$51,699,143.34
16,926,440 12
12,542,071.58
29,468,511.70
Ecuador
12,769,068.87
9,461,562.77
22,230,631.64
Total
$59,391,017.98
$44,007,268.70
$103,398,286.68
72 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
VENEZUELA ENTERTAINS ITSELF WITH A PRESIDENTIAL
ELECTION
In 1835 the people of Venezuela decided to have an election for
President. The guerrilla fights had become monotonous. Every
general in Venezuela wanted to be President, or Jefe Supremo; but
it finally reduced itself to a choice between Dr. Jose Vargas, a civilian,
General Marino, and General Soublette. The alleged Congress
picked out Dr. Vargas, the fine Italian hand of General Paez being
clearly evident in the proceedings. Vargas was a rank outsider, — a
decent sort of fellow who had never cut a throat in his life, not even
in the practice of his profession.
In July General Marino arose in revolution, and seized Dr. Vargas
by force. One of his abettors, Carujo, in taking the President to jail,
remarked, "You see, doctor, the world belongs to the valiant." "No,
sir," answered the doctor, "the world belongs to the men of honor."
General Marino expelled Dr. Vargas from the country and took
possession of the government.
General Paez at once came to the front. He raised an army and
in numerous battles whipped Marino to a standstill.
General Monagas, who evidently had revolution in his blood,
declared in favor of Marino.
In August General Paez drove Marino out of Caracas, and re-
called Dr. Vargas, who for a brief time again assumed the presidency.
The revolution inaugurated by Marino continued, however, until
the following year, with great severity.
General Paez had the power of organizing the llaneros, and his
battles were ferocious in the extreme.
1836. — In April, Dr. Vargas decided he had had enough of poli-
tics in Venezuela. He resigned, and Vice-President Navarte took the
office, sustained by General Paez, who was in fact the supreme
executive of Venezuela. General Paez gave the death-blow to
Marino's revolution, which is known in history as that of la Reforma.
1837. — On January 20 General Carreno, who was President of the
Federal Council, became Acting President for a few months. Later
General Carlos Soublette became President. A revolution now broke
out, led by Colonel Farfan, but after a few months' fighting it was
subdued by General Paez.
1838. — General Paez decided that he would have himself elected
President, and the elections registered his will. It was clearly seen
that he was at that time the only man in Venezuela who could domi-
nate the unruly elements. General Paez assumed the office in 1839,
and exercised its functions until 1843, when he had General Soublette
elected in his stead. During this period there were vast numbers of
local uprisings, but no formal revolutions national in extent. It would
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS 73
require a work as extensive as the Encyclopedia Britannica to give
details of all the guerrilla fights of Venezuela.
1843. — General Soublette became President, his election being in
fact due to General Paez. Soublette remained in office until 1847.
1846. — A revolution broke out against the oligarchy of Paez,
led by the partisans of Antonio L. Guzman, a distinguished but un-
scrupulous editor, whose newspaper, El Venezolano, had acquired
considerable influence as the organ of radical republican ideas. Guz-
man aspired to the presidency, — an obvious folly for a man whose
ammunition was mostly editorials. The Generales, obeying Paez,
selected General Jose Tadeo Monagas for President, and the Guz-
manistas flew to arms. General Paez and his cavalry once more saved
the day, shooting, cutting, sending arms, heads, legs, here, there,
everywhere, and demonstrating on many bloody fields the blessings
of a free ballot and a fair count. During this period General Paez
assumed dictatorial powers.
1847. — General Monagas took his seat as Chief Executive. He
accepted the dictation of Paez in the appointment of his cabinet,
particularly of the Minister of Interior, Dr. Anjel Quintero, who was
the special representative of the former Dictator. When, however,
Paez demanded the execution of Antonio L. Guzman, President
Monagas refused to give his sanction. Thus a break at once occurred,
and the ministry resigned.
On January 23 the Congress met in Caracas, and at once changed
its seat to Puerto Cabello, where it proceeded to entertain accusations
against President Monagas, whose only crime had been his disobedi-
ence of Paez in refusing to assassinate Guzman.
On January 24 Congress wras invaded by a body of armed men,
soldiers under orders from President Monagas. Most of the Congress-
men were Generales, Jefes, Caudillos, or Colonels. They had their
guns handy, and a free fight ensued, in which the invaders were
repulsed, after several Congressmen, as well as the attacking soldiers,
had been killed.
On January 27 Generals Paez and Soublette arose in revolution,
declaring that they proposed to defend the honor, integrity, and inde-
pendence of Congress. This hifalutin patriotism failed to enthuse
the army, which had grown tired of Paez. Congress showed its base
ingratitude by declaring the revolution to be an unjustifiable mutiny.
President Monagas played the game with Paez according to the rules,
and after the loss of a thousand or so of men — who would have died
anyway in a few years, even if there had been no revolution — Mona-
gas came out victorious. Some sensitive people have criticised Mona-
gas for breaking up this Congress. It is difficult to see the philosophy
of the criticism.
1849. — General Paez again raised the standard of revolt. Gen-
eral Monagas defeated the insurrection at every point, and made Paez
74 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
prisoner. General Paez, who had been so voracious in his demands
for the blood of Guzman, now became the meek supplicant. He was
kept in prison for some months, and then shipped to New York,
where he attracted great attention.
1851. — The President, General Jose Tadeo Monagas, elected
his brother General Jose Gregorio Monagas as President for the
ensuing period. Congress graciously ratified the election.
1853. — The regular revolution came to the front, also a severe
earthquake. Dictator Monagas subdued the former, and the latter
ceased in due course. During this period commerce was almost
destroyed by unjustifiable restrictions, taxes increased, and the country
reduced to a shameful condition.
1854. — A decree was issued abolishing slavery.
1855. — General Jose Tadeo Monagas declared himself elected
President. Nobody had soldiers enough to deny it.
1856. — Local revolutions broke out in all parts of Venezuela, and
continued until the following year.
1857. — General Monagas dictated a new Constitution, extending
the period of his office for six years. The revolution continued, and
there was severe fighting early in the year, but it was finally subdued.
1858. — A revolution broke out in Valencia, headed by General
Julian Castro. The generals and almost everybody else were tired
of the Monagas dynasty, and it soon became apparent that the Ex-
ecutive could not rely upon his soldiers. He was forced to fly from
Venezuela, and General Castro became Dictator. The new General
being of their party, Paez and Soublette at once returned to Venezuela.
1859. — General Julian Castro was proclaimed President, and a
new Constitution was promulgated. A serious revolution now broke
out in all parts of the country, and became general. The Jefes were
Falcon, Guzman Blanco, Zamora, General Jose Tadeo Monagas,
General Jose Gregorio Monagas.
The Caracas oligarchy seized Castro and deposed him. Pedro
Gaul was now designated as President.
1860. — The revolution still raged in all parts of the country.
Gaul's troops were generally successful, but Congress met and de-
clared Manuel Felipe Tovar President.
1861. — General Paez by this time had made great headway with
his revolution. He captured Caracas, threw Tovar out of the presi-
dential job, and put General Gaul at the head of affairs, with the
understanding, of course, that he, Paez, should be in actual control.
For some act which General Gaul did displeasing to Paez,
he was arrested, and thrown into jail. Paez then assumed the
dictatorship.
1862. — Civil war continued in all parts of Venezuela, devastating
the country. Hundreds of battles were fought, thousands of lives lost,
and anarchy and desolation reigned.
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS 75
1863. — General Paez was compelled to sign the " Treaty of Coche,"
which placed the triumphant revolutionary General Juan Jose Falcon
at the head of affairs.
Antonio Guzman Blanco was Vice-President, and Venezuela was
so poverty-stricken and devastated that even a man of his great talents
found it difficult to exercise the peculiar art of the Dictator.
1864. — Falcon divided Venezuela into twenty States, and formed
a "Federal Republic." He was plain Dictator, and called himself
Gran Mariscal. There were revolutions everywhere, all the time, and
the Grand Marshal had all he could do to keep them down.
1865. — Falcon declared himself to be "Constitutional President."
1866. — More revolutions. Falcon entrusted the government to
General Trias, and took command in the field.
1867. — Falcon tried the gentle art of diplomacy with the revolu-
tionists. He gave them, the leaders of course, $1,000,000 he had
borrowed from English capitalists, on condition that they would be
good. They promised, and kept their promise — for about six weeks.
1868. — A new revolution broke out, headed by General Jose
Tadeo Monagas. Falcon was compelled to fly to Cmx>9ao, where
he died. General Monagas became President through the good offices
of the faithful machete.
1869. — General Ruperto Monagas became President upon the
death of his father, Jose Tadeo Monagas, thus making a sort of family
affair out of the job.
Antonio Guzman Blanco now raised the patriotic cry. He called
himself Ilustre Americano, rejenerador y pacificador de Venezuela.
This was the last straw which broke the earners back. The suffering
country yielded after a few dozen battles, and Blanco became Dictator.
1869-1877. — This period, called the septenio, produced many
revolutions, but Guzman Blanco dominated them all. The most
notable were the revolutions led by General Venancio Pulgar and by
Matias Salazar, the latter of whom was shot by orders of Blanco.
1877. — Guzman Blanco put General Pedro Alcantara in power
and went to Europe.
1878. — Alcantara proved treacherous to Blanco. Mobs destroyed
the statues which the latter had erected of himself in all parts of
Venezuela, and the Guzmanistas broke out in revolution.
1879. — The revolution triumphed; Alcantara died. Guzman
Blanco returned from Europe, and again assumed a dictatorship.
He promulgated a new Constitution, reduced the number of States
from twenty to eight, and erected many new statues of himself at the
public expense. From 1879 to 1883 the period is known as the
quinquenio.
1883. — General Guzman Blanco was anxious to go again to
Europe. He therefore appointed Joaquin Crespo as President.
Congress conferred upon him the title of Heroe del Deber, — "Hero
76 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of Duty." New revolutions broke out, headed by General Pulgar,
but these were readily suppressed.
1886. — Manuel A. Diez became Acting President, awaiting the
return from Europe of Guzman Blanco, who had been chosen for a
new term. When this General returned to Venezuela, he was received
with extraordinary enthusiasm.
1887. — Guzman Blanco turned the government over to Her-
mogenes Lopez, and again went to Europe. New revolutions broke
out.
1888. — Dr. J. P. Rojas Paul became President of Venezuela.
He was a cultured gentleman, and did his best to govern Venezuela
decently, but the odds were against him. Dr. Paul owed his position
exclusively to Guzman Blanco.
In November Joaquin Crespo inaugurated a revolution against
Dr. Paul, but failed, and Crespo was taken prisoner.
1890. — Andueza Palacio became President.
1891. — A new Constitution was promulgated, extending the presi-
dential period to four years.
1892. — Another revolution broke out, headed by Crespo. Its
base was the States of Ix>s Andes and Zamora. This revolution was
overcome, but Palacio was compelled to abandon the country. G.
Tell Villegas became Chief Executive. This gentleman was soon
overthrown, and Villegas Pulido became President. He was likewise
overthrown in a short time, and anarchy reigned in Venezuela. Every
general of prominence in Venezuela desired to be President; an era
of bloodshed ensued. Out of this confusion Crespo emerged with
the largest army. He took possession of the principal cities, and
finally captured Caracas, after committing an infinite number of
outrages.
Crespo now declared himself Jefe Supremo. A more ignorant,
brutal, corrupt, and thoroughly depraved man would be hard to find.
He inaugurated a new reign of graft, tyranny, wickedness, malice,
and deviltry.
1898. — At the end of Crespo's term he put Andrade in office,
while he remained to direct affairs. When Jose Manuel Hernandez*
revolution broke out against Andrade in 1898, Crespo took the field
at the head of the government troops, but was killed in battle, at
Carmelera, April 16, 1899. In this revolution 1800 lives were lost.
1899. — On February 20 Ramon Guerra, who had been President
of the State of Guarica, issued a proclamation of revolt at Calabozo.
He was defeated in Guarico by General Lorenzo Guevara, on March
22, with a total loss in killed and wounded of about 500.
On May 23 General Cipriano Castro, with 60 men, rebelled
against Andrade, and invaded the State of Tachira. He fought
battles at Trujillo, Merida, El Paraparo, Nirgua, and Tocuyito, the
latter giving him possession of Valencia. In this action he had 1500
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS 77
men against 6000 under General Diego Bautista Ferrar. Owing to
the treachery of his generals, Andrade abandoned Caracas on October
#0, and Castro took possession on the 22d, declaring himself to be
Jefe Supremo. In this revolution there were 42 actions with a loss
of 3500 lives.
On October 26 General Jose Manuel Hernandez at Los Tejerias
issued a proclamation of revolt against Castro. He was defeated on
the night of October 30, at San Casimiro, by General Natividad
Mendoza. At Cojedes he obtained reinforcements, making an army
of 5000. Severe battles were fought at Tocuyito, Cojedes, Mata de
Agua, in November and December.
1900. — On March 21 and 22 Hernandez was defeated by Jose
Manuel Paredes at Manocal. On May 27 he was captured at Tierra
Negra, and sent a prisoner to Fort San Carlos. In this revolution
about 5000 lives were lost.
Concurrently with Hernandez' uprising, General Antonio Paredes
was having a little war on his own account at Puerto Cabello, where
he was military governor. On refusing to surrender to Cipriano Castro
the latter sent the "National Navy," under Carlos E. Echeverria,
as well as an army under Generals Julio Sarria Hurtado and Ramon
Guerra, to attack him. After the loss of 220 lives, including many
women and children, Paredes was defeated and taken prisoner to
Fort San Carlos.
On October 24 General Pedro Julian Acosta began a revolution
in Yrapa, and fought several battles in the States of Cumana and
Margarita, but after a loss of 360 lives on both sides, was captured.
On December 14 General Celestino Peraza arose in revolt
at La Mercedes, but was easily defeated.
1901. — In July General Carlos Rangel Garbiras, with 4000 men,
invaded the State of Tachira. On July 28 a battle was fought at San
Cristobal, the revolutionists losing 800, and Castro's troops 350 men.
Another force of revolutionists were repulsed at San Faustino by
General Ruben Cardenas. General Rafael Montilla headed upris-
ings in the State of Lara.
1902. — The movements of revolutionists continued in all parts
of Venezuela, and war was threatened with Colombia. A Colombian
line battalion of 400 invaded Venezuela by way of San Antonio, and
a Venezuelan force invaded Colombia by way of Rio Hacha. Horacio
Ducharme and his brother Alejandro were in revolt in the Eastern
States with small forces. General Juan Pietri got up a little fire-
cracker revolution ; but his men were defeated at Guigue, and he was
sent to Fort San Carlos.
A revolution of serious importance, however, broke out towards
the end of 1901, — that of General Manuel Antonio Matos, who fitted
out a steamship called the Libertador, formerly Ban Righ, and
succeeded in raising formidable bodies of soldiers. This revolution
78 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
continued for eighteen months. There were 20 battles, 40 minor
engagements, and 150 skirmishes, resulting in a total loss of more
than 12,000 lives. The revolutionists were signally defeated by Gen-
eral Juan Vicente Gomez at El Guapo, on the 13th, 14th, and 15th of
April, 1903, and the power of Matos was broken.
1903. — Venezuela was blockaded by England, Germany, and
Italy.
1907. — Since the blockade there have been numerous uprisings,
but no formal revolutions. The government continues to be dominated
by Castro, — a brutal, degenerate tyrant.
CHAPTER IV
SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS
OF COLOMBIA
TN 1809 Amar was Viceroy at Bogota. He was very popular, and
[ for some time was able to resist the revolutionary spirit of the
times.
1810. — On May 22 a revolutionary junta was formed at Carta-
gena. In June a revolution broke out on the Orinoco plains near
Bogota. On July 4 Pamplona formed a revolutionary junta. So-
corro did the same soon afterwards. Bogota followed suit in a short
time ; Narino set up as Dictator.
1811. — In March the patriots defeated the Spaniards at Popayan.
There were invasions from Ecuador, and counter-invasions. The
revolutionists fought each other. Narino and the congressional troops
fought at Socorro. The Dictator was defeated, but in turn defeated
his fellow-patriots, otherwise known as federalists, at Bogota.
1813. — Bolivar captured Ocana, and defeated the Spaniards in
the lower Magdalena River.
1814. — The Spanish General Samano advanced from Ecuador
to attack Colombia, but was defeated at Calivio, January 15. Narino
was defeated and captured, later.
1815. — In April Marshal Morillo, the Spanish General, invested
Cartagena with nearly 10,000 troops. The revolutionists had about
4000. The siege lasted nearly five months, during which time about
6000 soldiers died on both sides. Finally the revolutionary army
escaped. General Camilo Torres was made Dictator by the Bogota
Congress.
1816. — On February 22 General Torres, with 2500 troops, was
seriously defeated at Ocana by the Spaniards. The revolutionists
committed many atrocities, murdering Spanish non-combatants
without mercy. Torres resigned and fled. Congress appointed
General Madrid Dictator, but he had no army and was compelled
to fly.
Marshal Morillo, the Spanish General, assumed complete military
control, and instituted a reign of terror. He assassinated, or ordered
to be publicly shot, every prominent man who sympathized with the
anti-royalist movement In Bogota alone 125 leading men, of high
80 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
standing, were shot, and their property confiscated, leaving their
families beggars.
1817. — The bloody Morillo took the field in person, at the head
of 4000 Spanish troops, leaving the infamous Samano in control at
Bogota. The latter continued the work of execution, not hesitating
to shoot women as well as men.
1819. — After three years of bloody despotism under Morillo and
Samano, the patriots were relieved by Bolivar, who arrived,' after a
marvellous campaign, at Boyaca, within a hundred miles of Bogota,
on August 7, and drove the Spaniards in confusion back upon the city.
By the end of September Bolivar had driven the Spaniards out
of practically all that section of Colombia, and proclaimed himself
Dictator. He left General Santander as Vice-President and Acting
Dictator.
1821. — Bolivar called the Congress at Cucuta, which adopted
a Constitution and elected the Liberator as President.
Independence of the Department of Panama declared in
November.
1822. — Bolivar invaded Ecuador, leaving Santander as Governor
of Colombia. Sucre went via Guayaquil. Bolivar had a bloody fight
at Bambona on April 7, in which he lost three times as many men
as the Spanish, but nevertheless remained master of the field. Sucre
won the battle of Pichincha, and saved the situation for his chief.
1826. — Bolivar, who had been living like an emperor in Peru for
two years, was compelled to return to Bogota by the rising discontent.
There were uprisings and intrigues against him in all parts of the
country from this time on.
1828. — A convention was held at Ocana which intended to
deprive Bolivar of power, but he had an army of 3000 men, and they
did not dare to carry out their intention. He then called a Congress
which proclaimed him Dictator
1829. — Bolivar again resigned the presidency, but the Congress
refused to accept the resignation. Insurrections broke out against
him in Ecuador, and his troops mutinied. General Cordoba started
a revolution against Bolivar in Antioquia in the autumn, but was
overcome.
1830. — On January 30 Bolivar finally resigned, and shortly after
Congress appointed Mosquera as President.
President Mosquera was overthrown by General Urdaneta,
who proclaimed himself Dictator.
1831. — In May General Urdaneta went the way of the typical
Dictator, and Obando Lopez, the man who was believed to have
assassinated General Sucre, became Supreme Chief.
1832. — Venezuela and Ecuador having withdrawn from the Con-
federation, the Colombian Congress adopted a Constitution, and
proclaimed General Santander the first legal President. General
REVOLUTIONS OF COLOMBIA 81
Santander was a man of many excellent qualities, and his adminis-
tration was perhaps the ablest which Colombia has ever had.
1836. — Dr. Marquez was declared elected President. This was
accomplished in face of the desire of General Santander that General
Ovando should succeed him. Civil war broke out in many provinces,
and continued through 1839 and 1840.
1840. — Panama declared its independence, and maintained it
for two years.
1841. — General Herran suppressed all revolutions and became
President. A new Constitution was formed.
1845. — General Tomas Mosquera became President. Revolu-
tions broke out throughout the country towards the end of his rule.
1849. — General Lopez was declared President by Congress,
although there had been no constitutional election. A new Constitu-
tion was promulgated.
1851. — A "conservative" revolution broke out in Pasto, and
spread rapidly. The revolutionists were defeated at Rio Negro,
September 10.
1853. — General Obando was declared President; he was actually
named by Lopez.
1854. — General Melo led an uprising of the cavalry and gar-
rison in Bogota, and proclaimed himself Dictator. Mosquera and
Herran led the troops against Melo, and overthrew him after much
bloodshed.
Senor Mallarino became President as a compromise between
all parties. Most of the provinces were now practically inde-
pendent, and there appeared to be but little authority in the central
government. The name of the country was changed to the Granadine
Confederation.
1857. — During the greater part of this year there were three
Dictators exercising powers concurrently in different parts of the
country. Mariana Ospina was the "duly elected President," repre-
senting the clericals; Murillo representing liberals, and Mosquera
the moderates, were opposing Presidents. Revolutions swept all
parts of the country.
1859. — The friends of Murillo adopted a new Constitution.
Dictator Ospina was defeated by Dictator Mosquera, who invaded
the upper Magdalena, and defeated Ospina at Segovia.
1861. — Mosquera's army succeeded, and he became Supreme
Dictator. A new Constitution was adopted, and the name of the
country changed to the "United States of Colombia."
1863. — Dictator Mosquera made war on Ecuador, and gained
a victory at Causpud, on December 30. The ostensible object of this
war was to punish Dictator Moreno, of Ecuador, for having previously
aided Dictator Ospina, of Colombia, both of them being classed as
clericals.
VOL. 1—6
82 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1864. — Murillo was elected President for the ensuing two years,
that being the term recently established. A revolution broke out in
the " Sovereign State of Antioquia," and overthrew the local govern-
ment. Murillo observed strict neutrality, and promptly recognized
the new government of the State. Similar successful revolutions were
recognized by the general government as the de facto governments in
the States of Bolivar, Panama, Magdalena, and elsewhere.
1866. — Mosquera succeeded Murillo. He attempted to re-
establish the authority of the central government, and for that purpose
intervened in the local revolutions.
1867. — Mosquera declared himself Dictator. The garrison in
Bogota revolted, and he was overthrown.
Acosta was declared President by the Bogota troops. He
refused to interfere in the local revolutions.
1868. — General Gutierrez became President. He interfered in
the local State revolutions. In Cundinamarca the Governor assumed
a Dictatorship locally of the State, but Gutierrez deposed him.
1870. — General Salgar became President. The country under
his rule went from bad to worse.
1872. — Murillo was declared President, and apart from the
economic crisis which was chronic in Colombia, even in those days,
his administration was without special incident.
1874. — Santiago Perez was declared President by Congress.
Grave disorders broke out in 1875 in all parts of the country. Panama
revolted, and many other States defied the authority of the President
and arrested his officers and troops.
1876. — Aquiles Parra was selected for Chief Executive by Con-
gress in the latter part of 1875, and took office early in 1876. Revolu-
tions broke out in Cauca, and when the President sought to intervene,
other "sovereign States," such as Antioquia and Tolima, "declared
war." A bloody insurrection followed. Parra raised about 25,000
men, and many heavy battles were fought. The States of Santander,
Boyaca, and Cundinamarca joined the insurrection, but General
Parra finally succeeded in restoring order.
1878. — Trujillo was declared President. Revolutions again
devastated the country. The government of Cauca and Magdalena
were overthrown by the national troops.
1880. — Rafael Nunez, a man of liberal antecedents, although a
member of the conservative party, was installed as President. The
following year a strong revolution was organized against him by
liberal influences in Cauca and Antioquia, but was put down after
heavy loss of life.
1882. — Senor Laldua succeeded Nunez as Chief Executive, but
he died in 1883.
1883. — Vice-President General Otalora succeeded as Chief
Executive.
REVOLUTIONS OF COLOMBIA 83
1884. — Sefior Rafael Nunez was declared President. His reac-
tionary policies gave dissatisfaction to the liberals, who had supported
him.
1885. — A widespread and powerful revolution broke out in the
provinces of Panama, Boyaca, Cundinamarca, and Magdalena, under
the leadership of Generals Reyes and Velez. It was subdued, and
peace was proclaimed in September.
1886. — On August 6 Dictator Nunez proclaimed a new Constitu-
tion, extending the President's term to six years and making a cen-
tralized government. He declared himself elected President for the
term ending August 7, 1892.
1888. — Dictator Nunez appointed Carlos Holguin to administer
the government at Bogota. Nunez himself remained in Cartagena on
account of his health; but Nunez was consulted about everything,
and his orders were law. Armed uprisings were frequent in all parts
of the country, but were suppressed without great difficulty.
1892. — Dictator Nunez declared himself President for the ensuing
six years, and appointed Senor Miguel Caro to administer affairs in
Bogota, while he continued as before to reside in Cartagena.
1894. — In September President Nunez died. Senor Miguel Caro
assumed the unexpired term. Uprisings were continuous and severe,
but Senor Caro suppressed them all.
1898. — M. A. Sanclemente was chosen President by the conser-
vatives. A powerful revolution broke out in all parts of the country,
aided by Venezuela in its latter stages. This was a bitter and bloody
insurrection, entailing widespread disaster.
1900. — Sefior J. M. Marroquin, the Vice-President, deposed and
imprisoned the President by un golpe de cuartel, — an uprising of
troops, fomented and directed by General Rafael Reyes.
1903. — Revolution of Panama, and its recognition as an inde-
pendent Republic by the United States and other foreign countries.
The separation took place because of the refusal or failure of Colombia
to approve a treaty for the construction of the Panama Canal.
1904. — General Rafael Reyes was installed as President, and
soon afterwards declared himself Dictator. It would seem that his
administration is following the old and corrupt precedents, in grant-
ing intolerable monopolies, and in the practice of the military control
in every activity of life, and the destruction of all personal liberty and
guaranties.
FIFTY YEARS OF REVOLUTIONS IN THE SINGLE DEPARTMENT OF
PANAMA, AS REPORTED BY PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT TO CON-
GRESS, DECEMBER, 1903.
" When these events happened, fifty-seven years had elapsed since
the United States had entered into its treaty with New Granada.
84 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
During that time the governments of New Granada and of its suc-
cessor, Colombia, have been in a constant state of flux. The following
is a partial list of the disturbances on the Isthmus of Panama during
the period in question as reported to us by our consuls. It is not pos-
sible to give a complete list, and some of the reports that speak of
'revolutions ' must mean unsuccessful revolutions.
May 22, 1850. — Outbreak ; two Americans killed. War- vessel
demanded to quell outbreak.
October, 1850. — Revolutionary plot to bring about independence
of the Isthmus.
July 22, 1851. — Revolution in four southern provinces.
November 14, 1851. — Outbreak at Chagres. Man-of-war re-
quested for Chagres.
June 27, 1853. — Insurrection at Bogota, and consequent dis-
turbance on Isthmus. War- vessel demanded.
May 23, 1854. — Political disturbances ; war- vessel requested.
June 28, 1854. — Attempted revolution.
October 24, 1854. — Independence of Isthmus demanded by
provincial legislature.
April, 1856. — Riot, and massacre of Americans.
May 4, 1856. — Riot.
May 18, 1856. — Riot.
June 3, 1856. — Riot.
October 2, 1856. — Conflict between two native parties. United
States forces landed.
December 18, 1858. — Attempted secession of Panama.
April, 1859. — Riots.
September, 1860. — Outbreak.
October 4, 1860. — Landing of United States forces in consequence.
May 23, 1861. — Intervention of the United States forces required
by intendente.
October 2, 1861. — Insurrection and civil war.
April 4, 1862. — Measures to prevent rebels crossing Isthmus.
June 13, 1862. — Mosquera's troops refused admittance to Panama.
March, 1865. — Revolution, and United States troops landed.
August, 1865. — Riots; unsuccessful attempt to invade Panama.
March, 1866. — Unsuccessful revolution.
April, 1867. — Attempt to overthrow government.
August, 1867. — Attempt at revolution.
July 5, 1868. — Revolution ; provisional government inaugurated.
August 29, 1868. — Revolution ; provisional government over-
thrown.
April, 1871. — Revolution ; followed apparently by counter-
revolution.
April, 1873. — Revolution and civil war which lasted to October,
1875.
REVOLUTIONS OF COLOMBIA 85
August, 1876. — Civil war which lasted until April, 1877.
July, 1878. — Rebellion.
December, 1878. — Revolt.
April, 1879. — Revolution.
June, 1879. — Revolution.
March, 1883. — Riot.
May, 1883. — Riot.
June, 1884. — Revolutionary attempt.
December, 1884. — Revolutionary attempt.
January, 1885. — Revolutionary disturbances.
March, 1885. — Revolution.
April, 1887. — Disturbance on Panama Railroad.
November, 1887. — Disturbance on line of canal.
January, 1889. — Riot.
January, 1895. — Revolution which lasted until April.
March, 1895. — Incendiary attempt.
October, 1899. — Revolution.
February, 1900, to July, 1900. — Revolution.
January, 1901. — Revolution.
July, 1901. — Revolutionary disturbances.
September, 1901. — City of Colon taken by rebels.
March, 1902. — Revolutionary disturbances.
July, 1902. — Revolution.
The above is only a partial list of the revolutions, rebellions, insur-
rections, riots, and other outbreaks that have occurred during the
period in question ; yet they number 53 for the 57 years. It will be
noted that one of them lasted for nearly three years before it was
quelled ; another for nearly a year. In short, the experience of over
half a century has shown Colombia to be utterly incapable of keeping
order on the Isthmus. Only the active interference of the United
States has enabled her to preserve so much as a semblance of sover-
eignty. Had it not been for the exercise by the United States of the
police power in her interest, her connection with the Isthmus would
have been sundered long ago. In 1856, in 1860, in 1873, in 1885, in
1901, and again in 1902, sailors and marines from United States war-
ships were forced to land in order to patrol the Isthmus, to protect
life and property, and to see that the transit across the Isthmus was
kept open. In 1861, in 1862, in 1885, and in 1900 the Colombian
government asked that the United States government would land
troops to protect its interests and maintain order on the Isthmus."
CHAPTER V
SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS
OF BOLIVIA
IN 1809 an uprising took place, and the government buildings in
La Paz and Charcas were seized. The Viceroys of Lima and
Buenos Ayres sent forces to quell the uprising, which was put
down, and Goyeneche, the Lima General, ordered wholesale
executions.
1810. — Revolutionists defeated the Spaniards at Suipacha, and
took possession of most of the cities of the great plateau which is now
in Bolivia.
1813. — A fresh invasion of Bolivian territory was made from
Argentine, but the Spaniards were routed at Villapugie and Ayehuma.
A war of devastation and extermination was kept up on both sides.
Camargo and Padilla, in the southern provinces, and Arenales at
Santa Cruz, were the leaders of the revolutionists.
1814. — A great insurrection occurred, led by an Indian cacique
named Munecas, in the region north of Lake Titicaca and Cuzco,
with 20,000 Indians, mostly unarmed. The Spaniards defeated them
at the battle of Humachiri.
1815. — The Argentine patriots advanced to aid their brethren
in Bolivia, but were defeated by the Spaniards, on November 15, at
Viluma. This gave the control of the great Bolivian plateau to the
Spanish generals for seven years. The Spanish General Pezuela
captured and garroted Camargo, and beheaded Padilla as he lay
wounded in battle.
1816. — Spaniards in complete control everywhere. Pezuela
had 8000 disciplined troops.
1817. — The Spanish General La Serna attempted to invade
Argentine, but was greatly harassed by the gauchos, or cow-boys.
Later, San Martin's victory at Chacabuco, Chili, compelled him to
return.
1820. — San Martin compelled the Spaniards to evacuate the
coast towns.
1822. — The patriots attempted to reach La Paz, but were at-
tacked by the Spanish General Valdez and destroyed.
1823. — Santa Cruz, a Bolivian half-breed of Inca descent, de-
serted from the Spanish cause, joined the patriots, and with 5000
REVOLUTIONS OF BOLIVIA 87
troops, went as far as La Paz. He was outgeneralled by Valdez, and
his forces practically destroyed.
1824. — Bolivar invaded Bolivian territory, defeated the royalists
at Junin, and drove them to Cuzco. At the same time Sucre annihi-
lated the Spanish power in that part of the continent at the great
victory of Ayacucho on December 9.
1825. — On August 11 Bolivar, who had now swept the Spaniards
before him, and been received by the people of Upper Peru with the
most extravagant demonstrations, issued a proclamation creating the
Republic of "Bolivia," named in honor of himself.
1826. — Bolivar presented a ready-made Constitution for the
Bolivian Republic. It provided for a President to be elected for life,
with the power to name his successor. General Sucre was made
President.
1827. — Dissatisfaction and revolutions everywhere. Generals
Santa Cruz and Gamarra overthrew Bolivar's Constitution in Peru,
and advanced upon Bolivia to expel Sucre.
1828. — On July 28 General Sucre made a treaty with General
Santa Cruz, by which Sucre surrendered his presidency and left the
country. He was assassinated soon afterward by his own soldiers.
General Santa Cruz became President. He organized a strong
army.
1835. — Santa Cruz invaded Peru and conquered the country,
forming the Peru-Bolivian Confederation.
1837. — Chili made war on the new confederation, sending an
expedition to Arequipa, which was defeated by Santa Cruz.
1839. — On January 20 the Chilians, aided by Peruvians, de-
feated the army of Santa Cruz, of the Peru-Bolivian Confederation,
at Yungay, thereby destroying the confederation.
General Velasco headed a revolution overthrowing Santa Cruz,
and became Dictator. Continuous revolutions and disorders devas-
tated the country.
1840. — General Balliviau overthrew General Velasco and became
Supreme Chief. Internal and external wars continued.
1841. — The Dictator of Peru invaded Bolivia with a large army,
and occupied the province of La Paz, but was defeated at Ynjavi and
driven from the country.
1843. — Balliviau abolished the Constitution and made one to
suit himself. He ruled in an arbitrary, tyrannical, and brutal manner.
1847. — Balliviau undertook to invade Peru, but his army revolted,
and mutiny followed mutiny until he had to flee.
1848. — General Velasco became Supreme Chief, for a short time
only, to be overthrown by General Belzu.
General Belzu became Supreme Chief. He was an ignorant,
brutal, tyrannical Dictator, and during his rule there were every-
where innumerable riots, revolutionary movements, and general
88 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
anarchy. Dr. Linares kept up a fight against the Dictator until he
was finally induced to resign, leaving his son-in-law in power.
1855. — General Cordoba, the son-in-law of Belzu, was designated
President. Nine different revolutionary movements broke out against
him in three years. These were led by Dr. Linares, who was finally
successful, and overthrew forever the power of Belzu and Cordoba.
1858. — Dr. Linares became Dictator. He started in well by
endeavoring to place honest men in office, and practising economy
and good administration; but the cormorants and generals did not
desire this. Bolivia had become so corrupt that genuine reform from
within was impossible. His most trusted minister, Fernandez, plotted
against him, and in spite of all Linares could do plots and counter-
plots, intrigues, riots, and assassinations were prevalent throughout
the country. He was finally overthrown, after three years of rule.
1861. — General Acha became President, and a period of com-
plete anarchy ensued. No man's life was safe in the country, which
became in fact a savage and barbarous commonwealth. The revolu-
tions finally took shape with General Belzu at the head, and Acha was
driven from power.
1864. — General Belzu became Dictator, but he enjoyed his power
for only a brief period. He was killed at La Paz in resisting an insur-
gent attack led by Colonel Melgarejo.
1865. — Melgarejo became Dictator. He was a drunken criminal
savage, who made no pretence to govern by legal or constitutional
methods. He inaugurated a system of espionage and assassination
almost equal to that of Rosas, in Argentine. This odious and ignorant
tyrant, by practising cruelties of every description and inspiring uni-
versal terror, by murdering all opponents, and confiscating the prop-
erty of any one he did not like, managed to sustain himself in power
until 1870.
1871. — General Morales and his army overthrew the tyrant,
Melgarejo, and he became Supreme Chief. His administration, how-
ever, was not much better than that of his predecessor. Insurrections
continued everywhere.
1876. — General Hilarion Daza overthrew Morales and assumed
supreme power. His ambition led him to become entangled in the
hostilities between Peru and Chili, but he seems to have been of little
service to his ally, and when Peru was decisively defeated, Daza was
deposed in December, 1879.
1880. — General Narcisco Campero became President. He pro-
mulgated a new Constitution on October 28. General Campero's
rule was so very excellent in comparison with those which had pre-
ceded him, that he deserves praise of a high character for the reforms
actually instituted. He opened negotiations in 1882 with Chili, and
signed a treaty of peace in 1884.
1884. — In August Senor Pecheco became President and ruled
REVOLUTIONS OF BOLIVIA 89
for four years, giving a very good administration, in which the country
developed considerably.
1888. — Senor Arce was the choice of Pecheco for President, and
was elected without opposition. He endeavored to form an alliance
with Argentine for the purpose of recovering the territory east of Chili
as a result of the Peruvian-Bolivian-Chilian War. In 1890 General
Camacho led an unsuccessful revolution. In 1891 a treaty was signed
with Argentine, but it never amounted to anything. Toward the end
of Arce's administration a heavy Indian uprising occurred, due to
arbitrary acts of the government. This was suppressed only after
considerable loss of life.
1892. — In August, through the exercise of official influence, Senor
Baptista became President. In 1893 General Camacho led another
revolution, which the government had difficulty in overcoming for
lack of arms and ammunition. These were finally furnished by Chili,
and a treaty was now entered into between Chili and Bolivia by which
it was agreed that Chili should concede to Bolivia a port on the Pacific
and grant many other concessions and advantages. This treaty dis-
gusted Peru and Argentine without doing Bolivia any good, because
Chili never kept her part of the agreement. Her object was to alienate
Bolivia from Argentine and Peru.
1896. — Severo Fernandez Alonzo became President in August.
Revolutions were fomented against him, however, and in 1898 these
took definite shape under the guidance of Jose Manuel Pando. The
Indians joined the revolutionists, and a guerrilla warfare was kept
up for several months. In 1899 Alonzo discovered treachery among
his own officers, and being defeated in several skirmishes, and a
number of the provinces joining the revolution en masse, Alonzo fled
to Chili.
1899. — Jose Manuel Pando became Provisional President, in
virtue of the defeat of Alonzo. He called a Congress of his adherents,
and declared himself in 1900 to be the Constitutional President.
1904. — Senor Ysmael Montes was elected, on August 14, for four
years.
CHAPTER VI
SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS
OF ECUADOR
IN 1809 Ruiz de Castilla, President of Quito, exercised jurisdiction
over the territory now called Ecuador.
On August 9 a revolutionary movement was inaugurated
which took possession of the government buildings, imprisoned the
Spanish officials, formed a junta, and selected Juan Montufar
as chief. In October Castilla again assumed the reins, having
defeated the revolutionists.
1810. — In August the Creoles attempted to get possession of the
barracks, but failed, and a frightful massacre followed.
1811. — Castilla resigned under pressure. A new junta was
formed, with Carlos Montufar as chief. Spaniards were assassinated
in all parts of the country. Molina was appointed by Spain to
succeed Castilla. Revolutions occurred in all parts of the country.
The government was purely military.
1812. — Montufar was overthrown by another Creole chief. The
revolutionists fought among themselves, and the Spaniards vanquished
both factions. Montes, the Spanish General, became President.
He defeated the revolutionists everywhere, and maintained order
for eight or nine years.
1822. — On May 24 the battle of Pichincha gave the control of
Ecuador to General Sucre, the great lieutenant of Bolivar. Ecuador
now became a part of Bolivar's Confederation.
1824. — December 9 Sucre annihilated the main army of the
Spaniards at Ayacucho, giving Bolivar supreme power, and he became
Military Dictator.
1826. — Revolutions in Lima, and Guayaquil and Cuenca were
seized by the disaffected troops, but they fell fighting among them-
selves. Bolivar in the mean time was occupied with revolutions in
Venezuela.
1828. — War between Colombia and Peru. Guayaquil blockaded
by ships of Peru.
1829. — In January Guayaquil surrendered to Peruvian war-
ships ; a Peruvian army of 7000 invaded Ecuador.
1830. — On May 12 General Flores proclaimed the Quito Presi-
dency independent of Bolivar's Confederation. He gave the country
REVOLUTIONS OF ECUADOR 91
the name of Ecuador. Flores was merely one of the many military
chiefs who were each ambitious to rule, and who carried on inter-
minable wars and counter-revolutions among themselves. His rule
was bloody and tyrannical in the extreme.
1835. — A revolution occurred against Flores, led by Vicente
Rocafuerte, who was captured. Great uprisings continued. Flores
and Rocafuerte entered into a compact by which the former became
General of the army, and the latter President. This man was a
wise and liberal ruler, and deserves credit for sincerity and honesty
of intention under discouraging circumstances.
1839. — General Flores with the army ousted Rocafuerte, and
became President. He was ignorant, brutal, tyrannical, corrupt, and
sought only military glory. He had a new Constitution made, fixing
the presidential term at eight years.
1843. — General Flores again declared himself President. Roca-
fuerte was compelled to flee. Revolutions broke out, and an attempt
was made to assassinate Flores.
1845. — A liberal revolution defeated Flores, and he accepted
$20,000 in money and left the country. Ramon Roca, a mulatto,
was installed as President. A new Constitution was adopted.
1849. — A revolution broke out in which General Urbina finally
obtained the power.
1850. — General Urbina proclaimed Diego Noboa as Provisional
President. The two called a convention which selected Noboa for
the full term.
1851. — General Urbina exiled Noboa and proclaimed himself
Dictator. His excuse for the act was that Noboa had recalled the
Jesuits.
1856. — General Urbina named Robles as President.
1859. — War with Peru. General Urbina and Robles proceeded
to the frontier with their troops to fight the Peruvians, and the " Con-
servadores " rose up behind them, defeated the troops of the adminis-
tration and took possession of Quito.
On May 1 the Conservadores designated Garcia Moreno as Provi-
sional President. He attacked Urbina and Robles, and was defeated
and escaped to Peru. The remaining conservative forces defeated
Urbina and Robles, and drove them into exile.
1860. — On September 2 Moreno captured Guayaquil, and
became Dictator of Ecuador. He promulgated a new Constitution,
and established a government strongly friendly to the clericals.
1864. — Urbina invaded Ecuador from Peru, but his efforts were
overcome.
1865. — An understudy of Moreno was declared President, but
he did not give satisfaction.
1866. — Another subordinate of Moreno was installed but refused
to obey orders and Moreno discharged him.
92 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1867. — General Moreno declared himself Provisional Dictator.
Revolutions occurred for two years longer.
1875. — General Moreno declared himself elected President for
the ensuing term. On August 6 Moreno was assassinated in one of
the principal streets of Quito. Dr. Borrero, the Vice-President, suc-
ceeded to the office of President. Civil war was taking place in
all parts of the country, and two or three different Presidents were
declared.
1876. — General Veintemilla headed a revolution, and became
Dictator. He called a Convention and promulgated a Constitution.
1878. — Veintemilla was declared Constitutional President. Dis-
orders broke out in all parts of the country.
1883. — The army proclaimed Veintemilla Dictator, but a strong
revolution overthrew him.
1884. — Jose Caamano, head of the revolution, seized the dic-
tatorship. His late ally, Alfaro, started a revolution against him, but
was defeated.
1888. — Dr. Antonio Flores became President. He was an
enlightened and patriotic man, who did the best he could. At the
end of his term he refused further office.
1892. — Dr. Luis Cordero became President. His rule was
corrupt, and soon led to revolution. Cordero was accused also of
taking part in the sale of the Chilian ironclad Esmeralda to Japan,
in violation of international law, the latter power being then at war
with China. The enemies of Cordero made much of this transac-
tion, since it was known that he had received a large commission
for acting as go-between.
1894. — A formidable revolution headed by Eloy Alfaro broke
out against Cordero, who was completely overthrown in the battle
of Gatajo.
1895. — Eloy Alfaro was proclaimed Supreme Chief of Ecua-
dor, and a military government was established.
1897. — General Eloy Alfaro was proclaimed Constitutional
President. He was overthrown by a revolution.
1901. — General Leonidas Plaza was declared President.
1905. — Senor Lizardo Garcia, President
CHAPTER VII
SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS AND PRESIDENTS
OF PERU
IN 1806 Abascal was Spanish Viceroy. On the first signs of the
revolution for independence, the Viceroy shot the leaders, Ubaldo
and Aguila. He banished and imprisoned many others, and
Peru remained the stronghold of Spanish power long after Colombia,
Venezuela, and the other countries had rebelled.
1814. — An Indian insurrection under a Cacique, Pumacagna,
swept the Cuzco region and entered Peru. The Indians, who num-
bered at least 20,000, were easily defeated, owing to lack of arms, with
great slaughter at Umachiri, near Lake Titicaca.
1816. — Viceroy Abascal resigned and was succeeded by General
Pezuela. It appeared that the revolutionists were subjugated every-
where in the North, and Pezuela was preparing to invade Argentine,
when San Martin gained the victory of Chacabuco. Xater the Vice-
roy's troops were almost annihilated by San Martin at Maypo.
1820. — San Martin had created a fleet with Lord Cochrane, a
Scotch Admiral, as commander, which swept the coast of Peru,
while San Martin's army, numbering 4500 men, invaded Peru in
face of five times as many Spaniards. Lord Cochrane destroyed the
Blanco Encalada, one of the largest Spanish frigates.
San Martin sent General Arenales with 1200 men to ravage the
plains adjacent to Lima, where he defeated General O'Reilly near
Cerro de Pasco.
1821. — Numerous desertions from the Spanish army gave the
royalists great alarm. Pezuela was superseded by La Serna. On
July 6 the new Viceroy evacuated Lima and retired to Jauja.
On July 28 General San Martin entered Lima and declared
himself "Protector" of Peru. The royalists held much of the coun-
try, and San Martin was regarded even by the patriots with suspi-
cion. His position was thus a difficult one.
1822. — On July 25 General San Martin arrived at Guayaquil,
on the ship Macedonia, to meet Simon Bolivar, who had preceded
him with 1500 soldiers.
Immediately after this meeting San Martin resigned his protector-
ship of Peru, and later left South America forever. General Alvarado
94 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
became the Military Chief of Peru. He was badly defeated by the
Spanish General Valdez, and his army of 4000 men practically
destroyed.
1823. — A counter-revolution broke out in Peru, and General
Jose de la Riva Aguero was declared President, with General Santa
Cruz, a Bolivian, as General of the Army.
In May this General, with 5000 men, sailed from Callao for
Southern Peru. They entered La Paz, but two Spanish forces in
conjunction destroyed his army. He lost between 3000 and 4000
men, killed, wounded, and missing.
1823. — General Sucre arrived at Lima, facing the Spanish
General Canterac, who had a large force at Jauja. Sucre deposed
Aguero and assumed supreme power. He retired behind the forti-
fications of Callao before Canterac's superior force, and sent for
Bolivar.
1824. — Simon Bolivar had arrived at Callao in September,
1823. In February, 1824, the Peruvian Congress conferred on him
the absolute dictatorship. Bolivar raised 10,000 men, most of them
desperate citizens, and prepared to attack the Spanish forces of
twice that number. But the patriot troops in Callao Castle mutinied,
and vast numbers of liberals deserted to the Spanish cause. Bolivar
was forced to retire to Trujillo.
In the mean time the Spanish generals began fighting among
themselves. Olaneta and La Serna quarrelled, and the former
revolted. General Valdez was sent to quell the disturbance. Gen-
eral Bolivar took advantage of this revolt to attack Canterac at
Junin. After a brilliant and rapid march, he completely overthrew
him.
On September 9 General Sucre gained the great and decisive
victory of Ayacucho, which finally destroyed the power of Spain
in Peru.
1826. — In September General Bolivar hastened to Colombia to
quell disturbances, and left General Lara in control at Lima. The
soldiers mutinied, arrested and deposed Lara. Various local chiefs
fought among themselves for recognition as President.
1827. — General La Mar was declared President. Immediately
after Sucre's deposition in Bolivia, La Mar attempted to wrest
Guayaquil from Colombia. After several battles La Mar's army of
4000 men was defeated. He returned to Peru only to encounter a
revolution which ended his career.
1829. — General Gamarra declared himself Dictator. He had
been Chief of Staff, under Sucre, at Ayacucho, but was an ignorant,
tyrannical man, who shot or expelled citizens without trial and ruled
as a despot.
1834. — Anarchy virtually reigned in Peru. Every military despot
in the country who could command a group of macheteros strove to
REVOLUTIONS OF PERU 95
be President. The following list is one year's crop of Dictators,
Supreme Jefes, Presidents, etc.:
Orbegoso. San Roman.
La Fuente. Vidal.
Vista Florida. Gamarra.
Nieto. Salaveny.
1836. — General Santa Cruz proclaimed himself Protector of Peru
and Bolivia. General Orbegoso was proclaimed sub-President of
Lima and North Peru ; and General Herrera, of South Peru. Many
revolutionary leaders, among them Salaverry, were shot.
1839. — General Gamarra and other Peruvian exiles, who had
escaped to Chili and organized opposition there, invaded Peru with
the aid of the Chilian government. There was treachery, as usual,
among the generals under Santa Cruz, and the latter was overwhelm-
ingly defeated, on January 20, at Yungay. General Gamarra be-
came President of Peru. Santa Cruz escaped to Europe. Continual
and unceasing uprisings occurred in all parts of Peru.
1841. — Gamarra undertook to invade Peru, but was defeated
and killed towards the end of the year, at Yngavi.
1842. — All the leading Peruvian generals desired to be President.
General Vidal was proclaimed Dictator by La Fuente and Vivanco.
General Torico proclaimed himself Dictator, and seized Lima,
only to be defeated by Vidal.
General Vivanco rebelled against Vidal, and proclaimed himself
Jefe Supremo. The so-called Congress had declared General Menen-
dez President, but he had been deposed by the generals, and escaped
with his life.
1844. — General Ramon Castilla overthrew the army of Vivanco
in July, and placed Menendez in the presidential chair until he
could call a convention to elect himself, Castilla, Constitutional
President.
1845. — General Ramon Casilla was declared President by the
Convention which had been called by Menendez. He gave the strong-
est and best administration which Peru had experienced up to that
date. He was an honest man, of great capacity, who attempted to
place the national finances on a sound basis ; he promoted commerce
and maintained peace.
1851. — General Echenique was declared President at the expira-
tion of Castilla's term. Echenique administered affairs corruptly,
giving great dissatisfaction.
1854. — General Ramon Castilla arose in revolution, and over-
threw the government forces at La Palma. Echenique fled. General
Castilla thereupon became the Supreme Executive of Peru, and re-
tained power until 1862, when he voluntarily retired. In 1855 there
96 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
was an unsuccessful insurrection at Arequipa, headed by Vivanco.
In 1856 the Constitution was changed, and again modified in 1860.
1862. — General Castilla retired, and selected his old friend and
military subordinate, General San Roman, as President. San Roman
died soon afterwards, on April 3, 1863.
1863. — General Canseco, the Second Vice-President, became
Acting Executive until the return from Europe of General Pezet, the
First Vice-President. In August General Pezet arrived, and at once
assumed the functions of the presidency.
1864. — Spain made war on Peru. The relations between the
two countries had been strained since 1863, when a Spanish squadron
had appeared off the coast of South America, ostensibly for scientific
purposes. The Peruvians thought its purpose was to enforce the
payment of certain bonds issued during the Spanish colonial period.
In 1864 a settlement of Spaniards near Talambo, province of
Chiclayo, was attacked by Peruvians. One person was killed, and
several were wounded. Spain thereupon sent Sefior Eusebio Salazar y
Mazarredo as a special commissioner to investigate affairs in Peru.
The latter government refused to receive him unless he stated the
nature of his mission. He thereupon presented a memorandum setting
forth that no treaty of peace existed between Spain and Peru, that the
former country considered the truce between the two countries at an
end, and that Spain claimed the right to regain possession of her lost
colony. The Spanish squadron took possession of the Chincha Islands
on April 14.
1865. — On January 27 President Pezet signed a treaty with Spain
by which the latter agreed to evacuate the Chincha Islands, and the
former to pay the cost of the expedition and assume the colonial debt.
On February 28 a powerful revolt was inaugurated against Presi-
dent Pezet, on account of the treaty he had signed with Spain, it being
alleged that it was derogatory to the "national honor." General
Prado, prefect of Arequipa, headed the revolution, calling his forces
the Ejercito Restauradar de la Honra National. On November 6
General Prado captured Lima, and President Pezet took refuge on
board a British war-ship in the harbor of Callao.
On November 8 General Prado assumed supreme control of the
government. On December 5 Peru entered into an offensive and
defensive alliance with Chili. Later it did likewise with Ecuador and
Bolivia.
1866. — On January 14 Peru declared war against Spain.
On February 6 the Spanish squadron, under Captain Castro
Mendez Nunez, attacked the Chilian and Peruvian squadrons, but
after two hours' fight was compelled to withdraw.
On May 2 the Spanish squadron bombarded Callao. This was
a severe action, the fort replying with great vigor. Of the fleet the
Villa de Madrid was severely injured, and the Berenguela was
REVOLUTIONS OF PERU 97
sunk. About 2000 Peruvians were killed and wounded in this bom-
bardment. The Minister of War was killed by the bursting of a shell
from the ship Numancia. All the vessels were injured, and the
Spaniards lost 40 men killed and 200 wounded. The Spanish vessels
retired at 5 p. M. to the island of San Lorengo, five miles from Callao,
where they remained until May 12, when they set sail for Spain in
order to avoid a conflict with two new Peruvian war-vessels, the
Huascar and the Independencia. The war was ended.
On July 28 Dictator Prado issued a decree ordering con-
gressional elections. He proclaimed himself Provisional President.
General Castilla, now over seventy years old, led a revolt against
Prado, but was unsuccessful. He died soon afterwards.
1867. — In September the new Constitution was proclaimed, and
General Prado declared himself to be Constitutional President. Gen-
eral Canseco led a revolution in Arequipa. General Prado led an
assault against the place, but failed to take it. Canseco was thus
Dictator in that section of the country.
In November Colonel Jose Balta headed a revolution near
Chiclaya. In December General Prado intrusted the executive
power to General Luis La Fuerta, and went himself to lead his army.
He was unsuccessful in his military undertakings.
1868. — On January 7 General Prado resigned and took refuge
in Chili. General Canseco was now recognized as President.
On August 2 Colonel Jose Balta was declared Supreme Executive.
For four years President Balta exercised his powers in developing
the national resources of Peru. The debt of Peru in 1868 was about
$20,000,000; in 1870 it was increased to $75,000,000 and in 1872 to
about $245,000,000. Over 1000 miles of railway were constructed,
much of it unjustified by the development of the country. A monopoly
of the guano, one of the principal sources of national revenue, was
granted in 1869 to Dreyfus & Co., of Paris, for 700,000 soles, in
monthly payments, for 2,000,000 tons per year as a minimum. Mr.
Henry Meiggs, of California, was largely influential in bringing about
the projection of the great system of public works which was inaugu-
rated during this period in Peru.
1872. — A military conspiracy was formed to establish a dictator-
ship. On July 22 Colonel Silvestre Gutierrez with a company of
soldiers arrested President Balta. Colonel Marcelino Gutierrez with
a battery of artillery occupied the principal square of Lima, and
Colonel Tomas Gutierrez was proclaimed Supreme Chief of Peru.
Colonel Silvestre Gutierrez a few days after this fired on some
persons who cried, " Viva Pardo! " and was himself shot and killed.
Thereupon Colonel Marcelino Gutierrez assassinated President Balta,
who was his prisoner. Dictator Tomas Gutierrez was killed by a
mob, and Marcelino Gutierrez was struck by a stray bullet, while
making ready to turn the guns of the fort on the town.
VOL. i—7
98 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On July 28 Senor Mariano Zavallos, the Vice-President, assumed
the executive office. On August 1 Congress proclaimed Senor
Manuel Pardo President, who assumed office the next day. The
new President endeavored to promote industry and to construct public
works, but many armed uprisings harassed all parts of the country.
1874. — On November 1 Senor Nicolas de Pierola disembarked
at Pacocha with insurgents from the steamer Talisman. A heavy
action took place at Los Angeles, in which the revolutionists were
defeated. The government followed up this success by completely
destroying the insurrection in several succeeding battles and
skirmishes.
Grave economic difficulties confronted President Pardo. The
vast foreign debt of Peru made the raising of more money impossible,
and the payment of current interest extremely difficult.
President Pardo attempted to establish a monopoly in nitrate of
soda, in which joint action with Bolivia was necessary. A secret treaty
was made between Bolivia and Peru in 1873, which was unfriendly
to Chili. The two nations proposed to restrict production in the
Atacama district of Chili, by imposing heavy export duties at the port
of Antofagasta, in direct violation of the treaty by which Chili had
ceded that port to Bolivia. This finally led to the war between Chili,
on the one side, and Bolivia-Peru on the other, in 1879-1883.
1876. — General Pardo turned the government over to General
Mariano Ignacio Prado, who had defended Callao against the Spanish
squadron on May 2, 1866, and was regarded as a popular hero.
Senor Nicolas Pierola promoted a revolution which broke out at
Moquegua. Severe fighting ensued, but the insurrectionists were
defeated, at Yacango.
1878. — Senor Nicolas Pierola inaugurated another revolution
of great force at Callao. He seized the Peruvian war-ship Huascar,
but the government declared the vessel a pirate, and two British
men-of-war, the Shah and Amethyst, attempted to capture it. A
severe engagement took place near Pacocha, and Senor Pierola,
finding his vessel outclassed by the British force, voluntarily sur-
rendered to the Peruvian admiral rather than suffer capture by the
English. It is proper to say here that the United States has never
paid any attention to these numerous declarations of "piracy " made
by Latin-American governments against revolting war-vessels, and it
is not clear what business the British had to interfere in the affair.
It is certain that the Huascar was not a pirate, in the legal sense
of the term.
Ex-President Senor Manuel Pardo was assassinated under
peculiarly atrocious circumstances. As President of the Senate he
advocated certain military measures by which no non-commissioned
officer could rise to the rank of a commissioned officer. On leaving
the Senate after the discussion of the bill, he was shot by Sergeant
REVOLUTIONS OF PERU 99
Montoyo, who was on duty at Congress Hall. The assassin was
arrested and subsequently executed.
On August 14 a definitive treaty of peace was signed between
Peru and Spain.
1879. — On April 5 Chili declared war against Peru and Bolivia.
A general resume of this war will be found in another chapter. It
lasted five years, and resulted in the complete humiliation of both
Peru and Bolivia.
On December 18 President Prado turned the government over to
Vice-President La Puerta and sailed for Europe. This action is
universally regarded as unpatriotic in view of the successful assaults
being made at that time by Chili.
Senor Nicolas de Pierola, who had been in exile in Chili, now
offered his services to Peru in her great war with her southern
neighbor. The offer was accepted. Senor Pierola was received with
great acclaim, and given an important command. He at once organ-
ized a revolution against Acting President La Puerta, notwithstanding
the relentless advance being made by Chili into Peruvian territory.
General Manuel Gonzalez de La Cotera, Minister of War, en-
deavored to sustain Acting President La Puerta. The troops mu-
tinied under Colonel Arguedas. General de La Cotera endeavored to
subdue them, but was driven back by heavy firing, not only from the
mutineers but from citizens on the house-tops. Senor Pierola now
appeared on the scene with another heavy body of mutineers, and
bloodshed ensued in all parts of Lima. The police joined the revolu-
tionists, and anarchy reigned. From 60 to 100 persons were killed,
and 200 or 300 wounded. On December 23 Senor Pierola was pro-
claimed "Supreme Chief of the Republic."
1881. — In January the Chilians occupied Lima, and Pierola
retired to the interior. Later he was given safe-conduct by the Chilian
authorities, and left for Europe. Upon the retirement of General
Pierola, Dr. Garcia Calderon, a prominent lawyer of Lima, became
Chief Executive, and was recognized by the United States and other
powers. He attempted to conclude an honorable peace with Chili,
and offered that the United States be selected to arbitrate; but
Chili rejected the proposal, and took possession of Lima. The
Chilians made Provisional President Calderon prisoner and sent him
to Santiago.
1881-1883. — The government of Lima was administered by the
Chilians. Iglesias in the North, Caceres in the Centre, and Carrillo
in the South, kept up a semblance of resistance to the Chilians, and
exercised military control over certain territories.
1883. — Early in the year General Iglesias, satisfied that resistance
was useless, sought to make peace with Chili on her own terms.
General Caceres sent his army to attack General Iglesias, but a
Chilian expedition intercepted him and destroyed his forces.
100 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
The Chilians installed General Iglesias as President of Peru, and
made a treaty of peace with his government, on October 20, known as
the Treaty of Ancon, — a great humiliation to Peru.
1884. — General Caceres organized a powerful opposition to the
administration of Iglesias. In July and August Caceres approached
Lima, which was attacked on August 24. Caceres was repulsed, and
retired to Arequipa.
1885. — Continual guerrilla warfare was kept up throughout
Peru. In November and December Caceres again invested Lima,
and on December 1 made a severe attack, capturing certain portions
of the city. The following day the two generals met, and signed a
compromise, whereby a council of leading citizens was formed to
administer the government, with power to elect a President, etc.
Iglesias at once left the country, and Caceres remained with his
army.
1886. — On June 3 General Caceres was proclaimed President
of Peru. Peru was bankrupt, her people in hopeless poverty, her young
men dead on fields of continuous battle; desolation, despair, misery,
hopelessness, reigned everywhere. There was scarcely enough energy
left in the people to fight, and nothing left worth fighting for. Four
years of comparative peace followed.
1890. — President Bermudez made the Grace contract, by which
the so-called "Peruvian Corporation" took over the railway system
of Peru, and extensive rights in the guano deposits, mines, and public
lands, and in exchange for this guaranteed to pay some £80,000
sterling per annum for interest and in liquidation of the immense
foreign debt of Peru, amounting to about $245,000,000. The English
creditors gave their assent to this plan.
Colonel Remijio Morales Bermudez, the official candidate for
President, was declared elected without serious opposition. The
First Vice-President was Pedro A. del Solar, and Colonel Borgono
Second. General Caceres remained the power behind the throne,
with the intention to have himself proclaimed President at the
end of Bermudez' term.
1894. — President Bermudez died on April 1. Senor Pedro del
Solar, Vice-President, attempted to assume the presidential preroga-
tives. General Caceres induced Colonel Borgono, the Second Vice-
President, to seize the office, so that he himself might be declared
President on July 1, when the election was to be held. A revolution
broke out in the South, nominally headed by Solar, but really directed
by Pierola, who was in Chili.
On August 10 General Caceres was proclaimed President. Revo-
lutions broke out, especially in the southern part of the country, and
continual fighting occurred in a desultory fashion.
1895. — In March Pierola concentrated 5000 men near Lima.
Caceres had only 4000 men, many of them mutinous.
REVOLUTIONS OF PERU 101
Pierola attacked him on March 17. For three days the most
desperate fighting took place in all parts of Lima. The slaughter was
kept up day and night. Men sallied forth from alleys, around street
corners, or fired from doorways and house-tops. The killed and
wounded were left in heaps in the plazas and public places. An in-
describable carnage — a slaughter and massacre unsurpassed in the an-
nals of butcheries, even of South American butcheries — was enacted
in all parts of the city, and continued without interruption for the
whole of the time. Over 3000 men were killed, and more wounded.
When the fighting ended, the streets of Lima were a sickening horror
to view. The bodies of horses were piled in heaps, and many of them
were cremated as they lay, in order to prevent pestilence.
On March 19 Mr. Alfred St. John, the English consul in Peru,
induced Caceres to abandon the struggle. He took refuge in a foreign
legation, and left the country.
On March 21 Senor Pierola organized a provisional govern-
ment, and appointed Senor Candamo as President. Adherents of
Caceres raised a revolt in Arequipa, but were subdued without
trouble.
On September 8 Senor Nicolas de Pierola was declared Consti-
tutional President.
1896. — An insurrection broke out in Iguitos, but it was suppressed
after several months of fighting.
1899. — A revolution broke out under the leadership of Senor
Durand, but it was subdued without difficulty.
On September 8 Senor Romana was declared President. The
Durand revolution caused some trouble for a time, but it finally died
out.
1903. — Senor Manuel Candamo was selected for the presidency.
1904. — On May 7 President Candamo died, and Vice-President
Calderon was called to the executive chair. On September 24 Senor
Jose Pardo was installed as President.
At the present moment (1907) there is peace in Peru, and many
enthusiastic people claim that the day of revolutions is past. Let us
hope so. It is always wise, however, to be conservative in making
predictions of this character.
In 1896 the "Bureau of the American Republics" published a
hand-book, in which appeared a summary of the history of Peru up
to the time of the administration of President Bermudez. The writer
of that summary felt called upon to make some remarks. Speaking of
President Bermudez, he says :
"He did splendid duty for his country during the Chilian war, and finally
attached himself to General Caceres in the movement against Iglesias. His
administration has been, like that of his predecessor, one of patriotic devotion
to his people. Peru, under him, was in possession of a firm and stable gov-
102 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
eminent, under the influence of prudent, far-sighted statesmen, who devoted
themselves to the material development of their country and the elevation of
the people."
It seems sad, on the heels of such a glowing tribute, to read of the
anarchy in Lima on March 17, 18, and 19, 1895, probably during the
very time this book was in the press. He must be rarely gifted who
would prophesy of peace in the Latin- American countries.
CHAPTER VIH
SOME OF THE RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS
OF BRAZIL
IN January, 1808, King Joao VI, of Portugal, having been driven
from his throne by Napoleon, arrived in Bahia, Brazil, and thence
proceeded to Rio de Janeiro, and assumed the reins of govern-
ment of this country, which had up to that time been a colony of
Portugal. He at once ordered an attack to be made on French Guiana,
which was captured.
1811. — Joao VI sent an army into Uruguay, the intention being
to seize more territory. The revolution in Argentina afforded him the
opportunity, but British pressure compelled him to retire.
1815. — The warring factions of Argentina trespassed on Brazilian
territory. This gave Joao VI the needed pretext for seizing addi-
tional land. Brazil took military occupation of Uruguay.
1817. — The Pernambuco revolution broke out in Brazil. Riots
broke out in all parts of the interior of the province. The Governor
fled, and a Committee of Public Safety was formed which declared
independence and adopted a Constitution. The royal troops, however,
soon quelled the uprising, and the leaders were shot.
1820. — Revolutions broke out against the royal authority, in
Para, Pernambuco, Rio Grande do Sul, and other provinces, and
Constitutions were proclaimed.
1821. — Uruguay was formally annexed to Brazil, under the title
of Cisplatine Province.
In February of this year the garrison of Bahia revolted, and in-
stalled a junta as the government. The Spanish Constitution was
promulgated. Great riots occurred. On February 26 the crowds
went to the palace of the King, who thought they were coming to kill
him. He snivelled like the coward he was, cried like a child, and
fainted away.
Prince Pedro addressed the multitude, telling them he and his
father would accept whatever constitution they might adopt.
On April 21 a tumult occurred, growing out of an attempt to elect
members to the Cortes. Prince Pedro seized the reins of power from
the hands of his vacillating, pusillanimous father, and cleared the
public square with his troops. Shortly afterwards the King left for
Portugal, and Prince Pedro became the central figure.
104 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
In the fall of 1821 the Cortes met in Lisbon, and at once passed
acts extremely unpopular for the control of Brazil, without even await-
ing the arrival of the Brazilian members. They decreed that Prince
Pedro leave Brazil; that appeal courts be abolished; that the local
juntas be done away and governors independent of local control take
their places. The news of this reached Brazil in December and caused
extraordinary popular outbursts of disapproval.
1822. — On January 9 Prince Pedro announced that he would
remain in Brazil. The people in all parts of the country rallied to his
support and defied the Cortes.
The Portuguese soldiers in Rio de Janeiro revolted ; but they were
cowed by the hostility and determination of the entire populace.
Prince Pedro made Jose Bonifacio Prime Minister, and called a council
of the provinces ; but many of these were in the hands of revolutionary
juntas, and refused to respond, while Bahia and Pernambuco were
held by Portuguese garrisons hostile to the Prince.
On May 13 Prince Pedro proclaimed himself "Perpetual Defender
and Protector of Brazil." He notified the Cortes that Brazil must have
its own legislature, and called an asamblea constituyente.
Conflicts between the garrison and citizens of Bahia and other
provinces were continual. In October Prince Pedro was crowned
"Constitutional Emperor of Brazil," and he adopted as his motto
"Independence or Death."
Many fights took place between the local militia and the Portu-
guese garrisons of Montevideo, Maranhao, Bahia, Para, and else-
where. Lord Cochrane, the English admiral, who had helped San
Martin to drive the Spaniards out of Peru, aided the new Emperor,
by defeating the Portuguese fleet at Bahia, at Maranhao and Para,
and establishing successful blockades.
1823. — In May the Constituyente Assembly met with only fifty
delegates present, or half of the number contemplated. Many prov-
inces refused to be represented. The Emperor succeeded in arousing
bitter opposition by his opening speech. The fact is he was an igno-
rant, headstrong young fellow, only about twenty-four years old, wilful,
treacherous, and arrogant, and without the slightest experience in
statesmanship. His honors sat heavily upon him. He declared they
needed a Constitution which would be "an insurmountable barrier
against any invasion of the imperial prerogatives."
Finally he disgraced and then arrested his strongest partisans, the
Andradas. With a military force he then dispersed the Assembly,
and banished the most prominent members without charge or trial,
putting them on board a ship and sending them out of the country.
He promulgated a Constitution, as all succeeding military dictators
have done in Latin America.
1824. — The province of Pernambuco, headed by Governor Car-
valho Paes, revolted against the bald despotism of Pedro, and formed
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF BRAZIL 105
the "Confederation of the Equator." Parahyba, Rio Grande do
Norte, and Ceara joined the new confederacy.
Pedro sent troops against it, while Admiral Cochrane bombarded
Pernambuco. The revolutionists fell to fighting among themselves,
as has happened so often under the dictatorships, and the enemies
of Paes gave aid to Pedro, who by Cochrane's aid captured Pernam-
buco on September 17. Pedro now hanged and shot large numbers
of the insurrectionists, and succeeded in establishing a reign of terror.
1825. — Portugal recognized the independence of Brazil, the latter
agreeing to pay a portion of the Portuguese debt. Pedro's father was
given the honorary title of "Emperor of Brazil."
In March a rebellion broke out against Pedro in Uruguay, and
after six months' desperate fighting his army was cut to pieces at
Sarandy. Buenos Ayres thereupon declared that Uruguay had re-
united with Argentina. Pedro declared war.
1826. — On May 3 Pedro called a Congress. At this time King
John of Portugal died, and Pedro, the oldest son, had to choose be-
tween the throne of Portugal and Brazil. He chose the latter, and
tried to place his daughter, Maria, a child of seven years, on the throne
of Portugal. He endeavored to placate his brother Miguel by making
him regent, but the result was a civil war in Portugal. Pedro had a
very disastrous campaign against Argentina.
1827. — On February 20 the Argentine General Carlos Alvear
decisively defeated Pedro's army at Ituzaingo in a great battle, with
about 8000 men on each side. Congress met again this year, in a more
independent spirit, and Pedro's influence was decidedly on the decline.
1828. — Congress met in May, and some remarkable men, such
as Vasconcellos and Padre Feijo, sat in it. These endeavored to make
the Congress a real legislative body.
1829. — Pedro, finding Congress intractable, dissolved it, which
caused intense dissatisfaction.
1831. — In March grave disturbances broke out in Rio, the troops
siding with the populace. They laid siege to the Emperor's palace,
and compelled him to abdicate in favor of his infant son. He took
refuge on board a British man-of-war.
Pedro was a dissolute, treacherous, vainglorious, empty-headed
degenerate. The annals of Latin America scarcely contain anything
to surpass his general "cussedness." His character scarcely had a
redeeming trait. It is sad to think that a people ever existed who would
submit to the rule of such a man for an hour. Dawson says : 1
"One mistress after another succeeded to his favors, and he acknowledged
and ennobled his illegitimate children. Most of his concubines did not hold
him long, but the last, who was said to be of English descent, acquired a com-
plete ascendency over him. He publicly installed her as his mistress ; created
1 South American Republics, vol. i. p. 434.
106 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
her a marchioness ; forced the Empress to accept her as a lady-in-waiting and
submit to ride in the same carriage with her. The court attended in a body
the baptism of her child, and some of his love letters to her are indescribable.
They could only have been written by a degenerate. In the fall of 1826 the
poor Empress was enceinte with her seventh child in nine years, and while in
this condition Pedro brutally abused her. She never recovered and died in
the most fearful agony."
In April the Congress met and formed a regency to control the
government. The troops of Pernambuco and Para revolted and
deposed their commanders. In July the Regency gave supreme
authority to Padre Feijo, an able man and a priest, who organized
the national guard, and suppressed the grave disorders in Rio de
Janeiro.
Civil wars now broke out in all parts of the country. Revolu-
tions and counter-revolutions, riots and uprisings, massacres, outrages
without number, occurred, while every local Jefe issued his pronun-
ciamento. In Pernambuco the soldiers sacked the city, and the
populace arose in fury and killed 300 of them. In Para 200 people
were killed in one night. Anarchy reigned in Moranhao, Minas
Geraes, Ceara, and other provinces.
1835. — After four years of practical anarchy the Congress
amended the Constitution, and elected Padre Feijo as Regent. He
endeavored to give a good administration, but he was confronted by a
great revolution in Rio Grande do Sul and in Para.
1836. — Feijo managed, through the abilities of his General
Andrea, to subdue the revolution in Para. But the uprising in Rio
Grande do Sul became more formidable.
1837. — In September Padre Feijo resigned the Regency, owing
to the utter failure of the government in Rio Grande. As soon as
Feijo was out, Aranjo Lima, a wealthy senator, became Regent ; but
the real power behind the throne was Bernardo de Vasconcellos,
an unprincipled, treacherous man, who had long been intriguing to
procure the downfall of Feijo.
1839. — A formidable revolution broke out in Maranhao, while
the armies from Rio Grande do Sul invaded Santa Catharina. People
generally were dissatisfied with the Regency, and a strong movement
arose to install the boy Emperor, who would not be of age until 1843.
1840. — Congress held a turbulent session, in which Vasconcellos
came into power and prorogued it. This caused a furore, and the
deputies asked the boy Emperor to become the monarch. Pedro
accepted, and on July 23 Congress proclaimed him of age and gave
him the crown, as Pedro II.
1842. — A revolution in Sorocabana, in the State of Sao Paulo,
soon spread to the province of Minas Geraes. About twenty battles
were fought, the government troops, under the Baron of Caxias, gain-
ing substantially every victory. At Santa Luzia the revolutionists
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF BRAZIL 107
were completely overwhelmed. Gaxias then went to Rio Grande do
Sul, gained important battles over the rebels, and finally completely
subdued them.
1845. — Rio Grande do Sul returned to its allegiance to Brazil ;
full amnesty was granted by the Emperor, and the State given a
liberal and very independent government.
1848. — Riots occurred in all parts of the country in connection
with the municipal elections. In Pernambuco a revolution started
with about 2000 men, and severe fighting continued for some months;
but it was finally subdued.
1850. — There was a great epidemic of yellow fever along all the
coasts of Brazil. In Rio de Janeiro 200 persons fell sick daily, and
the mortality was appalling.
1851. — Brazil entered into an alliance with Paraguay and General
Urquiza, Governor of the province of Entre Rios, against Rosas, the
Dictator of Buenos Ayres, who was ambitious to annex Uruguay.
On December 17 the allies, numbering 4000 Brazilians, 18,000
Argentines from Entre Rios, and some Uruguayans, all under General
Urquiza, crossed the Parana and started for Buenos Ayres.
1852. — On February 3 the allies met Dictator Rosas near Buenos
Ayres, and completely defeated him.
1853. — The conservative ministry of Brazil resigned, owing to
differences with the Emperor. Brazil, during this period, was exceed-
ingly prosperous.
1856. — A commercial crisis came, and for several years Brazil
suffered from grave economic disorders.
1858. — The Marquis of Parana, who was chief of the cabinet,
died, and the conservatives obtained control of the ministry. Several
ministries now succeeded one another, and the Emperor finally had
to select a cabinet outside of the Chamber of Deputies.
1864. — Prosperity returned to the country. A period of rail-
road building was ushered in, and Brazil might fairly be said to be
the leading South American State.
Brazil commenced a war against Uruguay, giving its aid to
General Flores, a revolutionary chief, who was then in rebellion
against the Dictator of Montevideo, General Aguirre. Brazil sent
a man-of-war up the Uruguay River, which besieged towns, and in
connection with General Flores captured the most important places
in Western Uruguay.
The tyrant Dictator Lopez, of Paraguay, in the fall of this
year, seized without notice a Brazilian steamer on the Paraguay
River, imprisoned the crew, and nearly succeeded in assassinating
the Brazilian minister and his family. He then attacked Matto
Grosso, Brazilian territory, and conquered its principal settlements.
1865. — In March Dictator Lopez declared war on Argentina.
In May Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay made an alliance against
108 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Paraguay, in which the allies pledged themselves to fight until Lopez
should be completely destroyed. In June Brazil won a naval victory
at Riachuelo over the Paraguayans. Brazil at once proceeded to
raise a large army and create a really powerful navy, which by the end
of the war numbered 85 ships, 13 of which were ironclads. In Sep-
tember the army of Lopez in Rio Grande do Sul was overthrown
and captured.
1866. — The allies invaded Paraguay, where a succession of
desperate battles followed.
1867. — General Caxias was given command of the Brazilian
army. In July he began an advance and drove the Paraguayans be-
fore him.
1868. — In July Caxias captured the fort Humaita. In November
General Caxias practically destroyed the army of Lopez.
1869. — General Caxias took possession of Asuncion, and Lopez
retreated to the remote provinces.
1870. — In March Lopez was overthrown, and killed by a soldier,
as he tried to escape.
The war had cost Brazil 50,000 lives and $300,000,000; but it
had demonstrated the fighting qualities of the Brazilian soldier,
secured free navigation on the Paraguay, and rendered future attacks
on Matto Grosso improbable.
1871. — The Emperor after great effort secured the passing of
a law, on September 28, called "A Libertacao do Venire" — "the free-
dom of the belly, " — which declared that all children born thereafter
should be free upon attaining the age of twenty-one years, even though
the mother were a slave. At that time there were over a million and
a half slaves in Brazil. By 1887 this number had been reduced to
three quarters of a million.
1873. — The great world- wide panic seriously affected Brazil.
1877. — The Emperor visited the United States and Europe.
There were many dissensions in the cabinet and throughout the
country. The Emperor in obedience to a widespread demand put
through a law of election, making some minor reforms.
1880. — The liberal ministry fell. Great riots occurred in Rio de
Janeiro over a street-car tax. Jose Antonio Saraiva was made chief
of the cabinet.
1881. — An election was held under a new law, forced through
by Saraiva, in which the liberals secured 68 members, and the con-
servatives 54, of the Congress, the total vote being 96,000.
The Emperor at this time adopted extensive plans for railroad
building, the government to guarantee the interest on the capital
invested.
1883. — The abolition of slavery had become a burning issue.
The Dantas ministry undertook to secure the passage of a bill pro-
hibiting the sale of slaves, and freeing them as soon as they reached
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF BRAZIL 109
sixty years of age. It caused great excitement, 48 liberals and 4
conservatives voting for it, and 17 liberals and 42 conservatives
against it. The Emperor dissolved Congress amid great excitement.
1884. — The elections aroused much bitterness, returning 65
liberals and 55 conservatives to Congress. Prudente Moraes and
Campos Salles entered Congress from Sao Paulo as avowed anti-
monarchists, or republicans.
1885. — The Dantas ministry, unable to force abolition through,
resigned. Saraiva succeeded to power, and arranged a compromise,
for gradual emancipation, and payment by the government for the
value of the slaves freed. The law was passed on September 28.
1886. — The conservatives obtained a large majority in Congress,
and Baron Cotegipe became Prime Minister. The anti-slavery
agitation grew more intense.
1887. — Dom Pedro II went to Europe, and left Princess Isabel
as Regent. A disturbance took place in the province of Sao Paulo,
where there were many Italian immigrants, who encouraged slaves to
desert from their masters. Troops were sent from Rio de Janeiro
to suppress the disturbance and return the fugitive slaves ; but they
mutinied, and refused to obey orders.
1888. — The Princess Regent, an uncompromising abolitionist,
directed her ministers, on May 7, in spite of their protest, at once to
present a project of law decreeing the abolishment of slavery un-
conditionally. This was passed, and decreed by royal authority
on the 15th. She was warned that this would probably mean the
downfall of the monarchy, but she answered that her throne might
be lost, but the slaves should be free. Universal rejoicing among the
masses took place, but the great slave-owners were bitter and plotted
the overthrow of the monarchy. Curious that republicans should be
opposed to the monarchy because it had abolished slavery !
1889. — The Emperor's health was feeble ; the Princess Isabel
was in power and unpopular, her husband, Comte d'Eu, being bit-
terly disliked ; the army was arrogant, and provoked many conflicts
with the civil authorities, and menaced the government; the anti-
slavery agitation had caused much bitter feeling ; Benjamin Constant,
professor in the Military School at Rio, had thoroughly impregnated
the younger officers with theories of republicanism; and all signs
pointed to conditions ripe for a revolt. Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca
had opposed the Minister of War, and had been transferred to Matto
Grosso. Upon his return in November he entered into a conspiracy
with Professor Constant, Admiral Wandenkolk, Floriano Peixoto,
and others, to overthrow the government.
The blow was struck on November 15. They had control
of the army, and experienced little difficulty in making the cabinet
prisoners, surrounding the Emperor's palace, and taking possession
of the city. The Emperor, old and feeble, was at Petropolis. The
110 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
next day the chiefs of the revolution organized a provisional govern-
ment. On the night of the 16th the Emperor and his family were
placed on board a ship and sent to Lisbon. Marshal Deodoro da
Fonseca, a tyrant of the worst type, became Military Dictator of
Brazil, without serious opposition of any kind.
On December 18 a drunken row among soldiers was made
the pretext for the establishing of military law by the provisional
government, and severe restrictions were placed on the freedom of
the press and of speech. Extraordinary powers were given by execu-
tive decree to military tribunals, and nearly every guarantee which
Dom Pedro II had vouchsafed the Brazilians was swept away by the
dictatorship.
1890. — On January 7 the Dictator published a decree separating
Church and State. On November 15 Fonseca summoned a Congress
from the States which he had created, by decrees, out of the former
provinces.
1891. — On February 24 a new Constitution was promulgated,
Deodoro da Fonseca was elected President, and Floriano Peixoto,
Vice-President. A most odious military dictatorship inaugurated a
reign of lawless outrages by brutal soldiery, — a disregard for every
individual and constitutional right. The country was flooded with
paper money, and an era of public debauchery set in. In theory the
Constitution was much like our own. In practice, however, it was
like that of the other Latin-American dictatorships.
On March 9 a manifesto was issued from the State of Sao Paulo
calling attention to the grave irregularities of the President. On
March 18 a similar document was signed by most of the prominent
men in the Republic, including thirty senators. The accusations
stated that President Fonseca had abused his authority in many ways,
and had maintained a system of coercion over the magistrates and of
violence and corruption.
The Dictator at once proceeded to make numerous arrests, charg-
ing a plot to restore the monarchy, where none in fact existed.
Congress met in June, and conspiracies against the Dictator were
formed, the real centre of them being the Vice-President, Floriano
Peixoto, an ambitious and resourceful man. On November 3 the
Dictator issued a decree dissolving Congress, and stating that new
representatives would be chosen at a date hereafter to be fixed by him.
A new Constitution would then be adopted, containing provisions
which would be hereafter explained.
On the same date the Dictator proclaimed martial law and sus-
pended the Constitution, stating that he would appoint a commission
to try summarily the enemies of the Republic, and that citizens who
might be deported for the sake of the public safety should be sent away
without trial or delay.
On November 9 the garrisons at Rio Grande, Bage, Pelotas,
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF BRAZIL 111
and other points in the State of Rio Grande do Sul revolted. On
the 10th the regiment at Santa Anna de Livramento and the troops
at Jaguarao, Cacapava, Alegrete, and Uruguayana rebelled, and under
Generals Osorio, Tavares, and Astrogildo, took all the important
places in the State. A provisional government was formed, and 50,000
troops and 5 vessels were made ready to resist Fonseca.
In Sao Paulo the Governor, an adherent of Fonseca, with the troops
compelled the legislature to approve Fonseca's acts. The State of
Para made ready for resistance to the Dictator. On November 21
Admirals Wandenkolk and Guimaraes were arrested by the govern-
ment. On November 23 the navy under Admiral de Mello revolted,
and threatened to bombard Rio de Janeiro, causing a panic.
On November 23 Dictator Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca resigned
the executive power into the hands of Vice-President Floriano Peixoto.
Serious rioting followed. The offices of the newspapers, Diario de
Commercio and Novidalles, were wrecked by the mob.
News of the death of Dom Pedro II was received on December 5,
and caused universal sorrow.
1892. — On January 21 Congress passed a vote of confidence in
President Peixoto and adjourned. The new ruler proved to be a Dic-
tator rather than a President. He ruled, by military force, with a rod
of iron. In January a mutiny broke out in the fortress of Santa Cruz,
at the entrance of the harbor of Rio Janeiro. It required two battalions
of infantry to subdue it. In February the President-Dictator deposed
the governors of Ceara, Amazonas, and Matto Grosso. He perse-
cuted his supposed enemies, and corrupt practices prevailed, causing
widespread dissatisfaction. In several States revolutionary outbreaks
were threatened.
1893. — Vice-President Peixoto became more tyrannical in his
methods of government. Article 42 of the Constitution provided that
in case of the death or resignation of the President within two years
after assuming office a new election should be held; but Peixoto
declared that this did not apply to him, as it was designed to apply
only to presidential terms succeeding the first; that he held office
under special circumstances, and that the general provision did not
apply. This caused a bitter dispute and led to an insurrection. In
April Admiral Custodio de Mello, Minister of Marine, resigned. Dr.
Serzedello Correa, Minister of Finance, did likewise. Revolution
broke out in Rio Grande do Sul, led by General Gumercindo
Saraiva. In July Admiral Wandenkolk seized the Brazilian steamer
Jupiter; and almost immediately the entire navy revolted under
Admiral de Mello. Later Admiral Saldanha da Gama joined the
revolt, and several of the forts about Rio Janeiro became disaffected.
The revolution continued into the following year.
1894. — In February Vice-President Peixoto announced that a
"presidential election" would be held on March 1st. The revolution
112 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
was still in progress. At this election Dr. Prudente de Moraes Barros
was declared President. There was no opposition. He was, in fact,
the personal nominee of Peixoto, yet he was generally satisfactory to
the revolutionists. He took office on November 15, and at once pro-
ceeded to inaugurate a policy radically opposed to that of his cruel
and dictatorial predecessor.
1895. — On January 3 President Moraes granted a general am-
nesty to all who had taken part in the revolution.
On March 15 the officers and cadets of the Military School, about
800 men in all, rebelled against the government. They were promptly
placed under arrest by the President.
In April a revolution broke out in Rio Grande do Sul against Gov-
ernor Castilhos. The uprising was led by General Aparicio Saraiva,
and was joined later by Admiral da Gama, who had been in exile in
Argentina. The uprising was put down only after horrible atrocities
had been committed on both sides.
In July England sent a war-ship to take possession of the island
of Trinidade, a deserted island about 650 miles from the Brazilian
coast, but claimed by the latter country. This caused great excite-
ment for a time in Brazil, but England withdrew her claims later.
On August 23 an agreement was reached between President
Moraes and the revolutionists in Rio Grande do Sul by which the
authority of the national administration was restored.
1896. — Italy demanded payment for injury to its subjects sus-
tained during the revolution of 1893-1894. This caused considerable
excitement, but the matter was finally referred to arbitration.
In November President Moraes obtained the consent of Congress
to retire to the country on account of his health, leaving Dr. Victorino
Pereira, the Vice-President, as Acting Executive.
1897. — President Moraes returned in March quite unexpectedly
to Rio de Janeiro. He had received information of a contemplated
coup d'etat, planned by the Vice-President, who was arrested, and
with his co-conspirators lodged in jail.
This year was signalized by a series of bloody campaigns against
the Jaguncos, a body of civilized Indians, whose headquarters were
at Canudos, some 300 miles from Bahia. These Jaguncos were under
the leadership of Antonio Conselheiro, a fanatic and a man of strong
religious tendencies. The Governor of Bahia sent a magistrate to
Canudos, who became involved in an affair with a woman, and then
obtained an appointment to another district. Some of the native
inhabitants of Canudos were sent to cut wood near the district of the
recreant official, and he, thinking they were coming to attack him,
ordered his troops to kill them. The Jaguncos then arose to avenge
the slaughter of their companions. The Governor of Bahia was
requested by the recreant official to defend him, which he did, without
investigation, or making any effort to treat with the Jaguncos. Out
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF BRAZIL 113
of this grew a disturbance which required finally 15,000 soldiers to
quell. It cost the lives of about 6000 men, while the atrocities com-
mitted were horrible beyond description.
Great riots broke out in Rio de Janeiro over this affair, it being
alleged that the monarchists were at the bottom of it. The offices of
the newspapers, Apostolo, Liberdade, Gazeta da Tarde, in Rio de
Janeiro, and O Commercio in Sao Paulo, were wrecked ; and Colonel
Gentil de Castro, editor of the Jornal do Brazil, was assassinated on
account of his alleged monarchial tendencies. Attempts were made
to assassinate other prominent men.
On November 5 a Brazilian soldier, of the Tenth Infantry, named
Marcelino Bispo de Mello, attempted to assassinate the President,
Prudente J. de Moraes Barros.
United States Minister E. H. Conger, reported, under date of
November 10, 1897, Petropolis, Brazil, as follows :
"About one o'clock of the afternoon of November 5 the President was re-
turning from on board the steamer Espirito Santo, where he had been ac-
companied by his cabinet and military and civil staff to welcome a contingent
of officers and troops just returning victorious from the 'Canudos war/ and
had just landed at the war arsenal, where there had gathered an immense
crowd, composed of friends and families of the returning soldiers, and the
public generally. As the crowd parted to make room for the presidential party,
a young soldier sprang quickly in front of the President and snapped a pistol
at him. The pistol failing to discharge, he instantly drew a large knife or
poniard, and was about to plunge it into the President, when Marshal Bitten-
court, the Minister of War, pushed the President aside, grappled with the
soldier, and himself received five wounds, from which he died in ten minutes."
Colonel Luiz Moraes, nephew of the President, was also seriously
hurt. Investigation showed that the attempt to assassinate the Presi-
dent was the result of a plot, in which many prominent men were
concerned; among them being Major Diocletiano Martyr, who ar-
ranged the details. Severe measures were begun against the criminals.
1898. — On March 1 Dr. Campos Salles, the official candidate,
was declared elected President of the Republic. Dr. Salles' election
was openly fixed by President Moraes, there being but slight pretence
of such foolishness as "voting." However, the new President was a
man of affairs, and inclined to continue the wise policy of Dr. Moraes
rather than the reactionary military tyranny of Peixoto and da Fonseca.
Before assuming office the President-elect visited Europe to arrange
with the creditors of Brazil to tide the country over the period of finan-
cial and economic depression which then afflicted it. He was well
received by the Rothschilds and succeeded in making favorable
arrangements .
On November 15 Dr. Moraes turned the presidency over to Dr.
Salles, and retired from public life. His had been an honorable and
successful administration.
VOL. i — 8
114 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1899. — The boundary dispute between Brazil and French Guay-
ana was submitted to the arbitration of the President of Switzerland.
In August President Roca, of Argentina, visited Brazil, and was
received with great honor. The Bubonic plague appeared in Santos,
and later in Rio de Janeiro.
1900. — Grave financial difficulties existed in Brazil, and the
Great Bank of the Republic failed, causing ruin to vast numbers of
commercial enterprises and smaller banks. The country was flooded
with paper money; taxes were enormous and often illegally levied;
immigration had practically ceased, and industrial development
seemed at a standstill.
1901. — A dispute with Bolivia arose over the Acre territory, which
threatened at one time to cause war, but was adjusted by treaty in
1903.
1902. — Dr. Rodriguez Alves was installed as President on No-
vember 15. He was selected by his predecessor.
1906. — Dr. Alfonso Penna was elected President, and Dr. Nilo
Pecanha Vice-President, for a term of four years, commencing No-
vember 15, 1906. Extensive revolutions occurred in many parts of
Brazil.
CHAPTER IX
SOME OF THE RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF
ARGENTINA
ON June 25, 1806, the English Admiral Popham, with 1500 men,
under General Beresford, landed near Buenos Ayres, and took
possession of the city.
On August 12 the English were forced to surrender by overwhelm-
ing numbers. It was unquestionably England's intention at that time
to take possession of that part of South America. The failure of the
expedition merely served to arouse the Argentines to a sense of their
own power and to imbue them with a desire to gain independence.
The Argentines now deposed the Spanish viceroy and installed the
royal Audencia in his place.
Towards the end of 1806 English reinforcements arrived, consist-
ing of 4000 men, who took Montevideo by assault.
1807. — Supreme military command was given in Argentina to
Liniers, a French officer.
In June the English General Whitelocke approached Buenos
Ayres, and drove the Argentines before him.
On July 5 the English attacked Buenos Ayres, in a fight which
lasted two days, from one street or alley to another. General White-
locke lost over 1000 men. He made a treaty with Liniers by which he
withdrew from Buenos Ayres and evacuated Montevideo.
This defeat of the English had been accomplished mainly by the
Creoles and peons. As they realized their military power, they began
to chafe under the Spanish yoke.
1809. — On July 30 a new Spanish Viceroy, Cisneros, was sent
to Buenos Ayres to take the place of Liniers. He proclaimed free
commerce, which met with hearty approval, but he inaugurated a rule
of great severity. A revolution was progressing in the northern part
of the province, and the new Viceroy sent 1000 soldiers to Charcas
to suppress it. They committed many barbarities, executing people
wholesale and instituting a reign of terror.
1810. — The Viceroy issued a proclamation on May 18, in which
he informed the people of the desperate straits in which the Spanish
government found itself because of the Napoleonic wars.
116 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On May 22 a committee waited on the Viceroy to demand his
resignation. A conspiracy had been formed, the leaders being a
military commander, Saavedra ; Manuel Belgrano, an able organizer ;
two young lawyers named Paso and Castelli, and Vieytes, a citizen at
whose house the meetings were held.
On May 25 a great armed meeting was held in the plaza. Viceroy
Cisneros yielded, and a junta was formed to administer the govern-
ment, which was at once reorganized by the Spanish Cabildo. Every
one knew the army was heart and soul with the movement, so that
opposition was useless.
An era of horrible butchery was now ushered in. The Buenos
Ayres Junta sent armies into the neighboring districts and cities to
coerce obedience to its decrees.
At Cordoba the Buenos Ayres army met the ex- Viceroy Liniers,
who had a few troops determined to make a resistance. He was over-
come, and with most of his men taken prisoners. All of the captured
officers and men were assassinated, — such has been the gentleness
and benign character of Liberty as practised in South America.
One branch of the army of Buenos Ayres penetrated to Bolivia,
laying waste the country. On November 7 the patriots gained the
important battle of Suipacha.
Manuel Belgrano, with another Buenos Ayres detachment, pene-
trated Paraguay. Arriving near Asuncion, he was defeated by the
Spanish Governor and compelled to surrender.
1811. — General Artigas, with a band of cow-boys from Entre
Rios, acting with the Buenos Ayres authorities, overran Uruguay,
doing great damage, and finally defeated the Spaniards at the battle
of Piedras.
On June 20 the Buenos Ayrean army was attacked near the south-
ern end of Lake Titicaca, at a place called Huaqui, by the royalists
and Indians, under command of the Viceroy of Peru. They were
practically annihilated, the few survivors escaping to the plains of
Argentina, where the news of the disaster rapidly spread.
The Buenos Ayreans now evacuated Uruguay.
1812. — The Buenos Ayres Junta met with disaster everywhere.
Each succeeding defeat made it more bloodthirsty at home. Large
numbers of Spaniards were imprisoned and shot upon the slightest
suspicion. At one time 38 of the wealthiest Spanish merchants of
Buenos Ayres were murdered by orders of the junta.
Serious internal dissensions occurred in the junta, — schemes,
intrigues, quarrels, treachery. At this point General Manuel Belgrano
seized the reins of government. With an army composed of the
fierce, cruel guachos, he drove the Spaniards from point to point,
finally gained a decisive victory at Tucuman, and then overthrew the
discredited Buenos Ayres triumvirate.
1813. — Belgrano now invaded the Bolivian plateau.
REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA 117
On October 1 he was severely defeated by the forces of the Peruvian
Viceroy at Vilapugio.
In November Belgrano's army was practically destroyed at
Ayohuma, and with the broken remnants he retreated to the plains
of Argentina. There he turned over his command to San Martin,
who had arrived from Europe the previous year.
This great general and patriot — the most illustrious name in the
annals of South America and the only Latin American whose fame is
secure alongside Porfirio Diaz and Dom Pedro II — proceeded at
once to organize a magnificent army. He procured the appointment
as Governor of Cuyo, at the foot of the Andes mountains, and spent
three years in organizing a fighting machine which, when completed,
was the most formidable in South America.
In the latter part of 1813 Artigas, the leader of the fierce guachos
in Entre Rios and Uruguay, attacked the missions on the upper
Uruguay, but the Brazilian troops defeated him. A general war
now broke out in this section with the Brazilians, resulting in the
capture by them of Montevideo in 1816.
1814-1815. — Revolts, revolutions, and counter-revolutions existed
in all parts of Argentina. Alvear became "boss " of the Buenos Ayres
oligarchy. He placed Posadas at the head of the government.
On June 14 William Brown, a celebrated Irish captain, gathered
together a force of ships and men and defeated the Spanish fleet,
destroying the sea power of Spain on the Atlantic. Montevideo at
once fell.
Local conspiracies and bloody conflicts were the order of the day
everywhere. Posadas was thrown out; Alvear took his place, only
to meet a similar fate; and one Dictator followed another with
confusing rapidity.
General Rondeau started from Buenos Ayres with a strong force
determined again to invade Bolivia. He met with nothing but disaster,
and was finally completely crushed at Sipe-Sipe.
1816. — One of those peculiar institutions known as a "Congress "
met at Buenos Ayres, and on July 9 made a declaration of independ-
ence. Guerrilla warfare, rapine, and anarchy continued throughout
the country, each province of which was at the mercy of some local
chief.
1817. — In January General San Martin broke camp at Mendoza,
and got ready to move. He had about 4000 men, whom he had
drilled and equipped with marvellous skill and foresight. They
were, many of them, men of desperate daring, who knew that their
only hope of returning to Argentina lay in the complete overthrow of
the power of Spain.
San Martin divided his army into two divisions, the smaller
going via the Uspallata Pass, the principal route between Chili and
Argentina, and the larger, commanded by the General himself,
118 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
going via the Patos route, — a more difficult road. Both divisions
were timed to arrive at the same time in the great plain of Aconcagua,
which is north of Santiago, and separated from it by only a single
spur of the mountains.
The division via Uspallata encountered a Spanish guard, and
defeated it in a gallant charge. The Spanish Governor, Marco, was
now bewildered and irresolute. A force sent to attack San Martin's
main division was defeated and driven back.
Governor Marco had 5000 men, many of them veterans, under
able generals, but San Martin outgeneralled him.
On February 12 O'Higgins, the Chilian General, with 1800 men,
who was co-operating with San Martin, attacked the left flank of the
Spaniards, but was temporarily repulsed. San Martin at once sent a
force to attack the Spanish centre with bayonets and sabres.
O'Higgins renewed his attack on the flank, and although the royalists
fought with desperate bravery, they were cut to pieces, losing half
their men. This battle, known in history as Chacabuco, relatively
unimportant as regards the numbers engaged, aroused a frenzy of
enthusiasm among the revolutionists throughout Chili, Peru, and
Argentina. The royalists became discouraged, for it was evident
that the patriot armies now had a general of talents and resources.
1818. — The junta at Buenos Ayres ordered San Martin and
Belgrano to return with their armies to Argentina, to subdue the
various counter-revolutions. Puyredon was now ruler at Buenos
Ayres, but his authority was defied by local Caudillos in every district.
Devastating wars were prosecuted in Santa Fe, Corrientes, Uruguay,
Entre Rios, Cordoba, and practically all the outlying provinces.
San Martin positively refused to obey the command to return.
He proposed to destroy the power of Spain in South America,
but he did not intend to mix up in these shameless, unending local
squabbles.
Belgrano obeyed and returned; but at Cordoba his army revolted,
dispersed, and sections joined the troops of the contending local
chiefs.
Argentina now split up into a large number of provinces, and
Buenos Ayres, after the defeat of its armies at Cepeda, was ignored
by nearly all of them.
1819-1824. — Continual armed strife occurred among the
Caudillos of all the local provinces. Puyredon was ousted in Buenos
Ayres, and Rivadavia came to the front.
1825. — The provinces were represented in a Congress at Buenos
Ayres. Rivadavia was selected for Executive, but most of the local
Jefes refused to recognize him.
War broke out with Brazil. Uruguay had started a revolution
against Brazil, which claimed it as a part of its territory, and won a
victory at Sarandi. The Congress of Buenos Ayres, having no trouble
REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA 119
to speak of at home, except a war with Spain and a dozen or fifteen
local counter-revolutions on its hands, promptly declared that Uruguay
was reunited to Argentina. The Emperor of Brazil replied by declar-
ing war and blockading Buenos Ayres. The pugnacious Irish
Admiral, William Brown, again rendered Buenos Ayres great service,
by organizing a privateering crew of Yankee and English captains,
harassing the Brazilian squadron and destroying their commerce.
1826. — The war between Argentina and Brazil continued with
great fury, as also did the revolutions. An Argentine army of 8000
men now made ready to invade Rio Grande do Sul.
1827. — On February 20 Alvear, who had been in exile, returned.
He was given the command of the army of invasion, which seriously
defeated the Brazilians at Ituzaingo. The Argentine army returned
to Uruguay, not having the strength to follow up their advantage.
Ridavavia's minister now concluded a treaty of peace with Brazil,
recognizing Uruguay as a part of the Brazilian empire, — a treaty so
unpopular that it led to Ridavavia's downfall, although he repudiated
the act of his envoy.
Dorrego became Dictator of Buenos Ayres, while each outlying
province had its own military " boss," among them Lopez in Santa Fe,
Bustos in Cordoba, Ibarra in Santiago, Quiroga in Cuyo, and other
Jefes and Caudillos without number.
1828. — A preliminary treaty was signed early in 1828 between
Brazil and Argentina by which it was agreed that Uruguay should be
erected into an independent State.
The first division of Argentine soldiers returning to Buenos Ayres
revolted against Dorrego, who fled into the interior. General Lavalle
declared himself Governor. He sent troops after Dorrego, captured
him, and shot him without trial. An inconceivably bloody civil war
now raged in all the provinces.
Out of these desperate encounters among such bandit chieftains
as Lavalle, Paz, Bustos, Lopez, Quiroga, and others, a dangerous and
implacable tyrant came to the front, — Juan Manuel Rosas, Chief
of the guachos of the great plains. He assumed absolute power in
1829.
For more than twenty years the history of Argentina is the record
of the doings of this bloody tyrant, Quiroga, and other chiefs of inferior
calibre. The reader interested in their acts is referred to the chapter
entitled "Typical Latin-American Dictators — the Worst."
1852. — On the 3d of February Rosas was overpowered and crush-
ingly defeated at Caseros, near Buenos Ayres, by the combined forces
of Brazil and Uruguay, under General Urquiza. Rosas took refuge
at the British legation, and then went aboard a man-of-war which
carried him into exile.
General Urquiza assumed provisional control of the government
at Buenos Ayres. He called a Congress of leaders of the several prov-
120 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
inces to meet in Santa Fe, there being extraordinary jealousy among
the interior cities against Buenos Ayres, which wished to dominate.
Urquiza desired to leave these provinces to work out a scheme of self-
government. He therefore relinquished his great military power, and
retired to his ranch. Immediately pandemonium broke loose. Buenos
Ayres sent an army against the Santa Fe Congress, and Urquiza was
compelled again to take up arms to defend it. He now made common
cause with a counter-revolution, and laid siege to Buenos Ayres; but
the commanders of his blockading vessels proved treacherous and
betrayed him. They had been paid large bribes by the Buenos Ayres
clique. Urquiza withdrew, and Buenos Ayres became independent
from the other provinces.
1853. — On May 1 the constituent Congress at Santa Fe adopted
a Constitution, — one of those rare documents so seldom encountered
in Latin America. It was just like our own, except considerably better.
Parana, in the province of Entre Rios, was selected as the temporary
capital.
General Urquiza was selected as the first President, and held the
position for six years. He may be justly accounted as one of Argen-
tina's ablest rulers and most distinguished citizens. Buenos Ayres
still held aloof from the confederation, but Urquiza was recognized
by foreign nations.
1859. — Buenos Ayres decided to attack the confederation, and
sent a strong army to the borders of Santa Fe, where it was met and
defeated by General Urquiza. He advanced to the city, and required
it to accept the Constitution of 1853 and agree to enter the confedera-
tion. These demands he subsequently modified.
1860. — On October 21 General Bartolome Mitre, who was Gov-
ernor of Buenos Ayres, swore to support the Constitution, saying that
it was the permanent organic law.
General Urquiza's term expired, and Dr. Derqui succeeded him.
Grave disorders occurred. The federal government interfered in
the affairs of the province of San Juan, because of the assassination
of the Governor, and finally General Bartolome Mitre with a force
of Buenos Ayres troops revolted against Derqui.
On September 17 General Mitre gained the decisive victory of
Pavon, and deposed Derqui.
1861. — General Mitre became ruler of Argentina, and Buenos
Ayres became the seat of the federal government.
1862-1864. — Many local revolts took place, and Lopez of Para-
guay became a menace to the peace of Argentina.
1864. — The tyrant Lopez demanded transit for his armies across
Argentine territory in order to attack the Brazilian forces, which had
intervened in Uruguay. This being denied, Lopez invaded Argentina.
1865-1870. — The great and bloody war was fought between the
allies, Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, against the Paraguayan Die-
REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA 121
tator. General Mitre was Commander-in-Chief of the allied forces
until 1868, when he turned the command over to the Brazilian General
Baron of Caxias. Argentina's losses were enormous ; so were Brazil's,
and Paraguay was almost destroyed.
1867. — Cholera broke out in Argentina. The Argentines were
severely repulsed at Curupayty.
1868. — Dr. Sarmiento was elected President of Argentina, and
took his seat on October 12. This man, known as the "School-
master President," was one of the most enlightened executives that
South America has ever produced. He inaugurated an excellent
system of public education. Under his rule Argentina prospered
greatly.
1870. — The war with Paraguay ended, and Argentina had, by
the treaty, its title confirmed to extensive and valuable territory.
A revolution broke out in the province of Entre Rios against
General Urquiza, who was the Governor. It was led by Lopez
Jordan. The revolutionists captured General Urquiza and assassi-
nated him.
1871. — An epidemic of yellow fever broke out in Buenos Ayres,
there being 24,000 deaths from January to June.
1874. — Dr. Nicolas Avellaneda, a native of Tucuman, was de-
clared elected President. This was accomplished in virtue of the
customary revolution, in which General Mitre led the opposition, and
Colonel Julio Roca directed the soldiers who supported the official
candidate.
1875-1878. — There were local uprisings in many parts of the
country, owing to the irrepressible conflict between the "Portefios,"
the people of Buenos Ayres, and the outlying provinces.
1877. — General Alsina, Governor of Buenos Ayres, undertook
a vigorous campaign against the Indian tribes, which refused to allow
white men to settle in vast sections of Argentina.
1878. — General Julio Roca, who had become Minister of War,
prosecuted extensive campaigns against the Indians, driving them
west into the Andes and south of the Rio Negro. This eventually
resulted in the conquest and annexation of Patagonia.
1880. — A bitter struggle ensued between the Buenos Ayres
clique, and the Cordoba clique which represented the outlying
provinces.
On February 15 a bloody battle was narrowly averted in Buenos
Ayres, when President Avellaneda endeavored with the federal army
to suppress a military organization of more than 2000 men in Buenos
Ayres, known as the "Tiro Nacional." He alleged that it was a
revolutionary body.
The Buenos Ayreans put forth Dr. Tejedor as candidate for
President ; the Cordoba clique presented General Julio Roca. Each
side knew it would have to fight in order to elect its man.
122 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
In May the Buenos Ayres leaders decided to seize the Cordoba
"League " by a coup d'etat. The attempt to put the plan into execu-
tion was made by Colonel Olmos and a small party. He succeeded
in capturing the Governor, Dr. Viso, and Juarez Celman, a prominent
partisan of General Roca; but in a short time they themselves were
captured and imprisoned.
In June a riot occurred in Buenos Ayres, and many shots
were exchanged between citizens and the President's escort. An
attempt was then made to assassinate President Avellaneda, and war
at once broke out. Dr. Tejedor attempted to seize Avellaneda, who
escaped and joined his troops.
The government troops, about 8000 men, veteran Indian fighters,
were commanded by General Roca, aided by Dr. Carlos Pellegrini.
They were well armed with Remingtons and Krupp field guns.
The Buenos Ayres troops, called Portenos, opposed to the govern-
ment, numbered 15,000 men, but were poorly supplied with arms.
Colonel Julio Campos was given command.
In the middle of July Colonel Arias, with 10,000 Portenos, fought
Colonel Racedo, with 2500 "Leaguers" at Olivera, fifty miles from
Buenos Ayres. Both sides claimed the victory.
On July 20 Colonel Racedo, "Leaguer," with 10,000 men, attacked
Arias, "Porteno," with about an equal number, on the outskirts of
Buenos Ayres. The battle continued all day with heavy losses, and
was renewed on July 21. The National, or League, losses were 2000
men, and those of the Buenos Ayres army 3000. For lack of ammuni-
tion, the Portenos were compelled to beg for an armistice, which
resulted in a treaty of virtual surrender.
On September 21 General Roca was declared President, and his
friends occupied every place in the national government. He now
proceeded to give the government a strong and able administration.
He encouraged railroads, consolidated the provinces, attracted
foreign capital, and started Argentina once more on the road to
prosperity.
1884. — General Roca sent Dr. Carlos Pellegrini to London, where
he procured a loan of £8,333,000 sterling. Local revolutions broke
out in Corrientes, Catamarca, Santa Fe, and Entre Rios, but these
were suppressed. Unexampled extravagance now set in, one piece
of folly being the building of a new town, La Plata, as a local capital,
at a cost of $50,000,000, where there could be no possible industry to
sustain it. The public funds were wasted by other equally absurd
extravagances.
1886. — General Roca turned the presidency over to his brother-
in-law, Dr. Juarez Celman. At this time there were $61,000,000 of
bank notes in circulation, and General Roca had issued a decree some
time before in which he said that the notes were not redeemable for
two years. In other words, specie payment had been suspended.
REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA
THE ADMINISTRATION OF CELMAN AND CONDITIONS IN
ARGENTINA IN RECENT TIMES
A very interesting resume of affairs in Argentina during this period
is given by Mr. Theodore Child, in his "Spanish American Republics,"
which is as follows :
"Owing to the lamentable want of public morality south of the equator,
and to the cynicism of the political vultures who make it their business to prey
upon their fatherland, it is always a painful task to speak about the adminis-
tration of the South American republics. In the case of the Argentine Re-
public, so richly gifted by nature, so energetic, so full of youth and promise,
our regret is poignant when we think of the hundreds of thousands of simple-
minded workers who have been the victims of the dishonest politicians that
are responsible for a commercial and economical crisis, to remove the traces
of which will take fully ten years of national effort. Let us hope that recent
events will be a lesson to the Argentines, and that in self-defence at least they
will learn to become actively and continuously citizens, jealous of their rights,
and mindful of their human dignity. And yet we are hardly justified in an-
ticipating this much-desired improvement in the near future, for during the
past twelve months there has really been very little change in the condition of
Argentine affairs in spite of the revolution ; the newspapers of 1891, like those
of 1890, are full of lamentations and recriminations; La Prensa continues to
reveal abuses and scandals, and to warn the Argentines of the wrath to come ;
in short, with the best will in the world it is difficult to take an optimist view
of the Argentine situation. The hopes of the country and its salvation are
centred, of course, in its natural wealth. Some day the turning-point will in-
evitably be reached, and the tide of misfortune will retire. But when will this
day dawn ?
"We are, perhaps, justified in supposing that in the beginning of 1890
Dr. Miguel Juarez Celman, who owed his election as President to the in-
fluence of his brother-in-law, General Julio A. Roca, was more or less the tool
of a group of supporters who, to serve their own interested ends, persuaded
him that he was exceedingly popular, that he was uncontested chief of the
nation, and that he could and ought to retain his power perpetually. Celman,
in short, considered himself to be virtually Dictator of the Argentine. By the
usual South American means of centralized power, worked out into the most
extraordinary minutiae, the election of Deputies for the National Congress at
the opening of the year had been a mere farce, both in the capital and in nearly
all the provinces, because the agents of Celman, or, in other words, the official
party, were absolute masters of the voting registers. Public opinion was
thereby disorganized, and violence was anticipated already, inasmuch as the
scandals of the Celman administration were manifest and innumerable, and
the public discontent was growing more and more unreserved as the com-
mercial crisis increased in intensity. The quotation of gold at 230 revealed
the wretchedness of the financial situation, complicated as it was by the de-
moralization and disorder of the administration, the bad state of the banks,
and by the fact that various provincial banks, notably that of Cordoba, had
issued enormous quantities of spurious notes with the complicity of the gov-
124 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
eminent. In the course of subsequent investigation it was ascertained that,
by order of President Celman, the National Bank had been obliged to take
up these clandestine issues of notes, which for the Bank of Cordoba alone
reached the sum of $15,000,000.
"The economical and political crises and the blindness and cynicism of
Celman went on increasing until April, when a great public meeting was
called to constitute the general directing committee of the Union Civica, the
object of which newly founded association was to unite scattered forces and
to create and organize practically a grand opposition party against the Presi-
dent. Twenty thousand men attended this meeting, which the chief orator,
General Bartolome Mitre, characterized as 'a meeting of popular opposition
and of wholesome political agitation.' In his message at the opening of Par-
liament, on May 10th, President Celman referred with real or feigned satisfac-
tion to the newly founded opposition party, whose action he hoped would
contribute to the better government of the country, and at the same time he
made all sorts of promises of reform. Subsequent events showed that these
promises were not serious; the Finance Minister, Senor Uriburu, who had
accepted the responsibility of a program of repression of abuses and re-
organization, soon gave in his resignation, because his liberty of action was
impeded by the President of the Republic ; week after week the political and
economical situation grew more and more hopeless ; commerce was paralyzed ;
a serious movement of emigration began ; in short, there was every symptom
of approaching public ruin, when, on July 19th, a military conspiracy was
denounced, and the revolution broke out a few days later, on July 26th, with
the support of part of the army and of the fleet, and with every prospect of
success.
" The history of this revolution is as mysterious as most public contem-
porary events in the Argentine. Why did the revolutionary forces remain
outside the town hi the Parque de Artilleria ? Why did they not attack the
Government House and get possession of the person of the President ? Why
was the President allowed to go to and fro from the capital to Campana and
San Martin ? Why was there suddenly a certain amount of aimless blood-
shed ? Above all, why, on July 29th, did the revolution surrender to the gov-
ernment of Celman, although it had the sympathy of the nation and the
support of the greater part of the armed forces ? The intervention of General
Julio A. Roca as the deus ex machina was sufficient to suggest many curious
hypotheses to those who are at all familiar with recent Argentine politics, and
the sudden disappearance of the revolution and the patching up of the old
government did not impress calm observers as evidences of serious purpose
on either side. The government was triumphant; the revolution was van-
quished; but, nevertheless, the government was dead, and General Roca
remained arbiter of the situation. What intrigues happened between the
moment of the suppression of the revolution and the resignation of President
Celman, the brother-in-law of the man who suppressed it, we have yet to
ascertain ; but it was not until August 6th that General Roca was able to an-
nounce to Congress that Dr. Juarez Celman had resigned, and that the Vice-
President, Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, therefore assumed the supreme power.
"The departure of Celman was the signal for immense public rejoicing,
and for a momentary amelioration of the commercial and financial situation ;
the new ministry and its professed good intentions seemed to promise repara-
tion and speedy recovery; gold went down 70 points, and Argentine paper
REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA 125
rose in the European markets. But the sky did not remain clear for more
than a day or two. Whether Dr. Pellegrini was honester than Celman or not,
it was out of his power to change the nature of Argentine political men all at
once, and it was beyond any man's power to put in order the inheritance of
pillage, waste, and deficit which his predecessor in office had left him. The
national revenues had diminished — notably the customs duties. Railways
and other public works had been sold by Dr. Celman, and the proceeds, de-
posited in the Banco Nacional, had been paid out to speculators on the stock
of that very bank, which furthermore had been obliged by circumstances
to suspend the payment of its dividends. Demoralization and fraud were
evident on all sides. Meanwhile the government had to face an exterior debt
of $122,000,000 (gold) of 6, 5, 4j, 3j, and 3 per cent; an interior debt of
$160,000,000 (gold) ; the Buenos Ayres municipal debt of $24,000,000, and
the guarantees of railways and other enterprises that need to be paid in gold.
In round numbers, a sum of $15,000,000 is needed to meet these debts which
burden the national credit, to say nothing of the hypothecatory schedules
whose issue, guaranteed by the nation, exceeds $100,000,000. But this is not
all; the provinces of the Argentine Confederation vied with each other under
the Celman administration hi raising loans for founding banks or increasing
the capital of existing banks: operations which have been disastrous, and
ended hi almost general bankruptcy. Some of the provinces will be able to
recover themselves in a few years, thanks to their natural riches, or thanks
to the good use made of some of the money borrowed. Mendoza, for instance,
has planted millions of vines which will shortly be in full yield. But in other
provinces the money borrowed has simply been squandered or appropriated
by individuals possessing official influence; and in some places the expenses
increased during the years 1887-90 to such an extent that their liabilities now
represent as much as fifty times their assets. At the end of 1890 the debt of
all the Argentine provinces together was calculated to amount to $200,000,000
(gold), without counting about $300,000,000 (gold) hi schedules of the Bancos
Hipotecarios.
"Since August, 1890, the Argentine Republic has been struggling against
its political and financial difficulties, but still living and producing, thanks
to the natural wealth of its soil — that soil which will be its ultimate salva-
tion. The Union Civica has greatly enlarged its sphere of action since the
revolution, and has continued its 'wholesome political agitation' in view of
the presidential election of 1892. Dr. Pellegrini, in his difficult post of presi-
dent, has not, perhaps, fulfilled the hopes that were placed in him ; he has
even been diminished to the role of a tool of General Roca ; and his ministers,
like those of Celman, have on certain occasions given in their resignation be-
cause their liberty of action in conformity with public opinion has been im-
peded. Meanwhile the partisans of Celman have continued from time to
time to violate order, especially in the province of Cordoba. The province
of Entre Rios has been for months in a disturbed and almost revolutionary
condition. Other provinces have experienced crises of political effervescence,
which have kept alive those germs of civil war that have lurked in the South
American republics ever since they conquered their liberty, three-quarters
of a century ago. South of the equator the ballot-box seems to be inevitably
sprinkled with the blood of citizens. The Argentine Republic has had an
experience of sixty years of politico-electoral warfare ; party politics and per-
sonal ambition of a political nature have caused more bloodshed than the
126 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
conquest of liberty itself; and yet the political education of the nation does
not seem to make any progress, nor the patriotism of individuals to acquire
any rational development. The prosperity of the Argentine Republic has been
impeded in the past by the passions, the political ambitions, and the want of
morality of its criollo sons. Its prosperity in the future can only be impeded
by these same elements, for the riches of the land are inexhaustible, the in-
dustry and enterprise of the immigrant population beyond question, and the
results obtained even in these recent days of trouble and crisis are enormous.
As for the public credit of the Argentine, the arrangements made in February,
1891, with the London Bankers' Committee give the treasury three years of
breathing time, during which period it will be able to create new resources,
provided the national and commercial development of the Republic be aided
by administrative reform and genuine political progress. As regards these
two desiderata, however, we must not be too sanguine. The character of the
South American criollos will not change greatly in three years, and it is not
in three years that the young Republic will be able to repair the unparalleled
and incredible mistakes of the past decade.
"Meanwhile the current of immigration which developed the immense
wealth of the Argentine within the past twenty years has ceased altogether,
after having carried to the country during the thirty-four years from 1857-90
a total of 1,264,000 persons, who have been incorporated in the working popu-
lation of the Republic. Of this number 60 per cent are Italians, 17 per cent
Spanish, 10 per cent French, 2 per cent English.
"The immigration statistics for the year 1890 shows how great and imme-
diate was the effect of this crisis ; thus :
"In 1889 the total number of immigrants was 260,909, and of emigrants
40,649, thus leaving a balance in favor of immigration of 220,260.
"In 1890 the total number of immigrants was 127,473, and of emigrants
77,918, thus leaving a balance in favor of immigration of 49,553.
"For the moment it appears that the current of European emigration has
been diverted to Brazil."
SUBSEQUENT EVENTS IN ARGENTINA
1890. — Dr. Carlos Pellegrini became President.
1891. — On February 19 an attempt was made to assassinate
General Roca in the streets of Buenos Ayres.
In October martial law was proclaimed in Buenos Ayres and a
presidential election held. Dr. Saenz Pena was declared the victor.
1892. — A revolution broke out in the province of Corrientes.
In February serious revolts occurred in Santa Fe. In April a revolu-
tion took place in Catamarca, and San Luiz followed suit. In
August Salta and Tucuman revolted. In September the national
troops mutinied, and a general revolution was now in progress
everywhere.
On September 25 General Julio Roca again took command of
the army. On October 1 General Roca captured Rosario, a rebel
stronghold.
1893. — Revolutionary movements continued, and considerable
REVOLUTIONS OF ARGENTINA 127
severe fighting followed. General Roca, however, succeeded in
quelling the disturbances.
1895. — On January 22 the President resigned, owing to conflicts
with Congress, and the Vice-President, Dr. Uriburu, became Chief
Executive.
1897. — General Julio Roca became President once more.
1898. — Serious uprisings occurred in La Rioja and Catamarca,
and a severe battle was fought before they were suppressed.
1899. — The Provincial Governor of Buenos Ayres, Dr. Bernardo
Irioyen, took possession of the legislative buildings with a battalion of
troops, and drove the solons into the street, because they did not agree
with the Governor as to his election.
1904. — On October 12 Dr. Manuel Quintana assumed the
presidency. A revolution broke out again this year, but was easily
suppressed.
1905. — In February a revolutionary movement started in Buenos
Ayres and several provinces which was suppressed without serious
difficulty.
Such is a brief outline of the history of the leading country of South
America. It is heels over head in debt ; but its natural resources are
so great, and there are so many foreigners there now, that in spite of
corruption, extravagance, and the scoundrelism of Jefes, it is bound
to progress.
According to a message of President Julio A. Roca, on May 8, 1902,
addressed to Congress, the foreign debt of Argentina on December 31,
1901, stood at $386,451,295 gold. Mr. Roca said, however, that the
apparent debt was greater than the real debt, which in round figures
was $300,000,000.
CHAPTER X
A BRIEF OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI
IN 1809 news of the imprisonment of Ferdinand of Spain at once
divided Chili into two contesting factions, — the office-holders,
under Captain General Carrasco, who favored the recognition of
the Seville Junta ad interim ; and the Creoles, who, professing adhe-
sion to Spain, desired to secure virtual if not absolute independence.
1810. — In May the Captain General ordered the arrest of many
prominent Creoles, charging them with being rebels. This aroused
such a storm of opposition that he was compelled to release them.
A revolution soon broke out in Santiago, and Carrasco was
forced to resign. Senor Toro took the position.
On September 18 Toro resigned his power to a junta of seven,
and the office of Captain General was abolished. This date is ob-
served as the anniversary of Chilian independence.
1811. — An election was called to take place in April. A Spanish
detachment revolted in Santiago against the new government, but
it was defeated in a severe action by local patriots led by Jose Carrera.
Congress now met, decreed many reforms on paper, and the
members proceeded to engage in a bitter quarrel among themselves.
Thereupon Jose Can-era abolished Congress, with his army, and
called himself Jefe Supremo.
The southern provinces led by Dr. Rosas, formed another govern-
ment at Concepcion, and these two patriotic Presidents made ready
to fight. At this inopportune moment the Spaniards gained certain
important advantages at Chiloe and Valdivia, so that the patriots did
not have the pleasure of murdering each other at this particular date.
1812. — Carrera inaugurated a reign of loot, robbery, confisca-
tion, and assassination. He held Chili in terror, and committed acts
of brigandage without remorse or mercy.
1813. — The Viceroy of Lima, Abascal, started for Chili with a
large torce, landing at Talcahuano, and proceeding to Concepcion,
where he received reinforcements. He then marched towards Santiago,
with 4000 men.
At the river Maule the royalist outpost was attacked, and became
panic-stricken, fleeing to Chilian.
Can-era's forces, numbering 12,000 men, pushed on and captured
Concepcion and Talcahuano. Carrera was, however, compelled to
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 129
retreat owing to desertions. His soldiers mutinied ; the people hated
him on account of his brutality. A new junta obtained control at
Santiago, which expelled him, and gave the chief command to Ber-
nardo O'Higgins. This man, an Irishman and one of the most famous
characters which Chili has produced, was the son of Ambrose
O'Higgins, who as a lad had arrived penniless in Argentina, and
became a contractor, a politician, and finally Spanish Viceroy, leaving
a fortune to his son Bernardo.
O'Higgins at the outset faced great difficulties. The Spaniards,
heavily reinforced, captured Talca, destroying the Chilian army.
A counter-revolution had broken out, and named a new Dictator.
O'Higgins agreed to an armistice with the Spanish General Paroja
acknowledging the authority of the Spanish Cortes and Crown, it
being stipulated that the present government of Santiago should be
recognized by the Lima Viceroy.
Immediately Carrera was turned out of prison, where he had
been for more than a year. He at once started a revolution against
O'Higgins, and captured Santiago.
The Viceroy refused to sanction the armistice between O'Higgins
and Paroja, and sent additional armies into Chili.
O'Higgins was defeated, and his army destroyed, at Rancagua,
by General Osorio. Carrera and O'Higgins fled across the Andes,
the former going to Buenos Ayres, the latter joining the army of
General San Martin.
1814. — General Osorio became supreme in Chili. He executed
large numbers of the leading revolutionists, and banished more than
a hundred prominent men to the barren island of Juan Fernandez,
which lies six hundred miles west of Valparaiso.
1815-1816. — The iron rule of General Osorio continued. He
was succeeded by Marco del Ponte, who was no less tyrannical.
1817. — On February 12 General San Martin, with 4000 men,
defeated the royalists at Chacabuco and marched into Santiago.
Captain General Marco retreated to Valparaiso, his troops dismayed.
The Captain General himself seemed more anxious to preserve his
own precious life than the authority of Spain.
San Martin was at once proclaimed, by an assembly of the lead-
ing men of Santiago, "Governor of Chili with Plenary Powers."
Not desiring an honor of this kind, he declined the offer. He advised
them, however, to select O'Higgins as their ruler. An important
battle was fought at Gavilan, between the royalists, under General
Odonez, and the patriots, under Las Heros.
1818. — On January 1 a new government was formed, with
O'Higgins at its head. Heavy fighting still continued. The southern
part of Chili was in the hands of the Spaniards, who were strongly
fortified at Talcahuano and Valdivia.
Plots, intrigues, and all kinds of treachery were rife in Chili, the
VOL. i — 9
130 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
friends of Carrera endeavoring to overthrow O'Higgins and his
representative Quintana, who was virtual Dictator of Santiago.
In January 4 Spanish ships arrived at Talcahuano, with 230 can-
non and 4300 veteran soldiers. San Martin in the mean time was
not idle. He had recruited a second army in Chili, and now had
9000 men.
On January 20 O'Higgins at Talca declared Chili independent.
On March 19 San Martin's forces were attacked, under cover of
darkness, by the entire Spanish army near the city of Talca. They
became panic-stricken and fled, abandoning their arms, ammunition,
and supplies. At least one third of them deserted. O'Higgins was
wounded.
News of the defeat of San Martin reached Santiago much exag-
gerated. Counter-revolutions broke out, and the leading citizens sent
to the Spanish General Osorio to declare their allegiance. Mobs
paraded the streets, shouting for the King.
On April 5 General San Martin gained the great and decisive
victory of Maypo, after a desperate battle. The royalists lost 1200
killed, 800 wounded, 2200 prisoners, saving only 800 men out of a
total of 5000 who entered the battle. San Martin also had about
5000 men at the opening of this fight. He lost more than 1000
men.
Strong opposition now broke out against O'Higgins, who became
extremely tyrannical. His representative, Dr. Monteagudo, had
sentenced to death and immediately shot Juan Carrera and Luiz
Carrera, who had been imprisoned at Mendoza. These men were
brothers of Jose Carrera, and the family was the leader of a powerful
faction opposed to O'Higgins in Chili. Juan and Luiz, who had been
expelled, had entered the country in disguise, but were betrayed,
arrested, and kept in prison for a long time. O'Higgins now com-
mitted extraordinary outrages, confiscating the property of those
whom he disliked and imprisoning or shooting them.
The Chilian government acquired several ships and manned them
with good sailors.
Towards the end of 1818 Lieutenant Balcarce, under San Martin's
orders, captured Chilian, Concepcion, and Talcahuano, in Southern
Chili, and shut the Spanish commander up in the fortress of
Valdivia.
1819. — San Martin was preparing for the invasion of Peru, but
revolutions in Argentina, and Chili's indifference put great difficulties
in his way to the making of the needed preparations.
Lord Thomas Cochrane, a hare-brained British naval officer, who
had joined the Chilian squadron, made flying expeditions to the coast
of Ecuador and Peru. He bombarded Callao, and swept the Spanish
fleet from the sea. He finally captured the strongly fortified Talca-
huano, after two days of as desperate fighting as history records. He
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 131
had absurdly inadequate forces, but made up in daring and fierceness
of assault what he lacked in knowledge of war. Without Cochrane's
performances the subsequent operations of San Martin against Peru
would have been impossible.
1820. — San Martin entered upon his campaign against the
Viceroy of Lima.
1822. — A strong revolution broke out against O'Higgins at Con-
cepcion, in Southern Chili, led by General Freire. A similar move-
ment was organized in the North.
1823. — In January O'Higgins resigned. General Freire landed
at Valparaiso with 1600 men, proceeded to Santiago, and assumed a
dictatorship. A new Constitution was promulgated, which, of course,
was not worth the paper it was printed upon.
1824. — General Freire banished the Bishop of Santiago, and
issued a decree confiscating the property of the Church.
1825. — Freire abolished Congress and appointed a new one to
suit himself.
1826. — The last remnants of the Spaniards in Chili surrendered
at Chiloe. A Congress was organized in July, which divided Chili
into eight provinces.
1827. — General Freire resigned. The financial condition of the
government was desperate. General Pinto assumed supreme power.
1828. — General Pinto promulgated a new Constitution.
1829. — Owing to extreme opposition, General Pinto resigned in
November. Sefior Vicuna, President of the Senate, became Acting
Executive. Anarchy reigned throughout the country. Robberies,
murders, and riots became universal. General Prieto started a for-
midable revolution on the Araucanian frontier.
General Lastra took the field in behalf of the government. Many
desperate battles were fought, and the customary number of intrigues
were in evidence.
1830. — A decisive victory was gained by General Prieto at Lircay
on April 17. General Freire fled to Peru, and General Prieto was
elected President.
1833. — General Prieto had another Constitution adopted, giving
great powers to the Executive. He ruled however with more ability
and judgment than any of his predecessors.
1836. — General Freire, who had been in Peru, plotting revolution
against Prieto, received aid from President Santa Cruz, and made an
attack upon the island of Chiloe. He was quickly defeated, and Chili
declared war against Peru, seizing the fleet of the latter. Some detach-
ments of the Chilian army mutinied, seized Prime Minister Portales
as hostage, and fled to the mountains, where they were later attacked
by government troops, Portales being killed in the fray.
Chili defeated Peru at Gungay, and in numerous other battles,
and overthrew Santa Cruz.
132 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1841. — General Bulnes, who had done marked service in the
Chilian-Peruvian war, became President. He gave a strong ad-
ministration, and Chili prospered greatly. In 1846 he was re-
elected.
1851. — Manuel Montt became President, through official influ-
ence, as a matter of course. A revolution broke out, but was sup-
pressed. In September another armed uprising occurred, more serious
than before. Many desperate battles were fought. In December the
government won a bloody victory at Loncomilla, which ended a
revolution in which about 4000 men had been killed.
1856. — President Montt was re-elected. Much disorder and
many local insurrections took place, and the government used the
military power with great severity. The President suppressed news-
papers, imprisoned persons suspected of being unfriendly to his
administration, and had an open rupture with Congress.
1858. — In December Montt proclaimed martial law. For four
months a furious revolution raged. The government forces were
defeated in the North at Coquimbo by the revolutionists under
Colonel Gallo. The rebels were defeated at Chilian. Finally Presi-
dent Montt with 4000 men defeated Gallo with 2000 men, in a
pitched battle, and the latter fled across the Andes.
1861. — Jose Joaquin Perez was selected for President. Chili
again prospered, and vast quantities of foreign capital and many
immigrants poured into the country.
1865. — Chili engaged in a war with Spain, making common cause
with Peru.
1866. — The Spanish fleet bombarded Valparaiso, destroying
$10,000,000 worth of property, most of which belonged to foreigners.
Perez was again chosen President.
1868-1870. — A fierce war raged between the Araucanian Indians
and the Chilian government.
1871. — Frederico Errazuriz was chosen President, and took
office on September 18.
1872. — Peru and Bolivia entered into a treaty of alliance against
Chili.
1873. — Chili was seriously affected by the world- wide commercial
panic. President Errazuriz ordered the construction of several war-
ships in England, among them being the Almirante Cochrane, Almi-
rante Blanco Encalada, and Magallanes. Prior to this, Peru held the
naval supremacy in the Pacific.
1876. — Senor Anibal Pinto was selected President, after the
fairest election which Chili had enjoyed up to that time. A severe
economic crisis nearly ruined industry, and led to an irredeemable
issue of bank-notes from which the country has suffered much.
1878. — Chili and Argentina were on the verge of war, because
of a boundary dispute, which was finally adjusted diplomatically.
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 133
WAR BETWEEN CHILI AND THE ALLIANCE OF PERU AND BOLIVIA
1879. — War broke out between Chili and the Peru-Bolivian alli-
ance, over the question of their respective territorial rights on the
seaboard of Atacama. This dispute had been of long standing. Chili
had exercised quasi-jurisdiction over the Atacama district, lying
between south latitude 29° and 23°. The discovery of vast quantities
of guano in this hitherto worthless territory excited the cupidity of
both Chili and Bolivia. In 1843 Senor Olaneto, Bolivian minister,
notified Chili that his government claimed jurisdiction as far south
as the twenty-sixth degree, to the mouth of the Salado River, at the
Pacific Ocean. A continued quarrel now arose; commissions were
appointed; diplomatic discussions had proved vain; and in March,
1863, the Bolivian Congress at Oruro authorized the government to
make war on Chili if the affair could not be otherwise settled.
Both governments saw that the foreigner was likely to wish to
operate the guano deposits on a large scale, and each felt unhappy at
the prospect of not being able to pluck his feathers. In 1866, on
August 16, Chili and Bolivia made a treaty fixing the boundary between
them at the twenty-fourth degree, and providing for joint jurisdiction
over the lands between the twenty-third parallel and the twenty-fifth,
the revenue from the guano exploitation thereof to be equally divided
between them — so that the foreigner mining and shipping the stuff
would catch it coming and going. It was specified that Mejillones
should be the only port through which guano could be shipped, and
a Chilian official was to be stationed there to represent the interests
of his country.
It is obvious that we have here all the conditions for a war. Given
two powers in each of which good faith is absolutely lacking, with the
intrigues which the possession of the profits of this business was sure
to set on foot, and only one outcome is possible.
In 1871 Bolivia refused to liquidate — in other words, to divide up.
It might be just to treat a "foreign pig" that way, but when one
Latin country works the time-honored confidence game on another,
war and bloodshed are sure to follow. The matter was temporarily
patched up, however, by a treaty on August 6, 1874. In the mean time
a secret treaty had been formed in 1873 between Peru and Bolivia,
against Chili, and intrigues continued on both sides.
Bolivia, which by the treaty of 1874 had agreed never to impose
taxes on Chili's industries in Atacama, or export duties at the port of
Antofagasta, seized the first opportunity to violate its agreement, and
on February 14, 1878, when Chili was on the verge of war with Argen-
tina, Bolivia imposed an export tax at Antofagasta of ten cents a
quintal on all shipments. Bolivia was supported in this course by
Peru, which thought that it had a better navy and stronger army than
134
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
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OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 135
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Chili. The right or wrong of the matter, of course, had nothing to do
with the case. Bolivia then made demands upon the manager of the
nitrate company at Antofagasta for the payment of $90,000 "back
taxes " under this new scheme, and upon his refusal locked him up in
jail and confiscated the property of his company. On January 3,
1879, Chili presented an ultimatum to Bolivia, which was met with
refusal. On February 10 diplomatic relations were broken off. On
February 14 Chilian troops took possession of Antofagasta and the
adjoining territory.
On March 1, 1879, Bolivia declared war.
At this time Senor Jose Antonia Lavalle, the Peruvian envoy at
Santiago, proposed that the dispute be submitted to the arbitration
of Peru. Chili replied by presenting him with a copy of the secret
treaty of 1873 between Peru and Bolivia, and giving him his passports.
On April 5, 1879, Chili, without any further ceremony, declared
war against Peru.
On March 21 Colonel Soto mayor left Caracoles, about thirty miles
from Antofagasta, with 600 Chilians, to attack Calama. It was
captured on the 23d, the Bolivians, who numbered only 140, under
Dr. Zapata, losing about one third their men in killed and wounded.
On April 5 Rear-Admiral Rebolledo, commanding the Chilian
squadron, sailed to establish the blockade of Iquique. He destroyed
Peruvian commerce, boats, lighters, and wharves, and did great
damage.
On April 17 Rebolledo bombarded Mollendo, a defenceless town ;
and on April 18 this was repeated at Pisagua, an unfortified place,
where great quantities of property belonging to foreigners were
destroyed.
On May 16 Admiral Rebolledo left the Esmeralda and the Cova-
donga to maintain the blockade of Iquique, and with the Blanco
Encalada and the O'Higgins he steamed north in search of the Peru-
vian squadron.
On May 21 Captain Miguel Grau, of the Peruvian ironclad
Huascar, having learned of the departure of Rebolledo, attacked the
Chilian vessels which had been left at Iquique. He was aided by the
Independencia under Captain Moore. After a gallant fight the Chilian
corvette Esmeralda was destroyed by the Huascar, and sunk, only
50 men being saved out of a crew of 200.
The Chilian gunboat Covadonga fled, pursued by the Indepen-
dencia. The latter ran on some rocks near Punta Gruesa and was
totally wrecked. The Huascar now came up and rescued the crew.
On July 23 the Huascar captured the Chilian transport Rimac,
with a regiment of cavalry and 300 horses.
On August 17 the Huascar attacked the Magallanes and the Abtao
in the harbor of Antofagasta, and would probably have destroyed
them had it not been for the shore batteries.
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 137
On October 8 Grau, now Admiral, with the Huascar and the
Union, encountered the Chilian squadron, under its new commander,
Admiral Riveros, consisting of the Cochrane, Loa, and O'Higgins.
After a desperate fight the Peruvian vessels were completely destroyed.
Admiral Grau, almost all his officers, and most of his men were
killed.
On November 17 the Pilcomayo was captured by the Chilians,
leaving the Peruvians with only one small vessel, the Union.
On October 28 the Chilian army of 10,000 men, 850 of which
were cavalry and 30 long-range modern field guns, departed from
Antofagasta, in 15 transports, convoyed by the Cochrane and the
O'Higgins, with Pisagua as its objective. General Escala was in
command, and General Sotomayor, Minister of War, accompanied
the invaders.
On November 2 this army arrived at Pisagua, which was de-
fended by only 900 men under Colonel Villamil, 300 of whom were
raw recruits.
The two small forts of Pisagua were soon disabled by the Cochrane
and the O'Higgins. The Chilians at once landed, took the town,
killed and wounded 500 Bolivians and Peruvians, and lost only 235
men themselves.
On November 6 Colonel Jose Vergara, with 175 Chilian troops,
encountered a small Peruvian body under Captain Sepulveda, at
Agua Santa, and killed 70, dispersing the rest. The Chilians now
took possession of the railway from Pisagua to Agua Santa.
On November 19 General Buendia, with about 6000 Peruvians,
attacked the Chilians at Dolores, but was repulsed after several
hours' fighting with a loss of 296 killed and wounded and 100 prisoners,
the Chilian loss being 208. General Buendia retreated during the
night to Tarapaca.
On November 20 Iquique was surrendered to the Chilians without
a battle. The Chilians now took possession of the whole nitrate
district.
On November 27 the Chilians, after forced marches, reached
Tarapaca, taking the Peruvians wholly unawares. General Buendia
had 2500 infantry, poorly fed and supplied. The Chilian attacking
force consisted of 2000 infantry, 150 cavalry, and 10 guns, under
Colonel Luis Arteaga. A heavy fight ensued on the heights around
Tarapaca, in which the Chilians were driven back from successive
positions, losing several of their Krupp field guns. General Buendia
received reinforcements from Pachica at a critical moment, and
succeeded in forcing the Chilians back to the mouth of the Tarapaca
valley, from which point they retreated, leaving 8 guns and 1 standard
in the hands of the Peruvians. The Chilian loss was 687 men killed
and wounded, and 52 prisoners; the Peruvian loss was 540 men and
officers killed and wounded. Notwithstanding this substantial
138 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
victory, General Buendia ordered the abandonment of Tarapaca,
and a retreat to Arica, where they arrived, December 18, discouraged
and worn-out. The Chilians at once took possession of Tarapaca.
1880. — On February 24 General Manuel Baquedano, who had
succeeded General Escala, as commander of the Chilian army,
ordered an advance on Tacna and Arica, which were defended by
General Campero with 10,000 Peruvians and Bolivians.
On February 26 General Baquedano disembarked 10,000 men at
Ylo and Pacocha, and 4000 additional men were disembarked two
days later.
On March 22 General Baquedano captured Torata, a strong
position, thus isolating Tacna and Arica.
On April 17 Colonel Vergara, Chilian, in making a reconnaissance
in force of the territory between Ylo and Tacna, a distance of about
eighty miles, encountered a Peruvian detachment under Colonel
Albarracain, and destroyed it, killing more than 150 men.
On April 17 the Chilian army started overland for Tacna.
On May 20 Minister of War Sotomayor, who accompanied the
Chilian army, died at Buenavista, in the valley of the Sama River.
On May 25 the Chilian army encamped within six miles of Tacna.
On May 26 the action commenced. After four hours of fighting
the Chilians gained a complete victory. The severity of the battle
can be judged from the losses. There were 2128 Chilians, and 3147
Peruvians and Bolivians, killed and wounded. In this battle the
Chilians had 14,000 men, and the allies 8000, about forty per cent of
whom were killed or wounded. General Campero retreated towards
Bolivia with his entire army.
On June 6 General Baquedano ordered the bombardment of
Arica, which was well fortified and held by 2000 Peruvians under
Colonel Francisco Bolognesi. On June 7 the Chilians stormed the
forts of Arica at about daybreak, capturing them, and killing and
wounding 800 Peruvians, themselves suffering relatively small losses.
On April 10 the Chilian squadron blockaded Callao. They
bombarded it on April 22 and May 10. Considerable damage was
inflicted on both sides by numerous incidents of the blockade. On
May 25 the Chilian torpedo boat Janequeo was destroyed in an
attack on the Peruvian steam launch Independencia, the latter also
being foundered by a torpedo.
On July 3 the Chilian armed transport Loa was sunk by a mysteri-
ous explosion, supposed to have been caused by an infernal machine.
The Chilian vessel Covadonga was likewise destroyed by an infernal
machine concealed in a small boat which its crew had captured and
atttempted to haul up on the davits, where an explosion occurred.
In September, Captain Patricio Lynch, with 3000 Chilians, dev-
astated the northern coast of Peru, destroying government property,
railways, etc., in all coast towns.
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 139
On October 22 a conference took place between representatives
of Chili and Peru-Bolivia, on board the U. S. corvette Lackawanna.
This was brought about by the American Minister to Chili, Mr.
Osborne. The demands of Chili were so exacting that the confer-
ence was abandoned.
General Baquedano now prepared to attack Lima, with an army
of 30,000 men and ample arms and supplies. Curayaco Bay was
selected as the base of operations, and he began to concentrate his
forces there, driving the Peruvians before him.
On December 22 the main Chilian army landed at Curayaco Bay.
On December 27 Colonel Barbosa captured a detachment of
Peruvian cavalry, thereby clearing the Lurin valley.
On December 28 the Chilian army arrived at the Lurin River, and
encamped within ten miles of the first line of the defences of Lima.
On December 6 a fight took place in the harbor of Callao between
the Chilian torpedo boats, Tucapel, Fresia, and Guacoldo, and a
Peruvian launch, aided by the guns of the forts. The Fresia was
sunk, and some damage done to the Peruvian cruiser Union.
1881. — On January 9 Colonel Barbosa made a reconnaissance
in force on the Peruvian left.
On January 13 at daybreak, the Chilian army attacked the
Peruvian positions all along the line. Senor Nicolas Pierola, who had
so recently overthrown the Lima government, at the head of a suc-
cessful revolution, now had almost 26,000 men in line, and 18,000
in reserve ; but they were mostly a sorry lot. Many of them had
been recluted, — in other words, lassooed and forced into the army.
After several hours of fighting the Peruvians were defeated and routed.
They lost 5000 killed, 4000 wounded, and 2000 prisoners. The
Chilians lost 800 killed and 2500 wounded. There was a total of
42,000 men engaged in the battle, and the combined losses in killed
and wounded amounted to 12,300 men.
On January 15 a temporary suspension of hostilities occurred at
the request of the Diplomatic Corps in Lima, the suggestion being
made at the instance of Senor Pierola. At two p. M., however, the
fighting was renewed on both sides, and continued until dark, when
the Peruvians fled in all directions. The Peruvians lost 3000 killed
and wounded in this battle, and the Chilians 2125. About 25,000 men
were engaged on both sides, and the total loss exceeded 5000 in killed
and wounded. The fight is known as the battle of Miraflores.
On January 15 Senor Rufino Torico, Alcalde of Lima, surrendered
the capital to the Chilian Commander-in-Chief.
It is needless to say that during these events there was the most
extraordinary disorder in Lima; mobs and riots terrorized all men.
At the very moment Chilians were capturing Tacna and Arica,
revolutions occurred in all parts of Peru, and Lima was at that time
seized by Senor Pierola, after a bloody fight. There was not enough
140 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
patriotism in the Peruvians to consolidate in order to resist foreign
invasion, and her miserable politicians and Jefes were more anxious
to feather their own nests than to save the honor of their country.
The Chilian troops committed many acts of vandalism in Lima —
as did the Peruvians themselves — and it became necessary for
foreign governments to land marines to protect their legations and
citizens.
On January 17 General Saavedra, with his Chilian troops, took
possession of Lima, and at once set himself to the task of restoring
order. Peru now lay helpless at the mercy of Chili. The conquerors
were as cruel and mercenary as ignorant men are apt to be under
such circumstances. Chili established such administrations in Peru
as it pleased, and dictated such treaties and other dispositions as it
desired. In this year Senor Domingo Santa Maria was chosen
President of Chili.
1882. — The President exercised the usual custom of compelling
the election of a Congress satisfactory to the Executive. This caused
great dissatisfaction. Large guerrilla bands still held the interior of
Peru, under Colonel Andres Caceres and others, and constantly at-
tacked the Chilian troops. There were also about 5000 Peruvians at
Arequipa. The reorganization of Peru was placed under Admiral
Lynch.
1883. — The Chilian Admiral selected General Iglesias to head
a new Peruvian government with which an acceptable treaty of peace
could be made. On October 23 the treaty was signed provision-
ally, and it was ratified on May 8, 1884.
1884. — On April 4 a truce was signed between Chili and Bolivia,
known as the "Pacto de Tregua," to continue in effect until the two
powers should be able to agree upon a treaty.
These treaties have led to unending disputes since that date. Harsh
as they were, Chili has not cared to live up to them.
By article three of the treaty with Peru, the provinces of Tacna
and Arica were to remain under Chilian control for ten years, to be
counted from the date of ratification (May 8, 1884). The article
goes on:
"The term having expired, a plebiscite shall decide by popular vote if
the territory of these provinces shall remain definitely under the dominion
and sovereignty of Chili, or if they shall continue to form a part of the ter-
ritory of Peru. The government of the country in whose favor the provinces
of Tacna and Arica shall be annexed shall pay to the other ten millions of
dollars ($10,000,000) Chilian silver money, or Peruvian soles, of equal per-
centage of fine silver, and of equal weight as the former. A special proto-
col, which shall be considered an integral part of the present treaty, shall
establish the form in which the plebiscite shall take place, and the terms
and conditions in which the ten millions of dollars shall be paid by the
nation remaining in possession of Tacna and Arica."
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 141
As a matter of course, Chili has refused absolutely to abide by this
part of the treaty. This war was brought on by the bad faith of Peru
and Bolivia. But Chili was no more conscientious. Its most sacred
treaty is waste-paper unless the other side has the necessary men and
guns. The chief revenue of Chili is now derived from the great guano
and nitrate deposits in these provinces, and it will not give them up
without a struggle.
1886. — On September 18 Sefior Jose Manuel Balmaceda became
President, through the influence of the preceding executive, Santa
Maria. A prolonged conflict commenced between the new chief
and Congress, in which several cabinets fell or resigned.
1891. — In January President Balmaceda virtually assumed a
dictatorship. Civil war at once broke out.
On January 6 and 7 the Chilian navy revolted, and proceeded at
once to blockade the coast towns. Revolutionary troops now took
possession of Pisagua, Serena, Ovalle, and Coquimbo. The navy,
under Jorge Montt, operated in harmony with Senor Waldo Silva,
Vice-President of the Senate, and Ramon Barros Luco, President of
the Chamber of Deputies. The revolutionists called themselves
Congregationalists.
On January 29 government troops recaptured Serena and
Coquimbo. A military conspiracy was now discovered and frus-
trated in Santiago. An "Act of Deposition " was signed by 89 mem-
bers of Congress, declaring Balmaceda no longer President, but as
Congress was not in session, and the act not in legal form, it had
no real effect.
On February 6 the squadron, in revolt, landed troops at Pisagua
and recaptured the town, taking 250 prisoners and killing and wound-
ing about 40 men. The revolutionists here recluted about 2000 men.
On February 15 General Robles and a government force were
practically destroyed by the Congregationalists at Dolores.
On February 16 General Robles was reinforced by Colonel Soto,
from Iquique, making 800 men under him. On February 17 General
Robles attacked 1200 revolutionists under General Urrutia near Huara,
and severely defeated them, killing and wounding 250, the govern-
ment loss being 167. On the same day Iquique was seized by the
commander of the Blanco Encalada.
On February 19 Colonel Soto returned to Iquique, and an engage-
ment took place, in which the ships Esmeralda and Blanco Encalada
fired into the town, causing serious fires. Colonel Soto now retired.
On March 7 an action took place at Pozo Almonte, between 1600
Congregationalists, under General Holley, and 1300 government
troops, under General Robles. The latter was killed, and his army
dispersed, losing more than 400 men in killed and wounded. The
Congregationalists lost about the same number.
On April 7 the government troops evacuated Arica, and a force of
142 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
650 men and officers went to Arequipa, and remained until the end
of the revolution.
On March 18 part of the government garrison at Antofagasta
mutinied, and joined the revolutionists.
On March 19 the government troops abandoned Antofagasta,
which was at once occupied by General Holley, of the Congrega-
tionalists.
On April 22 the Congregationalists took possession of Caldera.
On April 23 the torpedo boats remaining in the control of the
government, the Lynch and Condell, crept into the harbor of Caldera,
and destroyed the Blanco Encalada by a torpedo, the ship sinking
with 12 officers and 207 men.
On May 15 Balmaceda shot two sergeants of the Seventh
Regiment, Benigno Pena and Pedro Pablo Meza, on a charge of
treason.
On May 23 he shot Gregorio Vera, Ramon Santibanez, Juan
Ovalle, Juan Grammer, and many others. These executions aroused
public indignation against him.
In April the Congregationalists organized a provisional govern-
ment at Iquique, with Captain Jorge Montt as Chief of the Junta de
Gobierno.
In April the Itata, a Congregationalist steamer, loaded with 5000
rifles and 2,500,000 cartridges, was held at San Diego, with a United
States marshal on board, upon denouncement of the Chilian govern-
ment. The captain, however, sailed away, carrying the United States
marshal with him. The vessel was seized by a United States man-of-
war, upon arrival at Iquique, and taken back to the jurisdiction of
the United States without having had opportunity to discharge its
cargo.
On May 5 a meeting of representatives of both contending
parties met in the American legation, but were unable to arrive at
any compromise.
On May 6 a bomb was thrown at President Balmaceda, but it
exploded without doing serious damage.
In June and July Balmaceda showed great energy, recruiting and
organizing at least 50,000 men.
On July 12 Balmaceda tortured Richard Cumming, a man born
in Chili of British parents, into making a confession of a plot to seize
some torpedo vessels, and on the strength of this confession, so ex-
torted, shot him.
On July 3 the Congregationalists received from the transport
Maipo, at Iquique, 6 Krupp mountain guns, 1700 shells, 5000 Gras
rifles, with about 4,000,000 cartridges, which had been purchased in
Europe.
In August the revolutionists, with about 10,000 men, made ready
for an attack upon the government forces in Santiago.
OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF CHILI 143
On August 19 Balmaceda ordered the execution of several promi-
nent men of Santiago.
On August 20 the massacre of "Lo Canas" occurred, by which
government troops shot 21 young men, mostly unarmed, alleged to
be sympathizers of the revolution, who were holding a meeting in a
private house.
On August 19, 16 vessels loaded with Congregationalists appeared
at Quinteros and disembarked.
On August 21 the Congregational army under Colonel Korner
engaged the government troops under General Barnosa, at Concon,
near Valparaiso. The Congregationalists were the victors. They
lost 216 officers and men killed and 531 wounded. The government
lost 1700 in killed and wounded and 1500 prisoners.
On August 23 an ineffective attack was made on Vina del Mar by
the Congregationalists.
On August 28 the revolutionary army of about 9200 men at-
tacked the government forces of about the same strength at Placilla,
and completely defeated them. General Barbosa was killed in a
brutal manner by troopers. The Congregationalists lost 485 killed
and 1124 wounded; the government troops lost 941 killed and 2422
wounded.
Valparaiso was at once occupied by the Congregationalists. A
scene of anarchy ensued in the city, the victorious troops rioting,
looting, drinking, and murdering people all night. Patrols shot
more than 300 persons on the plea of re-establishing order.
On August 29 Balmaceda resigned as President of Chili, turning
the government over to General Baquedano. Grave confusion
and disorders occurred in Santiago. Houses were looted, and
several millions of dollars worth of property were destroyed by
rioters.
On September 19 Senor Balmaceda committed suicide at the
Argentine legation, where he had been concealed since his abdication.
On October 16 the murder and wounding of the American sailors
from the United States steamship Baltimore occurred in Valparaiso
harbor. These men, 116 in number and unarmed, were attacked
by a mob of about 2000 Chilians, in which the police and soldiers took
part. This barbarity led to strained relations between the two gov-
ernments and much diplomatic correspondence.
On November 10 a new Congress met, and the Junta de Gobierno
surrendered its power. Admiral Jorge Montt was selected as Presi-
dent, and assumed office on December 26.
On December 11 Senor Matte, the Chilian minister, dictated an
insulting letter regarding the attitude of the United States and Presi-
dent Harrison, with reference to the Baltimore affair.
1892. — On January 22 the United States delivered what prac-
tically amounted to an ultimatum to Chili. On January 25 Chili
144 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
withdrew the offensive note of December 11 and offered to pay an
indemnity, and the affair ended.
1894. — President Montt consented to the sale of the Esmeralda
to the Japanese government, during the war of the latter with China,
— a breach of international law which called forth much criticism.
1896. — Senor Federico Errazuriz was selected for President.
1895, 1898, 1901. — In each of these years Chili and Argentina
were on the verge of war on account of boundary disputes. It was
largely through the patience and common-sense of President Errazuriz
that the matter was finally arbitrated.
1901. — Senor Jerman Riesco was elected President.
1906. — Pedro Montt was elected President to hold office until
1911. He is a man of wide experience in public affairs, the son of
Manuel Montt, a former President, and a successful administration
is predicted for him.
CHAPTER XI
A BRIEF HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF URUGUAY
IN 1806, when the English captured Buenos Ayres, the garrison of
Montevideo furnished the troops necessary for recapturing it. At
that time Montevideo was a strong centre of Spanish influence
and aristocracy. The outlying districts of Uruguay were inhabited
by cattlemen, — fearless, desperate riders and good shots.
Maldonado harbor in Eastern Uruguay was seized by the British
towards the end of 1806.
1807. — On January 14 Montevideo was besieged by the British
with land and naval forces. Uruguayans sallied forth to attack the
English, but after losing 1000 men, were driven back.
On January 23, after a desperate bombardment lasting eight days,
the English took Montevideo by assault.
A few months later the English withdrew from Montevideo on
account of their serious defeat at Buenos Ayres.
Elio, the Spanish Military Governor at Montevideo, suspected
the loyalty of Liniers, the Frenchman who had been appointed Spanish
Viceroy at Buenos Ayres, and the two men quarrelled. Liniers, being
the superior officer, deposed Elio. Thereupon a junta was formed
at Montevideo, which declared its independence of Buenos Ayres,
and stated it would recognize directly and solely the authority of the
legitimate King of Spain, who was then in banishment.
1810. — On July 12 a part of the garrison mutinied at Montevideo
against Spanish authority. This was caused by news of the movement
for independence in Buenos Ayres. The disturbance was soon
suppressed.
1811. — Elio, who had been in Spain, returned to Montevideo
with a commission as Viceroy. He instituted severe measures against
all persons suspected of sympathy with the revolution, and at once
declared war upon the revolutionists of Buenos Ayres.
A powerful revolution now broke out against Elio, particularly
among the guachos of the southeastern provinces. Jose Artigas, a
leader of great force and bravery, took control of it.
In April Belgrano, the Buenos Ayrean General, arrived in Uruguay
to reinforce the anti-royalists.
VOL. i— 10
146 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On May 18 a Spanish force of 1000 men was almost annihilated
at Las Piedras by the Uruguayan guachos, under Artigas. The latter
now began a siege of Montevideo.
A Portuguese army now advanced from Brazil against Artigas.
At the same time the Buenos Ayres Junta was in dire straits, owing
to the destruction of the revolutionary forces, which were invading
Bolivia, at Huaqui. Artigas, therefore, retired to defend Buenos
Ayres.
1812. — The Brazilian troops were withdrawn from Uruguay in
the middle of 1812 because of English pressure.
Spanish authority was again assaulted throughout Uruguay.
On December 3 the Argentine revolutionists, under Jose Rondeau,
gained a bloody victory over the Spanish forces at Cerrito, in the
suburbs of Montevideo. Artigas now set up a dictatorship in the out-
lying provinces, Montevideo still remaining in the hands of Elio.
1813. — Artigas and Rondeau quarrelled, and counter-revolutions
broke out. Buenos Ayres refused to recognize Artigas, and the anti-
royalists enjoyed a period of civil strife.
1814. — In January Artigas withdrew his forces from the siege
of Montevideo.
In May William Brown, the Irish Admiral, destroyed the Spanish
fleet, cutting off Montevideo communications by land and sea. The
fortress of Montevideo then surrendered to the Argentine anti-royalist
General Alvear.
All the guacho chiefs of Western Uruguay, Corrientes, Entre Rios,
Santa Fe, and the Missions, resisted the Buenos Ayres anti-royalist
Junta, and continual bloodshed ensued. They also opposed the
authority of Spain.
1815. — In January one of these guacho chiefs, Fructuoso Rivera,
defeated the Buenos Ayrean force at Guayabos, and the junta was
compelled to withdraw its armies from Uruguayan territory.
Artigas, not being satisfied with having two wars on his hands, —
one with the Spanish authorities and the other with the Buenos Ayres
revolutionists, or anti-royalists, — decided to invade Brazil by way
of diversion. He attacked the Seven Missions, in Brazilian territory,
and captured it, after desperate fighting. During almost a year the
Brazilians from Rio Grande made several unsuccessful attempts to
regain the territory.
1816. — The forces of Artigas were overwhelmed and destroyed
by the Brazilians, who proceeded towards Montevideo.
1817. — In January Artigas, who had about 4000 men, was again
overwhelmingly defeated by the Brazilians, and his army scattered
to the winds. The Portuguese now took possession of Montevideo.
1818-1820. — There was an uninterrupted warfare between the
Brazilians and the Uruguayan guacho chiefs. Artigas fought many
bloody battles, but fate was against him. On September 23, 1820,
HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF URUGUAY 147
his forces reduced to only 40 men, he went to Candelario, Paraguay,
on the Parana, and begged Dictator Francia for an asylum. This was
granted him. The remainder of his life he spent on a small farm in
the great forests. He died in 1850, at the age of eighty-six years.
The other guerrilla chiefs, Rivera, Lavelleja, Oribe, after desper-
ate careers, were defeated one by one, and the Portuguese took pos-
session of the entire country.
1821. — Uruguay, through the medium of a Congress, declared
itself a part of Brazil, under the name of Cisplatine Province.
1825. — An invasion of 33 Argentine adventurers, under Lavel-
leja, landed in the southwestern part of Uruguay to give the country
"independence." The troops sent against them from Montevideo
refused to fight. General Rivera, the old guacho chief, who after his
surrender was made a Brazilian officer, was treacherous to the Portu-
guese and joined Lavelleja's revolution.
A horde of military chiefs rose in rebellion against Brazil, and
declared Uruguay reincorporated with Argentina.
A bloody battle at Sarandi resulted in a great disaster to the Brazil-
ians, who were now confined within the walls of Montevideo. Argen-
tina went wild with joy at the news of this victory, and Buenos Ayres
notified Brazil that Uruguay had become a part of her territory. The
Emperor of Brazil replied by making a declaration of war.
1826. — A year of desperate fighting between Brazil and Argen-
tina. General Carlos Alvean took command of the armies of Argen-
tina. Counter-insurrections among the Argentines, between the
partisans of Lavelleja and Rivera, occurred.
Brazil blockaded Buenos Ayres, but the Irish Admiral Brown,
who had cast his lot with Argentina, defeated the Brazilians at sea
and blockaded Colonia.
1827. — On February 20 the Argentine General Alvear, with 8000
men, attacked an equal force of Brazilians, under General Barnacena
at Ituzaingo, and gained a decisive victory. Admiral Brown at
about the same time defeated the Brazilian fleet at Juncal.
1828. — Grave local disorders occurred in Argentina. The
Emperor of Brazil had troubles of his own, so that no very heavy
fighting took place in Uruguay between these two powers. Plenty
of fighting, however, occurred among the patriots themselves. Rivera
and Lavelleja were engaged in bitter feuds, and their soldiers in con-
tinual skirmishes. Brazil and Argentina made a treaty of peace.
1829. — Jose Rondeau became President of Uruguay, which had
become independent by the treaty between Brazil and Argentina.
Rivera started a new revolution, but desisted upon promise that he
should be the real President, not the paper one.
1830. — On July 18 one of those rare and unique things, so seldom
heard of in Latin America, known as a Constitution, was promulgated.
General Rivera became President.
148 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1831. — The Uruguayan government was at war with the Charrua
Indians.
1832. — Civil war broke out. The garrison of Montevideo muti-
nied, under the leadership of Colonel Garzon, who issued a proclama-
tion to depose President Rivera. The partisans of Lavelleja also arose
against the government.
1833. — The revolution continued with varying fortunes.
1834. — Rivera finally dominated the revolution, after two years'
hard fighting.
1835. — Manuel Oribe became Supreme Boss. He was bitterly
opposed to Rivera, and persecuted the friends of the latter relent-
lessly. He soon gave place to his brother Ignacio Oribe. The Oribes
formed an alliance with Rosas, the tyrant of Argentina, who con-
templated the incorporation of Uruguay into his territory. The
enemies of Rosas naturally flocked to Rivera. This led to several
years of such bitterness and bloodshed on the soil of Uruguay as the
world has seldom known.
1836-1837. — The revolution continued in all parts of the country,
led by Rivera. Rosas sent the Argentine army to aid Oribe, led by
many Argentine generals. Those who supported Rivera were called
Colorados, the partisans of Oribe called themselves Blancos.
1838. — Rivera drove Oribe out of Montevideo, and he went to
Buenos Ayres. Rivera now became Jefe Supremo. He made a treaty
of alliance with the province of Corrientes, and declared war against
the tyrant Rosas, of Argentina.
1839. — A large Argentine army which had invaded Uruguay was
overwhelmingly defeated on December 10 at Cagancha. Peace was
now declared.
1840. — This was a year of peace and prosperity for Uruguay.
1841. — Oribe at the head of one of Rosas' armies invaded Entre
Rios, to attack the allies of Rivera there.
1842. — In January Rivera, with 3000 soldiers, went into Entre
Rios to aid General Paz against Oribe. At the end of 1842 Rivera and
Paz were decisively defeated at Arroya Grande.
1843. — Rosas, with an overwhelming Argentine force, invaded
Uruguay. For nine years one of the bloodiest wars of the world was
fought in all parts of Uruguay. Rivera and many Colorado chiefs
held the outlying provinces, but the armies of Rosas practically con-
trolled the country. This war is known as the guerra grande.
1845. — The combined French and British fleets blockaded
Buenos Ayres, because of outrages committed by the tyrant Rosas
on their citizens, and this hampered his operations in Uruguay.
As soon as the blockade was raised, Rosas redoubled his energies
to destroy Uruguay. He quarrelled, however, with his chief general,
Urquiza, Governor of Entre Rios. Virtual anarchy reigned in
Uruguay for several years.
HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF URUGUAY 149
1851. — An alliance was formed between Brazil, Corrientes, Entre
Rios, and the Colorado faction of Uruguay, and the command given
to General Urquiza.
On July 18 Urquiza crossed the Uruguay with a large army, which
was reinforced by heavy desertions from the other side. The Brazilian
fleet drove the Argentine vessels from the estuary, and after severe
fighting Montevideo surrendered. Urquiza then turned towards
Buenos Ayres, and overwhelmingly defeated Rosas at Monte Caseros,
and overthrew the noted tyrant. This ended the wars which had
been continuous from 1843 to 1851.
1851-1861. — A bewildering array of military chiefs occupied the
presidency by means of intrigues and coup d'etats, but the period was
one of comparative peace.
1853. — General Venancio Flores overthrew the President and
became Dictator.
1854. — General Flores was forced to resign, and he was succeeded
by one chief after another.
1860. — General Berro became Constitutional President. Being
a Blanco, the Colorados made ready for the customary pastime.
1863. — In April General Flores, who had been in exile, invaded
Uruguay, aided by a strong force from Buenos Ayres. He rallied
the Colorados, seized several provinces, and established his own
government.
General Flores gave, as his reason for this invasion, the fact that
a large number of Colorado prisoners had been assassinated in cold
blood at Quinteros. With 1700 men he defeated the government
troops at Rio Negro.
1864. — The Blancos selected Dr. Aguirre for President of
Uruguay. Aguirre took severe measures against all persons suspected
of sympathy with the Colorados. He maltreated Brazilian citizens
as well as those of Argentina; but he made an alliance with the
bloody Lopez, the Paraguayan tyrant. Lopez had a formidable army,
and was anxious to conquer Rio Grande do Sul, a Brazilian province.
In order to protect its citizens in Uruguay, Brazil sent 4000 soldiers
to its frontier, and established a threatening squadron in front of
Montevideo. President Aguirre was obstinate, secure in his Para-
guayan alliance, and he treated the Brazilian envoy, Conselheiro
Saraiva, with disrespect.
The Brazilian squadron, under Admiral Tamandare, destroyed
the Uruguayan war-ship, Villa del Salto, and affairs were brought
to a crisis.
On December 6 a powerful attack was made on Paysandii, held
by Uruguayan troops, by 1200 Brazilians under General Netto, and
5000 revolutionists under General Flores. The Brazilian squadron
joined in the attack. On December 31 heavy fighting was renewed
at Paysandii.
150 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1865. — On January 2 the combined forces made an attack upon
Paysandii, captured, looted, and pillaged it in a shocking manner.
President Aguirre sent an expedition into Rio Grande do Sul,
which captured Yaguaron, and practised atrocious acts of sav-
agery against the Brazilians. The force was finally defeated by the
Brazilians under Colonel Fidelis.
In February the Brazilians and their Colorado allies invested
Montevideo with 14,000 men. President Aguirre now issued a batch
of proclamations, and fled to Buenos Ayres.
On February 22 General Flores entered Montevideo, and pro-
claimed himself President.
Lopez, of Paraguay, in the mean time had declared war against
Brazil, given the Brazilian minister, Viana de Lima, his passports,
and seized a Brazilian vessel, the Marques d'Olinda, and incorporated
it into his fleet. Lopez took Brazil by surprise, and captured Nueva
Coimbra, Albuquerque, Tage, Miranda, Corumba, Dourado, and
nearly the whole southern part of the province of Matto Grosso before
the middle of January, 1865.
For the next five years the record of this war belongs more properly
to the history of Paraguay. It was in fact an alliance of Brazil,
Uruguay, and Argentina against Lopez, and led to the latter's
downfall. General Flores led the Uruguayan forces during this
period in their campaign of invasion.
1867. — General Flores returned to Uruguay. He announced
that he was not a candidate for the presidency. His son, Colonel
Flores, headed a revolt, his being the only regiment in Montevideo.
President Flores induced his son to surrender, and temporarily exiled
him.
1868. — On February 15 Dr. Pedro Varela became President.
A conspiracy was formed by the Blancos to seize Congress, and a
party led by Barnardo P. Berro attacked the Government Palace at
noon on February 19. At the same time Colonel Freire led an attack
on the regiment, but he was killed and his force dispersed. General
Flores was assassinated in his carriage. The perpetrators of the deed
were never discovered.
On March 1 General Lorenzo Batlle was selected for Presi-
dent. Wholesale executions on account of Flores' assassination now
occurred, and a desperate Blanco insurrection broke out. Cholera
added its ravages to that of war, and financial ruin threatened the
whole country. The government attempted to compel the acceptance
of paper money, which added to the distress.
A revolution was inaugurated by Maximo Perez, and another by
General Caraballo ; but both were finally subdued.
1869. — This year was filled with revolutions, riots, and the
ravages of the cholera. It seemed as if nature were aiding mankind
in race-suicide.
HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF URUGUAY 151
1870. — Colonel Timoteo Aparicio, one of the Blancos, on March 5,
started a revolution in Northwest Uruguay with men and munitions
of war largely obtained from the neighboring provinces of Brazil and
Argentina. He soon collected 5000 men.
On September 12 an action was fought between the revolutionists
and the government troops under General Suarez, at Santa Lucia, in
which the latter was badly defeated and compelled to fall back upon
Montevideo.
Soon afterwards Colonel Aparicio with his revolutionary force
attacked General Francisco Caraballo, commander of the army corps
of the North, at Corralito, and defeated him, after heavy losses on
both sides. Caraballo retreated, and was attacked at Rio Negro
by Aparicio, but the latter was defeated. The rebels, however,
soon had possession of nearly the whole country outside of
Montevideo.
On November 28 the revolutionists took the fortress at Cerro by
assault, and made ready to seize Montevideo.
On November 29 President Batlle in person led a sortie against
the revolutionists, on the outskirts of Montevideo, and drove them
from their position at Villa de la Union.
In December Colonel Aparicio was compelled to raise the siege of
Montevideo. He moved out to meet the government General Suarez
and captured many supplies at Puerto del Ingles.
On December 25 General Suarez, with all the forces at his com-
mand, fought a bloody battle with Colonel Aparicio. The revolu-
tionary army was practically destroyed.
1871. — Colonel Aparicio audaciously proceeded to raise a new
army, and by June he had 2500 men located at Manantiales de San
Juan.
On July 17 General Enrique Castro with a strong government
force attacked Aparicio, and virtually wiped his army out of
existence.
Senor Tomas Gomensoro now became President.
1872. — On April 6 President Gomensoro arrived at a "treaty"
with the rebel leaders, chief of whom was Aparicio, by which he paid
them $500,000 and they laid down their arms, and shouted for God
and the Patria.
1873. — On February 14 Dr. Jose E. Ellauri became President.
This gentleman had little liking for the presidential office, with its
liability to assassination and certainty of revolutionary opposition.
He therefore resigned twice ; but the army paraded in front of Con-
gress, and told the members that if they accepted the resignation
they would all be shot. Thereupon they rejected it unanimously.
1874. — Riots and tumults absorbed public attention, as usual.
Colonel Romualdo Castillo, who had been the President's right hand
in maintaining law and order, was assassinated at Paysandu.
152 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
In November an uprising was led by Colonel Maximo Perez in
the department of Sariano, but it was suppressed.
1875. — In January serious rioting occurred in Montevideo.
Elections were held on January 10 for President, there being innumer-
able shooting affrays between the partisans of the candidates.
On January 15 a revolutionary force took possession of Monte-
video, ousted President Ellauri, and proclaimed a provisional govern-
ment with Pedro Varela at its head. Dr. Ellauri sought refuge on a
foreign war-ship.
President Varela arrested almost everybody he did not like, placed
them in a leaky old tub, the Puig, and sent them to sea. Most of
them finally reached the United States.
In May a revolution broke out against Varela, in the department
of Maldonado. It was led by Colonel Julian de la Liana. In the
department of Salto 1000 troops under Colonel Atanasildo Saldana
joined the revolution.
Colonel Julio Arrue with a force from Buenos Ayres disem-
barked at Colonia and joined the insurrection. The troops of Mer-
cedes revolted, and joined the movement.
In October the revolutionists under Colonel Arrue defeated the
government troops in the department of Soriano.
President Varela gave command of his army to General Aparicio,
the famous revolutionary leader, who was ably seconded by Colonel
Latorre, Minister of War.
General Aparicio defeated the revolutionists in an important
engagement in the department of Minas, and broke their backbone.
The debt of Uruguay had now grown to over $40,000,000, equal
to about $150 per capita. The President was accused of crooked
practices in manipulating the public funds.
1876. — On March 10 Colonel Latorre seized the government,
and declared himself Dictator. He ruled for four years with a rod
of iron. Brigandage was universal. He mercilessly stamped it out,
shooting every one engaged in that occupation he could catch. But
he also instituted a reign of terror, in which there were hundreds of
mysterious assassinations of persons supposed to be unfriendly to the
government.
1880. — On March 13 President Latorre resigned, declaring that
Uruguay was ungovernable.
Dr. Francisco A. Vidal, a physician r was chosen President by
Congress. He made Colonel Maximo Santos Prime Minister, and
Dr. Vidal remained a figure-head thereafter.
In May a mob, led by the military, destroyed most of the news-
papers of Montevideo.
1882. — On March 1 Dr. Vidal resigned, and General Santos
became President. His administration was rotten to the core, —
tyrannical, corrupt, and infamous.
HISTORICAL OUTLINE OF URUGUAY 153
1886. — On March 1 Santos had Congress re-elect Dr. Francisco
A. Vidal as President, and appoint himself as Commander-in-Chief
of the army.
On March 28 a revolutionary movement occurred at Guaviyu,
under the leadership of General Enrique Castro and Jose Miguel
Arredondo.
On March 30 General Tajes, with a government force, attacked
the rebels and severely defeated them.
On May 24 Dr. Vidal resigned the presidency, and General Santos
assumed supreme control.
On August 17 an attempt was made to assassinate Santos, the
bullet breaking his lower jaw. A new revolution broke out, and Santos
became seriously alarmed.
On November 18 General Santos resigned, and General Maximo
Tajes was selected for the presidency. This man gave a good admin-
istration, and did his utmost to bring Uruguay to prosperity.
1890. — Dr. Julio Herrera y Obes became President. His ad-
ministration was corrupt, extravagant, and tyrannical, — the old
military elements dominating.
1891. — Uruguay defaulted on its obligations, and a grave eco-
nomic crisis occurred.
1894. — On March 1 Herrera y Obes resigned, and Senor Duncan
Stewart became Acting Executive ad interim.
On March 21 the Congress selected Juan Idiarte Borda as
President.
1897. — In February a revolution broke out, caused by the cor-
ruption and general debauchery of the Borda administration. It was
led by Aparicio Saraiva in the North, while Colonel Diego Lamas,
who had recruited in Argentina, invaded the southern part of Uruguay.
In March President Borda concentrated his troops, and sent them
north to attack Saraiva. The armies met at Arbolito, where the gov-
ernment troops were defeated. By June President Borda had 10,000
men in the field. Engagements took place at Cerro Colorado, Cerros
Blancos, and Tres Arboles; but nothing decisive occurred.
On August 25 President Borda was assassinated in Montevideo.
The assassin, Avelino Arredondo, surrendered to the police, was duly
tried, and sentenced to two years' imprisonment. His only defence
was that he thought the country had suffered enough from Borda 's
misrule, and that he wished to put an end to it.
Juan Lindolfo Cuestas, President of the Senate, now became Chief
Executive. In September Senor Cuestas entered into negotiations
with the rebels, offering them most of the offices they wanted, and
$200,000 cash. The offer was accepted with gratitude.
1898. — Owing to repeated and continual opposition to his reform
policies, President Cuestas, on February 10, dissolved Congress, sus-
pended the Constitution, and declared himself Dictator.
154 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1899. — Congress met and approved the acts of Dictator Cuestas,
and elected him Constitutional President.
On July 1 a mutiny broke out at the garrison of Montevideo,
which was quelled after a battle of several hours and the loss of about
200 lives,
1903. — On March 1 Senor Jose Batlle y Ordonez was elected
President.
Shortly afterwards General Aparicio Saraiva inaugurated a new
revolution, which, however, was finally subdued.
CHAPTER XII
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF PARAGUAY
ON May 25, 1810, the Spanish viceroy of Buenos Ayres was over-
thrown by a revolution.
In the following months Manuel Belgrano headed a few
hundred Paraguayans, invaded Entre Rios and Corrientes, and over-
threw Spanish authority.
1811. — On January 19 Belgrano was destroyed near Asuncion, by
a body of royalists, mostly composed of Indians, under Yegros, a native
Paraguayan, who disliked the Buenos Ayreans. This action definitely
decided the independence of Paraguay from Buenos Ayres.
In March a junta was formed with Yegros as chief, and Dr.
Francia, a noted lawyer, as secretary.
1813. — Francia and Yegros were given supreme authority in
Paraguay, with the title of Consuls.
1814. — Dr. Francia forced Yegros out. The latter was an igno-
rant soldier, unfit to be entrusted with power.
1816. — Dr. Francia became Supreme Dictator. He ruled for
the next twenty-five years, — as bloody and implacable a despot as
the world has ever produced. He relied for support wholly upon the
Indians, who regarded him with superstitious reverence. He ordered
executions by the thousands, isolated Paraguay from the world, had
neither legislature nor judiciary, was himself the whole government,
and ruthlessly shot any person who incurred his displeasure. He was
particularly severe against the educated classes, the priesthood, and
all white persons, and executed them upon the slightest provocation.
1840. — The tyrant Francia died, and anarchy reigned for months.
1841. — Carlos Antonio Lopez was selected for First Consul.
1844. — Congress named Lopez President for ten years.
1849. — War was declared by Paraguay against the tyrant Rosas
of Buenos Ayres, because the latter sought to prevent Paraguay's
commerce reaching the sea via the Parana River.
1850-1862. — Lopez was in constant trouble with foreign powers,
and displayed great hatred for all foreigners.
1862. — Lopez died, and his son Francisco Solano Lopez became
ruler. Lopez the younger was an inconceivable despot, a criminal
tyrant such as the world has seldom seen. " He ordered his best friends
156 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
to execution; he tortured his mother and sisters, and murdered his
brothers." The reader interested in the doings of this desperado will
find a biographical sketch of him under "Typical Dictators — the
Worst." An account of conditions in Paraguay at this time may be
read in the chapter headed " The Reign of Terror under the
Bloody Lopez."
The bloody war of Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina, allies against
Paraguay, led to the downfall of Lopez, and almost the annihilation
of his country.
1870. — On March 1 Lopez was captured, and killed by a com-
mon soldier, before surrendering. Thus perished the most dreadful
character which the Western Hemisphere has produced. Dawson
says:
"When Lopez was waiting in 1868 for the final attack of the Brazilians,
he made use of the last months of his power to arrest, torture, and murder
nearly every white man left in Paraguay, including his own brother, his
brother-in-law, and the generals who had served him best, and the friends
who had enjoyed his most intimate confidence. Even women and foreigners
did not escape the cold, deliberate bloodthirstiness of this demon. He had
his own sister beaten with clubs and exposed her naked in the forest ; he had
the wife of the brave general who was forced to surrender at Humaita speared,
and subjected two members of the American legation to the most sickening
torture."
1871. — Salvador Jovellanos became President of Paraguay.
1872. — Three different revolutions occurred in Paraguay, which
were suppressed by Brazilian troops. It would seem that these people
never knew when they had enough of fighting. The country was now
placed virtually under the protectorate of Brazil.
1874. — Senor Gill became President.
1875. — President Gill was assassinated.
Since this date the rulers have been as follows :
1875, Senor Uriarte. 1894, Sefior Morinigo.
1875, Senor Baredo. 1894, J. VB. Egusquiza.
1875, Senor Saguier. 1898, Emilio Aceval.
1882, General Caballero. 1902, Juan B. Escurra.
1886, Senor Escobar. 1904, Juan B. Gaona.
1890, Senor Gonzalez. 1905, Dr. Baez.
Several of these Presidents have secured office by revolution. In
1881 President Saguier was overthrown by the army.
In 1894 President Gonzalez was seized in his office, revolvers
pointed at his head, and in this manner was taken to a ship and de-
ported out of the country. The army was in the conspiracy.
Paraguay is one of the most backward of all the South American
countries.
CHAPTER XIII
SANTO DOMINGO AND HAITI
ON January 27, 1801, the Haitian General Toussaint POuverture
took possession of the entire island in the name of France, the
sovereignty having been ceded by Spain.
1806. — Dessalines, who had proclaimed himself Emperor, was
assassinated. The Spaniards took possession of the eastern portion
of the island called Santo Domingo.
1821. — On December 1 the people proclaimed their independ-
ence of Spain. Revolutions and counter-revolutions occurred.
1822. — General Boyer, ruler of Haiti, took possession of Santo
Domingo.
1843. — Boyer was driven out by a revolution.
1844. — On February 27 Santo Domingo again proclaimed its
independence and adopted a Constitution.
1861. — Spain re-established authority over Santo Domingo.
1865. — Spain relinquished its control of the island. Another
Constitution was adopted.
1871. — United States commissioners visited Santo Domingo with
a view to its annexation, in accordance with the views of President
Grant. They reported favorably, and the people of Santo Domingo
were willing, but Congress took no action.
1879. — Santo Domingo adopted another Constitution, and abol-
ished the previous one.
1880. — That rare and priceless guarantee of liberty known in
Latin America as a Constitution was again promulgated, preceding
Constitutions being abolished.
1881. — The Constitution was abolished, and another adopted.
1887. — One more Constitution was promulgated.
From the beginning of the last century until the present time there
has been one continual, unending scene of diabolism, revolution,
brigandage, and crime in this island. Even Venezuela or Honduras
has not been so bad. I shall not attempt to catalogue these rev-
olutions and uprisings. The ten thousand thousand records of
murder, pillage, loot, surprises, assaults, assassinations, outrages, —
they horrify and shock one; their record becomes wearisome and
disgusting.
158 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
FATE OF HAITI'S RULERS
If it be true that "uneasy lies the head that wears a crown," what
shall we say of the head that wears the Dictator's hat ?
The rulers of Haiti have seen their ups and downs, as have those
of our other "Sisters." An authority writes:
"Toussaint I'Ouverture died a prisoner in the castle of St. Joux, France,
before the independence ; Dessalines was assassinated ; Christophe committed
suicide; Petion died in office; Boyer and his immediate successor, Riviere,
were overthrown by violence and died in exile; Guerrier, like Petion, died in
office; Pierrot retired from sheer incapacity before an approaching storm,
and was permitted quietly to end his days at home in comparative obscurity ;
Riche, like Petion and Guerrier, was still in office when he died, by some sup-
posed to have been foully dealt with ; Soulouque, overthrown by revolution,
practically spent his after life in exile, though he was allowed to return to his
native town just before he died ; Geff rard was driven by violence into exile,
where he ended his days ; Salnave, likewise driven from power by revolution,
was captured and shot by order of his successor; Saget alone retired at the
end of his term and died in his country ; Domingue went out under violence
and died in exile; Canal retired voluntarily bef®re a revolution, and is now
in exile; Salomon, after nearly ten years of office, broken down by overwork,
disease, and old age, went out in revolution and died in exile; Legitime,
driven from power by revolution, is still in exile ; and Hyppolite, who took his
place, was succeeded by General Sam, who was forced to abdicate, the revolu-
tionists establishing a provincial government, which was overthrown by
General Nord Alexis, after a long fight with Mr. Firmin and other ambitious
patriots. "
CHAPTER XIV
SOME OF THE RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF
MEXICO
FOLLOWING the conquest of Mexico by Cortes, the country
was ruled by five governors and two councils, and then by
sixty-two Spanish viceroys in succession.
1810. — On the night of September 15 Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla,
in conjunction with Allende, Aldama, Abasolo, and other Mexican
officers proclaimed independence, at the village of Dolores, State of
Guanajuato. Hidalgo and his companions in arms captured the
cities of Guanajuato, Celaya, Toluca, and Valladolid. He was de-
feated at Aculco and Puerte de Calderon.
1811. — On May 21 Hidalgo was captured at Acatita de Bajan
by the Spaniards.
On July 31 Hidalgo was shot by the Spaniards at Chihuahua.
Jose Maria Morelos y Pavon, a priest of Caracuaro, State of
Michoacan, took up the work of Hidalgo. It is worth noting, in
passing, that while the Catholic priesthood in Nueva Granada were
the supporters of Spanish authority, it was otherwise in Mexico.
Morelos captured many cities, and defeated the Spaniards in
numerous engagements. He defended with 3000 men the city of
Cuautla against 12,000 royalists, and later captured Orizaba,
Acapulco, Oaxaca, and Tehuacan.
1812. — On September 14 the first Mexican Congress was organ-
ized at Chilpancingo, State of Guerrero, with Morelos y Pavon as its
guiding spirit.
On November 6 a declaration of independence was issued, and a
Constitution was later adopted.
1813. — The revolution against Spain continued in all parts of the
country. Morelos met reverses and was captured.
1814. — Continuous fighting.
1815. — On December 22 Morelos was shot by the Spaniards in
the city of Mexico.
1816-1821. — The fighting between the patriots and the roy-
alists continued with varying fortunes, much the same as in Central
America and Nueva Granada. During this period Generals Mina,
Guerrero, and Bravo came to the front as the leading spirits opposed
to the monarchy.
160 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1821. — On January 10 a conference was held between General
Guerrero, chief of the revolutionary forces, and General Agustin
Iturbide, commander of the royalist forces.
On February 24 the "Plan of Iguala " was promulgated, by which
Iturbide and Guerrero joined forces, under the command of the former.
Iturbide's troops now captured Morella, Puebla, Queretero, and
many other towns.
On September 27 Iturbide entered the city of Mexico in triumph,
after having concluded a treaty with the Viceroy, Don Juan o Donoju,
at Cordoba. A regency of three members was established for the
government of Mexico, with Iturbide as President.
1822. — On February 24 Congress met in the city of Mexico.
Under military pressure this Congress elected Iturbide "Emperor of
Mexico." He was crowned with great pomp, on July 21, in the
Cathedral, with the title Augustine I.
On December 22 Santa Anna raised the standard of revolt at
Vera Cruz, and proclaimed a Republic. A desperate internecine strife
now deluged the country in blood. A period of anarchy and deso-
lation followed and continued for fifty years. It was only effectually
ended by the accession of Porfirio Diaz to the presidency.
1823. — In May "Emperor" Iturbide was compelled to abdicate,
his armies having been everywhere defeated. He retired to London.
A provisional government was established.
1824. — Iturbide returned to Mexico. He was arrested on dis-
embarking, taken to Padilla, and on July 19 was shot by order of
the "legislature" of Tamaulipas.
On October 10 General Guadalupe Victoria became President
of Mexico, a Constitution having been established. He was Mexico's
first President.
1825. — On January 1 the Congress met in the city of Mexico
under the new Constitution.
England and the United States recognized the independence of
Mexico.
1828-1830. — Continued conflicts and contests occurred. Pe-
draza, Guerrero, and Bustamente all claimed to be President. Santa
Anna was a prominent figure in all kinds of schemes, treachery,
and uprisings.
1835. — General Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, after a series of
intrigues and revolutions, became Dictator and abolished the Con-
stitution of 1824.
1833-1835. — Continuous mutinies and civil wars raged, and
anarchy reigned in all parts of the country.
1836. — Texas seceded from Mexico and defeated and captured
Santa Anna.
1837. — Santa Anna again returned to Mexico and assumed the
dictatorship.
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF MEXICO 161
1839. — Bravo became President. Civil war raged. Bravo 's
term was brief, and anarchy ensued.
1841. — Santa Anna again Dictator. Uprisings, pronuncia-
mentos, surprises, revolutions, rife in all parts of the country.
1844. — Santa Anna was banished after much bloodshed, and
Canalizo took his place.
1845. — Herrera became President. Revolutions continued.
1846. — Santa Anna again became President.
1847. — War with the United States.
1848. — On February 2 the Treaty of Guadalupe was signed, by
which California and New Mexico were ceded to the United States,
and Mexico received $15,000,000.
1853. — On April 1 Santa Anna again seized the reins of power
and ruled as a despot until 1855. Despotism and desolation ruined
the country, brigandage was universal, bloodshed perennial.
1854. — In this year the uprisings took more definite shape, and
became known as the Ayutla revolution, with the liberal party support-
ing it. It was intended to restore the constitutional government.
1855. — The Ayutla revolution was successful, and on October 4
General Juan Alvarez was proclaimed President. He resigned in a
short time, and General Comonfort assumed the office.
1856. — A constitutional convention was held, and radical reforms
inaugurated. Mexico had a rupture with Spain.
1857. — On February 5 a Constitution was proclaimed, and
General Comonfort was declared to be President.
On December 11 Comonfort assumed office, abolished the Con-
stitution, dissolved Congress, and proclaimed himself Dictator.
1858. — Almost immediately after Comonfort abolished the
Constitution Benito Juarez raised the standard of revolt at Vera
Cruz, and the bloody "War of Reform" began.
1859. — War and devastation were everywhere. Juarez was
generally successful. The government of Juarez at Vera Cruz was
recognized by the American envoy MacLean.
In the city of Mexico one transformation after another occurred.
Zuloaga overthrew Comonfort, and assumed the presidency. He
soon abdicated in favor of Miramon, the General of the conservative
forces who had supported Comonfort in establishing the dictatorship.
Miramon had no liking for the job, and restored Zuloaga. A tumultu-
ous disorder was everywhere, and outrages were committed on the
British legation and against all foreigners.
1860. — The conservatives were completely overthrown, and
capitulated at Guadalajara, and Miramon saved himself by flight.
Benito Juarez entered the capital and declared himself President.
1861. — Juarez issued decrees confiscating practically all the
church property of Mexico, estimated at from $350,000,000 to
$400,000,000. He promulgated measures of great severity against
VOL. i— -11
162 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
the religious orders, separated the Church from the State, and
declared marriage to be a civil contract only.
In December of this year England, Spain, and France made hos-
tile demonstrations against Mexico and occupied Vera Cruz. This
was caused by the numberless outrages committed against foreigners
and the contempt with which Juarez treated the claims of the respec-
tive governments.
1862. — England and Spain withdrew their forces, but France
continued the war. On May 5 the French were severely defeated
at Puebla. Receiving reinforcements, the French continued fighting
their way to the capital and defeated the forces of Juarez in numerous
engagements.
1863. — The French took possession of the city of Mexico. Louis
Napoleon of France offered the crown of Mexico to the Austrian
Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, who, upon being advised that the
people of Mexico desired it, accepted it.
1864. — Maximilian arrived in Mexico in June, and was crowned
Emperor amid the most extraordinary demonstrations of popular
rejoicing and approval.
1865-1867. — Benito Juarez again raised the flag of revolution.
His forces were defeated on all sides by the French armies. At the
end of our own Civil War General Sheridan was sent with a powerful
force of seasoned regulars into Texas, ready to expel by force if neces-
sary the French troops from Mexico. A peremptory demand was
thereupon made by the United States on Louis Napoleon that he with-
draw his army from Mexico. He was forced to accede, and with this
his dreams of universal Latin fusion vanished into thin air.
Deprived of the support of French arms, Maximilian was unable
to sustain himself against the great fighter Juarez.
1867. — Maximilian was captured, and on June 19 the Emperor
and his two generals, Miramon and Meijra, were shot at Queretaro
by orders of Juarez. The assassination marks Juarez as a savage.
It is a blot on the administration at Washington which nothing
can palliate or excuse. Juarez could not have captured Maximilian
except through the intervention of the United States, so that it was the
bounden obligation of our government to see that the rules of civilized
warfare were respected.
In July Juarez proclaimed himself President.
1868—1869. — Various pronunciamentos by Santa Anna and others
were promulgated, and serious disturbances took place in many
places.
1872. — President Juarez died in office on July 18, and Sebastian
Lerdo de Tejada succeeded him.
1873. — A new Constitution was adopted, on the same general
lines as that of 1857, but containing many new provisions. This Con-
stitution with sundry amendments remains in force to-day.
RULERS AND REVOLUTIONS OF MEXICO 163
1874-1875. — Revolutions in various parts of the country.
1876. — President Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada was overthrown by
a revolution which began at Tuxtepec and ended with the battle of
Tecoac, on November 16.
1877. — In April General Porfirio Diaz became President.
1880. — General Diaz selected General Manuel Gonzalez to suc-
ceed him for the ensuing term, Diaz of course being the real "power
behind the throne."
1884. — General Porfirio Diaz again assumed the presidency,
which he has held up to the present time (December, 1907) without
opposition. The indications are that he will remain in that position
as long as he lives.
From now on the history of Mexico is the personal biography of
Porfirio Diaz, and the reader is referred to the sketch of his life in
another chapter. The outline of Santa Anna's life, also given in
another chapter, contains mention of historic facts which it has not
been deemed necessary to repeat here.
He who compares the stability and prosperity of modern Mexico
with the anarchy of the old regime must be amazed at the contrast.
The Encyclopaedia Britannica says:
" As many as three hundred successful or abortive revolutions are recorded
during the brief but stormy life of Mexican independence. But amid the con-
fusion of empires, republics, dictatorships, and military usurpations, succeed-
ing each other with bewildering rapidity, the thoughtful student will detect
a steady progress towards the ultimate triumph of those Liberal ideas which
lie at the base of true national freedom. . . . Between 1821 and 1868 the
form of government was changed ten times ; over fifty persons succeeded each
other as presidents, dictators, or emperors ; both emperors were shot, Iturbide
in 1824, Maximilian in 1867, and according to some calculations there oc-
curred at least three hundred pronunciamentos."
No more excellent concrete example of the curse of anarchy and
military dictatorships and of the blessings of good government can
be found than in the history of Mexico.
CHAPTER XV
SOME OF THE REVOLUTIONS, PRESIDENTS, DICTA-
TORS, AND JEFE SUPREMOS OF CENTRAL AMERICA
IT is not intended to give other than the briefest outline of the inter-
minable broils of Central America. The history might with
propriety be called a Century of Anarchy. Those who are inter-
ested in the details of the doings of the rabble of lunatics who have
deluged that rich and beautiful land with blood for a century are
referred to Hubert Bancroft's work on "The History of Central
America." I have neither time, space, nor patience to give other than
the merest bird's-eye view of the perennial carnage, under the name
of revolution, which has branded these countries, so far as their so-
called governments are concerned, as three fourths barbarous and
entirely criminal. An idea of the eternal flux of war can be formed
by a simple inspection of the list of alleged Presidents of one of these
countries, Honduras. Each of the others is substantially the same.
But there is a limit to the space at my disposal. Battles must be dis-
missed with a word, and whole revolutions with a sentence. Since
1824 Honduras has had more than one hundred Presidents, all of
them elected with the machete, — one continuous, unending, unre-
mitting period of devastation and bloodshed. If it were worth while
to occupy time with the disgraceful recital, a similar list of Presidents
of our other "Sister Republics" of Central America could be given.
A mere list of the battles would fill pages, — a record more horrible
than that of Venezuela, — but no good purpose would be subserved
by wasting space on them.
Mr. Antonio R. Vallejo was commissioned by the government of
Honduras to write a history of that country, which was published at
the Government Printing Office, Tegucigalpa, in 1882. The follow-
ing list of Presidents, Supreme Chiefs, etc., of that country up to date
of publication is taken from Mr. Vallejo's book. Since that date the
list has been made from official reports to the United States government
made by its ministers and consuls :
First Chief, Dionisio Herrera, September 16, 1824; was sent to Guate-
mala a prisoner after the fall of Comayagua, May 10, 1827.
First Chief, Jeronimo Zelaya, September, 1827.
REVOLUTIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA 165
Provisional Chief, Cleto Bendana, September 12, 1827.
Adviser, Francisco Morazan, November, 1827.
First Chief, Jeronimo Zelaya, June, 1828; his authority was only rec-
ognized by one department, Santa Barbara.
Provisional Vice-Chief, Diego Vijil, June 30, 1828.
Vice-Chief, Diego Vijil, March 5, 1829.
First Chief, Francisco Morazan, December 2, 1829.
Adviser, Juan A. Arias, December 24, 1829.
Supreme Chief, Francisco Morazan, April 22, 1830.
Adviser, J. Santos del Valle, July 28, 1830.
First Chief, Jose Antonio Marquez, March 12, 1831.
Adviser, Francisco Milla, March 22, 1832.
First Chief, Joaquin Rivera, January 7, 1833.
Vice-Chief, Francisco Ferrera, September 24, 1833; on January, 1841,
Ferrera returned to rule again under the title "President of the State."
Adviser, Jose M. Bustillo, September 10, 1835; in August, 1839, he
exercised the executive power again, under the title of "President
interim."
Adviser, Jose M. Martinez, January 1, 1837.
First Chief, Justo Jose Herrera, May 28, 1837.
Adviser, Jose M. Martinez, September 3, 1838.
Adviser, Lino Matute, November 12, 1838.
Adviser, Juan Francisco de Moline, January 9, 1839.
Adviser, Felipe Medina, April 13, 1839.
Adviser, Jose Alvarado, April 15, 1839.
Adviser, Jose M. Guerero, April 27, 1839.
Acting President, Mariano Garrigo, August 10, 1839.
President interim, Jose M. Bustillo, August 20, 1839.
Magistracy of Ministers, Monico Bueso, Francisco Aguilar, August 27,
1839.
Adviser, F. Zelaya y Ayes, September 21, 1839.
Constitutional President, Francisco Ferrera, January 1, 1841.
Magistracy of Ministers, Juan Morales, Julian Tercero, A. Alvarado,
January 1, 1843.
Constitutional President, Francisco Ferrera, February 23, 1843.
Magistracy of Ministers, C. Alvarado, C. Chavez, October, 1844.
Constitutional President, Francisco Ferrera, November, 1844.
Magistracy of Ministers, C. Alvarado, C. Chavez, January 1, 1845.
Constitutional President, Coronado Chavez, January 8, 1845.
Magistracy of Ministers, C. Alvarado, F. Ferrera, S. Guardiola, January
1, 1847.
President of State, Dr. Juan Lindo, February 12, 1847.
President of State, Dr. Juan Lindo, July 16, 1848.
Vice-President, Felipe Bustillo, 1848; in 1850 rebelled against the gov-
ernment of Lindo, and put Senator Miguel Bustamente in the executive
power, but he lasted only forty days.
Senator, Francisco Gomez, February 1, 1852.
Constitutional President, Trinidad Cabanas, March 1, 1852.
Provisional Supreme Chief of the Republic of Central America, Francisco
Casteyon, October 28, 1852.
Senator, Francisco Gomez, May 9, 1853.
166 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Constitutional President, General T. Cabanas, December 31, 1853.
Vice-President, J. Santiago Buezo, October 18, 1855.
Senator, Francisco Aguilar, November 8, 1855.
Constitutional President, General S. Guardiola, February 17, 1856.
Constitutional President, General S. Guardiola, February 7, 1860.
Senator, Francisco Montes, January 11, 1862.
Senator, General Jose Maria Medina, February 3, 1862.
Vice-President, Victoriano Castellanos, February 4, 1862.
Senator, Francisco Montes, December 4, 1862.
Senator, General Jose Maria Medina, June 21, 1863.
Senator, Francisco Inestroza, January 1, 1864.
Constitutional President, General Jose Maria Medina, February 15, 1864,
Senator-adviser, Lawyer Crescencio Gomez, May 15, 1865.
Constitutional President, General Jose Maria Medina, September 1, 1865.
Provisional President, General Jose Maria Medina, September 28, 1865.
Designated, according to the new Constitution, Attorney Crescencio
Gomez, October 2, 1865.
Constitutional President, General Jose Maria Medina, February, 1866.
Representative and First Designated, General Juan Lopez, April 27, 1867.
Constitutional President, Lieutenant-General Jose Maria Medina, No-
vember 21, 1867.
Magistracy of Ministers, Jose Maria Aguirre and Elias Cacho, May, 1868.
Designated Deputy, Francisco Cruz, September 5, 1869.
President, General Jose Maria Medina, January 2, 1870.
President, General Jose Maria Medina, February 2, 1870.
Designated Deputy, Inocente Rodriguez, 1871.
President by Revolution, General F. Xatruch, March 26, 1871.
President, General Jose Maria Medina, May 17, 1871.
Designated Deputy, Inocente Rodriguez, July 2, 1871.
President, General Jose Maria Medina, October 20, 1871.
Designated Deputy, Crescencio Gomez, April 5, 1872.
President by Revolution, Attorney Cileo Arias, May 12, 1872.
Semi-President by Rebellion, General Juan Antonio Medina, July 16, 1872.
President by Revolution, Ponciano Leira, November 23, 1873.
Provisional President nominated by the National Convention, Ponciano
Leira, April 29, 1874.
Constitutional President, Ponciano Leira, February 2, 1875.
President by Revolution, General Jose Maria Medina, December 16, 1875.
Designated President, Jose Maria Zelaya, January 13, 1876.
Constituted President, Ponciano Leira, January, 1876.
President, Minister General Marcelino Mejia, June 8, 1876.
President, Attorney Crescencio Gomez, June 8, 1876.
Magistracy of Ministers, Attorneys Colindres and Mejia, August 12, 1876.
President, General Jose Maria Medina, August 16, 1876.
President, by Proclamation of the Hondurans, Marco A. Soto, August 27,
1876.
Pseudo-President, by anarchy, Salvador Cruz, August 30, 1876; this gov-
ernment only lasted five days, and Dr. Soto regained power.
Constitutional President, Dr. Marco A. Soto, May 30, 1877.
Magistracy of Ministers, Ramon Rosa, Enrique Gutierrez, A. Zelaya,
June 10, 1880.
REVOLUTIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA 167
Constitutional President, Dr. Marco A. Soto, July 30, 1880.
President by the New Constitution, Dr. Marco A. Soto, February 1, 1881.
Magistracy of Ministers, Enrique Gutierrez, Luis Bogran, Rafael Alva-
rado, May 9, 1883.
President, Luis Bogran, 1884.
Military Dictator, General Sanchez, 1890.
President, Luis Bogran, 1890.
Constitutional President, General Ponciano Leira, 1891.
Dictator, General Policarpo Bonilla, 1891.
President, General Leira, 1891.
Provisional President, General Vasquez, 1892.
Military Dictator, General Bonilla, 1892.
Military Dictator, General Vasquez, 1893.
Military Dictator, General Policarpo Bonilla, 1893.
Constitutional President, General Bonilla, 1894.
Mr. Richard Lee Fearn prepared a brief outline of the revolutions
of the Central American States, from documents in the Library of
Congress, from which the following is given as sufficient for general
information. The student who desires more minute details is referred
to Bancroft. Guatemala, Nicaragua, Salvador, and Costa Rica, all
have a history very similar to that of Honduras. These little half-
breed dictatorships have had more "rulers" since their independence
than all the nations of Europe combined have had in the past thou-
sand years.
GUATEMALA
1825. — April, Arce elected first President Central American
Republic, followed by two years' fighting.
1828. — February, "Arce retired without resigning."
1829. — April, General Francisco Morazan, of Honduras, over-
threw the central government, establishing Barrundia as President,
subsequently taking the office himself.
1838. — February, Rafael Carrera, mob leader, seized Guate-
mala, destroyed Morazan's power, leading in 1840 to destruction of
Central American Republic.
1844. — Rafael Carrera caused Guatemala to elect him President,
had his term extended in 1854 "for life," and ruled till his death in
1865.
1870. — Justo Rufino Barrios, after several years' fighting, secured
absolute control of government and had himself elected President.
1887. — June, President Manuel L. Barillas established temporary
dictatorship on account of revolutionary bands menacing government.
1890. — State of anarchy throughout country : son of Barrios,
late Dictator, and numerous other discontents, encouraged by Ezeta,
President of Salvador, opposed Barillas, who continued Dictator.
General Alfonso Irungaray issued a pronunciamento, and, joined by
168 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
1500 deserters, seized the capital, but failed to hold it. Dr. Rafael
Ayala, "actual" Vice-President, set up a rival government, which
lasted only a few months, until Barillas obtained peace with Salvador
through mediation of the American minister.
1891. — Barillas kept busy suppressing small risings.
1897. — June to October, futile revolt, led by Vice-President
Morales, with much fighting, because National Assembly had pro-
longed term of President Barrios four years.
1898. — Barrios murdered by British subject. Cabrera, friend of
late Dictator, was proclaimed Acting President, in the absence of Vice-
President Morales, who returned to take his place by force; but
(September) Cabrera was elected President.
SALVADOR
No peace at all until 1865.
1872. — Liberals, assisted by Honduras, overthrew President
Duenas, who had been installed by Guatemala in 1865.
1876. — Valle ousted from presidency by Guatemalans.
1890. — June 22, President Mendenez killed at anniversary
banquet. General Carlos Ezeta arrived, with 600 men, and was
proclaimed Provisional President.
Zaldivar, who had been living in Paris, and Alvarez, in Guate-
mala, raised forces in their own behalf, and General Rivas raised
forces in behalf of Vice-President Ayala.
Congress in September "unanimously elected" Carlos Ezeta
Provisional President until March, 1891.
1891. — Numerous plots against Ezeta, who had himself elected
for four years' term. Ayala, his principal rival, and several others
were assassinated.
1894. — General Rafael Antonio Gutierrez and army officers
started revolution against Ezeta, April (Carlos, President, and An-
tonio, Vice-President), who fled (June). Gutierrez proclaimed himself
President, June 24.
1895. — Ezeta brothers made a weak attempt to reassert them-
selves.
1896. — Several small outbreaks.
1898. — General Tomas Regolado headed an insurrection just
before election of successor to Gutierrez and established provisional
government without bloodshed.
NICARAGUA
1824-1840. — Continuous fighting; numerous successful revolts;
all rulers chosen by force.
1855. — William Walker (filibuster) captured government and
elected himself President in 1856.
REVOLUTIONS OF CENTRAL AMERICA 169
1891. — Roberto Sacasa "had himself elected"; small uprisings,
because he expelled prominent men, quickly quelled.
1893. — Joaquin Zavala and others united to overthrow Sacasa ;
organized provisional government, with Morales nominal President;
American minister mediated, Sacasa resigning to Machado until elec-
tion could be held. Zavala's army was admitted to Managua to
disband, but seized the town (July), Zavala proclaiming himself
President, but gave way (August) to Zelaya, chosen as a compromise
between opposing political parties. Colonel Ortiz, with 10,000 armed
men, had in the mean time captured Corinto and proclaimed himself
provisional President, but finally recognized the election of Zelaya.
1894. — Marked by small disaffections in favor of Ortiz.
1896. — Determined attempt to overthrow Zelaya, who promptly
declared himself Dictator.
(February) Vice-President Baca proclaimed himself provisional
President, was assisted by Ortiz. Zelaya, helped by Honduras,
triumphed (May).
1898. — February, small revolts suppressed.
1899. — Revolt in Mosquito territory very brief.
COSTA RICA
1838. — May, Braulio Carillo overthrew Jefe of Costa Rica.
1841. — General Morazan, of Honduras, seized government in
April, to be driven out in September.
1855. — July, General Juan Lopez drove out President Cabanas
and caused new election to be held.
1859. — August 14, Juan Rafael Mora, who had been elected by
the masses three months before, was deposed by the property owners,
merchants, and army, and a successor duly elected.
1860. — Mora landed with 400 men, but was captured and shot
(September).
1869. — Lorenzo Salazar, Maximo Blanco, and others headed a
pronunciamento, deposed President Castro, and installed in his place
Jesus Jiminez, who was First Designado.
1870. — Jiminez similarly deposed, and Bruno Carranza pro-
claimed in his place.
1877. — Revolutionary movement forced President Herrara to
surrender office to Tomas Guardia, who was President in 1872, and
who the year before was First Designado, Herrara being Second.
1892. — President Rodriguez dissolved Congress and suspended
constitutional rights because of difference in policy ; no fighting.
1893. — Conspiracy to overthrow Rodriguez nipped in the bud.
1902. — Ascension Esquivel, President.
1906. — Senor Cleto Gonzalez Viquez, President.
CHAPTER XVI
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906
AFTER a century of bloodshed, which finally involved the United
States in a war with Spain, Cuba was given her "independence "
and was proclaimed a Republic. Scarcely were the United
States armies withdrawn than did the spirit of disorder assert itself.
In February, 1906, an incipient revolution occurred in Cuba, under
the leadership of the liberal Senator Morua Delgardo. An attack
was made on the cuartel at Guanabacoa, and many horses captured.
The attacking party was composed exclusively of liberals.
Intrigues and plots were fomented in all parts of the island during
the next few months, and by the latter part of July the liberal party
was ready to inaugurate a revolution on an important scale.
The leader of this movement was General Jose Miguel Gomez,
who had been the liberal candidate for the presidency in the fall of
1905. General Gomez was defeated by T. Estrada Palma, who then
held the office of President, and was the candidate of the moderates.
This so-called election was of course a farce. Wholesale arrests were
made of the liberals as they were preparing to vote, and hundreds of
them thrown in jail. An affair which caused great excitement at the
time was the killing of Congressman Villuendas, the national liberal
candidate for President, by the police, at Cienfuegos, on September 22,
1905. The responsibility for this crime was laid at the doors of the
Palma government, the alleged motive being that he was considered
a dangerous rival. No thorough investigation of the affair was ever
made by the authorities. Intimidations, bribery, and extensive ballot
frauds were perpetrated, so that the majority of the liberals refrained
from voting altogether. While it is true that these fraudulent methods
were almost universal, it is useless to moralize on the subject. The
fact is that a real election is an impossibility in Latin America. Had
the liberals been in power, the intimidation, assaults, arrests, and
wholesale frauds would have been perpetrated just the same. The
Latin-Americans know less of real popular democratic government
than do the Russians, and any attempt to hold elections is a mere
humbug.
But General Gomez was not satisfied with the election which placed
Palma in power a second time. He determined to hold an election of
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 171
his own, with those improved automatic voting-machines, the Mauser
and the machete.
Early in August, 1906, there were rumors of serious movements
in Cuba. The government sent out the report that these were merely
the uprisings of bandits. On August 18 the rural guards attacked a
band of 30 insurgents, under the leadership of Colonel Pozo, near
Rio Hondo, province of Pinar del Rio. About the same time a band,
under the leadership of Enrique Mesa, alleged to be an outlaw, came
into conflict with the government troops in Santiago province. These
affairs were pooh-poohed by the government, as of no importance.
Two days later it was reported that numerous bands of guerrillas
had devastated all parts of Cuba. One band of 150 men under Gen-
eral Quintin Banderas, a negro leader, attacked the government forces
at Hoyo Colorado, near Havana.
On August 20 General Pino Guerra, a rebel leader, was reported
to be attacking the town of Pinar del Rio with about 800 men. The
city was defended by only about 300 rural guards. Uprisings were
also reported at Sancti Spiritus, in the province of Santa Clara, under
the leadership of General Gomez.
On August 21 it was reported that General Jose Miguel Gomez
had left Yaguajay, province of Santa Clara, with a band of revolu-
tionists. Guines, a town twenty miles south of Havana, was occupied
by the insurgents without serious fighting. Many arrests were made
in Havana and in all parts of Cuba, and a great deal of desultory fight-
ing by small bands took place. It was now estimated that there were
about 2000 men engaged in the revolutionary movement.
At this time the Cuban government stated that the revolution was
of little or no importance and that it would be subdued within two
or three weeks. Senor Mariano Corona, representative from Santiago
province, director of El Cubano Libre, speaking for the government,
said that this was the fourth revolution which President Palma had
been called upon to subdue since he had held office, that the revolu-
tionists were unarmed and of no consequence, that the government
had ample arms and resources, and that the revolutionists would be
wiped out of existence and wholly annihilated within a short time.
On August 22 General Rodriguez, commander of the rural guards,
called the newspaper correspondents into his office at Havana, and
told them that Cuba was quite able to cope with the revolution, that
the reports about insurgent bands were greatly exaggerated, etc.
President Palma also gave out an interview saying there was no cause
for alarm, that the movement in Santa Clara was small, in Matanzas
trifling, and in Pinar del Rio of little consequence.
On this date the bands of Guerra, Pozo, and other insurrectionary
leaders, numbering 400 men, united at San Luis, and attacked the
rural guards under Major Laurent and Lieutenant Azcuy and defeated
them.
172 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On August 23 it was reported that the Cuban government had
asked the United States for 8 rapid-fire guns and artillerymen to work
them. General Pino Guerra with a strong force captured San Juan
de Martinez, the terminus of the Western Railway. In a conflict at
the Silveira farm, near Punta Brava, fifteen miles from Havana,
General Quentin Banderas with a small force was attacked at
night by 38 mounted rural guards under Captain Ignacio Delgado
and Lieutenant Martinez. The rebels were routed, and Banderas
killed.
Senor O Tamil, Secretary of State and Justice, and Acting Minis-
ter of the Interior, resigned. It was admitted by everybody outside
of the government that the entire island was in a ferment, and the
situation exceedingly grave.
On August 24 it was reported that an unsuccessful attempt had
been made the previous evening in Havana to assassinate General
Emilio Nunez, governor of the province of Havana. Congressman
Carlos Mendieta, of Santa Clara, took up arms against the govern-
ment. Colonel Reinos organized a band of insurgents at Rancho
Veloz. Louis Perez, liberal Governor of Pinar del Rio, joined the
insurgents. The mayor of Aguacate, in Havana province, and prac-
tically all the inhabitants, declared themselves in insurrection. Gen-
eral Pino Guerra, with over 2000 insurgent troops, engaged Colonel
Estrampe, with a somewhat smaller government force, in the province
of Pinar del Rio, and defeated him. General Jose Miguel Gomez,
revolutionary leader at Sancti Spiritus, was captured and put in jail
in Havana.
San Juan y Martinez was recaptured by the government troops
under Colonels Bacallao and Avalo. A conflict occurred between a
detachment of rural guards and a band of insurgents at San Antonio
de los Banos, in which several men were killed. A band of revolu-
tionists under Manuel Gonzalez was dispersed near Colon. Campos
Marquetti, member of Congress for Artemisa, province of Pinar del
Rio, joined the revolt. The town of Guanes, on the Western Rail-
way, was occupied by Pino Guerra.
On August 25 President Palma called for volunteers, offering chiefs
of battalions and regiments $200 a month ; adjutants, $125 a month ;
captains, $100 a month ; and soldiers, $2 a day.
A body of 150 rural guards under Major Gomez attacked and
dispersed Reinoso's band of 200 insurgents at Cascajal, near Santa
Rosa, killing about 20 rebels. Revolutionary bands of from 10 to 100
men were overrunning all parts of Havana province. Another band
of insurgents was organized at Remedios, province of Santa Clara,
by Colonel Severiano Garcia and Captain Cepeda. A group of 40
men under Quentin Bravo, a daring fighter in the Spanish wars, joined
the insurrection. Rural guards fought at Rio Blanco with a large
insurgent band, under Colonel Asbert, who was wounded. Seventy
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 173
revolutionists occupied the village of Arroyo Naranjo, five miles from
Havana.
There were shipped from New York for President Palma, on the
steamship Mexico, 2000 Remington rifles and 2,000,000 rounds of
ammunition.
On August 26 President Palma announced that he was considering
a decree for a general amnesty, in the hope of allaying the widespread
hostility. Nearly every town in Santa Clara was in revolution. A
former mayor of Trinidad took the field at the head of 100 rebels.
The mayor of Las Cruces led 200 revolutionists into the field. Orestes
Ferrara, professor of law in Havana University, led an insurgent band
in Santa Clara.
On August 28 the government of Cuba asserted that it would sub-
due the revolution in a short time. Mr. M. C. Aldamo, delegate of
the treasury of the Cuban government, said: "With 20,000 of the
highest-paid soldiers in the world in the field, with all the rapid-fire
guns procurable, hot from the factories, the Cuban government will
have obliterated the revolution by the last of September. It will not
have crushed it merely; it will have wiped it out."
On August 28 the government despatched 300 infantry and cav-
alry, under General Francisco Pereza, for Batabano ; also 100, under
General Bernaba Boza, for Pinar del Rio. The Governor of Santa
Clara telegraphed that the insurgents in that province were surrender-
ing; but Captain Asbert had a large band of revolutionists near
Havana.
Major Jose Augustin Castellanos, an emissary of General Pino
Guerra, arrived in New York, and stated that the insurgents demanded
a new election in Cuba, and that unless the United States intervened
to bring this about, the rebels would fight until victorious or com-
pletely defeated.
On August 29 the town of Cabanos was reported captured by the
insurgents. It is a place of 4000 inhabitants, located about thirty-five
miles west-southwest of Havana. Campos Marquetti, a negro member
of Congress with a band of insurgents, raided the Mercedita Sugar
Estate. The whole of Cuba seemed to be alive with bands of insur-
gents or of rural guards, and skirmishes were numerous.
On August 30 it was reported that a heavy battle was expected
near Guanes between 1000 cavalry, under General Avalos, and the
revolutionary General Pino Guerra. A battle of three hours' duration
occurred between 150 rural guards, under Captain Collazo and Gen-
eral Alfred Rego, and about 300 revolutionists. The latter were
dispersed with a loss of about 20 in killed and wounded. About 3000
insurgents were reported in the neighborhood of Cienfuegos. Assaults
and outrages by revolutionary bands in Santa Clara were numerous.
Guerra's men plundered and looted Galafre and Sabalo. At Cala-
bazar, in Havana province, a fight took place between 50 insurgents
174 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and 15 rural guards, the latter being defeated. A similar fight took
place at Artemisa, province of Pinar del Rio. Machine guns in
Havana were manned by American volunteers, which provoked much
criticism among American residents of Cuba, who believed that our
countrymen should have remained entirely neutral.
On August 31 numerous demands were made by Americans for
protection, and forwarded by Mr. Sleeper, the United States Charge
in Cuba, to the State Department. The Constancia Sugar Company,
the Mercedita Sugar Estate Company, and others were the complain-
ants. The town of Guanes, in Pinar del Rio, was reported to be
besieged. Passenger trains were fired upon by insurgents at Aguada
and near Rodas, Santa Clara. Severe fighting took place in the out-
skirts of Cienfuegos. There was a rising at Songo, twenty miles from
Santiago, Colonel Carlos Dubois being at the head. A strong uprising
in Santiago province was reported. Fighting of a desultory kind took
place at Cardenos, Matanzas province. It was reported that there
were 3000 insurgents in the vicinity of Cienfuegos, and that all the
small towns in the vicinity were under their control. Pillage was
widespread. A detachment of rural guards dispersed 125 revolution-
ists near Esperanza, killing 10 of them.
TALK OF AMERICAN INTERVENTION
During all this time there was a great deal of talk about American
intervention. The sentiment of both sides on this conflict was doubt-
less accurately represented by La Discusion, the semi-official organ
of the government, which said editorially :
" Permanent intervention would be worse than death. It would be pref-
erable if the Caribbean should engulf the Pearl of the Antilles."
The article further appeals thus to racial sentiment :
"The colored race may tremble before the possibility of intervention.
Americans hate and despise negroes. Even their own negroes, with whom
they have been in contact for two hundred years, are treated like dogs, lynched
and hardly considered human. If it is so with negroes of their own land and
language, what would happen to the Cuban negro ? "
As to what the white people might expect under American inter-
vention, the article goes on to say :
"Our courteous comrades in the public departments will be superseded
by men of the type of Bliss [General Tasker H. Bliss], who, when Adminis-
trator of Customs, asked nobody to be seated in his office, and who forced
the use of the English language. Also instead of our deliberate and refined
judges we should have Judge Pitchers [alluding to Captain William L. Pitchers
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 175
of the Eighth United States Infantry, who in 1899 was Police Magistrate and
Supervisor of Police of Havana], with their ten dollars or ten days. Further-
more, we shall have with us beer-drinking American officers with clanking
spurs, masters of all, captivating our adorable virgins. That this may occur
Cubans fight against Cubans, making room that Finlanders, Germans,
Americans, and Spaniards may come and enjoy the fecundity of our soil and
air, the murmuring of our rivers, the beauty of our moonlit nights, the kiss of
our sea, and even the love of our women, all because it is said the elections
were not fair. Is there no other remedy except placing our necks under the
yoke of Uncle Sam ? This war can have no other end but intervention."
While the above opinion on the subject of intervention was ex-
pressed by the organ of the moderates, a similar view was given out
by Pino Guerra, the revolutionary leader, as follows :
"The revolutionists like not American intervention if the latter means
military occupation of the island and the establishment of an American ad-
ministration here. We want our independence. The Americans would merely
make us slaves. The kind of intervention we want is that the American gov-
ernment recognize the elections as fraudulent and send a note to President
Palma requesting him to call new elections and show fair play. We are
fighting against tyranny. If the Americans come to deprive us of our inde-
pendence, we will fight also against them."
Americans who believe these Latin-American buccaneers to be
the friends of the United States should be placed at their mercy for
a short time. It is certain that their views would then materially
change.
On September 1 it was reported that the insurrection was growing
constantly, that there were 1500 revolutionists south of Artemisa, and
that the disorder had spread to Puerto Principe. At Moron 70 men
took up arms under Garcia Canizares, Speaker of the House of Rep-
resentatives under the liberal regime. At Arroyo Blanco, near Ciego
de Avila, a force of 200 men was organized by the revolutionary Gen-
eral Dellon Sanchez. General Carillo and Campos Marquetti, the
negro congressman, with 300 insurgents, took possession of Bahia
Honda, in Havana province, and about 50 recruits from the town
joined them. A revolutionary band of 200 raided Ranchuelo, near
Cienfuegos. The insurgent leader Urbano Sanchez was captured at
Songo by rural guards.
On September 2 it was stated that President Palma had called
General Cebreco, one of the proposed peace commissioners, to the
palace to inform him that "the government had no concessions to
offer or accept, and no intention other than fighting the matter through
and suppressing the insurrection."
El Economist^ the leading financial weekly, said that the revolu-
tion, besides costing millions of dollars to industries which are operat-
ing upon foreign capital, would, should it last several weeks, cause
176 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ruin to the Vuelta Aba jo tobacco crop, amounting to $12,000,000 or
$15,000,000, besides a year's loss to the farmers. The paper went on
to say that the loss to the cattle interests would be from $20,000,000
to $30,000,000. Concerning the sugar crop, it said that a continuation
of the trouble for two months would mean a loss of from 100,000 to
200,000 tons on account of lack of labor. It reckoned the losses to
the fruit crop at about $4,000,000, and stated that all these losses could
at best be only partially remedied unless there were a prompt effort for
peace or the immediate assistance of the United States were requested.
On September 4 it was stated that apprehension in Havana was
increasing. At least two thirds of all the people in the provinces of
Pinar del Rio, Santa Clara, and Havana were stated to be hostile to
the government.
Americans returning to New York stated that the revolution in
Cuba was more serious than the despatches indicated; that "little
is known in this country of what is transpiring in the island, because
of the cut wires, and the censorship of the government, which controls
the lines."
M. C. Aldama, press agent of the Palma government in New York,
gave out a report of a battle lasting three days, in which the insurgents
lost 100 men.
The revolutionary junta in New York gave out reports of numerous
rebel victories. One engagement took place near Matanzas, the
rebels, under Colonel Cepero, killing a number of rural guards, includ-
ing their commander, Lieutenant-Colonel Jorge. At Cotorro, in
Havana province, the government troops under General Pedro Del-
gado, lost 90 men in killed, wounded, and deserted. Colonel Estram-
pas, with 180 rural guards, was reported defeated with a loss of 40
killed and 10 deserted, by Colonel Asbert, the revolutionary leader
in Pinar del Rio province. Juan Santos, mayor of Punta Bravo, near
Havana, revolted against the Palma government, with 50 men.
On September 6 a truce and armistice for ten days was, through
the efforts of General Menocal, proposed by the government and
accepted by most of the liberal leaders. Pino Guerra, however, re-
fused to accede to this arrangement unless the government would
stipulate to annul the elections for President and congressmen.
On September 7 Pino Guerra, who had a force of between 3000
and 4000 men, cut the Western Railway beyond Pinar del Rio City,
by blowing up two railway bridges. He then took possession of San
Juan y Martinez. Machete fights were continuous between the rural
guards and the insurgents under Loynaz del Castillo, in Havana
province. A squadron of 100 cavalry deserted and joined the insur-
gents at Cienfuegos.
On September 8 President Palma called an extraordinary session
of Congress, to convene on the 14th instant, for the purpose of con-
sidering the alarming situation. An armored train with 350 troops
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 177
encountered a band of revolutionists between Herradura and Con-
solacion del Sur, and a fight ensued, without decisive effect. It was
reported that Colonel Avalos, commander of the government troops
in Pinar del Rio, was surrounded by the superior forces of Guerra.
The mayor of Guayabal, near Guanajay, took his rural guards and
joined the revolutionists.
On September 9 it was reported that Colonel Avalo succeeded in
forming a junction with the armored train near Consolacion del Sur.
The insurgents attacked the train at this point, but were beaten off,
and many killed by the machine guns, under the command of Captain
Webster, an American.
On September 10 President Palma declared martial law, by
decreeing the suspension of all constitutional guarantees and revoking
all offers of amnesty. Many liberal leaders were arrested. The press
despatches stated:
"Three hundred soldiers have been brought from Guanajay into Havana
on account of the possibility of an attack on the capital.
"The rebel leader, Colonel Edward Guzman, has appointed Dr. Figueroa,
President of the liberal party in Cienfuegos, to act as peace commissioner in
his behalf.
"Four more batteries of machine guns from Havana arrived to-day in the
region east of Consolacion del Sur, near the point where the rebels destroyed
bridges and disabled the first armored train sent out. The second train was
fired on several times this morning.
"Small bands of insurgents entered Paso Real at eleven o'clock this morn-
ing. They made no trouble, and later marched in the direction of the Santa
Clara River.
"The battalion under Major Clews, to protect the men repairing the rail-
road, is moving westward. It will co-operate with Colonel Avalos and give
the detachment under Captain Webster a fresh supply of ammunition.
"A troop train from Havana was attacked early this morning at Artemisa.
The rebels were driven off with machine guns.
"Sixty more residents of Havana and its vicinity have been indicted for
complicity with the rebels. The privilege of bail is refused to them.
"It now appears that the rebels are in possession of the junction, at Rincon,
of the United Railway branches, and trains on the Western Line are stopped
and searched at will. Rincon is fifteen miles southwest of Havana."
On September 11 Colonel Aguirre and J. A. Castellanos, of the
Cuban revolutionary junta in New York, announced that there would
soon be 20,000 insurgents under arms, and that they could capture
Havana whenever they wished.
The administration at Washington took precautions to send war-
ships to Key West and other points near Havana. The question of
intervention under the Platt amendment was seriously considered by
the administration.
On September 12 the situation in Cuba became more alarming,
and the Washington government sent the cruiser Denver and gunboat
VOL. i — 12
178 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Marietta to Havana. In Cuba the government continued making
large numbers of arrests of members of the liberal party.
"Those placed in jail include Representatives Ambrosio Borges, Au-
gustin Garcia, and Osuna Antonio, Gonzalo Perez, editor of the Liberal,
Alfonso Lopez, Santa Marina, Pelayo Garcia, Dr. Malberty, a former repre-
sentative; Senor Felipe Gonzales, clerk of the House of Representatives;
Senor Sarrin, Dr. Samuel Secades, and Senor Juan Ramon O 'Farrill, former
mayor of Havana, who was ousted from his post by Governor Nunez in order
to make room for a moderate successor. All efforts to find Alfredo Zayas have
thus far been unsuccessful. It is rumored that Zayas has left the city and
joined one of the rebel bands."
These arrests increased the bitterness of the liberals, and caused
large numbers of men to join the insurrection, it being stated that
more than 1000 men joined Pino Guerro's army, within one week,
of their own accord. The insurgents in Santa Clara province, stated
to number from 8000 to 12,000, destroyed several railroad bridges
and did much damage to sugar estates. The rebels looted the town
of Sierra Morena, near Sagua, and entered Cruces, carrying off $9000
of the town funds, also $1200 belonging to the post-office. A serious
uprising was reported in the province of Santiago and the old province
of Camaguey.
On September 13 at 5.30 P. M. a force of 155 men landed in Havana,
from the U. S. cruiser Denver, for the protection of American interests.
They camped in the Plaza de Armas, facing the palace. The force
was commanded by Lieutenant-Commander M. L. Miller. President
Palma had stated to Commander Colwell of the Denver that he could
not guarantee the lives of Americans in Havana, and he therefore
asked that marines be landed.
Many revolutionary outrages were reported, among them the
destruction of the Hatuey Sugar Mill at Santo Domingo, Santa Clara
province, valued at $2,000,000, and owned by Mr. Rabeu, an Ameri-
can ; also the Homeguero and San Jose estates.
CUBAN CONGRESS MEETS
On September 14 the Cuban Congress met in Havana, in extra-
ordinary session, at the call of President Palma.
The President submitted a message deploring the conduct of the
opposition. Who would have supposed, he asked, that with the ad-
vancing prosperity of the country and the well-being of the people
with millions in the treasury after paying $19,000,000 to the army of
liberation and investing $11,000,000 in public improvements, and
with such splendid credit abroad, there could be Cubans who would
conspire to change the constitutional order by placing armed force,
violence, and anarchy before law, order, and peace, to the country's
shame and sorrow?
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 179
Congress, although a quorum was not present, granted President
Palma almost unlimited powers to prosecute the war, including the
right to appropriate any of the public funds for war purposes.
On this date President Roosevelt sent a message to Senor Quesada,
Cuban minister at Washington, warning the Cuban people of the
danger and folly of their course and suggesting the possibility of
intervention.
The American blue-jackets from the Denver who had landed at
the request of President Palma returned to the vessel, it being under-
stood that the Washington administration had disapproved of the
landing.
Senor Zayas and General del Castillo, of the insurgent forces, sent
messages to Commander Colwell of the Denver, offering to surrender
their command to the American government.
TAFT AND BACON SENT TO CUBA
On September 15 it was announced that the President had de-
termined to send to Cuba Judge William H. Taft, Secretary of War,
and Robert Bacon Assistant Secretary of State.
The Cuban insurgents attacked Santo Domingo, in Santa Clara
province, but were repulsed. General Rodriguez with 400 rural guards
attacked 1000 revolutionists under General del Castillo and Colonels
Asbert and Acosta, at Wajay, twelve miles south of Havana, and
dispersed them. A battle occurred at El Cano, ten miles southwest
of Havana.
The American war-ships Des Moines and Dixie arrived at Havana.
The Cleveland sailed from Norfolk for that port, and other war-ships
were under way. On September 16 Messrs. Taft and Bacon left
Washington for Havana. The battle-ships Louisiana, Virginia, and
New Jersey sailed from Newport for Havana.
President Palma had a conference with the leading revolutionists,
and announced an indefinite suspension of hostilities with a view to
making peace before the arrival of Messrs. Taft and Bacon. This
decree was issued on the recommendation of Senor Montalvo, the
Secretary of Public Works, after a conference with Jose Miguel
Gomez, who was then in prison, and General Menocal, Vice-President
Mendez Capote, General Freyre Andrade, Senor Dolz, and others.
On September 17 the Cuban revolutionists at Bajucal definitely
rejected the peace proposals. They demanded the unconditional
annulment of the last elections. To this the Palma government re-
fused to assent.
Several minor engagements were reported in Cuba. Colonel
Dubois with 400 revolutionists attacked the rural guards at La Maya.
A small force of insurgents were repulsed in San Felipe, near Batabano.
On September 18 many Americans from the Isle of Pines made
180 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
complaint to Minister Morgan that Cuban officials were molesting
them in their homes, seizing their firearms, etc., which were absolutely
necessary for their own protection.
At Los Palacios a fight occurred between 90 rural guards and a
party of Guerra's revolutionists, in which the former were defeated.
Guerra's men were reported as having committed many depredations.
Considerable destruction to property by insurgents was reported on
the Cuban Western Railroad, owned by an English company. Many
bridges were destroyed, — among them, the bridges near Los Palacios,
Santa Cruz, Taco Taco, and other points.
The State Department at Washington was advised by M. R. Spell-
man, of the Colonial Cuban Company, of New York, that the Espe-
ranza Sugar Estate, near Cienfuegos, had been destroyed by Colonel
Collada and a band of insurgents.
On September 19 Secretary of War Taft and Assistant Secretary
of State Bacon, who had arrived in Havana, listened to statements
from the Presidents of the liberal and moderate parties. The confer-
ence was held at Minister Morgan's house, in the village of Marianao,
near Havana, — about three miles' distance from Arroya Arenas,
where an insurgent force under Colonel Baldomero Acosta was
encamped.
A despatch from Santiago de Cuba stated that 50 armed men,
mounted, under command of Captain Vicente Costa and Lieutenant
Francisco Salmon, entered the town of Firmeza, and raided the
Juragua mines, seizing explosives, etc. Several bands of insurrec-
tionists were reported as having recently organized in this province,
among them one of 150 men led by Juan Lopez.
The War Department at Washington exhibited great energy in
preparing for all emergencies. General Bell, Chief of Staff, ordered
Generals Barry and Duval home from the German military manoeu-
vres, and General Funston was sent to Cuba. Horses, mules, and
military supplies were rushed to available points, in case intervention
should become necessary.
On September 20 Messrs. Taft and Bacon heard arguments and
reports from a large number of the leaders of all parties, and repre-
sentatives of business interests. Senator Alfredo Zayas represented
the revolutionists in these conferences. Officials of the government
declared they would not consider any proposition looking towards
new elections.
A water famine was reported from Cienfuegos, owing to destruc-
tion of the waterworks at Jicotea by insurgents. The commander of
the gunboat Marietta landed marines for the protection of American
property. He placed 80 men on the Constancia estate, up the Dan-
maji River; 80 on the Soledad estate; and 120 on the Hormiguero
estate. Revolutionists seized the coasting steamer Rik at Bahia
Honda, and rifled the mails, robbing passengers, etc.
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 181
Raids were made on the Colonial Sugar Company, with head-
quarters at Constancia, and damage done to the extent of $25,000.
On September 21 further conferences were held between Messrs.
Taft and Bacon and the leaders of the contending forces. The revolu-
tionary leaders selected a committee to represent them, consisting of
Jose Miguel Gomez, Juan Gualberto Gomez, ex-Senator Monteagudo,
Carlos Garcia, Garcia Velez, Alfredo Zayas, and General del Castillo.
Among the generals who took part in the conference were Pino
Guerra, Machado, Ferrara, Asbert, Guas, Acosta, and Betancourt.
On September 22 the United States cruisers Minneapolis and
Newark arrived in Havana. Captain Albert R. Couden, commander
of the battle-ship Louisiana, stated that the American war-ships in
the harbor could land 4000 men if necessary.
On September 23 conferences continued between the American
officials and representatives of the Cuban factions.
On September 25 it was announced that President Palma, Vice-
President Capote, and the moderate senators and representatives
would resign.
Secretary Taft ordered the Marietta to despatch 30 men to Sagua
la Grande, province of Santa Clara, to guard the Cuban Central Rail-
road, owned by an English company, which had already been dam-
aged to the extent of $400,000.
The United States government continued to rush war-ships and
marines to Cuban waters, making the total available landing force
11,000 men, with 12 war- vessels at hand.
On September 26 reports from all parts of Cuba indicated a
virtual state of anarchy, in which the insurgent armies, made up of
the worst elements, were indulging in a riot of loot and pillage. Brig-
adier Funston reached Havana, and was placed in immediate com-
mand of the American troops. The action of the moderates in deciding
to resign all offices, leaving Cuba practically without a government,
was severely criticised in all quarters. At the palace Secretary Fonts y
Stirling spoke bitterly of America and Americans. Secretary Lamar
said the Americans had behaved unjustly towards a government which
had been acknowledged by all nations. Secretary Freyre de Andrade
said that probably the moderates, when they saw the Cuban flag come
down, would make war upon the Americans.
President Palma's letter announcing his irrevocable decision to
resign was made public.
Vice-President Mendez Capote said:
"It is utterly impossible for us to reopen negotiations with the peace com-
missioners unless they compel the rebels to lay down their arms. The Ameri-
can commissioners have shown marked partiality. They have not regarded
these men as rebels, but have simply treated with them as an armed force in
the field. Never before has the American government treated with rebels. It
was not done under the McKinley administration in the previous Cuban rev-
182 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
olution. It looks much as if the American war-ships were here for the purpose
of backing up the rebel cause.
"The American navy, however, is not the only one. Other nations also
have large interests hi Cuba, and it would be easier for us to precipitate the
intervention of some other government than that of the United States. What
an easy thing it would be for us to destroy the property of British or German
subjects, and how quickly we would see here the war-ships of these nations.
We may not be the most enlightened people in the world, but we are not fools."
A meeting of moderates was held at the residence of Senor Dolz,
President of the Senate, at which about sixty prominent men were
present. A report of the meeting says :
"The speakers shouted denunciations of the American government, and
hotly insisted that the moderate party should appeal to the powers of the
world for protection against the usurpation of the sovereignty of Cuba by the
United States. It was said that the government forces should fight to the
death rather than submit to the terms insisted upon by the rebels, and one
speaker depicted the horrors of negro domination, which would result, he
said, from the threatened liberal ascendancy brought about with the assist-
ance of the United States.
"Some of the most radical members present asserted that the government
had plenty of dynamite in Havana which could be used to precipitate inter-
national complications by means of the destruction of foreign property.
Several prominent men said that by using dynamite they could bring about in-
tervention by Germany, or perhaps by Great Britain, while others announced
that they knew that the foreign diplomats here would favor such a course.
It was argued that the destruction of the German Bank and the damaging
of English railroad property would soon result in European intervention.
Certain American properties also were specifically mentioned as open to such
attacks. Several speakers said that they would prefer Germany or Great
Britain in Cuba to the United States.
"This frenzy subsided after an hour and a half, and the meeting then
settled down to a consideration of the question whether it might not be possible
to reopen negotiations with the peace commissioners."
On September 27 the moderate party endeavored to perpetuate
the administration of President Palma by rejecting his resignation,
but the President refused to reconsider his action.
It was reported that Secretary Taft and Mr. Bacon contemplated
taking control of the island, but the announcement was made that
American occupation would only be temporary.
Arrangements were made by the American General Staff and
Admiral Converse to seize the fortifications of Havana and Cienfuegos
the moment that an open rupture should appear inevitable.
TAFT BECOMES PROVISIONAL GOVERNOR
On September 28 Secretary William H. Taft assumed the pro-
visional governorship of Cuba.
CUBAN REVOLUTION OF 1906 183
On September 29 Governor Taft called on President Palma at the
palace, and made necessary preparations to assume the reins of gov-
ernment. He was greeted by Mr. Belt, secretary to the President.
Governor Taft received a letter signed by General Jose Miguel
Gomez and others of the conspiracy prisoners, as follows :
"We understand that the provisional government this day established in
Cuba intends to carry out, so far as the same may be applicable to the changed
conditions, the basis of the settlement which the peace commissioners recom-
mended to both the Moderate and Liberal parties, including general amnesty
for all political offenders. The undersigned, representing the insurgent forces
in the field, by proper declaration hereby agree in behalf of such insurgent
forces that they will at once lay down their arms, return to their homes, and
restore the property taken by them for military purposes which may now be
in their possession. We request the appointment of a commission by the pro-
visional government to meet a similar commission appointed by us to arrange
the details for the surrender of the arms and property, after which the insur-
gents will return to their homes."
Mr. Taft ordered the release of all conspiracy prisoners and ap-
pointed a commission as requested in the foregoing letter. The com-
mission consisted of Brigadier-General Funston, president; General
Menocal, General Agramonte, and Colonel Carlos Fernandez, to
represent the Cubans, assisted by Major Ladd, U. S. A., and Lieuten-
ant Mitchell, General Funston 's aid, as recorder. The insurgent
commission consisted of General Jose Miguel Gomez, J. G. Gomez,
Manuel Lazo, Alfredo Zayas, Pelayo Garcia, S. G. Monteaguado,
Carlos Garcia, and Demetrio Castillo.
All the prisoners were immediately set free, and went directly from
the Presidio to the American legation, where they held a conference
with Governor Taft regarding the details of the insurgent disarmament.
On September 30 General Funston landed 450 marines at Havana.
The disarmament commission proceeded rapidly with its work.
On October 2 it was announced definitely from Washington that
American occupation of Cuba would only be temporary. It was
stated that ex-Governor Magoon would be selected for Governor of
Cuba. The work of disarming the revolutionists proceeded rapidly
in Cuba. Arrangements were made to send 1000 of Guerra's men
home on special trains, while 1800 were to march home.
On October 3 Charles E. Magoon was designated as Provisional
Governor of Cuba by President Roosevelt. General Bell was ap-
pointed as Commanding General. President Palma and his family
left Havana for Matanzas on a special train.
On October 9 Governor Magoon arrived in Havana. Governor
Taft's last act in the island was the issuing of a general amnesty decree.
This proclamation granted pardon to all persons engaged in the killing
of Congressman Villuendas at Cienfuegos, in September, 1905; to
those implicated in killing the rural guards at Guanabacoa, in Febru-
184 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ary, 1906, and, in fact, for all crimes which had been the outgrowth
of the recent revolution.
On October 13 Judge and Mrs. Taft and Mr. and Mrs. Bacon
sailed for the United States. Judge Taft issued a brief proclamation,
which was printed in the official Gazette, in which he said :
"By direction and with the authority of the President of the United States,
I hereby lay down the office of Provisional Governor of Cuba, assumed by me
on August 29, and turn the same over to Charles E. Magoon, my successor."
Governor Magoon issued a proclamation, assuming the govern-
ment of Cuba, which differed from Secretary Taft's in referring
definitely to the Platt Amendment as the authority for the United
States intervention. In his proclamation Governor Magoon said :
"The policy declared and the assurances given by Secretary Taft will be
strictly adhered to and carried out. As Provisional Governor I shall exercise
the powers and perform the duties provided for by Article 3 of the Appendix
to the Constitution of Cuba, for the preservation of Cuban independence and
the protection of life and property. As soon as it proves consistent with the
attainment of these ends, I shall seek to bring about the restoration of the
ordinary agencies and methods of government under the other and general
provisions of the Cuban Constitution. All the provisions of the Constitution
and laws which for the time being would be inconsistent with the exercise of
the powers provided for by Article 3 of the Appendix must be deemed to be
in abeyance. All the other provisions of the Constitution and laws continue
in full force and effect."
CHAPTER XVII
LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS IN 1906 AND 1907
BRIGANDAGE and pillage, under the guise of revolution, con-
tinues throughout Haiti, Santo Domingo, Central America,
and the northern part of South America, as bald and unre-
strained to-day as at any time during the past century. That the
reader may understand that the years 1906 and 1907 are in this respect
no different from preceding years, the following very brief resume is
given of events occurring almost immediately prior to the publication
of this work. No attempt can be made to give even a list of the battles
and skirmishes, or to portray adequately the loss of life and property,
and the horrible crimes which are inseparable from the excesses of
debauched armies of criminals, led by men who are, in every proper
sense of the term, bandits.
In the presence of this appalling disorder it is difficult to say which
is the more absurd, — the soft and silly discussions of "peace con-
ventions," or the fussy, meddling impotency of the State Department
at Washington.
REVOLUTION IN ECUADOR
Several bloody battles were fought in the beginning of 1906 in
Ecuador. The following Associated Press despatch shows how the
patriots of Ecuador celebrated the new year :
1906. — "Guayaquil, Ecuador, January 8. The first day of the year
1906 was chosen by the followers of General Alfaro, the former President,
to raise the standard of revolution. The rebels intended rising in all the Re-
public the same day, but their plans were discovered and partly failed. The
revolution commenced with an attack on Rio Bamba barracks by Colonel
Emilio Maria Reran with several young Rio Bambanos [natives of Rio
Bamba]. One of these young men killed the sentinel with a dagger. Some
of the soldiers of the Quito battalion, whose barracks were attacked, were in
sympathy with the rebels, and a severe fight took place within the barracks
between the rebels and the royal troops. Many were killed or wounded on
both sides.
"The rebels occupied Rio Bamba until January 4th, when they were at-
tacked by government forces from Guayaquil under Colonel Manuel Andrade.
Guaranda, capital of the province of Bolivar, was next occupied by the rebels.
186 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"As soon as the news of the rebellion reached Quito, the capital, Colonel
Larrea, Secretary of the War and Navy, left with the Pichincha and Carchi
battalions and some pieces of artillery.
"The news of these desertions were concealed from the public for four
days. Meanwhile the authorities of Guayaquil sent the Sucre battalion of
artillery under Colonel Manuel Andrade to attack the rebels. Besides the
artillery, the authorities sent to the front a force of policemen and a number
of recruits. These forces under Andrade during the morning of January 4
attacked and defeated the rebels under Teran, who occupied San Juan near
Gatazo.
"Captain Olmelda Alfaro, son of General Don Alfaro, was for some years
at the West Point Military Academy. He is now with Teran 's forces.
"The rebels of Guanga imprisoned the tax collector and obliged him to
give them $12,000. After the fighting at Gatazo the rebels were reinforced
by the troops which deserted from Colonel Larrea, and the government troops
under Andrade avoided a battle and retreated to Alaust.
"Besides the calamity of the revolution, yellow fever is spreading here.
There were twenty-two cases to-day at the government Lazaret."
A later despatch from Guayaquil, Ecuador, stated :
"General Alfaro occupied Quito, the capital, at three o'clock on Thurs-
day afternoon. The entrance of the revolutionary forces was followed by
serious rioting. The people during the afternoon attacked the prisons, liber-
ated the political prisoners, and afterward captured the police barracks, where
the rioters obtained possession of a number of rifles and some cannon. Rifle
shots were heard later in all parts of the city, and the rioters became so bold
that they attacked a battalion of artillery. Many persons were killed or
wounded on both sides during the fighting.
"A junta of notable persons met in the Government Palace here at four
o'clock yesterday afternoon and formed a new government. Vice-President
Baquerizo Moreno assumed the executive power, establishing the capital
here and appointing a ministry, which, however, only lasted one hour. The
people rejected the administration of Senor Baquerizo Moreno, and pro-
claimed General Eloy Alfaro, former President of Ecuador and leader of the
revolution, President, and in his absence Dr. Emilio Arevalo assumed civil
and military authority.
"There was a great panic during the evening, and in the midst of the dis-
order General Leonidas Plaza, minister of Ecuador to the United States, who
arrived here on January 18, and assumed chief command of the army in its
operations against the rebels, escaped from the city and embarked on board
the Chilian steamer Loa, which left here to-day for Panama. Later in the
evening order was restored.
"The schoolship Maranon has joined in the rebellion. A number of rev-
olutionists from Daule, twenty-two miles from here, arrived this morning,
and were enthusiastically received."
This telegram was received by a New York merchant :
"Cables were interrupted for a short time last night by gunshots after the
city was turned over to Alfaro. General Gorpia, commander-in-chief, re-
fused to surrender the troops and artillery.
LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS 187
"Five thousand armed citizens proceeded to attack the artillery barracks,
which opened fire with cannon and quick-firing guns on the citizens, killing
and wounding many of the attackers and innocent persons.
"A state of terror prevailed all night, bullets passing through the wooden
houses in all directions. Firing continued until this morning.
"General Alfaro, in a fight near Quito, killed and wounded 400 persons
and entered Quito without fighting within the capital.
"Finally the artillery surrendered, and the revolution is over. All is quiet.
General Alfaro has been named Chief Executive."
Thus was another presidential election held in one of our "Sister Re-
publics."
RIOTS IN COLOMBIA
1906. — Colombia also had an incipient revolution in February.
An attempt was made to assassinate General Rafael Reyes, the Presi-
dent. The leaders of the conspirators were captured, and four of them
were shot, after a pretended judicial trial, but actually by order of
General Reyes. It was alleged by partisans of Reyes that the would-be
assassins were hired by the Jesuits, — an accusation which is fre-
quently trumped up under such circumstances, because it affords the
so-called Liberales a sufficient pretext for robbing, stealing, and
confiscating the property of the Church and its communicants.
REVOLUTION IN BRAZIL
1906. — Revolutions were general, as usual, in many sections of
Brazil in 1906. Early in June it was reported that a heavy uprising
had taken place in the State of Matto Grosso. By the middle of July
this movement had become of great strength. The insurgents under
Dr. Generoso Ponce captured the towns of Corumba, Santa Ana de
Parahibo, Pacome, and most of the smaller villages, after scenes of
terrible carnage. At this time the revolutionists had about 5000 men
in the field, and the government over twice that number under the
command of General Barreto. About the middle of July the revolu-
tionists captured Cuyaba, the capital of the State, overwhelmingly
defeating the government troops and killing the President of the State.
During these encounters over 4000 persons were killed. The govern-
ment then despatched 40,000 federal troops into Matto Grosso, under
command of General Ribero. In August other uprisings occurred
in other States of Brazil. The police and troops revolted at Aracaju,
the capital of the State of Sergipe, and compelled the Governor and
Vice-Governor to resign. This was apparently made in co-operation
with other similar movements elsewhere.
In June, 1906, Peruvian troops invaded a part of the territory in
dispute between Ecuador and Peru, a matter which had been sub-
mitted to the arbitration of King Alfonso of Spain.
188 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
MORE REVOLUTIONS -IN SANTO DOMINGO
1906. — Amid the whirligig of revolutions Ramon Caceres became
President of Santo Domingo, after Morales was overthrown. In
November, 1905, General Q. Berroa had revolted in Macoris, against
Morales, and desultory uprisings continued, notwithstanding the
presence of American war-ships. In fact, the ignoble lethargy of the
United States Senate in refusing to support President Roosevelt's
policy was mainly responsible for this trouble. In June, 1906, Gen-
eral Mauricio Jimenez and others inaugurated a more serious revolu-
tion. General Berroa, in an interview published in the "New York
Tribune," June 27, 1906, said :
"The existing conditions in Santo Domingo are terrible. Men are being
killed every day for political reasons, and the jails are filled with enemies of
the government. Every constitutional right is denied to my compatriots.
People are also starving to death. The right of suffrage is a dead letter with
the present government.
"The revolution now in progress is a Christian uprising against barbar-
ism. The movement is increasing in strength every day, and has spread from
Monte Cristo, where it is strongest, to the States of Azua, Barahona, Macoris,
and Santo Domingo.'*
Acts of brigandage were re-enacted in this beautiful, desolate
island. Revolutionary attacks were made on town and village, on
farm and hacienda, and bloody encounters occurred in Barahona,
Porto Plata, San Cristobal, San Pedro de Macoris, Azua, Hato Mayor,
La Vega, Sabana de la Mar, Monte Cristi, and many other places.
All that Jimenez and Berroa said about the government of Caceres
was true, and should they get into power, they would forthwith pro-
ceed to inaugurate a similar or more vicious reign of tyranny.
A serious rebellion broke out on August 18 in Santo Domingo.
Revolutionary bands under the command of General Navarro landed
near Riviere, attacked and captured Dajabon, which was pillaged
and abandoned after 20 persons had been killed.
A state of anarchy prevailed in the northern part of Santo Domingo.
All commerce with the interior was stopped, and traffic in the northern
districts was prohibited.
On August 21 General Guellito, at the head of 900 insurgents, left
Dajabon to join the troops of General Navarro and made an attack
upon Monte Cristi. The government sent 1200 men from Mocha
against the rebels. Messrs. Milbourn and Thurston, two Americans
employed as collectors in the Dominican custom-house service, were
assassinated near Las Matas.
In the latter part of September, 1906, President Caceres, of Santo
Domingo, with 1200 men, attacked the rebels, raised the siege of
Monte Cristi, and pursued the besiegers, dispersing them and captur-
LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS 189
ing a number of prisoners. Twenty-four of the latter were executed,
and the properties of the recalcitrant rebels were destroyed. Later
the rebels rallied.
The rebel Generals Miguel Andres Pichardo, Mauricio Jimenez,
and the others held large sections of Santo Domingo during almost
the entire year. Numerous filibustering expeditions were fitted out
from Cuba, Jamaica, St. Thomas, and other points. One such expedi-
tion, led by Generals Enrique Jimenez and Pedro La Sala, landed near
Blanco in the northern part of Santo Domingo, but was captured at
San Jose de las Matos, near Santiago. General Candelario de la
Rosa later landed a strong expedition from Jamaica in the vicinity
of Barahona on the south coast of Santo Domingo. Ex-President
Morales and ex-President Jimenez spent most of the year fitting out
such expeditions from St. Thomas, Cuba, and other places adjacent.
REVOLUTIONS IN CENTRAL AMERICA
1906. — Central America had its customary batch of revolutions
in 1906. Since 1821 there have been numerous treaties of amity and
eternal friendship between these murderous barbarisms. In 1842,
1847, 1852, 1889, and 1898 treaties or attempts to form a union were
made. Almost in every instance these resulted in the outbreak of war
between the parties. Pillage and revolution have been almost unceas-
ing, while interviews with diplomats and newspaper editors continue
to be published broadcast extolling the peaceableness and beneficence
of those countries. Early in 1906 Mr. R. M. Rivas, editor of the
Diario del Salvador, a prominent Central American newspaper, vis-
ited Washington and expressed himself in roseate views of Central
America. He said: "The time of revolutions in Central America
has passed, and the public men of all the countries concerned are look-
ing toward a union founded upon lasting peace. The spirit of union
is in the air, but the time has not yet come; it will come within a
decade."
Unfortunately the logic of events does not harmonize with the
dreams of enthusiasts. In 1905 a treaty had been signed among the
Central American countries, but that made no difference. In March,
1906, Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua entered into an alliance
against Guatemala. President Cabrera, of the latter country, alleged
that General Regalado and President Escalon, of Salvador, had con-
spired to assassinate him. Revolutions and counter-revolutions broke
out in the countries in question, and invasions under the guise of
revolution, so that by June 1, 1906, the merry game of butchery was
in full swing. A body of forces invaded Guatemala from Salvador,
led by General Regalado, but the latter was killed at the engagement
of El Jicara early in July.
In this battle it is stated that Salvador lost about 700 killed
190 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and 1100 wounded, and Guatemala about 2800 killed and 3900
wounded.
After two months of skirmishing and a few sanguinary battles
peace was brought about through the mediation of the United States.
The "peace," however, did not last for any considerable length of
time. It merely served to give the " Generales " a little breathing-spell,
and afforded them an opportunity to levy a few more "forced loans,"
in preparation for a new and a bigger fight, which broke out with
renewed fierceness early in 1907.
1907. — Early in February the American consul W. E. Alger,
at Tegucigalpa, Honduras, reported that war between that country
and Nicaragua appeared inevitable. Consul General Pio Bolanos,
representing the latter country at New York City, made public a cable
from President Zelaya, dated February 7, announcing positively there
would be no war. He stated that talk of war was utter nonsense.
The State Department at Washington announced that peace was
assured.
President Bonilla, of Honduras, nevertheless, declared the Treaty
of Corinto, which provided for the arbitration of Central American
disputes, to be void, on the ground that Nicaragua persisted in main-
taining armed forces along the border.
Towards the end of February war broke out in earnest. A Nica-
raguan army invaded Honduras at Portillo del Espino, but after a
battle lasting two hours retreated, leaving 37 dead.
On February 20 it was reported from Managua, Nicaragua, that
troops under Generals Fornos and Vasquez had defeated Honduran
troops and had captured several towns.
On February 21 Honduras declared war, and Nicaragua announced
that its troops were marching upon the Honduran capital, Teguci-
galpa. These troops occupied El Triunfo and San Bernardo after
six hours' fighting.
Honduran revolutionary leaders went over to the support of
Zelaya, while several Nicaraguans of prominence became officers in
the army of Bonilla. Among these were Generals Anastasio Oritz,
Paulino Godey, Benito Cehavarria, Emeliano Chamarro, and Rafael
Hernandez.
On February 24 San Marcos de Colon, defended by Solomon Ordo-
nez, Honduran Minister of War, was captured by the Nicaraguans.
On March 2 Mr. Olivares, American consul at Managua, cabled
the State Department: "El Corpus, key of position at Tegucigalpa,
was taken by Nicaragua to-day. Four battalions of Nicaraguans
and a strong force of Hondurans engaged. Action brilliant."
A strong revolution now broke out in Honduras against Bonilla.
Ex-President Sierra, who was ousted by Bonilla when the latter came
into power at the head of a successful revolution, joined the Nica-
raguan forces, taking with him quite a staff of " Generals " and several
LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS 191
peons. Reclutas were resorted to in all parts of the country, and many
foreigners were conscripted into the army.
On March 16 it was reported that General Barahona, Minister
of War of Honduras, had defeated 3000 revolutionists at Maleras,
Izaga, and Sabana Larga. These troops were under the command
of Generals Dionisio Gutierrez, Balladares, and Gamero, all of whom
were killed in the fight.
At this time Salvador entered into an alliance with Honduras, and
2500 Salvadorean troops, under General Jose Presa, landed at Ama-
pala. General Bonilla invaded Nicaragua, among his troops being
two detachments of Nicaraguan revolutionists, under Generals
Chavarria and Chamorre.
On March 18 it was reported by Philip Brown, secretary of the
American legation at Tegucigalpa, that Trujillo, a Honduran port,
was being attacked from the sea by Nicaraguan troops, who succeeded
in capturing it.
On March 20 American marines were landed at Trujillo and Ceiba
from the gunboat Marietta, under Commander Fullam, for the pro-
tection of American interests.
On March 21 a proclamation was published by President Manuel
Bonilla, declaring that the Hondurans were victorious at Choluteca.
He said:
A corps of scouts of our forces attacked the enemy in considerable numbers
at Namasigue, taking three advanced positions, capturing the pueblo, and
driving out the enemy completely from the extreme heights. The losses of
the enemy were numerous, since they fled in masses which were presented
in broadside to our gunners. The artillery was unable to stop the irresistible
advance of our small column, which was a single company, under the com-
mand of Lieutenant-Colonel Lescadio Lardizabal. They advanced the rifles
and a battery of artillery.
The enemy disbanded by hundreds in their extremity, and I am powerless
to approximate what became of them. With this triumph of to-day, which
was gained in four or five hours of fighting, without large sacrifice on our
part, the enemy has arrived at a most pronounced state of demoralization.
The enthusiasm of the army is great, and with one mind they desire to
advance.
MANUEL BONILLA.
As a matter of fact, the Honduran and Salvadorean allied army
was severely defeated at Choluteca, losing 200 men and 1500 rifles.
Jose de Olivares, American consul at Managua, reported that the
allies had 6000 men at Namasique, and the Nicaraguans about
20,000, and that the former, being the attacking party, lost 1000
men, in a battle lasting three nights and two days.
An official report stated that on March 11 General Chomorro with
a column of Honduran soldiers captured Topomalpa, Nicaragua,
after thirteen hours' fighting and the killing of 100 men.
192 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On March 25 President Zelaya, of Nicaragua, announced the
capture and occupation of the Honduran capital, Tegucigalpa.
Amapala and many other towns were bombarded, and anarchy
reigned supreme in all parts of the country.
On April 3 Commander Fullam, of the United States gunboat
Marietta, wrote General Juan J. Estrada, commanding the Nicaraguan
army, that no more bombardments of coast towns would be permitted
"during the frequent wars and revolutions in Central America."
On April 12 Consul Olivares wired: "Amapala has been surren-
dered by Bonilla, and the war is ended."
President Zelaya set up a "provisional government " for Honduras,
and Bonilla sought refuge on an American war-ship and later went
to Mexico.
During all this time the governments of the United States and
Mexico had been "tendering their good offices " to bring about peace.
At the fall of Amapala it was stated that there would be no further
disturbances. Andrew Carnegie, who had evidently never read the
story about Mrs. Partington trying to sweep back the Atlantic Ocean,
sent a commissioner to South America for the purpose of promoting
peace among those governments. Whether or not Mr. Carnegie
authorized his representative to put all the generals on the pay-roll
during good behavior was not stated.
Notwithstanding all this talk of peace, the Nicaraguan army, after
sailing from Puerto Cortez for Bluefields returned to the former place,
owing to an invasion by the allied forces of Salvador and Honduras
of the western departments of Copan, Gracias, and Intubucat.
Heavy skirmishes continued in most sections.
On April 23 peace negotiations were concluded at Amapala
between President Figuera, of Salvador, and President Zelaya, of
Nicaragua.
On April 24 passengers arriving at New Orleans from Puerto
Cortez, Honduras, reported grave troubles growing out of disagree-
ments between the Nicaraguans and their allies, the Honduran
revolutionists, regarding the division of the offices in the provisional
government. It was also stated that a Guatemalan army was in
the vicinity of Puerto Cortez, and openly hostile, while another of
th« same country had been collected at Port Barrios, forty miles
distant.
On April 29 an alleged attempt was made to assassinate President
Estrada Cabrera, of Guatemala, and a formidable revolution was
said to be forming in that country. This was the third attempt on
Cabrera's life. He was shot in the leg by a would-be assassin in April,
1905, and a second attempt was made, according to reports, the fol-
lowing month. Cabrera is an unspeakable despot of the Cipriano
Castro type.
On May 4 another attempt to assassinate Cabrera was reported.
LATIN-AMERICAN REVOLUTIONS 193
A mine of dynamite had been placed in front of the barracks of the
"Guard of Honor," the President's personal body-guard.
During the month of April strained relations had developed
between Mexico and Guatemala, growing out of the assassination of
General Jose Lizandro Barillas, former President of Guatemala,
who was stabbed at the House of Commons, City of Mexico, on April 7,
by two Guatemalans, named Morales and Mora. These men made
a confession to the authorities of Mexico, stating that they acted under
orders from General Jose Maria Lima, who was regarded as the right-
hand man of President Cabrera, of Guatemala. Mexico demanded
the extradition of General Lima, which Guatemala refused to grant.
Desultory battles continued in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador.
General Terencio Sierra, formerly President of Honduras, was de-
feated by the forces of President Miguel R. Davila, of the new Hondu-
ran provisional government, who also captured El Corpus.
On May 15 the Nicaraguan Congress approved the treaty of peace
arranged between that country and Salvador at Amapala. At the
same time there was great turmoil in all parts of Salvador, and arrests
of many prominent men on suspicion of sympathy with Nicaragua.
The Nicaraguan charge d'affaires, Felipe Fernandez, was besieged
by a mob in Salvador, and sought refuge aboard an American steamer.
Early in June President Cabrera, of Guatemala, had ten men,
many of them foreigners, sentenced to death, and nine others to
imprisonment, on the pretext that they were implicated in the alleged
attempt on his life in April. He also commenced proceedings for the
confiscation of the property of these men, estimated to amount to
$15,000,000 gold. A press despatch said : "The fact that most of the
men who were sentenced to death or imprisoned for participation in
attempts to assassinate President Cabrera belong to the best classes
of the Republic has caused a considerable depression in business. A
delegation of Spaniards called to-day at the Spanish legation to pro-
test against the sentence imposed upon RicardoTrigueros,a Spaniard."
As a matter of fact it has been stated by persons in a position to know
the inside facts that the attempt to assassinate Cabrera was a hoax,
devised by the President himself, for the purpose of affording him a
pretext for executing respectable men of large means, whose property
he desired to confiscate to his own use.
On June 12 President Figueroa, of Salvador, cabled that the gov-
ernment troops had routed revolutionists under Rivas, at Sonsonata,
and looted the town. Nicaraguan forces attacked Acajutla on June 11,
"for general revolutionary purposes," as naively stated by American
Minister Merry. Nicaraguan troops were in all parts of Honduras,
looting and plundering. Armies under Generals Toledo and Alfara
were on the Honduran border, threatening Salvador, notwithstanding
the solemn treaty of peace which had been signed, while General
Corea planned to invade the country via Amapala.
VOL. I — 13
194 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Heavy detachments of Mexican and Guatemalan troops likewise
occupied the borders of these respective countries, while threats of
war were ominous.
At the date of the publication of this work the anarchistic condi-
tions continue in Central America, much as they have existed during
the past century. To talk of peace, industry, and honor among such
savages is an abuse of words. The situation there leads one to observe,
however, that if the Washington administration would devote itself
to the less spectacular work of affording a decent protection to
our own citizens in these barbarous dictatorships, it would perform
a work of some permanent benefit, not alone to our country, but to
the dictatorships themselves.
PART II -CHARACTER SKETCHES OF NOTED
LATIN-AMERICAN LEADERS
CHAPTER XVIII
LEADERS IN THE REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN —
MIRANDA AND BOLIVAR
IT was a strange and unique set of military adventurers who led the
revolutions against Spain in South America in the early part of
the nineteenth century. From 1800 to 1830 the history of South
America stands out conspicuous in the annals of the world since the
dawn of authentic records. Adventures, hair-breadth escapes, battles
and campaigns, intrigues, treachery, bombast, cunning, daring, reck-
less disregard for life, murder, infinite cruelty, — all constitute here
a panorama such as the Recording Angel has perhaps set down to no
other continent and to no other time.
While during this period there were hundreds of generals, and
thousands of lesser officers, whose personal feats of valor and deviltry
might fill thrilling volumes, the names of Miranda, Bolivar, Paez,
San Martin, and Sucre stand out, perhaps, the most conspicuous.
We therefore make a study of the characters of these men in their
environment, not as a matter of historical interest, but rather for the
purpose of painting a picture of the beginnings of these Latin-American
countries, with whose doings we are so intensely occupied at the
present time.
The revolutionary movements against Spain were in two parallel
streams: that of Buenos Ayres and the South was carried through
Argentina and Chili by San Martin ; that of the North swept through
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and into Peru, inaugurated by
Miranda and borne along by Bolivar, aided by Paez and other intrepid
adventurers.
The two movements effected their junction in Peru, where Sucre
made himself famous.
FRANCISCO MIRANDA
Francisco Miranda was born in Santa Fe, New Granada, or in
Caracas, Venezuela, it is not certain which, in 1756. He served with
the French in the continental army during our own Revolution, from
1779 to 1781. He then went to Paris, became a Major-General in the
French army, but incurring the displeasure of the French Directory
198 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
in 1797, he fled to England, and later went to Russia, where he en-
deavored to interest the Empress Catherine in his plans for over-
throwing the power of Spain in South America.
He then came to New York, organized a revolutionary movement,
and started for Venezuela in the Leander in 1806. From Moses Smith,
an American who was induced to embark on the expedition, we learn
that Miranda arrived at Jaquemel in Santo Domingo on the 15th of
February. Here proclamations were printed in which the griefs,
wrongs, and hardships of the people of South America were set forth.
It was expected that the Cleopatra, under Captain Wright, would
join them and proceed with them to the island of Bonair, on the coast
of the Spanish Main. Failing this, two American schooners, the Bee
and the Bacchus, were chartered, and an army of not more than 200
men enlisted, and sail was set. Through inadvertence or mischance
they did not reach Bonair until the 24th of April. Preparations had
been made with this small army to undertake the landing in Colombia,
when the ships were discovered by two Spanish guardacostas, — one
a brig of twenty guns, the other a schooner of eighteen. What hap-
pened then we will allow Smith to narrate in his own words :
"They were hailed by the captain of the Leander, and ordered to prepare
for action. After some broadsides exchanged between the armed vessels on
both sides, they were ordered to board the enemy on the lee side, while the
Leander was to attack and board the ship on the weather side. They obeyed
their orders, but before they could accomplish them, to their inexpressible
astonishment, they saw the Leander, with Miranda on board, haul down her
colors and make off. The remaining ships were boarded and taken by the
Spaniards. The men were plundered, stripped, and rifled ; and so impatient
were the conquerors for the booty that before they took the time to pull the
clothes off they first cut the pockets to make sure of the contents. So expert
were they in this inglorious kind of warfare that they seldom failed to clear
away the pocket with a single stroke. The prisoners were next pinioned and
secured, tied back to back, and in that humiliating posture conveyed to Puerto
Cabello. There they were disembarked, and driven into the castle of St.
Philip, chained two and two, and loaded with irons. They were divided into
two parties of about thirty each, the whole number taken in the two schooners
amounting to about sixty. They were then thrown into two separate dun-
geons, and suffered indescribable privations.
"Their trial took place toward the end of June. It was not till the 20th
of July that their doom was announced to them. On that day their prison
doors were thrown open, and they were told by an interpreter that they must
come out to be hanged. The names of ten of the prisoners, all officers in Mi-
randa's army, were first called, and the interpreter read this sentence from a
paper he held: 'In the morning of to-morrow, at six o'clock, you and each
of you, are sentenced to be hanged by the neck until you are dead ; after which
your heads are to be severed from your bodies, placed upon poles, and dis-
tributed in the most public parts of the country.' The remainder, being nine-
teen in number, were sentenced to eight years' imprisonment in the castle of
Boca Chica, near Cartagena, which sentences were all executed."
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 199
With the failure of his expeditions, Miranda had drifted around
and gone back to London again, where he was without influence.
But the news of his schemes had fired the Venezuelan heart, ready
then, as now, for a revolution, or for anything which promised adven-
ture, loot, and "glory."
Let us leave Miranda for a moment to return to him later.
Simon Bolivar was born in Caracas, Venezuela, on or about July
24, 1783. His father, Don Juan Vicente Bolivar y Ponte, a wealthy
Peruvian, died in 1786, and his mother, Dona Maria Concepcion
Palacios y Sojo, died a few years later, when he was fifteen years old.
An uncle, Don Carlos Palacios, became his guardian, and sent him
to Spain, where he studied law, and travelled in Europe. He spent
much time in Paris, and there he imbibed the spirit of the French
Revolution. In 1805 he went to Italy, and was present at the corona-
tion of Napoleon as king of that country. He then went to Rome,
where it is said he and his friend Simon Rodriguez made solemn vows
to liberate their country from the yoke of Spain. From Rome he went
to Hamburg, and thence to the United States, sailing for Venezuela
in 1809.
He at once began the revolutionary movements which have made
his name forever famous. There was a general uprising in 1810, and
he was given an officer's commission and sent to London to buy arms,
in conjunction with Luis Lopez Mendes.
BOLIVAR AND MIRANDA
Here begins the strange history of Bolivar and Miranda as co-
workers in the same cause. Bolivar returned from London in 1811,
bringing Miranda with him, and the latter was received with great
ovations. He was now an old man, while Bolivar was young and
vigorous, and the populace yelled " Viva Miranda," " Viva Bolivar,'9
much as they have since shouted "Viva" to each incoming "savior"
of the country. Miranda was selected as Lieutenant-General of the
Army of the Provinces. The tricolor flag of Miranda was adopted
by the Revolutionary Congress of Venezuela as its emblem on July 5,
1811, the day of the declaration of independence.
No serious fighting was done for some time. Domingo Monte-
Verde, field-marshal of the royal army under Ferdinand VII, met
and defeated the patriots at Carora. But an earthquake which
occurred on March 26, 1812, at Caracas, and another which followed
on April 4, did the patriots more damage than was caused by battles.
About 600 of Miranda's soldiers and large numbers of people had
perished, and the superstitious populace ascribed this to the anger
of God at their actions in declaring independence, — a view which
the Spanish authorities did not seriously endeavor to combat.
Monteverde now made a dashing campaign from Coro to Caracas,
200 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
capturing Barquisimeto, San Carlos, and other points on the
route.
Miranda, who had assumed the supreme command of the army,
ordered Bolivar to proceed to Puerto Cabello and take command of
the fortress, while he marched out of Caracas, which was in ruins from
the earthquake, against Monteverde. He had 12,000 men, and Mon-
teverde had a much inferior force, but Miranda's troops were insub-
ordinate, or disheartened by the earthquake, and there were many
desertions to the Spanish cause. He took up quarters at Maracay,
and later retreated to La Victoria, where he repulsed an assault by
Monteverde.
In the mean time, on June 30, Bolivar had met disaster at Puerto
Cabello. A commander of the prison had turned the prisoners loose,
organized them as royalists, and turned the guns of the fort on the
city. Bolivar had only about forty men left, and these refused to
fight ; so he hurriedly got a sailing-vessel, and embarked for La Guayra
on July 5, 1812, just one year after the declaration of independence.
News of Bolivar's flight disheartened Miranda, and he suspected
treachery. An army of liberated slaves were marching upon Caracas
from the provinces, and one disaster after another had befallen his
army. At the suggestion of Antonio Fernandez de Leon, who was
one of the leading spirits of the revolution, he therefore agreed to
surrender to General Monteverde. The latter offered terms of peace,
in a letter which Miranda sent to Congress, and which was accepted
by that body. A treaty was concluded on July 29, 1812, in which
the authority of Spain was fully recognized.
The day following the signing of the treaty Miranda went to La
Guayra. He was old, ill, worn out with the heat, and broken in spirit.
Simon Bolivar, Colonel Manuel M. Casas, Dr. Miguel Pena, Gov-
ernor; Dr. Pedro Gual, Colonel Juan Paz del Castillo, Colonel Jose
Cortes, Rafael Chatillon, Miguel Carabano, Rafael Castillo, Thomas
Montilla, Colonel Jose Mires, Juan Jose Valdez, Sergeant-Major;
Jose Landaeta, commander of the garrison, and various other persons
connected or sympathizing with the patriot movement, were in
La Guayra at the time, and they at once entered into a conspiracy to
imprison Miranda.
General Miranda had intended to go on board a vessel that night
lying in the harbor, and Captain Haynes, who scented the conspiracy,
urged him to do so ; but his comrades invited him to stay for supper.
General Miranda, believing himself to be in the house of his friends
and subordinates, accepted the invitation.
General H. L. V. Ducoudray Holstein tells us that the house was
surrounded by a guard under Casas, who was military comandante
at La Guayra, and Miranda, having been placed in a room without
lock and key, was surprised at an early hour in the morning by Casas,
Pena, and Bolivar, who accused him of being a traitor, forced him
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 201
to Fort San Carlos, some distance from La Guayra, where he was
put in irons and locked in one of the darkest dungeons.
Monteverde was immediately informed of this arrest, and though
it violated the faith of his own treaty he took no steps toward releasing
Miranda. From prison to prison Miranda passed from one indig-
nity to another, and thus spent the remainder of his life in chains. A
British officer said of him, "I have seen the nobleman tied to a wall,
with a chain about his neck, neither more nor less than a dog."
Who can defend this iniquity of Simon Bolivar ?
SIMON BOLIVAR
Miranda gone, let us turn again to Bolivar.
From this date until his death, in exile, at San Pedro, on December
17, 1830, his life is unparalleled. It is said that he fought more than
four hundred battles; at least five different attempts were made to
assassinate him; he exercised at times supreme military power over
the entire northern part of South America; he was guilty of many
barbarities ; he had numerous liaisons with women ; he made speeches
of fanatical eloquence to his soldiers and to the so-called legislatures
which he established ; and the Constitutions and laws which he pro-
mulgated were a curious mixture of bombast, absurd declarations
in favor of what he called liberty, but which were in reality weapons
of tyranny and military despotism.
This strange conglomeration of genius, hysteria, and impracti-
cability, to be seen everywhere in the Latin-American character, must
be remembered if we are to understand the actions of a man like
Bolivar.
After his act of perfidy in imprisoning Miranda in La Guayra,
Bolivar at once fled to Curo9ao, then, as now, the haven of all politi-
cal refugees. But he ached for adventure; he itched for glory.
In September, 1812, he went to Cartagena, Colombia, where he
was successful in driving the Spaniards from the lower Magdalena
River.
Invading Venezuela with about 500 men, he forced his way to
Merida and Trujillo, organized a popular revolt, and took practi-
cally the same road to Caracas as has been taken from the Andine
provinces many a time since, the last time by the "Restorer " Cipriano
Castro.
He now issued a decreta of "war to the death " :
Yes, Americans, the hateful and cruel Spaniards have introduced desola-
tion in the midst of the innocent and peaceful people of the Colombian hemi-
sphere. The war to the death which these Spaniards wage has forced them
to abandon their native country, which they have not known how to preserve
and have ignominiously lost. Fugitives and wanderers, like the enemies of
the Saviour God, they behold themselves cast away from all parts and per-
202 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
secuted by all men. Europe expels them, America repels them. Their vices
in both worlds have loaded them with the malediction of all humankind. All
parts of the globe are tinged with the innocent blood which the ferocious
Spaniards have caused to flow. All of them are stained with the crimes which
they have committed, not for the love of glory, but in the search of a vile metal,
which is their supreme god. The executioners, who have entitled themselves
our enemies, have most outrageously violated the rights of people and of
nations at Quito, La Paz, Mexico, Caracas, and recently at Popayan. They
sacrificed our virtuous brethren in their dungeons in the cities of Quito and
La Paz ; they beheaded thousands of our prisoners in Mexico ; they buried
alive, in the cells and floating prisons of Puerto Cabello and La Guayra, our
fathers, children, and friends of Venezuela; they have immolated the presi-
dent and comandante of Popayan, with all their companions of misfortunes ;
and lastly, O God ! almost in our presence they have committed a most horrid
slaughter, at Barinas, of our prisoners of war and our peaceful countrymen of
that capital. . . . But these victims shall be revenged, these assassins exter-
minated. Our kindness is now quenched, and as our oppressors force us into
a mortal war, they shall disappear from America, and our land shall be purged
of the monsters who infest it. Our hatred will be implacable, and the war
shall be to death.
HEADQUAKTERS OP MEMDA, June 8, 1813. SmON BoLivAR-
After eight years of "war to the death" General Bolivar seems to
have modified his ferocity, for we find him in 1821 urging his soldiers
to have "humanity and compassion even for your most bitter enemies."
He defeated Monteverde crushingly at Lastoguanes, and entered
Caracas August 6, 1813.
Bolivar's entry into Caracas throws a curious side-light on the
Latin- American character. He was received with the wildest acclama-
tions and greeted as the Savior of Venezuela. Larrazabel says: "A
multitude of beautiful young women, dressed in white and bearing
crowns of laurel, pushed their way through the crowd to take hold
of the bridle of his horse. Bolivar dismounted, and was almost over-
powered by the crowns cast upon him. The people wept for joy."
A picture of this event shows Bolivar standing on a triumphal car,
richly decorated and drawn by young women, — daughters of the
leading families of the city.
With General Marino in the Eastern part of Venezuela, and the
forces of Bolivar in the West, the royalists were practically overthrown
by January, 1814 ; but they rallied, and Boves defeated Bolivar near
Cura, and compelled him to embark for Cumana, his army almost
destroyed. Once again did the Spaniards obtain complete possession
of Venezuela.
Bolivar now left Venezuela and went to Colombia. He met the
revolutionary junta at Tunja, New Granada, and 2000 men were
raised for him. With these he appeared before Santa Fe de Bogota,
and captured the place. He then attacked Santa Martha, but was
defeated, the Spanish General Morillo having an overwhelming force.
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 203
He then resigned his commission and went to Kingston, Jamaica,
in May, 1814, having met with nothing but disaster for several months.
Bolivar then went to Aux Cayes, Haiti, where President Petion
aided him in organizing another expedition, in May, 1816. This was
defeated, but a second expedition proved more successful, and landing
at Barcelona, he formed a revolutionary government, and on Febru-
ary 16-18, 1817, met the army of Morillo, and in a desperate battle
completely defeated it. In their retreat the royalists were attacked
by General Paez and almost completely destroyed. Bolivar now
swept everything before him. He established headquarters at An-
gostura, now called Cuidad Bolivar, on the Orinoco, where a so-called
Congress assembled, February 15, 1819.
Bolivar, having now reorganized and reinforced his army, started
on the brilliant campaign across the Cordilleras, where he effected a
junction with General Santander in New Granada. He entered Tunja
in July, 1819, and gained the decisive victory of Boyaca on August 7,
which gave him possession of practically the entire country, although
Morillo still had considerable forces under his command.
Bolivar had a law passed, on December 17, 1819, uniting Colombia
and Venezuela, under the name "Republic of Colombia," and he
became President. He established the capital provisionally at Cucuta,
on the borders of both countries, and proceeded to take the field with
greatly increased forces against Morillo. He gained such important
victories that an armistice was concluded at Trujillo on November 25,
1820, to last for six months.
The Spanish King now sent General Torre to command in New
Granada, but he was completely routed at Carabobo and driven back
upon Puerto Cabello. Gradually the royalists were driven from all
parts of the country, and two years later Puerto Cabello was surren-
dered to the revolutionary General Paez.
On August 30, 1821, a Constitution was promulgated for the
Republic of Colombia, and General Bolivar became President, and
Santander Vice-President.
Bolivar had been in one continuous turmoil for ten years ; he had
almost literally "waded through rivers of blood"; but he was not
satisfied. He marched on Quito, Ecuador, and gained a great victory
over the royalists at Pichincha, largely through the signal ability of
General Sucre, who commanded the revolutionary armies in that
section. Bolivar then marched upon Lima, Peru, where he was made
absolute Dictator. The intrigues and open hostility of the republican
factions, however, compelled him to leave.
He returned later with a new army, and on August 6, 1824, defeated
the royalists under Canterac on the plains of Junia. General Sucre
harassed the royalists in Upper Peru, and gained a great victory at
Ayacucho, thus confining the Spaniards to one or two points.
In June, 1825, Bolivar visited Upper Peru, and in August a stretch
204 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of territory was detached from the department of Buenos Ayres, and
called Bolivia, in honor of Bolivar.
Bolivar convened an Asamblea Constituyente, a sort of provisional
Congress, in December, 1824, to meet in the following February in
Peru. It was composed wholly of his own followers, who made him
absolute Dictator. At the same time he proposed a Constitution for
Bolivia. This was presented to their Congress on May 25, 1826. It
lodged the executive power in the hands of a President for life, with
power to nominate his successor.
While Bolivar was establishing the dictatorships of Bolivia and
Peru, General Santander had been left in charge of Colombia, and
General Paez of Venezuela. General Paez had been extremely arbi-
trary in the exercise of military power and had begun a revolution
against the civil government. Bolivar hastened to Venezuela, met
Paez at Puerto Cabello, and issued a decree of general amnesty.
An election was held in the latter part of 1826, and Bolivar was
declared to be President, and Santander Vice-President, of the Re-
public of Colombia, for the term commencing January, 1827.
At this time Bolivar made a pretence of resigning as President,
in order to show the people that he was not ambitious, as had been
alleged. Congress easily convinced him that duty and destiny required
him to remain in power.
A revolution was started in Peru against Bolivar, by the troops
under Generals Lara and Sands, early in 1827. The Bolivian code
was repudiated, and a provisional government organized. But this
movement was overcome without serious difficulty. General San-
tander and the republicans of Colombia also became very distrustful
of the ambition of Bolivar, who regarded himself as a second Napoleon,
but nevertheless he had the army back of him, and was able to over-
come all opposition. He decreed himself Dictator of Colombia, with
supreme power, at Bogota, on August 27, 1828, and this power he
continued to exercise until early in 1830, when his enemies became
too powerful.
In January, 1830, Bolivar resigned his dictatorship again. He
expected that the Congress would refuse to accept it, but to his con-
sternation his opponents obtained a majority and accepted the resigna-
tion, voting Bolivar a pension of $3000 a year, on condition that he
should leave the country. He knew this meant exile or imprisonment.
He therefore sent in his final resignation on April 27, 1830, and left
Bogota never to return. He went to Cartagena, and thence to Santa
Marta, where he visited the bishop, an old friend. Bolivar died on
December 17, 1830. In an address dictated on his death-bed to be
presented to the Colombian people, he said:
"My wishes are for the happiness of the people. If my death
should unite them, I will go to the tomb content, yes, to the tomb !
The people send me there, but I forgive them."
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 205
THE CHAEACTER OF BOLIVAR.
The character of Bolivar has given rise to much discussion and
animadversion.
He has been called the Liberator, and generally accepted as the
Washington of South America. He was neither the one nor the other.
Justly to appreciate the character of Bolivar, one must thoroughly
understand the Latin-American temperament. It has no counterpart
among Anglo-Saxons. Mercurial, impractical, visionary, recklessly
daring, vainglorious, sympathetic, cunning, sensitive, intense, ambi-
tious, with no sense of proportion, cruel and kind in the same breath,
giving vent to the highest sentiments of frenzied patriotism and
practising the most absolute despotism, shouting for liberty and
disregarding the rights of all men, yet saved from being called hypo-
critical by the very intensity of fanaticism, — mix in with this a love of
romance, affairs with beautiful women, escapes from assassinations,
and it will be seen that to compare Bolivar with Washington is as
absurd as it would be to compare Don Quixote with General Grant.
There is no common measure or characteristic, and no possible basis
for comparison.
Bolivar was not a Napoleon, but in his way he was fully as re-
markable as Napoleon. He was the forerunner of a line of military
Dictators of the type of Santa Anna and Guzman Blanco, and by
far the greatest of them all. But his character lacked stability, solidity ;
he was irresponsible, erratic, destructive, and not constructive.
That ethical strabismus by which Americans see heroic qualities
in the murderous dictators of Latin-America is well illustrated in the
following extracts from Hezekiah Butterworth's "History of South
America," which represents the average sentiment in the United States
regarding Bolivar:
"At Rome he was a dreamer.
"They stood upon the sacred Mount, and they spoke of another Sacred
Mount that rose over Caracas, awaiting heroes such as gave the Roman re-
public its glory. Bolivar was agitated. He read as it were the book of the
world. He talked of the liberty of the land of the Andes, and then he held out
his hand to Rodriguez. 'Let us here make an oath,' he said. 'Let us here,
on this sacred hill, pledge our lives to the liberties of our own country.' Ro-
driguez' heart responded to that of Bolivar. Then and there they pledged
themselves to the cause of South American independence. With that resolu-
tion the republics of the Sun were born."
"In that sublime resolution on Monte Aventino were the battle of Boyaca,
the emancipation of New Granada, Venezuela, and Ecuador, the restoration
of liberty to Peru, and the freedom of the whole of northern South America."
"It would carry him on its refluent wave to Peru. It would cause him
there to be hailed almost as a God — to pass under triumphal arches, amid
singing priests, dancing Indians, and prostrate people, while the thunder of
206 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
cannon shook the peaks of the high Andes and the bells of the cities rang aloud
with joy."
"Young Bolivar rose, and poured forth his ardent and decisive sentiments
in fiery words."
"The speech, like that of Patrick Henry amid like events, was decisive."
"But the good that men have done is a harvest that can never be forgotten.
Truly said Simon Bolivar, years afterwards, in his hour of triumph: 'The
seed of liberty yields its just fruit. If there is anything which is never lost, it
is the blood which is shed for a just cause.' "
"'My only ambition is the freedom of my fellow citizens.'"
"We must ever judge his purpose by his oath."
"He made himself the altar of liberty, and at last laid himself upon it."
"He entered the magical atmosphere of Peru, and there laid the founda-
tion of the Republic."
"Bolivar now met the immortal apostle of liberty, Alexander Petion, of
Hayti."
"These words reveal the spirit of Bolivar. We cannot doubt Bolivar's
sincerity. The execution of Piar caused him as much suffering as that of
Major Andre caused Washington."
"On the death of his beloved wife the Liberator resolved never to marry
again, so that he might devote all his thought to the cause of South American
liberty; again and again he placed his resignation of the highest trusts into
the hands of the representatives of the people ; he declared that if his death
would better serve the cause of liberty and unity, he was willing to die."
Very heroic and very pathetic is all this ! But let us turn to the
real Bolivar.
One of Bolivar's" war to the death "proclamations has been given,
but another and mere cruel proclamation was issued a week later from
Trujillo, decreeing death to every Spaniard who did not take up arms
in behalf of the revolution, to all prisoners of war, etc. The inde-
scribably bloody and inhuman policy inaugurated by him can be better
understood after reading the chapters in the present work which give
an outline of the history of Venezuela.
I shall quote again, not from a hysterical panegyrist like Butter-
worth, but from a sincere admirer and defender of Bolivar, Carlos
Benedetti, a man who approved of the career of Bolivar in its entirety.
His Historia de Colombia 1 is a work in every way friendly to Bolivar.
"Seven times had Bolivar proposed to Monteverde the exchange of pris-
oners and as often the proposition had been rejected; the condition of the
patriots became worse every day; it was assured that Boves, if he fell on
Caracas, would decapitate all the Americans; children from the age of
twelve years, the old men to sixty, all had been called to the service, and
there were no other forces with which to resist ; the resources were being ex-
hausted, and fears were felt that the 1000 prisoners locked up in Caracas and
La Guayra might try to rise up ; knowledge of the critical situation of the
Republic, united to the natural sentiment of conserving existence, even to the
1 Lima, 1887, pp. 456-457.
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 207
murder of enemies, had already influenced the spirit of the people in such a
manner that they asked the death of the Spaniards and Canaries, enemies of
independence. The authorities, in consequence, in order to allay the tumult
of the multitude which asked the death of those unfortunates, disposed that
eighteen of the more dangerous prisoners should be taken out and shot.
Bolivar was at once consulted by the comandante of La Guayra, as to what
should be done with the prisoners in that city, and he answered that they
should be killed without any exception, and he gave the same order to the
Jefes of Caracas. The execution took place in the plaza of the cathedral in
Caracas, in the location destined for the butchery of cattle in that city, and
in the heights of La Guayra, Castle of San Carlos, and road of Macuto, in the
days running from the 8th to the 16th of February. The prisoners were taken
out successively from the jails and calabooses, and conducted to the place of
execution. Some were shot, but the larger part lost their lives from the strokes
of lances and of machetes, and their bodies were thrown immediately on the
funeral pile, which consumed about 100 victims daily. In this manner perished
866 Spaniards and Canaries, and it was a veritable butchery. Bolivar gave
a manifesto justifying this act in San Mateo, where he was consulted as to
what should be done with the prisoners of La Guayra, and ordered their ex-
ecution the same as those of Caracas. The justice of this is that it was in
retaliation for identical deeds."
If the Spaniards had issued orders for a war to the death and for
the slaughter of prisoners, every American writer and historian would
have been horrified. The Spaniards committed many infamous cruel-
ties in this war; the so-called patriots committed savage atrocities,
without parallel, even in Indian warfare. Much of this horrible
barbaric savagry was due to the orders and influence of Bolivar
himself.
Proof of this, if any were neededy is to be found in the fact that the
revolution did not take on such a savage aspect in Colombia, where
the operations of the armies were under the general direction of the
Congress of Nueva Granada. This Congress would not sanction
the assassination of prisoners, nor the massacre of male non-combat-
ants, let alone of women and children. The people of Colombia were
identical in character with those of Venezuela, and the conflict was
actuated by similar ideas. The military campaigns were intense, and
the battles terrible beyond description, but the barbarism of the Vene-
zuelan revolution under Bolivar was unknown. The Spaniards them-
selves committed no such atrocities in Colombia, and one of the few
occasions on which Spanish prisoners were assassinated in Colombia
was when General Urdaneta, one of Bolivar's lieutenants, was driven
out of Venezuela and into Colombian territory, where one of his first
acts was to shoot five Spaniards who had been taken prisoners. The
Congress of Nueva Granada disapproved of the act, which caused
great consternation, and at once relieved him of his command. The
war of extermination and of assassination of non-combatants and
prisoners inaugurated by Bolivar in Venezuela is susceptible of no
208 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
defence or palliation. It places him outside the pale of civilized
military commanders. The bloodthirsty Spaniards, Morillo and
Moxo, were no less culpable.
It is estimated that Bolivar's order of "war to the death" was
responsible for the loss of at least 100,000 lives, a vast number of these
being women and children.
LA LlBERTADORA DEL LlBERTADOR
At the age of nineteen Bolivar had married in Madrid a girl of
sixteen, the daughter of a family of rank. He brought her to America,
but she died shortly after of yellow fever.
Bolivar, in speaking of the death of his wife, said: "I loved my
wife much, and at her death I took an oath never to marry. I have
kept my word. If I had not been bereaved, perhaps my life would
have been different. I would not have been general of liberators. I
would not have made my second voyage to Europe. I would not have
had the ideas which I gained by my travels, nor would I have had the
experience, or made the study of the world, of mankind, and of things,
which has been of so much service to me during the course of my
political career. The death of my wife placed me early in the way
of patriotic effort, and caused me to follow the chariot of Mars rather
than the plough of Ceres."
A curious argument this, which many writers seem to think adds
a halo to the "Liberator." But there is another side to this heroic
renunciation of marriage.
In Leyendas Historicas de Venezuela, by Aristides Rojas (Caracas,
1890), is a description of one of many episodes in Bolivar's career, —
a story of romance and danger — of just that kind to endear Bolivar
to the Latin-American heart.
Manuelita Saenz was the favorite mistress of Bolivar. She was
an ardent patriot, ready to make any sacrifice for the republicans,
and Bolivar was her idol. She had been married at the age of about
twenty years, in 1817, to Dr. Thorne, an Englishman. In 1822 her
name appeared among 112 ladies of the "Order of the Sun," — a
patriotic society, — and she was engaged in many daring enterprises,
riding through Lima on horseback, like a man, and in other ways
showing her independence.
Dr. Thorne seems to have worshipped her, but she cared nothing
for him. Rojas says, "The women of the Torrid Zone do not agree
well, in the generality of cases, with the taciturn, reserved, and cere-
monious character of the sons of the North."
At least Manuelita did not. "Scarcely had the Liberator arrived
in Quito in 1822, after the battle of Pichincha, when Manuelita en-
countered the fortunate man who from peak to peak was conducting
the genius of war. They saw, they met, they loved. . . . Bolivar
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 209
lacked the attractions of Apollo, but he possessed oriental imagination,
clear talent, facile speech, Which realized cultured models, — the
practice, in short, which gives conquests in love ... so he conquered
the heart of Manuelita ; but she had conquered something more, —
the absolute dominion, the throne without a crown," etc.
Thorne did not like this ; he was desperately in love with Manuelita
himself, and begged her to return. This is what she answered her
husband, — she had already left him to live with Bolivar :
" No, no, no, no more, man, for God's sake. Why do you write to me ask-
ing me to change my resolution ? What good does it do you, except to cause
me the pain of saying to you 'no' a thousand times? Sir, you are excellent,
inimitable, never will I say anything else about you; but my friend, to leave
you for General Bolivar is something — to leave another husband without
your qualities would be nothing.
"And do you think that I, after being the sweetheart of this General for
seven years, and with the certainty of possessing his heart, would rather be
the woman of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, or of the Sacred
Trinity ? If anything I am sorry of, it is that you were not even somewhat
better, so that I could have left you. I know very well that nothing can unite
me with him under those auspices which you call honor. Do you think I am
less honorable because he is my lover and not my husband ? Ah, I do not live
preoccupied by social inventions devised to torment us.
"Let me alone, my dear Englishman. We will make another agreement:
in the sky we will return to marry each other, but not on the earth. Do you
think this agreement bad ? Then I would say that you are very unreasonable.
In the heavenly country we will pass an angelic life, all spiritual (since as a
man you are heavy) ; there everything will be of the church, because the mo-
notonous life is reserved to your nation (in love, I say, because in the rest, who
are more apt in commerce and the marine ?).
"Love, you English entertain without pleasure; conversation without
grace, and slowly ; greetings with reverence ; rising up and sitting down with
care ; jokes without smiles ; these are divine formulas, but I miserable mortal
that laughs at myself, at you and at this English seriousness, etc. — how bad
it would be with me in heaven ! — as bad as if I were to live in England, or
Constantinople; because to the English is due my conception of tyranny
towards women, although you were not so to me ; — but you were as jealous
as a Portuguese.
"All this I do not care for — have n't I got good taste ?
"Enough of jokes: formally and without laughing, with all seriousness,
with the truth and purity of the church, I say that I will never live with you
again. That you are angelic, and I the opposite, is a strong religious impedi-
ment; but that I am in love with another is a stronger and more powerful
one. Don't you see I am thinking formally ?
"Your invariable friend,
"MANUELA."
Manuela, who frequently visited Bolivar in the palace in Bogota,
was indisposed on the afternoon of September 25, 1828. Bolivar, who
was also sick, sent for her. She excused herself at first, saying that
VOL. i — 14
210 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
she was not feeling well, but later she went. She found Bolivar, and
also his nephew Fernando, Captain Ibarra, and Colonel Ferguson,
while only a small guard was around Bolivar's mansion.
The doors of the palace were closed. Bolivar took a tepid bath,
Manuela reading to him in the mean time, and stillness reigned every-
where. At midnight the dogs of the palace barked, and soon footsteps
were heard about the building. A conspiracy of revolution had been
formed, signs and countersigns obtained, the sentinels deceived, and
an entrance forced into the palace.
Bolivar was sleeping. Manuela awoke him, and told him what
was passing. He dressed quickly, and she directed him to a balcony,
telling him to make for the armory of Vargas, where there were
loyal troops. She then went in the direction of the noise, and was
seized by the intruders, who demanded to know where Bolivar was.
" In the Consejo," said Manuela ; but the conspirators went rushing
toward the sleeping-room which Bolivar had just left. Infuriated
at not finding Bolivar, the invaders seized Manuela. At that moment,
however, they encountered Ibarra, who opened the door of his bed-
room and fired upon them, and was himself wounded.
"Have they murdered the Liberator?" one of the officers of the
palace asked Manuela, and she answered, "No, he lives." The
intruders then tried to compel her to tell them where he was, but she
said she did not know. They put her in a room under guard.
At this moment Ferguson came looking for Bolivar, and was shot
dead by one of the conspirators, Carujo, who had been his intimate
friend.
Bolivar in the mean time had thrown himself out of a window, and
run in the direction of the monastery of the Carmelitas, hearing shots
on all sides, and cries of "Death to the tyrant." On his way he en-
countered a faithful young friend, Jose Maria Antunez, born in
Maracaibo. He led Bolivar to the bridge called Carmen, the intention
being to take the left bank of a creek called San Augustin, so as to
arrive at the armory of Vargas, with the object of leading these troops
into the fight. When they arrived at the bridge, the troops at Vargas
were already in action, the artillery fire being directed towards that
side of the creek where Bolivar contemplated going. Voices were
now heard shouting, " Viva el Libertador "; others were crying, "Death
to the tyrant." The contending forces seemed nearing the bridge.
Bolivar's guide led the general to a hiding-place beneath the bridge,
which was no sooner gained than a troop of hostile artillery was heard
to pass overhead.
A desultory fight was kept up in all parts of the town for several
hours, but the conspirators were at last vanquished. General Urdan-
eta, Minister of War, then sent out to search in every direction for
Bolivar, whose disappearance by this time was generally known.
Bolivar under the bridge heard them pass, shouting, "Viva el
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 211
Libertador!" "Viva Bolivar" Thinking this was a ruse to get him
to come out, he remained for several hours in his hiding-place.
Finally the general's guide went out, and seeing that his friends
were in the ascendancy, Bolivar was himself extricated from his un-
pleasant position, — wet, covered with mud, shivering with cold, and
so hoarse that he could scarcely speak.
Bolivar was greeted with a frenzy of joy on his return to the palace.
Turning to Manuela, he said : " Tu eres la Libertadora del Libertador,"
— "You were the Liberator of the Liberator."
BOLIVAR SHOOTS PIAR
Bolivar's treachery to Miranda is well known, but his act in shoot-
ing General Piar may be regarded as a piece of infamous ingratitude,
such as an historian is seldom called upon to record, even in incom-
prehensible Latin America.
Manuel Carlos Piar was born in Curo9ao in 1782. He joined
Bolivar's first expedition from Hayti in 1816, which was really fitted
out by President Petion. From the beginning of the revolution up
to this date, every military adventure of Bolivar had ended disas-
trously. The real fighting had been done by Generals Marino, Paez,
and others. Bolivar had been whipped from one end of Venezuela
to the other, and had demonstrated that he knew nothing of strategy.
He had already twice escaped from Venezuela, and had left the half-
breed generals to face an adverse situation as best they could. The
influence which he had over the swarthy Jefes of the plains was due
to his education and superior knowledge of the world rather than to
his military prowess. At the same time his indomitable determination
and fanatical enthusiasm, his daring and recklessness, in conjunction
with the fact that he had a greater organizing ability than the unlet-
tered Jefes, gave him his prestige. But so far as real military standing
was concerned at that time, he had none. When he sailed from Aguin,
Hayti, on March 30, 1816, Generals Mariano Montilla, Bermudez,
and many others, refused to have anything to do with him, regard-
ing him as impracticable and hare-brained. General Piar, however,
went with him, and stood by him loyally.
This trip was a complete fiasco, and on August 16, after having
lost what few soldiers he had, Bolivar arrived at Guira, only to find
mutiny and hostility, if not downright contempt, expressed for him.
Generals Marino and Bermudez, who commanded in that section,
would have nothing to do with him, and, sword in hand, Bolivar forced
himself through a mob of Venezuelan soldiers, and escaped a second
time to Hayti, absolutely without followers or influence.
At this critical juncture General Manuel Carlos Piar came to the
front. He had proved himself as great a general as Venezuela pos-
sessed. At the great battle of Juncal, on September 26, General Piar
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
with 2000 men had overwhelmingly defeated the royalist Morales
with 3000 men, and he was now a military factor not to be disregarded.
He heard with sorrow of the disgrace which had befallen Bolivar. In
co-operation with General Arismendi, of Margarita, Piar, disregard-
ing entirely the opinions of Generals Marino, Bermudez, and the rest,
sent at once a commissioner to see Bolivar, in Hayti, to assure him of
their loyalty, to tell him that they still recognized him as the Jefe
Supremo, and to place themselves and their armies at his disposal.
Bolivar was reanimated. He organized a second expedition from
Hayti, and afterwards united with General Piar at Angostura. The
military genius and unswerving loyalty of General Piar had saved
Bolivar at the most critical period of his career. Not only this, Gen-
eral Piar had been fighting desperate battles while Bolivar was in
Hayti, and after his return, and by the great victory which he won
near San Felix, on April 11, 1817, over the Spanish Brigadier Latorre,
killing and wounding about 1000 royalists, he turned the tide in favor
of the anti-royalists, and made independence once more a possibility.
Little did Piar dream that he was nursing a viper which was des-
tined to sting him to death ! Little did the hero of one hundred desper-
ate conflicts with the royalists imagine that his end was to come from
the hands of a man who owed everything to his friendship, even to
the very power which enabled him to order the assassination !
A so-called Congress had been established at Cariaco, which had
disregarded Bolivar's pretence of being "Supreme Jefe," — a pre-
tence which was at that time ridiculous, — and appointed a junta to
govern the country. General Piar was favorable to this scheme, and
this angered Bolivar. Although Piar and Arismendi had recalled
Bolivar from Hayti, it was with the idea that he should be their chief,
not their tyrant.
When this Congress was dissolved, General Piar suggested that
a board of generals and influential men should be formed to admin-
ister the government. This offended Bolivar intensely. He was
determined to be the Supreme Boss himself, of the Board of Admin-
istration and of everything else. What power Bolivar had up to this
moment was due chiefly to General Piar ; but he quarrelled with Piar,
who thereupon left his army in command of Bolivar and retired to
private life. Piar went first to TJpata, and later to Angostura. Boli-
var heard that Piar was fomenting a conspiracy, — and in Venezuela
a man can hear almost anything he wishes, especially if it is wicked,
— and he sent for Piar. The General refused to come ; and it was
stated that he had arrived at an understanding with General Marino
by which he was to recognize and serve under the latter as "Supreme
Chief of the Republic."
Bolivar summoned his officers, and formed a junta, which again
declared him Jefe Supremo de la Republica. Thereupon he sent a
body of cavalry to make General Piar prisoner. This was com-
LEADERS IN REVOLT AGAINST SPAIN 213
manded by General Cedefio, Juan Antonio Mina, and Juan Fran-
cisco Sanchez. No such force was needed, however, for General Piar
was found entirely alone, in the village of Aragua de Cumana. There
was not the slightest evidence of any conspiracy, or that General Piar
ever again intended to enter military life. Piar was taken to the head-
quarters of Bolivar, who appointed a mock court martial to try him
on the charge of conspiracy and desertion. No time was lost in com-
plying with the orders of Bolivar and declaring him guilty. Bolivar
immediately signed the sentence of death. On the next day, October
17, 1817, General Piar was taken out and shot by his own troops. He
attempted to make a speech to his ungrateful compatriots before they
shot him, but they beat the drums so that his voice was drowned.
Simon Bolivar, on the day following this heinous crime, concocted
the following composition by way of an address to his soldiers :
SOLDIERS : Yesterday was a day of pain for my heart. General Piar was
executed for his crimes of high treason, conspiracy and desertion. A just and
legal tribunal pronounced the sentence against that unfortunate citizen, who,
intoxicated by the favors of fortune, and to satiate his ambition, attempted to
ruin the country. General Piar really had done important services to the re-
public, and although the course of his conduct had always been mutinous, his
services were bountifully rewarded by the government of Venezuela.
Nothing was left to be desired by a chief who had obtained the highest
grades of the army. The second authority of the republic, which was vacant
by the dissidence of General Marino, was to be conferred on him before his
rebellion; but he aspired to the supreme command, and formed a purpose
the most atrocious that can be conceived. Not only had Piar intended civil
war, but also anarchy, and the most inhuman sacrifice of his own companions
and brethren.
Soldiers! You know it. Equality, liberty and independence are our
motto. Has not humanity recovered her rights by our laws ? Have not our
arms broken the chains of the slaves ? Has not the hateful difference of classes
and colors been abolished forever? Have not the national moneys been or-
dered to be divided among you ? Do not fortune and glory await you ? Are
not your merits abundantly rewarded, or at least justly? What then, did
General Piar want for you ? Are you not equal, free, independent, happy and
honored ? Could Piar obtain for you greater wealth ? No, no, no. The tomb
was being opened by Piar with his own hands, to bury in it the life, the wealth,
the honor of the brave defenders of the liberty of Venezuela, their children,
wives and fathers. . . .
Soldiers ! Heaven watches for your well-being and the government, which
is your father, is vigilant in your behalf. Your chief, who is your companion
in arms, who is always at your head, and has participated in your perils and
privations, as also in your victories, confides in you ; rely then on him, sure
that he loves you more than if even he were your father or your son.
SIMON BOLIVAR.
HEADQUARTERS OF ANGOSTURA, October 17, 1817.
CHAPTER XIX
NOTED REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS — PAEZ,
SAN MARTIN, AND SUCRE
JOSE ANTONIO PAEZ
JOSE ANTONIO PAEZ was born in the province of Barinas,
Venezuela, June 13, 1790. He was a cattle-herder prior to the
outbreak of the revolutions which made him famous. During
his youth, he had many turbulent experiences. At the age of seventeen
he was waylaid by a band of robbers, but killed one of them, and the
others fled. Aristides Rojas relates, in his Leyendas Historicas de
Venezuela, that Paez, when a boy, was bitten by a snake and at an-
other time by a vicious dog ; that he never recovered from the nervous
shock, and that he was always afterwards subject to epileptic fits,
while the sight of a snake filled him with terror and threw him into
convulsions. When Paez went into a battle, it was with a perfect
frenzy of excitement; in those terrible shocks against the cavalry
of Lopez, Morales, La Torre, and Morillo, he was almost certain to
suffer from horrible convulsions. "Thus, on entering the action of
Chire and Yagual, and in the persecution of the enemy in the fields of
Gamarra and Ortiz, and finally in Carabobo, after a splendid triumph,
Paez had convulsions which deprived him for a time of reason." At
the age of twenty he became a cavalry leader in the revolutionary
ranks, and organized formidable forces of mountaineers. After some
years of desultory fighting he enlisted under the banner of Bolivar in
1817, and two years later was made Major-General.
In the battle of Ortiz, in 1818, nearly the entire infantry at the
command of Bolivar was destroyed by the Spaniards ; but Paez with
his cavalry made such terrific charges on the royalists that Bolivar
was finally able to extricate his army. At the end of the engagement
Paez went into convulsions, and was found by an English colonel lying
at the foot of a tree, his mouth filled with foam. The Englishman
gave the general some water and bathed his head, when Paez, opening
his eyes, recognized the colonel and said, "I found myself so tired
from the fatigues of the battle ; I had already killed twenty-nine of the
enemy, and was crossing my lance with one more, when I felt myself
sick." At his side was the bloody lance, which he presented to the
NOTED REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS 215
English colonel as a testimonial of friendship. In the great defeat
which Bolivar suffered at Gamarra, in 1819, Paez performed wonders
with his cavalry; but he again suffered a terrible convulsion, his first
words, upon regaining consciousness, being, "My lance, where is my
lance ? Bring my horse ! "
Finally, at the brilliant victory of Carabobo, in 1821, which de-
stroyed the power of Spain in that part of the continent, Paez also
suffered from an epileptic attack, which was upon him at the moment
that Bolivar came to offer him the thanks of Colombia and the rank
of General-in-Chief. General Paez became Dictator of Venezuela,
and for about seventeen years, exercised almost absolute power, either
directly or through men appointed by himself. He took part in the
movement for the separation of Venezula from Colombia, in 1829,
and became its first President, in 1830.
The latter years of General Paez were as turbulent as his youth,
and he finally was expelled from Venezuela. He came to New York,
and lived there several years, dying in 1873. His autobiography was
published in New York in 1869. His son, Ramon Paez, wrote his
father's biography, which was published in New York in 1864.
JOSE DE SAN MARTIN
This distinguished patriot was born at Yapeyu, on the Uruguay
River, February 25, 1778. At the age of eight years he went with his
parents to Spain, and was educated for the military profession at
the College of Nobles in Madrid. He saw service in Africa, fighting
against the Moors, before he had reached his majority. In London San
Martin met Miranda, who was busily engaged establishing revolution-
ary societies, and became imbued with the views of the illustrious
enthusiast.
San Martin returned to South America in 1811, shortly after the
royalist government had been overthrown in Argentina, and at once
entered the ranks of the insurgents, organizing a troop of cavalry. In
a short time he succeeded Belgrano in command of the army and
instituted many real reforms. His ambition now was to create an
army sufficient to drive the forces of Ferdinand out of Chili. To this
end he began his work at Mendoza, at the foot of the Andes. His
plan was to cross the Uspallata Pass, nearly 13,000 feet high, overcome
the royalist armies in Chili, and descend upon Peru. In furtherance
of his plan, he became Governor of Cuzco, an Andine province, in 1814,
and proceeded at once to gather and drill a large force of hardy moun-
taineers. In the mean time the Chilians under Manuel Rodriguez
were secretly organized, and merely awaiting an opportunity to revolt
against Abascal, the Spanish Viceroy, and his General Osorio, who
ruled with iron hands and were generally hated.
Early in 1817 San Martin's plans were perfected, and he proceeded
216 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
to cross the mountains. He started from Mendoza on January 17,
amid the indescribable enthusiasm of the populace. On February 12
he gained a brilliant victory at Chacabuco. This was followed on the
5th of April, 1818, by the decisive victory of Maypo, which may be
regarded as one of the most important battles ever fought in South
America. The royalist army under General Osorio had about 5500
men, and San Martin had about the same number. The armies met
near a junction of roads which leads through the passes of Maypo and
Santiago. There were at this point a series of white crests or ridges,
on which the armies faced each other. General Osorio threw a con-
siderable body of men to the west to protect the road to Valparaiso,
and San Martin's cavalry fell on the flank of this body with terrible
force, completely routing it. General Osorio lost in this battle 1000
men killed, 150 officers, and 2000 prisoners; while San Martin lost
1000 men in killed and wounded. General San Martin now returned
in person to Buenos Ayres, and laid before the Dictator, Juan Martin
de Pueyrredon, a plan for the liberation of Peru. The plan was
accepted. He then returned to Chili, organized the government,
raised a large army, and a considerable naval fleet, which was placed
under the command of Lord Cochrane, a British admiral, who sailed
for Lima August 21, 1820.
Lima was captured, the Spaniards were driven from the coast, the
independence of Peru was proclaimed on July 28, 1821, and San
Martin was designated its "Protector."
General San Martin met Bolivar in Guayaquil on July 25, 1822.
They had a private interview, the tenor of which has never been
published. As a result of this meeting with Bolivar, however, San
Martin seems to have decided to retire forever from the tempestuous
turmoil of South American politics. He called the Peruvian Congress
together, and handed in his resignation in the following words :
" I have witnessed the declaration of independence of the States of Chili
and Peru. I hold in my possession the standard which Pizarro brought to
enslave the empire of the Incas. I have ceased to be a public man. Thus I
am more than rewarded for ten years spent in revolution and warfare. My
promises to the countries in which I warred are fulfilled — to make them in-
dependent and leave to their will the elections of the governments.
" The presence of a fortunate soldier, however disinterested he may be, is
dangerous to newly constituted States. I am also disgusted with hearing that
I wish to make myself a sovereign. Nevertheless, I shall always be ready to
make the last sacrifice for the liberty of the country, but in the class of the
private individual, and no other.
" With respect to my public conduct, my compatriots (as is generally the
case) will be divided in their opinions. Their children will pronounce the
true verdict.
" Peruvians ! I leave your national representation established. If you
repose implicit confidence in it, you will triumph. If not, anarchy will swallow
you up.
NOTED REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS 217
" May success preside over your destinies, and may they be crowned with
felicity and peace."
General San Martin now declined an offer of 10,000 ounces gold
from the Peruvian Congress. With only a few thousand dollars he
took with him his daughter Mercedes and went to Europe. There he
lived in poverty and neglect for about thirty years, near Paris, and
died at Boulogne on August 17, 1850.
His remains were afterwards taken to Argentina, where the tomb
of San Martin, a magnificent mausoleum, forms part of the Cathedral
of Buenos Ayres. On it is inscribed, in Spanish:
" Triumphed in San Lorenzo, 1813 ;
Affirmed the Independence of Argentina, 1816;
Crossed the Andes, 1817;
Carried the Banner of Emancipation to Chili,
to Peru, and to Ecuador, 1817-1822."
General San Martin may justly be regarded as the highest type of
general which South America has produced. There was as much
difference between San Martin and Bolivar as there was between
General Grant and Quantrell. He was a man of quiet tastes, of
serene and philosophical temper, simple in his manners and language,
and utterly disliked the scenes of revelry, pageantry, and bacchanalry
in which Bolivar delighted. He dressed neatly but plainly, was not
given to extravagances of speech or action; and the hair-raising
pronunciamentos and decretas of the long line of succeeding military
usurpers of South America were entirely foreign to his nature.
His proclamation to the Peruvian Congress, upon resigning his
power, was worthy of a greater people than that to whom it was
addressed: "My promises to the countries in which I warred are
fulfilled, to make them independent and leave to their will the elections
of the government."
How pitiable it was to see this great man step down and out, with
such ideals as these, — a man who might really have established a
representative government, — to leave the erratic Bolivar to assume
absolute dictatorial powers !
JOSE DE ANTONIO SUCRE
General Sucre was by far the ablest of Bolivar's lieutenants. He
had not the daring and resourcefulness of his master, but he was of a
more stable character. Sucre was born in Cumana, Venezuela,
February 3, 1795. At the age of eighteen he joined the insurgents,
under Marino, and in 1814 he enlisted under Bolivar. When Bolivar's
troops were scattered to the winds, and he himself went into exile,
Sucre fled to Trinidad; but in 1816, when Bolivar landed a second
time on the shores of Venezuela, Sucre joined his forces. In 1818 he
218 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
went into the West Indies to secure arms, and, returning with 12
canon and about 10,000 stands of arms, Bolivar made him chief of his
staff. Sucre led a victorious invasion into New Granada in 1819, and
went south to Quito.
In 1821 he landed at Guayaquil, where there had been an almost
uninterrupted insurrection against the Spanish viceroys since 1809.
Upper Peru had been invaded by the patriot army from Buenos Ayres,
under General Balcarce, which defeated the Spanish troops in two
fierce engagements, and celebrated the first anniversary of independ-
ence near the shores of Lake Titicaca in May, 1811. In June,
however, this army was attacked and seriously defeated by the
Spaniards, under General Goyeneche, and driven back into Jujuy.
Four years of desperate fighting ensued, ending, in 1815, with the
complete rout of the patriots in the great battle of Potosi-Oruro. A
powerful revolt of Indians in the southern provinces of Peru was also
put down, and by 1816 the Spanish General La Serna felt strong
enough to attempt to invade Argentina. He was defeated by the
guacho, or cow-boy, troops of Salta and Jujuy. For the next six years
a guerrilla warfare was kept up.
General Sucre now began to play a leading part in this section of
the continent. On May 24, 1822, he won a great victory at Pichincha,
breaking the power of Spain in Ecuador. In June, 1823, General
Santa Cruz set out from Lima for Upper Peru with two divisions, and
occupied a great territory between La Paz and Oruro ; but he met with
reverses, and retreated, arriving at Lima with only the broken rem-
nants of his army. The star of Sucre was now in the ascendant. He
was to Bolivar what Sherman or Sheridan was to Grant, and every
move he made increased the fortune and fame of his chief.
On December 9, 1824, was fought the great and decisive battle of
Ayacucho, in which General Sucre was the central figure. General
William Miller, an Englishman, deserved great credit for his part in
this fight; but the greatest burden of the battle rested on General
Sucre. General La Serna, the Viceroy, commanded the royalist army,
some 13,000 strong, outnumbering the forces of Sucre; but the Span-
iards were driven from the field with great slaughter, losing all their
artillery, with 1400 killed and 700 wounded, while General La Serna
himself was wounded and made prisoner.
A universal uprising now occurred in all the provinces, and in
many places the royalist garrisons went over to the revolutionists.
The Spaniards were confined to the province of Potosi, with 2000
disaffected troops under General Olaneta, who in March, 1825, was
killed by his own soldiers.
General Bolivar was made Perpetual Dictator by the Congress of
Lima in 1825, and General Sucre was assigned to supreme command
in Upper Peru. The government of Argentina now proposed to Upper
Peru a question as to whether they desired to remain united with that
NOTED REVOLUTIONARY LEADERS 219
country or form an independent nation. Delegates representing some
fifty-four provinces met at Chuquisaca, and decided in favor of
separation. A declaration of independence was issued, and the name
"Bolivia," in honor of Bolivar, was adopted. The provisional Con-
gress was dissolved October 6, 1825, and a new Congress assembled
at Chuquisaca on May 25, 1826. This Congress adopted the Constitu-
tion prepared by Bolivar, under which a President was to be chosen
for life. General Sucre was made the first President. The general
was disposed to be prudent, however, and he stipulated that he should
retain 2000 Colombian troops on his staff, as a measure of precaution.
Continued uprisings occurred, however, in all parts of the country,
and at the end of 1827 General Sucre and his Colombian troops were
driven from the country, and Marshal Santa Cruz became President.
General Sucre was murdered later by his own troops. General Sucre
was perhaps not so great a general nor so wise a man as San Martin,
but in character and ability he was far above most of the other Latin-
American Dictators.
The five greatest and most decisive battles in the wars of South
American independence were Boyaca, Carabobo, Pichincha, Aya-
cucho, and Maypo. The battle of Boyaca, although placed to the
credit of Bolivar by historians, was actually directed by Anzoatequi.
General Paez was the real hero of Carabobo ; and General Sucre, of
Pichincha and Ayacucho; while Maypo was won by San Martin,
entirely independent of all other generals.
FATE OF THE GREAT REVOLUTIONARY GENERALS
We have now briefly sketched the careers of some of the principal
characters in this strange and bloody drama. Hundreds of other
brave and enthusiastic men — such as General Santander, Vice-
President under Bolivar — we have scarcely had space to mention.
What became of them all ? If republics are proverbially ungrate-
ful, what shall we say of military dictatorships ? Truly, Bolivar had
"written on the sands." No wonder he and all his colleagues died
broken-hearted. Their fate is thus described by General Mitre :
" The fate of the emancipators of South America is tragical. The first
revolutionists of La Paz and of Quito died on the scaffold. Miranda, the
apostle of liberty, betrayed by his own people to his enemies, died, alone and
naked, in a dungeon. Moreno, the priest of the Argentine revolution, and
the teacher of the democratic idea, died at sea, and found a grave in the ocean.
Hidalgo, the first popular leader of Mexico, was executed as a criminal. Bel-
grano, the first champion of Argentine independence, who saved the revolu-
tion at Tucuman and Salta, died obscurely, while civil war raged around him.
O'Higgins, the hero of Chili, died in exile, as Carrera, his rival, had done be-
fore him. Iturbide, the real liberator of Mexico, fell a victim to his own am-
bition. Montufar, the leader of the revolution in Quito, and his comrade
Villa vicencio, the promoter of that of Cartagena, were strangled. The first
220 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
presidents of New Granada, Lozano and Torres, fell sacrifices to the restora-
tion of colonial terrorism. Piar, who found the true base for the insurrection
in Colombia, was shot by Bolivar, to whom he had shown the way to victory.
Rivadavia, the civil genius of South America, who gave form to her represen-
tative institutions, died in exile. Sucre, the conqueror of Ayacucho, was mur-
dered by his own men on a lonely road. Bolivar and San Martin died in
banishment."
CHAPTER XX
GREATEST RULERS OF LATIN AMERICA — PORFIRIO
DIAZ AND DOM PEDRO II
IT is necessary to study the characteristics of typical classes of rulers
who dominate Latin America if we are to be in a position to view
the governments of the countries which compose them. In any
country the peculiarities and idiosyncrasies of the chief executive are
apt to be reflected to some extent in governmental functions; but
under a dictatorship, where the ruler is in fact the government, a
critical examination of his biography becomes necessary if we are at all
correctly to apprehend political conditions. An understanding of
such a government is arrived at, not so much from a comparative
analysis of systems as from an observation of the temperament, moral
qualities, capabilities, actions, and ambitions of the man at the head.
Many very excellent executives have been produced by Latin-
American countries within the past century, and mention will be
made of some of the principal of these in a subsequent chapter.
Needless to say, there have been a still larger number of unprincipled
military dictators whose record is disgraceful in the extreme. Among
the many executives produced by the Latin countries of North as well
as of South America, two names stand out conspicuous, — Porfirio
Diaz and Dom Pedro II.
These two men are unquestionably the greatest rulers which Latin
America has ever produced ; no others are within measurable distance
of them. Curiously enough, they are men of extremely different
personal tastes and characteristics, indeed almost antithetical, and
the wonder is that men exhibiting traits of such marked differences
could arrive at substantially the same result, — that is, the organizing
of really strong and efficient governments with the elements existing
in Mexico and Brazil.
GENERAL PORFIRIO DIAZ
This great man, by reason of his marvellous genius and achieve-
ments, is entitled to rank at the head of all the rulers and statesmen
which Latin America has ever produced. He was born at Oaxaca,
222 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Mexico, on September 15, 1830. His father, Captain Jose Diaz,
died from cholera when young Diaz was three years old. His mother,
Dona Petrona Mory, was the offspring of an Asturian father and a
Mixteca Indian mother.
Young Porfirio attended the primary and secondary schools of the
neighborhood, and at the age of fourteen entered the seminary. For
a time he was clerk in the store of Don Joaquin Vasconcelos, taught
school, and was appointed later librarian of the local college by
Benito Juarez, who was then Governor of the State of Oaxaca.
Young Diaz took a four years' course in the Institute, studied law
in the office of Juarez and Perez, and became Professor of Roman
Law.
In December, 1854, Diaz incurred the enmity of Dictator Santa
Ana, by voting against his retention of power. An order was issued
for his arrest and execution, but he escaped to the village of Ejutla,
where he joined the revolutionary troops of Captain Herrera and
engaged in numerous battles. At the age of twenty-five he became
Jefe Politico of the district of Ixtlan, State of Oaxaca. He organized
a strong force of Indians and became a military figure to be reckoned
with.
He soon relinquished his office of Jefe Politico, became Captain
of the Fourth Company of the Second Battalion of the National Guard,
and in August, 1857, made an expedition against revolutionists in
Jamiltepec, where he was severely wounded.
In January, 1858, Diaz, under General Rosas Lander, defended
Oaxaca against the Spanish General Jose Maria Cobos, who was com-
pelled to raise his siege. On February 25 Diaz, with two companies,
attacked the enemy, numbering 2300, at Jalapa, and completely
routed him. He was then made Jefe Politico and Military Commander
of the District of Tehuantepec. On April 13, 1858, Diaz led a suc-
cessful attack upon the forces of General Jose Conchado, at the
hacienda of Jicaras, a victory which gained his promotion to Com-
andante of Battalion. On June 17, 1859, he obtained the victory,
at Mixtequilla, over the forces of Lieutenant-Colonel Espinosa, and
was made Lieutenant-Colonel of Infantry.
On November 24, 1859, Lieutenant-Colonel Diaz, with 300 men,
attacked the conservatives under General Alarcon, at Tehuantepec,
and routed them. Diaz was now made Colonel. At the head of 500
men he led a desperate charge against the enemy at Tlacolula, near
the ruins of Mitla, and on Februray 2, 1860, again defeated the forces
of Cobos at Fortin de la Soledad. Colonel Diaz acquitted himself
with honor in the actions of Marquesado on March 9, and of Ixtepeji
on May 15. On August 5, 1860, with 700 men, he overcame Cobo's
army of 2000, and although badly wounded, pursued the enemy and
took possession of the city of Oaxaca.
Diaz was compelled to retire from military life for a time because
GREATEST RULERS OF LATIN AMERICA 223
of the severity of his wounds and an attack of typhoid fever. He
became a congressman, but was called from his duties as legislator, on
June 24, 1861, to defend the national capital, which was attacked by
General Leonardo Marquez, one of the leaders of the church party.
Diaz routed Marquez, and was rewarded by an appointment as Chief
of Brigade of Oaxaca. As continual revolutions were occurring in all
parts of Mexico, Diaz had every opportunity to enhance his military
reputation. He moved with great rapidity, marching by night,
attacking before daylight, with a fierceness which swept everything
before him. During July and the early part of August Diaz was
pursuing the Conservadores in Southern Mexico. On the night of
August 13, 1861, he attacked Marquez, who had 4000 men and 5
pieces of artillery, at Jalatlaco. A desperate hand-to-hand conflict
ensued, which lasted all night. Diaz finally gained the plaza, seized
the enemy's artillery, and put his forces to flight. For this achieve-
ment he was made Brigadier- General on August 23, 1861.
During the French invasion in 1862 General Diaz did effective
work for his country. He fought a severe battle with General Lorencez,
on April 28, 1862, at Acultzingo, and was largely instrumental in gain-
ing the famous victory, "Cinco de Mayo," which was fought on the
road to Amozoc.
Acting under General Zaragoza, Diaz defeated the French at
La Ceiva on June 14, and in January of the following year he held
one of the most important positions in defence of the city of Puebla,
during the sixty-day siege established by the French.
General Diaz was now appointed Commander-in-Chief of the
country to the south and east of Puebla. In October, 1863, he left
Queretaro with a small body of troops, and after a severe battle at
Taxto, on October 28, entered Oaxaca. Here he reorganized the
army, fought the French at Huajuapan, Teotitlan, Zoyaltepec, and
gained a decisive victory at San Antonio Nanahuatipan.
In January, 1865, however, General Bazaine sent 12,000 men and
40 pieces of artillery against Diaz, who had only 3000 men with which
to defend Oaxaca. Diaz was forced to surrender. He was sent a
prisoner to Puebla, but succeeded in effecting his escape on September
20, 1865.
With tireless energy General Diaz now threw himself into the
desperate conflict which was raging with the French. He organized a
small force, captured the garrison of Tehuitzingo on September 22,
defeated 150 French and Imperialists at Piaxtla on September 23,
gained a victory over superior forces under General Vissoso on
October 1, at Jultzingo, and again defeated the enemy at Comitlipa
on December 4.
After many exciting adventures, and escapes which appear miracu-
lous, General Diaz gained a decisive victory over the Imperialists at
Miahuatlan on October 13, 1866. The famous victory, "La Car-
224 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
bonera," was gained five days later, in which Diaz routed the Austrian
forces, captured nearly all their infantry, 700 rifles, and much artillery
and stores. He took the city of Oaxaca, on October 31, after a short
siege. Diaz now made a lightning-like movement to the south, fight-
ing battles at Chistova, Tequisistlan, Tlacolulito, and elsewhere. On
March 9, with only 6 guns, he besieged Puebla, which was held by the
enemy with 100 guns. General Marquez with 8000 men marched to
raise the siege. Diaz feigned retreat, thereby deceiving the enemy,
and then on the night of April 2 made one of the most desperate
attacks of the war on the trenches of the foe. A hand-to-hand conflict
raged all night, resulting in a complete victory for the forces of Diaz.
The victorious Diaz left General Diego in charge of Puebla, and
pursued the forces of Marquez, who after a series of disastrous battles
was compelled to take refuge in the city of Mexico.
At this time, June 19, Maximilian, who had been captured at
Queretaro, was executed by order of Juarez. Two days later the
city of Mexico surrendered to Diaz.
At the end of this war General Diaz returned to Oaxaca. He was
married, on April 2, 1867, to Miss Delfina Ortega y Reyes, and a
short time after retired to a sugar plantation near Tlacotalpam, on
the Papaloapam River
On July 18, 1872, President Juarez died, and Lerdo de Tajada
assumed the rulership of Mexico. Revolutions continued in all parts
of the country, and the new Dictator engaged in wholesale arrests and
persecutions. Among those who had the disfavor of the President was
General Diaz, who early in 1876 inaugurated a formidable revolution
against the government. Diaz went to the United States and invaded
Mexico via Brownsville, with only 40 men. On April 2 Diaz had 400
men, with whom he captured Matamoras. The government now
sent 6000 men to oppose him. He fled to the South, disguised as a
doctor. On the City of Havana, en route from Tampico to Vera Cruz,
his identity was discovered by a body of troops. To escape capture
he jumped overboard, for the purpose of swimming ashore, but was
pursued by a boat, captured, and taken back a prisoner to the ship.
The American purser, Alexander Coney, took a liking to Diaz, and
concealed him in his wardrobe, at the same time throwing a life buoy
overboard to give the impression that Diaz had again jumped into the
sea. For several days Diaz remained in his hiding-place. On arriving
at Vera Cruz, he escaped, disguised as a mariner, and was soon in his
native State, organizing a strong armed force.
On November 16 General Diaz gained the battle of Tecoca,
through the aid of General Gonzalez, taking 3000 prisoners. He
then captured Puebla, and on November 24, 1876, took possession
of the capital. War was raging in all parts of Mexico between the
partisans of Lerdo and Iglesias. Diaz at once set out to pacify the
country. This he did, and appointed himself Constitutional President.
GREATEST RULERS OF LATIN AMERICA 225
In 1880 his wife died. Two years later he married Senorita Carmen
Romero Rubio, the daughter of Manuel Romero Rubio, who was
leader of one of the parties which had been antagonistic to him.
In 1883 General and Mrs. Diaz visited the United States, and
were received with great honors. Since that date Diaz has been the
actual government of Mexico.
THE CHAKACTER OF GENERAL PORFIRIO DIAZ
General Diaz grows on one. The oftener we see him, and the
more we study his life-work, the more we become impressed by
him. He is a world character; his fame is secure alongside the
mightiest constructive intellects of all ages and all nations.
In a previous chapter we have described the career and character
of Simon Bolivar, — a wonderful, harum-scarum, irresponsible, cruel,
half -crazy dare-devil; the most notable character of his type which
the world has produced; the incarnation of energy, perseverance,
destruction, and self-glorification.
In Porfirio Diaz we have the very antithesis of this type, — a tre-
mendous character devoting his vast intellectual resources to con-
structive and not to destructive work. A braver man personally than
Bolivar, without his fanaticism; a greater general, with none of
Bolivar's merciless cruelty and savagery, — Diaz has distinguished
himself over and above Bolivar by his manifest good faith, and by
his extraordinary talents in constructive statesmanship. Out of
anarchy and desolation Diaz has evolved a mighty nation, — a nation
which, if it continues to pursue the paths of peace and equity marked
out for it by the real Father of his Country, Diaz, can count upon the
loyal friendship and material and moral aid of the government of the
United States in every emergency.
In comparison with this superb achievement the performances of
all other Latin- American rulers, except Dom Pedro II, seem un-
worthy and unimportant.
The fundamental strength of the character of Diaz is good faith.
If he enters into a contract, it is with the honest intention of living
up to it. Petty prejudices have never swayed him. He has taken a
broad and comprehensive view of the currents of civilization. He
has bent his energies and exercised all his powers of organization to
develop Mexico into a really great nation, and he has succeeded to
a degree which fills every observer with admiration. Diaz can stand
comparison not only with the great characters of Latin America, but
with the ablest rulers of the world. He reminds one of Bismarck,
welding the German Empire together ; or of Peter the Great, — minus
his cruelty, — the incarnation of national development and extension.
Our own country has produced but one man who has exhibited the
same varied aptitudes in all the vicissitudes of peace and war, —
VOL. i — 15
226 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
George Washington. Lincoln is one of the world's immortal char-
acters ; he possessed all the qualities of statesmanship and patriotism
in a degree never surpassed, but he did not have the pre-eminent
military talents of Diaz. General Grant was a great soldier, probably
greater than Hannibal, Wellington, or Lee, and equal perhaps, as
regards real fighting ability, to any captain who has ever lived; but
Grant was lamentably deficient in statesmanship. Porfirio Diaz,
however, is soldier and statesman combined, — lawgiver, judge, and
executive, — the embodiment of every virtue and capability neces-
sary for making out the well-rounded character of a ruler worthy of
being ranked with Washington, Lincoln, Grant, Frederick the Great,
or Bismarck. He belongs not alone to Mexico, but to the world.
DOM PEDRO II
Close upon the heels of Porfirio Diaz as a candidate for the most
exalted rank among Latin- American statesmen comes Dom Pedro II,
whose personal biography for fifty years would constitute the history
of Brazil. Dom Pedro II was called Emperor, but the name or title
given to a ruler is of small importance; the facts of his administra-
tion constitute the real question. A First Consul or Chief Servant
may be a bloody and relentless tyrant; while Czars and Sultans have
been known who were mild-mannered, and really solicitous for the
welfare of their people.
During the time that Dom Pedro II was Emperor of Brazil, that
country came nearer being a republic than it ever did before or has
since. There was more real liberty, — just as there is to-day in
Mexico, — the wishes of the people were more carefully respected
in matters of administration, and there were more guarantees for life
and property, than under the succeeding dictatorships.
How such a character as Dom Pedro II could dominate the diver-
sified population of such a country as Brazil for so long a time is re-
markable. I am inclined to think that the really able and vigorous
military commander, Luiz Lima e Silva, called Baron of Caxias, who
was for so long a period the chief executive officer of Dom Pedro II,
deserves an amount of credit not usually accorded him. He held in
check the turbulent elements, and made it possible for the Emperor
to direct the course of events along lines of material development.
Dom Pedro II became Emperor before he was of age. The peo-
ple of Brazil had become tired of the regency, and that unique insti-
tution known as Congress issued a decree adding two or three years
to the age of the boy Emperor. This was on July 23, 1840, and Dom
Pedro II at once ascended the "throne." For the next fifty years he
held his position as the central figure of the South American empire.
Dom Pedro II was a unique character — especially so in contrast
with the typical buccaneering Latin-American military ruler. He
GREATEST RULERS OF LATIN AMERICA 227
was a bookworm, an omnivorous reader, and a student of almost
every subject under the sun. It may be that he was not profound in
any particular branch, but his mind was filled with every sort of in-
formation, and the extent and variety of subjects to which he devoted
more than passing attention was amazing. The pageantry of state
functions did not interest him ; adulation, so freely heaped upon other
rulers, disgusted him ; and he was at all times ready to end a cabinet
meeting so that he might take up some new "old-book."
In his personal manners he was democratic almost to the point
of eccentricity. He dressed in the simplest manner, and mingled with
the common people freely. There was little or no pomp or ceremony
about his government, and he never maintained what could be called
a "Court."
In his private life he was a clean, moral gentleman, in marked
contrast to his depraved and licentious father. The family of Dom
Pedro II conducted themselves modestly, and lived simply, and a
more conscientious father and husband it would be hard to find.
Dom Pedro II seemed to care nothing for power or glory. He
was obstinate for what he believed to be right, but he was amenable
to reason, and never hesitated to change his policy from conviction.
It always seemed as though he desired to yield to the judgment of
others; that he did not wish to exercise his power when he could
avoid it ; but when occasion required he was as firm as a rock.
Dom Pedro II treated the Church fairly but not obsequiously;
he patronized art and literature, and promoted education. The de-
sire to tyrannize over others or to make a display or to receive lauda-
tion was entirely foreign to his nature. He was a modest, honest,
self-possessed, cultured gentleman; a thinker of a rather discursive
type; a philosopher of rather a practical bent. He loved peace,
happiness, and prosperity, — and he sincerely desired the well-being
of Brazil.
In the very simplicity of his character, his manly honesty and
candor, was his strength. The people laughed at many of his foibles
and peculiarities, and loved him all the more because of his unques-
tioned honesty and no mean ability.
He foresaw the trend towards republicanism and seemed to be
glad that it was coming. In the government which he conducted the
people were given all the share they were qualified to exercise.
During his long rule the material and moral advancement of
Brazil was very great. It enjoyed a generation of comparative peace,
while the neighboring countries were ravaged by anarchy and
brigandage.
At the end of his long and useful career Dom Pedro II was de-
posed by a coup d'etat, devised by Deodoro da Fonseca, an unprinci-
pled tyrant. The old Emperor, then in feeble health, was made a
prisoner in his palace by the conspirators, on November 15, 1889,
228 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and the following night, November 16, he and his family were put
on board a ship, without ceremony, and sent to Lisbon.
Thus ended the only true republic, or the only government at all
approaching the character of a republic, which Brazil has ever pos-
sessed. It was called an empire. Since that date they have had dic-
tatorships and called them republics.
Dom Pedro II died in December, 1891, at which time Brazil was
torn by internal dissensions, and its people subjected to the tyranny
of the typical military dictator.
CHAPTER XXI
LATIN-AMERICAN RULERS OF THE BETTER TYPE
" Whoever does the best his circumstance allows
Does well, acts nobly."
JUDGED by this rational canon, there has been a considerable
number of Latin-American rulers who deserve praise. With
bad faith, blackmail, despotism, and disorder everywhere in
evidence, many Latin-American rulers have sought honestly to ad-
minister the governments which they controlled. To place the Chief
Executive in this class it is not necessary that his record as a whole
should be approved. It is only needful to believe him a man of good
faith and honest intentions, and that he should also be possessed of
such intelligence, judgment, energy, and force of character as would
reasonably qualify him to exercise the functions of his office.
DR. DOMINGO FAUSTINO SARMIENTO
Among the very best rulers of South America may be mentioned
Sarmiento, the "Schoolmaster" President, of Argentina. This man
was an enlightened, honest, scholarly, and patriotic gentleman. He
gave a splendid impulse to education in his country. He was sin-
cerely desirous of establishing a system of public education on a firm
and lasting foundation, and accomplished much in this direction.
Sarmiento was born on February 15, 1811, in San Juan, Argen-
tina, a village of about 10,000 inhabitants, located at the foot of the
Andes Mountains. His father was a mule-driver, in which capacity
he served in General San Martin's army. His mother was wholly
illiterate.
In early childhood Sarmiento worked in a village store in extreme
poverty, but he received the rudiments of instruction in Latin, and
a few simple branches, at the hands of an uncle, who was a priest.
In 1823 he applied for one of the six free scholarships offered by the
government to pupils in the province of San Juan, but they were
awarded by lot, and he failed in his application.
In the civil wars waged by the Argentine tyrant, Juan Manuel
Rosas, at the head of the so-called Federalistas, Sarmiento took an
active part in opposition. He served with the Unitarios until the latter
230 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
were overwhelmingly defeated, and then he escaped to Chili. In the
latter country Sarmiento became a teacher in the University of Chili,
and soon afterwards wrote a book, entitled "Facundo: Civilization
against Barbarism." The work created a sensation throughout
Europe and America. He described the chronic revolutions of Argen-
tina, the vast pampas filled with bandits and malefactors, and showed
that civilized progress was impossible under the conditions existing
there.
In 1845 Sarmiento went to Europe for the purpose of studying
the educational systems of the countries of that continent.
In 1853 Sarmiento returned to Buenos Ayres, upon the overthrow
of Rosas by General Urquiza, and assumed the editorship of El
Nacional, a prominent newspaper. He at once commanded national
attention, as a man of scholarship and of broad and practical views.
He was selected as representative in Congress, then as senator, and
thus exercised on the national policy a great and beneficent influence.
He advocated the encouragement of immigration, the establishment
of a public school system, the development of agriculture and com-
merce, and the building of railways.
On the occasion of the dangerous revolution inaugurated by Chaco,
the guacho Jefe, which threatened a repetition of the tyranny of Rosas,
Dr. Sarmiento took the field in person at the head of a strong body
of troops, and utterly destroyed the uprising, killing the leader.
In 1864 Dr. Sarmiento was appointed minister to the United States
by General Mitre, the President. In 1865 he arrived in Washington,
and was received by President Andrew Johnson. Dr. Sarmiento 's
fame had preceded him, and he was accorded many honors by scien-
tific and other societies.
In 1868 Dr. Sarmiento was elected President of Argentina. He
went at once to Buenos Ayres, and assumed the duties of his office.
He gave a strong and able administration, by far the best in all re-
spects which that country has ever enjoyed. A man of peace, devoting
his time to extending the public school system, promoting education,
establishing museums, libraries, and astronomical observatories, Dr.
Sarmiento was nevertheless a rigid disciplinarian and stern in the
suppression of disorder. Although he never had occasion to exercise
the great military talents displayed by General Porfirio Diaz in Mexico,
or by San Martin or Sucre, yet he had military ability of no small
capacity, and the iron determination with which he suppressed revo-
lutions and public disorders proves him to have possessed all the
qualities of a ruler of the first order. Towards the end of his term an
attempt was made to assassinate him, but fortunately without avail.
Dr. Sarmiento observed the provisions of the Constitution with
singular care. He refused to interfere in the election of his successor,
President Avellaneda, who took his seat in 1874. However, he con-
tinued to exercise great influence in public affairs. He served in the
RULERS OF THE BETTER TYPE 231
Argentine Congress, and devoted the remaining years of his life to
strengthening and upbuilding the educational system of the country.
He took a conspicuous and honorable part in every notable intel-
lectual and moral movement in Argentina during the remaining
years of his life.
Dr. Sarmiento died, at the age of seventy-seven, at Asuncion,
Paraguay. Take him all in all, he may be regarded as the most illus-
trious ruler which Argentina has ever produced, and one of the great-
est citizens of Latin America.
OTHER DISTINGUISHED RULERS OF LATIN AMERICA
General Bartolome Mitre is another distinguished character in
the history of Argentina who is worthy of respect. General Mitre
was a military character, and as such his activities were directed
strongly in favor of Buenos Ayres as against the other provinces in
the long struggle between them. He was, however, a bitter partisan.
He was a man of national sympathies, and his influence on Argen-
tina was very great at an important period in its history.
General Julio A. Roca is one of Argentina's strongest characters.
It is not easy in a brief space properly to criticise the career of this
man. He acquired power and held it by military force, and his rev-
olutionary deeds and misdeeds would fill an interesting volume.
Many of his acts were extremely detrimental to Argentina, such as
the issue of incontrovertible bank notes, and during his administra-
tion there were many and grave financial scandals. For these rea-
sons it is questionable whether General Roca is entitled to rank among
the better class of Latin- American rulers. He was a higher type of
man than Guzman Blanco, but so far as honesty and efficiency of
administration are concerned is not worthy of being ranked with
General Mitre and Dr. Sarmiento.
Peru has produced a few rulers of the better type. Don Ramon
Castilla is entitled to stand at the head of them all. He was a grizzled
fighter of great force of character, generous, and moderate, and at the
same time progressive. He furthered public improvements, held the
elements of disorder in subjection, encouraged industry, and did
what he could to place Peru on a sound footing financially. From
the time he assumed office until his death, General Castilla was the
foremost figure of Peru.
Chili has had several fairly good chief executives. One of the most
respectable administrations of Chili was that of President Jose Joa-
quin Perez. This man ruled strictly according to the Constitution, —
a thing theretofore entirely unknown in Chili. He guaranteed per-
fect liberty of speech and the press, and during his term of office life
and property were thoroughly safeguarded. President Perez laid the
foundations for the Chilian navy, which in so short a time was des-
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
lined to dominate the west coast of South America. He may be re-
garded as one of the best and ablest executives that Chili has ever had.
President Federico Errazuriz, who took office in 1896, also gave
Chili on the whole a very good administration. He was confronted
by many serious difficulties. Crisis followed crisis in his cabinet, and
at the outset Congress was very hostile to him. Nevertheless he ac-
complished a great deal. During his term it seemed that war with
Argentina was inevitable owing to a boundary dispute. Through
his wisdom and moderation this disaster was averted.
There have been very few rulers in Venezuela who could be said
to belong to the better class. Dr. Rojas Paul was probably the high-
est type of man who has occupied the executive chair in Venezuela.
Most of their so-called Presidents were military dictators simply.
President Prudente de Moraes Barros of Brazil was one of the
rulers of the better type. His administration following the despot-
ism of Peixoto and of Fonseca formed a strange contrast. He en-
deavored to comply with the provisions of the Constitution, to respect
the autonomy of the several States, and to give as nearly as he could
an honest and decent administration. Owing to revolutions, the
President was compelled to adopt some severe measures, but he did
the best he could to rule Brazil justly.
With reference to Colombia, it is difficult to find a ruler who is
worthy of serious consideration. I am inclined to think that here
we must pick out the two men at the extremes of the line of rulers, —
that is to say, the first and the last. General Santander was a remark-
able man in more ways than one. He was quite a scholar, a prolific
writer for the press, and a general of no mean ability. He has been
severely criticised for disloyalty to Bolivar, who, in fact, at one time
contemplated having Santander shot. As Bolivar was disloyal to
everybody, it is not clear how disloyalty to Bolivar could be esteemed
a serious fault.
General Rafael Reyes of Colombia is a man of intelligence, ability,
and considerable experience. As a man he is far above the typical
military Jefe. General Reyes has already granted many monopolies
and promulgated many unwise measures, but there is still reason to
hope that he will walk in the paths of enlightened counsel.
In Ecuador President Antonio Flores is deserving of mention.
He took hold of the government in time of chaos and anarchy. He
brought order out of confusion and devoted himself to the betterment
of the country. He gave much attention to establishing a system of
primary education. He introduced many reforms, scrupulously re-
spected the provisions of the Constitution, and, during his term gov-
ernment troops were not allowed to rob or assassinate citizens. The
forced loan was abolished, and there was more real liberty and guar-
antee for life and property than Ecuador had ever known prior to that
time.
RULERS OF THE BETTER TYPE
233
There may be other Latin-American rulers, and doubtless are,
who are worthy to be classed among the men herein mentioned.
Partisans of one or another may complain that their heroes have
been omitted. Thus O'Higgins, the first President of Chili, many will
say, should be included in this list, possibly placed at the head of it.
Unfortunately there are many blots on the fame of O'Higgins. He
unquestionably caused the assassination of the two brothers Carrera
and of a large number of their followers. This fact could prevent
his inclusion in any roll-call of fame.
CHAPTER XXII
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS — BAD
ANTONIO GUZMAN BLANCO
GUZMAN BLANCO was born in Caracas, Venezuela, in 1829.
His father was a political agitator, at one time private secre-
tary to Bolivar, and later held many official positions. He
experienced the vicissitudes common to Latin-American political ad-
venturers generally ; at one time holding great power, with the rabble
at his heels shouting " Viva " ; at other times on the under turn of the
wheel, poverty-stricken and without influence.
The son served an excellent apprenticeship for his subsequent
career. One revolutionary and despotic government had succeeded
another. In 1858 General Julian Castro took possession of the ex-
ecutive power, and dictated measures of extraordinary violence ; still
more atrocious governments succeeded, presided over by Pedro Gual,
Manuel P. de Tovar, General Jose A. Paez, and Pedro J. Rojas.
These military Dictators committed every kind of persecution and
outrage, even against private families, until finally, in 1858, the revolu-
tion called "Federal " broke out with a fierceness which even Vene-
zuela had not witnessed up to that time. It lasted until 1863, when
it was finally successful. This revolution brought to the front the
most barbarous elements of Venezuela. Savages, depraved Jefes,
and the whole corrupt, debauched, and ignorant military rabble, now
seized the government of Venezuela by the throat — and they have
not relinquished their grasp on it yet. From this revolution Juan C.
Falcon became "Supreme Chief of the Republic," with Antonio Guz-
man Blanco as his right-hand man.
Guzman Blanco was an apt pupil. Born with talents of a high
order in this peculiar class of ingenuity, and under the degrading
tutelage of Falcon, Guzman Blanco soon became a more talented
freebooter and debauchee than the teacher. Generals and Jefes sur-
rounded him as with a plague of horse-flies, the most scandalous
schemes of extortion were adopted, the public treasury was looted,
and a reign of corruption ensued. Finally the horrible disorders, and
actual anarchy under Juan C. Falcon, produced another revolution,
which broke out in 1867. This continued for a year or more, and
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 235
after enormous sacrifices of life, succeeded in overthrowing the dicta-
torship of Falcon.
Jose Tadeo Monagas was then, in 1868, declared Provisional
President. He exercised his power with discretion and general satis-
faction. He was elected Constitutional President, but unfortunately
died on November 18, 1868. In February, 1869, the Congress de-
clared the son, General J. Ruperto Monagas, President. The ad-
ministration of this man was weak and inept; he placed his power
at the disposal of the old guard of reactionary generals. It is, how-
ever, but just to him to say that during his reign Venezuela was free
from the persecutions and cruelties which disgraced it under Castro
and Trovar, or the scandals and anarchy under Falcon. Revolution,
however, is in the Venezuelan blood. In 1869 a formidable uprising
occurred in all parts of the country. At first this revolution seemed
to have neither head, plan, nor definite object; but as it progressed,
the forceful personality of A. Guzman Blanco forged itself to the front,
and after some desperate fighting succeeded in overthrowing the gov-
ernment in April, 1870.
Although Guzman Blanco now became the Supreme Chief of the
country, and entered formally on a career which was destined to make
him, apart from Bolivar, the most conspicuous character which Vene-
zuela has produced, it was yet only after two years of the bloodiest
and most tragic fighting that he finally subdued his enemies and placed
himself securely in power. During this terrible epoch he had shown
as bloody a hand as any tyrant who had preceded him. As Bolivar
had washed his hands in the blood of General Piar, so Guzman Blanco
shot his second in command, General Matias Salazar, a noted general
and liberal, and let it be known once for all that from thenceforth to
oppose the will of Guzman Blanco in Venezuela meant imprisonment
or death.
Guzman Blanco began now a notable career, even for a Vene-
zuelan military autocrat. He sought to satiate his thirst for vengeance
against persons supposed to be enemies of himself or his father; he
entered upon the most extraordinary speculations with the national
finances ; he surrounded himself with the same class of polluted mili-
tary sycophants that surround Castro to-day; and he inaugurated
a system of blackmail and extortion against business enterprises, and
of persecution and tyranny towards private individuals, which has
not been surpassed even in the days of the oligarchy. Nothing so
tyrannical had ever been experienced under the Spanish Viceroys.
Mr. L. Level de Goda, author of Historia Contemporanea de Vene-
zuela, 1858-1886, says of this period :
"This system of persecutions carried to the last extreme of rigor, and ac-
companied by great cruelties, gave splendid personal results to General A.
Guzman Blanco : with this system of government, strictly enforced, said
General succeeded in inspiring a grand terror, all the greater when he exer-
236 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
cised the Dictatorship, accentuated with extraordinary faculties, granted by
his accomplices, men who reunited under the name of Congress. Guzman
Blanco remembered then, perhaps, or guessed these conceptions of Benjamin
Constant: 'A regimen of terror prepares peoples to suffer the yoke, to yield
the neck, degrading the spirit and corrupting the heart * "
By the end of 1873 many influential men, who had been friends
and companions of Guzman Blanco, had been humiliated and made
victims of his pride and treachery. A strong " Anti-Guzmanista "
party developed, and fomented several revolutions against the tyrant.
All the revolutions, however, bloody and fierce as they were, crumbled
to pieces before the talents and energy of this remarkable man, who,
after his success, inaugurated a reign of terror greater and more tyran-
nical than before. A prominent Venezuelan writer of this period
"After the famous revolution of April came a tenacious despotism; the
vengeances broke out again, and terror triumphed over civilization; that
which terror failed to accomplish was done with gold, which corrupted every-
thing; liberty startled fled with all the rights of Venezuelan citizenship, and
since then has groaned beneath the irons of one of the worst tyrannies which
has ever scandalized America."
During this time, in the short space of six or seven years, Guzman
Blanco had accumulated a fortune of millions of dollars. He had
laid his hands on every man's property in Venezuela, and had looted
the public treasury. With the money thus acquired he thought he
could impress Paris, gay Paris, — final haven of them all. He there-
fore, in 1877, installed his most popular lieutenant, General Francisco
Linares Alcantara, in the presidency, and visited Europe as Vene-
zuela's diplomatic representative.
General Alcantara ruled with much more moderation and regard
for the personal rights of citizens, and became not undeservedly
popular with the people, who thought that through him they might
effectually be released from the tyranny of Guzman Blanco. Un-
fortunately, General Alcantara died. A provisional government was
formed, with Jose G. Valera at the head, and almost immediately
General Gregorio Cedeno, President of the State of Carabobo, put
himself at the head of an armed revolution, aided by the entire
contingent of the Guzmanistas — generals, Jefes, colonels, coman-
dantes, etc., in the service of the government, but opposed to General
Valera. In the space of a month anarchy reigned in all parts of Vene-
zuela. It was an uprising of the adherents of Guzman Blanco against
an attempt to form a constitutional government. A decisive battle
was fought at La Victoria in which the forces of the government were
completely routed, and General Cedeno at the head of his victorious
troops entered Caracas, declaring that the supreme authority which
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 237
he took he proposed to exercise until such time as Guzman Blanco
should return.
Blanco returned to Venezuela at once, and entered into posses-
sion and enjoyment of all the rights, easements, emoluments, fran-
chises, and hereditaments of the government of Venezuela, as fully
and to the same extent as if he were the sole and exclusive owner
thereof. His dictatorship, from 1879 to 1884, was carried on to suit
himself. Several revolutions cropped up, but he suppressed them
without much difficulty. To all practical intents and purposes he was,
during this period, the entire government of Venezuela. His tyranny
was even more stringent than ever, and his ingratitude led him to
maltreat the very men who had so efficiently aided him in his last
success. The prisons were filled with persons who had incurred his
displeasure, and he disposed of the lives and property of men as
though they were his legitimate heritage.
Guzman Blanco 's vanity by this time had become inordinate. He
began to plant statues of himself and tablets bearing his name over
the country. These were inscribed: "The Illustrious American,
Pacificator and Regenerator of Venezuela." He became ambitious
to shine in the social life of the United States and Europe, so that in
1884 he had a new President elected, Joaquin Crespo, — a man in
whom he could place implicit confidence. Crespo was an ignorant
and utterly depraved brute-mixture of Indian, negro, and Spaniard, —
a man of horrible antecedents, a species of barbarian, and of such
debauched character that it seems strange that even Guzman Blanco
would put him into power.
During Crespo 's rule a powerful revolution was initiated by
Venancio Pulgar, but it was conquered. At the end of Crespo 's term
Guzman Blanco became again President by acclamation. He was
welcomed to Venezuela by many who had opposed him, who felt that
anything was preferable to the barbarity of Crespo. Guzman Blanco
arrived in Venezuela in August, 1886, and was received in the corrupt
and dissolute capital of that commonwealth with a hysteria of acclaim
like unto that which greeted Bolivar's triumphal entry. The town
was decorated, military orders paraded, cannon boomed, and every
evidence exhibited to convict the people of Venezuela of having fallen
so low in the scale of civilization that they were proud of the corrupt,
treacherous, vainglorious martinet who had debauched a nation with
an odious and licentious reign of tyranny. By this time Guzman
Blanco had become thoroughly enamoured of Paris. He had sold
out every salable concession in Venezuela and pocketed the money,
and had raised further millions by extortion. In 1887 he again left
Venezuela, placing Hermogenes Lopez in the executive chair, and
proceeded to Europe as diplomatic representative of the nation.
General Joaquin Crespo, dissatisfied that he had not been designated
President by Guzman Blanco, organized a revolution; but the Guz-
238 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
manistas succeeded in overcoming it, and in June, 1888, selected,
by medium of a so-called Congress, Dr. J. P. Rojas Paul for President,
— a result exclusively the work of Guzman Blanco. Dr. Paul was
a man of high social position, but the people were at first suspicious
of him. However, he gave a much better administration than his
predecessors.
In November, 1888, Joaquin Crespo began a new revolution, but
it was soon overcome, and he was made prisoner. Dr. Paul exhibited
great generosity to the vanquished, granting them amnesty, and con-
tinued administering the government decently and with order. At
the end of his term Dr. Paul fell very ill, and declined to accept an-
other period of office. Dr. Andueza Palacio was selected in his stead,
and began his rule in March, 1890. With the advent of Andueza
Palacio to power, the rule and influence of Guzman Blanco ended
in Venezuela forever. Dr. Palacio openly attacked Guzman Blanco
and his friends, and new issues and new revolutions possessed the
public mind. Palacio, however, was compelled in a short time to
leave the country. Anarchy rather than order existed in most parts
of Venezuela, until Crespo with his armies fought his way into Caracas,
took possession of the government, and instituted a worse adminis-
tration than before.
Properly to estimate the character of such a man as Guzman
Blanco would be extremely difficult. He was a martinet, a tyrant,
a libertine, a murderer with the manners of a gentleman, a scholar,
a vain and puerile fop, a brave general, a mean and contemptible
blackmailer, a man of keen and brilliant mind, a frivolous and vulgar
character, — the mixture of fine enthusiasm and sordid aims which
characterizes the race from which he sprang. Admirers of Guzman
Blanco are in the habit of extolling his alleged enterprise in pro-
mulgating public works. Many writers of repute ascribe to him an
activity in establishing needed public works which would be laudable
if true. Thus a high German diplomat recently, in a magazine
article on Caracas, spoke of its "excellent paved streets"; and Mr.
Dawson, in his "South American Republics" (Part II, page 395),
says:
"Large sums were spent on public works and buildings; and the beauti-
fication of the city of Caracas, one of the handsomest and best-built cities in
America, dates from Guzman Blanco 's time."
The obvious comment on this is that the German diplomat knew
nothing whatever of street pavements, and his statement was a random
assertion ; while Mr. Dawson had never seen Caracas, or he does not
recognize a handsome and well-built city when he sees one. The
streets of Caracas, with the exception of a few squares, are of cobble-
stone pavements. The city does not possess a well-constructed build-
ing. The more substantial of these are made mostly of mud or mortar,
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 239
small stones or broken bricks, with a curious combination of wood and
reeds. They are whitewashed on the outside and inside, and roofed
with tiling. They make a showy appearance in a photograph, but
their construction embodies the most rudimentary ideas of archi-
tecture or masonry.
The impression that Guzman Blanco made Caracas into a mag-
nificent capital city is encouraged by Mr. W. E. Curtis, in his "The
Capitals of Spanish America," where he says (page 287) :
"It is nevertheless a fact that since Guzman Blanco has been ruler over
this Republic, it has prospered and had peace — something it never had be-
fore. There have been varied and extensive improvements; the people have
made rapid strides in progress; they have been given free schools and re-
leased from the bondage of the Church; the credit of the government has
been improved, its debts reduced, and the interest to its creditors is for the
first time in history paid promptly, in full and in advance. The moral as well
as the mental and commercial improvement of the people has been the re-
sult of his acts, and as long as he lives their lives and property will be safe."
Mr. Curtis, who was regarded as a good newspaper correspondent,
seems to have taken Guzman Blanco seriously. Unfortunately, every
statement made by him, as above quoted, is the reverse of the truth.
Even a newspaper man cannot skip through South America, or any-
where else, and get at the heart of things. Guzman Blanco did not
establish "varied and extensive improvements." If he did, where
are they ? He erected many monuments all over the country "to that
illustrious American, the Pacificator and Regenerator of the United
States of Venezuela, General Antonio Guzman Blanco," but apart
from this, what improvements did he make ? No permanent work
was ever attempted; the streets were not paved; no sewer system
was installed, and Caracas to-day, which ought to be the healthiest
city in the world, has a death rate more than double that of Chicago.
Mr. Curtis cites other matters in favor of Guzman Blanco. He
says (ibid, page 269) :
"Guzman Blanco may be a tyrant, but he produced results which are
blessing the people. Until he became President, the Church ruled the people
as it formerly ruled in Mexico, but, like Juarez in the latter country, he went
to radical and excessive measures to overthrow its tyranny. He confiscated
Church property, drove out the nuns and Jesuits, seized the convents, turned
them into hospitals and schools, and made the most venerable monastery a
pest-house for lepers and small-pox."
In driving out the nuns Guzman Blanco showed to what mon-
strous depths depravity can sink and still find respectable people to
praise it. In confiscating the property of the Church he merely illus-
trated what a highwayman could do if he were a military Dictator.
For my part I cannot cite the despoliation of Church property, or the
240 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
insults and outrages committed on Church people, as a virtuous thing,
because they were done by a military bandit, styled President. I can-
not applaud the act of stealing other people's property, even though
such property belonged to the Church. Neither have I much patience
with these so-called " Liberates " in Venezuela and Colombia. A
careful study of those countries will disclose the fact that the biggest
rascals they have ever produced — and among them is Antonio Guz-
man Blanco — called themselves Liberates. I begin to suspect that
these men are opposed to the Church, not on any high moral or
patriotic grounds, but rather because the Church says, "Thou shalt
not steal," "Thou shalt not murder," "Thou shalt not commit adul-
tery." Opposition to these commands, and a desire to appropriate
the wealth of the Church for their own use, rather than any high-
flown ideas of patriotism, lie, I suspect, behind the real motive of Guz-
man Blanco and the men of his class, who are so antagonistic against
the Church and who confiscate its property.
SANTA ANNA
Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was a unique specimen of the buc-
caneering type of military bandit-statesman, ruler, dictator, intriguer,
so inseparably identified with the history, past and present, of every
Latin- American country. He was born at Jalapa, Mexico, in 1795.
He served as a petty officer in the Spanish army until twenty-six years
of age, when he enlisted with Iturbide, who made him Governor of
Vera Cruz. The promotion fired Santa Anna's ambition. He at
once started a movement against Iturbide, declaring himself in favor
of a Republic. Iturbide finally resigned, and was later executed. In
1828 President Pedraza gave Santa Anna another governorship, which
he accepted and shortly after started another revolt, which aided in
putting President Guerrero in the chair. At this period of Mexico's
history the people seem to have had two or three different Presidents
every year ; Santa Anna had something to do with the making or un-
making of most of them. He headed a revolution against President
Bustamente in 1832, defeated him, and declared himself as President.
A number of revolutions being in progress in all parts of the country,
he called Farias to the chair, and went out himself to subdue them.
Then turning face he started a revolution against Farias, and had
General Barragan elected President by the so-called Congress.
About this time General Houston and other patriotic Texans
started a little revolution on their own account. Texas had been
settled by Americans who had no liking for the military half-breed
jumping-jack government instituted in Mexico by Santa Anna and
adventurers of his type. Santa Anna with over 6000 men attacked
the Texans, at the Alamo, in San Antonio, before General Houston
could come to their aid. The garrison consisted of but 140 men, com-
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 241
manded by Colonel William B. Travis. Sixteen hundred Mexicans
bit the dust ; but Travis and his brave garrison were killed to the last
man. Santa Anna then captured Goliad, and 300 Texans surren-
dered on promise from him that they should be treated honorably as
prisoners of war. As soon as they were disarmed and at his mercy,
he marched them out and shot them, every one. When Houston cap-
tured Santa Anna a month later at San Jacinto, his soldiers cried for
revenge for the massacre of Goliad ; but Houston prevented it. He
kept Santa Anna prisoner for a year.
When Santa Anna returned to Mexico, he set out to defend Vera
Cruz against the attacks of a French fleet, which was defeated. Santa
Anna had his leg shot off during the battle. Shortly after, President
Bustamente left the capital to quell a revolution, and Santa Anna
was appointed to act in his place. He formed a conspiracy against
Bustamente, and became military Dictator. A report states that "in
1842 the leg which he lost at Vera Cruz was given a military funeral
and enshrined in a monument erected for the purpose. He attended
the ceremonies and gravely listened while an eloquent funeral dis-
course was pronounced over his leg. Two years later a revolution
drove him from the capital, his statue was destroyed, his portrait
was publicly burned, and his leg was dragged from the monument
and kicked through the streets of the City of Mexico."
When war opened with the United States in 1846, President Peralta
was overthrown, and Santa Anna, who had been in exile, was recalled
and made military Dictator. His armies were scattered to the winds
by Generals Scott and Taylor, and at the close of the war he went to
Jamaica, where he remained for five years.
Another revolution in Mexico in 1853 called Santa Anna back to
public life. It was decreed that he should be military Dictator for
life, with power to name his successor, and the title of "Most Serene
Highness." A year or two later, however, another revolution upset
his plans, and he fled to Cuba. His former countrymen showed their
gratitude to him by passing on him the sentence of death and con-
fiscating his property, on the ground of treason.
When the French invaded Mexico in 1864, Santa Anna was again
ready for business. He accepted a place with the invaders, but soon
issued a pronunciamento in favor of himself. The French banished
him to St. Thomas. Maximilian later accepted Santa Anna's offer
of services, and made him Marshal of the Empire. He was rewarded
by a proclamation from Santa Anna favoring a Republic. Juarez,
head of the republican armies, refused to have anything to do with
Santa Anna, who was thus compelled to resort to other schemes.
In 1866 he chartered a ship in the United States and sailed for
Vera Cruz with quantities of printed matter and documents, alleging
that he had been sent by Secretary Seward, and that Emperor Maxi-
milian had promised to turn the government over to him. The com-
VOL. 1 — 16
242 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
manders of the foreign squadrons lying in the harbor escorted his ship
six or eight leagues to sea, and ordered it not to come back. Santa
Anna, however, sailed for another port; there he was captured and
sentenced to death. President Juarez commuted his sentence to eight
years' banishment on the ground that he was now a senile old man.
Some years later he persuaded his son to begin a revolution in Mexico.
He died at the age of eighty-one in obscurity and neglect. He had
been Dictator of Mexico seven times, and had assisted in the seating
or unseating of about twenty other so-called Presidents, during his
stormy career.
RAFAEL NUNEZ
" Whosoever pays a debt, unless to escape the gallows, is an idiot."
The above maxim has been attributed to Rafael Nunez, Dictator
of Colombia. Whether he originated it or not it is certain he carried
its meaning into excellent practice. During his reign an era of cor-
ruption and pillage existed, such as even Colombia has seldom known.
Nunez aimed to become President in 1875, but failed. In 1880, pre-
tending to be a liberal, he succeeded. He at once entered on a career
of despotism, brutality, and spoliation, seldom surpassed by even a
Latin- American Dictator. He created, by an edict, a "National
Bank" with authority to issue paper currency; and by other edicts
he established the paper as a legal tender, and imposed heavy punish-
ment on those who refused to accept it or exchange their gold for it.
By this Nunez and his party made large sums. This is now the cur-
rency in circulation in Colombia.
In 1882 a liberal, President Laldna, was elected, but Nunez had
control of the army and of the so-called Congress. In 1883 President
Laldna died, and Nunez assumed dictatorial powers. A bitter revolu-
tion broke out between the liberals and the conservatives in 1885, and
in this struggle Nunez proved treacherous to his former friends, throw-
ing his whole strength with the conservatives,, the Catholic Church
party. He issued a decreta, stating that "the Constitution of 1863
had ceased to exist," and such was indeed the fact. Dictator Nunez
entered into a Concordat with the Vatican, recognizing the civil as
well as the ecclesiastical authority of the Pope. The liberals were
exceedingly bitter, and upbraided Nunez a renegade. A series of
revolutions followed, of unparelleled atrocity, which stemmed the tide
of progress in Colombia for half a century.
The revolution of 1885 was led by General Reyes and General
Velez, and was of great strength in the provinces of Panama, Boyaca,
Magdalena, and Cundinamarca. In the early stages it gained many
victories. But Nunez was able to raise and equip about 10,000 men,
with which he gained several engagements in June and July, 1885,
so that in August the revolutionary generals surrendered. Nunez
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 243
was now absolute Dictator of Colombia, and ruled more tyrannically
than ever. On August 6, 1886, he promulgated a new Constitution,
abolishing the federal system of government, and making the States
mere provinces, under the immediate control of the central authority.
Drastic measures were also passed to punish the press for alleged
libel or sedition, and freedom of speech was practically abolished.
The term of the President was extended from two years to six, and
on the following day, August 7, 1886, Nunez declared himself elected
President for the ensuing term of six years.
The greatest dissatisfaction spread over all parts of the country,
and many local uprisings took place; but these were put down with
merciless severity, and on August 7, 1892, Nunez declared himself
elected President for six years more. The Dictator had been ailing
for some time, so that he could not reside at Bogota on account of its
high altitude. He ruled through a deputy at the capital, and himself
lived at Cartagena until he died.
Rafael Nunez was born on September 28, 1825, in Cartagena.
He received a good education, and was a man of considerable literary
ability. He wrote many poems, and some prose works of merit. His
admirers heaped laudations on him. Thus the Baronesa de Wilson
says : "In appearance Dr. Nunez was the ideal sage, thinker, philoso-
pher. His look was profound, and searching, and it reflected the
fountain of ideas which in that privileged cerebro had the stamp of
naturalness."
The Baronessa thinks that Dr. Nunez' poetry had much of the
extraordinary, "and from the depths of his compositions sprang ideas
of the profound investigator, the illustrious literateur, and the pas-
sionate idealist." "In the Colombian President, the life was in the
cerebro, which was a fecund sanctuary, where wisdom and poetry
continuously elaborated their rigorous conceptions." And this is
the portrait of a man who was absolutely corrupt, treacherous, un-
principled, and almost wholly devoid of moral conceptions !
Dr. Nunez, however, deserves one kind word, — nobody ever
called him the Washington of South America; and he personally
made no pretensions to be named with Napoleon or Caesar. That
is surely something to his credit. He died September 18, 1894.
RUFINO BARRIOS
General Barrios was a typical Dictator of the Guzman Blanco
type. He was not so mercenary nor so cruel as Blanco, but in his
general characteristics, his love of display and adulation, his vanity,
and his dramatic manner of doing things, he greatly resembled his
Venezuelan prototype. An incident in the career of General Barrios
will illustrate the man he was, and I give it in the language of Mr. W.
E. Curtis, in his book, "The Spanish American Capitals":
244 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"On the evening of Sunday, the 28th of February, 1885, the aristocracy
of Guatemala were gathered as usual at the National Theatre to witness the
performance of Boccaccio by a French opera company. In the midst of the
play one of the most exciting situations was interrupted by the appearance
of a uniformed officer upon the stage, who motioned the performers back
from the footlights, and read the proclamation issued by Rufino Barrios, the
President of Guatemala, who declared himself Dictator and Supreme Com-
mander of all Central America, and called upon the citizens of the five Re-
publics to acknowledge his authority and take the oath of allegiance. The
people were accustomed to earthquakes, but no terrestrial commotion ever
created so much excitement as the eruption of this political volcano. The
actresses and ballet-dancers fled in surprise to their dressing-rooms, while
the audience at once organized into an impromptu mass-meeting to ratify the
audacity of their President.
"Few eyes were closed that night in Guatemala. Those who attempted
to sleep were kept awake by the explosion of fireworks, the firing of cannon,
the music of bands, and shouts of the populace, who, crazy with excitement,
thronged the streets, and forming processions marched up and down the
principal thoroughfares, rending the air with shouts of 'Long live Dictator
Barrios ! ' ' Vive la Union! ' A people naturally enthusiastic, and as inflam-
mable as powder, to whom excitement was recreation and repose distress,
suddenly and unexpectedly confronted with the greatest sensation of their
lives, became almost insane, and turned the town into a bedlam. Although
every one knew that Barrios aspired to restore the old Union of the Republic,
no one seemed to be prepared for the coup-d'etat, and the announcement fell
with a force that made the whole country tremble. Next morning, as if by
magic, the town seemed filled with soldiers. Where they came from or how
they got there so suddenly, the people did not seem to comprehend. And
when the doors of great warehouses opened to disclose large supplies of am-
munition and arms, the public eye was distended with amazement. All these
preparations were made so silently and secretly that the surprise was com-
plete. But for three or four years Barrios had been preparing for this day,
and his plans were laid with a success that challenged even his own admira-
tion. He ordered all the soldiers in the Republic to be at Guatemala City on
the 1st of March ; the commands were given secretly, and the captain of one
company was not aware that another was expected. It was not done by the
wand of a magician, as the superstitious people are given to believing, but
was the result of a long and carefully studied plan by one who was born a
dictator and knew how to perform the part.
"But the commotion was even greater in the other Republics over which
Barrios had assumed uninvited control. The same night that the official an-
nouncement was made, telegrams were sent to the Presidents of Honduras,
San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica, calling upon them to acknowledge
the temporary supremacy of Dictator Barrios, and to sign articles of con-
federation which should form the Constitution of the Central American
Union. Messengers had been sent in advance bearing printed official copies
of the proclamation, in which the reasons for the step were set forth, and they
were told to withhold these documents from the Presidents of the neighbor-
ing Republics until notified by telegram to present them.
"The President of Honduras accepted the dictatorship with great readi-
ness, having been in close conference with Barrios on the subject previous to
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 245
the announcement. The President of San Salvador, Dr. Zaldivar, who was
also aware of the intentions of Barrios and was expected to fall into the plan
as readily as President Bogran, created some surprise by asking time to con-
sider. As far as he was personally concerned, he said, there was nothing that
would please him more than to comply with the wishes of the Dictator, but
he must consult the people. He promised to call the Congress together at
once, and after due consideration they would take such action as they thought
proper. Nicaragua boldly and emphatically refused to recognize the authority
of Barrios, and rejected the plan of the union. Costa Rica replied in the same
manner. Her President telegraphed Barrios that she wanted no union with
the other Central American States, was satisfied with her own independence,
and recognized no Dictator. Her people would protect their soil and defend
their liberty, and would appeal to the civilized world for protection against
any unwarranted attack upon her freedom.
"The policy of Nicaragua was governed by the influence of a firm of
British merchants in Leon with which President Cardenas has a pecuniary
interest and by whom his official acts are controlled. The policy of Costa
Rica was governed by a conservative sentiment that has always prevailed in
that country, while the influence of Mexico was felt throughout the entire
group of nations. As soon as the proclamation of Barrios was announced at
the capital of the latter Republic, President Diaz ordered an army into the
field, and telegraphed offers of assistance to Nicaragua, San Salvador, and
Costa Rica, with threats of violence to Honduras if she yielded submission
to Barrios. Mexico was always jealous of Guatemala. The boundary line
between the two nations is unsettled, and a rich tract of country is in dispute.
Feeling a natural distrust of the power below her, strengthened by consolida-
tion with the other States, Mexico was prepared to resist the plans of Barrios
to the last degree, and sent him a declaration of war.
"In the mean time Barrios appealed for the approval of the United States
and the nations of Europe. During the brief administration of President
Garfield he visited Washington, and there received assurances of encourage-
ment from Mr. Blaine in his plan to reorganize the Central American Con-
federacy. Their personal interviews were followed by an extended corre-
spondence, and no one was so fully informed of the plans of Barrios as Mr.
Henry C. Hall, the United States Minister at Guatemala.
"Unfortunately the cable to Europe and the United States was under the
control of San Salvador, landing at La Libertad, the principal port of that
Republic. Here was the greatest obstacle in the way of Barrios's success.
All his messages to foreign governments were sent by telegraph overland to
La Libertad for transmission by cable from that place, but none of them
reached their destination. The comandante of the port, under orders from
Zaldivar, seized the office and suppressed the messages. Barrios took pains
to inform the foreign powers fully of his plans and the motives which prompted
them, and to each he repeated the assurance that he was not inspired by per-
sonal ambition and would accept only a temporary dictatorship. As soon
as a constitutional convention of delegates from the several Republics could
assemble he would retire, and permit the choice of a President of the con-
solidated Republics by a popular election, he himself under no circumstances
to be a candidate. But these messages were never sent. In place of them
Zaldivar transmitted a series of despatches misrepresenting the situation, and
appealing for protection against the tyranny of Barrios. Thus the Old World
246 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
was not informed of the motives and intentions of the man and the situation
of the Republics.
"The replies of foreign nations and the comments of the press, based upon
the falsehoods of Zaldivar, had a very depressing effect upon the people.
They were more or less doctored before publication, and bogus bulletins were
posted for the purpose of deceiving the people. The inhabitants of San Sal-
vador were led to believe that naval fleets were on their way from the United
States and Europe to prevent forcibly the consolidation of the Republics,
that an army was on its way from Mexico overland to attack Guatemala
on the north, and that several transports loaded with troops had left New
Orleans for the east coast of Nicaragua and Honduras.
"The United States Coast Survey ship Ranger, carrying four small guns,
happening to enter at La Union, Nicaragua, engaged in its regular duties,
was magnified into a fleet of hundreds of thousands of tons; and when the
people of San Salvador and Nicaragua were convinced that submission to
Barrios would require them to engage the combined forces of Europe and the
United States, they rose in resistance and supported Zaldivar in his treachery.
"The effect in Guatemala was similar, although not so pronounced.
There was a reversion of feeling against the government. The moneyed men,
who in their original enthusiasm tendered their funds to the President, with-
drew their promises ; the common people were nervous, and lost their con-
fidence in their hero ; while the Diplomatic Corps, representing every nation
of importance on the globe, were in a state of panic because they received no
instructions from home. The German and French ministers, like the minister
from the United States, were favorable to the plans of Barrios; the Spanish
minister was outspoken in opposition; the English and Italian ministers
non-committal ; but none of them knew what to say or how to act in the
absence of instructions. They telegraphed to their home governments re-
peatedly, but could obtain no replies, and suspected that the troubles might
be in San Salvador. Mr. Hall, the American minister, transmitted a full de-
scription of the situation every evening, and begged for instructions, but did
not receive a word.
"The government at Washington had informed Mr. Hall by mail that
its policy in relation to the plan to reunite the Republics was one of non-
interference, but advised that the spirit of the century was contrary to the use
of force to accomplish such an end; and acting upon this information, Mr.
Hall had frequent and cordial conferences with the President, and received
from him a promise that he would not invade either of the neighboring Re-
publics with an army unless required to do so. If Guatemala was invaded
he would retaliate, but otherwise would not cross the border. In the mean
time the forces of Guatemala, forty thousand strong, were massed at the
capital, the streets were full of marching soldiers, and the air was filled with
martial music, while Zaldivar was raising an army by conscription in San
Salvador, and money by forced loans. His government daily announced the
arrival of so many ' volunteers ' at the capital, but the volunteering was a very
transparent myth. A current anecdote was of a conscript officer who wrote
to the Secretary of War from the Interior: 'I send you forty more volunteers.
Please return me the ropes with which their hands and legs are tied, as I shall
need to bind the quota from the next town.'
"In the city of San Salvador many of the merchants closed their stores,
and concealed themselves to avoid the payment of forced loans. The govern-
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 247
ment called a junta, or meeting of the wealthy residents, each one being per-
sonally notified by an officer that his attendance was required, and there the
Secretary of War announced that a million dollars for the equipment of troops
must be raised instantly. The government, he said, was assured of the aid
of foreign powers to defeat the plans of Barrios, but until the armies and
navies of Europe and the United States could reach the coast the Republic
must protect itself. Each merchant and estandanado was assessed a certain
amount, to make the total required, and was required to pay it into the treasury
within twenty-four hours. Some responded promptly, others procrastinated,
and a few flatly refused. The latter were thrust into jail, and the confisca-
tion of their property threatened unless they paid. In one or two cases the
threat was executed; but, with cold sarcasm, the day after the meeting the
Official Gazette announced that the patriotic citizens of San Salvador had
voluntarily come to the assistance of the government with their arms and
means, and had tendered financial aid to the amount of one million dollars,
the acceptance of which the President was now considering.
"Barrios, knowing that the army of Salvador would invade Guatemala
and commence an offensive campaign, so as to occupy the attention of the
people, ordered a detachment of troops to the frontier, and decided to accom-
pany them. The evening before he started there was what is called 'a grand
funcion ' at the National Theatre. All of the military bands assembled at the
capital — a dozen or more — were consolidated for the occasion, and be-
tween the acts performed a march composed by a local musician in honor of
the Union of Central America, and dedicated to General Barrios. A large
screen of sheeting was elaborately painted with the inscription,
• All hail the Union of the Republic !
Long live the Dictator and the Generalissimo,
J. Rufino Barrios!'
This was attached to heavy rollers, to be dropped in front of the stage in-
stead of the regular curtain at the end of the second act of the play, for the
purpose of creating a sensation; and a sensation it did create — an unex-
pected and frightful one.
"As the orchestra commenced to play the new march, the curtain was
lowered slowly, and the audience greeted it with tremendous applause, rising
to their feet, shouting, and waving their hats and handkerchiefs. But through
the blunder of the stage carpenter the weights were too heavy for the cotton
sheeting; the banner split, and the heavy rollers at the bottom fell over into
the orchestra, severely wounding several of the musicians. As fate would
have it, the rent was directly through the name of Barrios. The people,
naturally superstitious, were horrified, and stood aghast at this omen of dis-
aster. The cheering ceased instantly, and a dead silence prevailed, broken
only by the noise of the musicians under the wreck struggling to recover their
feet. A few of the more courageous friends of the President attempted to
revive the applause, but met with a miserable failure. Strong men shuddered,
women fainted, and Mrs. Barrios left the theatre, unable to control her emo-
tion. The play was suspended ; the audience departed to discuss the omen,
and everybody agreed that Barrios's coup-d'etat would fail.
"The President left the city at the head of his army for the frontier of San
Salvador, his wife accompanying him a few miles on the way. A few days
248 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
later a small detachment of the Guatemala army, commanded by a son of
Barrios, started out on a scouting expedition, and were attacked by an over-
whelming force of Salvadoreans. The young captain was killed by the first
volley, and his company was stampeded. Leaving his body on the field, they
retreated in confusion to headquarters. When Barrios heard of the disaster,
he leaped upon his horse, called upon his men to follow him, and started in
pursuit of the men who had killed his son. The Salvadoreans, expecting to be
pursued, lay in ambush, and the Dictator, while galloping down the road at
the head of a squadron of cavalry, was picked off by a sharp-shooter and died
instantly. His men took his body and that of his son, which was found by the
roadside, and carried them back to camp. A courier was despatched to the
nearest telegraph station with a message to the capital conveying the sad news.
It was not unexpected; since the omen at the theatre, no one supposed the
Dictator would return alive. All but himself had lost confidence, and it trans-
pired that even he went to the front with a presentiment of disaster, for among
his papers was found his will, written by himself a few moments before his
departure."
JOS6 MANUEL BALMACEDA
Jose Manuel Balmaceda was born in 1838, and was educated
under the influence of the clergy. He wished to become a priest ; but
his father was prominent in politics, an adherent of President Manuel
Montt, and through his influence the young man was appointed a
member of a South American Congress which met at Lima in 1864
to discuss Spain's attitude towards the Chincha Islands. This marked
his entrance into active politics. Shortly after, he married Senorita
Emilia Toro Herrera, of a prominent Chilian family residing in San-
tiago. In 1870 Balmaceda, who had gained quite a reputation as an
advanced Republican, became a member of the Chamber of Depu-
ties, from the Department of Carelmapu. Balmaceda now became
the leader of the Reformistas, an advanced party which on September
26, 1875, at his instance, adopted a platform calling for the free
exercise of the suffrage, non-interference of the military with the judi-
ciary, and, in short, a constitutional program. In 1879 Senor Bal-
maceda was appointed special diplomatic representative to Argentina,
with a view to preserve the neutrality of that country in the war be-
tween Chili and Peru-Bolivia, a mission in which he was successful.
At the next presidential election Balmaceda was spoken of for the
office, but he threw his influence in favor of Santa Maria, who was
successful, and Balmaceda was given a place in the cabinet, as Minister
of Foreign Affairs. In 1882 Senor Balmaceda became Prime Min-
ister, owing to the resignation of Jose Francisco Vergara, the out-
come of a cabinet crisis.
When a young man, Balmaceda had strongly protested against
government interference in elections; he now forgot his professions,
and seconded Santa Maria in all the schemes of governmental fraud
and coercion. In the congressional elections of 1885 Balmaceda
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 249
actively, as Minister of the Interior, used all the power of the govern-
ment to secure the return of the official candidates, and of course with
success.
In 1886 Balmaceda resigned his portfolio, and became a candi-
date for the presidency. President Santa Maria had selected Bal-
maceda as his successor, and his opponents, the conservatives, seeing
that the election was fixed, and opposition therefore useless, withdrew
their candidate, and refused to take any part in the affair. Balmaceda
was, under these circumstances, declared elected, on June 25, 1886,
and Congress ratified this on August 30.
From the outset of his administration Balmaceda faced a hostile
Congress, — intrigues and treachery everywhere. There were dis-
sensions in his cabinets, and one ministry after another resigned.
Between April, 1888, and October, 1890, he had ten different cabinets.
Balmaceda advocated many wise measures for the public welfare,
but the legislative department opposed him at every step, until he
realized that he must control Congress, or ultimately fall. At the
same time he became autocratic and dictatorial in his relations with
the other departments of the government. By the end of 1890 con-
stitutional forms were almost entirely disregarded, and Balmaceda
assumed practically a dictatorship. He determined to select Senor
Claudio Vicuna as his successor in the presidency, and the latter was
nominated on March 8, 1891, for that office. In the mean time his
relations with all the leading authorities of Chili became more strained
as his acts became more arbitrary.
On January 5, 1891, Balmaceda issued a decree saying that as
Congress had not despatched the Law of Estimates for the current
year, and as it would be impossible to suspend the public services with-
out endangering internal order and external security, he therefore de-
creed that until the Law of Estimates for 1891 should be passed, that
approved on December 31, 1889, should be in force.
THE SIGNAL FOR ARMED REVOLT
Immediately following this decree, the senior naval officer at Val-
paraiso, Captain Jorje Montt, Vice-President of the Senate, Waldo
Silva, and President of the Chamber of Deputies, Ramon Barros
Suco, instituted a revolt in the navy. The vessels which immediately
joined the movement were the Blanco Encalada, the Esmeralda, the
O'Higgins, the Cochrane, and the Magallanes. After numerous en-
counters with land batteries, this fleet succeeded in establishing
blockades along practically the whole coast. A brief outline of
this bloody war is given in our chapter on the History of Chili, in
Part I.
In passing we may note that the same disregard of civilized war-
fare was shown in this revolution as in the other internecine strifes
250 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of Latin America. Thus Balmaceda, in August, 1891, gave orders
that no mercy should be shown to insurgents who were captured,
and under this order fearful atrocities were committed. On August
19 the government troops surrounded a house at 'Lo Canas' where
some fifty young men of the best families of Santiago were holding
a meeting. These young men were massacred without mercy, although
they were wholly unarmed. Only fifteen of them escaped. Bal-
maceda's adherents alleged that they were plotting a revolution, which
was doubtless true; but the assassination of unarmed men was not
calculated to make Balmaceda popular, even in Chili. As the war
progressed, Balmaceda became more bloodthirsty and cruel; prison-
ers were flogged, or tortured to death, inconceivable outrages were
practised upon helpless men, and a reign of terror ensued. No man's
life was safe; pillage and devastation ruined the land; the foreign
legations were filled with political refugees, and the cruel, vindictive,
merciless Latin-American character asserted itself unrestrained.
BALMACEDA COMMITS SUICIDE
On August 29, 1891, President Balmaceda saw his army defeated
at all points. He resigned, and turned the government over to General
Baquedano. On the day preceding, the government troops, 9000 men,
were overwhelmingly defeated at Palcillas, near Valparaiso and Vina
del Mar, suffering a loss of 2000 men, while the revolutionists lost
only 600.
Immediately upon the resignation of Balmaceda bedlam broke
loose in Santiago ; desperate mobs looted all the finest houses in town,
murdering the inhabitants and destroying furniture, pictures, libra-
ries, etc., valued at more than $5,000,000. Extreme hostility was
shown towards the American minister, Mr. Egan, which resulted,
six weeks later, in the cowardly murder of the unarmed sailors of the
Baltimore in Valparaiso.
After abdicating, Balmaceda sought refuge in the Argentine Lega-
tion, where he remained concealed for twenty days, his family being
in the American legation. Finally, convinced that his place of con-
cealment could not be indefinitely kept secret, and fearing a harsh
sentence should he fall into the hands of his enemies, he decided that
he had "borne the whips and scorns of time " long enough. At about
8 A. M. on September 19, 1891, Balmaceda shot himself in the right
breast, and expired instantly.
In his last letter, to his friends Claudio Vicuna and Julio Banados
Espinosa, Balmaceda said : "The parliamentary system has triumphed
on the field of battle, but this victory will not prevail. Either in-
vestigation, convenience, or patriotism will open a reasonable way
to reform, and the organization of a representative government, or
fresh disturbances and painful occurrences, will happen among the
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 251
same people who united for the revolution, and who remained united
to assure the result, but who will end by divisions and conflict."
CHARACTER OF BALMACEDA
Balmaceda was by no means the worst man of the type in which
I have classified him. He was a proud, high-strung, sensitive man,
who dreaded insult and feared ridicule. He brooded over his troubles
until he became morose. Evidently there was some latent weakness
in his character. Had he not given such bloody orders for the killing
of insurgent prisoners, his name would have been fairer. While not
a great ruler, or even a character to be imitated, he was, on the whole,
much superior in intellectual and moral qualities to the typical mili-
tary President of the average Latin-American country.
CHAPTER XXIII
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS — VERY BAD
DR. JOS£ RODRIGUEZ GASPAR FRANCIA
DR. FRANCIA was born, probably, in Asuncion, the date of his
birth being given by some historians as 1757 and by others as
1761. His father, Garcia Rodriguez Francia, was a native of
S. Paulo, in Brazil, but moved to Paraguay to take charge of a tobacco
plantation. The son, Jose Rodriguez Gasper Francia, studied the-
ology at Cordova de Tucuman, and later turned his attention to law
at Asuncion. He made quite a reputation as a lawyer under the Span-
ish regime, and when the Paraguayan declaration of independence
was made, in 1811, Dr. Francia was appointed Secretary to the Revolu-
tionary Junta. In this position he exercised great influence, because
of his better education, his dominating personality, and his resource-
fulness. The Congress, or Junta, was composed mostly of ignorant
men who were wholly incompetent to govern, so that Dr. Francia's
influence was all-powerful when, in 1813, they named a diumvirate
to govern the country. This was composed of Dr. Francia and Gen-
eral Fulgencio Yegros, — the latter an ignorant soldier, but popular
with the army. In 1814 Dr. Francia was designated as Dictator, and
in 1816 declared perpetual and Supreme Dictator. From this date
until his death, on September 20, 1840, he was the government of
Paraguay, absolutely controlling with iron hand every part and func-
tion of the administration. The record of this period is a story of
blood, torture, cruelty, and terror, never surpassed in South America
except by Quiroga, Rosas, and Lopez. He was superior to these
latter men in many respects ; he did not utterly destroy and stamp
out civilization, but he paralyzed all progress, and imbued the whole
community with dread and terror.
Dr. Francia heaped intolerable indignities upon the priesthood.
He hated foreigners and was an implacable foe to the white people and
all the better classes of his own country. His great power was based
on the unswerving loyalty of his army of Indians, who looked upon
him with superstitious awe and committed the most unexampled
atrocities at his command. If he conceived the slightest dislike towards
any person, it was equivalent to a sentence of death or of imprison-
ment, — a fate still more terrible. His appearance on the street
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 253
was sufficient to make every one fly in terror, for he was always pre-
ceded and followed by Indian troops, who sabred any person whom
fancy might inspire them to kill. People were even afraid to pro-
nounce his name, for fear some spy would place a false construction
on the remark. He was usually referred to as "El Supremo," — the
Supreme.
Dr. Francia never married. He was strongly opposed to the mar-
riage institution, but he left a brood of illegitimate offspring in utter
abandonment. He kept no records of his office or acts. When he
gave an order, it was always returned to him with the word "Exe-
cuted " endorsed upon it; he would then destroy the record. He was
a solitary, misanthropic tyrant, wholly devoid of the milk of human
kindness. How many persons he caused to be assassinated will never
be known ; there are authentic reports of more than forty such victims,
but there are no official records. Thousands of persons had been
imprisoned by his orders upon the slightest suspicion of their dis-
loyalty to him, and after his death about seven hundred of these
unfortunates were liberated. It is related, as showing Dr. Francia's
relentless vindictiveness, that he quarrelled with his father, and
they were estranged for several years. The old man on his death-
bed wished to be reconciled to his son, and sent a message asking him
to come. Dr. Francia returned the message with the reply that it was
of no use, for he was busy and could not come. A second and more
urgent message was sent to the Dictator: "Your father says he dares
not die unless he sees his son; he fears he will never enter heaven
unless you be reconciled." "Then let him enter hell," said Dr.
Francia; "I will not come."
In the latter part of Dr. Francia's life his deeds were so atrocious
that many persons believe they can only be accounted for on the theory
of insanity. He died in a peculiar manner. He was being treated for
some slight indisposition, when his doctor offended him in some
manner. Dr. Francia seized a sabre to kill the medical attendant,
but at that instant he was taken with a fit, and soon after passed away.
He was a strange man, — morose, gloomy, cruel, austere, suspicious,
treacherous, revengeful, murderous. He had no pity in his being.
During his rule foreigners could not enter Paraguay without special
permit, and once there, that was usually the last of them. There
Were certain elements in his character, however, which appealed
strongly to the imagination of men of a peculiar type, and there
have not been wanting distinguished writers who have thought
to make a kind of hero of Dr. Francia. Needless to say, these op-
timistic opinions were expressed by men at long range, — men who
never had occasion personally to experience the venom of his curse.
Thomas Carlyle wrote a brilliant article defending Dr. Francia, which
was printed in the "Foreign Quarterly Review" for 1843, and re-
printed in his "Critical and Miscellaneous Essays." Carlyle spoke
254 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of Francia "as a man or sovereign of iron energy and industry, of
great and severe labor." He ended his curious essay with the follow-
ing sympathetic utterance: "Oh, Francia, though thou hadst to exe-
cute forty persons, I am not without some pity for thee ! " Curiously
enough, Mr. Dawson, in his "South American Republics" (Vol. I,
p. 191) says: "After reading all that has been written about this
singular character, my mind inclines more to the judgment of Carlyle.
I feel that the imagination of the great Scotchman has pierced the
clouds which enshrouded the spirit of a great and lonely man, and
has seen the soul of Francia as he was."
Carlyle and Dawson have for company Captain Richard F. Burton,
whose "Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay " (1870) is animated
by a similar favorable opinion. My comment would be a paraphrase
of Lincoln's recommendation of a certain politician, "Mr. is a
very good sort of man for people who like the sort of man that Mr.
is."
In studying Dr. Francia, however, we are less interested in him
personally than in the development of Paraguay under his rule.
Summed up in a sentence, his reign was reactionary, despotic, de-
structive to all enterprise. He did not exhibit the abandon of crimi-
nality of Lopez ; he did not wholly obliterate and destroy civilization ;
but he repressed it, retarded it, and rendered all progress impos-
sible. In a single year Dr. Francia would not commit as much deviltry
as would some of the other men treated in this chapter; but the sum
total of his achievements is a blot on the history of the world's ad-
vancement. The fullest account published in the English language
of Dr. Francia's performances will be found in Charles A. Washburn's
"History of Paraguay."
CIPRIANO CASTRO
Cipriano Castro was a cattleman of the Andes Mountains, in the
Tachira district, prior to 1898. He figured in many episodes — run-
ning cattle from Venezuela to Colombia, or vice versa, during periods
of revolutions. This brought him to be regarded by the local military
rabble as a leader who was not afraid to undertake feats calling for
daring, and who also was not afflicted with a conscience too tender.
Castro's revolution against Andrade's government, and his en-
trance into Caracas in virtue of a "transaction" with the faithless
cabinet of the latter, are detailed in the official reports quoted in the
chapter on "Presidential Elections."
After entering Caracas and obtaining a firm hold on the army,
Castro inaugurated a reign of extortion, terror, and vandalism, to make
us feel hopeless and pessimistic as to the ultimate fate of these Latin-
American countries. His outrages on Americans, English, French,
Germans, Italians, and other foreigners finally led to the blockade
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 255
of 1903, while powerful revolutions devastated the interior. The
situation at this time was graphically described by Mr. Stephen Bonsai,
in the "North American Review " (May, 1903) :
"Many men, with whose views I am generally in agreement, have stated
that in South America they never heard a word of praise of the Monroe Doc-
trine, whether from native-born or immigrant. This was also my own expe-
rience except on one occasion, and I do not care to accept the responsibility
of suppressing either the names or the circumstances connected with the
incident. After years of patient diplomacy, finding all their efforts to obtain
justice and reparation for wrongs done their nationals of no avail, when I
reached Venezuela, stern measures of coercion had been adopted by three
of the leading World Powers. The coast was blockaded; and in the port
towns, fifty per cent of the improvident population was already face to face
with starvation. In Caracas, generally so rich and opulent, there was also
suffering. The capital was not only cut off from the outside world by the
foreign squadrons, but the rich back-country, whence provisions are drawn
in ordinary times, was in the hands of the Revolution. The diplomatic prob-
lem that confronted Venezuela was involved, the domestic situation was
simply appalling. 'And where is Castro?' I asked, 'that sturdy American
who would not bend the knee to European oppression, as the papers say.'
Well, he was away on a 'picnic,' I learned, at La Victoria. He would spend
a week there, in debauchery, the tongue of scandal (as I then thought) whis-
pered. Only half believing, I followed the trail of the Dictator down to the
orange groves on the border of the tierra caliente. There I found him guarded
by his soldiers, surrounded by the Yellow House gang composed of debauched
and dishonored men and outcast women, — his only willing associates. It
was a sharp transition. I had come from where thousands were starving to
a camp where champagne was flowing like water, where the extravagant
saturnalia continued day and night, though only a few yards away lay the
unburied bodies of the stolid, ignorant Andinos who had died but a few
weeks before to keep the Dictator on his throne.
"I did not succeed in concealing, nor did I very much try to conceal,
my astonishment at the scenes which met my eye. I had certainly thought
to find our ally otherwise engaged. 'But why should you wonder?' said
Castro, noting my surprise. ' Our part is played. We have picked the quar-
rel, and now, blessed be the Monroe Doctrine, our role is finished and the
fighting must be done by el tio Samuel. All the papers in the case I have
given to your minister, who goes to Washington as my attorney.' 'Yes, viva
la Doctrina Monroeyl ' exclaimed Tello Mendoza, the witty muleteer whom
Castro has made Secretary of the Treasury. 'It spares us sleepless nights
and gives us time for bailes.'
"Well may they call it blessed, the Monroe Doctrine! It is better for
them than an army with banners, because it never requires either black beans
or straw shoes, and it is more serviceable than a squadron of battle-ships
because it never gets out of repair."
When the blockade of 1903 was ended by the intervention of the
United States, it was hoped that Castro would mend his ways, but
his record becomes blacker and blacker as the years go by.
256 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Men in Venezuela fear and dread Castro much as they did Dr.
Francia in Paraguay. He has imprisoned hundreds, perhaps thou-
sands, of men without cause, and left them to die, loaded with heavy
irons and suffering unspeakable tortures. Although almost penniless
when he entered Caracas in 1898, he is to-day a millionnaire, — his
wealth acquired by extortion.
A recent writer in the "New York Herald" says:
"Castro, convinced that he is heartily hated in Venezuela and abroad,
has resolved on a policy of revenge on all classes, from the wealthy foreign
merchant to the poor laborer. He has expelled from Venezuela, Americans,
French, Germans, Italians, etc., under the slightest or most futile pretences.
After having been helped by Mr. Bowen, the then American Minister to
Venezuela, to stop the blockade of ports by Germany, England, and Italy,
obtaining in time the release of his navy to prevent the almost victorious revo-
lutionists from receiving the shipment of ammunition that would have brought
them to the capital in triumph, he turned on the Americans with unusual
fury. He seized the asphalt mines owned by an American company, he
stopped and reversed the decision of the Supreme Court in behalf of an
American claimant, Mr. Rudloff , and he changed the then existing mining
laws because many Americans owned rich mine concessions throughout the
country.
"He has lately seized the Vela and Coro Railway, partly owned by Ameri-
cans; he has unjustly expelled from the country Mr. Jaurett, editor of the
'Venezuelan Herald,' an American commercial paper, and finally he has
made it hard for Mr. Bowen, the American Minister, to hold his position
there.
"In fact, Castro has made life in Venezuela unbearable to all foreigners.
He made a law regulating their admission into the country by asking them
to present a passport from the Venezuela consuls, and even then refusing
them permission to land at his whimsical will.
"His home policy is yet worse and more tyrannical. He has ruined indus-
tries by establishing government monopolies of sugar-cane, of rum, tobacco,
of coal-mining, of matches, and forming private monopolies of the cattle
business (one of the richest of the country), of the export of rubber, tonka
beans, balata, the principal products of our rich Guayana, giving these monop-
olies in partnership to Juan V. Gomes, Corao, Semidey, and others of his
helpers in the gigantic work of the despoiling of the country.
"Now, in regard to the internal affairs, things are yet worse. The Vene-
zuelans have no country; the United States and Europe are full of those
exiles, voluntary and forced, who can live in those countries; others, more
unfortunate, linger and suffer in the near coasts of Curasao, Trinidad, and
Colombia. In Venezuela the poor classes perish from want of the neces-
saries of life ; the industries are ruined either by the monopolies or the exor-
bitant taxes; the commerce is nearly bankrupt for lack of sales, and the
stores have reduced the number of clerks.
"The rich cannot live on their incomes, as the house and land tenants
cannot pay their rents. Money is lent on mortgages and back sales at two
and three per cent a month. Small loans on personal property are made at
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 257
five and six per cent with brokerage. These loans are made and these mort-
gages and back sales are taken up by Castro himself and his partners in the
work of spoil.
"I cannot speak, for morality's sake, of the life led by Castro and his
fellow executioners. The reader of Roman history conversant with the Nero-
nian vices and orgies may have an idea of the private and secret life of these
men who have caused honorable society to close its doors and windows, to
keep aloof from the lawless soldiery, broken loose from all family and social
ties."
The writers above quoted might have added that General Castro
is a man utterly without good faith ; that his most solemn contract or
promise is not worth the paper it is written on ; that he is as vain-
glorious as Guzman Blanco, as ignorant and brutal as Crespo, as
venomous as Francia; that civilization is impossible under his de-
bauched and cruel tyranny, and that notwithstanding all this, a gang
of maudlin, fawning sycophants and disordered man -worshippers sur-
round him with the same vile laudation which a similar coterie heaped
upon the monster Lopez, and which in greater or less degree is dis-
played in many other Latin-American countries. Venezuela is not
yet so bad as Paraguay was under Lopez; but it contains all the
diseased elements which made that reign of terror memorable. How-
ever, we must face the fact that a decent man, with the elements at
his command, cannot hold Venezuela in subjection and rule it.
Unless he robbed property owners and divided up with his military
chiefs, there would be dissatisfaction and revolution in a short time.
Castro is a product of his time and environment. He was born and
reared in a corrupt and semi-savage community. He is typical of his
race.
OTHER MILITARY DICTATORS OF THIS CLASS
Most of the Latin- American rulers may be called "very bad." It
is unnecessary to mention them by name, because it would be almost
equivalent to calling the roll of the Dictators and Jefe Supremos of
Central America and the northern part of South America.
In Venezuela we have, belonging to the same class, Crespo, Falcon,
Monagas, both father and son, Paez, and most of the rest who have
ruled there. In San Domingo we find General Heureaux shooting
prominent citizens because they refused to accept worthless paper
money in exchange for their gold. Castro would not shoot men under
such circumstances, — he would merely incarcerate them in jail and
let them lie there and rot. Nevertheless the two generals unquestion-
ably belong to the same class. Hyppolite and practically all the rulers
of Hayti are in the same category. Jose Maria Medina, who kept
Honduras in an uproar for many years and was finally assassinated,
was a stronger specimen of the same type. In Bolivia one military
chief after another of this type has exercised power almost since the
VOL. i — 17
258 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
date of independence. Among the more noted of these despots were
Ballivian, Belzu, Acha, and Melgarejo. Of the latter Dawson in his
"South American Republics" says:
"Melgarejo frankly abandoned all pretence of governing by any sanction
except that of brute force and terror. He kept a great army of spies, and
the conspiracies which they reported were ruthlessly crushed by the well-
paid ruffians who composed his army and blindly obeyed his capricious com-
mands. One day the Dictator, drunk as was his habit, called the guard and
ordered them to jump out of the windows in order to show a visiting for-
eigner the superior discipline of the Bolivian soldier. Several had broken
their arms or legs, but he did not even look to see, but continued his demon-
stration by ordering his aide-de-camp to 'lie dead' like a poodle dog.
"Taxes were arbitrarily levied; peaceable citizens were exiled and shot;
around him circulated a crowd of parasitic functionaries. But in spite of
his extravagances and cruelties Melgarejo gave some solidity and consistence
to the governmental structure."
People in the United States and Europe often ask how it is pos-
sible that men of this type can become rulers of nations and hold their
power. The answer is simple. They do it through the terror inspired
by a brutal, savage army, which is loyal to them on the principle that
makes savages loyal to their chiefs. If Castro should order his army
to destroy a given town and kill every man, woman, and child in it,
there would be no hesitation on the part of the "generates," colonels,
and the black beetle-browed savages comprising the army. They
would enjoy the butchery ; they would consider the execution of these
helpless people as rare sport; the slaughter would in their opinion
add to the glory of the Jefe Supremo. The fear of assassination —
that is the motive which inspires men to remain dumb, or give them-
selves up to vile adulation, disgraceful alike to him who gives and him
who receives, in the face of the Dictator and his army of desperate
criminals.
CHAPTER XXIV
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS— THE WORST
JUAN MANUEL ROSAS
FROM 1812 to 1862 a continuous war, a war without rhyme or
reason, without cause or pretext, raged in Argentina. The
several provinces dissolved and recombined; there were con-
flicts with Brazil and with Uruguay, which at times was "inde-
pendent" and at other times considered as a portion of Brazil or
of Argentina.
In 1825 the provinces held a provisional Congress in Buenos Ayres,
and selected Rivadavia as Executive. Each province was at that
time ruled by a Caudillo, and many of these chiefs refused to rec-
ognize the government. At this time Uruguay rebelled against
Brazil, and the Buenos Ayres Congress declared that Uruguay was
reunited to the confederation. This promptly produced a declaration
of war from Brazil. Peace was patched up, on terms which the
Argentine people did not like. They therefore overthrew Rivadavia
and made Dorrego President. Buenos Ayres really exercised little
authority over the country at this time. It was ruled for a short time
by Dorrego ; the province of Santa Fe by Lopez ; Santiago by Ibarra ;
Cordoba by Bustos, and Cuyo by Quiroga. Dorrego was overthrown
by General Lavalle, and in trying to escape was captured and assassi-
nated by Lavalle Js personal order.
Civil war, or rather anarchy, now broke out in all parts of Argen-
tina; every man's knife was against every other man's throat; scenes
of horror and bloodshed were so common as to lead one to believe the
whole nation had become insane. The war lasted two years, led by
Lavalle on one side, and by Lopez, Quiroga, and Rosas on the other.
In December, 1829, Lavalle was defeated by Rosas in conjunction
with Lopez.
John Manuel Rosas now became the most conspicuous figure in
Buenos Ayres, while Quiroga occupied a scarcely less exalted position
in the outer provinces.
Juan Manuel de Rosas was a guacho, — that is, a cow-boy. His
parents were wealthy, and lived in Buenos Ayres. They possessed
vast cattle ranches in Southern Argentina, and from his childhood
Rosas had lived among the cattlemen. He was a splendid horseman,
260 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
fearless and reckless, with a brutal disregard for human life and with
great personal force of character and organizing ability. When he
had reached the age of twenty-five, he was the recognized leader of
large numbers of the semi-savage desperadoes of that part of Argen-
tina. In 1820 the cavalry cow-boy troop of Rosas had been chiefly
instrumental in placing General Rodriguez in power at Buenos Ayres.
When Rosas defeated Lavalle in 1829, he became nominally the
Dictator of Argentina; but Quiroga, no less terrible than himself,
withstood him for a long time in Cuyo and other outlying provinces.
Rosas, in a grasp of iron, held Buenos Ayres and the vast outlying
districts for twenty-two years. Quiroga's grasp was on the remainder
of the country for much of that period. The reign of terror which
endured for this period has never been known in any other country,
except in Paraguay under the bloody Lopez. Thousands of murders,
betrayals, and intrigues took place; twenty-five or thirty thousand
men were slaughtered in useless battles between themselves. The
combatants usually fought under the black flag, and all prisoners
taken were massacred. At Tucuman five hundred prisoners were
murdered, after they had laid down their arms.
Rosas maintained his authority through the terror inspired by his
desperate guachos. He organized a secret society of assassins, called
the Massorca, the members of which handed in lists of names for
assassination, — of those alleged to be disaffected or suspected of
hostility to Rosas. Women, as well as men, were subject to assassina-
tion at his will, and in all that part of the country in which he had
authority a paralyzing fear filled the people. No man's life was safe.
As the bloodthirstiness of Rosas increased, his exceeding vanity grew,
until he began to believe himself to be greater than mere man. At
his order the coins of the country were stamped with his image, under-
neath which was printed "Eternal Rosas." Hordes of flatterers
followed him, and newspapers lauded him as they have since praised
Lopez, Guzman Blanco, Cipriano Castro, and the rest. Rosas
assassinated his oldest friend, the man who had been as a father to
him. If a man should wear a blue ribbon in Buenos Ayres, he was
a marked man, for red was the color of the faction of Rosas, and blue
was held to be the sign of treason. How many thousands of people
he and his tools destroyed, of which no record was ever made, is
impossible to guess; but there are official reports of the following
assassinations: poisoned, 4; killed with swords, 3765; shot, 1393;
throats cut, 722. It is also estimated that more than 23,000 men, on
behalf of Rosas, fell in the continuous battles and skirmishes with
Quiroga and other Jefes.
Rosas was, like most of the other military Dictators, bitterly op-
posed to foreigners. He committed numberless outrages against them,
and France and Great Britain were compelled to blockade Buenos
Ayres in 1835. Finally, all the elements opposed to Rosas made a
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 261
great effort, under General Urquiza, who had been one of his chief
lieutenants. Urquiza had defeated the enemies of Rosas, the Uni-
tarians and Colorados in 1842, and been appointed Governor of
Entre Rios. He, however, was not an insane despot, and he ruled
his district decently, cultivating the friendship of Uruguay, Brazil, and
Paraguay.
The bloody Rosas came to distrust Urquiza and attempted to oust
him. The inevitable rupture came in 1846. Thenceforth bloody
war raged. In 1851 Brazil joined with Urquiza, and the Colorado
faction of Uruguay came to his support. After many battles General
Urquiza completely overthrew Rosas at Caseros, near Buenos Ayres,
on February 3, 1852. The army of Rosas had proved treacherous.
Of 20,000 men which he had, more than 10,000 turned against him.
Rosas sought refuge at the British legation, was placed on an English
man-of-war, and thus escaped. He died, March 14, 1877, on a farm
near Southampton, England.
JUAN FACUNDO QUIROGA
Juan Facundo Quiroga was born in 1790, of poor parents, in the
province of Rioja, Argentina. In early youth he was regarded as a
desperado, and soon became leader of a band of robbers. With these
robbers, or "revolutionists," which increased in number the farther
he went, he raided cities, overthrew the local "governments," and as
Argentina was at that time practically in a state of anarchy, he had no
great difficulty in seizing Jujuy, Rioja, San Juan, Mendoza, Cata-
marca, Tucuman, and other places. On February 20, 1827, the
Argentines under Alvear defeated the Brazilians at Ituzaingo, and as
a result of that victory a peace was declared, which was unpopular in
Buenos Ayres and led to the overthrow of Rivadavia, — an upheaval
in which Dorrego became temporarily Dictator of Buenos Ayres, only
to be overthrown and assassinated by Lavalle. Quiroga had estab-
lished himself securely as Caudillo, or ruler, of Cuyo, and aided
Juan Manuel Rosas in the revolution against Lavalle.
Meanwhile Quiroga was practising the most inconceivable atroci-
ties on his own account. Sarmiento says of him :
"He did not believe in God, in any morality or virtue. He had a mag-
netic will, and to exercise this thrilled him. He was like a hawk when the
bush-bird comes before him. In the line of battle his soldiers trembled with
terror, not of the enemy, but of their own chief, who strode behind them
brandishing his lance. They fell upon the enemy merely to put something
between their eyes and the figure of Quiroga, which haunted them like a
phantom."
Many of his acts were brutal in the extreme. It is said that he
caused men to be assassinated merely because he fancied they had
262 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
laughed at him. He murdered a girl whom he had promised to marry.
At Mendoza he caused twenty-six of his own officers to be shot. He
murdered his own son, with his own hand, in cold blood.
In 1834 Quiroga and Rosas became bitter enemies and fought
each other to the death. Quiroga had gone to Buenos Ayres, where
he soon had a great following. While there, a great revolt occurred
in Quiroga's provinces — those of the North — and he returned to
settle it. But he had made an enemy of Rosas, and of every human
being in his district, except the cut-throats in his band, most of whom
were treacherous. He soon found himself hunted like a wild beast.
He might possibly have escaped, had it not been for his insane frenzy,
which seemed to make him think that he could not be killed. He
was accompanied by Dr. Ortez, whom he desired to make President.
A friend of Dr. Ortez warned them that a company was stationed at
Barranca-Yacco with the intention of murdering them ; but Quiroga
paid no heed. He drove like a madman right into the jaws of certain
death. His driver was stabbed, and Quiroga, leaning out of the
coach to know what was the trouble, was shot through the head, and
his body pierced with a sword.
FRANCISCO SOLANO LOPEZ
In 1862 Francisco Solano Lopez declared himself elected Presi-
dent of Paraguay. From that date until March 1, 1870, when he was
killed, his career surpasses that of any other tyrant who has ever
ruled in the Western hemisphere. Descriptions of these eight years of
destruction and desolation will be found in other chapters of this
work, a record of the practical annihilation of a nation. The reader
interested in the details of this black period is referred to the "History
of Paraguay" by Charles A. Washburn. It is unnecessary here to
attempt even to describe the ferocity and malignity of Lopez. The
bare recital of his deeds would horrify the reader. He tortured his
own mother and murdered his brother. Innocent people were either
tortured or assassinated in thousands to gratify his thirst for blood.
The Hon. Charles A. Washburn, commissioner and minister
resident of the United States at Asuncion from 1861 to 1868, thus
pictures this tyrant:
"In person he was short and stout. His height was about five feet four,
and, though always inclining to corpulency, his figure in his younger days
was very good. He dressed with great care and precision, and endeavored
to give himself a smart and natty appearance. His hands and feet were very
small, indicating his Indian origin. His complexion was dark, and gave
evidence of a strong taint of Guarany blood. He was proud of his Indian
descent, and frequently used to boast of it. As he could not pretend to be
of pure Spanish blood, he would rather ascribe his swarthy color to a mixture
with the Indian than the negro race. Hence he was as prone to talk of his
TYPICAL LATIN-AMERICAN DICTATORS 263
Indian ancestry as ever were the descendants of Pocahontas. He also had
many of the tastes peculiar to the savage. Before going to Europe he dressed
grotesquely, but his costume was always expensive and elaborately finished.
He wore enormous silver spurs, such as would have been the envy of a guacho,
and the trappings of his horse were so completely covered with silver as almost
to form a coat of mail. After his return from abroad he adopted a more civ-
ilized costume, but always indulged in a gorgeous display of gold lace and
bright buttons. He conversed with fluency and had a good command of lan-
guage, and when in good humor his manners were courteous and agreeable.
His eyes, when he was pleased, had a mild and amiable expression ; but when
he was enraged the pupil seemed to dilate till it included the whole iris, and
the eye did not appear to be that of a human being, but rather of a wild
beast goaded to madness. He had, however, a gross animal look that was
repulsive when his face was in repose. His forehead was narrow and his
head small, with the rear organs largely developed. He was an inveterate
smoker of the strongest kind of Paraguayan cigars. His face was rather flat,
and his nose and hair indicated more of the negro than of the Indian. His
cheeks had a fulness that extended to the jowl, giving him a sort of bulldog
expression. In his later years he grew enormously fat, so much so that few
would believe that a photograph of his figure was not a caricature. He was
very irregular in his hours of eating, but when he did eat, the quantity con-
sumed was enormous. He was a gourmand, but not an epicure. His drink-
ing was in keeping with his eating. He always kept a large stock of foreign
wines, liquors, and ale, but he had little discrimination in the use of them.
. . . Though he habitually drank largely, yet he often exceeded his own
free limits, and on such occasions he was liable to break out in the most
furious abuse of all who were about him. He would then indulge in the
most revolting obscenity, and would sometimes give orders for the most bar-
barous acts. When he had recovered from such debauches, he would stay
the execution of his orders if they had not already been enforced. ... It
would generally be too late, the victims having already been executed.
"Of the three most noted tyrants of South America, Francia, Rosas, and
the second Lopez, all have been distinguished for one quality, — that is,
personal cowardice. Francia was in such perpetual fear of his life that he
kept himself constantly surrounded by a guard, and imagined that an assas-
sin lurked behind every bush or wall or building he passed. Rosas was a
notorious coward. Many instances in which he showed the most craven
fear are well known to the older residents of the Plata. But the cowardly
nature of Lopez was so apparent, he scarcely took pains to conceal it. He
never exposed himself to the least danger when he could possibly avoid it.
He usually had his headquarters so far in the rear that a shot from the enemy
could never reach him. Nevertheless, such a thing was possible, and he
therefore had another house built close adjoining the one in which he lived,
surrounded on all sides with walls of earth at least twenty feet thick, and
with a roof of the same material, so thick that no shot or shell that might
light upon it could ever penetrate deep enough to do any damage. While
all was still along the enemy's lines, Lopez would bravely remain in the
adjoining house; but so surely as any firing was heard in the direction of
the enemy's nearest batteries, he would instantly saunter out in feigned care-
lessness, trying hard to disguise his fear, and slink into his hole, and not
show his face again outside until the firing had ceased. ... At the very
264 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
time he was thus hid away from danger he had his correspondents for the
Semanario around him, writing the most extravagant articles in praise of
his valor, his sacrifices, and his generalship. The people of Paraguay could
never pay the debt they owed him, who, while they were living in security
and abundance, was daily leading his legions to battle."
Colonel George Thompson, in his history of this dark period,
draws a like picture. He writes :
"One evening I was waiting to see Lopez, as were also several officers,
and a sergeant of the guard entered into conversation with me. After a
short time there was a great stir, officers going in and out of Lopez's room,
the guard relieved, and the other officers who were waiting all arrested. One
of Lopez's aides-de-camp came and said to me : ' His Excellency sends word
to you to write down all the conversation you have had with the sergeant
of the guard and bring it to-morrow morning.' I went away, not expecting
to be able to remember a twentieth part of the silly talk of the sergeant ; but
as things looked serious, I tried, and probably remembered it all. It filled a
whole sheet of paper, and was all of it somewhat in this style: 'The sergeant
asked me if Queen Victoria always wore her crown when she went out to
walk. The sergeant asked me if I should wear the Paraguayan uniform when
I went to England.' It was sealed and taken next morning to Lopez, about
7 A. M. He was not up yet, but the sergeant was already shot, and all the
soldiers of the guard had received one hundred lashes each."
As this man continued in his career, the atrocities committed by
him were so inhuman as to be unbelievable. He compelled the
priests to betray the secrets of the confessional to him; he had his
own sister dragged by brutal soldiers naked through the woods and
left there to die. He imprisoned and tortured members of the United
States legation, and had spies and well-paid assassins around him.
His career, in short, has had no parallel since Nero. And yet the
man has had his defenders among writers, diplomats, and others.
PART III -THE DICTATORSHIP AS A KIND
OF GOVERNMENT
CHAPTER XXV
CLASSIFICATION OF LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES
FOR the purposes of discussion Latin-American countries may
be divided into three groups, as follows :
1st Group: Mexico, Peru, Argentina and Chili;
2d Group: Costa Rica, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay;
3d Group: Santo Domingo and Hayti, Nicaragua, Salvador,
Guatemala, Honduras, Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, Bolivia.
I. THE FIRST GROUP
The material prosperity of Mexico within the past twenty-five
years, the radical advancement which it has made along the path of
civilization, is one of the marvels of the world. Not that Mexico is
to-day to be compared, either in its political or social systems, with
truly enlightened countries, or that it is in any sense of the term a
republic, but that it has in so brief a time made such a wonderful step
in advance of its previous condition of anarchy, revolution, and brig-
andage, entitles it to be considered as almost unique among nations.
The real progress of Mexico commenced with the advent of
Porfirio Diaz as Chief Executive. He fought his way into power, just
as preceding Presidents, and at the commencement of his reign was
surrounded by the old elements of lawlessness and destruction which
abound so plentifully in all Latin- American countries.
But Diaz did not follow in the beaten tracks of other Dictators.
A man of vast intellect, of great force of character one of the tremen-
dous personalities of the world, he soon grasped firmly the reins of
government, and from that day to this he has been the government of
Mexico. He is not merely Chief Executive; his great personality,
his unapproachable power of organization, his tremendous will power,
his unflinching courage, his broad and enlightened statesmanship,
have permeated, dominated, and controlled every artery and nerve
of Mexico. He has added honesty, love of justice, and noble ambitions,
with a sincere love of his country and people, to his other great charac-
teristics, and he is unquestionably fairly entitled to be regarded as one
of the world's greatest characters. In his personal character, no less
than in those qualities which have secured him such conspicuous
fame as a Chief Executive, Porfirio Diaz is justly entitled to the love,
admiration, and veneration of mankind.
268 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
With this great character not only at the head of affairs, but com-
pletely dominating every department, as effectually as if it were his
own private property, the history of Mexico during the only period
in which its doings have been of the slightest importance to the
world is in fact the personal biography of Porfirio Diaz.
He was wise enough at the very outset of his administration to
see that the true greatness of his country lay in the direction of
material progress, and he has used his most strenuous endeavors not
alone in attracting foreign capital to his country, but in affording it
ample guarantees when once there. The influx of foreigners, particu-
larly Americans, into Mexico during this period has been amazing,
the great majority of them men of resolution, resources, and enter-
prise. The statistics prepared by U. S. Consul General Barlow in the
city of Mexico show that no less than five hundred millions of dollars
of American capital are invested in that country at the present time.
Most of this capital is profitably invested. The Americans in Mexico
are generally well treated by the government, and although there are
many things in Mexico which fall short of the high plane reached in
our country, many mediaeval laws and customs still survive, which
I shall duly criticise, yet, on the whole, the progress of Mexico has
been so marvellous, and the government so admirably adapted to the
people who inhabit the country, that usually nothing but words of
praise will be heard from the foreigner, and a profound wish that the
Great Ruler of Mexico may yet enjoy many years of health and
strength.
The system of government in Mexico is different from that in any
South American country, or perhaps any other country of the world,
and it is worth while to note briefly the peculiar features which make
it such a compact organization.
The government professes to be modelled on the form of that of
the United States, and in so far as words go to make a government,
the pretence is made good. The national government has its execu-
tive, legislative, and judiciary departments, and the federal union is
composed of States, each with its governor, legislature, and courts.
The State is divided into cantons, each with its Jefe Politico, an
executive officer corresponding to the governor of a State, and the
canton is subdivided into municipios, or municipalities.
Mexico has a Constitution much the same as the United States,
and so has each State. These Constitutions provide for the complete
separation of the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments, and
prescribe the times and manner of holding elections. Theoretically
the elections for President, Governors, etc., should be held in Mexico in
the same manner as they are held in the United States.
The real government of Mexico is, and has been, Diaz ; its organ-
ization is perfect, absolute, autocratic ; the Czar of Russia has never
been able to exercise the same unbridled power in his domains. Every
LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES 269
Jefe Politico in Mexico reports daily to the Governor of the State;
every Governor reports fully to the city of Mexico. No boat can sail
up a river, no movement of a body of men, however small, can occur
without it being immediately known in the proper department of the
central government. The Jefe Politico is at once sheriff, military
commander, and chief of all departments in his canton. No judge
would order a decision of any importance without consulting him.
The Jefe Politico is, in more senses than one, a powerful man.
The land of Mexico is divided mainly into great tracts, called
"haciendas," usually consisting of many thousands of acres. The
owner of this land is called a " haciendado." He is usually a Spaniard,
and his family is a part of the country aristocracy. Each hacienda
has its complement of peons and their families, the numbers often
running into the hundreds. These peons own their horses and culti-
vate farms or gardens in the hacienda, paying a small rent usually for
the ground. They are under obligation to work for the hacienda at
a certain wage rate, usually very small, for a certain number of days in
the year. The relations of the peons to the hacienda are defined in
their most general aspect by the law, but their several and particular
duties are prescribed by the rules of the hacienda, which must always
be approved in each individual case by the Jefe Politico. It will be
seen that his relations, not only to the hacienda, but also to the peons,
is very close, and that his word is all-powerful. To discuss in detail
the peon system of Mexico is foreign to our purpose here, but it may
be remarked in passing that the peon is by no means a slave, but, on
the contrary, is entirely free; that the system gives him the benefit
of the protection and help of a more intelligent man; that his direct
responsibility to the owner of the hacienda tends to create habits of
industry and to restrain him in the commission of crimes, although
unfortunately drunkenness is universal rather than otherwise, for each
hacienda has its store where liquor is sold.
What the Jefe Politico is to his canton, the Governor is in a
higher degree to the State. No laws are passed except such as he
approves, no members of the legislature are elected except such as are
satisfactory to the executive department and completely under its
control. The judges are in no less a degree the absolute creatures of
the executive department, and must be in perfect working harmony
with it. Nor do the technicalities of judicial procedure interfere with
the executive department in matters conflicting with its policy. It is
unquestionably true that thousands of men in the past have been shot
in Mexico by executive order, without trial and without reference to
the law ; and it may be added, with equal candor, that in nearly every
case they ought to have been shot. The power thus held by the
executive, although great and dangerous in the extreme, has been
their salvation and has seldom been abused. It is a species of the same
power which in early days in the United States lynchers were com-
270 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
pelled to adopt, in order to rid the country of dangerous characters,
and which, although occasionally abused, generally was salutary. In
recent years these occurrences have been reduced almost to a minimum,
and it may also be said that the federal courts of Mexico are now in all
ordinary litigation left unhampered by the executive, and the Federal
Supreme Court is a body of really able jurists.
Although this outline is necessarily brief and imperfect, it is suf-
ficiently succinct to enable one to see that it is a personal following
rather than that vital organization which really constitutes a permanent
government. It pretends to be a republic, but it is not in any sense of
the term, nor is there any considerable body of men in Mexico who
have a definite or approximately correct notion as to what in fact
constitutes a republic.
If Mexico were a monarchy, with the definite law of succession
which that implies, and if the people were as loyal to the reigning
house as they are to Diaz personally, every element and condition in
Mexico would indicate stability and permanency. But such is not
the case.
The vital defect of the Diaz government is that there is no method
for selecting his successor. There are the Constitution and the laws,
and they say that elections shall be held. The language used by them
would convey to the people of the United States a definite idea as
to just what should be done in order to select the next President when
the day comes for the retirement of Diaz. But it conveys no such
meaning to the people of Mexico. It is all right to re-elect Diaz by
such pretended elections, for he has the army and all the machinery
of the government with him, but will such an election suffice to seat
the successor of Diaz ? And, if seated, will the personal organization
of Diaz keep him there and support him? These are important
questions difficult to answer. Reflections similar to these lead to the
question everywhere asked, "Despues Diaz que?" "After Diaz
what ? " It seems that the logic of the situation is, after Diaz another
Diaz, or Uncle Sam. Anything else means grave upheavals, with a
backward swing of the pendulum.
Fortunately the United States is close at hand, — a government
which does not depend upon any man or any combination of men,
but an organization as vital and self-existent as the solar system.
Whether or not Mexico remains under exactly its present form of
government is immaterial. Its future is reasonably secure. Foreign
interests are now so vast in Mexico that if a bad government should
succeed the present, precisely the same questions would arise which
led to the Boer war, and the same result would inevitably ensue as in
that case.
The governments of Chili and Argentina are fully as absolute as
that of Mexico, and resemble anything rather than republics, but they
are not personal organizations to the same degree as is the govern-
LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES 271
ment of Diaz. True, the Presidents have dictatorial powers, and the
legislature and judicial departments are under complete subjection
to the executive, but the strength of the latter does not consist in his
personal following so much as in the fact that he has been put forward
as the executive officer by the powerful clique which controls affairs.
This clique of generals and politicians constitutes the real government
of the country. It is the exact counterpart of the Tammany organiza-
tion, with all its corruption and its lawless exercise of power, with
this distinction, that Tammany owes its lease of life to the fact that it
does control a majority of the voters, however ignorant and irresponsi-
ble the majority of them may be, while the machines in Buenos Ayres
and Santiago are never occupied with such trivial and unimportant
things as elections or the will of the majority.
It must be admitted, however, that this form of government,
de facto, however indefensible it may be in other respects, contains
more of the elements of stability than one which depends for its
executive solely upon one man. So long as this clique of politicians
and generals do not quarrel among themselves, so long as they have
the army with them, so long as no man of extraordinary ability and
strength appears to upset their calculations, they will maintain things
in comparative equilibrium.
Given the one simple element of peace, and countries so abundantly
rich and fertile must make some progress, however bad the govern-
ment. Although there have been many and vicious wars and revolu-
tions among them, these disturbances have not been perennial, as in
many other South American countries. The climate of Chili and
Argentina is, in the main, splendid, and large numbers of foreigners
have settled there. The presence of so many English and Germans in
those countries, with a heavy sprinkling of Swiss and other European
nations, unquestionably exercises a wholesome influence on all de-
partments of the government, just as do the Americans in Mexico.
Chili and Argentina are so far away from the United States, and the
interests of England and Germany are so great there, while American
interests are so small, that the ruling clique realizes that it could not
very well appeal to the Monroe Doctrine to defend it, if it should
seriously threaten foreign interests. There is a measure of progress
in these countries, and the standard of civilization is becoming gradu-
ally higher, and the path of progress, though slow and painful, is
reasonably secure.
THE DICTATORSHIPS OF ARGENTINA AND CHILI, AS VIEWED BY
THEODORE CHILD'S "SPANISH AMERICAN REPUBLICS"
" Whether we examine the Republic from the political, the social,
or the commercial point of view, we are equally astounded by its
blatant and obtrusive immorality.
272 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
" The Argentine is a republic in name only ; in reality it is an
oligarchy composed of men who make of politics a commerce. In the
old days the sole object of the Conquistadores was to acquire wealth
rapidly, and such remains the ideal of the Argentines of to-day. In the
colonial days the Spanish or Creole population of the towns lived as
functionaries and parasites, profiting by the labor of slaves and sub-
dued Indian tribes, and their aim was wealth and never civilization.
Hence we look in vain in the old provincial capitals for traces of past
splendor or for monuments such as testify to the collective civic care
of the common weal. In the provincial capitals we find the offices of
the representatives of the authority of Spain and a Church on which
no superfluous adornment has been wasted ; but we see no beneficent
or educational foundations, and no evidences of unselfish social senti-
ments. After the Declaration of Independence the intestine strife
which for years agitated the country had rarely other than motives of
selfish ambition, for to hold power in Spanish America has always
signified to possess the means of rapidly acquiring wealth.
" After the cessation of the wars of Federalists and Unitarians, and
the formation of the actual republic, with its Constitution soi-disant on
the model of that of the United States, the race for wealth became all
the more furious as the development of the commercial relations of the
country helped to create the great fortunes of the Creole estanrieros,
or cattle-breeders. Piqued by jealousy, other Creoles threw themselves
into politics, and became venal functionaries, the aim being always
personal enrichment at the expense of the nation. Nowadays the
Argentine political men, with very few notable exceptions that might
be counted on the fingers of one hand, from the President down to the
humblest local leader, are venal without concealment and without
shame. They are rapacious parasities, like the Conquistadores, like
the colonial functionaries, and like the ambitious adventurers who
furnished the dictators and tyrants of the first half of the present
century. Only at rare intervals does a good, patriotic man spring up
and do something for the country, which, in the normal and iniquitous
state of things, prospers not on account of its government, but in spite
of it. The citizens are always crying out against their rulers, but they
take no means to change their condition. Why do they not act instead
of talking ? This question is natural. The answer is not easy to give
in a few words. Briefly, we may say that the citizens do nothing, and
can do nothing, against their parasitical rulers, because they are not
organized and not prepared or educated for republican institutions.
In the political struggles there are rarely questions of principles, but
always questions of persons. President succeeds President, but the
aim of all is equally selfish, and even if the Opposition were trans-
formed into the Government, the whole result would be that one set
of parasites would take the place of another. In the Argentine,
Uruguay, Paraguay, Chili, and Peru, the political conditions are
LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES 273
more or less the same ; they are ruled by presidents who are as absolute
autocrats as the Czar of Russia, and even more so, because they are
safe from the intrusion or influence of European criticism. The
President of the Argentine or the President of Chili is master of the
whole administrative organization of the country so completely that
no legal and constitutional means can be brought to bear efficaciously
against his personal will or caprice. He not only disposes of the armed
force of the country, but the entire administrative personnel is his
creature and at his devotion. Thus the manipulation of the whole
electoral machinery is under his control, and the citizens enjoy in
consequence a right of voting that is purely platonic. They may vote,
it is true in many cases, as much as they please, but no account is
taken of their suffrages. The whole apparatus of republicanism in
these countries is a farce, and in spite of the sonorous speeches of
after-dinner orators, they have not yet begun to enjoy even the most
elementary political liberty."
II. THE SECOND GROUP
The governments of group two are vastly inferior to those of group
one, yet they are not wholly and completely bad, as are those of group
three. They are, each of them, dictatorships, of course, yet less
vicious and corrupt, less intolerable and depraved than those of group
three. That it would be an inestimable blessing to them and to the
world if they were placed under the control of the United States needs
no argument. Yet, owing to their vast extent and largely to the
immature state of public opinion in our own country, I would recom-
mend a provisional suzerainty over them rather than taking them
completely under our control. It may be that in some manner the
countries of group two will yet work out their own salvation ; it may
be that some enlightened Dictator, like Porfirio Diaz, may arise in
some of them to impress progress upon them, or it may be that by the
adoption of the policy which I recommend in reference to them,
foreign capital and immigration would become safeguarded to such
an extent that they would flow in that direction, and, in the course of
time, bring about substantial progress. Costa Rica for example,
shows many signs of betterment, and is incomparably better than
its surrounding neighbors. Uruguay and Paraguay are bad ; perhaps
I should have classified them in group three, but we will give them
the benefit of the doubt. Brazil is in territory a mighty empire, but in
real progress only an infant. The northern portions are mostly popu-
lated by Indians, with here and there a few trading-posts. The
eastern portion contains large numbers of negroes and mixed breeds.
The southern part of the country contains nearly all the foreigners,
and is that portion which more nearly approaches civilization. There
are many German colonies in this portion of the country, peaceful,
VOL. i — 18
274 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
industrious, — splendid concrete examples to the rest of the country
of the blessings derived from industry and order. If the remainder of
Brazil were equally highly developed, it could take high rank among
the nations. The government of Brazil was a monarchy until 1889,
when a revolution headed by General Fonseca overthrew Dom
Pedro II and established a dictatorship. Each of the States of Brazil
has its own dictator, some comparatively honest, some wholly bad,
and so remote are many of their States and so inadequate the lines of
communication, that the central government in Rio de Janeiro
exercises but little supervision over affairs.
III. THE THIBD GROUP
The governments of group three are wholly bad, without any
redeeming feature, and, so far as I can see, without a ray of hope for the
future. They are lacking in even the most rudimentary elements
which have been influential in raising the governments of group one,
or even of group two, above the level of semi-barbarism. The con-
dition of the governments of group three is fully described in the
successive chapters of this work, with the remark that very similar
conditions, though in a less hopeless and intolerable form, are to be
found in all the countries of group two.
CHAPTER XXVI
THE DICTATORSHIP AS A FORM OF GOVERNMENT
THE dictatorship is a South American product, which, when
viewed as a form of government, deserves either ridicule or
contempt. If everything else in South America indicates light-
ning changes bordering on anarchy, the military dictatorship may
at least be considered as perennial. It has become there a perma-
nent institution. A military dictatorship as thus understood differs
from all other forms, or pretended forms, of government in this, that
it more nearly approaches an ideal condition for anarchy and crime.
There have been tyranny and oppression where there were no dicta-
torships; but outrage in its lowest and most revolting forms is only
possible under a dictatorship of the Latin-American type. The Czar
is always a tyrant, if not actually, at least potentially ; but custom, the
public sentiment of the nobility, the great restraining influence of
foreign powers, with which he is in intimate relation, tend to act as a
powerful restraint, even on a Czar of a vicious character. Further-
more, he is surrounded by a great council of the nobles of the empire,
who actually shape the destinies and policies of the government, and
even the Czar would find himself impotent to resist the firm conviction
of these strong and determined men. It often happens that the Czar
himself is a kind-hearted and respectable gentleman, having a sincere
desire for the welfare of his subjects. The civilization of China,
mediaeval though it be, with its absolute government, affords an
example of stability, even if at the expense of progress. The laws,
however, are more or less uniform, the customs and institutions are
established, and a citizen knows or can easily ascertain just what is
expected of him under given conditions. If he complies with these
requirements, he is secure in his life and property, and the government
becomes a mighty engine to defend him within the limited rights
which it grants him. A uniform law, executed impartially and surely,
however unfounded it may be in reason for the public good, gives at
least this benefit, that the transgressor is forewarned, and any penalty
which may be visited upon him for its violation may be viewed in the
same light as suffering caused by natural forces wherein no moral
question is involved, but merely a conflict with the superior powers.
If the law compelled one to kneel before a cap placed upon a pole,
repugnant to all principles of liberty as such may be, the tyranny is
276 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
less unendurable if applicable to all persons, and not employed as a
means for personal humiliation. But the tyrant who would shoot or
imprison a man because he failed to kneel before the cap, although
he had had no previous notice that such act would be required of
him, is the most intolerable of all. And to this class belong the Dicta-
tors of South America. The specific act of kneeling to a cap may
not have been required, but thousands of other forms and acts of
tyranny have been practised more revolting and no less capricious.
One of Daniel Webster's famous speeches was on the subject of
"Restraints on Executive Power." "Mr. President," he said, in that
speech, " the contest for ages has been to rescue Liberty from the grasp
of executive power." But if the executive power has been a constant
menace to liberty, even in those great nations where the ruler acquired
his position by inheritance, and was not therefore obliged to fight his
way into power; where he was born rich beyond his possible needs,
with unlimited power by orderly process to acquire additional wealth
to his heart's content, and therefore not subject to overweening
ambition and lust of money ; where he was accustomed to the marks
and signs of power from childhood, and hence was unlikely to become
debauched in the dizzy maze of ostentation which, when experienced
for the first time, is so certain to turn the head of a shallow, corrupt,
brutal, or ignorant man ; in short, if the executive power has always
been regarded with suspicion even in those great communities where
powerful public sentiment and long-established customs exercise so
great a controlling influence, then what must we say of that unbridled
and irresponsible power which for the first time comes into the hands
of a military dictator supported by an ignorant, licentious, and semi-
criminal army?
It is scarcely needful to say that a change from one dictator to
another is nothing more or less than a change in the phases of an-
archy. In such a country the favor of the ruling military Jefe is the
only security, and even that is fickle ; for suspicion and intrigue, un-
realizable illusions and extravagant pretensions, are not the atmos-
phere in which firm and lasting friendships are cultivated. True
friendship can be based only on mutual esteem, and no unswerving
loyalty to party or government can be exacted from those who do not
admire and fervently believe in the principles for which such party or
government stands. When alliances are formed for mercenary pur-
poses, even the parties to them must secretly despise each other ; and
the more vociferous they are in their praises of the chief, the more
likely are they to stab him in the back whenever it may appear advan-
tageous to do so.
In South America dictatorships may be divided into two types,
of which Venezuela and Colombia respectively furnish excellent
examples.
Venezuela is a one-man government. The military "boss" there
DICTATORSHIP FORM OF GOVERNMENT 277
is absolutely supreme. The members of the cabinet, although ostensi-
bly government officials of a certain distinction, with definite powers
and functions, are in fact nothing more nor less than messenger boys
of the Boss Dictator. The simplest and most trivial thing in the
government must have his approval, or it is not valid. It is he who
decides upon the appointment of a janitor at a police station, and the
signing of an international treaty ; and it may be that he will devote
as much time and thought to one as to the other. In most cases the
members of the cabinet, or the Presidents of the respective States,
will not even dare to recommend a thing to the man who is called
President, or Supreme Chief, or any other name. If a "concession"
is being considered, the limit of the authority of these functionaries
seems to be to inform him of how much there is in it, and he must
decide. When business has to be done before one of these so-called
governments, it is a question of months to procure even the slightest
consideration. Even when the "rake-off" is large, nothing can be
done for months, since the Dictator always has some hireling trying to
find out if it cannot be increased.
When an ignorant and brutal man, whose entire knowledge of the
world is confined to a few Indian villages, and whose total experience
has been gained in the raising of cattle, doffs his alpagartes, and, with
his machete in hand, cuts his way into power in a few weeks, with a
savage horde at his back who know nothing of the amenities of civ-
ilization and care less than they know, — when such a man comes
to power, evil and evil only can result. Even if the new Dictator
were well intentioned, his entire ignorance of law and constitutional
forms, of commercial processes and manufacturing arts, and of the
fundamental and necessary principles underlying all stable and free
governments, would render a successful administration by him ex-
tremely difficult, if not impossible. But he is surrounded by all the
elements of vice and flattery, and he is imbued with that vain and
absurd egotism which makes men of small calibre imagine themselves
to be Napoleons or Caesars. Thus do petty despotisms, unrestrained
by constitutional provisions or by anything like a virile public opinion,
lead from absurdity to outrage and crime.
The second form of dictatorship, as exemplified in Colombia,
substitutes uncontrolled "ring-power" for the changing chimeras
of one man. The "ring" is made up of military Jefes and semi-
bandits, who "elect" one of their number President, and when he
does not do just what they desire, or fails to divide up fairly, there is
"un golpe de cuartel," and presto, another Constitutional President
is elected. The tyranny of the "ring" in Colombia is greater than
that of the single military "boss" in Venezuela, for the malevolent
powers of one man are limited by physical causes, while that of a ring
is great in proportion to the number of men who constitute it, and
their tenacity in holding together for purposes of plunder.
278 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
But whether the dictatorship is of the Venezuelan or of the Colom-
bian type, its practical results are the same. It is the consolidation
of legislative, judicial, and executive powers in the hands of one man,
who exercises them in obedience to his own unrestrained will or in
response to the demands of a clique. The result is always the same,
— anarchy, desolation, and crime; while industry, education, and
justice are sacrificed.
A South American dictatorship is not a government ; it is a travesty
on government, an outrage on decency, a fungus in the garden of
progress, a blot on the page of history. It can readily be seen that
in such countries rights of person or property are entirely unprotected.
The right of habeas corpus, that bulwark of American and English
liberty, is unknown. As we have shown in the chapter on the judiciary,
such a thing as a free and independent judiciary does not and cannot
exist. In civilized countries the encroachments of an executive would
be met by the fearless decisions of an incorruptible tribunal ; a man
put in jail unjustly would be liberated by habeas corpus, and just
damages awarded him, without any reference to the political power
of his persecutors. But in a country where the judges are not only
named by the military "boss," but where they must serve and obey
his decrees whether they will or no, their only recourse being revolu-
tion, no man can rely upon his rights. Those elementary rights which
every civilized man is accustomed from childhood to regard as un-
alienable are conceded to him, if at all, by such a government, as a
great and special privilege, for which he should yield the most extrava-
gant thanks and flattery to the chief. Every man must receive the
simplest and most trivial concession from the public authorities in a
spirit of servility, although he may not have obtained the tenth part
of what simple justice would vouchsafe him.
The blight of these dictatorships is so deep that no amount of writ-
ing will ever cure it. It cannot be remedied from within; the vital
organs are too far consumed.
LA RECLUTA
Every dictatorship is based upon the power of an unbridled army,
the nucleus or heart of which is composed of criminal elements, but
the body of which is usually made up, in war times, of raw soldiers
obtained by the "recluta. " That the reader may form some definite
idea of what "la recluta" means, I will describe one exactly as it
occurred in my presence.
I was building an asphalt refinery and some other buildings on the
banks of the Rio Limon in Venezuela in the summer of 1901 ; also
a railroad from that point to an asphalt deposit in the interior, a dis-
tance of twenty-seven miles. Some 400 or 500 men were at work at
the grounds on the bank of the river. These consisted of carpenters,
DICTATORSHIP FORM OF GOVERNMENT 279
blacksmiths, workmen, peons, etc., mostly Venezuelans, but including
also quite a large proportion of Colombians, Cura9oans, and other
nationalities. On the railroad, about ten to twenty kilometres from
the Rio Limon, were about 1000 additional men, divided up into
squads of 20 or 30, each with its foreman, cook, tent, etc. Many of
these squads were cutting the right of way through the dense tropical
forest ; others were throwing up the embankment or cutting through
the hills, building bridges and culverts, cutting ties, laying track, etc.
The tents of these men were formed into encampments covering a
space of, say, ten kilometres along the right of way.
One night, a little before dark, a steamboat came up the river. It
tied up at our landing-place. In a few moments our grounds, com-
prising about twenty acres, were surrounded by soldiers. The men
working in the grounds were caught in a trap. They were completely
unarmed and defenceless, while the soldiers had orders to shoot any
one making the slightest sign of an effort to resist or escape. These
men were driven like cattle on board the steamboat and held there all
night. Women and children were shrieking and crying, and a scene
of indescribable confusion prevailed. In the mean time several squads
of soldiers had been sent out along the line of the railroad track to
capture and bring in the laborers there. Arriving before daylight,
while the men were asleep, small bodies of soldiers surrounded the
tents, with their Mausers cocked ; the men were then awakened, and
under cover of the Mausers, made to march like so many cattle down
to the Rio Limon. Along the railroad track, however, the recluta had
not been so successful, for hundreds of the peons had sprung from
their hammocks and fled into the woods like startled deer. Mauser
shots were sent after them, but, owing to the density of the forests and
the darkness of the early hour, they usually went wide of the mark.
One thing a fleeing peon never forgets to take, and that is his trusty
machete. He might not have time to put on his pants or his hat, but
the machete is never forgotten. All these machetes were the property
of the company. They were worth about $2 apiece. In this raid
more than a thousand machetes were stolen, either by the fleeing
peons or by the soldiers. None of them was ever recovered, and the
manager of the company was wise enough to know that the least said
about it, the soonest mended.
As misfortunes never come singly, so the poor peons fared doubly
ill on this occasion. The only practical way in which payment could
be made to the peons was to give their wages to their foremen, or cap-
orals. Payment was made in this manner so that the caporal could
settle the provision accounts of his gang of men and adjust their other
innumerable debts, the residue being divided among the peons accord-
ing to what was due them. The company had found by experience
that it was impracticable to make direct settlement with the peons
individually; so that all the peons of a gang gave the caporal full
280 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
authority to collect and receipt for them and pay their just debts. In
normal times this system worked well ; but on the day in question the
caporals had all just received their money from the company, but had
not yet had time to settle up with the individual peons of their respec-
tive gangs. When the recluta came, every man who could do so took
to his heels, the caporals first of all, carrying the money of the peons
with them. As payday was only once every two weeks, the caporals
had quite large sums with them. It is hardly necessary to add that
many of them were never heard of again.
The men were now herded on the boat like cattle, with nothing to
eat or drink, for at least two days, until they should reach Maracaibo.
Many of them attempted to escape by jumping overboard, but they
were promptly shot. Dead bodies were washed ashore for weeks
afterward. Once in the army these poor fellows are nothing more
than hogs in the shute of an Armour's slaughter-house. Their food is
obtained principally by robbing the small farmers of the country
through which they pass. During the terrible rainy reason, oftener
than otherwise they have no tents or covering of any kind, but sleep
on the ground or on a few pieces of wood under a tree, soaking wet
half of the time. Naturally their ranks are decimated by fevers, and
the terrible scourge of dysentery thins them out worse than the battle's
blast. These are the men who are put in the van of a battle. There
are always a few trusty troops in the rear, so that if they start to run
they are between two fires. Generally speaking, these recruits do not
know what they are fighting for and do not care. They obey orders
in the stubborn spirit of a mule ; they may resent, but they are com-
pelled to yield without stopping to argue. The recluta takes many
forms. A peon may start to market with his burro, when he will be
seized by soldiers, and without one word hurried into the army. His
provisions will be confiscated, for they are always needed, and so will
his burro if they require it, otherwise it will be turned loose. When
the peon fails to return home, his family will learn the facts of his im-
pressment from some one who witnessed the affair. In tens of thou-
sands of cases this is all that is ever known of the poor fellow, for the
government which has seized him takes no further interest in the mat-
ter. Whether fevers, dysentery, or the enemy's bullets lay him low, is
never known. The wife and children weep for a time, the old mother's
gray hair becomes whiter still, and the eternal hopelessness which en-
velops all South America hovers a little closer over them.
One strange thing about these reclutas, noted by every observant
foreigner, is the fact that it is the honest, working peons, who are en-
gaged in some occupation, who are always caught. The drunkards,
the loafers, the gamblers, the semi-criminals, always seem to escape.
The government always has its attention directed to any enterprise
where men are employed, and when soldiers are needed, that is the
first place to be raided. A saloon or a gambling hell may be filled with
DICTATORSHIP FORM OF GOVERNMENT 281
peons a street distant, but it will not be molested. It is literally true
that all conditions in South America tend to stultify ambition to work
or own property, and the recluta is no exception to the rule.
Nearly all administrations in the respective South American coun-
tries promise reform in this particular, but no promise is ever kept.
The next monthly revolution witnesses the same reclutas and sees
thousands of boys who can scarcely lift a Mauser forced into the
ranks. When the "generates" meet on the field, they settle it some-
times with the machete and Mauser, at other times one buys the other
out. The army of the bought general serves with equal fidelity in
the ranks of the other. And he is the greatest general who by re-
clutas, purchased or otherwise, can get the biggest army together.
For all that, many of their battles are sanguinary enough. "Why
don't all these peons become outlaws when they are turned loose ? "
I cannot say. "Why is a mule a mule?" Because it is a mule, I
suppose.
Into whatever classification the political student may divide
governmental states, whether these be monarchies, aristocracies,
plutocracies, hierarchies, republics, or democracies, he certainly can
find no place for the dictatorship as seen in Latin America. The
dictatorship there is no form of government at all ; it is a caricature
on government, and were it represented on the stage, would be
accounted a burlesque.
CHAPTER XXVII
SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS
" Mr. President, what is an individual man? An atom, almost invisible without
a magnifying glass, a mere speck upon the surface of the immense universe ; not a sec-
ond in time, compared to immeasurable, nevei^beginning, and never-ending eternity;
a drop of water in the great deep, which evaporates and is borne off by the winds ; a
grain of sand, which is soon gathered to the dust from which it sprung. Shall a
being so small, so petty, so fleeting, so evanescent, oppose itself to the moral march of
a great nation, which is to subsist for ages and ages to come ? " — HENRY CLAY.
EACH succeeding Dictator or Military Jefe in Latin America is
greeted with rapturous and vociferous acclaim ; he is hailed as
the Great Deliverer for which the world has been long waiting.
It matters not that the same paeans have been sung a thousand times
before ; it matters not that the vile objects of the adulation have proved
a disgrace to the nation and humanity, nor does it matter particularly
that the new-comer has waded through blood and pillage to his post ;
a concourse of sycophants is always ready to receive him with flattery
and adoration. Naturally as extravagant and ornate in speech as
a newly rich negro is in clothing and personal decoration, the Latin-
American is apt to describe an ordinary ball as a function which
would fill European monarchs with amazement, or an edict by some
half-breed chief as the mightiest bulwark of democracy on the earth.
When it comes to painting word pictures of the immaculate and in-
comparable hero, who has recently thrown off his alpagartes and cut
his way to power, no other language than the Spanish, and no other
people than a mixture of Spaniard, Indian, and Negro, would be equal
to the task.
For the purpose of studying this peculiar phase of Latin- American
character I shall give here a few examples, none of them by any means
exaggerated.
(From EDUARDO O'BRIEN in El Combate, Caracas, December 4, 1903.)
The last revolution, if we be permitted to qualify it as such, was a bloody
test for Castro and his men. It was the ultimate proof to which was sub-
mitted the work of the Restoration in the presence of the entire country, and
from which General Castro emerged victorious, as Hercules in his battle with
Antonio, and as Jupiter in his campaign against Cyclops. Castro vanquished
SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS 283
the giants who believed themselves to be arbitrators of the Republic and pro-
prietors of the steeds of Mars, and from the blood which flowed out of the
arteries of the monsters were born the public liberties which will illuminate
the pages of our history, and the military esteem which will elevate discipline
to a practical and sacred dogma.
New men require grand convulsions in their vicinity in order to make
them known. The lightning, in order to illuminate the twilight, must shock
the clouds, and it produces the thunder which terrorizes and intimidates.
The flakes of foam which poetize the beach need the tempests of the ocean
to raise the waves and break them upon the rocks. And great men, to com-
mand with imperial grandeur the national conscience, need the boisterous
deeds of arms to cover themselves with an immortal fame, and the Homeric
triumphs which give them glory and renown.
Aristides was thrown down by Atenos, and afterwards saved his country,
being acclaimed as the most virtuous citizen of the Republic.
Napoleon before Marengo, Wagram, and Austerlitz was considered as
a simple official, obscure and humble.
Bolivar was poorly spoken of by his countrymen, and foreigners referred
to him as an insurgent, and his friends doubted the soundness of his judg-
ment. Who then is surprised that General Castro was not considered as he
really is prior to the rout of Victoria, and his resolute and patriotic attitude
in front of the international emergency ?
It is true that his campaign from the Andes to Caracas had a colossal suc-
cess. But this campaign was a lightning flash, and because lightning is so
rapid it astounds but does not convince.
Castro has triumphed, and citizens and strangers, friends and enemies,
everybody without distinction of politics or social hierarchy, bow before him
as the most majestic figure — and why not say it ? — as the only majestic
figure which the country possesses.
n
A stranger who may at first think these eulogies fit for ridicule
would, after he had read a hundred columns of such ecstasies, probably
think them only mildly amusing. Here is another sample from El
Constitutional, Caracas, August 18, 1904.
EVERYBODY APPLAUDS
Since the early hours of yesterday a sympathetic agitation of public en-
thusiasm has dominated all opinions. Every one has bursted forth in ex-
plosions of applause and in commentaries about the character and energies
of General Castro.
These applauses and these manifestations are condensed in a popular
shout which may be translated thus:
DOWN WITH THE MONOPOLIES!
Happy the Magistrate who, interpreting the sentiment of the people deeply
embedded in their own proper feelings, can say, with the unimpeachable au-
thority of the high individual honor of General Castro:
284 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
DOWN WITH THE MONOPOLIES!
This ingenious protest of the Chief of the Country signifies subjection
and destruction, which is a sacred cry, and whose echoes revive hope in the
industries to a life of activity ; invigorates labor in its efficient action ; creates
the grandest progress of the associations, and vivifies in the national spirit the
love of peace and liberty, in the defence and protection of labor, production,
and regeneration.
This telegram of General Castro demonstrates the disposition of the char-
acter of our citizenship, its love and enthusiasm for the normal in our in-
stitutions, which represent the highest attributes of justice and equity.
Since the national peace has been restored for the benefit of the Republic,
there does not pass a day but what General Castro surprises and gratifies
public opinion with measures filled with equity, and inspiration, in the august
Empire of Labor.
It is explained, then, perfectly, without the enthusiasm of partisan boast-
ing, the creation of this immense popularity which lives palpitatingly in the
sphere of the Great Chief.
It could not be otherwise. The Venezuelan people who have been until
yesterday the victims of the lying promises of Power, see to-day a Hero,
victorious and acclaimed by the multitude, speaking the truth in the lan-
guage of candor and simplicity, awaking the people from the immense
sleep of pessimism which weighed down upon them, in order to give them
the fruition of a flattering future in the realities of a political and social
regeneration.
For this the work of the Restoration and its Conductor have experienced
extraordinary events, which have animated the soul of the Commonwealth,
making it vibrate in austere tones in unison and in patriotism.
General Castro continues in this pathway, destroying the sad heritage
of monopoly which has come to us from the tyranny of preceding regimens,
in which the statue of the law, and the grandest energies, remained with hands
tied at the post of secular conventionalities.
Forward ! Grand Chief of the Restoration ! Those of us who know you
have full conviction that you will not recede in the road you have commenced.
Forward ! The future does not and cannot belong to those who vacillate
in supreme decisions which they owe to the public, in the exercise of the
supreme authority attained by them.
Whatever may be thought of General Castro, "surprising and
gratifying public opinion with the measures filled with equity and
inspiration in the august Empire of Labor, " we know that he has
practically destroyed the last vestige of industry and civilization in
Venezuela.
Ill
Here is a biographical sketch, quite picturesque in its narrative,
by ANDRES MATA, in La Revista Telegrafica, Caracas, January,
1904.
SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS 285
CASTRO
Year, 1886; location, a city of the Occident, at the foot of the mother
Cordilleras. The afternoon fell over the mountain city, and an animated
group of political personages conversed familiarly in the office of the Coman-
dante of Arms.
One of them, the Comandante, son of Caracas, accentuated the interest
of the dialogue in terms which piqued the Andine pride. "I observe," said
the Comandante, "that the principal regions of the country have invaded
martially Caracas, and impressed upon the Federal Capital the most distin-
guished of their Chieftains. All the principal regions can record one or more
irruptions towards the capital, except the Andine provinces."
"I will be the one that will invade it," answered arrogantly a youth
of lustrous and pallid countenance, touching with his right hand the
left side of his belt, in the erroneous belief that even now he carried
the sword with which he was soon to distinguish himself in the local
revolts.
Who was that youth who expressed himself so arrogantly, leaving his
hearers transfixed with admiration ?
That young official, of pallid, lustrous countenance, ample forehead, deli-
cate appearance and Napoleonic stature, — aspects which might have been
observed in conjunction after his unexpected "I will be the one to invade
it," — governed civilly for a short time his province; was elected legislator
of the Republic; commanded armies; was never defeated in the field of
battle; exiled himself voluntarily; fortified his spirit in exile; nourished
his cerebro in solitude, beneficent friend of grand souls; and when our in-
stitutions were endangered and the Republic clamored for a Savior, he passed
the San Antonio as Csesar the Rubicon, and from combat to combat, victory
to victory, opened with the edge of his sword the doors of Caracas, and as-
cended with pomp the grand stairway of the Federal Capitol, escorted by a
group of heroes, whom on the banks of the San Antonio he had rendered
fanatical in former days by the eloquence of his inspired word and the expres-
sive candor of a never defeated combatant.
That young official of 1886 personified character. To-day Castro is more
than a character or a man of reputation. To-day he is the country's glory,
because that character has been refined in the crucible of the most complex
obstacles, and this exalted character is ennobled and developed and logically
fortified in the national conscience.
It is the glory of the country, because that youth with his unexpected "I
will be he who will invade it," has known how to fraternize in his being the
virtue of valor with the virtue of intellectualism. It is finally a glory for the
country because he with his own proper resources has carved his statue, and
with his own heroic deeds raised it to its pedestal.
Above this pedestal Justice will tell to future generations that that pallid
youth saved our institutions, conquered the greatest of all revolutions, which
had enveloped the country in blood, purified the political atmosphere, gave
a mighty impulse to the upward movement of the country, raised the national
honor to the highest apex of glory, silencing the warlike insolence of three
powerful European nations, without soliciting the aid of any people on the
earth.
286 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Castro, the Savior, crossing the San Antonio as Csesar did the
Rubicon ! Upon such stuff is the Latin-American mind fed.
IV
The final test of all things is the truth. If Castro were in fact a
well-meaning or honest man, though ignorant, we might overlook the
exaggerated praises of his personal friends. But the facts are that
Castro is one of the most brutal, depraved, vicious, and wholly corrupt
men that ever assumed the reins of power. The same laudatory lan-
guage has been written, printed, and spoken thousands of times, of
Marroquin, Nunez, Morales, Barrios, Balmeceda, Rojos, Gil y Wos,
Reyes, Guzman Blanco, Crespo, and most of the other Latin-Ameri-
can Dictators.
Those who have doubted the transcendent virtue of Castro should
read the following:
PARALLELS— GUZMAN AND CASTRO
(El Combate, July 25, 1904)
Guzman and Castro are two parallel lines, in that no difference how long
their extremities may be prolonged, they never meet. Guzman Blanco was
the legitimate heir of an old servant of the country, whose name became illus-
trious as Secretary of Bolivar and Paez, and gained laurels in the fields of
journalism. Guzman harvested what was sown by the author of his days,
and entered the political stage enveloped in an aureole of a popular man.
Meanwhile Castro owed everything to himself, to his personal bravery
and discernment, having assistants like planets, who seconded his gigantic
work, it is true, but only as the sun has in its majestic career, shining when
the stars are not present.
Guzman was acclaimed by a party. Castro formed it, he made it, he
brought it forth from nothingness, and it carried him to the Capitol.
Guzman owed everything to the Liberals. The Liberals owe everything,
to-day, to Castro.
When Guzman Blanco gave a sumptuous ball, the rabble whistled at the
doors of his house. Meanwhile they carry Castro with enthusiasm from his
home in order to decorate it with unheard-of munificence and splendid
entertainment.
Guzman arrived in power, crossing an immense field of cadavers. Castro
ascended the grand stairway of the Yellow House beneath triumphal arches,
the testimony of his former enemies.
The day following Guzman's taking of Caracas by fire and blood, there
were in the rotunda eight hundred prisoners of war. And twenty-four hours
after the flaunting of the banner of Castro from the Capitol, there were put
in liberty the same prisoners, which political convenience and the spirit of
conservativeness would have demanded to keep well guarded.
Guzman gave commands to fight, but he did no fighting. Castro com-
manded and fought with the sword and Mauser.
SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS 287
Guzman disembarked in Curamichate with vast quantities of munitions
and arrived in the environs of Caracas with six thousand men. Castro in-
vaded the territory of Tachira with seventy-four friends, badly armed, and
when he gave the immortal battle of Tocuyito, he had scarcely three thousand
men.
Guzman bought men in order to overcome the revolutions. Castro casti-
gates traitors so that they may not sell men.
The Hero of April divided the Fatherland among buccaneers in order to
sell it afterwards at auction to the foreigners. And Castro gathers with pious
hands the bonds of the Fatherland, so that the foreign creditors may not soil
even one of them.
Guzman descended on occasion between burlesque and infamy, after
having erected statues to glorify his life. Meanwhile Castro ascends to the
zenith amid applause and joyous acclaims, throwing down the idols of flesh
so that to-morrow they cannot make out of them idols of bronze.
Guzman and Castro !
Castro and Guzman !
Parallel lines which will not encounter each other — never !
V. THE PATHWAY OF THE GREAT CHIEF
(El Constitutional, Caracas, December 28, 1904)
We all know General Castro will arrive wherever his duties lead him,
because he has conscientious regard for his obligations before the Country
and the Cause.
He has triumphed until to-day, and he will triumph to-morrow also.
There exists in his disposition such wisdom of doctrine, proposals so noble
for good and the well-being of all, that the efficiency of these dispositions is
the voice of permanent hope, which conducts us forward victoriously. This
attitude creates in those who surround him, not only persevering faith and
enthusiasm, but the stimulus which agitates groups of individuals to the
compliance of duty and of obligations. . . . No one, then, is called to equi-
vocation, nor venal deception, nor temporizing, with the Great Chief, in his
pathway, which is already perfectly outlined.
Castro commands: then nothing which is not of Honor can hope his
favorable decisions, which are inspired always in the Saintly Cause of Justice,
and shielded by the Sacred Emblem which Right has consecrated in all its
formulas.
With the vision directed to the Capitol, and the thought to the destinies
of Venezuela in the future, nothing will carry him in a wrong direction. . . .
Faith and Forward !
The Great Chief has already fixed the direction for the triumphal march
of future progress.
THE PRESIDENT OP THE STATE OP CARABOBO TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE STATE
OF ARAGUA:
Upon congratulating you upon the transcendental act in the life of Democ-
racy, it gives me extreme pleasure to signify to you that the people of Carabobo
abound also in the same patriotic proposals, . . . because the designation
288 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of General Castro to preside over the destinies of Venezuela is a universal
aspiration of the Republic.
The people of Bermudez proclaim unanimously, in the form of a plebis-
cite, your magical name, which synthesizes peace, order, and grandeur of
the country. ... It is the most eloquent proof that the Liberal Restoration
continues to go by tranquil waters to the realization of its grand ideals."
P. HERMOSO TELLERIA.
CUMANA, September 26, 1904.
With indescribable enthusiasm, presage of greater glories for the country,
the people of Penalves have pronounced in favor of the candidacy of the
Savior of the National Honor, the Illustrious General Cipriano Castro. . . .
For this manifestation of justice and admiration towards the grand virtues
of our Invincible Chief, we have the patriotic satisfaction to present to you,
Gallant King of Arms of the triumphs of the Cause of Restoration, our most
sincere congratulations.
Signed by a Committee,
DE PIRUTU.
September 26, 1904.
VI. THE FOUNDER OF PEACE
(El Ciudadano, Maracaibo, August, 1904)
Castro burned the black flag of the disturbances on the pyre raised by
victory. . . . There is a heroism of the battlefield and a heroism of the
Cabinet: Castro possesses both. Here is the supreme will which the Re-
public needs ! He does not belong to the class of military braves who become
enervated beneath the dome of the royal palace, and are guilty of weakness
before the indifference of vulgar illusions. He did not come to seat himself
as a blind man in the Supreme Chair in order to serve the pusillanimous
factions, fluttering with pride, and threatening; he did not come to submit
to halfway methods, but to subdue, to direct, to determine their location and
direct them along the path of order and regeneration. To this aspiration
of spirit we owe the resurrection of confidence which has extended far be-
yond the horizon of the Commonwealth; to it we owe the luminous flashes
of hope, which, as a happy augury, spring forth beneath the ashes of the
hecatomb.
Destiny charged him to give a deadly blow to chronic anarchy, dishonor-
ing the revolutionary tumults, burning with dark ambitions. Anarchy dis-
honored cannot raise its face for shame. Castro has conquered the spirit of
disorder, and is therefore the Founder of Peace. This title expresses his de-
cisive influence in the life of the Republic. The Great Chief can accept it.
Simple in form, it does not wound the modesty, nor provoke the laughter
of the envious. . . .
The Roman soldiers, in the apogee of the Republic, saluted their victo-
rious generals with the title of Imperial Majesty, inclining before them the
golden eagles of the ensigns of the legions. . . .
Castro is Castro . . . and the Honorable Title, Founder of Peace, is
simply a translation of a fact, the formula of a Herculean enterprise, the syn-
thesis of the work of a man who, dominating his epoch, has been able to
SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS 289
establish himself solid as the eternal bronze, strangling the fabulous monster
of Venezuela with "the hands of his energy."
Founder of Peace ! Conqueror of Anarchy !
VII
It would seem as if this peerless, immaculate, " invicto " Jefe
Supremo is to be seen in his most sacred light when he is destroying
monopoly, — by which is meant the few foreign enterprises which are
left in Venezuela ; while at the same time he is granting concessions
to his generals for speculative purposes only, monopolizing every
department of industry, and utterly destroying everything in the
nature of free enterprise, thereby throwing out of employment practi-
cally all laborers in his own country, and reducing them to a condi-
tion of poverty worse than any system of peonage or serfdom ever
witnessed in any other country. And yet his satellites have pro-
claimed his crimes as virtues, and attempted to justify his gigantic
system for the levy of blackmail as a patriotic policy. The following
is one of numerous similar examples :
DOWN WITH THE MONOPOLIES
(Don Timoteo, Valencia, August, 1904)
The voice of the Chief of the Nation has been heard in solemn occasion,
as he treats of nothing less than the welfare of the public, for which General
Castro has always had an abundance of sympathy. Those who oppress the
people, those who try to infringe their sacred rights, those who squeeze out
the blood of the people by means of shameless monopolies, cannot be friends
of General Castro, nor good co-workers in his administration, because the
most anxious solicitude, like a torrent, of General Castro, is to correspond
to the love which the people profess for him; and his administration is one
of public liberty, of absolute guarantees, and of veneration for the laws which
rule the Republic. The most glorious pedestal of the Restoration, which the
blind, the vainglorious, and the evil-intentioned have not cared to compre-
hend, is that which is founded in respect for alien property, and in the guaran-
tees of industry which can only prosper under the protection of a government
equitable and truly liberal.
These monopolies, . . . these whose vehement desire had been to de-
spoil the people, contravening in this manner the luminous program of the
Revolution of the Restoration, — these have no applause for the Chief of
the Country in the present moments ; but the people, highly gratified, acclaim
the Magistrate, enemy of the monopolies.
Nothing is so gratifying as the applause and blessings of the people.
VIII
These extracts are but a few examples selected at random from
the press of Venezuela. They indicate very inadequately the low
VOL. I — 19
290 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
stage of public morality to which Latin- America has sunk. The very
atmosphere surrounding the Dictators is filled with debauchery and
indecency. An ignorant man, of a naturally unstable mental equi-
librium, arrives at the capital at the head of a victorious army, or in
virtue of a bargain with the faithless cabinet of the previous Dictator ;
such a man suddenly finds himself surrounded with all the parapher-
nalia of corruption and the polluted but enticing blandishments of
the unscrupulous or the fanatical — is it any wonder that he loses his
head and becomes a leader of a rabble of madmen ?
Day after day, in unending phrase, streams of such vile adulation
are poured out by the press, in the public circles, in the Capitol and
the halls of the government. Thousands of newspaper columns are
filled with this kind of rubbish ; so that wherever one travels there is
no escaping the sight and sound of fawning and maudlin man-worship.
What at first was laughed at as a joke, and later tolerated as a
national idiosyncrasy, finally becomes an intolerable nuisance, more
disgusting than the stenches which arise from the sewage flowing in
the streets, or the carrions disporting themselves in the garbage boxes
on the sidewalks. Any man may be gratified by judicious commenda-
tion of friends, and insensibility to praise or blame is by no means a
distinguishing mark of an exalted character. But commendation and
condemnation alike must be submitted to the canons of truth, and be
within the bounds of reason. There is neither sense nor decency in
the incoherent laudation which greets the oncoming of a Latin-Ameri-
can Dictator whose star is just then in the ascendant. Men who have
the appearance of rational human beings, with some education and
dignity of character, disgracefully debase themselves before the new
"hero"; others follow suit, and the new arrival soon believes him-
self to be a Napoleon, a Caesar, and an Alexander all in one.
No American can understand this mercurial, volatile, hysterical,
vociferous, erratic, unconstrained temperament; extreme in every-
thing, — in politeness, in cruelty, in revenge ; almost totally devoid
of stability, solidity, or rationality ; in fine, that strange commingling
of excitability, hospitality, superstition, absurdity, impracticability,
subserviency, which is at all times ready, in the better as well as the
lower classes, to greet each successive vagabond military chief as the
Savior of Society.
IX. FATHER FIDEL MAIZ PRAISES LOPEZ
The greater the tyrant in Latin America, the more the people
praise him — to his face. This fulsome flattery is as difficult to ana-
lyze as it is disgusting. At times the adultation is sincere; at other
times it is hypocritical, designed to curry favor with the Dictator;
and still again, it is the result of torture, the child of fear, written or
spoken to relieve one's self of present dangers or future torments.
SEMI-DEIFICATION OF THE DICTATORS 291
To the latter class probably belongs the eulogy pronounced upon
Lopez by Father Fidel Maiz, a priest who fell under the displeasure
of the tyrant and was imprisoned. To reinstate himself with Lopez
and reduce the tortures practised upon him, he wrote a letter at Paso
Pucu, on November 17, 1866, confessing the commission of grave
crimes, — although as to the nature of those crimes the letter is very
vague, because, in fact, the priest had done nothing wrong.1 This
letter was very grateful to Lopez. It was in part as follows :
Who could bring me forth from such a deplorable state ? How could a
stop be put to those indefinable aspirations of my heart, and cut short my
wild chase after the madness of the age ? None but the very God of Heaven,
none but Francisco Solano Lopez, who occupies His place upon earth. . . .
Only He was able to call to me with his Sovereign voice, as to another Lazarus :
Come forth ! . . . only he (Lopez) has known how not to break the bruised
reed and not to quench the smoking flax : . . . only He has been able, fin-
ally, to convert me from the error of my way, to save my soul from death,
and cover the multitude of my transgressions.
Wlfo but a Francisco Solano Lopez, full of mildness and suavity, and
employing with the most surprising skill all the resources of the most intimate
knowledge of the human heart, — of the most consummate knowledge in
all branches of science, whether religious and moral, historic and social,
philosophical and juridical, canonical and civil, sacred and profane, —
could cause that where sin abounded grace should much more abound, that
as sin reigned to death, so also may grace reign through justice to eternal
life?
O the grace ! the ineffable grace of my pardon and liberation ! How can
I esteem it, or even admire it sufficiently? . . . There are no examples in
history, there are no images in nature, there are no colors in art, there are
no figures nor flowers in rhetoric, adequate to describe and appreciate this
most singular grace as it really is, and its reality can only be believed by con-
sidering the amazing magnanimity of soul, and the actions, all of them so
rarely and wonderfully glorious and noble, of him who has granted that
pardon. . . . Let us pray continually that his precious and never-to-be-
replaced existence may be spared for ages and cycles of ages. Let his im-
mortal name resound unceasingly from our lips ; let his glorious image abide
forever at the bottom of our hearts; let his august Person be the entire ob-
ject of our contemplations; let us think in Him, think with Him, think by
Him, let us not sleep, let us not wake, but under the sweet and vivifying in-
fluence and under the beneficent and refreshing shade of Francisco Solano
Lopez, who is so justly the glory, the honor, and the joy of his country,
its only and entire hope.
Full of gratitude, of respect and love, let us venerate, applaud, and exalt
this prodigiously Divine Being, this Guardian Angel, this Anointed of our
people whom the Lord has given us in pledge of his divine paternal protection,
and of that adorable Supreme Providence which watches ever for the pres-
ervation of innocent and inoffensive nations like Paraguay, to insure their
happiness. . . .
1 See Washburn's History of Paraguay, vol. ii. pp. 61-62.
292 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Saint Bernard used to say he had no pleasure in reading or in conversa-
tion unless the name of Jesus were perpetually used ; that Jesus is honey in
the mouth, melody in the ear, and joy in the heart. I do not hesitate to say
as much, for my own part, concerning him who holds His place among our
people.
Ah ! Francisco Solano Lopez is for me more than for any other Paraguayan
a true Father and Savior; and for the same reason his is also for me very
especially the only object of the new affections of my converted heart. May
He deign to look ever propitiously upon his prodigal son prostrate at his
feet.
FIDEL MAIZ.
ENCAMPMENT OP PASO Pucu, November 17, 1866.
What madness could have seized the priest that he should have
thus indited such a blasphemous laudation of one of the most inhu-
man monsters of history ? That it was not wholly the exhalation of
fear is seen in the fact that after writing this letter, and continuing
in his attitude of indecent sycophancy, Padre Maiz became the
favorite of Lopez, and supplanted Bishop Palacios, the represent-
ative of the Pope in Paraguay, who was soon afterwards taken out
and shot, utterly without cause, by orders of Lopez. Padre Maiz
continued to be Lopez' spiritual adviser, and remained with him to
the end, being taken prisoner when Lopez was slain, in the battle
which ended the war.
CHAPTER XXVIII
THE ALLEGED ELECTIONS OF LATIN-AMERICAN
COUNTRIES
TO speak of Spanish-American elections is like talking of snakes
in Ireland — there are none. There is this difference, how-
ever: in Ireland there is tradition to the effect that snakes
did at one time exist there, but that they were banished by Saint
Patrick ; in Spanish America there never has been anything resem-
bling an election. It is true they speak and write there of elections ;
the newspapers print reports of them in Mexico or Colombia or
Argentina; and it is probable that ninety-five Americans out of a
hundred suppose that they have elections in those countries similar
to those they have at home or in England. The United States gov-
ernment, however, is better informed ; and every American consul or
minister in Spanish America realizes that an election is a ridiculous
farce and pretence. These authorities, however, have never taken
the trouble to lay the facts before the American people.
I. How ELECTIONS ARE HELD IN MEXICO
It is difficult to say whether the authorities of Mexico are them-
selves ignorant of the meaning of the word "election," or whether
they go through their quadrennial farce with the intention of deceiv-
ing the masses of the people, who have no more knowledge of the
Australian ballot system than they have of the precession of the equi-
noxes. Certain it is that occasionally a pretended election is held in
which the candidates desired by Diaz are unanimously elected, and
just as certain is it that the "elected" candidates are the only ones
nominated.
Elections are held in the following manner: The judges of elec-
tion, designated by the Jefe Politico, sit, on election day, out in the
plaza, or in some other public place, with a big show of books, papers,
pens, ink, etc. As the citizens pass along, these judges ask them for
whom they wish to vote. A man who votes for the government can-
didate is certain to get his vote counted, and a man who is foolish
enough to oppose the government candidate will have no attention
paid to his vote. If he becomes obstreperous, he will be locked up
in jail. No serious indiscretion on his part would be tolerated, and
294 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
the time is not remote when he would have been shot as an enemy
of his country for such an offence. It is needless to say there is no
campaigning, speech-making, or any of the red-fire accessories which
render a political contest so picturesque in the United States ; in fact,
the elections pass off without one person in fifty knowing that there
was even a pretence of such a thing going on. Just what the object
is for holding these "elections, " I have never fully understood, unless
it be a desire to comply with the letter of the Constitution. At the
same time I would add that had the elections been conducted to really
express the choice of the voters, Porfirio Diaz would have been over-
whelmingly elected every time. He is looked upon by the people of
all classes in Mexico with a respect and veneration seldom accorded
a ruler. Truth also requires me to add my opinion that at no time
within the past twenty-five years could an active, open candidate for
the presidency against Diaz have lived in Mexico for six months with-
out being either imprisoned or banished.
II. ELECTIONS EN OUR SISTER REPUBLIC ARGENTINA
Elections in Argentina are thus described by Frank G. Carpenter,
in his work on South America:
" During my stay in Argentina a new President was elected. General
Julio A. Roca, the Ulysses S. Grant of the Argentine Republic, was again
chosen as the head of the government. His election did not mean that he
was the choice of a majority of the Argentines, but merely that he was the
strongest man in the small coterie that governs the country. South American
elections are not like those of the United States ; each nation is only nominally
a Republic, and the people have only a nominal right to vote. A few persons
in each country really control everything political, and the ballot boxes are
stuffed to suit their designs and conspiracies. In Buenos Ayres the elections
are held on Sundays in the porches of the churches. Outside the church
doors are tables, around which sit several seedy-looking men, the receivers
of the election. The ballots are of paper, and are dropped through slits in
the boxes. Many voters hand their ballots to the receivers and ask them to
vote for them. One man often repeats his votes, giving another name at each
repetition. The receivers recognize the fraud, and are a party to it; at least
they do not object. The better class of the people realize the impossibility
of a fair election, and refrain from voting. As an instance of how things are
done, take the last election for Senator in Buenos Ayres. The city has a
population of 800,000. At the election there were only 2000 votes cast, whereas
reckoning one vote to each family of five, there must have been 160,000 pos-
sible votes. The election lists are scanned by the candidates beforehand, and
added to or taken from as desired. . . . This corruption in politics extends
to every part of the Republic."
III. ELECTIONS IN OUR SISTER REPUBLICS CHILI AND PERU
Elections in Chili, like those in Mexico and Argentina, are simply
humbug. A pretended party division exists of Conservadores and
LATIN-AMERICAN ALLEGED ELECTIONS 295
Liberates; but the real power in Chili rests in the hands of about
two hundred families. The really active members of this political
ring are very much fewer, and it is this ring which decides who shall
be President. The people have nothing to say about it; indeed, the
only way in which they could obtain the right to vote and have their
votes counted would be through a revolution. Even this method
would prove of little avail, since the masses are not competent to
vote, had they the right.
Notwithstanding these undoubted facts, writers on Latin America
continue to assert that genuine elections and republics exist there.
These statements are made so often, and by men of such high stand-
ing, that they are apt to pass unquestioned by people who do not
know the facts. Marrion Wilcox, in the "North American Review"
(June, 1903), quotes Senor Calderon, the Peruvian minister, who
states that "the majority of the Republics of South America live in
peace"; and as for his own country, he was able to say that "revo-
lutions belong to the past," that "order is an accomplished fact, the
Presidents being legally elected, and succeeding each other with the
regularity ordained by the Constitution."
That most of the South American countries live in peace is, I
fear, too good to be true. But when Senor Calderon speaks of elec-
tions, it is evident he has no conception of the meaning of the word
as understood in the United States.
On this point I shall quote again from Frank G. Carpenter, one
of the keenest and most trustworthy observers, whose book, published
in 1901, was written after more than a year's constant travel and study
in nearly every Spanish- American country:
"It was in company with the secretary of the American legation that I
called upon Nicolas de Pierola, the President of Peru. His Excellency had
appointed two p. M. for my audience, and at that hour we entered the long one-
story building which forms the White House and the government offices of
the Republic. Soldiers in uniforms of white duck were at the door, and as we
passed in we went by a company of infantry ready for immediate action in
case of revolution. Additional rifles stood along the walls in racks, and we
seemed to be in a fortress rather than in the capitol building of a country sup-
posed to be ruled by the people. Peru is a land of revolutions. Its present
Executive is a revolutionist, who gained his position after months of hard
fighting. In the houses and churches of Lima you may still see the holes
where the cannon balls of his soldiers went crashing through. He besieged
the city, and for days his army fought with that of the former President in
the heart of Lima. They had Gatling guns trained upon one another, and
swept the streets with them. The dead were carried out each morning by
the cartload, and there were so many dead horses that they could not be
buried, but were sprinkled with coal tar and burned. The end of the revolu-
tion was the deposition of the old President Caceres, and the election of the
present Executive. President Pierola's career is a typical one. It illustrates
the ups and downs of South American politics, and shows us how Republics
296 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
are managed below the Caribbean Sea. Nicolas de Pierola is the son of a
Peruvian scientist, his father having been a co-worker with Alexander von
Humboldt, Sir Humphry Davy, and Von Tschudi, the noted Austrian philoso-
pher and traveller. Pierola was born in Southern Peru. He was educated in
Paris, where he married the granddaughter of Iturbide, the unfortunate Em-
peror of Mexico. On returning to Peru at the end of his school days, he
began his life work as editor, supporting the President. A revolution over-
turned the administration, and Pierola was banished. This revolution was
succeeded by another, with one of Pierola's friends at its head, and the young
man was brought back to the capital, and made Secretary of the Treasury,
He had hardly received his seal before the President who had been last driven
out appeared before Lima with another army, and again Pierola and the exe-
cutive he had been supporting had to leave. Then the war with Chili came
on, and Pierola was called back to be one of the generals in the Peruvian
army. His soldiers were defeated, but, the President having fled the country,
he became Dictator. After a short time, however, the Chilians conquered,
and deposed Pierola. He was ordered to leave the country, and fled to France.
Later on Caceres, who had been elected President, became very unpopular,
and Pierola returned to raise a revolution against him. Caceres accused him
of treason ; he concealed some guns on Pierola's estate, and based his charge
on their discovery by the soldiers sent to find them. Pierola was arrested,
brought to Lima, and confined in the palace. One day a French lady called to
see him. She was admitted, and the two were left alone awhile in Pierola's
cell. During this time they had changed clothes, and an hour or so after it
was supposed the lady had departed, the guards found that Pierola had passed
out instead, and that all that was left of him was his brown whiskers, which
he shaved off in order to perfect his disguise. Pierola fled to the mountains,
raised an army, and declared war. He skirmished about the country for
some time, and then attacked Lima. After three days' fighting President
Caceres was forced out of office, and a provisional governor was appointed
until an election could be held. At the election Pierola was chosen President
by an overwhelming majority. Thus trained in revolutions, the President
is too good a soldier to sleep upon his arms. He does not go about without
guards, and during our visit to his residence we found soldiers everywhere
present. As we went on through the palace, going through one room after
another, we passed many officers in uniform, until we met the President's
private secretary, who told us that the palace, the President, and himself were
at my disposal."
The statements made by Mr. Carpenter are accepted by every
one familiar with Peruvian affairs. When Simon Bolivar said
" Our elections are combats," he stated the truth ; and they remain
combats to this day.
IV. NOT EVEN THE RUDIMENTS OF REAL ELECTIONS IN LATIN
AMERICA
Elections in Mexico, Peru, Chili, and Argentina, being of the
character which has been described, it may readily be inferred that they
are even less dignified, if that were possible, in the other countries of
LATIN-AMERICAN ALLEGED ELECTIONS 297
Latin America. In Santo Domingo, Colombia, and Venezuela revo-
lutions and anarchy take their place. The vast majority of the
inhabitants of those countries are no better acquainted with the ballot
than a Hottentot. The highest and most intelligent classes have no
real idea of what is meant by an election, and it would be difficult to
explain it to them; with the peons, any word to represent the fact
would be as intelligent as another, since it would assure no correspond-
ing idea. In Russia, even, there is at least the primary symptoms of
democracy, for in the village communities the majority rules, in all
affairs affecting community interests, by means of a sort of town
meeting, where the affairs of the community are discussed and de-
cided. But in Latin America there is not even this attempt to
arrive at an expression of popular opinion. In no function of gov-
ernment, by no method or manner, is the voice of the people or of
any portion of the people of the slightest weight, influence, or conse-
quence. And yet prominent writers would have us believe that
elections of some sort really exist in those countries. Among this class
it is worth while to call attention to statements made by Mr. W. L.
Scruggs, in his book entitled "The Venezuelan and Colombian
Republics":
"South American revolutions are either local or general. They are said
to be local when the state or provincial offices are in dispute, and to be general
when the federal offices are involved. In both cases the pretext is usually
some real or fancied irregularities at the polls, or some alleged failure of the
federal administration to redeem its party pledges. In neither case are the
masses in the slightest interested, for, as a rule, they care little or nothing
about politics. They generally vote as they are directed by the bosses, and
are quite indifferent as to who shall fill the little offices. The commercial
and financial classes are almost equally derelict. They seldom attend a
primary, and rarely vote at a popular election. The whole machinery of
government is abandoned to the professional politicians. The party managers,
or bosses, usually get together and 'fix up a slate,' as we would say; a packed
primary ratifies the arrangement, and this, in turn, is ratified by the form of
an election at which perhaps less than ten per cent of the property owners
ever attend or vote. Even on extraordinary occasions when there is some-
thing like a full vote, there is rarely a fair count. The result is that the de-
feated candidate seldom acquiesces in the result."
So peculiar a mixture of half-truths and falsehoods, containing as
it does so much that is absurd, it would be difficult to compress into
so small a space. Mr. Scruggs undoubtedly intends his brief descrip-
tion of an "election" in South America to apply to Venezuela and
Colombia, since it is of those countries his book purports to treat.
Let us for a moment examine his statements.
When he says that "their pretext is usually some real or fancied
irregularity at the polls," the logical inference would be that "polls"
of some kind really exist. As a matter of fact there are not, nor
298 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
have there ever been, any polls in Venezuela or Colombia, irregular
or otherwise, and Mr. Scruggs, who has been American minister to
both of these countries, ought to have known this. The Presidents
of those countries are "elected" with the machete; no ruling Dic-
tator is ever defeated except by a revolution; every official of the
government is appointed by the Dictator in Caracas or in Bogota,
and holds his office at the will of the latter. The Chief Justice of
the Supreme Court, the President of the Senate, is as liable to be
deprived of his position and thrown into jail at the whim of the
ruling military "boss" as is the janitor of a police station.
Mr. Scruggs says, "The commercial and financial classes are
almost equally derelict; they seldom attend a primary and rarely
vote at a popular election." We are to infer from this that these
classes are in some manner to blame for neglecting their political
duties; that the primaries and elections exist, and that all that is
needed is to attend them and vote.
The falsity of Mr. Scruggs' statements lies rather in the inferences
which they involve than in any direct or positive statement; and for
this reason they are calculated to foster grave misunderstandings.
The fact is that there are not nor have ever been any "primaries " or
"popular elections" in either Venezuela or Colombia, or in San Do-
mingo and Central America; while the "elections" in the four most
advanced countries are of the nondescript variety already described, —
in fact, they are not elections at all. In reading Mr. Scruggs' article,
the mental processes of the writer remind us of the operations of
the toreado worm, which twists as it enters the wood, so that it is
difficult to tell where it entered or where it came out, if it ever got
out. If any financial or commercial man in either of those countries
should make any effort to "attend a primary" or take any other part
in government affairs, he would be locked up in jail, his property
confiscated or destroyed, or perhaps he would be banished by an
edict of the Dictator. It is hardly possible that Mr. Scruggs can
be ignorant of these facts.
V. POPULAR ELECTIONS ARE ENTIRELY IMPOSSIBLE m LATIN
AMERICA
It must not be inferred from the above statement of facts that I
believe elections ought to be held in Spanish- American countries,
or even that it is practical or possible to hold them. I simply record
the facts. Being averse to humbug, I wish people to understand
and know the truth; and the truth is that there are no such things
as real elections in Spanish- America, nor in any part of it. To my
mind the important thing is to maintain a good government, law, and
order. If these can be brought about by popular elections, well and
good ; but if not, then let them be brought about in some other manner ;
LATIN-AMERICAN ALLEGED ELECTIONS 299
since the maintenance of law and order and the protection of life and
property are the very indispensable and prime functions of a govern-
ment. Until these are established, theoretical discussions as to the
form of government are a waste of time. It suffices to know that a
discussion of the question of suffrage in connection with the people
of Latin America would be absurd. Popular elections would be simply
impossible. Dr. S. Ponce de Leon, a distinguished Latin- American
scholar, from whom I have frequently quoted, shows a just apprecia-
tion of this view in his Estudio Social :
"The Colonial System of Spain, which was founded principally on igno-
rance and oppression, could only produce weak and abject people; in them
it was impossible to have either virile intelligence or exalted character. There
could be no virile intelligence where books, pamphlets, and newspapers were
proscribed and consequently thought enchained; where there did not exist
academies, nor lyceums, nor literary nor political forums, establishments
which are intellectual gymnasiums; where they impeded the flight of the
spirit, thinking in this manner to drown the aspirations of liberty. There
could be no nobility nor elevation of character where terror forever reigned ;
where a systematic oppression accustomed the subjects to a blind and humili-
ating obedience to one arbitrary and despotic will; where the most trivial
actions of life were supervised by a gendarme or soldier ; where a man habit-
ually saw on all sides violences and revenges, and if, perhaps, sometimes there
arose within him against these outrages the natural sentiment of manly dig-
nity, a still greater violence proved that self-respect is not permitted to men
who live under the colonial yoke, to men who live the shameful life of slaves.
"Very little adapted was the Spanish colonial education to qualify these
South American people to govern themselves, and much less in order to con-
stitute themselves under a Republican form. What idea did these people
have of the suffrage ? What of the freedom of the press and speech ? Could
they in any manner comprehend citizenship? When the privileged classes
scarcely knew how to read and write; when the masses were born in the
most profound ignorance; when the idea of a republic, as grasped by the
people, was an impracticable Utopia, a monstrosity, fitted only to produce
anarchy and disorder, — how could they have correct notions of the duties
and rights of citizenship ? The colonial education of Spain never in the world
could form republics; and when we obtained our national sovereignty, we
had made only the first step, done only half the day's work ; then there should
have been commenced by every man who felt in his heart the sacred fire of
patriotism, the further crusade to instruct the people in the mode of using the
liberty which they had gained and give each individual the consciousness of
his personal responsibility. But nothing of this was done. After the war of
independence surged the disastrous civil wars, and with them came anarchy,
disorder, ruin, the discredit of our nations, and disdain for the form of gov-
ernment we had constituted.
"Every time a revolution triumphs in these countries, there is a large part
of the inhabitants who thinks that now society is saved and they therefore
look into the future without fear ; they have absolute faith that the intellect-
ual capacities, the pecuniary resources, the civic virtues, and other qualities
of the men who constitute the new government are sufficient elements to solve
300 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
the exceedingly difficult problem of social reconstruction. This is because the
great majority of the inhabitants only see the surface of things ; they do not
examine the depth ; they do not touch the social ulcers nor study their nature ;
they have no consciousness of the gravity of the evil, and think its cure is easy.
This is all the more lamentable because if all should study the structure of the
social body, if they should dedicate themselves to an examination of the few
good elements that can be opposed to an evil which has arrived to acquire a
horrible intensity, they would not harbor illusions in regard to the actual state
of society, nor fail to lend their patriotic services to those to whom is confided
the delicate task of saving this society without possessing, however, the indis-
pensable elements.
"Moral and religious education, which is the most solid foundation of
society, does not exist, speaking in general terms. . . . The father of a family
to-day exhibits towards the education of his sons the same carelessness which
his father did with him. It inspires ingratitude and sorrow to see how this
generation is developing without a single notion of morality ; without knowl-
edge of their most commonplace duties ; without any respect for man or for
society; without instruction; without application to labor; wanting a pro-
fession or employment; filling the gambling-houses and public places; dis-
playing always and in every place an insolent and cynical disregard. And
this child of to-day will be to-morrow the father of a family ; this boy, igno-
rant and corrupt, will be in a short time a citizen, to whom will be entrusted
the salvation of society in the legislator's chair or bench of a magistrate. Can
the question of to-day, in these deplorable conditions, be the hope of to-
morrow ? By no means. How can he educate who has received no educa-
tion ? How can he be a good citizen who does n't know the duties of such ?
How can one respect the individual or the society which has never learned
self-respect? How can one give examples of order and morality who has
developed in an atmosphere of corruption and idleness?"
What this distinguished scholar and thinker says as to the colonial
system of Spain is true; unhappily, the conditions are still worse
under the dictatorships. The throwing off the yoke of Spain, in-
tolerable as it was, made matters worse instead of better. The worst
of civilizations is better than the best barbarism; almost any kind
of government is preferable to anarchy.
That the reader may clearly apprehend the absurdity of even dis-
cussing "elections" in Latin America, authentic reports are given
in the following chapters of recent "Presidential Elections" in those
countries, as reported to the State Department by the minister of the
United States, and published in our Foreign Relations for the cor-
responding years.
CHAPTER XXIX
HOW THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM WORKS
BELOW THE CARIBBEAN SEA
WHEN the Hon. Lewis Baker, with his two daughters, the
Misses Anna and Virginia, left New York on April 29, 1893,
for Managua, as the accredited United States Minister to
Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and Salvador, he probably did not realize
just what a hornets' nest he was running into. The ship in which he
sailed, the Costa Rica, was bombarded at Amapala, and when he
reached Managua, on May 12, he found the legation barricaded with
sacks of coffee and filled with American and other foreign refugees.
Mr. Richard C. Shannon, his predecessor, had left about fifteen days
previously, at about the time a formidable revolution had broken out
which finally resulted in the election of a president. Mr. Baker shall
narrate the facts leading up to this interesting and important event.
On May 23, 1893, Mr. Baker reported to Secretary Gresham as
follows :
"I have to report to you a very sad condition of affairs in this Republic.
For some months a conspiracy had been forming for the avowed purpose of
overturning the established government and installing the members of the
conspiracy in control. The fact was no secret, only the acts were hidden so
far as possible. It was well known that the 4th of May had been agreed upon
as the day for the outbreak ; but at what points the blows were to be struck,
and who were to lead in the revolution were unknown. But some of the de-
tails of the proposed emeute in the army becoming prematurely public, the
blow was struck on the 28th of April by the delivery to the enemy of the mili-
tary garrisons at Granada, San Juan del Sur, Rivas, San Carlos, and other
points in the east and southern portion of the Republic, while the soldiers at
Managua, Leon, and the masses of the people inhabiting the more westerly
departments remained loyal to the government. Five of the twelve depart-
ments, which embrace in large part the wealthiest and most intelligent sec-
tions of the Republic, are in rebellion. . . . Several skirmishes have been
fought at a barranca about two miles from Masaya, a deep cut in the rail-
road leading to Managua, which the revolutionists have fortified with four
cannon behind earthen breastworks. On the 19th instant the government
attempted to capture this important position, but after a brisk fight lasting
several hours, and the loss on the side of the government of many killed and
wounded, the attacking party withdrew."
302 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Mr. Baker, like most other gringos, was of course very anxious
to throw himself into the breach to stop this bloodshed. He there-
fore wrote to President Sacasa, offering his services to "find a basis
for an honorable settlement without further bloodshed and devasta-
tion." President Sacasa was of course willing that Mr. Baker should
"start work conducive to the establishment of peace, harmonized
with the legitimate respect due to the authority and to the dignity of
the Chief Magistrate of the Republic."
The ladies of the foreign residents also organized a "Red Cross"
Society, and set out to take care of the wounded soldiers of both sides.
Mr. Baker procured for their use a locomotive, and placed it at the
disposition of Mr. Frederick K. Morris, for the Red Cross. When,
however, the locomotive got into the lines of the revolutionists, the
engineer deserted it, and the revolutionists seized it for military uses,
leaving the wounded soldiers to dress their own wounds. A hue and
cry was immediately set up that Mr. Baker and the Red Cross were
aiding the revolutionists, and the locomotive incident was cited as
proof. President Sacasa, however, hastened to assure Mr. Baker
that he had not doubted their good faith and integrity.
On May 31, 1893, Mr. Baker reported to Secretary Gresham all
the preliminaries of peace. He had gone to Granada, the capital of
the revolutionists, and had held protracted interviews with them, in
which they claimed they had stronger armies than the government, etc.
Mr. Baker finally got the government and the revolutionists to
appoint three commissioners each, who met and agreed upon a basis
for peace, by which the President, Dr. Roberto Sacasa, agreed to
place the executive power in the hands of Senator Salvador Machado
at twelve o'clock, noon, on June 1, 1893; a constitutional convention
was to be called within four months ; the President and his secretary
were both to be ineligible for election during the first constitutional
period ; the troops were to be disarmed ; expenses of the war on both
sides were to be paid upon an equal footing; military titles of each
side to be equally recognized; and mutual amnesty and uncondi-
tional guarantee for everybody.
On June 1, 1893, Mr. Baker wrote:
"To-day at twelve o'clock I was a witness to the change in the presidency
of this Republic by the resignation of Dr. Roberto Sacasa, and the inaugura-
tion of Salvador Machado. . . . All parties to the agreement seem to be
actuated by high motives and are performing their respective duties in perfect
good faith.*'
We must at least score one for the gringo, — he had brought about
peace. But let us see; what is the old saying- "Don't whistle till
you 're out of the woods " ? However, Mr. Baker was happy, and
he wrote:
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 303
" The people of Nicaragua are naturally a peace-loving, well-meaning
people. They are neither turbulent nor restless."
Mr. Baker had now been in Nicaragua exactly nineteen days, having
arrived on May 12, and the letter from which we quote was written
on May 31; so that there could be no doubt about his knowing the
people. A minister who is not able to understand the character of
the people of Nicaragua in nineteen days would surely be unfit for
his post.
POINTING GUNS AT AMERICAN SHIPS
Other events occurred, however, which seemed to throw some
doubts on the accuracy of Mr. Baker's hasty generalization.
A typical incident is disclosed in the following report from Henry
Palazio, United States Consular Agent, Corinto, on May 11, 1893,
to Captain Johnson :
"In compliance with your request that I should give you an official report
with regard to the steps taken by this government to protect itself against the
revolutionists from approach by sea, I beg to state that a Krupp breech-
loading gun carrying a fifty-pound shell was pointed against the San Jose
yesterday, and against your ship this morning, and pivoted on both ships
from the time of rounding Icacos Point until anchorage. An officer held the
firing-lanyard in his hand, and the slightest accident would have caused its
discharge, and the possible sinking of either ship, especially at such close
range. They probably thought that both ships had called at San Juan del
Sur, supposed to be held by revolutionary troops, although I had officially
advised Governor A. L. Rivas that the 'City of New York* was due this
morning with the new American minister, the Hon. Lewis Baker, on board,
and coming direct from Panama."
How pleasant it must be to sail on a passenger ship carrying ladies
and children, and realize that the guns of a fort are pointed at you,
the firing-lanyard being in the hands of some ignorant black brute
who would rather blow you to Kingdom Come than not !
THE FORCED LOANS
Mr. Baker was so much occupied at the outset with his peace
negotiations that there were other matters which had to be held in
abeyance. The "government" of Nicaragua — that is, the Dictator
— issued a decree, on April 29, 1893, for the collection of a "forced
loan " of $600,000, which would fall, of course, almost entirely upon
the foreigners. The details of this forced loan were most systemati-
cally arranged, each department being levied upon, and the army
directed to collect.
To discuss "forced loans," firing upon passenger steamers, and
other small matters hardly deserves consideration while noble efforts
304 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
towards peace and enduring affection are being negotiated. Let us
return to the thread of our narrative.
On July 17, 1893, Mr. Baker wrote to Secretary Gresham:
"After the peace of Sabana Grande the whole country apparently not only
acquiesced but applauded. . . . But this naturally peace-loving people has
again been plunged into another unfortunate internecine struggle. The presi-
dent of the Republic, Senor Machado, and his chief cabinet minister Seiior
Sanchez, both citizens of the Leon country and sympathizers with that politi-
cal and local sentiment, had, in company with General Avilez, the general
of the army, made a visit to Leon. As they were about to depart from the
city, an attempt was made to capture and imprison these gentlemen. Machado
and Sanchez were quite easily captured, but General Avilez eluded arrest, and
arrived in Managua some three days later. This rebellion was headed by
Colonel Anastacio J. Ortiz, who had been placed in command at Leon as
Military Governor on the recommendation of General Zavala. By depriving
the Republic of its President and chief minister, as well as its commanding
general, they hoped to throw the government into anarchy. And in this they
subsequently succeeded. Business is paralyzed, the farms are again robbed
of the labor necessary to make crops, communication with the sea-coast by
rail is cut off, prices of all commodities have extravagantly increased, and
Americans and other foreigners doing business in this country are disap-
pointed and disheartened. . . . On yesterday, Sunday, the 16th, the three
remaining members of the Cabinet, viz. Vigil, Gomez, and Castillo, called
a meeting of the citizens of Managua, Masaya, Granada, Jinotepe, Leon, and
Rivas, for consultation. ... It was proposed that the power be placed in the
hands of General Joaquin Zavala, an ex-President and distinguished citizen
of Nicaragua. The suggestion was received with cheers, and a motion to that
effect was unanimously and enthusiastically adopted. Thereupon a decree
issued to that effect."
Mr. Baker had now been in Nicaragua for two months and five
days. He had already known three different Presidents, and is des-
tined to know more. Mr. Baker now became rather less exuberant
in the exercise of his prime function as a peace-maker.
"While I shall hold myself in readiness to aid by patient counsel and
friendly offices in the establishment of peace again, I shall not be forward
in offering my services."
Mr. Baker had done well ; it takes most gringo ministers longer
than two months and five days to get an infiltration of common sense
into their craniums.
On July 24 Mr. Baker cabled :
"Revolutionists cannonaded Managua from steamers this morning with-
out warning, killing one woman near legation, wounding several persons."
On July 25, 1893, Mr. Adee, Assistant Secretary of State at Wash-
ington, cabled Mr. Baker to
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 305
"present, either jointly with the other diplomatic representatives, or in a sep-
arate note to the titular government, a protest against the waging of hostili-
ties without warning, whereby foreigners are endangered."
Protest ! Protest to whom and against what ? What right have for-
eigners to live in Nicaragua, especially when we have an administra-
tion like that which we then had in Washington ?
In view of this bombardment, Mr. A. H. Rivas, Minister of
Foreign Affairs under Zavala, suggested to Mr. Baker that he would
do well to move his legation to Granada, where the cannon balls
could not reach. Mr. Baker heroically declined, saying :
"It seems to me that my official duty requires my presence, in these times
of trouble, at the seat of the American legation, located at the capital of the
country."
Moreover, he thought the government, in such "able hands," ought
to be able to put down the uprising.
On July 31, 1893, Mr. Baker wrote of the bombardment of the
24th:
"Two steamboats well armed with cannon in possession of the Leoneses
came over from Mototombo between five and six o'clock on the morning
referred to. They commenced throwing shells promiscuously into the city,
without any notice whatever. Each steamer had aboard one modern Krupp
gun of six and a half calibre. Fifty-two shells were fired into the city. . . .
Ten shells passed over or very close to the legation, one of them killing a
woman and wounding a man in a house still farther back from the lake."
Evidently Mr. Baker had no liking for bombardment, since on
July 24, 1893, he addressed a "protest" to General J. S. Zelaya and
the revolutionary junta, saying that he had
"noticed with pain and humiliation an act of barbarism, at an early hour
this morning, committed by officers and men, presumably acting under your
authority and direction. I refer to the bombardment, with death-dealing
missiles, of this city, without previous notice, thus jeopardizing the lives of
American citizens, the citizens erf other foreign governments, women, chil-
dren, and other non-combatants. I need scarcely call your attention to the
fact that such proceedings are condemned by civilized nations throughout the
world, and in the name of the civilized sentiments of this age, in the name of
a common humanity, in the name of the government which I represent, I
enter this my firm and solemn protest.'*
Indeed, and yet these are the people who are well-meaning and by
no means turbulent !
The Junta de Gobierno — that is, the revolutionary body headed
by General J. S. Zelaya — now retorted on Mr. Baker :
VOL. i— 20
306 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
MATEAEE, July 25, 1893.
The Junta de Gobierno, for which I speak in this instance, has been very
much surprised at the harsh and insulting language used by the American
Minister in his said communication, in appealing to the humanitarian senti-
ments of said junta, a language which the junta attributes to the unpleasant
impression created, as you say, by the act of war against the enemy, which
is fortified in that capital, and not to any premeditated intention of offending,
in the name of the government of the United States, a friendly nation like
Nicaragua. . . . Nobody called us barbarians or savages because we made
use of the artillery of the steamers and on land against the besieged place.
There were numerous families there, who retired prudently when they saw
us arriving with warlike purposes. ... As the American minister is pleased
to believe that the revolution of Nicaragua must give him previous notice of
its war operations against the enemy in the capital, I will make it a duty of
courtesy to gratify him, and to give him notice by these presents that so soon
as our land forces occupy certain positions, the artillery at its command on
land and water will fire without interruption until it achieves victory or suffers
defeat JOSE D. GAMEZ.
It will be seen these wretches had not the slightest objection to
be savages ; what they objected to was to be called savages.
On August 5, 1893, Mr. Baker reported that the warring factions
had again met, on July 30, at Managua, through commissioners, and
signed a treaty of peace, which declared peace and amity between
the parties, reciprocal forgetfulness of their dissensions, and ample
and unconditional guarantees for all.
A new Constituyente Assembly was to meet, on September 15, to
frame a new Constitution — "The principle of direct and secret
suffrage is recognized," etc. ; the troops were to be disbanded, debts
of both belligerents to be paid, etc.
As a result of all this, General Jose Santos Zelaya, the head of the
revolution, became President, an election which was on September 15
ratified by the "Assembly." Before his formal election General Zelaya
had of course to "resign " as Dictator. Mr. Baker naively remarks :
"The Assembly accepted the resignation, and afterwards elected General
Jose Santos Zelaya as President of the Republic. This election is for a term
the length of which shall be fixed hi the Constitution which the Assembly
has been chosen to frame."
With all due deference to Mr. Baker, I affirm that General Zelaya
was "elected President" for such length of term as the army would
stand back of him, and overcome the armies which any "rival candi-
date " might be able to raise.
A PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN ECUADOR
Under date, "Quito, September 1, 1895," James D. Tillman,
American Minister, wrote to the Secretary of State as follows :
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 307
"On the 13th and 14th of August General Savasti, Minister of War, in
command of the government forces near Riobamba, was defeated, and his
army, composed mainly of conscripts, was completely disorganized, and went
some to Alfaro, many to their homes, and a few returned to the capital, where
after a week of unsuccessful efforts to reorganize and increase the fighting
force, the struggle was given up, and the chief actor for the government,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Senor A. Rivadeneira, left for Colombia, with
his family, on the morning of the 19th, carrying with him, it is said, about
one hundred thousand sucres, which had been raised by the priests a few
days previously for the purpose of organizing a force, and preparing for the
resistance of Alfaro at the gates of the city. The Vice-President, the Minister
of Finance, and other members of the Cabinet remained in the city, some
of them being in foreign legations and others in their own homes. The wife
and daughters of General Savasti came to the house occupied by me on the
night of the 17th of August, and are still here with my consent.
"Since the flight of Mr. Rivadeneira, and the abandonment of the public
offices by other members of the Cabinet, all the legations have been filled
with women and children, especially during the 18th and 19th of August,
when there was no government, either municipal, provincial, or national, and
when the streets were filled with men and boys firing the abandoned rifles of
the dispersed troops of the government."
On August 29, 1895, Mr. Tillman was officially informed by Senor
Louis F. Carbo that
"On the 5th of August of the present year the people of Guayaquil pro-
claimed General Aloy Alfaro Jefe Supremo of the Republic of Ecuador and
General-in-Chief of the army. This popular proclamation was immediately
seconded by all the provinces of the coast, and by some of the interior," etc.
The rest of the screed need not interest us. General Alfaro had
been elected President, or what not; he would play the game for a
space until some other general dispossessed him ; and the merry-go-
round would keep on going around.
A PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN OUR SISTER REPUBLIC BRAZIL,
IN WHICH THE OFFICIAL CANDIDATE IS COUNTED IN, WITH
NOBODY TO GO BEHIND THE RETURNS
On April 3, 1893, United States Minister E. H. Conger, at
Petropolis, Brazil, wrote the State Department:
"With reference to the revolution now in progress in the State of Rio
Grande do Sul, I have the honor to report that absolutely accurate informa-
tion is impossible to be obtained here, since the federal government controls
the telegraph lines and refuses to give out detailed information ; but as cor-
rectly as can be obtained, this is the situation : There exists in the State two
rival factions, the one headed by Julio de Castilhos, the present Governor,
and the other by Gaspar Silveira Martins. The struggle is on the part of the
308 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
latter and his followers to depose the former, and a majority of the people of
the State are in sympathy with the Silveira Martins party. But the national
government supports Castilhos, and has sent large bodies of troops from this
and other parts of the Republic to uphold him. . . . There has already been
severe fighting, with considerable loss of life."
On May 3, 1893, Minister Conger advised our government of a
rupture in the Brazilian cabinet. Dr. Innocencio Serzedello Correa
had tendered his resignation as Minister of Finance, and Admiral
Custodio Jose de Mello had surrendered the portfolio of Marine.
Senor Correa resigned because of a general disagreement with
the Vice-President, then Acting President, Peixoto. Admiral de
Mello set forth as his grievance "the refusal of the Vice-President
to adopt his views for a settlement of the civil war now in progress
in Rio Grande do Sul." Mr. Conger thought this to be a very serious
rupture, "Admiral de Mello having been the chief organizer and
leader of the movement of November 23, 1891, which deposed Mar-
shal Deodora from his assumed dictatorship, and restored the legal
government with Vice-President Peixoto at its head."
On May 26, 1893, Mr. Conger informed the State Department
that charges had been formulated in the House of Deputies against
Vice-President Peixoto, demanding his impeachment. They charged
him with "numerous violations of the Constitution and laws, to wit,
declaring martial law without warrant, improperly interfering in state
affairs, carrying on unnecessary war, squandering the public funds,
compulsory recruiting for the army and navy, chartering banks of
emission, ignoring legal tribunals," etc.
On June 9, 1893, Mr. Conger wrote that the House of Deputies,
by a vote of 93 to 52, had refused to present articles of impeachment
against Vice-President Peixoto.
On July 24 Mr. Conger wrote Secretary Gresham that the struggle
in Rio Grande do Sul was progressing without any material change
in the situation.
"Several battles have been fought with varying success on each side, no
important advantage, however, having been gained by either. On the 6th
instant Admiral Wandenkolk, one of the foremost officers of the Brazilian
Navy, now retired and a member of the National Senate from the federal
district . . . took possession, either by previous purchase or seizure, at Mon-
tevideo of a Brazilian merchant vessel, the Jupiter, embarked thereon several
hundred pretended emigrants, with a full equipment of fire-arms, including
small artillery and ammunition, and proceeded at once to Rio Grande do Sul,
in front of which city he arrived on the 9th. There he took possession of
a couple of small Brazilian war-vessels and several merchant ships, issued a
proclamation to his comrades in the navy, inviting them to join, and in the
name of 'liberty* urging them to support him, and prepared to attack the
city. The authorities there, however, immediately trained the land batteries
on the fleet with such effect that it was compelled, after three days of manoeu-
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 309
vring, to withdraw, the Jupiter sailing north towards Desterro. There is no
doubt that a simultaneous attack by the revolutionary land forces, under
General Gumerscindo Saraiva, had been agreed upon, but a failure on their
part to reach the coast and co-operate in the attack rendered Wandenkolk's
efforts fruitless. In the mean time the national government had despatched
the cruiser Republica and the steamer Santos from Rio de Janerio, with in-
structions to capture or sink the Jupiter. The Republica came up with her,
on the 15th, near Canavieras, on the coast of Santa Catherina, where she
immediately surrendered. . . . Admiral Wandenkolk was at once confined
in Fort Santa Cruz."
On September 6, 1893, Mr. Conger cabled the State Department
that
" the navy of Brazil has revolted, assumed complete control over the
harbors, and seized all the war-vessels. It has made no attack, but
threatens, unless the Vice-President resigns, to bombard Rio de Janeiro.
..." Admiral Jose Custodio de Mello, of the Brazilian navy, is com-
mander of the revolting squadron. He has possession of the Brazilian war-
ships Aquidaban, Jupiter, and Republica, and a number of merchant vessels
which have been seized in the harbor of Rio. The government has posses-
sion of the fort Santa Cruz, which commands the entrance of the harbor of
Rio de Janeiro, and the army is apparently loyal to the legally constituted
authorities. . . . Foreign commerce has been entirely suspended until to-day,
when restrictions on telegraphic communications were partly removed. One
French ship commenced to discharge cargo to-day. No shipments to for-
eign ports have been made since the revolt commenced. Desultory firing
has been kept up between the opposing naval and land forces, resulting in
some deaths and considerable damage to property."
On September 8, 1893, Thomas L. Thompson, of the United
States legation at Petropolis, Brazil, cabled the State Department
that the Brazilian Congress had declared martial law, and he re-
quested the presence of an American war-ship. He was informed by
cable that the U. S. S. Detroit had been ordered to Rio de Janeiro,
and that the Charleston was then due to arrive there.
On September 11 Mr. Thompson sent to the State Department
a copy of the proclamation of Admiral Custodio Jose de Mello, leader
of the revolutionary movement.
This outburst of Admiral de Mello's secretary was a typical speci-
men of Latin-American bombastes furioses. It commenced :
"The revolutionary movement of the 23d of November had no other
object than the restoration of constitutional government, and the free action
of the constituted powers which the coup d'etat of the 3d of November de-
stroyed, to the general consternation of the nation, and especially of all those
who were responsible for the establishment of the republican government.
The dictatorship of the 3d of November seemed to be utterly irresponsible in
the administration of the finances of the Republic," etc.
310 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Admiral de Mello continued :
"Bankruptcy already beats at our door with all its train of horrors and
miseries. In the fatal decline of power that loses itself, the republican admin-
istration descends to every abuse. Mutilated and wounded innumerable times,
the Constitution of the 24th of February has no longer any form by which it
may be recognized as the supreme law of public liberties and the guarantee
of citizens. Self-willed power reigns everywhere."
Then followed the grand peroration, — the one on which the
changes have been rung so many, many times.
"In the life of nations, as in that of individuals, there are moments for
decisive action. . . . No suggestion of power, no wish for government, no
aspiration to obtaining control by the exercise of violent efforts on my own
part, induce me to enter upon this revolution. That the Brazilian nation
may assume possession of its sovereignty and know how to direct it within
the limits of the Republic, is my desideratum, this my supreme purpose.
Long live the Brazilian nation ! Long live the Republic ! Long live the
Constitution ! "
There have been so many of this type of pronunciamento written
by Dictators, Jefes, Generals, Doctors, and other ambitious patriots,
that it would seem unnecessary to comment upon this. The salient
fact is that although every charge made by De Mello may have been
true, there would have been no improvement by putting a new gang
of freebooters at the public crib. Revolutionists and government are
all of the same class ; it is merely a question of grades and degrees of
badness.
On September 14, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled the State Depart-
ment that "the fort commanding the entrance of the harbor and the
arsenal situated on a wharf in the centre of the city were bombarded
at eleven o'clock in the morning by the revolting squadron, which also
fired a few shells into the city. "
On September 28, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported by cable that
the repeated firing on Rio de Janeiro has resulted in the death of
many non-combatants and the destruction of property; "that the
further bombardment of the city is a danger to American life and
property."
On October 2, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that "upon the
announcement made by the admiral commanding the revolting war-
vessels of his intention to bombard Rio de Janeiro, the French, Eng-
lish, Portuguese, Italian, and United States ministers held on this day
a conference, and advised the commanders of the foreign vessels, who
agreed to do so, to take measures to prevent such bombardment in
case of necessity. He reports that on the previous day the forts in
the harbor were bombarded without results."
On October 12, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that "the previ-
ously neutral fort of Villegaignon has declared for the revolutionary
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 311
cause, and participated in the general but fruitless bombardment on
Tuesday last between the revolting vessels and the three loyal forts.
. . . The revolutionists seized an English barge."
On October 13, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote:
"It is difficult under present conditions to fix the legal status of Admiral
de Mello and the revolting squadron. No favorable demonstration has been
made for them on shore. Almost a constant bombardment of Nictheroy
opposite Rio has been kept up, and though the place is poorly provided with
means of defence the insurgents have not succeeded in getting a foothold
there."
On October 13, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote to Secretary Gresham :
"On the 21st ult. definite news was received of the appearance of the
Republica at Santos, and a detachment of soldiers was despatched to Sao
Paolo to reinforce that point. The 22d was full of excitement. The insur-
gents captured four merchant steamers belonging to national companies,
together with a quantity of provisions. At 3 p. M. heavy fire opened between
Santa Cruz and the Aquidaban, Trajano, and Guanabara, and one of the
torpedo boats, which lasted until 6 P. M. Owing to the remarkably bad
gunnery, neither side suffered much from the firing. One shot entered the
city and killed two persons. On the 23d a bombardment between Santa Cruz
and the fleet lasted from 6 to 9 A. M., during which the Guanabara was struck
by a shell. There was more or less firing all day on the 24th between Santa
Cruz and the fleet. On the 25th about five hundred government troops con-
centrated at the custom-house for embarking and crossing the channel to the
island of Ilha das Cobras occupied by the marine hospital, and guarded by
cadets of the Naval School, thus far neutral. Admiral Saldana da Gama had
raised the 'red cross ' flag over the hospital. As the island with good artillery
would endanger the fleet, it was decided by the government to occupy it. The
insurgents, however, discovered the movement, and the Aquidaban threatened
the first barge-load of soldiers that disembarked. At 4 P. M. firing began, and
there was a rain of shot and shell over the business part of the city. The
batteries on Sao Bento and Castle Hills were also bombarded, and the shots
fell in various parts of the city, as far away as Rua Princeza Imperial. The
troops at the custom house soon retreated, and the engagement came to an
end. On the 26th the attempt was renewed, and Henry T. Watmough, a
London and Brazilian bank clerk, while eating his lunch, was struck by a
piece of shell and killed. The whistle of the shot was heard on the Rua do
Ouvidor, and several shells burst directly over the city. The people fled in
every direction. Many buildings were struck and damaged, though the actual
loss of life was not very great. The government having relinquished the idea
of capturing Ilha das Cobras, there was a lull in hostilities on the 27th. Busi-
ness, however, was wholly suspended in the city. The situation was made
more critical by an order from the Marechal to the shore batteries to fire on
every vessel coming in range. . . . On the 28th a sharp engagement occurred
at the Ponta do Caja, S. Christovao, which was visited by steamers and
launches of the squadron for the purpose of obtaining coal. The insurgents
captured six lighters of coal belonging to the Brazilian Coal Company, the
representatives of Corey Bros. & Co. of Cardiff. ... On the 29th ... a
312 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
boat being seen at the customary anchorage of the Aquidaban flying the
British flag, a launch was sent from the British cruiser to investigate, with
the result of finding that it contained a torpedo and was preparing to blow
up the revolting ironclad. Two well-known Brazilian officers were of the
party, an American named Boynton, an Englishman, and others. They were
taken aboard the British cruiser, charged with illegally flying the British flag,
and subsequently Boynton was turned over to the commander of the Charles-
ton, and is still in his custody. It is also reported that Boynton openly talked
of his intention to blow up the Aquidaban, and of the large sum he was to
receive for the service. . . . On the 30th . . . firing was commenced on
Santa Cruz at 2 p. M. It is estimated that 196 shots were fired by the fleet
and about double that number from the forts in the two hours during which
the engagement lasted."
On October 13 Mr. Thompson wrote Secretary Gresham that
Admiral de Mello had given notice that he proposed to bombard Rio
de Janeiro, but the commanders of the foreign war-ships intervened
and declared that they would not permit this. At the same time the
government of Brazil was asked to remove all pretext for hostile action
by substantially disarming the forts.
On October 14 Mr. Thompson forwarded to the State Department
a decree of the Brazilian government declaring that the revolting
squadron and forts were placed outside the protection of the national
flag. Admiral de Mello promptly came to the front with another
proclamation, in which he accused the Executive of resorting to lying,
bribery, cunning, and even crime, in his efforts to put down the
revolution.
On October 21, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported failures of the
insurgents in their attempts to disembark forces, and the daily con-
tinuance of bombardment between the forts. The U. S. S. Newark
arrived on that day.
On October 24, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported the "receipt,
through the officer commanding the United States naval forces, of
a communication from Admiral de Mello announcing that a Provi-
sional Government of the United States of Brazil was established on
October 14 at Desterro, the capital of Santa Catharina, and request-
ing recognition by the United States."
On November 7, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that "the daily
fighting in the bay and along the shore is attended with no important
results, that the government fire had destroyed two powder magazines
on islands held by the insurgents, killing some English officers and
sailors," and added:
"A government force of fifteen hundred men is now advancing from Par-
anagua, where ammunitions and supplies have been sent by Vice-President
Peixoto, for the purpose of driving the insurgents from Catharina Island,
which they hold."
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 313
On November 8, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported the killing, from
the machine-gun firing on the previous day in Rio de Janeiro, of several
non-combatants, and of a young woman who was standing in front
of the consulate of the United States.
INSURGENTS CHARGE THE GOVERNMENT WITH BAD FAITH
To prevent the bombardment of Rio de Janeiro by the revolu-
tionists, the diplomatic corps and commanders of foreign war-ships
had obtained an understanding with the government that it would not
establish further military works there, or enlarge or strengthen those
already in existence; that it would, in short, remove all pretext for
bombardment by rendering Rio de Janeiro an unfortified town in
the usual sense of the term. Thereupon Admiral de Mello was in-
formed by the commanders that they would not permit him to bom-
bard, and he agreed not to attempt it. This led to numerous acts of
bad faith and breaches of the agreement, both by the government and
the insurgents, and much correspondence on the part of the assembled
ministers and admirals.
On November 15, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that the State
of Pernambuco had been placed under martial law.
On November 23, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that a shell fired
from one of the Nictheroy batteries had sunk the insurgent monitor
Javary.
On November 29, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that the attack
of the insurgents on Nictheroy and Santa Catharine had been repulsed,
the Pallas wrecked, and the Madeira burned. He said the situation
looked favorable to the government.
On November 30, 1893, Mr. Thompson transmitted a decree con-
tinuing the Federal District and the States of Pernambuco, Rio de
Janeiro, Sao Paulo, Parana, Santa Catharina, and Rio Grande do
Sul under martial law.
On December 4, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that on the first
instant Admiral de Mello had sailed out of the bay, in face of a heavy
fire from the forts, on his flag-ship Aquidaban, accompanied by the
Esperanza, the fire being answered by the vessels and the insurgent
fort Villegaignon.
On December 5 Mr. Thompson cabled :
" Fifteen leading American merchants in Rio de Janeiro send this message:
* The city fired into daily with small shot and shell without any notice,. A
number of foreigners have been killed. We ask that our squadron be in-
structed to prevent firing into the city until proper notice is given, and to keep
constantly a line of communication with the consulate.' "
On December 5, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled that the insurgent
vessels were in a very bad condition; that Mello had sailed in a
314 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
southerly direction from the quarantine station at Ilha Grande,
which he pillaged.
On December 5, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote that the Diplomatic
Corps was having great difficulty in dealing with the matter of the
bombardment :
"When launches or torpedo boats approach the shore, they are fired upon
by the government troops stationed on the water front, and this is made a
pretext for indiscriminate firing on all parts of the city with machine guns
stationed at fort Villegaignon and on the war-ships of the insurgents. No
regular bombardment with large guns has taken place, but many men, women,
and children have been killed at points far removed from the location of the
infantry on the city front, and the commanders of the foreign naval forces
declined to interfere to prevent the indiscriminate firing."
NAVAL COMMANDERS REFUSE TO ACT
The Diplomatic Corps repeatedly called the attention of the for-
eign naval commanders to this firing, and requested them to put an
end to it. The commanders, perfectly safe in their own snug cabins,
refused to interfere. The following letter explains their attitude :
Rio DE JANEIRO, Nov. 17, 1893.
NAVAL COMMANDERS TO THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS:
The commanding officers of the naval forces, as a sequel to their telegrams
of the 9th instant, have the honor to add that in their opinion the cannon firing
tkat the Brazilian government reproaches the Aquidaban and Villegaignon
with having directed against the city is not of a different nature from that
which passes incessantly between the insurgents and the government troops
along the quays, in the fusillades to which the government itself does not
seem to attach much importance. . . . Indeed the shots from the Aquid-
aban and Villegaignon in the direction of the city were evidently fired with
mitrailleuse and other arms of small calibre, to reply to the fire of the land
troops against the insurgent boats and the garrison of Villegaignon. The
commanding officers have several times had to recognize that the insurgent
forces could not always be accused of having provoked these little fights.
They have probably been frequently brought about by the inexperience of
the troops stationed along the quays, — an inexperience which is proven by
the fact that these troops fired upon a Portuguese boat carrying its war-
flag. On this occasion the government excused itself, by saying that the
troops had not recognized the flag and thought they were firing upon an
insurgent boat. In this state of affairs the commanding officers think there
is not sufficient reason to address a collective note to Admiral de Mello in
order to remind him of this agreement.
Signed by AUGUSTO DE CASTILHO (Portuguese).
HOFFMAN (Dutch).
HENRY F. PICKING (American).
N. M. LANG (English).
A. DE LIBRAN (French).
G. B. MAGNAGHI (Italian).
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 315
The very comforting and reassuring views of the naval com-
manders, most of whom appear to have been great warriors in times
of peace and great diplomats in times of war, did not seem to put a
quietus on Mr. Thompson, who actually had the temerity to write:
"I am still of the opinion that the indiscriminate firing upon innocent
people should stop, or at least timely notice be given of the bombardment to
enable non-combatants to place themselves beyond the reach of the fire."
The American merchants in Rio de Janeiro also seem to have had
a disregard for the opinions of the naval commanders almost amount-
ing to contempt of court; for on November 29, 1893, a most vigor-
ous protest was signed, in which the signatories stated that their lives
were daily endangered without notice by the small shot and shells
fired into the city. The following were the signers:
James B. Kennedy, Wm. H. Lawrence,
Louis R. Gray, J. S. Keogh,
Wm. T. Anderson, S. T. Stratton,
Wm. J. Erving, J. V. Bechtinger,
Frank Norton, A. C. Hill.
E. T. Lawrence, Jr.
On December 9, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled that Admiral da
Gama had declared in favor of the restoration of the government as
it had existed before the Republic was established. He had joined
the insurgent cause. Admiral Saldanha da Gama, an avowed mon-
archist, had command of the naval school and arsenal situated upon
the Ilha das Cobras.
On December 17, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that the foreign
naval commanders had ceased protecting the commerce of their respec-
tive countries; that it was reported that Captain Picking, the senior
officer of the United States forces, had withdrawn intervention, but
that it had not been possible to verify this, as Captain Picking did
not communicate with the land.
On December 18, 1893, Mr. Thompson enclosed to his depart-
ment a manifesto issued by Admiral Luiz Felippe Saldanha da Gama,
in which that worthy declared that the present government was but
a continuation of the military insurrection of November 15, 1889;
that the "historic crisis" had arrived for "political redemption," and
that he was ready to sacrifice his life, etc,
On December 21, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that Captain
Picking had refused protection to American vessels which had been
allowed by the proper authorities to land their cargoes at the docks
and in the neighborhood, and had based his action on the ground that
the line of fire of the insurgents would be interfered with and neutral-
ity consequently violated.
316 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On December 30, 1893, Mr. Thompson cabled that Da Gama had
been notified by the commanders that two days' notice must be given
before bombardment.
On December 31, 1893, Mr. Thompson reported that Da Gama
had asked recognition as a belligerent; he also enclosed a communi-
cation from Da Gama, dated December 23, which stated that the
government of Marshal Floriano Peixoto had fortified all the heights
around the city, even the holy places, so that Rio de Janeiro had
ceased "to be an open city and becomes a stronghold of war in the
strictest sense of the term." He therefore declared that on the first
cannon-shot from any of those points his squadron would reply with
heavy artillery.
On December 31, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote:
"The usual fighting has been carried on daily, but has not resulted yet in
any definite gain to either side. The government forces have gained a few
of the islands in the northern and western part of the bay. The islands Gov-
ernador, Eugenho, Mocangue, and Conceicao have come into their possession.
They are apparently trying to surround the insurgents, so they can be reached
by artillery in any part of the bay. During the attack on Ilha do Governador,
General Telles, the oldest, bravest, and most successful officer of the gov-
ernment, was mortally wounded and has since died. It is claimed that 300
government troops were upon this occasion taken prisoners.'*
On December 31, 1893, Mr. Thompson wrote Secretary Gresham
that Captain Henry F. Picking, U. S. Navy, commanding naval
forces, South Atlantic squadron, had denied protection to Ameri-
can vessels, and that now their commercial operations were carried on
"by sufferance of the insurgent commander." Mr. Thompson ad-
dressed a note to Captain Picking on the subject, and this is the reply
he received:
U. S. CRUISER CHARLESTON,
Rio DE JANEIRO, BRAZIL, Dec. 24, 1893.
SIR, — I have the honor to acknowledge receipt of your communication
of the 22d instant. I acted on your advice once, very much to my regret ever
since. I have informed you of this verbally heretofore.
I am, Sir,
HENRY F. PICKING, Captain U. S. Navy, Commanding
U. S. Naval Forces, South Atlantic Squadron.
Evidently Captain Henry F. Picking's awful responsibilities
weighed very heavily on him. Cruisers ought to be constructed for
the express purpose, if for no other, of affording vantage-ground from
which such distinguished naval officers could emit their epistolary
correspondence.
On January 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson transmitted to the State
Department a great deal of correspondence from the naval com-
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 317
manders, the government, the diplomats, and the insurgent com-
manders, relative to the proposed bombardment of Rio de Janeiro.
Of course the government had mounted heavy guns on the heights
of Morro do Castello and elsewhere, while they were affirming that
they would do nothing of the kind. The foreign naval commanders
on January 1 declared this a breach of faith, and added :
"Under the circumstances the senior comandantes have the honor to
state that they can no longer consider themselves under obligations to adhere
to the attitude which they expressed in their communication of December 25,
1893, to Rear Admiral Saldanha da Gama."
This was another way of inviting them to begin their bombardment.
On January 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote :
"The fighting has been confined mostly to the islands and fortified points
beyond the confines of the city. Within a few days the insurgents have taken
forcible possession of an island used as a coal depot, and with it captured a
large quantity of coal belonging to the Royal Mail Steamship Company of
England. . . . The Aquidaban, Admiral Mello's flag-ship, returned from
the South and entered the bay under heavy fire from the forts this morning
between four and five o'clock. It is stated by some of our naval officers that
Admiral Mello is not on board. . . .
"The San Francisco arrived this morning with Rear Admiral Benham."
On January 16, 1894, Mr. Thompson cabled that the U. S. S.
New York had arrived ; that the insurgents had made an attack on
Governor Island to-day, and that a serious engagement had occurred
at Nictheroy the preceding night.
On January 20, 1894, Mr. Thompson enclosed two manifestos of
importance, one issued by Governor, Dr. Alfonso Augusto Moreira
Penna, of the State of Minas-Geraes, and the other by Aimibal Falcao,
a representative in Congress from Rio Grande do Sul. These mani-
festos were written by men opposed to the government and friendly
to the revolution, up to the date of Da Gama's pronunciamento favor-
ing the re-establishment of the monarchy. They were likewise opposed
to Da Gama's monarchial tendencies, and therefore threw in their
support with Vice-President Peixoto.
On January 22, 1894, Mr. Thompson confirmed the successes of
the government at Bage, and reported the continuance of fighting at
Nictheroy.
On January 26, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote:
"An attack upon the island of Mocangue resulted in a severe defeat to
the government forces and the abandonment of the island. . . . The repeated
assaults of the insurgents upon Nictheroy have thus far been repulsed, but
great damage has resulted to both life and property.
"The victories of the government forces at Rio Grande do Sul culminated
on the 8th inst. when the siege of Bage was raised. The revolutionists were
318 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
disbanded and fled, without ammunition, and poorly horsed. The reports
show that constant and incessant fire was kept up for eighteen days, during
which the government losses were 36, while the revolutionists lost over 400;
besides it is claimed 500 from Uruguayan bands deserted. The city of Bage
was very much damaged, and many atrocious crimes said to have been com-
mitted. In one instance two soldiers were burned to death."
On January 31, 1894, Mr. Thompson cabled that Admiral Benham
had notified
"the insurgents and the city that he intended to protect by force, if necessary,
and to place all American vessels which might wish to go to the docks along-
side the wharves. The war- vessels of the United States got under way and
cleared for action. The Detroit, which was stationed in the best position for
the ends of protection, had orders to fire back if the merchant vessels were
fired upon. A shot from one of the insurgent vessels was fired at, but missed
the boat of one of the American vessels that was making preparations for
hauling in by means of a line running to the shore. The Detroit replied
with a shot from a 6-pounder, which struck under the insurgent's bows. The
latter then fired one shot to leeward from her broadside battery, and sub-
sequently another over the merchant vessel. The Detroit answered with a
musket shot, which struck the stern post of the insurgent vessel . . . He
states that the naval or military operations of either side were not in the least
interfered with by Admiral Benham, who entertains no such intention. What
he proposes to do is to fulfil his duty of protecting the citizens and trade of
the United States, and of this the insurgents have been notified by him. . . .
The insurgents are denied the right to search neutral vessels, or to seize any
part of their cargoes."
Here, at least, was one American naval commander who had some
sense. After reading the screeds written by the pusillanimous Picking,
it does an American good to realize that we have officers in the Ameri-
can navy who are not poltroons.
On February 2, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported :
"The resignation of the Minister of War and Marine of the Brazilian
government, and the march on Iguape of 1000 insurgents." He says that
Curitiba is in their possession, that the insurgent ship Republica is now at
Paranagua with Admiral Mello on board, and adds that a threat to bombard
Rio without notice again made by the Admiral of the insurgent fleet is likely
to be opposed by the foreign commanders.
On February 3, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that Admiral da
Gama asked for recognition, stating that they held the State of Rio
Grande do Sul, Santa Catharina, Parana, and part of Sao Paulo.
He enclosed a letter from Admiral A. E. K. Benham to Da Gama,
dated January 30, 1894, which is a manly, straightforward document,
telling the insurgent that he must not interfere with American com-
merce, that he had no right to search neutral vessels or seize any por-
tion of their cargoes, that he had no right to exercise any authority
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 319
whatever over American ships or property of any kind, and that "the
forcible seizure of any such articles by those under your command
would be, in your present status, an act of piracy."
On February 6, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote :
"News has reached here of dissensions in the Provisional government of
the insurgents at Desterro, and the retirement of Senhor Annibal Cardoso
from the cabinet. . . . Upon leaving the government, Senhor Cardoso is re-
ported to have said: 'To-day the heads of the revolutionary movement are
enveloped in a mesh of cabals, and far from seeing in them the energy needed
to overcome these intrigues, I see these friends to be in great difficulties/ "
The newspapers of the 16th of January had published long ac-
counts of a government victory at Itajahy. This small town in the
State of Santa Catharina, held by 800 men with 21 cannon, and
assisted by two of the insurgent vessels, was captured by the govern-
ment forces on the 10th of December, with but little loss of life to
either side.
On February 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson cabled that the insurgents
on the preceding Saturday had landed at Nictheroy and had been
repulsed, returning to their ships after an engagement, in the course
of which both sides lost heavily, and Admiral da Gama was wounded.
On February 15, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote:
"The latest news from the South is to the effect that Mello, with 1500
troops, is in possession of Paranagua. Gumacindo, commanding the revolu-
tionists in Rio Grande do Sul, after defeating the government forces under
General Machado, marched to Curitiba. The revolutionists control the small
State of Parana, except the town of Lapa, which, strongly fortified, is defended
by Colonel Carneira with a force of 1200 men. The revolutionists are poorly
provided with artillery. There are but two national passes into Sao Paulo
from Parana. These are at Itavare and Santos. The government has 2500
troops defending Itavare and about the same number at Santos, with a re-
serve of 2500 at Sao Paulo. General Machado is reported to have rallied
his forces numbering 4000 men south of the position of revolutionists. . . .
The recent announcement by the Vice-President of the Republic that the
elections would be held March 1, has in a measure given the people more con-
fidence in the government, although the partisans of Mello and Da Gama
condemn it as a prearranged attempt to continue Peixoto's influence in
the government."
The government candidate, Prudente Moraes, had been brought
forward for the presidency.
On February 21, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that the Aquida-
ban had run the forts under a heavy fire, and had joined the Republica,
which was then standing off the port. He thought an engagement
would take place near Bahia.
On February 28, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote that the Nictheroy
320 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
on the 18th had landed several hundred troops at the entrance to the
harbor, that the insurgents had lost the Venus by an explosion, and
that, the provisional government of the insurgents at Desterro having
failed, they had organized a new one at Curitiba, capital of the State
of Parana, which they unquestionably controlled. He added :
"The yellow fever has become epidemic at Rio, especially upon the vessels
that have been moored to the docks. The deaths average, according to official
figures, about fifty-five a day, which represents in the large part foreigners.
Several deaths have occurred on the foreign ships of war, but none so far on
ours."
On March 2, 1894, Mr. Thompson transmitted the news sent by
the Brazilian minister at Montevideo of a victory gained in Parana by
General Hippolyto, who defeated a force of 500 rebels commanded
by General David, the latter having lost sixty men killed and a large
quantity of arms and ammunition.
A PRESIDENT is ELECTED
On March 6, 1894, Mr. Thompson wrote:
"The elections held on the 1st of March I am glad to report passed off
quietly throughout the country, as far as heard from, resulting in the over-
whelming election of Dr. Prudente de Moraes, a civilian, President of the Re-
public, and Dr. Manoel Victorina Periera, a civilian, Vice-President of the
Republic. The vote so far is about 100,000 for Dr. Prudente de Moraes,
President, and 75,000 for Dr. Manoel Victorina Periera, Vice-President."
Why a hundred thousand votes, and no opposition, and not a
hundred million ? If the pretext of an election is needed at all, why
not make the statistics imposing while we are about it ?
Mr. Thompson naively added:
"The vote appears small, but I understand by comparison it approxi-
mates closely to that of preceding Congressional Elections."
The vote does appear rather small for a country claiming fourteen
or fifteen million inhabitants; but we may safely assume that it not
only "approximates closely," but that it actually exceeds "preceding
Congressional Elections " by at least 100,000 votes.
It would seem that the incident might now be considered closed,
and practically it is ; but there are still some precincts missing.
On March 10, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that 800 men with
General Salquado had deserted in Parana from the rebel army, and
that insurgents were landing at Abatuba. He believed there was
no doubt that the leaders of the revolution in the South were not in
accord with Da Gama.
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 321
On March 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that Saldanha da
Gama had asked for an amnesty for himself and his supporters.
Asylum was granted Da Gama on board the Mindello, a Portuguese
war-ship.
On March 14, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported the surrender of the
insurgents. The rebel war-vessels and the islands of Villegaignon
and Cobras had been abandoned. Da Gama, with about 480
officers and men, left Enxadas Island and went on board Portuguese
war-vessels. The next day a Portuguese merchant vessel with 90
insurgents aboard was stopped by the government, and the refugees
taken off. This led to a diplomatic question between Brazil and
Portugal.
On April 12, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that the Governor of
Rio Grande do Sul had telegraphed the news of a serious defeat and
great loss sustained at Port Alegre by the rebels, who had taken to
their vessels, and being advised of the approach of the squadron sent
by the Brazilian government, had fled in haste.
On April 18, 1894, Mr. Thompson telegraphed that, according to
intelligence received from the South, the revolutionary cause had been
abandoned by Admiral Mello, who had gone with 1200 men and 4
vessels of the revolting squadron to the Argentine Republic, which gave
them protection. The sinking of the Aquidaban and the complete
overthrow of the revolutionary movement were announced. Mello's
ships had been seized by the Argentine Government, which would
turn them over to Marshal Peixoto, when called for.
On April 19, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that 4000 rebels had
taken refuge in Argentina and Uruguay, and that the war was
ended.
On June 17, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that the insurgent
General Gumacindo engaged the government troops in the State of
Rio Grande do Sul, but had been routed; that the government had
been very severe with all persons suspected of having aided the revo-
lutions, and that many had been thrust into prison, among them sev-
eral foreigners.
On June 28, 1894, Mr. Thompson reported that "the Congres-
sional Committee appointed to examine the returns and report upon
the legality of the presidential election gave its conclusions, which
were adopted in joint session June 22, and Prudente de Moraes and
Victorina Periera recognized as President and Vice-President during
the period from November 15, 1894, to November 15, 1898. The
total vote reaches only 350,795, which is small considering the com-
mittee estimates the number of electors at 800,000. But as there was
no organized opposition, and this is the first election by the people,
it is not surprising to find it small."
"No organized opposition" — that is really good. Most as-
suredly there was an "organized opposition," but it was defeated,
VOL. I — 21
322 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
after a brave struggle, and scattered to Portugal, Argentina, and Uru-
guay, and most of the balance of it locked up in jail.
So far as the small number of votes is concerned, that need not
disturb us. They had increased exactly 250,795 over and above the
returns of March 1, when the election was held; and future elections
may show additional gains.
C. E. Akers, in his "History of South America" (page 291),
describing the " election " in 1894 in Rio Grande do Sul, writes :
"At this juncture Admiral da Gama took the field. Up to the time of his
arrival on the scene the conflict had been carried on with the greatest bar-
barity, quarter on neither side being expected. An eyewitness described
what occurred when 400 government troops fell into the hands of a strong
party of insurgents, in these terms:
"The prisoners were penned into a cattle corral, a guard surrounding
the spot to prevent any attempt to escape. A man would ride into the yard
and lasso a prisoner as though he were a bullock. Dragging his victim a few
yards away, he would dismount, draw his long knife, and deliberately cut the
prisoner's throat. This operation was repeated until half of the men in
the corral were killed. The remainder were reserved for similar treatment
the following day '
"This is horrible enough, but on June 24 the outbreak met with a reverse
that destroyed any hopes of success its partisans may have entertained. At
Camp Osorio, Admiral da Gama and 374 officers and men were surrounded
by government troops, commanded by Colonel Joao Francisco. A desperate
struggle ensued. Five times the troops assaulted the rebel trenches, and were
repulsed with heavy loss. Then, the ammunition of the insurgents becoming
exhausted, they endeavored to break through the enemy's lines, and some
succeeded. Many others were killed or captured, and Admiral da Gama was
wounded and his retreat cut off. To avoid being taken prisoner, he committed
suicide, and his body was found some days later horribly mutilated."
AN ELECTION IN PARAGUAY
On January 11, 1902, William R. Finch, Montevideo, Uruguay,
informed Secretary Hay of a revolution in Paraguay, enclosing a
complete report from the Montevideo Tribuna of that date. It stated
that at Asuncion, on the 10th, a revolutionary committee had been
formed, composed of Generals Caballero and Escobar, Colonel
Escurra, the Minister of War and Minister of Finance, — Sefior
Moreno and Senator Fleitas. This committee resolved at its night
session to remove "the inconvenience to the government presented
by President, Dr. Emilio Aceval, and the ex-President, General Egus-
guiza." Disposing of the forces of the cavalry, a squad was detached
at 4 A. M. to take possession of President Aceval and demand his resig-
nation. This mission was fulfilled, but when he was asked to resign,
President Aceval refused, and he was taken a prisoner to the cav-
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 323
airy barracks. Another squad arrested the Chief of Police and other
men known to be friends of Aceval and Egusguiza.
A session of Congress was called, at which Senor Hector Carvallo,
Vice-President, presided. He was in the revolutionary movement.
Senor Fleitas moved that the rule of President Aceval be declared at
an end, which was loudly cheered by a heavy revolutionary contingent
which had been placed in the hall at Congress. Senator Bogarin pro-
tested, stating that the proceeding was unconstitutional.
" Suddenly the sound of a shot was heard, and after the first shot numerous
others followed, sounding as if a great bundle of rockets had been thrown into
the centre of the house. The confusion became terrible, and insults multi-
plied, and blood flowed, the men having lost their presence of mind in the
excitement and fury of the struggle. The firing of revolvers, the using of
daggers and canes, throwing of chairs, and the exchange of blows transformed
the house into confusion and chaos. While this was occurring, General Es-
cobar, going along the corridor, reached the balcony of the house of Congress
which faces the plaza, and, taking his handkerchief signalled to the commander
of'the troops stationed there. The noise of the shots and the cries of the peo-
ple caused General Escobar's signal to be wrongly interpreted, and the com-
mander ordered the infantry and artillery to open fire against the house of
Congress. The firing by the infantry and the cries of the people, who asked
that the firing cease against Congress, caused a panic among the inhabitants
of the city. Meanwhile the wounded were being attended to and the dead
taken up in the room of sessions. Among the former was Senator Insfran,
who had received three bullet wounds, Senators Corvelan and Fleitas, General
Caballero and Deputy Carreras being gravely wounded. Senator Bogarin,
against whom the firing began, was slightly wounded, as were also some other
representatives, shorthand writers, the brothers Perez, and other individuals
not very well known. In the street fifteen persons were wounded, some of
whom will not recover."
A TYPICAL PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN OUR SISTER
REPUBLIC VENEZUELA
On August 7, 1890, Mr. W. W. Russell, Secretary of the American
Legation, Caracas, Venezuela, wrote to Secretary Hay as follows :
"I have the honor to state that last week the insurgent faction in the State
of Los Andes, under General Cipriano Castro, was completely defeated by
the government troops, in a bloody battle which lasted eighteen hours. The
loss of the insurgents is placed at 800 killed and wounded, and the govern-
ment loss 300."
September 5, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "Revolutionists gaining strength.
Government not secure. Advisable, send without delay nearest war vessel
La Guaira."
September 8, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "Leader revolutionists mentioned
Castro. After defeat gathered about 3000 men. Government troops have
not attacked. Trying mass forces. Revolution aided prominent political
refugees Curocao. Government may succeed. Has 7000 troops."
324 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On September 8, 1899, Mr. Russell wrote: "The leader of this uprising
is Cipriano Castro, from the State of Los Andes, and whose defeat by the
government troops I communicated to the Department in my No. 313 of
August 7. Castro, after his defeat, fled with the remnant of his band, about
1000 men, and was making his way to Valencia, which was only a day's
journey from Caracas. On his march he had captured one or two squads
of the national troops, with their arms and ammunition. He arrived at a
town called Nirgua, in the State of Carabobo, two or three days' march from
Valencia, with about 3000 men, that he had collected on his march from Los
Andes. The government officers reported to Caracas that the revolutionary
force was too strong for them to attack, and that the only thing they could do
was to act on the defensive. Castro, with his knowledge of the country, and
his peculiar tactics, had separated by long distances the government troops
and was encountering no opposition. One of the government generals was
ordered to reinforce the national troops already in that section, but had to
come by forced marches from Maracaibo, a three days' journey. These troops
are supposed to have arrived by this time, and if the government's figures
are correct, Castro will have to engage a superior force or retire. Nothing
definite has been heard from the scene of action yet. When Castro was so
badly defeated, it was thought the troubles were over. But just after this
the government discovered a revolutionary plot of the followers of General
Hernandez, the one who started the first revolution against Andrade. Her-
nandez was arrested and placed in prison here, with a great many of his fol-
lowers, and it is believed that Castro's forces have been increased by the
Hernandistas joining him."
September 14, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "President of Venezuela left
Caracas to-day to take command in field against revolutionists. Vice-Presi-
dent acting. New cabinet."
September 15, 1899, Mr. Russell cabled: "Revolutionists took Valencia
yesterday. President returning to Caracas. Where is war vessel ? "
September 23, 1899, Mr. Russell wrote: " Valencia was taken after bloody
battle, in which the government troops were severely defeated, . . . General
Castro, the revolutionary leader has a powerful and well-equipped force.
The government officials were badly demoralized, and the city of Puerto
Cabello was abandoned by the custom-house officers, who fled to La Guaira
on a man-of-war. After Andrade's return to Caracas there was a renewed
effort on the part of the government to mass its forces for a resistance. . . .
For the last two or three days there has been a dearth of any official news re-
garding the movements of. Castro, but it is generally conceded that he has
advanced a considerable distance from Valencia, and is supposed to be some-
where near Maracay, which is five hours from Caracas. . . . The govern-
ment has a great many troops, but the most of them have been recruited
lately, and are a sorry lot. Treason exists on all sides, and the administration
is not popular. . . . General Luciano Mendoza has been appointed chief
of the government troops, and this has caused much alarm, as he is a des-
perate man and stops at nothing. In 1892 he collected large amounts of
money by force from merchants, and his name is coupled with many acts
of lawlessness."
October 9, 1899, Mr. Francis B. Loomis, American Minister to Caracas,
writes: "It is impossible to forecast the situation at this time, or to give a
very intelligible notion of it, for the reason that this is a season of intrigue
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 325
and conference rather than one of military operation and fighting. Eight
days ago a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon. The armistice expires
Monday evening next, but may be prolonged a few days. General Castro
is encamped at Valencia and is governing the city."
October 14, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled: "Have been informed by Vene-
zuelan Minister for Foreign Affairs, General commanding army of Venezuela
deserted, and President of Venezuela will be forced to abandon Caracas with-
out fighting."
October 20, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled: "President of Venezuela left
for La Guaira, daylight, with 800 men. Did not resign office. Some disor-
der here. Heavy bomb dynamite exploded, against house of Matos, former
Minister Finance."
October 22, 1899, Mr. Loomis wrote that Vice-President Rodriguez as-
sumed the reins of government, that Andrade had abandoned the country,
taking about 1000 men with him, and that General Castro was expected
within a day or two. Mr. Loomis said there was a condition of terror nigh
general among the people of Caracas.
October 24, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled that the government had been
turned over to Castro.
October 27, 1899, Mr. Loomis cabled: "Hernandez, probably strongest
leader after Castro, left Caracas, 2000 men, about midnight, probably to
begin uprising against de facto government. Hernandez was given cabinet
position by Castro, but demanded other important concessions."
Of course there were more despatches, more blockades, more
bombardments, more uprisings; but what matter so that our im-
mortal Cipriano is duly elected ?
ELECTION OF GENERAL BONILLA AS PRESIDENT OF
HONDURAS
United States Consular Agent W. Heyden, Amapala, Honduras,
wrote on March 7, 1903, to Mr. Leslie Combs, American Minister at
Guatemala :
"A great part of the members of the Congress that was in session in
Tegucigalpa, among them the President of the Congress, fled from the capital
to the frontier of Salvador the 30th of January, so that Congress was de facto
dissolved on that date. It seems that the Council of Ministers formed a new
Congress out of the remaining deputies and the substitutes of the fugitives.
The new Congress proclaimed Dr. Juan Angel Arias President, and General
Maximo B. Resales Vice-President, of the Republic. The new government
was recognized by Nicaragua, but I do not know if it was recognized by the
other Central American Republics.
In the mean time General Bonilla has gone ahead with his military opera-
tions against the new government. His forces have taken the fortified towns
of Ocotepeque, Santa Rosa, and Gracias, near the frontier of Nicaragua.
On the 22nd of February General Bonilla was attacked in El Aceituno
by General Sierra, the ex-President, who was completely defeated, and es-
326 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
caped with several hundred men, the remainder of his troops, to the fortified
town of Nacaome, where he still is. General Bonilla has now an army of
about 4500 men."
On March 18, 1903, Minister Combs wrote to Secretary Hay:
"President Estrada informed me a few days since, that his information
was that Bonilla was making a successful struggle ; that Bonilla's forces were
drawing closer and closer to Tegucigalpa, both from the east and from the
west"
On April 24, 1903, Mr. Combs wrote to Secretary Hay that ex-
President Arias was a prisoner, and that he thought it advisable to
recognize General Bonilla as President of Honduras.
On April 24, 1903, Mr. Loomis authorized Mr. Combs to recog-
nize General Bonilla as the President of Honduras, without precipita-
tion, if he were effectively administering the government and in a
position to fulfil international obligations.
OUR SISTER REPUBLIC, BOLIVIA, ELECTS A PRESIDENT
Revolution had been rife in Bolivia for a long time, and the coun-
try devastated. Little or no mention was made of it in the United
States, and the official reports were meagre in the extreme. The
foreign legations laid down rules for refugees, stating under what
conditions asylum would be granted. On December 15, 1898, George
H. Bridgeman, American Minister, La Paz, Bolivia, wrote to the
State Department:
"I have the honor to state that on November 6 the government officials
of the city of La Paz, with apparently the almost unanimous concurrence
of the inhabitants, issued a proclamation announcing 'The regeneration of
Bolivia under the rule of Federal Government,' and appointed a list of
officials to act under the new government. This is an actual secession from
the government at Sucre, and the rule of President Alonzo, on the part of
the La Paz district. The reason for this action is the urgent desire on the
part of all citizens of La Paz, official and private, that the seat of government
remove from Sucre to this city. La Pasians have been given distinct reasons
to think this removal would take place in December, if not earlier, and the
decision of Congress to the contrary, on November 15th, has brought about
the present crisis. Armed resistance is decided upon, and active prepara-
tions to that end are being made as rapidly as possible. Up to date they
have secured 400 rifles and 2500 rounds of ammunition only. They expect
to have 5000 men at their command, 300 of these being native Indians.
President Alonzo left Sucre, December 6, with 2000 men armed with Mauser
rifles. On December 16 he reached Oruro, three days' march from this
place. A telegram sent by him to the insurgents, urging cessation of hostile
action, was disregarded, and active resistance by the people here is planned
as soon as President Alonzo reaches La Paz with his troops. It is not yet
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 327
fully decided whether to meet the troops on the 'Alto* or within the city
limits. Several proclamations and announcements have been issued by the
leaders of the revolution."
Mr. Bridgeman made further reports on January 26, February 1,
February 3, and February 10, 1899, explaining the serious condition
of affairs. On March 28, 1899, he wrote :
"I have the honor to report the occurrence of another hideous outrage
and murder at the hands of the savages of Bolivia. On March 1 Colonel
Pando sent, from his army at Sicasica, 120 men, commanded by Arturo
Eguino, to Ayopaya, there to confer with Mr. Orellana as to the best means
for simultaneously attacking Cochabamba. On arriving at the town of
Mohoza, Eguino demanded a loan of 200 Bolivians from the priest of the
town and 100 Bolivians from the mayor.
"These demands being refused, the priest and mayor were imprisoned.
Meanwhile, however, the priest had despatched couriers to the Indian villages
asking that the natives attack Pando's men.
"A large crowd of Indians came, and in spite of all measures taken to
pacify them, the arms of the soldiers were taken away, the men subjected
to revolting treatment, and finally locked inside the church for the night. In
the morning the infernal priest, after celebrating the so-called 'Mass of Agony,'
allowed the Indians to take out the unfortunate victims, two by two, and 103
were deliberately murdered, each pair by different tortures. Seventeen es-
caped death by having departed the day previous on another mission."
Mr. Bridgeman speaks of the "infernal priest" as though that
part of it were settled beyond argument. It may be confessed that
the priest's methods were rather heroic; but if there had been more
like him, there would have been fewer of these "infernal" forced-
loans in the dictatorships. The imprisonment and maltreatment
of the priest, because of his refusal to yield to highway robbery, is
passed over by Mr. Bridgeman in a very matter-of-fact manner, and
the disarming of the soldiers is referred to rather pathetically; while
the atrocities committed by these brigands is not even mentioned.
When groups of marauding soldiers have no respect for the property
of the Church nor the persons of its ministers, and they happen to
get the worst of it, as in this instance, I will let Mr. George H. Bridge-
man, American Minister, do the weeping.
On April 20, 1899, Mr. Bridgeman wrote :
"I have the honor to state that since the battle reported in Despatch No.
113, of April 13, matters have progressed quietly, and people generally accept
the idea that the revolution has ended and that peace is declared.
"Alonzo, on the day of the engagement, fled to Antofagasta, and is still
out of Bolivia, with a number of his officers. The number killed of Pando's
army is 117, wounded 127. Of Alonzo's men they estimate 400 killed and
wounded. One thousand of Alonzo's army were taken prisoners; 20 pieces
of artillery, 4 Gatling guns, 1700 rifles captured, with 38,000 Bolivianos
from the treasure wagon. The local government of La Paz soon go to Oruro,
there to arrange preliminaries for reorganization."
328 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
On April 28, 1899, the "Junta" of Bolivia, through the "General
Secretary of the Government Assembly," Fernando E. Guachalla,
writing from Oruro, informed Mr. Bridgeman that a new national
government had been organized, composed of Serapio Reyes Ortez,
Jose Manuel Pando, and Marcario Pinilla.
On August 22, 1899, Acting Secretary of State A. A. Adee author-
ized Mr. Bridgeman to recognize the new outfit as the government of
Bolivia if they were still administering an orderly de facto government.
A PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN OUR SISTER REPUBLIC
COLOMBIA
Colombia has ever stood in the vanguard of the cohorts of civiliza-
tion, first in the "august empire " of pure democracy. No antiquated
foolishness like the Australian ballot system exists in Colombia. They
prefer vote-counting by automatic infallible machines. In a letter to
the Secretary of State, John Hay, Mr. Charles Burdett Hart, United
States Minister to Bogota, under date of August 5, 1900, thus de-
scribes the more modern election devices :
"I have the honor to inform the Department that on the night of the 31st
ultimo Jose Manuel Marroquin, Vice-President of the Republic of Colombia,
being at the time in Bogota, declared himself in the exercise of the executive
power, named and installed a ministry, and, so far as this was possible, took
possession of the government. This act was made possible by first getting
possession of the garrison in Bogota ; and this in turn was made possible by
an understanding with the commanders. Such commanders as were not
favorable to the movement were superseded by friends of Marroquin and
held under strict surveillance while the necessary steps were being taken to
get possession. There was no resistance whatever, and, considering how the
matter was accomplished, none was reasonably to be expected.
"In a manifesto issued on the 1st instant, Mr. Marroquin gives as the
reasons which moved him to take the step, the inability of President Sancle-
mente to reside at the capital of the Republic, * and to give the attention and
consecration which the executive action demands in all countries, and es-
pecially in those ruled by a government purely presidential as Colombia is,'
and the call of public opinion which for a long time had asked for the re-
establishment of the lawful normal condition. The Vice-President says also
that he is reluctant to enter upon the exercise of the executive power, and does
so for the good of the country. He declares that he desires to bring to a speedy
end the bloody civil war which is dividing the country, and he means to do
this by his solemn promise to respect and cause to be respected the civil rights
of all. If, however, his promise in this regard shall not bring about peace,
he will prosecute the war with energy, to put down the revolution. In con-
clusion, he calls on all Colombians who love their country to place themselves
under the banner of constitutionality and legitimacy.
"The first knowledge that President Sanclemente had of the coup d'etat
was when a Marroquin force arrived at Villeta, President Sanclemente 's
temporary residence, a day's journey from Bogota, and made him a prisoner,
THE AUSTRALIAN BALLOT SYSTEM 329
together with Rafael M. Palacio, his minister of government. The garrison
at Villeta would have defended President Sanclemente, but since the force
sent against him was far superior to his own, President Sanclemente refused
to have any bloodshed there. He was allowed to remain a prisoner in his
house.
"On the 3rd instant President Sanclemente issued a protest to the nation,
reciting what had happened and commenting on the manifesto of Mr. Marro-
quin. In the protest President Sanclemente says, he is authorized by the
Constitution and the law to reside outside the capital. He asks who had made
Marroquin a judge in the matter. He says that Mr. Marroquin has violated
the Constitution which he had sworn to support. Speaking directly to his
fellow-citizens, President Sanclemente says: 'If your forefathers did not con-
sent to be governed dictatorially by the great Bolivar, the liberator of five
nations, will you consent to be so governed by Mr. Marroquin, and those who
support so arbitrary an act ? Will you regard with indifference that the legiti-
mate government of the nation shall continue to be outraged ? And will the
army, which has given so many proofs of loyalty, so regard it ? "
President Sanclemente 's protests were of no avail; General
Rafael Reyes and the army were at the back of Marroquin. It was
then supposed that Colombia would get millones y millones out of the
United States for the Panama Canal Concession. General Reyes
and the clique did not intend that Sanclemente should handle any
of this fabulous wealth.
As a rule, a presidential election in Colombia lasts for three or
four years, results in two or three hundred battles, and the loss of
30,000 or 40,000 or 50,000 lives, in addition to the burning of towns
and the sacking and looting of all foreign property. Marroquin 's
greased-lightning scheme of election seems far preferable.
CHAPTER XXX
HOW OUR SISTER REPUBLICS SANTO DOMINGO
AND HAITI ELECT PRESIDENTS
IN a despatch to the State Department on July 27, 1899, Minister
W. F. Powell reported the assassination of "President" Ulysses
Heureaux, of Santo Domingo.
The cause of the assassination was given as follows: General
Heureaux had caused large quantities of paper money to be issued,
about $4,000,000, which was circulated under . compulsion among
the smaller merchants and people generally. The President claimed
that the grave financial conditions confronting the country compelled
him to do this ; but the paper money was received by the people with
apprehension and under strong protest. "They finally refused to
receive the paper money, and would only exchange their products
for gold. In and around Puerto Plata they would only receive it in
exchange at the rate of 10 to 1, and in some cases 12 to 1. To repress
this discontent and to suppress these murmurs, several of the parties
who had severely criticised the policy of the government in issuing
paper money were shot, as examples to others or like discontented
spirits."
By this time great dissatisfaction had arisen, especially at Moca,
a town of about 3000 inhabitants, within twenty-five miles of Santiago,
the principal town in the interior. Mr. Powell continues that Presi-
dent Heureaux, "hearing of the dissatisfaction, proceeded there. It
is reported that he caused some of the leading men of the place, who
he was informed were plotting against him, to be shot, and orders
were given to inflict the same penalty upon others." The day on
which he was to leave for Santiago, . . . three men, Ramon Caceres,
Juan Ricardo, Horacio Vasquez, whom rumor stated were to suffer
the same fate, attacked him, firing six bullets into his body. A beggar
near by was also accidentally shot. The assassins escaped, but some
of them were caught afterwards and executed. Ramon Caceres be-
came later Secretary of War.
The Vice-President, M. Figueroa, took the oath of office. He
resigned soon afterwards. The financial condition was so bad that
the soldiers, unpaid and ill-fed, refused to fight. Mr. Powell says:
"This country is hopelessly bankrupt; its foreign debt amounts to
$25,000,000; its interior debt no one knows."
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 331
Mr. Jiminez now aspired to be President. "A battle was fought
at Monte Christo, August 25; the government forces were led by
General Cordillas, the Minister of War. At first he was successful,
but was finally compelled to retreat to Puerta Plata, since which time
his army has largely deserted him."
On September 26, 1899, C. L. Maxwell, United States Consul
General at Santo Domingo, reported the formation of a provisional
government, with Horacio Vasquez as President, among the ministers
being Ramon Caceres, who had killed the former President.
On November 11, 1899, Minister Powell reported that Mr. Juan
Isidro Jiminez had been elected President of Santo Domingo and
would be installed on November 15.
In his message to Congress, December 3, 1900, President William
McKinley remarked:
"A revolution in the Dominican Republic toward the close of last year
resulted in the installation of President Jiminez, whose government was
formally recognized in January."
Having thus caught up the threads of constitutional succession
in Santo Domingo, it will be interesting to note the scientific improve-
ments and labor-saving devices which have been grafted upon the
election machinery of that glorious and majestic commonwealth.
That the reader may not overlook some of the manifest advantages
which the Santo Domingo system has over the obsolete Australian
system, I shall quote mainly from official reports to the United States
government, made by its minister, Mr. W. F. Powell.
Jiminez had been upset and Vasques installed as Provisional
President, when our narrative commences.
From Port au Prince, on April 10, 1903, Mr. Powell writes to
Secretary Hay:
"The political prisoners confined in the fort in the city on March 23 at
one P. M., when both the military and naval authorities were at their homes,
and about two thirds of the inhabitants of that city were enjoying their noon
siesta, were released by some one, and to the number of seventy were supplied
with arms, and headed by General Pepin, one of the prisoners, liberated those
who had been confined for various crimes. These people were also given
arms. Among the political prisoners released was Navarro, the former Gov-
ernor of Monte Christo, and the leader in that movement a few months ago
and who had been captured and confined here ; another was released by the
name of General Martines. These men and their followers soon disarmed the
few guards on duty, and within a few minutes after their liberation had se-
cured possession of the fortress. At a given signal the partisans of these people
in the city, who were opposed to the provisional government under General
Vasques, made an attack on the military authorities of the city and afterwards
on the police force, and being successful in both, secured full possession of
the city. After fighting nearly two hours, many being killed or wounded,
332 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
General Sanchez, Minister of Foreign Relations, and the Postmaster-General
Mr. Castillon, sought asylum at the American consulate, Mrs. Vasques, the
wife of the President, going to the Haitian legation. General Pichardo, the
Minister of War, was made a prisoner, and confined in the fortress. General
A. W. Gil was named by the insurgents as the Provisional President in place
of General Vasques. . . . The revolutionists, immediately after securing
possession of the city, seized the two Dominican naval vessels, one of which
is not much larger than the steam-tugs used in towing on our rivers. She was
armed with two cannon and named the Colon. The other, the Independence,
is of the type of the Topeka. Quiet prevailed in the city from March 23 until
April 2. From that time up till the departure of the French steamer, fighting
has been constantly going on, in which many on both sides have been killed.
The Atlanta, Captain Turner, arrived on the 2d, and landed a party of sailors
to protect the consulate and the ' La Fe ' estate, where is located the office of
the mining and railroad companies, and where the Vice-President, Mr. Adams,
and his wife and a party of engineers are stopping. This place is about four
miles from the city.
"General Vasques, it is said, with an army of 3000 men, reached by a
forced march the environs of the city two days before the arrival of the Atlanta,
and since that time fighting has been going on. He has occupied three sides
around the city, on the highlands which command the city. His position is
very strong, as he holds the city at his mercy, and unless dislodged by the
forces of General Gil, will compel the latter to surrender, as he controls all
the approaches to the city. Several attempts have been made to dislodge
him by the revolutionists, but they have failed, while General Vasques on his
side has endeavored to enter the city, but each time has been repulsed with
loss. In one point of view the revolutionists have slightly the best of it, as,
aside from holding the city, they are in possession of the fort, in which there
is stored a large amount of arms and ammunition, which is a serious loss to
General Vasques. . . . The Presidente, Vasques' vessel, attempted to bom-
bard the city without previous notice. One shell fell in the courtyard of the
German consulate, but fortunately did not explode. Captain Turner sent
a message to this vessel, requesting firing to cease. As the Presidente con-
tinued, Captain Turner prepared his vessel for action. The Dominican
vessel, seeing this, ceased firing and left. The next day the Vineta, German
naval vessel, arrived, and learning the Atlanta had landed sailors, sent ashore
150 of its crew to protect, as was stated, the German consulate and to look
after English interests, and shortly after its arrival an Italian and a Dutch
naval vessel reached the harbor, making four foreign naval vessels. The
city is entirely isolated from the outside world, the cables being cut, so that
telegrams have to be sent by special messenger to Cotuy, a place about thirty
miles from the city. ... A battle took place on the 5th, the day the mail left
this place. . . . The streets are being barricaded. ... I am informed by
the Dominican minister, Mr. Gonzales, that the revolutionists under General
Gil made an attack on General Vasques and had been repulsed with great
loss, four of their leading generals being killed, among whom were Generals
Pepin, the leading spirit in the present movement, Navana, and Martinez.
This movement should not be classed as one in favor of the last President,
Mr. Jiminez, as it is not. The present movement is as much opposed to Mr.
Jiminez as it is to General Vasques, its main object being to make the Hon.
Alexandro W. Gil President."
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 333
On May 12, 1903, Mr. Powell added another chapter to the history
of this presidential election :
"By letters received, it is stated that General Vasques had the city closely
besieged on all sides except its sea-front. The revolutionists, on their part,
were strongly intrenched, and besides, strong barricades had been erected
in many of the streets leading from the gates of the city. These barricades
were well supplied with rapid-fire guns. General Vasques' force numbered
about 2000 men ; the revolutionists one half this number. General Vasques
established his headquarters at a village known as San Carlos, a place of
about 800 houses, and a short distance from Santo Domingo. This place is
entirely destroyed, not a house standing. General Vasques made several
attempts to take the city by assault, but was repulsed each time with heavy
loss. His last attempt was partly successful, as his troops had made a breach
in the works of the revolutionists ; but the assaulting party not being supported
at a critical moment by General Vasques, the revolutionists rallied and drove
Vasques' force out of their intrenchments, killing the general, Cordrew, who
led the assault. Vasques failed to grasp the situation in time. The sudden
attack, and the failure to receive reinforcements, caused a panic in his forces,
which eventually ended in a rout, his force scattering and fleeing in all direc-
tions; and Vasques himself had to seek safety in flight. At the time of his
defeat the whole Republic was in his favor, with the exception of the city of
Santo Domingo. . . . Vasques left with a chosen few (150) for Puerta Plata,
and there embarked on the Presidente for Santiago, Cuba."
Some months later, General Alexandra W. Gil y Wos declared
himself President, and was recognized by our government.
A new revolution broke out, headed by the old President, Jiminez ;
and still another headed by Carlos F. Morales.
Time is too short in which to follow the interminable and un-
profitable wranglings of these semi-savage degenerates in their bloody
details. The three-cornered revolution progressed with varying for-
tunes until Carlos F. Morales secured a virtual triumph and was de-
clared President.
A CHAPTER OF HAITI
OUR LITTLE NEGRO SISTER, AND THE MODERN VOTING-
MACHINES SHE USES IN ELECTIONS
The Hon. J. N. Leger, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni-
potentiary from Haiti to the United States, wrote an article for the
"North American Review" (July, 1903), entitled "The Truth about
Hayti."
Mr. Leger denied that there is voodooism or cannibalism in Haiti,
and asserted that "personal safety is everywhere assured; one can
travel from one end of the island to the other without trouble or
danger." Mr. Leger also claimed that "Hayti is no worse than the
other Central and South American Republics, and it is very far from
334 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
relapsing into barbarism." Mr. Leger therefore strongly criticised
Mr. Colquhoun's statement in the same "Review " for May, 1903.
"Hayti has become a by- word among the nations, and it is incontroverti-
ble that, with the removal of white control, the negroes have reverted to a
condition almost of savagery."
Mr. Leger may be right, and Haiti may be no worse than some
Central and South American Republics. He is, however, mistaken
if he includes Peru, Chili, and Argentina among the Republics. To
give my readers an idea of what Haiti is like I will make a few extracts
from official reports to the United States government, written but a
short time previous to the date of Mr. Leger's article :
May 11, 1902, Port au Prince, Legation of the United States, Mr. Powell
reports that the situation is extremely interesting, it being reported that the
President will probably leave on May 12, in which event bloodshed is feared;
that the South demands the presidency ; that Firmin and Leconte are candi-
dates from the North.
May 12, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the President of Haiti has resigned
and is to leave the Republic, and requests the presence of a naval vessel to
protect American interests.
May 12, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the Chambers were fired upon and
closed by the populace; that one deputy was mortally wounded; that the
palace and arsenal were attacked on the night of May 11, when several were
killed and wounded; that the Diplomatic Corps is to embark the President
of Haiti at noon, May 12; that the Minister for Foreign Relations and the
Minister for War are at the United States legation ; that Firmin with an army
is marching on Port au Prince, and that business is for the present suspended.
May 15, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that a committee of eleven, with ex-
President Canal as chairman, has been named to conduct affairs at Port au
Prince, and that a similar committee has been named in all the cities of the
Republic.
May 15, 1902, Mr. Powell says presence of naval vessel urgently needed.
May 16, 1902, Department of State, Washington. — Mr. Hill states that
the U. S. S. Topeka sailed from Port Royal, S. C., for Port au Prince on the
morning of May 16.
May 17, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote that General Sam, President, had em-
barked for France. "At the present moment the Republic is without an
executive and a legislative branch of the government, except the committee
above named; yet one arriving here would scarcely believe that a violent
revolution had occurred, a government driven from power, almost, one might
say, without bloodshed."
Mr. Powell narrated the history of the cause of the trouble, stating
that General Sam was elected President April 1, 1896, by the National
Chamber upon the sudden death of General Hyppolite ; that Congress
required him to enter upon his duties at once and to remain in office
until May 15, 1903; that this was "unconstitutional" and caused
grave dissatisfaction, which continued to grow; that "the several
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 335
political arrests and the exile of many persons within the past two
years have been on account of this discussion."
"The first dissatisfaction on the part of the people toward the govern-
ment was caused by the course pursued by the President in the late election
for members of the House of Deputies, held in January last. It is said in
many places where elections were held that only those were allowed to vote
who would promise to cast their votes in favor of the government's candidate.
Those who would not do so could not vote. In other cases where the oppos-
ing candidate received a majority or a plurality his election was set aside,
and some one else named in his place. If any one maintained such action to
be illegal, he was arrested or exiled."
The men who aspired to become President were C. Fouchard,
Minister of Finance in General Salomon's cabinet, who had been
exiled by General Sam; Solon Menos, Secretary for Foreign Rela-
tions in General Sam's cabinet; Seneque Pierre, an old Senator (all
these men being from the South); A. Firmin, Haitian Minister to
France; Alexis Nord, Governor of one of the northern provinces;
General Tancred August, Secretary of Public Works; Vibrum Guil-
laume, Secretary of War; and General C. Leconte, Secretary of
Agriculture (all from the North), with General Maxime Monplaisir,
brother-in-law of the President, as a "dark horse."
" After the determination that the President would resign, Minister Leconte
[the government candidate] felt certain that he would be elected, as he had
sufficient votes pledged in both houses to elect him. This news spread
rapidly, the streets became full of armed citizens wending their way toward
the Chambers to prevent, forcibly if necessary, his election. At first it was
difficult to get the members together. The streets in the neighborhood of
the legislative halls were thronged with people, and the government troops,
the latter to protect the members in case of violence. Several secret meetings
of the members were held. At last the doors were opened, and as soon as
opened every available space not occupied by the members of the two houses
was filled by the friends and foes of General Leconte. As the balloting was
about to commence, some one in the Chambers fired his revolver. In an
instant shooting commenced from all parts of the room. One or two
were killed, and the same number wounded. The members all sought
shelter in the most available places they could find, — under benches and
desks. Others forgot the way they entered, and sought exit by means of the
windows. By this means the populace prevented the election of General
Leconte, forcibly adjourned the Chambers without date, and dispersed the
members of both Chambers. The government troops immediately retired
to the palace, the arsenal, the barracks, or the arrondissement, as it was
thought that an attack would be immediately made on each place. . . .
A concerted attack was made on each of the above places at ten P.M.,
lasting about twenty minutes, in which the government troops were the
victors. It is supposed that in these engagements about one hundred persons
were either killed or wounded. . . .
"Another attack was made on the palace and arsenal on Thursday,
336 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
May 15, by some hot-headed individuals, but as on the former occasion, they
were repulsed. For a time this unexpected movement created great uneasi-
ness. What is most to be feared is the danger arising from fire. As the town
consists mainly of wooden structures, a fire once commenced will sweep the
city ; then will come the uprising of the lower classes to loot and pillage."
On May 19, 1902, the Committee of Safety, Boisrond Canal,
President, notified the Diplomatic Corps that the Committee of the
North, at present at Gonaives, was disposed to march on the capital.
May 19, 1902, Mr. Powell inquires of the State Department if he may
take the U. S. S. Topeka to St. Marc to consult with the Commander of the
Army of the North and advise him not to go to Port au Prince. He states
that if the army, which is said to number 5000 men, is not prevented from
reaching Port au Prince, a severe contest is to be expected, in which American
interests will suffer.
May 19, 1902, Mr. Hill, of the State Department, replies in the negative
to Mr. Powell's request.
May 24, 1902, Mr. Powell reports everything very quiet, but that in-
formation had been received that Mr. Firmin, and Generals Nord and Jean
Jumeau, were approaching the city with hostile intent at the head of 5000 men.
The arms and ammunition in the hands of Generals Nord and Jumeau
were given them by Admiral Killick. Five thousand Remingtons and
1,000,000 rounds of ammunition were recently bought and delivered to the
government. The Admiral was charged to have them conveyed to the
arsenal. Two thousand of these guns were landed ; the remainder, 3000, and
all the ammunition, he retained and delivered to Mr. Firmin. It is by this
means that the present force under Firmin, Nord, and Jumeau was armed.
May 27, 1902, Mr. Powell reports the establishment of a provisional
government, with Canal as President; Nord, Secretary of War; St. Fort
Colin, Secretary of the Interior; Jeremie, Secretary of Foreign Relations;
Cesarious, Secretary of Agriculture; Dennery, Secretary of Finance; La-
lanne, Secretary of Justice; and that affairs are rather better.
May 30, 1902, Mr. Powell reports: "There is still some danger on ac-
count of the proximity of what is known as the * Army of the North ' to the
capital. It was supposed they would return to Cape Haitian, Gonaives,
and St. Marc ; but such is not the case ; and in the appointment of General
Nord Alexis as the Minister of War and Marine, this body of troops can
enter the city at any time by his orders. The danger then will be that a coup
d'etat may occur at any moment. The North will have the advantage in
having control of the government's arsenal and the assistance of the two
Haitian war-vessels. The palace still remains under the control of the gov-
ernment troops. The commandant refuses the provisional government, or
its President, an entrance thereto, and states he will only give way to a
constitutionally elected President."
" Another matter I have the honor to mention in connection with this has
been the forced loans made by Mr. Firmin in the North, giving as guarantee
for repayment certain revenue derived from the exportation of coffee, which
revenue has already been guaranteed for certain outstanding bonds. I have
been requested by commercial houses to protest, but have not done so, as
there was at the time no government to which such a protest could be sent."
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 337
Practically all the American citizens of Port au Prince joined in this
protest.
June 19, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote to Secretary Hay that nothing had
occurred to disturb the tranquillity prevailing there; that one or two little
affairs had occurred at Cape Haiti in which a few were injured; another
disturbance at Jacmel, where Military Governor Delegat was compelled
to seek asylum in the Dominican Consulate.
"The provisional government is about to negotiate a loan to pay some of
the back salaries of the public employees, who have received no money for
four months. The government has expelled Hon. Brutus St. Victor, late
Minister of Foreign Relations."
June 27, 1902, Mr. Powell reports the receipt of a telegram from Consul
Livingston that the Haitian Admiral intends to bombard Cape Haitian at
two o'clock, June 28.
June 28, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the Haitian government styles
the Admiral a pirate and disavows his action.
June 30, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that a telegram received from Cape
Haitian states that the Admiral fired on the city, killing several people;
that Firmin leaves Cape Haitian on a Haitian naval vessel under protection
of consuls. On the same date Mr. Powell had written that he thought
Admiral Killick's threat to bombard a mere bluff, that it would injure
his friends as much as his enemies, etc.; but subsequently acknowledged
himself mistaken in his estimate of Killick's character.
July 7, 1902, Mr. Powell writes Secretary Hay: "All over the Republic
there have been more or less disturbances, the most serious being at the Cape,
where Admiral Killick endeavored to give aid to the Hon. A. Firmin (in the
presidential election), in so doing disobeying the orders of the Secretary of
War and Marine, General Nord Alexis, who was also a candidate for the
presidency and therefore an opponent to Mr. Firmin. The Admiral, in
order to protect Mr. Firmin, landed some of the troops and sailors from his
vessel, and also four of his guns. This action on his part was resisted by
General Nord, and brought on an engagement between his force and the
troops of General Nord resulting in Killick's retreat to his vessel after
the loss of two of his guns, and also being compelled to leave a portion of
his troops behind, who were immediately disarmed by General Nord."
Mr. Powell continued: "At the capital the elections which closed yester-
day were fairly quiet; there has been some little shooting at night, making
the timid and nervous rather unsettled. A few have been killed, more
through accident than by design. . . . Some of the houses above the first
floor are pretty well riddled. . . . We do not dare to sit on our gallery
for fear of some stray bullet."
July 19, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote giving details of the Cape Haitian
affair ; stating that the provisional government had dismissed Killick, who
defied the government, and stated that as soon as he could obtain coal, which
was then on the way to him, he proposed to return to the Gape, destroy it,
and then proceed to Port au Prince to finish his work of destruction ; that
he would never surrender the vessel, but would if necessary blow her up
with all on board.
President Canal had requested the French minister to send the D'Assas
to Gonaives to capture Killick, but was refused ; he then requested Minister
Powell to send the Marietta to capture the Crete and bring her in, but was
VOL. i — 22
338 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
also refused, on the ground that the Marietta was there solely for the protec-
tion of foreign interests. Admiral Killick was declared a pirate by the gov-
ernment, but the Diplomatic Corps refused to take any action whatever in
the matter.
CIVIL WAR DECLARED.
July 26, 1902, Minister Powell, from Port au Prince, notified the State
Department by cable that civil war had been declared, that the cabinet had
been dissolved, and that Firmin was marching with an army on Port au
Prince.
July 30, 1902, Acting Secretary David J. Hill informed Mr. Powell that
the government would not regard Admiral Killick 's vessel as a pirate ; that
the expedient of declaring a revolted national vessel to be a " pirate" has
often been resorted to among the Spanish-American countries in times of
civil tumult; but while such vessel may be outlawed so far as the out-
lawing State is concerned, no foreign nation is bound to respect or execute
such outlawry. Treason is not piracy.
August 1, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote: "The Provisional President, General
Canal, has informed the public that civil war has commenced through
the action of Mr. Firmin and of his friends. General Jean Jumeau, the
Governor of the Artibonite and said to be one of the ablest of the Haitian
generals, has taken up arms in behalf of Mr. Firmin, and left Gonaives with
an army of 2000 men and several field guns, for the purpose of attacking this
city. At the time of General Jumeau 's departure with his troops, General
Salnave left for the Cape with 3000 men. It was rumored, as an inducement
to the men in the two armies, that in the event of the capture of either place
the followers of Mr. Firmin would have the full privilege to pillage and de-
stroy. . . . For several days during the past two weeks almost a reign
of terror prevailed, as if some great calamity were pending over the place.
All business was paralyzed. . . . Mr. Fouchard called at the legation to
know what steps the Diplomatic Corps would take to prevent General
Jumeau carrying into execution his plans to destroy the city. We informed
him that the Diplomatic Corps could not take any steps in that direction;
that this government must itself prepare to defend the capital. . . . Owing
to the close proximity of General Jumeau 's army, the government on the
night of July 26 sent a body of troops numbering 500 men to prevent a
further advance of this army. The next morning, July 27, at six A. M., the
alarm gun was fired, calling the citizens to arms and warning the in-
habitants of the near approach of General Jumeau's troops. Within an
hour thereafter 300 volunteers were sent to reinforce those sent out the night
previous. Later in the morning General San Fort Colin, with three regi-
ments of the national troops, left for the same destination. General Ju-
meau's troops were met at a place called Duvivier, about eight miles from
the city, where an engagement took place, in which about 50 were killed
and 100 wounded, the loss on General Jumeau's side being unknown.
" It was reported that General Jumeau's troops had retreated. . . . Vice-
Admiral Killick has seized many of the small Haitian coasting- vessels freighted
with fruits and vegetables for this market, one of which was a vessel flying the
American flag. . . . News has reached the government to-day of the defeat
of the army under General Salnave, who was marching to Cape Haiti, by the
troops under General Nord Alexis. . . . Street firing at night continues,
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 339
much to every one's discomfort, as no one feels safe from stray bullets. Since
May 12th more than 900,000 rounds of ammunition have been uselessly wasted.
... A quorum of members elect has reached the capital. . . . Mr. Firmin
has but 23 of 95 members ; how the other 72 stand no one knows, not even the
candidates themselves. Mr. Firmin can only win by force of arms. . . . The
presidential contest is thus narrowed to the two candidates, Mr. Pierre and
Mr. Fouchard. . . . The real danger at the present time is that the partisans
of these will clash."
August 5, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that Firmin set up a new government
on August 4 at Gonaives, known as the Provisional Government of Artibonite
and the Northwest, with Firmin, President ; Killick, Secretary of the Navy and
War ; Bouraud, Secretary of the Treasury ; Henriquez, Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs ; St. Louis, Secretary of Public Works ; Chicoye, Secretary of
the Interior ; Lamour, Secretary of Agriculture.
August 5, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote: "The defeat of General Salnave by the
army of General Nord Alexis, and the threatened attack upon Gonaives by
the latter, has caused General Jean Jumeau to change his base of operations.
. . . He has taken the field in person, and is moving with his army towards
the Cape to meet General Nord Alexis. . . . The contest at the Cape will no
doubt be a bitter one, as the men at the head of the opposing armies are both
old men, are bitter enemies, and, as each has the prestige of having never suf-
fered defeat, neither will succumb to the other without a severe struggle. . . .
If General Nord Alexis succeeds in defeating General Jumeau, it brings him
prominently before the people as a presidential candidate."
August 9, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the provisional government of
Haiti has notified the legation that Gonaives, Port de Paix, and St. Marc are
in rebellion, and requests the United States to prevent shipment of arms and
ammunition to those places.
August 10, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that Admiral Killick prevents the
steamship Paloma from entering Cape Haitian ; that he has cabled to Com-
mander McCrea, at Gonaives, that the government at Cape Haiti is not recog-
nized, nor the blockade, and to give protection to American and Cuban or
foreign vessels desiring to enter the Cape.
August 11, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the French vessel D'Assas has re-
turned; brings news that Petit Goave is entirely destroyed, 10,000 people
homeless, — the D'Assas brought 150 women and children to Port au Prince;
that Killick blockades the Cape, refusing the Paloma entrance ; that he has
instructed Consul Livingston to ignore the blockade.
August 15, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote Secretary Hay that the principal events
which had occurred since his last despatch were :
1st. The attempt to declare the port of Haiti in a state of blockade by the
Firmin government ;
2d. The total destruction of Petit Goave ;
3d. The refusal to permit foreigners to land at Gonaives ;
4th. The control at the Cape between the two armed forces under General
Nord Alexis and General Jean Jumeau.
"The saddest event of which I have to write," says Mr. Powell, "is the
total destruction of Petit Goave, a coast city of the Bay of Gonaives, about fifty
miles from here, with a population of about 12,000 ; it was beautifully situated
and represented a thriving community. It was one of the chief ports of the
Republic. Many of the foreign houses had branches here. One of the largest
340 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and most complete coffee usines in the Republic is located there. To-day there
are but two houses standing, and over 10,000 people are practically home-
less. This place was held by the adherents of Mr. Firmin, the command-
ant in charge, Chicoye, Minister of Interior and Police, being a member of
his cabinet. The provisional government sent from here 900 men under
General Carrie to dislodge him and to restore it to the control of this gov-
ernment. On the morning of the 9th General Carrie sent word to General
Chicoye to surrender. General Chicoye with a small force made a sally from
the city on the force under command of General Carrie, and was repulsed.
While this attack was being made in the front, a strong detachment was sent
to enter the city from the other side by General Carrie, so that General
Chicoye was between two fires. Seeing this, he retreated towards the city.
On entering it, it is said, he repaired to his house, put it to the torch, and was
consumed with his wife and children. Others did likewise, and the place was
soon destroyed. Another report is that a number of young men who had been
driven from the city by the Firminists returned with General Carrie's army.
When this army entered the city, they set fire to the houses of the most promi-
nent partisans of Mr. Firmin. Owing to the high wind prevailing at the time,
the flames from these houses communicated with others, and in a litt e while
the whole city was in flames. It seems that no effort was made to stop it or to
cease fighting, which at that time was going on in the streets. The women
and children fled to the coffee usine, which is a short distance from the city
and which escaped the flames. To this place also what was left of General
Chicoye's force retreated. Many of the wounded were consumed in the flames.
It is stated that 450 were killed. There were but few wounded, as they were
burned with the houses.
" After the French consulate was destroyed, the consul raised his flag at the
usine, which is French property, and gave asylum to all who came there. Gen-
eral Carrie demanded that the people there be surrendered to him, — about
400 in number. . . . The provisional government has ordered their embarka-
tion to foreign shores. . . . They have no money to pay their passage or sus-
tain themselves after they may reach a foreign shore. All they have is on
their bodies."
Mr. Powell also reported that the French, German, Dutch, and
other foreign ministers and citizens contributed from their private
funds to help these poor destitute people. The provisional govern-
ment not only did nothing, but committed an additional outrage
by driving these poor people from their homes, penniless, into for-
eign countries.
"The provisional government has established a censorship over the press,
so that but little news can be gleaned from it. Nothing adverse to the govern-
ment can be stated in the columns of the papers. Any departure from this
rule consigns the editors, and those connected with them, to prison."
August 20, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote that General Jumeau, on the 18th, had
reduced St. Michel, a small town in the interior, to ashes in order to prevent
it from falling into the hands of the government troops.
"In the North, toward the Cape, affairs are still in a desperate state. The
armies of the two sections confront each other; a battle is momentarily ex-
pected. It is stated that each numbers about 3000 men. ... At Petit Goave
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 341
the condition of the people that remain there seems most distressing. The
women and children who are at the usine are without food or raiment, except
such as has been sent them from here ; those who have escaped are in hiding
in the mountains. The women and children who have fled from the city are
subsisting on what they can find near them."
August 29, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that severe fighting near Cape Haitian
occurred August 28th and 29th ; that Nord is at the head of the provisional
army and Jumeau in command of the revolutionists; that the loss on both
sides is very heavy ; that Limbe and Marmelade are totally destroyed.
August 29, 1902, Mr. Powell reports there are many rumors, but little
definite news, as all communication is cut off, and Mr. Firmin has issued a
decree prohibiting the consuls and consular agents from communicating with
the legations. . . . "One of the peculiar features of this contest is that as
soon as the defeated army finds that it is compelled to leave a place, it at once
places a torch to it."
September 3, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that Admiral Killick searched a
German vessel on September 2, and took from her goods consigned to Cape
Haitian for the Haitian government ; that the charge d'affaires of Germany has
cabled to his government for instructions to seize the Crete (Killick 's ves-
sel) ; that the German naval vessel Panther is expected to arrive September 4.
September 6, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote: "In the North affairs are a little
more lively. Two battles have been fought. General Jumeau seems to have
regained some of his lost ground. A battle was fought at Limbe on Sep-
tember 1 and 2, at which the government troops were compelled to retire.
... It is reported to-day that the government troops have suffered another
reverse at a place thirty-six hours' march from here, called Mirebalais. . . .
The German naval vessel Panther arrived to-day. . . .
The Paloma, which arrived to-day, brings to Mr. Firmin $2,000,000 paper
money, printed for him in New York; 800,000 rounds of ammunition, and
a quantity of firearms. . . . Mr. Firmin now has all the sinews of war that
he needs, — money to pay his soldiers, which he will compel all to accept ;
arms, ammunition, and provisions for the same. . . . Mr. Firmin has also
seized all the custom receipts at the ports of Gonaives, St. Marc, and Port de
Paix. The revenues from these, as well as other ports, have been set aside
to meet the bonded obligations of the government as they fell due. A large
proportion of these bonds is in the hands of the French and German bankers
and the merchants of those countries.
September 7, 1902, Mr. Powell reports a communication from Boisrond
Canal, Provisional President, stating that "ex- Admiral Killick, at present
in rebellion against the legitimate authority, has seized on board the German
merchant steamer Markomannia arms and ammunition shipped from the
capital for Cape Haitian. The government sent out another protest to the
world, calling the Crete, Killick's vessel, a pirate."
September 7, 1902, Mr. Powell reports that the Panther sunk the Crete
yesterday; ordered her to surrender ; Killick refused ; 30 shots fired into her ;
the Crete was sunk in the harbor of Gonaives ; Killick and his crew escaped
uninjured to the shore. Mr. Powell added that "The Panther returned to
this port this morning. There was much rejoicing on the part of some of the
inhabitants, while with others there is a bitter feeling of resentment against
the provisional government and German colony, which may result in some
grave events the coming week."
342 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
September 9, 1902, Mr. Powell states that it is reported that Admiral
Killick and two of his officers went down with the Crete.
COMMENTS ON THE SINKING OF THE CRETE
Readers of this narrative will remember the excitement caused in
the United States by the action of the German vessel Panther sinking
this pirate outfit. While not strictly piratical, in the eyes of interna-
tional law, it was a bandit vessel, cruising without papers issued by
any government, and not in the service of any revolution which had
been recognized by a foreign nation. Had this vessel confined its
attacks to the forces of the government, there would have been no
trouble. But it issued paper blockades, which our own government
refused to recognize; and when it held up our vessels and searched
them, our government did nothing. Seizing merchandise from a
German vessel, however, was an entirely different matter, and the
German government deserves great credit for doing what we our-
selves ought to have had the decency to do long before, — that is, to
put a practical and effectual end to the depredations of the Crete.
The actions of the Panther caused the strongest of animadver-
sions in the United States, and was responsible for thousands of red-
hot editorials on the Monroe Doctrine applicable to such a case. I
must content myself, reflecting on the attitude of the American press
and people with reference to this and similar cases, with the same
conviction which the moujik of Russia entertains concerning "The
Little Father," — "He doesn't know the truth, but if he did, it
would be all right."
September 13, 1902, Mr. Powell wrote that the political situation was get-
ting worse ; that General Nord Alexis had again been defeated in the North ;
that a movement had been started to depose General Canal, the Provisional
President, on the ground that he was too old.
Full reports of the sinking of the Crete were given, from which
it appears that Killick had tried to blow up the vessel. A maddening
crowd of people filled the streets crying, "Kill the Germans," "kill
the whites"; but the Panther steamed away without waiting to
protect them.
"The feeling throughout the Republic is very bitter toward the Germans.
Placards have been affixed on the doors of many of the German houses, call-
ing upon all Haitians who love their country, irrespective of party or faction,
to arise and avenge the death of Killick by any means in their power. What
is to be the result of this no one can predict."
SAMPLES OF HAITIAN PRONUNCIAMENTOS
While these events are transpiring, we may pause, as lovers of
literature, to read some of the productions from the pens of Haitian
generals. This, by Firmin, sounds rather well:
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 343
To THE PEOPLE AND THE ARMY:
The infamous government of Port au Prince continues its ill-omened work.
It has so far excited the foreign governments against our cause that it has
finally led the German cruiser to bombard in our harbor of Gonaives the gun-
boat Crete-a-Pierrot that was anchored there.
Our vessel, taken by surprise, was not able to defend itself ; Admiral Kil-
lick has immortalized himself in blowing it up. He has met the death of the
brave.
Boisrond Canal and the anti-patriots who surround him will render an
account of that action before history.
Never would the foreigner have thought to act so brutally toward us with-
out the request of that man, who wished to avenge himself thus for the seizure,
regularly made by us, of the arms and ammunitions sent to his accomplices
at the Cape on the steamship Markomannia.
Haitians, shame to those who, forgetting their duty to the country, call
on foreigners to disgrace it.
The fifteen cannon-shots fired on the Crete-a-Pierrot already on fire,
instead of shaking my courage, have strengthened it. I shall remain at the
height of my duties.
Dessalines, illustrious founder of our independence, and thou, Petion,
and thou, Capiox, braver than death itself, your sublime souls soared silently
over this generous city of Gonaives during that act of iniquitous aggression.
But I swear, with the brave citizens and soldiers who surround me, to pre-
serve the national honor entire.
Live Admiral Killick !
Live the heroes, founders of national independence !
Live the institutions !
Live the Haitian native ! A. FIHMIN.
Given at the National Palace at Gonaives, September 6, 1902,
99th year of independence.
If the reader be not yet satiated with the peculiar style of opera-
bouffe which the Monroe Doctrine has brought forth among our
"Sister Republics," the following additional sample may be of
interest :
(Republic of Haiti — Order of the Day.)
Citizens and soldiers, let us render homage to Admiral Killick, and to the
officers of the Crete-a-Pierrot, to the valorous Generals Ney Pierre, Albert
Salnave, Laborde Corvosier, Malvoisin, Macombe, Catabois, and their other
companions of War.
They have merited the fatherland.
Live order !
Live liberty !
Live national independence !
Live the unity of the Haitian family !
etc., etc., etc.
Signed by DARIUS BOURAND,
Councillor Depts. Finance and Commerce.
344 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
September 22, 1902, Mr. Powell writes: "The partisans of the two candi-
dates resident here, Fouchard and Pierre, are accusing each other of bad faith,
thus causing much bad blood between them. The friends of the one assert
that Fouchard shall not be President, and the friends of the other candidate
declare that Pierre shall not be. The only thing that prevents an open rupture
at the present time is that both have united in giving assistance to the provi-
sional government against Mr. Firmin. After Mr. Finnin has been defeated,
and is no longer a menace to either, then they will commence a conflict for
the mastery here, in which the city will be the theatre of conflict. . . . Each
candidate is quietly arming his side for this conflict . . . The color of the
candidates is another danger that is gradually assuming shape. The pure
blacks declare that only a black man shall be elected as President. For this
reason a large number of this class espouse the candidacy of Mr. Pierre, who
represents that element ; those of a lighter hue and the mulattoes are supposed
to be with Mr. Fouchard, who is not quite so dark.
"The provisional government is pressing all the country people into mili-
tary service. In the mountain districts they are hunted like wild animals,
and are driven into the cities like droves of cattle, with their legs tied together
with rope, sufficiently long to enable them to walk, their arms tied behind
them. They have two or three soldiers and an officer to guard them and see
that none escape. These people range in age from fourteen to sixty-five years.
If any resist, or endeavor to escape, or flee from the officer in charge, they are
shot as they run. The country people, especially those in the mountainous
districts, are not in sympathy with any of the candidates, stating 'We have
no President, why should we fight?' All they desire is to be let alone, to
cultivate their little patches of ground. . . . The principal events of the past
week are the successive defeats of the force of General Nord Alexis by the
troops of Mr. Firmin at Limbe. . . . For the last three days the provisional
government has been sending troops to attack St. Marc and Gonaives. About
3000 men are on the march, going by three routes. ... It is the settled
purpose of Mr. Firmin to destroy both cities if he finds his troops cannot
hold them."
October 7, 1902, Mr. Powell writes: "The provisional government daily
exhibits greater weakness and inability to cope with the present situation.
There are virtually but two men in the cabinet. General Nord Alexis, one
of the members, is in the field at the North. The President, General Canal,
is also filling the following cabinet places: Secretary of Foreign Relations,
War and Marine, Justice, Public Worship, Agriculture and Public Works.
The President, who has taken these several cabinet places upon himself, is
seventy-seven years old."
October 16, 1902, Port au Prince, Legation of the United States, Mr.
Terres reports that St. Marc has capitulated to the provisional government.
October 17, 1902, Mr. Terres reports the surrender of Gonaives, and that
Firmin, with his followers, has embarked in the Adirondacks.
October 22, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that since the surrender of St. Marc
and Port au Paix and the evacuation of Gonaives, the civil war is over ; that
it is supposed a general amnesty will be granted.
November 5, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that General Nord Alexis demanded
of Consul Livingston, Cape Haitian, surrender of political refugees, which
was refused. The answer of Secretary John Hay, November 21, 1902,
throws a curious light on the attitude of the American State Department.
HOW REPUBLICS ELECT PRESIDENTS 345
Mr. Hay says: "Mr. Terre's statement to the President (in refusing to
deliver up the refugees) appears to have lacked the necessary qualification.
The government could rightly object to the taking of political refugees from
one of its consulates by force, but it could not shelter fugitives from the
orderly processes of the courts when charged with common crimes not
political in their nature."
I confess that the man who can coolly and dispassionately write of
the "orderly processes of the courts," in face of the record of pillage,
devastation, and anarchy disclosed in these letters to Mr. Hay, is of
a character incomprehensible to me. Under this ruling, the only thing
necessary to get at a political refugee would be for one of these black
descendants of Ananias to charge the victim with some crime, and
thus make him subject to the "orderly processes of the courts" !
November 7, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that "some 300 volunteers, who
had left this city about three weeks ago for Gonaives, to operate against the
army of Firmin, returned to the capital on the 3d instant about five P. M. On
entering, General St. Fort Colin, Minister of the Interior and Commandant
of the Arrondissement of Port au Prince, demanded them to disarm. They
refused to give up their arms, and the consequence was a conflict between the
troops of General St. Fort Colin and the volunteers commanded by General
Emmanuel Thezan. The whole city was thrown into a commotion, a perfect
panic ensuing; the firing continued during the remainder of the afternoon,
all through the night, and recommenced on the following morning, continuing
until eleven o'clock, when things quieted down, and the volunteers withdrew
to the suburbs of the city, where they are now encamped, retaining their arms
and two Gatling guns. During the disturbance there were some 10 or 12 killed
and about 20 wounded ; some of the victims were persons not engaged in the
melee. The state of affairs here is very unsettled, and when the different corps
return, — one under General J. Carrie, with volunteers who are partisans
of Mr. Fouchard, the same as those under General Thezan, and the two corps
under Generals Buteau and H. Monplaisir, respectively, who support as their
candidate Mr. Seneque Pierre, with General Alexis Nord, who is coming with
his army, and who is also a candidate for the presidency, — it will be very
difficult to avoid serious complications."
November 21, 1902, Mr. Terres writes: "General Alexis Nord, with the
main corps of his army, is still at Gonaives; he is expected to arrive here
within the next ten days, and then he will have in this city about 15,000 troops.
Should he not pose himself as a candidate for the presidency, with a certainty
of being elected, whichever one of the other two candidates that he may favor
will surely be elected."
December 16, 1902, Mr. Terres reports the arrival of General Nord on
December 14; that great excitement prevails; that shooting is going on in
the city; that serious trouble is expected; that the Haitian Secretary of the
Interior, with the general police, is at the United States Legation.
December 22, 1902, Mr. Terres reports that General Nord has been
elected President of Haiti, and that everything is quiet at Port au Prince.
"On the 14th instant General Nord Alexis entered the capital with his
army of about 5000 men. He immediately distributed his troops at the differ-
346 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ent important posts and forts of the city. . . . During the day there was some
disorder ; some 15 persons were killed ; later, however, all quieted down.
"On the evening of the 17th there was a salute fired at about eight p. M.,
and the army acclaimed General Nord as the President of Haiti. The next
day General Nord, escorted by his cavalry, passed through the principal
streets of the city, and then entered and took up his residence in the palace,
which, since the departure of ex-President Sam, had been closed and guarded
by General Darius Hyppolite. A proclamation was issued by General Nord,
accepting the acclamation, subject to the sanction of the National Assembly.
. . . General Nord received 100 out of the 115 votes cast, the 15 others being
blank ballots."
This is the story of an " election" in Haiti, — a chapter which
has been repeated with a thousand variations, a hundred different
times, ever since the Black Dictatorship was established.
Whether the stories of voodooism and cannibalism in Haiti are
true or not is a matter of little importance ; the prime fact is, that to
all intents and purposes Haiti is a barbarous community. So far as
I know, Haiti is the highest type of government ever established by
the negro race, and with reference to it I must agree with Mr.
Colquhoun, who terms it "a by- word among the nations."
CHAPTER XXXI
SPANISH-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS
I. CONSTITUTIONS OF COLOMBIA
PROMINENT Colombian authority says:
"In no other country of the world have there been adopted as many
Constitutions as in Colombia. Counting those which took root from
the proclamation of independence by the united provinces of New Granada
(1811-1815) ; those that governed in all the Republic in 1821, 1830, 1832, 1843,
1853, 1858, 1863, and 1886; the thirty-five Constitutions adopted by the
provinces, in virtue of Article 48 of the Constitution of 1853, and the forty-two
sanctioned by the Sovereign States under the regimen of the Constitution of
Rionegro, and the result is that we have had since 1811 ninety Constitutions.
In them have been adopted, within the republican regimen, all possible combi-
nations, — rigorous centralization, mitigated centralization, relative federa-
tion, absolute federation, and confederation. Some of these Constitutions
have been the work of a single party; others, as those of 1843, 1858, 1886,
were partially the joint work of diverse parties.'*
II. OTHER LATIN-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS
If the Constitutions of Colombia have been somewhat more numer-
ous than those of Venezuela, they have at least not been more amusing,
nor have the mandates of these Constitutions been more generally
disregarded in one country than in the other. Every incoming Dic-
tator has had a Constitution of his own, each one designed to be
prettier than the preceding, but without the slightest intention of
making it practically applicable in any respect to the actual admin-
istration of affairs. Nor is the majority of the other Spanish-American
countries particularly better than Venezuela or Colombia in this re-
spect. Their Constitutions have been changed, altered, abolished, or
amended at the whim of the reigning Dictator. The dates of the
adoption of the latest Constitutions of several of these countries have
been given as follows : Ecuador, 1897 ; Nicaragua, 1894 ; Santo Do-
mingo, 1896; Honduras, 1895 ; Haiti, 1889; Salvador, 1886; Bolivia,
1880; Peru, 1885; Colombia, 1904; Venezuela, 1904.
In Brazil one Constitution only existed during the empire, from
1824 to 1891. In Chili, Argentina, Uraguay, Paraguay, and Gaute-
mala, the Constitutions are not changed so often. When a revolution
348 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
sweeps the government out of power, the new crowd contents itself
with filling the offices, probably considering that the Constitution is
not of enough importance to justify interfering with it.
All Spanish- American Constitutions are much alike; they are
mainly copies of our Constitution, with some French ideas grafted on
to it, and a few Utopian ideas of the reigning Dictator tagged on. The
Constitution which comes nearest to practicality is that of Mexico.
It was adopted in 1857, but fulfilled Bolivar's definition, "Our Con-
stitutions are books," until General Porfirio Diaz fought his way into
power and resolutely set about organizing a real government. As
stated elsewhere, the Mexican Constitution is almost universally
respected and enforced by the courts, and reference has been made
to its articles for so long a time that a compliance with its mandates
has become habitual. It has become interwoven in the legal thought
of the country ; and it is worthy of great respect. In a lesser degree,
and yet to an extent which makes us hopeful, the Constitutions of
Chili, adopted in 1833, the body of which is still in force, and that
of Argentina, adopted in 1860, are being more and more accepted
by the governments and the courts as of paramount authority, al-
though in their more important provisions — those relating to the
election of executives and legislators and to the independence of the
judiciary — they are as if they were not.
III. THE CONSTITUTIONS OF VENEZUELA
For the purpose of revealing the relations which a typical Spanish-
American Constitution has to the actual administration and to show
how utterly puerile and ridiculous are its pretensions to be the funda-
mental law of the land ; how unworthy of any consideration whatever
it is as a governing factor or as controlling the actions of those
in authority, I shall analyze one of the most recent productions of
Latin-American countries, namely, the Constitution of Venezuela.
This document is certainly one of the most remarkable specimens of
constitution-making to be found in history.
Almost every revolution in Venezuela has brought a new Consti-
tution into existence. The new Dictator usually appoints one of his
partisans from each State, or district, to be a member of an Asamblea
Constituyenti — a sort of provisional congress — and this body pro-
mulgates the Constitution desired by the Dictator. I have in my pos-
session several of these Constitutions, but the five most important
may be regarded as follows:
1830 — The Constitution promulgated at Valencia, September 24,
1830, by Jose Antonio Paez;
1874 — The Constitution promulgated by Guzman Blanco ;
1881 — The Constitution promulgated by Guzman Blanco at
Caracas on April 27, 1881 ;
SPANISH-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS 349
1893 — The Constitution promulgated by Joaquin Crespo at
Caracas, June 21, 1893;
1901 — The Constitution promulgated by Cipriano Castro, Ca-
racas, March 29, 1901;
The Constitution of 1830 was alleged to have been formed by the
Diputados of the provinces of Cumana, Barcelona, Margarita, Ca-
racas, Carabobo, Coro, Maracaibo, Merida, Barinas, Apure, and
Guayana. It declared that:
The Venezuelan nation is forever and irrevocably free and inde-
pendent of all potencies and foreign dominion, and is not and never
will be the patrimony of any family ;
That sovereignty resides essentially in the nation, and can only
be exercised by those political powers which this Constitution
provides ;
That the government will be formed republican, popular, repre-
sentative, responsible, and alternating;
That the people will not themselves exercise other attributions of
sovereignty than the elections, nor deposit the exercise of such sov-
ereignty in the hands of any single person;
That the supreme power is divided into legislative, executive, and
judicial ; each power will exercise the attributions designated by this
Constitution, without exceeding their respective limits ;
All Venezuelans, in the enjoyment of their rights of citizenship,
are eligible for election to public office.
Very formal and complete directions were given for the holding of
elections and the recording of the popular vote.
The restrictions placed by this Constitution upon the exercise of
power by the Executive might incline us to believe that these people
were seriously engaged in working out the problem of free govern-
ment, were it not for the fact that Paez was at the very moment of its
formulation an autocratic Military Dictator.
The Constitution states:
The President of the Republic cannot:
1st. Leave the territory of the Republic while he exercises the Executive
power, nor for one year afterwards [if the writer of this clause could have seen
Andrade skipping out from La Guaira, he would probably have changed his
phraseology to "ought not" instead of "cannot"];
2d. Command in person the military and naval forces without the pre-
vious consent of Congress;
3d. Employ the armed forces permanently in case of internal commotion,
without the previous consent of the cabinet;
4th. Admit foreigners to the service of arms in the class of officials and
chiefs, without the previous consent of Congress;
5th. Expel from the territory, nor deprive of his liberty, any Venezuelan,
except in cases prescribed by Article 118 (rebellion or foreign war), nor pre-
scribe any punishment whatever;
6th. Exercise any control over judicial proceedings;
350 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
7th. Prevent or interfere with the election prescribed by this Constitu-
tion, nor prevent the persons elected from taking their offices and exercising
their functions;
8th. Dissolve Congress nor suspend its sessions.
A great many more restrictions were placed upon the Executive,
for the purpose of rendering tyranny impossible; and Venezuela
became at once quite a model republic on paper.
The Constitution promulgated by Guzman Blanco was more
profuse than even that of Paez in its alleged guarantees. One
would think to read it that the millennium had arrived in Venezuela.
The following will illustrate its pretensions (Constitution of 1883) :
ART. 14. The nation guarantees to Venezuelans —
1st. The inviolability of life, capital punishment being abolished, no
difference what law may be established.
2d. Property with all its rights, emoluments, and privileges ; it can only
be subject to the contributions decreed by the legislative authority and the
judicial decision, and be taken for public works, previous indemnization,
and judgment of condemnation.
3d. The inviolability and secrecy of correspondence, and other private
papers.
4th. The domestic residence, which cannot be entered except to prevent
the perpetration of a crime, and this even must be executed in accordance
with the prescription of law.
5th. Personal liberty, and for it ; (a) there remains abolished the forcible
recruiting for the service of arms; (b) slavery forever prohibited; (c) free-
dom for slaves who tread the Venezuelan territory ; (d) no one is compelled
to do what the law does not command, nor prohibited from doing what the
law does not prohibit.
6th. The liberty of thought, expressed by words, or by medium of the
press, is without any restriction or previous censorship. In the cases of cal-
umny, or injury, or prejudice to third parties, the aggrieved has the right to
bring actions before the tribunals of justice, in accordance with the common
laws.
7th. The liberty to travel without passports, to change the domicile, ob-
serving for this purpose the legal formalities, and to absent himself , or return
to the Republic, taking his property and chattels.
8th. The liberty of industry, and, in consequence, the ownership of his
discoveries and productions. For authors and inventors the law will assign
a temporary privilege, or indicate the manner of indemnifying them.
9th. The liberty of reunion and association without arms, publicly or
privately, the public authorities having no right to exercise any act whatever
of inspection or coercion.
10th. The liberty of petition, with the right of obtaining a resolution
thereon, before any functionary, authority, or corporation. If the petition
is signed by many, the first five will respond for the authenticity of the signa-
tures, and all for the truth of the statements.
llth. The liberty of suffrage for the popular elections without other
restrictions than that of a minority of eighteen years of age.
SPANISH-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS 351
12th. The liberty of instruction, which will be protected in all its extension.
The public power remains obligated to establish gratuitously primary educa-
tion and that of arts and occupations.
13th. Religious liberty.
14th. Individual security, and for this (a) no Venezuelan can be arrested,
nor imprisoned for debts which do not spring from fraud or crime ; (6) nor
be obliged to receive military persons in his house, nor lodge nor feed them;
(c) nor be judged by special tribunals nor commissions, but only by the
regular judges, and in accordance with the laws dictated prior to the crime,
or commencement of the action ; (d) nor be imprisoned nor arrested, except
upon summary information of having committed a crime which merits cor-
poral punishment, and an order in writing by the functionary who sentences
him to prison, with a statement of the cause, unless the person has been
caught infraganti; (e) nor be held incomunicado for any cause; (/) nor be
obliged to testify, nor be interrogated, in criminal affairs, against himself, or
his relatives within the fourth degree of consanguinity, second of affinity, and
matrimony; (g) nor remain in prison if the motives have been destroyed;
(h) nor be condemned to suffer pain in criminal matters without first having
been cited and legally heard; (i) nor be condemned to imprisonment for
more than ten years ; (j) nor continue to be deprived of his liberty for political
motives after public order has been established.
15th. The equality in virtue of which (a) all must be judged by the same
laws, and submitted to equal duties, services, and contributions; (6) Titles
of nobility will not be conceded, nor hereditary honors and distinctions, nor
public office whose emoluments endure longer than the service ; (c) No other
titles or address will be given to officials or corporations than " Citizen" and
"You."
IV ALLEGED CONSTITUTIONAL GUARANTEES
Very many other alleged "guarantees" were expressed by the
so-called Constitution of Guzman Blanco, but none of them was worth
the paper it was printed upon. These constitutional guarantees seem
a cruel and wicked mockery. If Blanco and his satellites had been
men of good faith, we might have patience with their frailties and
shortcomings; but their alleged constitutional guarantees, like those
of Crespo and Castro, who succeeded them, were only the crafty
devices of corrupt and debauched men, who "steal the livery of
heaven to serve the devil in."
The Constitution promulgated on April 13, 1901, by Cipriano
Castro, contained all the above guarantees, and many more. Some-
thing occurred which caused Castro to dislike this Constitution; he
therefore promulgated a new one, on June 12, 1903. Some of the
provisions in Castro's Constitution are really worthy. Take this, for
instance :
"ART. 63. The election of President of the United States of Venezuela
will be made by all the citizens of all the States and the Federal District, by
direct and secret ballot ; and in order to be elected it is necessary to be a Vene-
zuelan by birth, and to have completed thirty years of age."
352 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
As a matter of fact, "in order to be elected," it is necessary to have
more half-breed soldiers and more machetes than the other fellow.
It disgusts a sensible man to read this drivelling talk of the elections
in Venezuela.
On April 27, 1904, General Castro promulgated yet another Con-
stitution for Venezuela. This Constitution seems to be aimed more
particularly at foreigners, of whom, however, there are very few re-
maining. It declares:
"The law shall determine the rights and duties of foreigners.
"If foreigners take part in political disputes, they shall have the same
responsibilities as Venezuelans.
"In no case shall nationals or foreigners claim to be indemnified by the
nation or the States for damages or expropriations which have not been com-
mitted by lawful authorities acting in their public character."
The Federal Executive is given the power —
"To prohibit, when it is deemed expedient, the entry into the national
territory of foreigners, who have no settled domicile in the country, or to expel
them therefrom.
"To prohibit and prevent the entry into the territory of the Republic of
foreigners specially devoted to the service of any worship or religion, whatever
may be the order or hierarchy with which they are invested."
V. CONSTITUTIONS OF ECUADOR
The Constitutions of Ecuador have been many and excellent — on
paper. Some of the principal Constitutions were as follows :
Place Promulgated Duration
1. Riobamba 1830-1835
2. Ambato 1835-1843
3. Quito 1843-1845
4. Cuenca 1845-1850
5. Quito 1850-1852
6. Guayaquil 1852-1859
7. Quito 1861-1869
8. Quito 1869-1876
9. Ambato 1877-1883
10. Quito 1883-1887
11. Quito 1887-1896
12. Quito 1897-
The Constitution of Ecuador, like that of Venezuela, is useless for
practical purposes. If the provisions of this Constitution were in any
degree respected, there might be some hope for the future. But it is
merely an aggregation of words which may be shown to foreign pow-
ers when complaint is made about the low state of civilization which
permits the levying of forced loans on their citizens. The guarantees
of the Ecuadorian Constitution are as follows :
SPANISH-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS 353
CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF ECUADOR
In the name of God, the Author and Legislator of the earth, the National
Assembly of Ecuador makes and promulgates the following political
Constitution :
TITLE I. THE NATION AND THE FORM OP ITS GOVERNMENT
ART. I. The Ecuadorian Nation is composed of all the Ecuadorians
united under the dominion of the same laws.
ART. II. The territory of the Republic embraces that of the provinces
which formerly constituted the Presidency of Quito and that of the Archipelago
of Galapagos. The limits shall be finally fixed by treaties with the neighbor-
ing nations.
ART. III. The sovereignty is vested in the nation, but it is delegated by
it to the authorities established by the Constitution.
ART. IV. The Government of Ecuador is popular, elective, representative,
alternative, and responsible. It is vested in three powers: the Legislative,
the Executive, and the Judicial. Each one of them fulfils the duties and func-
tions allotted to it by the present Constitution, but none shall exceed the
limits established by its provisions.
ART. V. The Republic is indivisible, free, and independent of all foreign
power.
TITLE II. ECUADORIANS AND ALIENS
Section 1
ART. VI. The following are Ecuadorians:
1. All persons born in the territory of Ecuador of Ecuadorian fathers or
mothers.
2. All persons born in Ecuadorian territory of alien fathers, if residing
in it.
3. All persons born in a foreign state of Ecuadorian father or mother, who
reside in the Republic, and express their desire to be Ecuadorians.
4. All the natives of another State who enjoy the Ecuadorian nationality.
5. All aliens professing sciences, arts, or useful industries, or owning real
estate or having capital invested in business, who have resided for one year
in the territory of the Republic, have declared their intention to become
domiciled in it, and have obtained naturalization papers.
6. Those who have obtained naturalization by act of Congress for services
rendered to the Republic.
ART. VII. No Ecuadorian, even if he has acquired another nationality,
shall be exempted from the duties imposed upon him by the Constitution and
the laws as long as he remains domiciled in the Republic. The provisions
made on this subject in treaties anterior to this date shall be respected.
ART. VIII. A special law shall define who are domiciled foreigners and
their rights and duties.
Section 2. Citizenship
ART. IX. Every male Ecuadorian who can read and write and is over
twenty-one years of age, whether married or single, is a citizen of Ecuador.
VOL. i — 23
354 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ART. X. The Ecuadorian citizenship is lost —
1. By entering the service of a hostile nation.
2. By naturalization in another State.
3. In all other cases established by law.
ART. XI. Ecuadorians who have lost the rights of citizenship may be
restored to them by the Senate. But convicts sentenced to a term of imprison-
ment longer than six months cannot obtain their restoration to citizenship
until the full term of their sentence is served.
An Ecuadorian naturalized in another country may recover his native
citizenship by returning to Ecuador, renouncing his foreign allegiance, and
declaring his intention to reassume his original citizenship.
ART. XII. The rights of citizenship shall be suspended —
1. By judicial order enjoining their exercise.
2. By sentence passed in cases of violations of the law which entail the
loss of citizenship.
3. By decree issued against a public functionary.
TITLE III. THE RELIGION OF THE REPUBLIC
ART. XIII. The religion of the Republic is the Roman Catholic Apostolic,
and all others are excluded. The political powers are bound to respect it, to
cause it to be respected, and to protect it hi its liberty and all its other rights.
TITLE IV. GUARANTEES
ART. XIV. The penalty of death shall not be imposed for offences purely
political, except when they consist in the forcible alteration of the constitu-
tional order by armed people militarily organized.
Treason to the country, parricide, murder, arson, pillage, and piracy, even
if committed under cover of a political purpose, shall never be considered
political offences, nor shall offences committed by military men Awhile in active
service be clothed with that character.
ART. XV. All persons are entitled to be presumed innocent and to retain
their good reputation until adjudged guilty in the manner provided by law.
ART. XVI. There are no slaves, nor shall there be any, in the Republic,
and all slaves who tread upon Ecuadorian territory shall become free.
ART. XVTI. Forced recruiting is forbidden.
ART. XVIII. No person shall be forced to lend services not required by
law, and in no case shall tradesmen and laborers be compelled to work unless
in fulfilment of a contract.
ART. XIX. There shall be liberty of reunion and association without arms
for lawful purposes.
ART. XX. All persons are entitled to exercise the right of petition, to ad-
dress their requests to all authorities, and to ask for and secure a proper deci-
sion on the same; but the petitions shall never be made in the name of the
people.
ART. XXI. No persons shall be detained, arrested, or imprisoned except
in such cases, in such form, and for such time, as provided by law.
ART. XXII. No person can be excluded from the protection of the laws,
or subjected to other jurisdiction than that of his natural judges, or tried by
special commissions, or by laws enacted subsequent to the date of his offence,
or deprived of the right of defence in any stage of the trial.
SPANISH-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS 355
ART. XXIII. No husband or wife shall be compelled to testify against
the other in a criminal case. No person shall be forced to testify against his
relations, whether hi the ascending, descending, or collateral line, within the
fourth civil degree of blood relationship or the second degree of affinity. No
one shall ever be compelled by oath, or otherwise, to give testimony against
himself in any matter which may entail penal responsibility. No person shall
be kept in close confinement for over twenty-four hours, or put in irons, or be
subjected to any kind of torture.
ART. XXIV; Whipping, and confiscation of property are forbidden.
ART. XXV. No one shall be deprived of his property except by a judicial
decision, or by condemnation for public use in the form prescribed by law and
upon previous indemnification.
ART. XXVI. No tax or duty shall be levied except in conformity with the
law and by the authority designated by it for that purpose. Taxation shall
always be in proportion to the capital or industry of the taxpayer.
ART. XXVII. All persons shall enjoy liberty of industry and the exclusive
ownership of his discoveries, inventions, or literary productions in the manner
and form prescribed by law.
ART. XXVIII. All persons shall have the power to express their thoughts
freely, either orally or through the press, provided that they respect religion,
decency, morals, and private reputation; otherwise they shall incur legal
responsibility.
Those who, either orally or through the press, incite rebellion or disturb
the constitutional order, shall likewise incur legal responsibility.
ART. XXIX. The residence of all persons whatever is inviolable. No
dwelling-place shall be entered except for some special reason provided by
law and by order of competent authority.
ART. XXX. Suffrage shall be free.
ART. XXXI. Epistolary correspondence shall be inviolable. The inter-
cepting, opening, or searching of letters, papers, or effects belonging to private
persons, except in the cases provided by law, is forbidden.
ART. XXXII. All persons are allowed to travel freely in the interior of the
Republic, to move from one place to another, to leave the country, whether
taking or not taking with them their property, or to return to the same. In
case of war, passports shall be required.
ART. XXXIII. Public credit is guaranteed. Therefore the funds appro-
priated by law for the payment of the national debt shall not be applied to any
other purpose, except in the case provided by No. 9 of Article XCIV.
ART. XXXIV. All persons shall have the power to establish educational
institutions, on condition, however, that they comply with the law of public
instruction.
Primary instruction is gratuitous and compulsory, but parents shall have
the right to select the school which they may deem best. The imparting of
this instruction, as well as the teaching of trades, shall be paid out of the
public funds.
ART. XXXV. The entailing of property, whether in the form of mayor-
azgos or any other form, is forbidden in Ecuador, in whose territory real estate
shall not be allowed to become untransferable.
ART. XXXVI. Only those Ecuadorians who are actually enjoying the
rights of citizenship can be public functionaries.
ART. XXXVII. The violation by any public functionaries of any guar-
356 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
antee established by the present Constitution shall render them and their
property liable to indemnity for the damages they may have caused ; and in
case of crimes or offences committed when violating the same guarantees, the
following provisions shall be observed :
1. Accusation may be formulated against the functionaries with or with-
out the intervention of a lawyer and without the obligation to give bonds.
2. The penalty imposed in these cases shall neither be remitted by pardon
nor modified by commutation or reduction, during the constitutional period
in which the offence was committed or the following period.
3. No action, whether criminal or civil, arising out of the offences herein
referred to, shall be barred by limitation, except after the expiration of the
two periods above named.
TITLE V. ELECTIONS
ART. XXXVIII. There shall be, in conformity with the law, popular
elections by direct and secret vote. The President and Vice-President of the
Republic, the Senators, the Deputies, and all other functionaries designated
by the Constitution and the laws, shall be elected in this manner.
ART. XXXIX. All Ecuadorians in the exercise of the rights of citizenship
are electors.
ART. XL. The election shall take place on the day appointed by law.
The respective authorities shall, on that day, under their strictest responsi-
bility, carry on the electoral law, without waiting for any order from their
superiors.
VI. THE CONSTITUTION OF HAITI
Haiti, of course, has had Constitutions. The first was promul-
gated in 1801, by Toussaint L'Ouverture, which conferred special
powers upon himself. He was ambitious to be Emperor.
1804. — Dessalines promulgated a "Declaration of Independence,"
and a new Constitution, outlining a bloody policy of extermination
against the French. He proclaimed himself Governor General for
life, and then Emperor, but was assassinated in November, 1806, and
this of course made a new Constitution necessary.
1806. — A new Constitution was adopted which prohibited white
men from ever becoming citizens or owning property in Haiti. Al-
though the Constitution of Haiti has been changed many times since,
this provision has remained in all succeeding instruments to the present
day.
There were now two "governments" in Haiti, — one established
by Christophe in the North, under the title of Henri I, King of Haiti ;
and the other in the South, under Petion, President, under the Con-
stitution. They kept up a continual war for twelve years. Petion
died in 1818, and Christophe committed suicide in 1820. Boyer took
possession of the whole country, and ruled until 1843.
In all there have been twenty rulers in Haiti and almost as many
Constitutions.
SPANISH-AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONS 357
A writer on Haitian affairs in 1896 said : " Altogether, Haiti has
had, during her eighty-eight years of independence, seventeen chiefs
of States, and the United States has had twenty-one during the same
period." He might have added that every President of the United
States had held his office through and in virtue of a legal election,
under the Constitution; while not a single Haitian ruler has held
his office other than through force.
VII. THE CONSTITUTIONS ARE WHOLLY DISREGARDED
An observer in Latin America is always impressed by the tender
solicitude exhibited towards the legislative and judiciary departments
— in the Constitutions. The provisions for an independent judiciary
and legislature run side by side with the guarantees of individual
rights. And yet, notwithstanding the powers which Congress has
vested in it, it may not barter away the precious liberties of the people.
Thus, the Constitution of Bolivia provides :
"ART. 30. Neither Congress nor any association of public gathering can
grant to the Executive power extraordinary faculties, or the entire national
jurisdiction, or agree to give it supremacy by which the life, honor, and prop-
erties of the Bolivian people shall be at the mercy of the government, or of
any person whatever. Any deputy or deputies who promote, favor, or exe-
cute such act, are, by so doing, unworthy of the confidence of the nation."
But while Congress is somewhat restricted in that particular, it
has great and expansive powers in other directions.
It is unnecessary to enter now into the consideration in detail, of
any of these so-called Constitutions, since this entire work is devoted
to a refutation of their pretensions in every clause. They may be
taken as a schoolboy's essay — a dissertation with which the "Doc-
tores" entertain the Military Jefes. And yet many of these men
think that they have established real governments. Like school-
boys playing at make-believe, they go through the farce of pretending
to the possession of Constitutions and legislatures and courts of
justice.
These are frivolous peoples ! Why the United States should take
them so seriously — is hard to explain.
So far as legislation is concerned, there is nothing in Latin America
which resembles an independent legislature. I would be the last to
assert that such a thing is desirable, or even possible under present
conditions. The laws are mostly copied from the French code. When
the on-coming Dictator promulgates a new Constitution, he usually
selects some Doctores to rewrite the commercial and other codes. As
the Doctores are usually fairly good lawyers, with a free flow of lan-
guage, and have the French codes before them, they usually compose
something high-sounding. The Dictator then issues a decreta, pro-
358 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
mulgating the new code, and has it printed in the Gaceta Oficial. It
is then law. Of course, "Congress" is ready to pass any act which
the Dictator sends to it ; but usually it is not worth while to take up
its valuable time with such matters. That is how legislation is ef-
fected in Latin America.
At irregular intervals the Dictators issue decretas suspending the
Constitutions, or the constitutional guarantees. Why they trouble to
issue these decrees, is not evident. The Constitutions are never en-
forced or respected, the Jefes never pay any attention to their pro-
visions, so that to suspend a thing that has no living existence would
seem absurd.
CHAPTER XXXII
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE
THE first function of a government is to administer justice. To
provide for the common defence is a burden chiefly devolving
upon the executive, but to secure and administer justice, not
only among the citizens, but as between the government itself and the
citizens, is a duty devolving on all the departments of the government,
and especially on the judiciary.
It may safely be asserted that the proper organization of the judi-
ciary, the conservation of its independence, the enforcement of its
decisions, the preservation of its purity, its defence against undue
political and personal influence, the undisputed maintenance of its
intellectual and moral supremacy, — these are all grave and serious
problems, requiring the profoundest thought of a nation's ablest
thinkers. We ourselves may not say that we have really succeeded
in securing a reasonably perfect administration of justice. In this
respect we are no further forward than Germany, and undoubtedly
behind our English cousins.
The one supreme essential to an efficient judiciary is that it be in-
dependent and untrammelled, either by the executive or the military, or
even by the legislature. Indeed, it is likewise necessary that popular
clamor be unable to swerve a judge from his duty, and that a strong,
wholesome, educated public opinion be ever ready to sustain an honest
and capable court. These ideas are thoroughly incorporated into
the minds of the American people and have become a part of our
national creed. In the United States an efficient and honest tribunal
can rely upon an overwhelming and well-nigh unanimous public senti-
ment to sustain it, even though its rulings conflict with current political
sentiment. Perhaps in no other part of the world are the decisions
of the courts treated by the public at large with such respect, and
such implicit confidence expressed in their purity, whatever opinion
might be entertained regarding their merits from a legal standpoint.
A legitimate inference from this statement of facts would be that
in America there is an approximate realization of the high ideal ex-
pressed in the constitution of the State of Illinois, — that every man
is entitled to justice, speedily and without delay, freely and without
price.
But it is not so. Much of the anarchy and notorious lawlessness
of Chicago is directly chargeable to the fact, that in spite of the evident
360 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ideal of the framers of the constitution and the unquestioned desire
of the overwhelming body of the citizens, and notwithstanding that
the judges as a body are men of the highest ability and incorrupti-
bility, it is yet impossible to attain such administration in civic affairs
in the City of Chicago as to accord its citizenship that prompt and
full compliance with law and order vouchsafed to it under our form
of government.
Unfortunately other cities, and some of our other States, are little
better off in this respect than Illinois, and it becomes pertinent to
inquire just why the administration of justice is such an exceedingly
difficult task, even under the most favorable conditions, such as we
confessedly have in the United States ; so that the reader may ap-
preciate the utter hopelessness which envelops the question when the
wholesome constitutional restrictions which we have give way to the
unbridled passions, greed, and vindictiveness of military dictators, as
will be presently described.
A lawsuit as it takes place in one of our courts partakes of the
nature of a free fight between two gladiators, in which the victory is
more often to the man who has the greatest strength and skill rather
than to him who is right. Among business men, and even among
judges, it is understood that it is better to have a good lawyer and a
poor case than a good case and a poor lawyer. It may be remarked
in passing that the fees of these gentlemen of the bar are often unduly
high, not to say exorbitant, especially in the large cities. An average
physician, who has the need of an equally thorough and in some direc-
tions a finer technical education than the average lawyer, and who is
a man of at least equal or superior brain power, will ask a fee of $1 or
$2 up to $5 or $10, while a lawyer, for a service involving no more labor
and not so much professional skill, would probably ask $50 or $100.
Indeed, if physicians charged as much pro rata for their services as
the lawyers do, the great majority of the American people would be
born and die without medical attendance, such as now actually hap-
pens in most of the Latin-American countries.
For a man to attempt to handle his own case before an American
court would be to invite certain defeat. It has become axiomatic that
a lawyer who prosecutes or defends a case in which he is personally
interested has a fool for a client. Still more foolish would it be for a
man to attempt such a thing who himself was not learned in the law.
The judge is not a judicial officer, who patiently and impartially in-
vestigates the facts in a case and administers justice without fear or
favor; he is rather an umpire, who rules the game, deciding on each
technical point as it is presented.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 361
II
The maladministration of justice may in no small measure be as-
cribed to the low standard of the legal profession, its lack of moral
responsibility, and its complete indifference to the requirements of
justice. With notable exceptions, it is asserted that it is too often the
chief concern of the American lawyer to secure a fat fee, without any
reference to the equities of the case. His advice to a client is infre-
quently given conscientiously, but on the other hand often in accord-
ance with his own selfish interests, and it is directed to the one question
as to the probability of winning the case rather than to any ethical
examination of the facts involved. Although the lawyer is an officer
of the court, and it would appear to be his solemn duty to aid the judge
in ascertaining the absolute truth, and in deciding in accordance with
law and justice, quite the reverse usually happens, and lawyers of the
highest professional standing will be found using their great talents to
obscure the issue and throw dust in the eyes of the court, or endeavor-
ing to defeat their antagonist by technical means rather than by an
appeal to absolute truth and justice. No one can overestimate the
importance of raising the standard of the legal profession, not alone
as regards education and intellectual power, and those broadening
influences which come from experience with large affairs and contact
with bright minds, but more particularly as regards high morality and
a sincere love of justice. When lawyers become in fact what they are
in theory, namely, officers of the court, and scrupulously observe the
great moral burden which this imposes upon them, many of the other
evils which beset the administration of justice will disappear.
Ill
It is authoritatively stated that fifty-five per cent of all the reversals
by courts of appellate or supreme jurisdiction in the United States
are upon technical grounds rather than upon the merits of the case.
That is to say, the reversal occurs because the pleadings do not con-
form to the practice, or because of technical rulings in the nisi prius
court, or for other causes foreign to the equities involved. The in-
tolerable hardship which this causes to litigants may be seen when it
is reflected that the courts of original jurisdiction are no less technical
in their rulings than are the appellate courts, and that from the moment
the action has been brought, both plaintiff and defendant have been
lost in a maze of absurd questions, not as to who has right or jus-
tice on his side, but rather touching the common counts, the form of
action, demurrers, replications, etc.
Years are often consumed in such unprofitable proceedings, the
client paying the piper, so that however just his case or urgent his
necessities, he finds himself throwing good money after bad money,
362 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
his time and means wasted in a hopeless whirlpool of chicanery, and
quibbling over technical matters which to a man of common-sense
appear wholly foreign to any rational conception of law and justice.
IV
The system of appeals provided by our laws, while designed to
protect a litigant against any unjust ruling of the lower court, has been
abused to such an extent that it has in turn become an instrument of
injustice. In nearly all States an appeal is granted from the nisi prius
court to an appellate court, and thence to a supreme court. Nor is
this all; in many classes of cases appeals are taken, or sought to be
taken, to the United States courts, while it is not uncommon to find
two or more courts of concurrent jurisdiction grinding away on the
same case, issuing conflicting orders, and threatening to punish with
contempt persons who should attempt to carry into effect the orders
made by each other.
In a fight between the strong and the weak, the strong will neces-
sarily conquer, and it is precisely for the purpose of protecting the
weak, to see that justice is done without reference to the strength or
wealth of the parties, that governments are established and courts of
law and equity are organized among men. That a weak man who has
justice on his side may not be at the complete mercy of a gigantic
brute, the law institutes courts whose function it is to ascertain the
truth and administer justice accordingly. But we are yet far from
reaching this ideal. The fight is merely transferred from the domain
of the common world to that of the law. But it nevertheless remains
a battle, where the final outcome depends vastly more on the financial
strength and tenacity of purpose of the contending parties than it
does on the merits. The rich man can appeal and keep on appealing,
with the chances always largely in favor of procuring a reversal, — if
not on the merits, then on some technicality. He has not hired a
shrewd lawyer for nothing, and it is highly improbable that this man
will fail to find some flaw in the proceedings, or at least something
which looks like a flaw, and which will afford ample ground for re-
manding the case. If the nisi prius court has been so extremely
careful, or astute, as to avoid pitfalls of this character, it is hardly
probable that the appellate court will be similarly lucky, for it appears
to be a matter of good luck rather than of legal acumen ; and that
two courts of inferior authority, each making diverse rulings, should
on all the complicated questions of law and fact not only agree with
each other, but also with a majority of the judges of the Supreme Court,
would seem to be well-nigh a miracle, especially in an atmosphere
surcharged with a spirit of quibbling, where the two litigants are
looked upon as the two traditional geese in which the height of
professional honor was summed up in the words, "You pluck one,
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 363
and I '11 pluck the other." If, after two or more successive appeals,
the Supreme Court would issue a decree in accordance with its ideas
of the law and equity of the case, the situation would not be so bad ;
but ordinarily it does nothing of the kind. It merely remands the
case for a new trial, where the whole preceding performance is gone
over again with sufficient variations to justify succeeding reversals on
similar grounds.
Much of the difficulty in the way of properly administering justice
is inherent in our social system, and would be inseparable from any
social organization possible to be devised. Any one who contemplates
absolute justice among men is probably doomed to disappointment,
— at least so long as human nature remains, as it seems likely to for
many thousands of years to come. Evolution is slower than the
wrath of the gods, and it alone offers any promise worthy of confi-
dence in the future.
While it is certain that vast improvement can be made and ought
speedily to be made in our judiciary, which itself deserves grave censure
for not having of its own motion and volition brought about a more
perfect system, it must be considered that there are really serious
difficulties in the way of the proper administration of justice which
will ever demand the highest talents and abilities as well as the pro-
foundest patriotism and sense of honor for their solution.
Our laws are complicated, and necessarily so; and as civilization
advances and the departments of human activities become more
specialized, a corresponding multiplication and specialization in law
will be inevitable. At the present time we not only have the common
law as our great foundation, — or the Civil Law, as in Louisiana, —
but we have the Federal constitution, the United States Statutes at
Large, the decisions of the United States Supreme Court, and of the
several circuit and district courts of the United States, all of which
modify, restrict, control, or in some manner relate to the several
States and their citizens. But each State has its own constitution
and its body of statutes, which are constantly changing in obedience
to the supposed requirements of the Commonwealth, while the
decisions of the Supreme and appellate courts, each with its own
peculiar authority, added to the ordinances and local laws of the
multiplied municipalities which dot the land, like the stars of the sky,
make a bewildering array of law, constitutional and legislative,
judge made and inherited. It would appear that there is much more
law in the United States than is really necessary, and that much of
the energy which is expended in the mere passing of laws, and render-
ing a necessarily complicated system more hoplessly entangled, might
with great usefulness be applied to improving the laws which we
364 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
already have, assuming that in this, the same as in most other things,
quality is of more importance than quantity. But it cannot be dis-
guised that in the highly specialized forms which modern industry is
taking, and the inevitable necessity of the law developing along
similar lines, the very bulk and magnitude of the law will always
render the perfect administration of justice a matter of exceeding
difficulty. Nor can any patent ready-made Utopian scheme bring
about speedily what the ablest minds of the world have striven so
long and earnestly to bring about. The subject is confessedly hedged
about by grave inherent difficulties.
VI
Much of the tribulation which afflicts us under the name of law
is due to the unbaked legislation issuing biennially from Congress
and from every State legislature. The Solon who can secure the
enactment of the largest number of laws is perforce the most faithful
representative of a district, and it little matters how these new laws
jostle or push aside the former enactments. The efforts of the Supreme
Court to dovetail these recent products of legislative genius into the
body of law previously existing is often pathetic or amusing. Self-
confidence rather than a deep knowledge of the law and of industrial
requirements is a prime quality of a legislator, for without this he
could probably never be elected. But this same good opinion of his
own abilities often leads to legislative work, highly entertaining, to
say the least. So we find legislation of the crudest character relating
to corporations, and all kinds of subjects, indicating that the body
passing the laws had only the most rudimentary conception of the
fundamental principles governing the subject and less realization of
the proper manner in which it should be treated.
VII
After having indicated a few of the principal causes of the mal-
administration of justice, it yet remains to discuss the principal
difficulty; and this relates to the personality of the judiciary rather
than to its external relations. There are many elements indispensable
to the making of a good judge. Personal integrity and a deep knowl-
edge of the law are of course the foundation rocks, the chief corner-
stones, without which the edifice will fall. But they are not enough.
Some of the greatest failures on the bench are men of profound knowl-
edge and unquestioned honesty. A scoundrelly barrister would always
rather risk his case to a man of this class than to a man who knows
less of books but more of the world. Profound learning and splendid
character are worthy of universal admiration ; but the power of gaug-
ing the motives of men, — in other words, of spotting a rascal, —
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 365
familiarity with the tricks, intrigues, and schemes, the corruption,
bad faith, and double dealing which have their birth in the murky
pool of politics ; the power of discriminating between the statements
of a modest, diffident, but honest man, and the positive and ingenuous
but false declarations of a fraud, are of equally great importance.
But integrity, legal learning, a love of justice, and knowledge of
the world are not enough to make a good judge. Industry, enter-
prise, fearlessness, patriotism, energy, may all be added ; and still it is
not enough.
The ability to reason accurately, logically, mathematically, as
certainly as the operation of a machine, unerringly, is the supreme
attribute of an able judge, and the one in which the most alarming
deficiency is observable, in all tribunals, from the cross-roads justice
of the peace to the Supreme Court of the United States.
Adequately to discuss this phase of the question would require a
volume in itself, and vast though its importance be, only the most
cursory suggestions can be made regarding it. It requires no very
high order of intellect to see that if the Supreme Court reverses itself,
— that is, if it makes two diametrically opposite rulings on the same
identical question, there having been no intervening legislation, — its
reasoning must have been defective in the one case or in the other.
But this very thing occurs regularly and frequently, not only in the
supreme courts of the several States, but in the United States Supreme
Court. If, having discovered its former error, a Supreme Court
should reverse itself, and thereafter abide by its later interpretation of
the law, we might submit with good grace, for to err is human, and
it were better to frankly acknowledge the mistake, and correct it,
than to follow in a path of error. But unfortunately even this is
not the case, and supreme courts seem to go bobbing around like a
fisherman's cork on the waves, so that it is impossible for any lawyer,
however able, to state positively to a client that the law is thus and so,
and that the court will surely decide in a certain way and manner.
He who reads carefully any work on the Conflict of Laws, or who
will take the trouble to read the decisions on such subjects as Public
Policy, Divorce, Corporations, Municipalities, Bonds and Assessments
for Local Improvements, etc., will realize how near we are to anarchy
in many of the great departments of our law.
A judge may be of the most distinguished antecedents, with a
mind filled with legal lore, and yet be incapable of distinguishing an
axiom from an hypothesis. Mere knowledge is not an earnest of
good reasoning power, and I am inclined to think that a thorough
reading of John Stuart Mill, Kant, Herbert Spencer, and a standard
work on geometry, would go farther towards making a really com-
petent judge than any amount of stuffing with precedents and musty
decisions. Certain it is that a vast number of decisions are badly
reasoned : they show signs of that cramming which inevitably breeds
366 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
indigestion. And while it is not possible to devote the necessary
space here to the amplification of this subject or to a citation of
cases in corroboration of the contention here made, I am deeply con-
vinced of the wisdom of the old judge who advised his younger
brother on the bench to give no argument in support of his opinions,
on the ground that although his decisions might sometimes be right,
his reasoning was almost certain always to be wrong.
VIII
The decision of a case not only involves a ruling on questions of
law by the judge, but also a finding of facts by the jury. If the jury
were composed of intelligent men, such as contemplated by the
Struck Jury Act of New Jersey, the probability is that it would more
nearly gauge the creditability of witnesses than would a single judge,
and hence that its finding of facts would be entitled to some weight.
Unfortunately juries are usually ignorant, and too often burdens are
thrown on juries which properly belong to experts. Thus, in cases
involving accounts it is not uncommon to submit to juries long and
complicated statements, with columns of figures, where there is a
mass of conflicting testimony which might well puzzle the most
accomplished bookkeeper, accustomed to unravelling such skeins.
When states-attorneys and judges seriously ask juries to hang men
on the conflicting testimony of alleged handwriting experts, paid so
much a day for testifying under oath, stating as facts things which
are self-evidently beyond the possibility of definite knowledge, but
which nevertheless are accepted as gospel truth by a jury untrained
in the power of reasoning, or even of accurate observation, it becomes
obligatory upon us not to omit the jury system in any study which
we may make regarding the failure of justice. My personal feeling
is that the jury system is an absurdity so great that it seriously reflects
on the intelligence of the Anglo-Saxon race.
The administration of justice naturally falls under two divisions :
first, the decision of civil controversies between citizens, either in-
dividually or organized, as in the forms of companies and corporations ;
secondly, those controversies which arise out of the relation of a citizen
to the government, or to the authorities of the government, or some
subdivision of it. This latter may be further subdivided as follows :
first, suits brought by citizens or companies against the government
or some subdivision or official, either in law or equity, as for moneys
due or damages sustained, or to restrain the commission of some
alleged illegal or unconstitutional act, or to compel performance of
some public duty; secondly, those actions brought by the govern-
ment or some subdivision thereof against a citizen, which may also be
civil, quasi-criminal, or criminal in their nature.
All these classes of cases will receive pretty much the same treat-
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 367
ment in courts of competent jurisdiction in the United States. The
fact that the government or municipality is prosecutor or defendant
in a case would in very few instances make any difference whatever in
the rulings of the presiding judge. In some cases where the "graft"
of a powerful political organization was at stake, it is possible that
local judges might be influenced to decide in their favor.
In the investigation held by the Lexow Committee in New York,
it was disclosed that certain of the local judges admitted that they had
paid as much as $17,000 for their nomination. It cannot be supposed
that a judge thus contributing would rule against the power which
made him. But in the United States such unfortunate conditions are
extremely rare, and even in New York they would be the exception
and not the rule.
Subject to the limitations hereinbefore described, some of which are
inherent in all systems of law, and others of which are likely to dis-
appear gradually, as the machinery of law becomes more simplified,
even though the law itself is becoming more specialized, it may be
said that the courts are a very important and by no means inefficient
refuge for the citizen in case of attempted oppression by the State, or
some functionary; that they are a powerful deterrent to criminals
and a bulwark of safety to the community; and that they afford a
more inadequate but nevertheless useful means of enforcing the pay-
ment of obligations, and of adjusting with some degree of reason and
equity the myriad of civil questions arising out of modern commercial
relations.
IX
But if the perplexities we have indicated as attendant upon the
administration of justice are in fact as serious as are herein indicated
in the United States, where the judiciary is absolutely independent,
where the position of judge is one of great personal honor, where the
tenure of office is relatively long, with a constant tendency to increase,
where the judges are, as a class, men of high moral character and in-
tellectual capacity, where an overwhelming public sentiment is ever
ready to defend the bench as against any partisan attacks, where the
attempt to introduce partisan questions in the selection of judges
would be the very poorest kind of politics, where there are unnum-
bered libraries and unequalled facilities for procuring information
on any point, where there are thousands of bright minds at the bar,
and many profound ones whose very alertness and ability compel
courts to exercise caution in their rulings; if under all these most
favorable conditions the Goddess of Justice is still blindfolded; if it
is still impossible to secure justice among men, and the most that
practical men can hope for from our courts is that in the long run the
percentage of wrong shall not exceed the percentage of right, — then
368 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
what must we say of the larger number of the countries of Latin
America, and particularly of all those embraced under our third
classification, and known by their own people as "los paises perdidas "
— the lost countries ?
X
In no part of Latin America is there anything in the nature of an
independent judiciary. In the best of them the judge is at the com-
plete mercy of the executive. In the worst of them he is nothing
more than a clerk of the Dictator, or the military Jefe. There are
many very fair lawyers in every Latin-American country, and some
very excellent ones. Their systems, based upon the Civil Law, are
entirely unlike our own, and the facilities for obtaining a profound
knowledge of the law are lacking. Their notions are theoretical
rather than practical, and in common with the entire race to which
they belong, their views of life, and particularly of business, are de-
cidedly amateurish — more nearly what would be entertained by a
vivacious American woman, or by a spirited boy just out of high
school. But many of these men have an exact sense of honor; they
are extremely smart when it comes to seeing through schemes, or
reading human nature, so indispensable in weighing the testimony of
a witness. They constitute the material for a creditable judiciary,
and with the same background of independence, stability, tenure of
office, and sense of personal security and responsibility which our
judges have, as fine a judiciary could be organized in Latin America
as is found in any other country. The material is there.
XI
In June, 1900, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in Caracas
made a tour of the prison, as was his duty under the law. He found
the sanitary condition of the prisons too horrible to describe, and a
shocking state of demoralization in their management, and in every-
thing pertaining to them. Among other things he found large num-
bers of prisoners who had never been committed by any court, and in
reference to whom there were no records whatever, to show when
they were committed to jail, by what authority, for what reason, nor
for what period of time. A considerable number of prisoners were
not to be found that had been sentenced for crimes by the judges of
criminal jurisdiction. No one could tell when these prisoners had
been turned loose, or what had happened to them. It was not known
whether they had been liberated or had died in their cells, or whether
they had been murdered by the prison authorities or by their con-
nivance. There was grave reason to suspect that something of this
kind had happened to at least one of the prisoners, who had been
accused of having attempted the life of the President.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 369
Of course all of these conditions were precisely such as had existed
from time immemorial, with slight intervals of temporary improve-
ment, and no one was accustomed to devote a second thought to
them. The Chief Justice, however, assuming that the period of con-
stitutional government had indeed been ushered in, as the reigning
Dictator had officially declared, made a brief and rather reserved
statement the next day that it was incumbent upon the government to
remedy the evils which he had found, describing them in much the
same manner as they are set forth in this paragraph, and indicating
what reforms were urgent in order to comply with the law governing
prisons.
One of the local newspapers published what the Chief Justice had
to say on the subject. Within three hours after this appeared in
the newspaper, the Chief Justice was seized by the order of General
Castro, then as now Dictator of Venezuela, and thrown into the same
jail about which he had complained, and he had for company the
entire staff of the newspaper which had published the article. The
newspaper was suppressed, its property destroyed, an ignorant hench-
man of the Dictator appointed Chief Justice, and the prison remained
even more unsanitary than before.
xn
A case as flagrant as the above would not occur at the present
time under the governments now existing in Mexico, Peru, Chili, or
Argentina. No one can say that the next Dictator who appears in even
these countries may not be as violent and irresponsible as the above
narrative would indicate; but fortunately at the present time such
is not the case. The judges are no less under the domination and con-
trol of the executive, but the executive is a dignified and responsible
man, who has a sense of the duty devolving upon him. But hun-
dreds of similar usurpations of the functions of the judiciary by the
military, or executive, have been witnessed in every Latin-American
country. Castro is by no means the chief sinner; indeed, he is com-
paratively blameless in this respect, and probably he really imagines
himself to be rather a model. It will be found upon investigation that
the judiciary in these countries is not a co-ordinate department of the
government, or indeed any department of the government at all, in
any proper sense of the term. A judge is more nearly like a clerk in a
mercantile establishment, who must obey the orders of his superior
or lose his job, except that in case of the judge the alternative of im-
prisonment stares him in the face.
XIII
Dr. S. Ponce de Leon, in his "Social Studies" of these countries,
says:
VOL. i — 24
370 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"But there is something in this organization which demands the most
special attention; it is the invasion of the judicial sphere by the military.
This invasion makes difficult, dangerous, almost impossible the administra-
tion of justice, leaving society exposed to the attacks of criminals, singularly
encouraged by their immunity from punishment. The power of military
force and political passions, invading and devouring as they are, have always
dominated the criminal jurisdiction, making its work ridiculous, and leaving
society unvindicated, and the judges exposed to meet face to face in the streets
individuals against whom they have pronounced sentences of condemnation.
How many times in the course of a criminal proceeding the judge has re-
quired the presence of the murderer, and he was not to be found in the jail !
He had been put at liberty by the Governor, the Comandante of arms, or by
some general or colonel of the place, and he was to be found in perfect liberty,
perhaps with a Remington on his shoulder, charged with the custody of the
law — with the defence of the society he had outraged, with the rights of
citizenship, the primary one of which he had desecrated ! And has attention
been fixed on the lamentable consequences of this scandalous abuse, which
mocks and falsifies all that is august and noble in society ? Has thought been
given to this gigantic immorality, which must produce social disorganization,
and even dissolution ? Things are in such a condition, how can we demand
from those charged with the administration of justice strict compliance with
their duties ?
"How can we impose upon them the moral, legal, and social responsibility
which should exist for all functionaries ? We remember very well the dialogue
we have had with one of our friends, then President of the Tribunal (Chief
Justice of the Court), young, honored, and of sound principles. We were
talking of a murder case, noted and grave; the relatives of the murderer,
military men of influence, had tried the seduction of gold ; when this was re-
fused with dignity and energy, they had recurred to intimidation ; the judge
had raised his complaint to the local authorities, and these objected that the
murderer had lent his services in the preceding campaign. 'Comply with
your duty,' we said to him. 'If I condemn this murderer,' he responded,
'to-morrow they will assassinate me.' 'Raise your complaint to the superior
authority.' 'Ah, you deceive yourself; the evil comes from above.' 'Well,
then,' we objected, 'resign from a position which you cannot discharge in
accordance with the law and your conscience.' 'They would believe me dis-
affected ; they would put me in jail, and to-morrow my family would want
bread.'
"We have here a real social ulcer. Although the good disposition of the
people may enable them to exist socially for some time in spite of this disor-
ganization, in the end they will succumb, because existence is not possible
without organization of any species, without justice, without law. A society
under these circumstances is approximately barbarous, because where there
is no law which punishes, the law of brute force rules, the law of primitive
times, the law of savages. The citizen cannot rest, confiding in a protecting
force which will defend all that is most precious to him, — life, honor, in-
terests, family, home, — and he must be ready at any moment, and under
any and all circumstances, to defend them, and guarantee their safety at the
mouth of his revolver or at the point of his sword.
"We cannot close without calling the attention of the authorities to other
lamentable deficiencies which are noted in this branch of public administra-
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 371
tion. There are no codes. The proceedings are too unwieldy, and even im-
possible, for want of proper legislation. The laws of France rule, and they
are not adapted to the peculiar conditions of this society ; and this is a grave
evil, because there is no analogy in the institutions, in the state of public in-
struction, or in the national ideals, in order to make proper application of the
letter and spirit of the laws. It is then an imperious necessity to have a proper
legislation, which is in harmony with local conditions. Even though the
principles of justice be absolute and eternal, they cannot be reduced to for-
mulas for their application.
"In addition, it is obvious that nothing can be accomplished by laws un-
less they are properly enforced. Inutile will be the best codes, and the most
erudite personality, if the judiciary does not enjoy absolute independence in
the exercise of its august functions. Without this requisite there can be no
administration of justice, in the absence of which no regeneration of society
is possible."
XIV
In another chapter the punishment of crime in Spanish- American
countries will be more thoroughly discussed. Enough has already
been said here to indicate that in any suit as between a Latin- Ameri-
can government and private citizen, whether native or foreign, or
between such citizen and an official of the government, or any military
man or politician of influence, nothing in the semblance of justice can
be obtained in any of the countries, except Chili, Mexico, Argentina,
and Peru, and that even in these a foreigner will probably require to
procure the intervention of his own government in any matter of
importance.
It remains to be asked what chances there are of securing approxi-
mate justice before these courts in a litigation wholly between private
citizens. I am sorry to be compelled to express the opinion that they
are very remote indeed. Despite the monstrous political conditions
which inthrall Spanish America, there are many very decent gentle-
men on the bench — and an overwhelming proportion of ignorant
thieves and scoundrels. The latter sell their decisions outright —
often at pitiably low prices. But the decisions of the former, which
could not be influenced in such a manner, are nevertheless controlled
through the power of the reigning Dictator, or his henchmen. Often
have I had a man tell with great gusto about a decision which the
judge had just rendered in his favor, dwelling on the strong points
made in the opinion, when I have abruptly asked: "How much did
you give General So-and-So to get this done ? " and my informant
would admit, often with every evidence of self-satisfaction, that he
had promised "la mitad" — the half interest in the proceeds of the
suit.
I am thoroughly convinced, after years of careful observation and
a great deal of personal experience in these affairs, that no civilized
372 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
power ought to permit its citizens to be bound, either civilly or crimi-
nally, by any act or decision of any Latin-American court, except in
the four countries already named, and that they should always be
ready to insist on the correction of any manifest injustice, even in
these countries.
XV
A very conservative opinion is expressed by Mr. Akers, in his
" History of South America," regarding the administration of justice
in the several countries, from which I quote the following :
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN ECUADOR
"In the administration of justice Ecuador lags behind the standard of
other republics in South America — a severe condemnation, for in none is it
on a satisfactory footing from the standpoint of modern civilization. Less
is heard abroad of corrupt methods in the Ecuadorian courts because the
number of foreign residents is limited, but the entire system is degenerate.
The laws, as in all former Spanish colonies, are founded on those in force
before independence, and reproduce the worst faults of the Spanish system
with the additional mischief of interpretation by ignorant officials who pos-
sess neither capacity nor intelligence to discharge the duties of their posts.
The Supreme Court is at Quito, and there are six superior courts which sit
at different centres, with the addition of thirty-three superior and three hun-
dred and fifty-nine subordinate magistrates to deal with civil, criminal, and
commercial cases in the country districts, while consular courts are held at
Quito, Guayaquil, and Cuenca. Ecuador has only one penitentiary at Quito,
and in this male and female prisoners convicted of serious crimes are con-
fined; but as a general rule the people have small tendency towards really
serious offences, although petty crime is frequent in all parts of the country.
"The police system is under municipal authority, with the exception of a
small force maintained by the national government at Quito and elsewhere
for special duty." (AKERS, pp. 586-587.)
JUSTICE IN COLOMBIA
"The administration of justice in Colombia is on no more satisfactory
footing than in Venezuela and Ecuador, the procedure in the courts being
dilatory and costly, and corrupt practices frequent. But constant protests
against this state of affairs pass unheeded, and no attempt at reform has been
made during the past quarter of a century. Both civil and criminal law is
codified, and does not in itself offer serious ground for complaints. It is only
the interpretation that fails. The basis is Spanish law, as everywhere in Latin
America, and the Supreme Court consists of seven members appointed for
life, who elect one of their number as president for four years. Superior
tribunals sit in the various departments, where are also inferior courts and a
number of magistrates (jueces de paz) appointed for the rural districts, these
officials frequently gaining considerable local power and using their influence
most unjustly." (Ibid., p. 609.)
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 373
JUSTICE IN BOLIVIA
"Justice in Bolivia is administered by a Supreme Court, eight district
courts, and a number of local minor courts presided over by magistrates em-
powered to deal with petty crimes. The judiciary is corrupt and legal process
is dilatory and costly, and in the civil courts blackmailing practices, espe-
cially in connection with mining claims, are so notorious that few people refer
disputes to the judicial power, preferring to pay or make some other arrange-
ment to avoid legal proceedings, no matter how far in the right they may be.
Bolivian law, as that of other South American States, is founded on that
existing under the former Spanish regime, is codified in all branches, and
not ill adapted to serve the ends of justice if intelligently and impartially
administered." (Ibid., p. 609.)
JUSTICE IN CHILI
"The administration of justice in Chili leaves much to be desired. Com-
plaints are frequent that the formalities of the courts are often so unwieldy
as to render equitable dispensation of the laws a practical impossibility. The
sum allowed from the national revenues in 1899 for the maintenance of the
judiciary was $1,881,360, which is more than adequate payment for the duties
entailed. The laws are codified, and would meet the public needs if reforms
were introduced to expedite civil and criminal procedure, and, as elsewhere
in South America, the system is based on the Spanish laws in force when
these countries were colonies of Spain. While the courts are unsatisfactory,
the condition of the police is infinitely worse, and protection for life and prop-
erty can hardly be said to exist in outlying districts ; and even near Santiago
and Valparaiso cases of assault and highway robbery in broad daylight daily
occur. An organized system of brigandage has developed of late years, and
although the authorities are perfectly cognizant of this condition of affairs,
no steps are taken to clear the country of a pest which retards progress and
threatens ruin to many branches of industrial enterprise." (Ibid., pp. 418-419.)
JUSTICE IN PERU
"The administration of justice in Peru could not be more unsatisfactory
than it is, and to designate as justice the manner in which the laws are ad-
ministered is to convey an erroneous impression. To obtain a favorable ver-
dict bribery must be practised, and it is a question of who has the longest
purse when a decision is reached. To this widely sweeping assertion there
are no exceptions, the Supreme Court being no cleaner than the lower tribu-
nals ; it differs only in that payment must be on a higher scale. An example
of the existing conditions occurred recently when an important suit involving
two hundred and fifty thousand gold dollars was pending in the Supreme
Court. On the bench were five judges, and the evidence on one side was
clear and concise, leaving no doubt of the rights of the case. A few days be-
fore judgment was delivered, the principal litigant received information that
an adverse verdict would be given unless a bribe was forthcoming, and not
haying the funds he applied to a banker for an advance of ten thousand gold
dollars to buy a third vote, explaining that he had secured two others. The
loan was obtained, and after a favorable judgment was pronounced the ten
374 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
thousand dollars were paid to the member casting the deciding vote. In this
case a just verdict was bought, but it happens quite as often that injustice
is obtained by similar means.
"The judicial officials are as a rule too ignorant to turn to best use the
legal power entrusted to them. They are so inadequately remunerated that
they are tempted to corrupt practices at every turn, and it is due to these cir-
cumstances that blackmailing has become of such common occurrence. No
redress can be obtained as affairs are conducted to-day, and the most hope-
less feature of the situation is that the ordinary citizen does not appreciate
the necessity for an impartial administration of justice. He has a vague idea
that there are such persons as honest judges in other parts of the world, but
he is not sure that an upright judiciary in Peru would be an unmitigated
blessing." (Ibid., pp. 536-537.)
JUSTICE IN BRAZIL
"With a defective educational system, it is not surprising that the ad-
ministration of justice is on an unsatisfactory footing. Brazilian law is codi-
fied, and in the hands of impartial and intelligent judges would meet the
necessities of criminal and civil proceedings; but corruption is common in
all branches of the judiciary and the cost of litigation is abnormally high.
Delay of decisions in contested cases is one serious complaint; and an in-
vestigation into the condition of the principal prison in 1899 in Rio de Janeiro
(Casa da Detencao) brought to light grave abuses. Prisoners arrested for
trivial offences were kept in confinement without trial for months, in some
instances for years. Ten and twelve prisoners were crowded into cells intended
to hold four only, with the excuse of 'no room.' No discrimination of class
was made, hardened criminals and offenders for petty illegal acts being herded
together. The prison was condemned as unsanitary by medical experts,
and no discipline was observed. The scandal led to some reforms in this
particular establishment, but nothing was done toward reform all round."
(Ibid., pp. 313-314.)
JUSTICE IN ARGENTINA
"Administration of justice in Argentina leaves much to be desired. A
quarter of a century ago the reputation of the Supreme Court was excellent.
It was noted for freedom from bribery and corruption, but this standard has
not been maintained in recent years. President Roca in his message to Con-
gress in May of 1899 called special attention to the subject, and certain noto-
riously venal judges were removed from office, but there the matter dropped.
The legal system is based on Spanish law, and the civil, criminal, and com-
mercial statutes are codified, but procedure is cumbersome and tedious, lead-
ing to unnecessary delay in litigation and heavy expenditure. In the minor
branches opportunities for corrupt practices are widespread, and complaints
are heard in all quarters of the ignorance and venality of magistrates and
minor officials. To some extent this is due to the scanty and irregular pay-
ment of judicial representatives, for the salaries are insufficient for the duties
assigned to these officials." (Ibid., p. 125.)
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE 375
JUSTICE IN URUGUAY
"The administration of justice is another cause of constant complaints,
procedure in both criminal and civil courts being tedious and costly. The
criminal, civil, and commercial laws are codified, and if intelligently and
honestly administered, would serve. No discretion is used, however, in making
judicial appointments, and the result is ignorant judges and magistrates.
Necessary reform would entail the elimination of the personal influence can-
didates can bring to bear upon politicians in power, and this is unlikely at
present. In the matter of criminal justice, no better example of the inade-
quacy of punishment for serious offences can be quoted than the sentence
passed upon the murderer of President Idiarta Borda. The assassination
was committed in cold blood ; no extenuating circumstances were brought to
light, and the verdict was one of two years' imprisonment only. Nor is this
an isolated case. Uruguayans and foreigners have been murdered on many
recent occasions, and no severe penalties were inflicted as a deterrent to such
crimes in the future." (Ibid., p. 226.)
XVI
But I do not wish to be too insistent on this point. No one realizes
more keenly than do I the widespread and scandalous maladminis-
tration of justice in the United States. Let it be premised that anarchy
must be put down and stamped out mercilessly, and we are brought
face to face with the fact that a stream cannot be dried up but at its
source. To the simple-minded native of India the policeman is the
government ; to the peon of South America, the military Jef e ; and to
the recently arrived immigrant in the United States, the local judge
or police magistrate. Think what an idea of government an ignorant
man must get if it be typified to him by the Chicago justice or the
New York police court ! Horrible as are these types of the judiciary,
I would rather attempt to defend them in their naked and revolting
indecency than to act as apologist for many of the United States
circuit courts, and some of the supreme courts of the States. I
have neither time nor space here to cite facts in detail in corroboration
of this opinion, but that the facts amply justify this criticism, harsh
though it be, is to my mind clear.
We must have courts of justice, — human society cannot exist with-
out them, — and we should have justice so administered that there
could be no reasonable ground of complaint, even by the most ignorant
and humble citizen.
When we have established justice, then may we be severe on an-
archists, criminals, and evil-doers; but so long as rotund ignorance
and bovine stupidity sit on the supreme bench and passes itself off
for wisdom ; so long as red tape and inane technicalities bar the path
of equity and common-sense; so long as an injured man must wait
years, perhaps till his witnesses are all dead, in an attempt to secure
376 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
something like a redress of grievances at the play of conscienceless
lawyers and stuffed owls on the bench ; so long as the trial of a law-
suit is a matter of intrigue and cunning, rather than a vigorous and
impartial investigation of what is right and just ; so long as our courts
squander the estates of widows and orphans, and foster blackmail
and perjury, — for such a period will ignorant, misguided, and ill-
balanced men rant against all government and advocate violence.
The inability to secure justice is what makes criminals and demons
of men. Inspire men with a profound confidence in the efficiency of
our administration of justice, and at one stroke you have knocked out
the supports from under crime, dishonesty, and disorder. You have
cured the disease by exterminating its cause. The brains and con-
science of the American people should be devoted to the improvement
of this branch of the public service. Here is where we are vitally weak.
The progress of civilization depends upon a perfect administration of
justice, and it can safely be asserted that there can be no real advance
made from now on in the United States without a most searching
purification and reform of the judiciary, including the abolition of the
foolish scheme by which twelve ignoramuses, called a jury, are per-
mitted to decide upon the property rights, or even the lives of men.
PART IV -SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN LATIN
AMERICA
CHAPTER XXXIII
CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE
I. SOCIETY
Y I iHE superficial observer visiting a South American city will re-
ceive a false impression of society there. The stranger arriving
for the first time at Lima, Bogota, or Caracas will note in the
public places large gatherings of well-dressed and polite men and
women. Sunday evening, or any evening on which the band plays in
the principal plaza, he will be especially impressed with the culture of
the throng. "Society" will then be out en masse; and a more well-
dressed assembly, indeed a more refined people would be hard to find
even in New York or Paris. The visitor is instinctively attracted
to these hospitable, intelligent, and well-bred people, and naturally
infers that their country is worthy of our sympathy, friendship, and
support.
South American society is composed of Spaniards, foreigners, and
that portion of the mixed races (further defined below) sometimes
called the "doctor class." If society thus constituted had any influ-
ence over, or control of, governmental affairs, it might materially
change the destinies of South American countries; but it is not a
vital force in politics, nor is it endued with creative energy.
If the Spaniards and the "doctor class" were strong, industrious,
energetic, practical men, they could regenerate national as well as
social life. But their education is superficial ; everything about them
is designed for show ; they disdain labor and generally lead a life of
indolence and ease. They possess many negative virtues and some
positive ones, but they are the last element to which one would appeal
to redeem the community at large from its present demoralization.
To govern with strong, just, and steady hand, to overcome the ob-
stacles which beset the path of progress, men of blood and iron are
needed, but the men under discussion are but dolls of the drawing-
room and the cafe.
II. ETHNICAL CLASSIFICATION
The population of South America is a conglomerate of many ele-
ments, in which the descendants of the Conquistadores (the Con-
380 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
querors, including the horde of Spanish adventurers, bandits, pirates,
and criminals) predominate. It is composed of —
1. Spaniards of pure blood, who constitute an important factor in
all South American countries but Brazil.
2. Portuguese, who bear the same relation to Brazil that Spaniards
bear to the other South American States.
3. Italians and French, who are numerous and strong in agricul-
ture. They are well distributed in nearly all the countries of South
America.
4. English, Americans, Germans, Swiss, and Austrians, who are
found in nearly all South American countries ; usually they are few in
number but representative of large interests.
5. Native Indians.
6. Negroes.
7. The mixed races, mainly sprung from the mingling of the Con-
quistadores with the Indians, or with the Negroes, or with both.
To give even approximately accurate figures as to the comparative
numbers of these elements in the several countries would be misleading,
as no authentic census has ever been taken in any of them. All figures
here given as to this or any other question of South American statistics
are but guesses.
The Spaniards of pure blood, in any South American country, are
relatively few in number, but, on account of their superior intellectual
and social attainments, they constitute an important factor.
In Mexico, of a population of approximately thirteen millions, it
may be that half a million are pure Spaniards. Estimates usually
place their number as high as two and a half millions, but two millions
of these are really of mixed blood (Class 7). In Colombia it may be
that five per cent (about one hundred thousand) of the population are
pure Spaniards. I doubt if there are twenty-five thousand pure Span-
iards in all Venezuela. Their proportion in Ecuador and in Bolivia
is very small, probably not more than two or three per cent. In Peru
there are fewer pure Spaniards relatively than in Mexico ; but a larger
proportion than in Mexico is found in Argentina and in Chili.
1. The pure Spaniards are usually owners of great haciendas, or
engaged in business enterprises. They are far superior to the mixed
breeds. Though Spanish civilization by no means meets American
ideals, it is greatly to be preferred to semi-barbarism. The real Span-
ish gentleman, owner of his hacienda, is a model of politeness and
hospitality to his equals, and the head of a family of excellent breeding ;
but he is impractical — a dreamer and enthusiast rather than a cre-
ator of solid enterprises. His education is literary and classical rather
than scientific or technical. He is a man of chivalry and poetry; he
is not a man of affairs.
These Spanish gentlemen suffer as much from the intrigues, revo-
lutions, and crimes so rife in South America, as do any other civilized
CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE 381
foreigners. Often they are placed by the leaders of the ruling party
in high official positions (to give a semblance of respectability to the
government then uppermost!) and often their advice carries weight;
but of the actual governing power they have none. These pure-
blooded Spaniards are, however, the chief bulwark of the Roman
Catholic Church.
The Spanish gentlewomen in South America are intelligent; are
far from worldly-minded, and have high ideals, yet they accomplish
little or nothing for the betterment of society. However, in beauty, in
refinement, and indeed in those subtle charms which place the fair sex
on a plane apart from the workaday world, the ladies of the better
class of Spaniards occupy a unique place among the sisterhood of
womankind.
2. These words as to the Spaniards apply with nearly equal force
to the Portuguese of Brazil. The Portuguese language is only a vari-
ation of Spanish, and can be read and understood with ease by one
who is familiar with the Castilian tongue. There is as wide a differ-
ence between the peoples of the different provinces of Spain as there
is between the typical Spaniard and the Portuguese. The provincial-
isms of the descendants of those Andalusians who went from Spain to
Mexico are continually puzzling to one who has learned the Spanish
language according to the grammar sanctioned by the Academia Real
of Madrid; while the every-day Spanish of the Philippine Islands
differs almost as widely from that of Cuba as does the Portuguese
from the Castilian.
3. The Italians and French are acquiring great power in South
America. French investments may exceed five hundred million dol-
lars. Needless to say, they constitute a great civilizing element. The
Italians are emigrating in large numbers to Argentina and Brazil.
They are engaged largely in agriculture, and form the most reliable
laborers.
4. The English, Germans, Americans, and other foreigners of this
type are managing most of the vast business concerns of Central and
South America. They are the pioneers of civilization, and the difficul-
ties which they encounter are almost inconceivable. If salvation is to
come to Central and South America, it must come mainly through
this class.
5. The native Indians, although they constitute a very large por-
tion of the population of Central and South America, are of little im-
portance in influencing political conditions. The de facto governments
pay little attention to them, except in places where outbreaks occur.
More than half of the population of Peru are native pure Indians, and
probably a still greater proportion will be found in Bolivia. The en-
tire northern part of Brazil is peopled by Indians over whom the
government does not even pretend to exercise any control, and vast
districts along the borders of Brazil and Venezuela, Brazil and
382 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Ecuador, Venezuela and Colombia have a like population. Many
of these Indian tribes are said to be entirely white and extremely
ferocious. It is estimated that in Guatemala, out of a population of
one million and a half, at least one million are pure Indians, while
large numbers of Indians in Honduras, Nicaragua, and Salvador are
uncivilized. Mexico also contains vast numbers of Indians, some of
whom, like the Yaquis tribes, have held out against the authority of
the general government up to the present time.
The overwhelming majority of these Indians in these countries
live in their own territories and make no attempt to interfere with the
de facto governments. Their intercourse with the white people is in
the way of barter and exchange ; and were it not for the effect which
miscegenation has had, and probably will continue to have, they might
be dismissed from the discussion. The mixture of the races, however,
is still going on, and it is of men of this mixture that the governments
are largely composed.
6. Negroes and mulattoes — a variety of French mixed breed —
comprise practically the whole population of Haiti. Negroes are also
found in large numbers in the eastern part of Brazil, through the West
Indies, and in all the coast towns. The mixture of Spaniard and Negro
is not an improvement on any other variety of mulatto.
7. The seventh class, the mixed races, is by far the most impor-
tant element in all the Spanish-American countries, from the Rio
Grande to Cape Horn.
III. THE MIXED RACES
It is difficult to describe the mixed races of South America so that
a reasonably fair idea of their peculiar character can be formed.
While they present the most varied elements, there are certain funda-
mental characteristics which run through them all.
They are descendants mainly of the old Spanish buccaneers, the
pirates, adventurers, and conquerors who overran Spanish America
in the fifteenth century. Never in the history of the world has there,
perhaps, been such a horde of merciless, bloodthirsty adventurers
with such a curious admixture of religious fanatics. A study of the
history of Cortes in Mexico and of Pizarro in Peru will enable a stu-
dent to understand these Conquistadores. These early explorers were
moved by a fine frenzy of imagination, bordering on absurdity and
insanity. While Ponce de Leon was searching for the fountain of per-
petual youth in Florida, others equally enthusiastic were seeking for
an El Dorado in South America. They not only desired, but they had
an absolute belief, that the very next river would bring fabulous wealth
or fountains of water which would realize perpetual youth. These
visionary schemes, hallucinations, or illusions were not a temporary
disease ; they constituted a part of the absolute nature and character
of the whole venturesome crew, just as truly as hysteria or morbid
CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE 383
melancholy is a mental state of certain women. It was not to be got
rid of by argument or even by experience. No matter how barren the
plateau pn which they camped to-day, ahead was always the golden
rainbow, with its ends touching into mines of gold. This high-strung,
visionary, superstitious, cruel, murderous outfit of buccaneers had
sprung from the loins of Spain, the country whose national delight was
the bloody and ferocious bull-fight. It is not to be expected that
among such a crew we should find sentiments of justice or mercy,
sympathy for suffering, or anything resembling calm reflection or sound
judgment. These men spread themselves all over South America.
He who had killed the most men was most worthy of respect ; he who
had committed the most atrocious act of piracy was the greatest hero
among them.
Had those men brought with them wives from Spain, it may be
that the succeeding chapters in the degradation of Central and South
America would not have been written ; for the influence of woman is
always wholesome. Sentiment may impel her to cling to the villain,
but she seldom glorifies the crime. But these men took each as many
Indian girls as he could get, rarely less than two or three, and fre-
quently as many dozen. The offspring of this reckless and indis-
criminate connection resulted in the breeding of a nondescript class
known all over South America as "hijo natural." The successive
intermixture of this offspring with other Indians or Negroes, or with
other Spaniards, has brought about the present mixed races which
dominate South America. The process is still going on, as is more
fully explained in the chapter "General Social Conditions in Latin
America." Composed of such elements, the mixed races of South
America might be thought to be degraded in the extreme ; yet, strange
to say, the result is better than might be expected. Even in this con-
glomerate an absolute majority, perhaps an overwhelming majority,
are at least not vicious, and under proper government might form the
basis of a substantial prosperity.
In these mixtures, it must be evident, the percentage of Spanish,
Indian, Negro, or other bloods varies infinitely in quantity as well as
quality. To attempt to comprehend them all under one generaliza-
tion would require a formula highly abstract and exceedingly vague.
The most marked subdivision of this class is that comprising the
overwhelming majority called peons. These men have a compara-
tively small percentage of Spanish blood in them. They are the prod-
ucts of the intermixture of the original half-breeds with Indians
again, or among themselves, and although there is a continual in-
fusion of Spanish blood into their veins, the Indian still greatly
predominates. It is a curious fact, well worthy the study of
ethnologists, that an infusion of Negro blood into this peon
mixture generally brings about a product which is wholly and
irretrievably bad.
384 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Rising above the peon in intelligence and virility is the class in
which the Spanish blood predominates. It is the product of succeed-
ing Spaniards with the original half-breeds, or their offspring, or the
hijos naturales of the present race of peon women with Spanish men.
Of this class, it may also be said that there is a considerable percent-
age of men who, if their virtues are negative, are at least not positively
vicious. It is in this class, however, that the really dangerous men of
South America are almost entirely found. It is to this class also that
the generals and colonels belong, the military Jefes, the dictators, the
schemers, blackguards, blackmailers, and cutthroats who form the
so-called governments and run things for the most part to suit
themselves.
Subservient to this class, and supplying the vital force which
carries into execution the schemes which its brains and cunning
devise, is a large proportion of semi-bandits, brutes, murderers, and
vagabonds to be found among the peon class.
The peons who live in the towns are usually lazy, insolent, and
good-for-nothing. A small number of peons of bad character or crimi-
nal tendencies also reside in the country, but they are few in number.
In the mountainous districts the peons are more aggressive, more
ready to shoot or stab a victim, more quarrelsome and treacherous;
but in the great tropical forests and in the vast plains of South America,
on the lakes and rivers, the peons who comprise the small farmers,
woodsmen, cattlemen, fishermen, mechanics, etc., numbering perhaps
sixty or seventy per cent of the whole population, are friendly, docile,
easily managed, comparatively honest, fairly industrious, and in gen-
eral, a class of people which, under proper direction, would form the
basis for substantial commercial enterprises and industries.
The other class of peons, however, is that which goes to compose
the regular army. When a man commits a murder, he is not hanged
or sent to jail; he is given a Mauser and put in the regular troops.
In the hands of the governing class above described, these armies
become a fit weapon for tyranny, plunder, and outrage. Through
this power, and this alone, the descendants of the old buccaneers and
pirates still control the governments of South America, and through
the operations of the Monroe Doctrine become our proteges before
the civilized world. It is the same old buccaneering, piratical crew,
more corrupt, more cowardly, more treacherous, more degenerate than
their predecessors, for their blood at least was purer ; but none the less
a prey to illusions, vagaries, and visions of El Dorado. Whenever a
foreign company starts to do business among them, they rise up with
an indescribable frenzy of enthusiasm. The long-expected shower
of gold is now surely coming. It is this kind of half -criminal,
half-crazy, irresponsible semi-bandits that we are accustomed to
parade before the world as forming the governments of our "Sister
Republics.'
CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE 385
The white man who cohabits with a Negro or an Indian woman is
not of a high order. On the contrary, he is generally the vagabond,
loafer, the semi-criminal. And again, no decent white woman would
cohabit with a Negro man or an Indian. The offspring of such people
are not the kind of people who could establish and maintain a civiliza-
tion. Yet the Negro race is better than the mongrel mixtures.
When we find such a people imbued with the ambition to acquire
wealth and social preferment through political activities, where hordes
and swarms of ignorant "generals" live in an atmosphere of imagina-
tion, dreaming themselves to be second Napoleons or Caesars, such a
people is in a dangerous condition. Labor is the only foundation of
national greatness, and he who is engaged in some useful occupation
is the truly good citizen. For the Negro or the mixed races to try to
lift themselves up through politics is as futile as for a man to try to
pull himself up by his bootstraps. It is a pity to spoil a good shoe-
maker in order to make a poor judge or governor. But these element-
ary truths are things which the people of South America neither know
nor care to know.
It is claimed by many observers that the mixed races of Mexico
and Peru are of a better type, less positively vicious and more amen-
able to civilization than are the corresponding classes of Colombia,
Venezuela, etc. This would appear reasonable in view of the ancient
civilization in these two countries at the time of the discovery of
America, from which has so largely sprung the present mixed races.
Certain it is that Mexico and Peru are far ahead of the other countries
named in many respects, and this fact gives some ground to support
the theory. The majority of the people of Venezuela and Colombia
are not bad; indeed, it is their non-resistance, strange as the asser-
tion may appear, which enables the minority of bandits to control
the governments. The revolutions originate always among the gen-
erals and colonels, in the governing class, and not among the common
people.
The better conditions existing in Mexico and Peru are doubtless
to be attributed to the fact that they have had better governments in
late years, though this is a fortuitous circumstance and not an evi-
dence of permanent growth. During the rule of Guzman Blanco
Venezuela exhibited symptoms of similar progress to such a degree
that foreign countries were willing to invest millions of dollars there
in railroad and other enterprises. This was a prosperity and progress
impressed upon the country by one man, and the moment he stepped
out of the arena the old chaos and anarchy returned. A country which
depends upon any one man for its good government and business
prosperity is in sore straits, and unworthy of the confidence of
investors.
The history of the past century in the Western Hemisphere has
demonstrated conclusively to thinking men the proposition that a
VOL. i — 25
386 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
true republic is the highest and best form of government. But it has
also shown that such a republic is possible only where the majority
of the citizens are intelligent, honest, vigilant, patriotic, brave, and
just. Under any other conditions the word "republic" stands for
license, revolution, anarchy, and dictatorships. The belief that a
republic is the best form of government for all countries, and that all
people are capable of self-government, has been entirely abandoned
by men whose opinions are of any weight. In this there is no ques-
tion involved as to the supremacy of the Anglo-Saxon race or the
subordination of the Latin. The dominating element in these coun-
tries is not Latin ; it is a half-breed mixture, which is hostile alike to
the pure Latin races and the Anglo-Saxons. The work of regenerat-
ing South America must be far removed from race prejudice or ani-
mosities. We should look at it as impassively as we would the hewing
down of a mountain or the filling up of a swamp. The only question
involved is the imperative necessity for opening up these countries to
civilization. All other considerations are beside the issue.
In countries where there are no reliable statistics it is difficult to
make even approximate classifications. It would be exceedingly in-
teresting to know just what part of the mixed races is intelligent and
what part illiterate, what proportion criminal or semi-criminal, and
what part law-abiding and at the least negatively virtuous. The
value of a guess depends upon the keenness of the observation and
the extent of the experience and general soundness of judgment of
the observer. At best such a judgment is unsatisfactory material
upon which to build a composite study in ethnology. But a con-
jecture as to the proportions existing among the various classes which
compose this grand subdivision of the population of South America
might be hazarded as follows:
1. Those who have more than fifty per cent of Spanish blood.
2. Those who have less than that amount.
On this division it would be approximately correct to say that
thirty per cent of the mixed races belong to the first, and seventy per
cent to the second. Out of one hundred mixed population there are,
based on number:
Thirty per cent more Spanish than Indian and Negro.
Seventy per cent more Indian and Negro than Spanish.
As to the nature and character of this population, a further classi-
fication must be made into the military and the non-military class.
It may be inferred that in the part containing more Spanish than
Indian blood there would be fully fifty per cent who are, have been,
or aspire to be, the military men, generals, colonels, comandantes,
etc., while in the peon class — that is, those who have more Indian
or Negro blood than Spanish — there is probably not more than one
CLASSIFICATION OF THE PEOPLE 387
man in five who is really of the military type ; that is, twenty per cent
are of the criminal, or semi-criminal, disorderly, adventurous class.
This division then would stand thus:
Doctors, etc., fifteen per cent. Generals, etc., fifteen per cent.
Non-military, fifty per cent peons. Military, twenty per cent peons.
From this table it will be seen that the majority of the mixed races
are harmless, peaceable men, and that the dangerous element is com-
paratively small — thirty-five in a hundred. This number is amply
sufficient, however, to tyrannize over the rest.
As regards a further subdivision, based on illiteracy, it would
perhaps not be far from the truth to say that where the Spanish blood
predominates eighty per cent can read and write, while among the
peons not over three per cent, or perhaps less, can read or write.
From this it will be evident that most of the generals and colonels
have some literary ability, while the army is hopelessly ignorant.
These estimates would be very close to the actual figures in Colom-
bia and Venezuela could a correct census be taken ; and they doubt-
less represent the facts in Santo Domingo, Central America, Ecuador,
and most of the other Latin-American countries. The class to which
the facetious but not inapt designation of the "doctor class" is given
is, of course, not wholly composed of "doctors," but embraces all
those who have more than fifty per cent of Spanish blood who are
peaceable. Among these are the clerks, bookkeepers, students; the
habitues of cafes, the plazas, etc. ; men who will not work, who dis-
dain agriculture, mechanics, or labor; many of whom can write
poetry, edit newspapers, and, if they are of no special importance to
the world, are at le&st not vicious. Under a good government this
class would be useful citizens along with the great majority of the peon
laborers.
The overwhelming majority of the people of South America are
peons. Under present political conditions they must remain peons
forever. Many of them are good men. They have brains and energy ;
they would come to the front in a country where good government
was established. Fine characters that might do service for the benefit
of the world are here buried in hopeless poverty and live in a bondage
fastened upon them by petty tyranny. If a man earn a dollar and
it is taken away from him by a bandit government ; if he is taxed so
heavily that he must be rich to obtain even the necessities of life; if
he has no access to libraries, and can buy no books because of their
high price; if neither his life nor his property is respected; if his
government holds his personal rights and dignity in contempt; if he
is liable to be lassoed like a Texas steer without a moment's notice
and forced into the army, without an opportunity even to notify his
family; if in his country crime is forever in the saddle, and decency
forever at the stake, — what hope is there for such a man ? Once a
388 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
peon, he is a peon forever. It is a terrible thing to kill hope and to
fasten on the heart the dull load of helplessness.
A description of Latin- American social conditions in the language
of distinguished Latin-American authors is desirable, and therefore
the comments made by Carlos Benedetti, in his "History of Colombia,"
on the division of Nueva Granada, and the causes leading to the
same, are here quoted:
"Having separated, and realizing the division under such unhappy
auspices, the new life of these sections of Colombia could not be other than
one of civil strife. All the leaders, military as well as civil, had in their sight
the example of how to arrive at power and to satisfy ambition. The revolu-
tion would obtain as a premium the presidency of the Republic. To this
should be added that in the times of the colonies there existed in society a class
which was submerged in ignorance and misery, but which was not sacrificed ;
now it remains in the same misery and ignorance, but there has come for it
the epoch of the Caciques, in which they die by thousands all the years in
the continuous civil wars or wars of conquest. There existed also another
class, elevated by its culture, wealth, and intelligence, which had no political
rights, but which lived tranquil and happy. To-day this cultured class lives,
one part disputing over public positions, another part in misery or obliged
to emigrate ; and the rest without guarantees and with small property. During
the colonial regimen this class had its subsistence secure. It was the owner
of grand haciendas, had rich mines, and bodies of slaves worked for it;
in the cities it possessed beautiful edifices which were cared for by a service
of slaves, and its fortunes were constantly augmented. To-day almost all
this class has disappeared. From the education which they give the youth,
the larger portion of the young men leave school at eighteen to twenty-four
years of age, with much general knowledge, but without the disposition or
qualification to gain a livelihood with the sweat of their brows, and much less
to sustain a family. Their only aspiration is a government position, and not
encountering it, the end is revolution. In Colombia there is no work for the
intelligent class except politics. Here among ourselves the title of general,
rather than one of honor, pertains to revolts and revolutions. If the great
majority of this class had the aptitudes and dispositions to sustain its rank
without necessity of entering political positions, we would not have so many
civil wars in Colombia. It is believed that these revolutions come from the
ignorance of the populace, but never have the ignorant people been promoters
of the revolutions. The intelligent class is the one which has always con-
ducted them to the field of battle. The peons lend themselves to become an
instrument of revolutions because of these leaders, and also because the weak-
ness of our governments so permits. Comparing the past with the present,
or, that is to say, the colonial regimen with the Republican, it would appear
at first view that the former is preferable because of the welfare of a few, and
the tranquillity of all ; but that welfare was unjust, and the bad of the present
will pass away."
Mr. Benedetti further expresses the view that immigration will
be the only hope for infusing new life and methods into these coun-
tries. In this we must concur, but immigration is impossible while
the present bandit "governments" remain in control.
CHAPTER XXXIV
NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS
GOOD and bad qualities are, of course, not peculiar to any race
of people. There are certain characteristics, however, which
broadly and generally distinguish the Latin Americans, and
particularly the inhabitants of Central America and South America,
from those of all other nations and races.
The effusive friendliness of the Latin-American people to one
another, and even to strangers, has often been noted and commented
upon by travellers and observers. The most unlettered peon evinces,
as a rule, more politeness than will be found even among the better
class of people in the United States. There is an exuberance of expres-
sion, an excessiveness of attention, which is in marked contrast to the
boorishness of the average American and Englishman. If these people
were serious-minded and solid in their characters, and if they really
felt the sentiments of kindliness which they profess, it would be
splendid. Unfortunately, along with this exhibition of hospitality
there are other traits which must be taken into account.
A Latin American may profess undying affection for a person, but
he may be at the same time planning literally to cut his throat on the
first opportunity. There is no sincerity in his professions. Bad faith
is universal. No man intends to act as he agrees, or at least the
majority of men do not. A foreigner, especially a foreigner with money,
is his legitimate prey, and whatever methods suggest themselves to
his fertile mind for entrapping him, these will unhesitatingly be
adopted.
One marked national characteristic of the Latin Americans is
their marvellous development of the sense of perception and extraor-
dinary keenness of mind. They have not a deep mind, or a profound
mind, but what they have is as sharp as a razor and as keen as the
point of a sword. A man must either be strong or exceedingly nimble
of wit to protect himself against the foes confronting him in Latin
America. This keenness of intellect is partly inherited from their
Indian and Spanish ancestors, and partly acquired through the past
century of guerilla warfare. American diplomats in comparison with
the keen-witted representatives of Latin-American governments are
only as jackasses to foxes.
390 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
There are a few liars in the United States, but if these descendants
of Ananias should come into direct competition with their Latin-
American brethren, they would probably abandon the practice of an
art in which they can never hope to become more than amateurs.
With such superb qualifications possessed by the Latin American, his
contempt for labor, his extremely expensive tastes, his great love of
display, his desire "to get rich quick/' it can readily be seen that
blackmail and extortion become a fine art, even a profession of no
mean importance. By every device which cunning can conceive, by
every scheme of ingenuity, running the gamut from diplomacy to
plain brigandage, the military dictators and their clique of office-
holding cormorants practise the gentle art of extortion upon all per-
sons who have means. In these times they have become so skilful
that foreign governments stand impotent to resist the attacks made
upon their citizens. So long as this widespread characteristic is held
unchecked, there can be no industrial development in Central or
South America.
The visionary character of the ancestors of the present generation
of Latin Americans is well known by all students of history. Imprac-
ticability is written over the whole continent of South America, or
wherever the Latin-American race is found. Among them, a man who
never saw a locomotive would not hesitate to devote a few moments'
attention to the subject of locomotive building and then offer his
services to Baldwin as an expert. Crass ignorance and incompetency,
with unblushing audacity, offer themselves expert advisers or masters
of the most intricate and complicate subjects, apparently oblivious of
their own inability.
Along with an extraordinary sensitiveness and pretentiousness, the
military classes of Latin America exhibit an aggressiveness, an anxiety
for personal encounter, which is anything but reassuring. On the
slightest provocation they are ready to shoot or stab a person for
whom, a moment before, they had been professing the most exag-
gerated friendship.
It is at once amusing and pathetic to witness the display of vanity
made by these people. The half-breeds in particular are not only
subject to extraordinary illusions and strange vagaries, but they seem
to think that by pretending to have wealth which they have not, or
learning which they do not possess, they can make a great impression.
Thus a half-breed family which perhaps has not a decent meal in the
house will pretend that it is related to General So and So and President
So and So, and that it is on the most intimate terms with some great
foreign family or some alleged nobility. With a fifty-cent piece only in
his pocket one of them would most likely spend it in paying carriage
fare for a procession on the drives on Sunday afternoon, when the elite
is supposed to be airing itself. This passion for assuming rank which
by no possibility he could attain, leads to the most amusing incidents.
NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 391
A distinguished diplomat related to me his experience with a Latin
American of this type whom he met in Europe, and whom he had
casually known in South America. How the man had ever got to
Europe is unknown. He was dressed in the shabby-genteel style,
wearing a silk hat, of course, which looked as though it had seen many
years of hard service. He began by telling the diplomat what wonder-
ful things he was accomplishing ; that he had sold many mines for vast
sums of money ; and that he had just negotiated a foreign loan for his
government of fifty millions of dollars. After a long conversation of
this sort he requested a loan of fifty dollars. This is typical of tens of
thousands of similar cases. It is a pretentiousness which is a national
characteristic and an international nuisance.
I. SHALLOWNESS AND FRIVOLITY
It has been said that if a Venezuelan be placed with a machine,
one of two things must happen, — either the Venezuelan will ruin the
machine, or the machine will kill the Venezuelan. There is a great
deal of truth in the saying. Any person who trusts machinery to these
people will soon learn to his cost that they have not the habits which
go to make good mechanics. Instruction may teach them some of the
more rudimentary facts about machinery, but no amount of teaching
can inculcate the habitual carefulness and foresight which is necessary
in a good engineer or machinist.
It will be found that practically all Latin Americans exhibit the
following peculiarities to a degree greater than that possessed by any
other people with which I am familiar: (a) a lack of thoroughness,
exactness, definiteness of aim; (6) inability to apply themselves per-
sistently and continually to the mastery of a subject; (c) carelessness
and lack of foresight; (d) contempt for the drudgery of ordinary work
and a disposition to shirk it; (e) a desire to make a great display, to
pretend to be what in fact they are not; ( /) satisfaction with the out-
ward appearance of knowledge, with no real desire to get at the heart
of any proposition; (g) lack of initiative, invention, creative energy ;
(h) possession of a multitude of impracticable theories and ideas which
are a nuisance, but of which it is impossible to rid them ; (i) complete
absence of a sense of responsibility ; (j) ignorance of the most elemen-
tary methods of doing things; (k) a disposition to talk, rather than to
act; (I) a disposition to do work in the showiest manner possible, but
to produce what is really shoddy and worthless; (m) a disposition to
make money by intrigue rather than in legitimate business; (n) a
very scant respect for the property or personal rights of others, particu-
larly foreigners ; (o) absolute indolence and lack of genuine ambition,
and opposition to progress.
All of these will be recognized as characteristics of large sections
of our own country; and indeed they cannot be set down as the ex-
392 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
elusive peculiarities of any people, or as all of them applying to any
one section of any people. Yet in their entirety they come nearer
applying to the Latin Americans than to any European race.
As regards lack of thoroughness, it is true of the Latin Americans
to an extent beyond that in which it is true of any other people in the
world. Their education, their work, and everything which they do is
of the most superficial and amateurish description. There is nothing
substantial in Latin America ; in this their governments are a prototype
of everything else. A college in Latin America would in no sense
compare even favorably with one of our grammar schools, while their
universities would not be in the same class with our high schools.
The pretended range of studies in their so-called universities might
lead one to suppose that some real work was being done ; but it would
be an error. After the most superficial course of study in one of these
institutions the degree of doctor is given ; and the number of doctors
to be met in a Latin-American country is only exceeded by the number
of generals. Fortunately no West Point course is necessary to get
the latter title.
There are doctors of laws, doctors of science, doctors of arts, doc-
tors of literature, doctors of engineering, doctors of political economy,
and occasionally doctors of medicine.
It has been said that if a Venezuelan or Colombian wears shoes it
is safe to call him a doctor or a general. This, of course, is exaggera-
tion, yet the fact remains that the degree of doctor is absurdly com-
mon and bestowed for rediculously inadequate acquirements. In the
department of law men carry the title "doctor " who could not tell the
difference between habeas corpus and caveat emptor. Some of the most
bumptious ignoramuses possess diplomas as doctors of engineering;
they are men who do not know how to read the vernier of a transit,
let alone solve a trigonometrical function. In the department of medi-
cine, if the fate of their victims may be taken as a criterion from which
to judge, the ignorance of doctors must be no less dense.
It follows from the foregoing that there are no masters in any
department of human knowledge among the South Americans.
Among all the millions of these people there is probably not a single
man who has a comprehensive grasp of any one subject, or who has
made original and valuable contributions to the store of human knowl-
edge. The same remarks apply to inventions, and particularly me-
chanical inventions. Not only is there a complete absence of important
inventions, but the people appear to lack the very capacity for invent-
ing. Invention implies prolonged, sustained, and original thought;
it involves creative energy and initiative; it means work, hard and
often unremunerative work, with many failures and comparatively few
successes. With these people such a thing is not to be thought of. If
a machine could be invented by a man being richly caparisoned in gold
braid and shining buttons riding a dashing steed, with an aid-de-
NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 393
camp or two and a bugle, then a Latin American might invent a
machine which would set the world on fire ; he would be the greatest
inventor in the world. But the patience, persistence, and continuity
of effort necessary for scientific results of value are impossible to the
Latin American.
The habits of carelessness and inexactness are characteristic of
the entire race wherever found, — on the banks of the Rio Grande,
alongside the heights of Chapul tepee, in the mountain fastnesses of
Venezuela or Colombia, in the great pampas of Brazil, in the forests
of the Amazon, to the land of Tierra del Fuego. The serious part of
the matter is that this national characteristic enters into every function
of life. A tailor will make trousers either too long or too short ; a car-
penter will construct a box designed to fit a given space not only too
small or too big, but his work will be poorly done. Impracticability is
written all over South America in a thousand places, and the very ele-
ments necessary for the building of an enduring and substantial struc-
ture are lacking ; these must be transplanted from foreign lands.
The peons form the basis for a good working organization of brute-
ignorant labor. They are imitative, and with the necessary patience
could be taught. A peon, however, is a free and independent man. If
he has two dollars in his pocket, he is rich until that is spent, and of
course no "rich man " would work, especially if aguardiente were to be
had. But the so-called better classes, as regards the requirements of
modern enterprise, are worthless, or worse. They are too good either
to work or starve; their incomes do not enable them to live like
gentlemen without outside aid, and hence it is a question of wit, of
scheming and intrigue. They will meet a foreign business man with
a politeness exquisite in its details, but no homeless, predatory cat
ever had so sharp a claw, or one so long and cruel, concealed behind
her paw of velvet, as these clever gentlemen. In the language of a
rather profane but observing Englishman, "They are too d d
polite to be honest ! "
II. NATIONAL INGRATITUDE
The United States has befriended the Latin-American countries in
ten thousand ways; it has defended them against civilized powers
for eighty years; it has submitted to outrages committed on its flag
and on the persons and property of its citizens, outwardly without
protest; it has declared in the presence of the world, untruthfully,
but nevertheless declared it, that these countries are civilized repub-
lics, and their courts worthy the same consideration as are the courts
of England or our own; it has called them "Sister Republics," and
stood with its army and navy ready to defend them, at the grave
risk, on more than one occasion, of having a war on its hands with
the whole civilized world. In view of all this, it might reasonably be
394 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
inferred that Americans are popular in South America ; but it is not
so. Americans are robbed more than are either Germans or English-
men; more outrages are committed against Americans than against
any other class of foreigners.
If ingratitude is the index of a criminal, then these fighting, quarrel-
ling, intriguing, murdering communities should be classed as criminals.
During the Spanish-American war, Mexico, Central America,
Santo Domingo, and the whole continent of South America were ablaze
with hatred against the United States and everything American. Not
one newspaper south of the Rio Grande river, printed in the Spanish
language, upheld the United States in that war. The writer was in
Mexico at the time, and knew personally of more than half a dozen
Americans killed there, in cold blood, simply because they were
Americans. In every case their murderers received either the very
lightest sentence or none at all. He joined with other Americans in
making the most vigorous protest at the inadequacy of some of those
sentences, which fell under his direct personal observation, and in
sending the protests to the American minister and to the State De-
partment; but it was of no use. At that time the State Department
had its hands full and could do nothing. American travellers re-
ported that a similar condition prevailed all over Spanish America,
and the truth of those reports has since been amply verified. It may
be said that the Latin-American governments were not to blame, and
this would be true if the attitude of the government were correct;
but when a man who murders an American is not only not punished,
but becomes a hero, while an American who shoots one of his assail-
ants in self-defence is locked up in jail till doomsday, in a country
where the administration of justice is entirely in the hands of the
Dictator, it must be clear that the government cannot escape its
responsibility.
Why is it that there are so few Americans in all these countries ?
There are more Americans buried in the graveyard in Maracaibo than
there are Americans living in all Venezuela. Why ?
In the Panama affair the action of the United States in recognizing
the new Republic (God save the mark !) and in making the treaty with
it was universally denounced from one end of South America to the
other as "el gran crimen," — the great crime. A quorum of alleged
international lawyers, from La Guayra to Buenos Ayres and then
across to Valparaiso, harped on the "great outrage," the "shameless-
ness and perfidy," the "infamy," of our act, in a manner that must
have pleased the New York "Evening Post " and the Memphis "Com-
mercial Appeal." The United States has not a friend in South America
among any one of these dictatorships. Byron, in his " Childe Harold,"
speaks of Spain, in her alliance with England, as "kissing the hand
she loathed." These South American dictatorships do not even do
that. While their official communications to the government of the
NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 395
United States may be couched in terms of perfervid affection, their
actions toward individual Americans who are trying to do business in
their countries are more unfriendly, more outrageous, than they are to
the Germans. They seem to know that the government of the United
States will not protect its citizens, and therefore they may do just what
they please.
Why is it that the people of Central and South America exhibit
characteristics so entirely different from those of the United States ?
Why is it that a Latin American, even though an educated man,
cannot reason in a straight line ? Why is it they are always chasing
chimeras, moonbeams, the ends of the rainbow, castles in Spain, or
concessions in Venezuela ? Why is it that instead of thinking of busi-
ness or some legitimate industry, their heads are forever occupied
with intrigues, scheming, and knavery? Is there something in the
climate of Latin America which would convert a philosopher into a
poet, or a hard-headed lawyer into a frenzied lunatic ?
No ; it is not the climate ; it is the race. The United States has the
same climate now that it had when the Indians instituted the mas-
sacre in the Mohawk valley. Sitting Bull breathed the same air as
Abraham Lincoln, and schoolhouses are now dotted over the land
formerly occupied by the demons who ambushed Custer. The climate
has little or nothing to do with it. The climate of the greater portion
of South America is healthful and magnificent, and the soil rich be-
yond comparison. But this worse than half-breed — the Spanish-
Indian-Negro mixture — is bad. Civilization will never be planted
there except by superior force exercised by a superior race. The
longer it takes our people to learn this simple elementary truth, the
longer will Central and South America remain barbarous.
III. VIEWS OF OTHER OBSERVERS.
In support of the views expressed in this chapter and for the pur-
pose of comparison, I quote the opinions and observations of other
writers.
W. E. Curtis in "The Capitals of Spanish America " says:
"The vanity of the Chilian passes all comprehension. The officers of the
army and navy actually offered their services, through the British minister,
to England, when there was a rumor of war with Russia; and with the slight-
est encouragement they would be willing to take the domestic as well as the
international complications off the hands of the British cabinet. One day
the English paper at Valparaiso published a satire, announcing that the Lords
of the Admiralty had selected three leading Chilian naval officers to command
the Bosporus, the Baltic, and the North Atlantic fleets. The officers as well
as the people would not accept the bogus cablegram as a joke until the next
issue of the paper, in which it was explained ; and the former were actually
polishing up their swords and uniforms to take their new commands.
396 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"The Chilian is not only vain but cruel — as cruel as death. He carries
a long curved knife, called a curvo, as the Italian carries a stiletto, and the
Negro a razor, and uses it to cut throats. He never fights with his fists, and
knows not the use of the shillalah ; he never carries a revolver, and is nothing
of a thug; but as a robber or bandit, in a private quarrel or public mob, he
always uses his deadly knife, and springs at the throat of his enemy like a
bloodhound."
Concerning the Uruguayans Aker in his "History of South
America," page 226, says:
"Uruguayan character is a curious mixture of narrow-minded conser-
vatism, tempered occasionally with ambition which inadequate training does
not allow to crystallize into deeds. Jealousy of the foreigner and foreign
enterprise is a marked trait. In the northern districts are many families of
Brazilian origin, and with them all evolution is slow. They consider that
what was good enough for their forefathers will serve to-day, and often a
wealthy landed proprietor is content to dwell in a hovel rather than spend a
small sum to obtain the commonest comforts of life. These descendants of
Brazilians cling tenaciously to their landed property, and are loath to con-
tract loans on their estates even for permanent improvements. The lower-
class Uruguayan is intensely ignorant, and a prey to every description of
superstition, especially in regard to religion, although generally apathetic
as to the real tenets of Christianity."
Of the Argentines Aker writes (ibid., page 126) :
"Argentine national character bears the impress of Spanish traditions,
and the conservative tendency apparent in the Spanish peninsula still militates
against the rapid evolution of civilization in these newer countries. The
provincial inhabitants cling to the customs of their forefathers with persistent
disregard of the benefits of more advanced ideas. In the Argentine as in the
Spaniard there is a dislike to close attention to detail in public and private
life. Hospitality is a characteristic trait in all classes of Argentine society,
alike in city and country, and rich and poor never fail to offer to the chance
guest the best that their home contains. In the more isolated districts the
people are simple and superstitious to an unusual degree. Quick to resent
real or fancied injury, the Argentine is prone to be equally impulsive in for-
getting any cause of dispute. No better example of these characteristics could
be found than the facts in connection with the many outbreaks of civil war
and revolutionary disturbances, and the comparatively small amount of bad
blood these conflicts have left behind."
The characteristics of the Brazilians are thus described by Aker
(ibid., pages 311-312):
"The dominant note of Brazilian character comes from the Latin stock
which colonized this section of South America. Circumstances have modified
ideas in many respects, but not to an extent to alter the fundamental princi-
ples underlying and governing action and line of thought. Into the solemn
mystery surrounding the traditions of the Catholic Church have crept super-
NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 397
stitious African legends, and intermingled with these are traces of Indian
folk-lore. The product is an imagination ready to receive without reasoning
passing impressions, and in this soil the doctrines of August Comte took ready
root on minds lacking in mental balance, producing many evil fruits. Mental
perspective is contracted, and lacks energy to strike boldly in new direc-
tions. . . . Added to the tropical conditions in which life is passed, there is
an absence of mental training in youth and a social system extremely lax
in regard to a moral standard of every-day conduct. Belief in spiritualism
is wide-spread, and at times inspires these naturally timid people with a
fanaticism that carries them blindly into peril. The average Brazilian is not
lacking in intelligence, but his mind fails to stand the strain of mastering
intricate detail. This want of thoroughness has caused Brazil many troubles
in the past, and is a standing menace to the country in the future."
Of the Colombians Aker says (ibid., pages 610-611):
"In national character the white Colombians resemble their Spanish
ancestors more closely than elsewhere, owing to the isolated position of their
country during the latter half of the nineteenth century. Few foreigners visit
Bogota by reason of its inaccessibility, and this has caused the Spanish spoken
by its residents to retain more purity of pronunciation than elsewhere in
South America. In nearly all circumstances the people are courteous and
hospitable to compatriots and strangers without distinction, — a survival
of the custom of extending shelter to the traveller when facilities of transport
were even more difficult than at present. In Bogota and some of the older
settlements at high elevations the principal families have kept the race pure,
with seldom any strain of Indian blood ; but on the low-lying lands near the
Orinoco and in the valleys close to the seacoast the copper-colored skins and
the general features of the natives show far more of Indian than white blood.
"The drink curse, prevalent here, accounts to some extent for the inertia
of the national character, and it is curious that this love of strong drink is
chiefly confined in South America to people living in high altitudes. In
Venezuela, Ecuador, Peru, Chili, and Mexico the consumption of alcohol,
as in Colombia, is abnormally great, whereas in Argentina, where the bulk
of the population dwells in the plains, drunkenness is rare. No effort is made
in Colombia to check this blight, whether by the government or by the clergy,
and its evil effects are seen in the high infant mortality and the frequency of
criminal violence in all parts of the country."
Of the Bolivian national characteristics the same writer says :
"In any attempt to analyze Bolivian national character it must be re-
membered that the whites have retained to a great extent the methods of
thought and habits of life of their Spanish forefathers, and the fact that they
have been brought in contact with little else has resulted in the maintenance
of Spanish customs to even a more marked degree than in Argentina, Chili,
or Peru. Bolivia's isolation has tended to restrict the mental perspective of
the whites to narrow limits in both political and private affairs, and living
for generations among Indians, who are treated as an inferior race not far
removed from serfdom, has developed an arrogant bearing out of keeping
with surrounding circumstances.
398 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"It is with Indian rather than Spanish character that interest lies; but
the descendants of the Incas were so crushed by their Spanish conquerors that
pride or national spirit has small place in their lives. They are simple people
enough, asking little more than to go their ways in peace, and so long as they
are not under alcoholic influence they seldom interfere with any wayfarer,
be he Bolivian or stranger ; but unfortunately they have developed the curse
of drink to an abnormal extent, and in their cups they are often dangerous.
"Nominally they are Christians, and recognize the authority of the Roman
Catholic Church in all matters pertaining to religion, and their superstitious
tendency makes them show outward reverence to church ritual; but their
general ignorance on all subjects beyond their limited domestic life renders
it unlikely that they hold any religious convictions. It is this same ignorance
that strengthens the influence of the clergy, and causes the priesthood to be
regarded with superstitious awe. While easily led, these Indians are difficult
to drive, and in many cases where trouble has occurred among the workmen
in mines, the cause has been traced to some stupidity interpreted by the
Indians as an injustice in the method of superintendence rather than any
deliberate tendency on their part towards criminal acts."
Aker gives the following with reference to the national character-
istics of the Ecuadorians (ibid., page 587) :
"In any consideration of the national character of the Ecuadorians the
fact must always be remembered that there is only a small community of
white residents, people of European origin who retain the characteristic fea-
tures of their Spanish ancestry, modified by local conditions and the effect of
many generations of life amongst Indian tribes treated as a lower race, whose
lot is not far removed from the slavery of Inca rule. The preponderance of
Indian blood has been so great that in mixed marriages the offspring has been
absorbed into the Indian population, burying there the traits of character
inherited from the alien race that conquered the land four hundred years ago,
and amongst this Indian population the influence of the Roman Catholic
Church is paramount. The majority of the people are ignorant and super-
stitious, and the outward forms of Christianity, as preached by the Catholic
priesthood, appeal forcibly to their imaginations; but that they possess in-
telligent ideas of the principles of religion is doubtful, although they are fear-
ful of the penalties they are taught to expect for direct disobedience to priestly
injunctions. It is difficult to conceive of any other mental condition amongst
a race whose traditions include the fate meted out to Atahualpa under the
guise of Christianity, and who have never known modern civilization except
such as was forced on them by Spanish conquerors."
The Peruvians are treated as follows (ibid., pages 531-532) :
"The people of Peru comprise several distinct races, each with its clearly
defined traits. The dominant element consists of the descendants of the
Spanish conquerors ; but, naturally in a community where the ruling element
is small in numerical proportion to the subjugated population, a mixture of
races occurred. In the course of the last four centuries Indian blood has fil-
tered into the veins of the Spanish residents, and few exceptions to this rule
are found at the present time ; and among the Indian population forming the
NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS 399
great mass of the inhabitants, the evidence of a Spanish strain is also appar-
ent in every district, although dwarfed by the preponderance of native blood.
In place of Spanish blood raising Indian civilization to a higher level it has
been thrown into the background by the superior weight of circumstances.
Apart from the Spanish and the Indian sections are Negroes and Asiatics, —
the former brought to the country from Africa, and the latter introduced as
laborers after the emancipation of the slaves. A mongrel element has arisen
in more recent years from a mixture of Negro blood with Spanish and Indian
and Asiatic with Indian and Negro and that of Spanish descent. Little love
is lost between the varied people who make up the present population, and
racial quarrels are common. According to statistical returns in the census of
1876 no less than 75 per cent of the total population consisted of Indians ; 23
per cent was classified under Cholo (mixed Indian and Spanish), and Zambo
(mixed Negro and Spanish) ; the remaining 20 per cent was of Spanish de-
scent, 18,000 Europeans, and 25,000 Asiatics, principally Chinese. With the
exception of the Chinese, who have decreased during the last three decades,
the proportion of nationalities is now only slightly different from the census
of 1876."
CHAPTER XXXV
GENERAL SOCIAL CONDITIONS IN LATIN AMERICA
To-morrow, and to-morrow, and to-morrow,
Creeps in this petty pace from day to day
To the last syllable of recorded time,
And all our yesterdays have lighted fools
The way to dusty death. Out, out, brief candle!
Life's but a walking shadow, a poor player
That struts and frets his hour upon the stage,
And then is heard no more: It is a tale
Told by an idiot, full of sound and fury,
Signifying nothing.
SHAKESPEARE.
A SOCIETY implies a homogeneous whole, in which organiza-
tion, harmony, and co-operation are indispensable elements.
In a community where one class with cynical or criminal indif-
ference preys upon another, where there is constant uprising and the
antagonism which this implies, the organization called society does
not exist. There are certain conditions, however, which do exist in
certain countries of Latin America, independent of any particular
class of people, and which are well worthy of consideration. These
conditions affect not alone the habits and social customs of the people,
but the methods in which the people transact their business. Some
of the more salient social conditions growing out of the characteristics
of the people are therefore noted.
I. MANANA
Days, months, and years are all the same to the South American
people; the precious moments which are flying past us on wings are
wasted by them without thought. The simplest operations of life in
South America require an expenditure of time which is appalling.
In a thousand and one ways these countries, with their insufferable
customs, take from us the one supreme thing of value, the one thing
which nothing can replace, the one thing for the loss of which nothing
can atone. Mariana, a word which is the sum of all villanies !
Manana means that they will do to-morrow what they ought to
do to-day, that they will then pay you what they owe you, listen to jus-
tice and reason, and let you go on your way without molestation. But
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 401
manana never comes. The man who tries to do something now finds
himself balked and prevented in a thousand ways. The believer
in manana has no more idea of the value of time than a hog has of
a chronometer; he is a savage.
II. IT is A LAND OF TALK
When an American for the first time touches at San Juan or
Havana, he notices at once the unmeasured, uncontrolled jabbering
of the natives who are working about the docks. A gang of thirty or
forty of these peons will make more noise with their unceasing chatter
than a flock of magpies or parrots. The farther South he goes, the
incessant chatter increases in quantity and degree. When he reaches
Cura9ao, he encounters a veritable babel of tongues, a jabbering and
chattering such as all the Simians of the African forests could never
attempt to drown. What these people talk about is a mystery to an
educated person ; but it is certain that the everlasting stream of drivel
does not leave them any time for serious thought or labor.
Neither is this inexhaustible plethora of talk, with its correspond-
ing poverty of ideas, confined to the peon class. The so-called better
classes will talk more deliberately, but even at greater length on a
given subject, or what is supposed to be a subject, and the talk is just
as impractical, absurd, and valueless. To transact business with such
a people is a practical impossibility. Much of the talk is highly
ornamental. Addressed to ladies with whom they are in love, it is
poetical in the extreme ; on politics, it will be grandiloquent. There
was published recently an article in which the number of subjects
discussed at a Latin-American meeting was cited as evidence of the
high degree of civilization in those countries. If "discussing sub-
jects " is a criterion of civilization Latin America would stand at the
head of the world in volume, in height, and in depth of register. It
produces more different opinions on more different subjects than can
be found anywhere else on the earth outside of Bedlam. But what
does it all amount to ? Nothing ! They can say everything, but they
do nothing!
III. THE LAND OF DO-NOTHING
Latin America is the land of eternal do-nothing — do-nothing
which is decent, do-nothing in the sphere of labor and commerce,
in the sense of civilization. When it comes to miserable vagabond
intrigues, or working up schemes to loot a foreigner, it is entirely
different. Industry is impossible in such a country. A person desir-
ous of beginning business must first get the consent of the "govern-
ment." To embark in any kind of business without a "concession"
is to invite immediate ruin ; to start in with a concession means that
the ruin is no less certain, but it will be more prolonged and painful.
VOL. i — 26
402 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Any business with the government is, to begin with, a question not of
days and weeks, but of months or years. When it comes to business,
legitimate business, every government in Latin America is simply a
machine for destroying all hope, all prospects, all ambition, all energy.
Not only are they blackmailers and scoundrels, — nearly all of them,
— but they have no respect for decency and no regard for the value
of time.
Any enterprise which is established in Latin America must first
pass through the government mill and be "squeezed." Not only is
the squeezing process disagreeable, but the time occupied in the
operation is an outrage. The government will begin by "sizing you
up." Their spies follow you on some pretext for mulcting you. You
commence by paying big lawyers' fees to have your case presented
properly to the government. Ignorant of the country's methods you
explain the benefit your enterprise will be, the respectability of your
company and its excellent reputation as well as the fine reference you
can give. "Si, Senor, me alegro mucho a saber lo, que interesante,"
will be the reply. You will think your argument has had some effect,
— and it has. Before he had heard what you had to say the digni-
fied official of our "Sister Republic " was debating in his mind whether
he should mulct you for $10,000 or $15,000; but now that he realizes
the importance of your business, he is convinced that you can stand
a "graft" of at least $25,000. The more responsible you are, the
more labor you employ, the more benefit your enterprise would be to
the country, the heavier the blackmail to be laid on you.
In the mean time difficulties do but multiply and increase; indi-
viduals, following the lead of the government, beset you from all
sides. Unless you are a person of great strength and resources, of
imperturbable temper and iron constitution, you will be undone;
but if you survive the first onslaught, wasting six months or a
year in preliminary negotiations with the government to become
persona grata, by paying them what they demanded and finally
agreed to accept, your commercial career is only prolonged. Your
final destruction at their hands is inevitable — nothing can save you.
Your only safety is in never setting your foot on South American soil.
Let him who enters there leave hope behind.
But there is an exception to this. If you will live among them
and become one of them; if, then, you will aid them in luring other
investors or business men into their net ; and if from the products of
such ill-gotten gains you are content with the crumbs, then perhaps
you may survive.
But no straightforward, honest business in the northern part of
South America is possible, except at the expense of frightful per-
sonal sacrifice and great loss. Every institution of the country, every
disposition 'of the government, everything — climate, laws, customs
and habits, ignorance, intrigues, the lack of labor, the shameful and
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 403
inexcusable waste of time, the infamous manana — all is so con-
trolled as to throttle and destroy legitimate enterprise by imposing
upon it insuperable obstacles.
The man who tries to make an honest living in Venezuela or
Colombia, by labor or in business, is regarded as a fool, — the legiti-
mate prey of all the hosts of spoliation.
Progress and civilization, of course, in such a country are not to
be dreamed of. The struggle is first to save your property; it then
becomes a struggle to save your life.
Hoy, to-day, for intrigues, for scoundrelism, for everything which
would destroy progress and tear down the fabric of civilization ; hoy,
to-day, for murders, outrages, licentiousness, brutality; hoy, to-day,
for reeking antipathy against foreigners, for destroying anything
which savors of progress; but manana for enterprise, manana for
decent laws and government, manana for a decent respect for the
rights of civilized powers, manana, manana, manana !
And mauana never comes. Prometheus stands as the eternal
prototype of enterprise and civilization in Latin America. Will the
vulture never finish eating out the vitals, will it never have completely
done with the cadaver ?
IV. POVERTY AND HOPELESSNESS
Every town and village of South America is overrun with the
most helpless and pitiable specimens of beggars. I am satisfied there
are more beggars in Caracas or Bogota than there are in the whole
United States. Swarms and troops of poor old women and men,
hundreds of children who are living skeletons, throng the sidewalks.
The old women appear to be nothing more than skin and bones,
bent, crippled, decrepid, with wrinkled faces and palsied hands, por-
traying disease and poverty. Hundreds, thousands, of them are
crippled.
The better-to-do class seem to have little or no regard for these
helpless outcasts of the earth. It would seem that the stoutest heart
would melt in compassion at these poor people, starving, eaten up by
disease, ragged and filthy beyond all power of description. In every
town and village of South America the sight is the same. Poor, wan
little children, half starved, half idiot, fill the streets. Many cases
are too hopeless for tears. Despair seems to have eaten out the
centres of their hearts and left their eyes dry.
A sick dog or cat would attract more attention in the remotest
part of the United States than would the death agonies of a human
being in the principal street of a South American town.
And so these helpless creatures, thousands and thousands and
thousands of them, made in the image of God, are, alas ! the gagged
and helpless victims of a system of misgovernment alongside of which
404 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
slavery was a Garden of Eden. Their ranks are always crowded,
the relentless, merciless heel of fate upon their necks. Oh the sorrow
and misery of it all ! Poor old, ragged, starving women, filling reeking
squalid rooms, through days of darkness and nights of infinite black-
ness. If Mother Nature would but stop a minute to listen to the
moans, the sobs, of her unfortunate children !
These people, beggared, hopeless, with glazed hearts and deadened
sensibilities, are the logical, the inevitable result of the governmental
systems of these countries. How many are there of these helpless
creatures who have fallen by the wayside ? If the newspapers of the
United States were to publish photographs of these helpless ones, and
if a census could be taken of them, so that our people should actually
know the facts, our charitable people would subscribe millions for
their relief, and Uncle Sam's brave boys would see that the money
was not stolen by the bandit governments either. Caracas would
be a good place to commence operations, provided always that Uncle
Sam was back of the undertaking.
V. SPORTS
It is doubtful if there is a proper or adequate appreciation among
our own people as to the effect which manly outdoor sport has on our
national life. One has but to pick up a morning paper and note care-
fully the space given to games of various kinds, to regattas and horse-
races, in order to realize that the line of outdoor athletics is a vital
element in the characteristics of our people. Not only as regards the
more important games, which are national in their exercise, such as
base ball, football, and golf, but in respect to many sports of a more
inconspicuous character, may it truly be said that the American mixes
play with his work.
This question of outdoor games and sports goes deeper than the
mere entertainment of the people. Laughter, happiness, the joy of
living, are all correlatives of health and growth. When the ball flies
high in air, not only does it afford wholesome exercise for the muscles
of the players, and strengthen them physically as well as morally by
the good-natured rivalry which it engenders, but there is a corre-
sponding reaction on the spectators. The applause, the enthusiasm,
which it calls forth, tend to bring all to the same rank of sturdy, hearty
Americanism. The frigidity and stiffness with which pseudo-aristo-
crats ape dignity ; the cold indifference with which the parvenu tries
to impress one with his alleged superiority ; the petty f ussiness with
which that larger class of semi-cranks, semi-dyspeptics, seek to frown
down the buoyancy and exuberance of youth, are all swept away, as
with a gust of wind, by the genuine American admiration and honest
enthusiasm which greets a splendid play or a victory hard won.
The action and reaction, the clashing in friendly rivalry, the
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 405
manoeuvring, the skill, daring, strength, and resourcefulness culti-
vated by these games, may well afford food for reflection and study
to the social philosopher. No doubt that through them people learn
to endure trivial ills and discomforts with good-natured tolerance,
while the horizon of life is broadened and the spirit of exuberance be-
comes contagious. Over and beyond the temporary pleasure and
diversion which these sports afford, they are within themselves a
moral education, throwing men into social contact on a basis of equal-
ity, where the motto is, "Let the best man win."
No weak, effeminate, or decaying nation has ever been the patron
of these vigorous outdoor sports. The Olympic games were of Rome,
— Rome, when her three hundred victories had made her mistress of
the world.
But in these Latin-American countries there is scarcely the vestige,
in even the most rudimentary form, of our great national games.
There are no ball parks, no golf links, no race tracks, nothing which
would make a shadow of the vigorous rivalry found in our college foot-
ball teams. The brutal, brutalizing bull-fight is the universal "sport,"
from the Rio Grande to Cape Horn, and practically the only outdoor
entertainment that there is, aside from the cock-fights.
VI. GAMBLING
Gambling in all its forms is practised under concessions from the
government in practically all South American countries. Lotteries
are to be found everywhere, and the venders of lottery tickets are a
perennial nuisance, invading every home and shop and street corner,
offering tickets for the next drawing. One no sooner crosses the
border into Mexico than he realizes that he is in a land where gam-
bling is a national institution. Supposing that the first stop-over is in
Monterey, one will find not alone the famous Spanish bull-fight on
Sunday afternoon, but he will find a picturesque assortment and
variety of gamblers and gambling devices, especially during times of
fiestas, which one would have to go far to find in any other than a
Spanish-American country. In the City of Mexico, in Vera Cruz,
San Luis Potosi, Pueblo, Guadalajara, — in short, everywhere, —
lotteries are running in full blast, with regular drawings, all under
protection of the government. Likewise the great gambling-houses
in the City of Mexico, many of them luxuriously fitted up, quite a
number patronized regularly by women, are veritable gold mines for
the syndicate which operates them under authority of the govern-
ment. That "hypocrisy is the homage which vice pays to virtue" is
well illustrated in the names borne by these gambling concerns, such
as "El gran sorteo en beneficencia del publico" - "The great drawing
for the benefit of the public," etc. A large sum, derived from these
sources, goes into the public treasury of Mexico ; but in Central
406 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
America, Santo Domingo, Colombia, or Venezuela, the percentage
which goes into the public treasury grows much less. In those
countries the larger portion of the swag goes into the pockets of
the officials of the government, the boss Dictator always getting the
lion's share.
Nearly everybody purchases these lottery tickets, — peons, wash-
erwomen, servant girls, bankers, merchants, doctors, and high-toned
ladies. The dream of fabulous wealth, that ignis fatuus of the South
American ; the following of illusions as children do soap bubbles, and
thinking them real ; the century search for El Dorado, manifests itself
in the gambling spirit with an intensity nowhere else to be found.
Every one wants to be enormously rich, if only for a day, but no one
thinks of trying to make wealth by honest labor or business enter-
prise. Every one cannot be a dictator, and thereby become a mil-
lionaire in a year, but most any one can gamble, and in this way live in
the atmosphere of excitement and anticipation.
How to get rich without work, how to make a fortune in the twin-
kling of an eye, — that is the problem. If one has soldiers sufficient,
the most certain way is to seize the reins of government; otherwise
one must resort to intrigue and gambling.
The magnitude of the gambling evil in South America is appal-
ling. It pervades all classes. It is universal. A professional gambler
moves in as good society as any other man, and no disgrace attaches
to his calling. The government is a partner in the business, and the
chief officials of the government personally derive vast profits from it.
It is unnecessary for me here to attempt to characterize the gam-
bling evil. Next to the liquor traffic, it may be considered as the
greatest curse of society in the world ; but in South America I would
place it first, and the liquor traffic second, in the category of evils.
It causes utter demoralization in the character of men. He who may
get a hundred dollars on the turn of a card will not work hard and
faithfully for a month in order to get the same amount. A man who
wants money, no matter how obtained, is a dangerous man in the com-
munity. A man who can live happily on the fruits of an income derived
from gambling, boodling, or from any other immoral or illegitimate
source, has arrived at the stage of moral degeneration where, if he
obeys the laws, it is for the purpose of keeping out of jail, rather than
from any sincere, conscientious notion of duty. When the gambling
spirit pervades a whole nation, it means the exclusion of all solid enter-
prises. In such a soil, if a legitimate business be undertaken, it will
be with a feverish, unwholesome spirit, which avoids enduring the
hardships which always stand in the way of lasting and solid success,
but aims to secure immediate benefit, no matter what the ultimate
damage may be.
There is but one solid foundation for national prosperity and
greatness, — labor, — honest, faithful, conscientious labor, — labor
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 407
for the love of itself. The love of labor may be regarded as one ex-
ponent of national character, the spirit of gambling as another; the
first leads to wealth and greatness, the latter to shame and ruin.
VII. MENACE OF FILTH
The native Latin American is lazy and filthy ; that is all there is
about it. When he congregates in cities, he becomes a menace to the
health of the world. His sewage flows in the streets, his water-closets
are terrible. He may have a parlor filled with pretentious pictures and
gilded furniture, the front hall of his house may be luxurious and
beautiful, but his kitchen, depend upon it, is a veritable stench hole
of dirt and nastiness.
If the Latin-American countries were to send an army to invade
our shores and kill our people, we would take very effectual steps not
only to repel it, but to prevent the recurrence of any such thing ; but
their filth diseases are ready to sweep over us at any moment, and we
stand impotent to resist or remedy them, — the quarantine our only
very lame and feeble defence.
I know, when speaking of filth, an American should be modest.
We need always to bear in mind that we are not blameless in this
regard. Chicago, with its disgusting alleys strewn with rotten garbage,
its impassable streets of decayed wooden blocks covered with slush,
mud, and manure, bids us pause before criticising too severely the
unclean habits of our Southern neighbors. New Orleans joins hands
with Chicago, with its infinitely foul-smelling sewage running through
its miserable cobblestone pavements, its shameless municipal back-
wardness being a fitting monument to the unparalleled political cor-
ruption of a city where gambling is a virtue and crime little more than
a vice.
But these derelictions on the part of our own people afford no ex-
cuse for the universal filth of Latin America. It is time that the cities
of those countries, and Chicago and New Orleans, should be cleaned
up.
Europe should take hold of Asia with an iron hand to enforce
cleanliness and sanitary laws. It ought to be written in the Book of
Civilization that the day of plague and pestilence is past. Yellow fever
is more than a disease, it is a crime. We should punish a nation which
sends us a pestilence the same as we would one which sent us a hostile
army. Obliterate filth, enforce sanitary regulations, and those great
filth diseases would practically disappear. The work of the lamented
Waring in Havana illustrates this, although Havana is yet far from
being in a sanitary condition.
The hotels of Mexico are bad ; what must we say of the Mexican
steamers? It is useless to attempt to describe them. They beggar
description. The most unhappy period of my life was spent aboard
408 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
one of these ships plying between Vera Cruz and Tampico. The ship
lay behind a reef nearly two weeks waiting for a norther to subside,
and I yet recall with feelings of horror the awful stenches, the horrible
dirty servants, the cooks suffering from unspeakable diseases. It was
so terrible that I remained on deck through the rain and storm, by
night and day, and ate practically nothing during the entire period.
They called this ship the Jose Romano, but there were several others
in the line, and all practically as bad as it.
Latin America is not only the land of to-morrow, the land of talk,
the land of intrigue, the land of pretension, the land of do-nothing, but
it is also supremely the land o] filth.
VIII. CARRYING CONCEALED WEAPONS
One of the pleasantries of doing business in Central and South
America is the fact that a man is continually thrown in contact with
men who "have killed their man." Senor Fulano y Tal usually does
not boast much about his record and the number of notches which he
has on his pistol handle, but he and everybody else carries pistols and
knives, and you soon learn that he had shot one man, a few years ago,
who was unarmed, and that he stabbed another man to death about
some trivial matter; and now he is treated with great politeness, and
himself does a sufficient amount of bowing and scraping.
It grates on one's nerves to be presented to Senor Don So and So
with a big pistol in his pocket, and Colonel Fulano, also carrying a big
gun, and Don Tal y Tal with a dirk knife on him as big as a butcher
knife. With a man in front of you, armed to the teeth, whose record
of victims is by no means reassuring, who at this moment is all smiles
and palaver and soft-soap, but who within three minutes, especially if
you happen to press the wrong button, may snort and slather like a
captured wild-cat, — to do business with such people is more pleas-
antly entrusted to a substitute.
One serious objection to a Latin American is this : he never fights
"fair." A real good clean fist-fight, — no striking below the belt, —
wrestle, scuffle, pummel each other over the heads, black the eyes, or
smash the jaws — is not an altogether unmanly exercise in certain
contingencies ; it is a good square reply to many current epithets, and
oftentimes inculcates a wholesome respect for the man who is master
of the art of self-defence; but these sneaking assassins with their
daggers and pistols, these wretches who cut your throat when you are
asleep, or blow your brains out when you are unarmed and perhaps
off your guard, — it is this class of people that a business man must
encounter at a thousand points and places in Central or South America.
Murderers are not punished; they are turned loose upon the com-
munity to wreak vengeance on new victims. They will attempt by a
thousand methods to rob you, to blackmail you by process of law or
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 409
otherwise ; while in front of you is always the sinister aspect of a man
who has killed his victim, and who knows that a murder carries with
it no serious consequences to the murderer.
IX. ILLEGITIMATE BIRTHS
In the month of November, 1903, one of the papers of Caracas
published a statement of the number of births for the preceding month
in that city, from which it appeared that the total number of births
for the month was 187, of which 84 were legitimate, and 103 were
illegitimate. This proportion would substantially hold good of the
other months and other years; in other words, it would be about a
fair average for that place. In many other places the proportion of
illegitimate births would be much larger. In fact the probabilities are
that even in Caracas the proportion is larger than the statistics show.
It must be evident that there are some cases of concealment of ille-
gitimate births. Among the great mass of the people no disgrace
attaches to a woman who gives birth to a child out of wedlock, and it
may be that the officials could obtain records of the larger number of
such births. But it is certain that women of the better classes are
more likely to conceal the fact of an illegitimate birth from the public
and authorities. It is not customary among the mass of the people to
call in a physician during childbirth, and hence there is no exact or
official report relating to the subject. Naturally enough, respectable
families are willing to report the birth of their children to the authori-
ties, and they take a proper pride in seeing the word "legitimate"
written after their names in the public records. Although there is no
very great hesitancy on the part of the peon women in reporting the
birth of an illegitimate child, and in stating who was probably the
putative father, or at least, if he was unknown, who was at the present
time her querido, still it can readily be seen that the statistics of ille-
gitimate births must always be incomplete, particularly when it is re-
flected that the "authorities" entrusted with the collection of such
reports are always ignorant, incompetent, and disinclined to work.
With the exception of a few towns, no statistics whatever are
available, and even if they were, no importance whatever could be
attached to them, though they would probably show a vast increase
in the proportion of illegitimate births.
In all Spanish America, including Mexico, San Salvador, Central
America, Chili, and Argentina, perhaps one third of the total num-
ber of couples who live together as man and wife are really married.
It is entirely safe and conservative to say that in the whole continent
of South America not more than thirty-five per cent of the births are
legitimate.
The social conditions in these countries are different from any-
thing known in the United States, England, or Germany. They have
410 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
their prototype among the Negroes of some sections of the South, and
in the dissolute classes of Paris and Madrid, and can scarcely be under-
stood by our people who have not personally observed the facts.
Marriage in South America, like everything else, is hedged about
with great difficulties. To marry a woman not only involves a vast
amount of red tape, but likewise a heavy expenditure of money. The
civil marriage and the ecclesiastical marriage are two separate func-
tions, and it would appear that each has been made as difficult and
expensive as it could well be, but every Latin-American couple who
propose to get married at all will go through both performances. In
most countries the civil authorities do not recognize the ecclesiastical
ceremony, and in none of them do the church authorities recognize
the civil ceremony; so, in order to be perfectly married, it is necessary
to go through both ceremonies. I shall not attempt to describe these
processes, covering several days, with announcements, written docu-
ments drawn up, signed, sealed, and witnessed, with revenue stamps
over every page and under every signature, and a hundred expenses
and obstacles. It is sufficient to say that if the bridegroom had any
money at the commencement of the ceremony, it is most likely that he
will be bankrupt before the end, with the gang of leeches surrounding
him, demanding fees for this, that, and the other thing. For peons,
the poor people who comprise eight tenths of the total population of
these countries, the expense of such ceremonies is entirely out of the
question.
For the honor of womanhood, in South America as well as in the
world, let it be stated that these poor, ignorant women nearly always
want a marriage ceremony performed before going to live with their
querido, and in most cases they exact a promise from the man that he
will marry them legally whenever they may acquire property enough
to justify them in paying for the ceremony. There are many cases
where a man and woman have lived together for twenty or thirty years
and raised up a large family of children, and have then been legally
married, so as to make their children "legitimate" in the eyes of the
law.
It likewise happens that when one or the other of the couple is
going to die, the priest refuses to absolve them unless they are married.
In this case a civil marriage is not required, because the Church re-
gards marriage as one of its sacred ordinances; therefore the dying
victim gets off comparatively easy. He at least escapes the expenses
of testigoes, judges, and revenue stamps.
Many thousands — nay, hundreds of thousands — of couples will
be found to be living together in this manner, without marriage cere-
mony of any kind, and yet who are entitled to respectful consideration,
because they are as true to each other as husbands and wives ordi-
narily are in other countries. Of course the man is rarely straight,
and he nearly always has other queridas, and more often still is guilty
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 411
of miscellaneous relations with other women generally, but it fre-
quently — I was almost inclined to say usually — happens that one
of these poor peon women, when she becomes the mother of a family
in this manner, remains true to the man who is her husband in fact if
not in name. The children of people of this class might be properly
recorded in the public registers, and the father and mother would have
no more hesitation in acknowledging such children than they would
if really married.
Another class of illegitimate children about the identity of whose
parentage a fairly accurate idea may be formed are the children of the
queridas of the wealthier men, — business men, owners of haciendas,
etc., who are living with their lawful wives and families, but who have
from one to a dozen mistresses. This system is not only common, but
it is practically universal in all South American countries. Usually
the real wife knows all about the facts in the case, and oftener than
otherwise she is on friendly terms with her husband's queridas, and
they frequently visit back and forth. Her husband's children by these
queridas are usually treated by her with almost as much kindness as
her own children, and she frankly says that a man must not be held to
the same standard of marital responsibility as a woman. Of course
these views are entirely acceptable to the man ; so there is no quarrel
on that issue.
This class of illegitimate offspring is not unusually recognized by
the father publicly, and he sometimes makes provision for it in
the division of his property. Even after the querida, the mother of the
child, has been cast off, and perhaps living with some other man, the
child is regarded as attached in some manner to the parental tree, and
the legitimate wife will ordinarily interpose no obstacle in its way. It
must not, however, assume to be on the same plane as her children,
for that would be a violation of social distinctions.
A great many of the illegitimate births, however, are of the non-
descript variety, in regard to which even the mother would have only
a dim idea as to who was the actual father of the child. This mother
is not the querida of one, but of many. It does not follow that she is
a prostitute, for, in the ordinary sense of the term, she is not. She
herself would strenuously deny it if any one should insinuate that she
was a mujere publica, — a public woman. But her attachments are
less strong, less stable. Her compromises — that is, the obligations a
man and woman assume to live together — are less binding and are
more readily thrown aside for new compromisos. There is a contin-
uous change from one querido to another, well calculated to bewilder
the collector of vital statistics.
Under these conditions it will readily be perceived that it is im-
possible to give anything like accurate statistics in regard to illegiti-
mate births in South America; but whenever figures are given at all,
the illegitimate always greatly exceeds the legitimate. If the writer
412 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
were asked to make an estimate, he would say that 65 or 70 per cent
of all the births in Mexico, Chili, and Argentina, and from 75 to 80
per cent in the other countries, are illegitimate.
According to the report of the United States consul at Tegucigalpa
the number of births in Honduras during 1903 and 1904 was as
follows :
1903 — total births, 16,831 ; males, 8744; females, 8087; legitimate off-
spring of white parents, 6567; illegitimate offspring of white parents, 6741;
legitimate offspring of Indian parents, 1657; illegitimate offspring of Indian
parents, 1866; total legitimate, 8224; total illegitimate, 8607.
1904 — total births, 19,066; males, 8691; females, 9218; legitimate off-
spring of white parents, 7497; illegitimate offspring of white parents, 7927;
legitimate offspring of Indian parents, 1660; illegitimate offspring of Indian
parents, 1982 ; total legitimate, 9159 ; total illegitimate, 9909.
X. EXTRAVAGANCE, ENTHUSIASM, AND HYSTERIA
A short time after Mr. Cleveland sent his message to Congress
regarding the English- Venezuelan boundary matter, the American
minister went from the United States to Caracas. At La Guayra
he was received with a frenzied delirium of acclaim. Thousands of
swarthy fanatics greeted the representative of their great Northern
ally with vivas, banners flying, bands playing, bailes, banquets, and
a wild and delirious display. The genuineness and intensity of this
enthusiasm was undoubted ; the army and navy of the United States
were now supposed to be at the back of the Venezuelan Jefes, if not
under their actual command, and the "Americanos" had unbounded
popularity. Among a serious-minded people such manifestations of
friendship would have augured closer commercial relations and better
protection for American life and property. But among these silly,
frivolous people, it meant nothing more than the effervescence of car-
bonic-acid gas in a siphon. A perusal of the record of despoliation
of foreign property in Venezuela, and especially of American prop-
erty, since that day, will give one a clear notion of the ridiculous-
ness of these pretensions of Latin-American friendship for us. Their
friendship is like the fumes of sulphur from a crater, or the bubbling
of gas from a petroleum well, or the whirlwinds of dust on the streets
of Kansas City, or the meanings of the rain-crow in the black-oaks
of Missouri, or the cities of mirage in the great desert, or the jack-o'-
lantern in the swamps of Arkansas, or the sun dogs as seen from
Winnipeg, — evanescent, delusive, vain, and of no avail.
When Mr. Secretary Root arrived at Rio Janeiro, in July, 1906,
on his visit to the "Pan" Convention, a similarly frenzied greeting
awaited him. The resources of the seventh heaven are scarcely ade-
quate to provide all the beatific bliss showered upon the distinguished
visitor. "The banquet given by Baron Rio Branco complimentary
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 413
to Mr. Root was of a magnificence unparalleled in Brazil. The fur-
nishings for the occasion had been imported especially from Paris
at a cost of $100,000."
Later we are informed that "Secretary Root arrived at the palace
in a carriage especially built for the occasion, at a cost of $12,000."
Of course Secretary Root, under such circumstances, felt his oats.
"I am deeply stirred," he said, "by this honor to my country and
myself."
During the frenzy, the acclaim, the hurrah, Mr. Root received a
delegation from the chamber, which presented him a message, saying :
"When you left your country you were anxious to show that moral
sentiments are not limited by frontiers, but extend beyond the hori-
zons, contributing to form a new humanity and new ideals. Your
visit approaches countries embodying the spirit of the new age. The
chamber has confidence in a policy like yours, inspired by the immortal
principles of liberty, order, and peace."
Now, all of this sounds magnificent, and to a man who does not
know these people, it is inspiring. A nation founded on such high
moral ideas as this must be all right ; but is Brazil such a nation ?
I fear not. The shouting of frenzied crowds, ready in twenty minutes
to take up some new thing with equal hysteria, the clamor of bands,
the boom of cannons, the garrulous oratory, the cut glass and bouquets,
may fool Elihu Root on his first visit, but they can't deceive me. At
the very moment when all this opera bouffe was going on in Rio de
Janeiro, sterner business was in hand in the outlying districts. The
dread spectre of murder and spoliation — revolution — was at that
moment devastating whole districts and States.
Matto Grossa, a State containing 532,550 square miles, was at
that instant in the hands of the revolution; numerous battles had
been fought with fearful carnage; several cities had been taken
with the machete; more than 4000 lives had been sacrificed in the
struggle, and the government had an army of 40,000 men under
General Riberio endeavoring to crush the insurrection. The same
scenes of pillage and loot, of "forced loans" and reclutas, of outrages
against foreigners and civilized natives, were being enacted, which
have been perennial and eternal in Latin America.
Was Secretary Root blinded, by the adulation which he received
at Rio de Janeiro, to the true character of these countries, or had he
keenness of vision sufficient to see through the veil of official polite-
ness and study the scenes behind the curtain ?
CHAPTER XXXVI
LATIN-AMERICAN TYPES, INSTITUTIONS, AND
CUSTOMS
THE military Jefe is the most noted Latin-American type which
impresses itself upon a visitor. The Jefe may be colonel,
general, comandante, or any of the other numerous military
grades. As a rule, he is a man without conscience, of unbridled
ambition, cruel and relentless, and a dangerous citizen generally.
Closely allied with the military Jefe is the civil politician. This
man can write pronunciamentos, and hair-raising essays on liberty
and patriotism. He also fixes up the decretas for the military Jefe
to sign. A considerable portion of the graft is allotted to this type of
politician. He is merely a schemer for the Jefe with his army of
macheteros.
The doctors of Latin America are as numerous as the generals.
They are a much more amiable class of men. While their pretensions
to learning are exaggerated and amusing, nevertheless, they are a
respectable element of society. Ignoring their idiosyncrasies and
pretensions of refinement and culture, we may sincerely like and
admire these men, most of whom are very decent fellows and a large
number of whom are first-class gentlemen of a high type.
Throughout Mexico, Argentina, and Chili there are enormous
plantations or tracts of land called haciendas, the owner of which is
known as a haciendado. This man is easily, in my opinion, the highest
type of Latin- American gentleman. He has not the literary ability
or the refinement and culture of the doctors, but he is an all-round
man of affairs, a good business man, and really forms the backbone
of the nation. It is the haciendado who gives to Mexico, Chili, and
Argentina their stability and higher governmental excellence. The
haciendado is usually the supporter of the government, unless it be
in fact very vicious, because it is to his interest to maintain the estab-
lished order of things. He does not want his property overrun by
revolutionary hordes, and he knows that it is better to submit to the
exactions of a corrupt government than to run the risk of losing all
by siding with anarchy. These great plantations are not cultivated
thoroughly, and enormous tracts of land lie fallow or in their primeval
condition. No opportunity is afforded to the small man to become
a landed proprietor, and this constitutes the real element of weakness
LATIN-AMERICAN TYPES 415
in the hacienda system. The inconceivable strength of the United
States is due to the fact that we have millions of home owners. A
comparatively poor man with us can own his own house and farm.
Not so in the countries mentioned. A landed proprietor there is
necessarily a man of wealth. The coffee plantations of Venezuela
and Colombia afford a somewhat similar system to that of the great
landed estates in the other countries mentioned, but owing to the
frequent uprisings and the despoliation by predatory bands, these
plantations are usually run down and neglected.
There are many special types in Central and South America
which are very interesting to a foreign observer. They may be briefly
mentioned. The arierro, or mule-driver, is a picturesque fellow. He
directs the burros in their never-ending work of transporting the
products of Latin America. These burro trains by the hundreds can
be found in all parts of Latin America, each animal carrying loads
of two hundred or two hundred and fifty pounds, over mountains and
valleys, wading rivers, climbing where it would seem to be impossible
for an animal to step, going on journeys for days or even for weeks.
The arierro is utterly oblivious to the suffering of his beasts. He is
ordinarily not a bad fellow, but is entirely indifferent to pain, and
ignorant with regard to every subject except the matter in hand.
The guacho, or cow-boy, of the great interior plains of Argentina,
Brazil, and Southern Venezuela is a most daring rider, an excellent
shot, and makes one of the hardiest soldiers in the world. He loves
ornaments in dress, is disposed to drink a great deal of bad liquor
and indulge in gambling, and is generally a citizen with whom one
must be careful in dealing. In the cities one would encounter the
aguacero, or water-carrier, and also the lecher o, or milk-carrier, both
of whom will be found on top of their burros, which are already
loaded down to the limit with a keg of water or milk on each side of
them. One type of Latin American, who is in fact drawn from nearly
all classes, is the "masher," or dandy. He lines the sidewalks in
front of the public places, the post-offices, public squares, cafes, etc.,
and devotes his time to ogling every lady who passes by and making
remarks about her. This man usually wears a silk hat and carries
a cane, and makes some pretence of respectability. He is as dis-
tinctive a type and as great a nuisance as can be found in Latin
America. Another Latin-American type is the professional gambler.
His calling is considered to be quite respectable and by no means bars
him out of the best society. A notable type in Latin America is the
dona or senorita, who spends much of her time in church. This lady
wears a little black mantilla or shawl over her head. They are all
dressed in one conventional garb on days of the great religious festi-
vals. The beggar is another distinctive type in Latin America which
impresses itself upon the visitor with a vividness and distinctness
which can never be obliterated. One day a week, usually Saturday,
416 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
is set apart particularly for the beggars, in which they make their
rounds of all the houses and streets, soliciting alms. The utter hope-
lessness of this type is pitiable and pathetic. They live in indescrib-
able squalor and misery, diseased, deformed, helpless, and hopeless.
There are hundreds of thousands of all ages and both sexes belonging
to this type in Latin America. The enormous percentage of dire
helplessness is one of the saddest features which an observer en-
counters in every Latin-American country.
Some of the most typical institutions and customs are also worth
mentioning.
Pretty nearly every Latin-American town has its plaza, or park,
usually occupying a city square, laid out with wide sidewalks all
around it, where the people congregate for a promenade, usually on
Sunday evenings and on holidays. A band on these occasions occu-
pying a stand in the centre of the plaza will furnish music. The
method of promenading is rather curious. As a rule, the ladies walk
around the plaza in one direction and the gentlemen in the opposite
direction; thus they are brought continuously facing each other.
Rarely do a gentleman and lady walk together. On these occasions
the senoritas all have their mammas, or some other lady with them,
to act as chaperon.
The methods of courtship in Latin America impress an American
as being rather unique. The suitor stands on the sidewalk and
addresses the lady, who remains behind the iron bars of the window
of her own home. In all parts of every Latin-American city one will
find this peculiar performance going on. Not until after the engage-
ment is the young man invited into the house, and then he only sees
the young lady in the presence of the mother and the family in the
big parlor.
Cigarette smoking is universal throughout Latin America. Nearly
every man smokes continuously, often box after box of cigarettes,
while a vast number of even the best and daintiest ladies are said to
be addicted to the same habit in the privacy of their own homes.
Drunkenness is probably no more widespread in Latin America than
it is in certain parts of the United States. Aguardiente, a crude alcohol
obtained from sugar-cane, is the universal drink of the peons, and
forms the basis of many other intoxicating liquors. In Mexico a
powerful drink called mescal is obtained from the cactus. In the
City of Mexico vast quantities of pulquey are consumed. This is
obtained from the maguey plant, and while it is intoxicating if drunk
in large quantities it is nevertheless not to be compared in its evil
effects with aguardiente.
CHAPTER XXXVII
LIVING IN SOUTH AMERICA
A HUNDRED civilized men can live in luxury on ground where
a single savage would exist in misery and want or die of starva-
tion. No better illustration of this proposition can be found
than in Latin America. Venezuela contains 593 000 square miles of
land, the most fertile in the world. Nature has been generous and
even prodigal, scattering the contents of a veritable cornucopia from
one end of the country to the other. The soil will produce two crops
of corn a year in any part of the country ; and grains, vegetables, and
fruits of all kinds can be raised in abundance. The waters are literally
teeming with fish; game abounds; while unnumbered cattle swarm
the savannas. The mountains are rich in minerals, and I have no
doubt there is more gold in Venezuela than in the Klondike. Indeed,
the whole Andes range is literally filled with gold, and, in all proba-
bility, in greater quantity than anywhere else in the world.
In view of these facts it might be thought that living would be cheap
and excellent in South America. But it is far from so. Among the
poeple of entire Latin America, exclusive of the foreigners, there is
scarcely a cook who knows how to make a pudding or pie, or anything
else, decently. Almost universally cooking and food are atrocious,
and utterly unfit for the consumption of a civilized person. In the
morning the first "meal " is a cup of black coffee, a piece of dry bread,
and perhaps a chunk of dirty cheese. This meal is called desayuno.
Then, about eleven or twelve o'clock, is the almuerzo, a meal made up
of cheap wine and poor food ; toward six or seven o'clock in the even-
ing is la comida, made up of poor food and cheap wine. A great pre-
tence is made for these meals, by many of the public hostelries, of
excellence in both the quality and quantity of the food, and many of
the hotels advertise their scrupulous aseo (cleanliness). As a matter
of fact, a tramp in Philadelphia, Chicago, or New York can with five
cents and the opportunity of a free-lunch saloon get a better meal than
can be bought for any price in any hotel in Latin America, with the
exception of perhaps a dozen of the most important places.
In hotels and residences alike, the kitchens and water-closets are
side by side, with open connection between them, so that the insuffer-
able stenches of the one enter the other. Any person who has travelled
in one of these countries can never forget the disgusting filth of these
VOL. i — 27
418 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Latin-American water-closets ; not only in hotels, but in private resi-
dences, even of the better classes, everywhere. They have nothing in
the nature of sewage systems. Under such conditions, cleanliness
in the kitchen is not to be expected, nor is it found. Henry Ward
Beecher wisely said, "If you want to obey the law, don't visit a
legislature where they are making it ; if you want to enjoy a dinner,
don't go into the kitchen where they are cooking it." A man with a
delicate stomach who should visit a Latin-American kitchen would
probably starve half to death before he could bring himself to eat
another meal.
One visit to a Latin-American meat market in Mexico, Vera Cruz,
Caracas, Bogota, or elsewhere will suffice to keep one from enjoying
a steak purchased there. The filth is indescribable. There are no
refrigerators in which to keep the meat, which is allowed to hang
in the open air, covered with flies and absorbing the stenches which
fill the air.
In South America a good meal of really wholesome food can
scarcely be bought at any price, The humblest laborer in the United
States, the man who earns a dollar and a half a day, has more food,
better food and better cooked, than is placed on the table of any presi-
dent or dictator of South America. The writer has sat at the banquet
tables of these people, brilliant and resplendent with cut glass, silver-
ware, and huge bouquets. The sight was tempting, and a flagging
appetite could easily be whetted in anticipation. But, alas ! course
after course of the same slush would follow. The diners apparently
considered the food good, and between goblets of champagne of an
inferior quality, but very costly, they would go through the whole bill
of fare. The stomach of an ostrich could do no more.
Intolerably bad as is "the living" in Latin America, that fact does
not prevent it from being insufferably costly. A typical American
country hotel may not possess the luxury and magnificence of the
great hotels ; but what they lack in artistic cooking they make up in a
measure by the freshness and excellence of their farm and garden
products, and wholesome food and good service. From such a country
hotel to the best hotel in Latin America is a far cry. Even in Mexico,
a land which has more than one thousand million dollars of foreign
capital invested in it, a land annually visited by from one hundred to
two hundred thousand foreigners, mostly Americans, there are not
five fairly good hotels. As to the hotels of Venezuela, Colombia, Peru,
Bolivia, Brazil, and other Latin -American countries, the food, the
rooms, the service, and everything about them are almost unendurable,
and the prices are exorbitant. For $4 or $5 a day a visitor will obtain
worse accommodations than he would in the United States for $4 or
$4.50 a week.
Nor is hotel living the only costly thing there. Anything which
bears even the semblance of decent living costs a fortune. The tariffs
LIVING IN SOUTH AMERICA 419
are so enormous, the facilities for transacting business so inade-
quate, the possibilities of home production so remote, the exactions
levied on industry so outrageous, and the number of people who
really demand and can afford to pay for respectable articles of food
and apparel comparatively so few, that prices are at the high mark.
Latin America is the worst place on the earth in which to get money,
and it is, of all others, the place where money is worth the least when
once obtained. A modest family of five persons and a servant, in
Caracas or Quito or any other Latin- American town, living in the
same style as a family of a $25 a week clerk in our country, will spend
from $400 to $800 a month. And even for this large outlay they get
poor wine, rotten food, and nothing in the nature of comfort or
pleasure.
If the lot of the comparatively well-to-do falls in such unpleasant
places, the lot of the extremely poor, the peons, is wretched in the ex-
treme. It is existence of a kind not far removed from that of the beasts
of the field. Millions of these people live on fish and bananas almost
exclusively. The bananas are roasted, baked, or fried, and in this
way take the place of bread.
In nothing is the hopeless impracticability, even imbecility, of the
Latin Americans more clearly evident than in this matter of their food
supply. In Venezuela, for instance, more corn could be raised to the
acre than in Kansas, — two crops a year. The delicious corn bread
might be made a staple article of food by this people. Instead their
bread is made from an imported wheat flour of very inferior quality,
which is sold there at from $12 to $15 a barrel, the price depending
largely upon the state of the conscience of the flour monopoly. Some
of the poor people who are unable to afford this high-priced bread
make arepas of corn. The arepa is a thick cake, say two inches in
diameter and one inch thick, differing from the well-known Mexican
tortilla in its shape and size rather than in its method of production.
The corn is soaked in lye over night; the next day the hulls are
washed off, when it resembles our old-fashioned country hominy.
This is then placed on a concave stone, called a metatay and ground
into a pulp with a hand roller made of stone. A Mexican woman
will make this pulp into a thin round cake as large as a plate, and
cook it on a hot stone or skillet. This is called a tortilla. The
Venezuelan woman will make the same pulp into a thick round
cake, cook it in the same manner, and call it an arepa.
This is practically the only use to which corn is applied for food in
these countries, apart from the junchi (a form of mush) of the Cura9ao
negroes, and the use of this is confined to the very poorest classes.
To make any other form of corn bread than this is unknown, and
could not be taught them. Moreover, enough corn meal could not be
obtained if it were wanted. So that rather than cultivate a home prod-
uct for its best purpose the people are content to neglect their chances
420 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and import a foreign product of an inferior quality and at an exorbi-
tant price. The real trouble in this respect is due to the fact that in
Latin America there are no cooks. There are enough "doctors,"
"generals," "poets," "statesmen"; plenty of women who can em-
broider and crochet a little, and believe themselves proficient on the
harp or piano ; but there is no one who can cook a good meal. Cook-
ing, of course, is not accompanied by parades, marches, displays, so
that it is not altogether to be wondered at that there are no cooks in
Latin America. Other and more civilized countries might with ad-
vantage take up the science of cookery and give it the dignity of a pro-
fession, even as has been done with medicine, law, or theology. A man
whose system has been well built up and preserved by good cooking
is not so liable to go to law, he is not so likely to need a doctor, and
even his soul may be more amenable to the precepts of ethics than
the man whose dyspepsia or biliousness is the result of bad cooking.
It is evident that we need schools of cooking, aye, and colleges and
universities and post-graduate courses. One good cook is worth six
bank clerks or sixteen lawyers' clerks, and he should be paid and re-
spected in proportion. The clerical profession is overcrowded ; there
are ten lawyers where one is needed; but no first-class, respectable
cook ever went begging for a situation. Even in the United States
there is much to be remedied. In Latin America the dirtiest and
most ignorant negro is always selected for cook.
We began with the statement that a hundred civilized men could
live in luxury where one savage would barely exist in want and misery,
or die of starvation. We repeat this assertion by way of conclusion.
Germany, with fifty-five millions of people, occupies 208,000 square
miles, much less than half the space of Venezuela. The latter claims
a population of two and a half millions, but that is merely a guess. We
have hinted at the extreme hardships under which life presents itself
in Venezuela, but it has been only a hint, for it would tax the reader's
patience to attempt to describe it in detail. Many of our readers are
familiar by personal observation with the abundance and comparative
luxury of all classes in Germany, even the poorer, — how cheap and
excellent is the food, how comfortable the lodgings. Out of a thousand
Germans of lawful age there is barely one who cannot read and write.
In literature, science, invention, art, philosophy, music, commerce, in
everything which goes to distinguish a great and splendid people, they
excite our admiration. Educated, industrious, sober, honest, prosper-
ous, about fifty of them occupy the same ground which supports one
Venezuelan, and each of the fifty lives a hundred times better; such
are the practical advantages exhibited by a high type of modern
civilization in comparison with the reactionary and non -progressive
semi-barbarisms of Latin America.
For this very reason civilization must finally triumph. Semi-
barbarism must give way, and civilization must conquer the earth.
LIVING IN SOUTH AMERICA 421
The world will soon be too small; we cannot afford to waste any of
its precious lands. One savage cannot be permitted to occupy the
territory where a hundred highly civilized men might live in elegance
and comfort. The law that the interests of the majority must prevail
will finally erase barbarism from the face of the world. When the
world becomes seven times as populous as it now is, South America
alone should contain a population equal to the present population of
the whole earth. Only the very highest type of civilization can enable
it to sustain such a number of people. It might just as well begin
to prepare for its final destiny now, for neither the Monroe Doctrine
nor anything else can prevent the eternal onward march of progress.
The lack of material development in Central and South America
is such that vast areas are without cultivation, roads, or industry of
any class ; the country is in as primitive a state as were the lands of
the Mississippi valley under the North American Indians. Sections
of territory which would hold powerful nations are completely wild
and desolate. Other sections of still greater magnitude are sparsely
populated, and cultivated no better than in the days of the Aztecs and
Incas. There are no industries, because industry is impossible among
such a people. They will not work, and they will not allow anybody
else to reap the reward of labor. Therefore, if a man live among them,
he must sustain himself on the food of a savage, unless he is rich, and
even then he will find the common necessities of life difficult to obtain
and prohibitive in price.
CHAPTER XXXVIII
CRIME AND ITS PUNISHMENT
T Ti TE have no means of ascertaining how many murders are com-
y y mitted in any district in Latin America. If the authorities
themselves know, which is doubtful, the statistics are kept
secret. Even a long residence may not enable one to form any ade-
quate idea of the number of assassinations, because the newspapers
report only exceptional cases, and, as a rule, very little is said about
them. The writer has known of eleven ordinary murders being com-
mitted within a month in a little town of 15,000 or 20,000 inhabitants,
and not a single line appeared in any newspaper concerning any of
them. By far the larger number of murders are committed either by
the revolutionary or the government troops, one being as bad as the
other. The following report, made by Leopold Kleinschmidt, of
Caracas, on December 7, 1903, will illustrate this phase of crime in
these countries:
"Pedro Rafael Luque, of San Casimiro, whose whole time is devoted to
labor for the sustenance of his numerous family, was going to town a few days
ago to attend to some business, when he was surprised in the road by soldiers,
armed with Mausers, who told him that he was a prisoner. He asked why
and by whose order, and they replied, ' By order of superior authority.' 'Very
well, then,' he said, 'I am at your orders,' and he thereupon gave the
soldiers his revolver and two hundred pesos [$160] in cash, which he had
upon him. They then started on their march, he ahead ; but when they had
gone about twenty steps, he heard the soldiers cock their Mausers, and turning
around quickly, was surprised to see the soldiers pointing their guns at him.
'Are you going to assassinate me like this ? ' he exclaimed, and threw himself
on one of the soldiers and behind him, seeking his salvation in this manner.
But another soldier came up behind Luque, and shot him twice. One bullet
entered his back, and came out at his neck; the other entered the abdominal
region and came out at the right side. Luque fell to the ground, and the sol-
diers, believing him dead, continued their march."
Fortunately Mr. Luque did not die. His friends found him and
took him to San Casimiro, where, after months of suffering, he re-
covered. Of course, nothing was ever done to the soldiers, and no
attempt made to punish them.
The above is only one of many cases. How many foreigners, espe-
cially mining engineers, have asked the government for safe-conduct
when making an exploration of the interior, who were murdered by
CRIME AND ITS PUNISHMENT 423
the very soldiers sent to escort them ! No human being, certainly no
white man, can conceive of the lawlessness of Latin America. The
discouraging fact is that, as a rule, murderers are not punished. They
may be arrested and held for a pretended trial ; but usually they are
put into the army, given a rifle, and so placed at once in the line of
promotion. These are the men the Dictators of South America need
in their armies ; for to men of this class the reclute is only play. They
form the heart, the real vital part, of every South American army ; and
when a war comes, and additional men are needed, the "regulars " are
always ready to impress the simple-minded peons by force.
If the ruling Dictator of Venezuela, Colombia, or almost any other
Spanish-American country, should order one of his generals to take
the regular army and murder every man, woman, and child in a given
town, the soldiers would probably comply with the order; such is the
brutal, criminal, and desperate character of these armies.
The hopelessness of any attempt to secure adequate punishment
for a murderer in Latin America may be gathered from the following
incident which came directly under the writer's observation. He had,
on one occasion, a large number of men making a clearing in a dense
tropical forest. They worked in gangs of about thirty men, each with
its foreman and cook. One day some shots were heard, at quite a dis-
tance, and men were observed running away from one of the tents.
The writer hastened to the scene, but before arriving encountered four
of the most desperate-looking men he had ever seen, leaving the centre
of the disturbance. He asked them who they were, where they were
going, and what was the nature of the trouble. They said they were
officials of the government, and were not compelled to give an account
of their business. He saw that they were heavily armed, — a viola-
tion of rules which forbade any one to carry arms on the premises
without his express permission, — and he inferred from their language
and demeanor that they had done the shooting. He therefore de-
manded that they return to the tent with him. At first they demurred,
but as he was likewise heavily armed, had a large number of men at
his command, and was in no mood to stand any trifling, they yielded,
with bad grace. Arrived at the tent, he summoned his chief of police
(an official under his personal orders), with his force, and proceeded
to make an investigation. A man lay on the ground, dead, shot through
the heart in broad daylight, in the presence of at least a hundred
peons. Soon, however, it dawned upon the writer that not a single
witness there would make any statement whatever relative to the affair.
The writer learned that the murdered man was the cook. He called
the foreman, whom he knew to be present, and asked him how it
happened. The foreman was half scared to death, trembling like a
child, and his answers were almost incoherent ; but they were not posi-
tive enough to suit the four "officials," or "authorities," who wanted
him to make an unequivocal declaration in their favor. They began
424 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
to browbeat him, ordering him to make certain statements, which the
writer knew on the face of them to be untrue. He intervened, placed
the four "officials " under arrest, took them to headquarters, and held
them prisoners. He then immediately sent for the Governor, the judge
of the district, and the Jefe Civil, and summoned all the peons who
belonged to that gang, and all others whom he had reason to believe
were witnesses to the affair, to appear at headquarters the following
day to meet the officials of the government.
In the mean time the writer had been making an investigation on
his own account, and learned that these four men had gone to the
tent in a boisterous and quarrelsome manner; that they had ordered
the deceased (the cook) to prepare them some food, stating that they
were "authorities " ; that the cook replied that he had no food to give
them, and that if he should give food to all the men who came along
claiming to be authorities of the government, he would have nothing
left for his own men; that thereupon the four "authorities" called
him some insulting names, to which he replied with similar epithets,
and that thereupon they shot him to death.
The writer learned also that the four "authorities " were desperate
criminals and in the service of the government ; that only a few weeks
prior to this occurrence they had sought lodging one night in the house
of a peaceable peon in a neighboring district, and had killed the peon
and his whole family, and that although the government was aware
of the fact it had taken no step to punish them, or even dismiss them
from the service.
All these facts were laid before the judge and Jefe Civil. But
when the time came for giving testimony, it was observed that the
witnesses refused to testify, or evaded the questions, while the judge
and Jefe Civil, it was plain to be seen, were anxious to make a record
in favor of the four prisoners. The writer became profoundly con-
cerned at what seemed to him bade fair to become a miscarriage of
justice. He called the foreman and numerous others of the witnesses,
whom he knew personally, into his room privately, and asked them
to tell him the absolute truth about the case. Every one of them
showed great fear and hesitation ; they said that if they were to say
anything about the case they would be killed themselves. "You don't
understand why we do not dare to talk. You have no fear, because
you are rich, and you can go well armed and can have a guard. But
we are poor, and we know that if we tell the truth, some night when
we are asleep, somebody will slip up behind us and kill us." "But,"
the writer asked, "won't the murderers be punished by the law?"
"No, no, no," they replied, "they will be turned loose, or put into the
army, and then we will be killed, and our families will suffer for
bread."
That this was no idle fear the writer has had ample proof a hun-
dred times since. These peons would, every one of them, give him
CRIME AND ITS PUNISHMENT 425
the details of the case fully and without reserve, but not one of them
would tell the judge or the Jefe Civil.
At the trial the writer's own testimony and that of the chief of
police were the most important. The prisoners did not deny that they
had done the shooting; the weapons taken from them proved that
conclusively. Nevertheless, after a most cursory preliminary examina-
tion, the judge discharged them. They had been in custody over night
and part of two days.
The judge and Jefe Civil passed that night at houses within four
or five hundred yards of headquarters. The writer happened to be
entirely alone that night, and slept but little. A little past midnight he
heard a footstep near the door of his room, and a moment afterwards a
gentle knock. The intruder proved to be a friendly peon, who, upon
being admitted to the room, informed him that the four "authorities "
were very angry because they had been locked up ; that they were mad
at the judge and Jefe Civil, also, because they had not been turned
loose immediately upon their arrival, and that they were at that
moment at a certain place in the great tropical jungle which sur-
rounded us, getting ready to assassinate us all. The writer immedi-
ately called the Jefe Civil, the police, of which there were twelve or
fifteen, and some other trusty peons, and surrounded the place where
the four "authorities" were, and captured them. They had their
weapons in their hands, and everything indicated that they were
preparing their work of butchery as the friendly peon had said. They
surrendered without serious difficulty.
On this occasion the judge and Jefe Civil decided to take the men
to the capital of the district, and turn them over to the Governor, and
for this purpose asked the writer to furnish them with a strong guard,
which he did. Within a week, however, they were all again free, and
around the place, insolent and threatening. The writer soon learned
that they were planning to raise a revolution among his men ; fortu-
nately he intercepted some of their letters, making definite proposals
to this effect. They were promptly rearrested, and with this evidence
sent to the President of the State. The result of this last arrest was
very much better. To murder a man in Spanish America is of little
consequence, but to be implicated in a revolution is quite a different
matter. The President, as soon as he saw the proof, sent them to jail
without trial.
However humanitarian one may feel towards the subject of
punishment for crime, a few years in Latin America will inevitably
convert him to a belief in severe punishment for murderers. The
Constitutions of most of these countries claim that human life is
inviolable, but it would seem as if the only life that is inviolable
is the murderer's.
A saturnalia of crime runs riot over all Spanish America. How
could it be otherwise in an atmosphere of revolution and bloodshed,
426 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of intrigue, of midnight attacks, of ignorant, brutal disregard of life ?
Where men live by cutting each other's throats; where there is no
public sentiment, no law, no anything except the corrupt and bestial
will of a military dictator to restrain the vicious elements among the
ignorant classes, what can be expeceted ? It is probable that the num-
ber of lives lost by violence in Latin America each year is greater than
that in all the rest of the world combined, although its population is
surely not one-fortieth that of the total. If all the spirits deprived of
life by the machete or the Mauser in Latin America were to materialize
at once, they would make an army greater than that of Xerxes,
Napoleon, or Grant.
CHAPTER XXXIX
A GAGGED AND MUZZLED PRESS
THE gentlemen of the press who write so enthusiastically in sup-
port of the Monroe Doctrine, were they to visit several of the
Latin-American Republics, would certainly find their enthusiasm
dampened. The press in the larger number of these Republics, so far
from being free, is but a tool in the power of the latest Dictator. A
newspaper of even the most conservative kind, as we know it here,
would not be allowed to exist. Its whole staff would be locked up in
jail, and its responsible manager would run the risk of being taken out
and shot. Outrageous as are the prosecutions for lese-majeste in
Germany, they are mild alongside the swift and condign punishment
meted out to the hapless editor in South America who is so foolish
as to criticise the powers that be. Nor does he need to criticise in
order to be visited by their displeasure. If he fails to contribute his
quota to the measure of disgusting sycophancy, and flattery of the
Dictator Chief, it may be certain that the occasion will arise sooner or
later for locking him up in jail.
Newspapers like the New York "Tribune," "Times," or the
Philadelphia "Ledger" and Chicago "Tribune," conservative even
as these are, would not be permitted to exist in the average Latin-
American country. Even their conservatism would not save them
from being classed as enemies of the government. The very fact that
they failed in laudation of the gang of thieves in power would make it
necessary to suppress them.
The editors and proprietors of such papers as the New York
"Journal," "World," "Herald," "Sun," and "Evening Post," would
all be put in the darkest cells of the foulest prisons, there to be left to
their reflections and their fate. Well might they then give their voice
to the lament of Tasso : "Long years of outrage, calumny, and wrong."
Many there are who enter these dungeons and are forgotten. Some-
times an evil-minded guard, in unwonted kindness, by "accident"
discharges his Mauser full in the victim's heart, and the bitter tragedy
of life is ended. Years afterwards perhaps some friend, more inquisi-
tive than the rest, would learn that the victim died of fever or dysentery.
Often, when I see an American editor prostituting his pen in de-
fence of the Monroe Doctrine, or urging war on some civilized nation
because it has committed the crime of protecting its citizens in these
countries, do I think that even great men have in them a streak of
imbecility, — a streak which in the case of the editors of some of the
428 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
most prominent publications has become so "yellow" that it has left
room for little else.
That there can be no genuine republic where the press is gagged and
bound hand and foot, at the mercy of every Dictator who seizes power,
must be self-evident to all thinking men. The foundation of a real
republic is intelligence, scholarship, virtue, honesty. These qualities
bask in the sunshine of a free press, — nay, their very existence is
impossible without it. Education is the child of discussion, and when
honest criticism is suppressed, liberty exists only in name. It seems
unnecessary to dwell on these truisms here, yet even in the United
States boodle legislatures and corrupt State administrations have en-
deavored to make libel laws so unjust as practically to limit the freedom
of the press, while boodle judges even in our own free country occasion-
ally issue a commitment for an editor who has dared to be independent.
I shall attempt no panegyric on the press — it needs none. There
are newspapers which are as unfit as the men who make them; but
in the clashing of ideas, in the marshalling of facts, in the battle of
reason, of which the press is the forum, reflecting the wisdom of a
thousand statesmen, the truth — the eternal, omnipotent truth —
must prevail. To speak of progress, of civilization, above all of a true
republic, where the press is throttled, is preposterous and absurd.
To him who feels the mighty swing and sway of that vast engine
of thought .in the United States, who is accustomed to appeal to the
unfettered expression of our ultimate consciousness, the pitiable
impotency of the gagged and muzzled press of South America is
shocking and disgusting. The maudlin sycophancy, the abject phrases
of semi-deification, with which the South American editor tries to
propitiate the powers that be ; the palsied unfitness and dry-rot death
to which this leads; the inane and nauseating twaddle with which
columns are filled in laudation of General So and So, who it is thought
will soon come into important power ; the childish ignorance displayed
of the great fundamental questions involving the destiny of nations, —
all make one revert with joy, and a sense of intellectual exhilaration,
to the thunderbolts which have fallen from the pens of Horace Greeley,
Joseph Medill, Charles A. Dana, Joseph Pulitzer, Arthur Brisbane,
and Henry Watterson.
When our press becomes cowardly or servile and corrupt, then
may a second Gibbon write another "Decline and Fall." The ills
which we suffer from an exaggerated and sensational journalism will
cure themselves. In the end that paper will survive which publishes
the news, and all the news which is fit to publish; whose policy is
guided by a strict adherence to truth, and to the highest ideals of a
progressive civilization.
I shall not here criticise the "make-up" of the Latin-American
newspaper. In fact, it is not, in any sense of the term with which we
are familiar, a newspaper. "News " is new if it is only a week or two
A GAGGED AND MUZZLED PRESS 429
old, and it consists mainly of what somebody imagines to have hap-
pened rather than of what actually did happen. Three lines will be
devoted to an event of international importance, half a column to the
local cock-fight, and the balance of the paper to letters from one
General or another, composed in the main of veritable twaddle. In
all South America there are only one or two newspapers which deserve
a comparison with even the poor dailies of one of our smaller Western
towns. The reason is plain. A powerful, virile, able, honest, and
independent press is not indigenous to the soil which produces Dicta-
tors and military bosses.
Admitting then, as we do, the unquestioned power of an enlightened
press in our own country, it follows that its responsibility is in propor-
tion, and that consequently it has no business to be dogmatic, or mis-
lead and inflame the popular mind on questions of which it is ignorant.
With us the press is almost a correlative department of the govern-
ment; if through passion, prejudice, or stupidity, it urges or drives the
government into untenable positions, and influences it to adopt un-
sound policies, its responsibility is great indeed. With the multifarious
resources at the command of the modern newspaper, with its vast
facilities for concentrating the news of the earth, with its myriad
sources of information, it is almost a crime for the management to be
ignorant of the simplest elementary facts which exist and have existed
at our very doors for a century.
It is a discredit either to the intelligence or to the honesty of Ameri-
can journalism that, like blind and blundering fools, our great editors
go on, year in and year out, preaching and printing lies to our people
about South America; teaching that South America is a land of re-
publics like ours, and that England and Germany, like ravenous
wolves, are trying to oppress these tender spirits of freedom. It is
an outrage that the American newspapers fill their columns with ful-
minations against England and Germany every time one of these
governments is compelled to take even the most tentative steps
towards the protection of their citizens in these countries against the
rapacity of the military bosses who control them. It would be a
crime, the most infamous, if our newspapers should at last succeed
in involving our country in war with the civilized world over this
greatest of national insanities, the Monroe Doctrine.
The undoubted power possessed by our press imposes upon it
an unquestioned duty, — which is, to ascertain the facts with reference
to South America and print them honestly and fearlessly.
I. SUPPRESSION OF NEWSPAPERS
Many newspapers have been suppressed in Venezuela by the rul-
ing Dictator for reasons which to Americans would seem frivolous and
absurd. Thus in the year 1900 a Caracas newspaper published some
430 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
comments which had been made by the Chief Justice of the Federal
Court with reference to the condition of the local prison. The lan-
guage was commonplace, and no American editor would have given
the form of the report a second thought ; but General Castro took ex-
ception to it and suppressed the paper and sent the editor to jail. In
the year 1903 one of the local newspapers of Caracas published a
cablegram of probably a hundred words stating that it was reported
that an English fleet was on its way to blockade Venezuela again on
account of the strained relations then existing between the British
minister and the government. For publishing this report the editor
was sent to jail and the paper suppressed. In all parts of Central and
South America a similar fate meets the luckless editor who does not
spend his time fawning at the feet of the military Jefe. An illustra-
tion of the abject subjection of the press is afforded by an act in
Colombia, which is only one of many similar acts in that and other
Latin-American countries.
A general decree of the Dictator of Colombia suspended the pub-
lication of every newspaper in that country, from September, 1885, to
March 13, 1886, except the "Star and Herald" of Panama, owned
by an American company.
On March 26, 1886, General Santo Domingo Villa, the local mili-
tary Jefe, issued an order suspending this paper. The only specific
charge made against the paper was that it had refused to publish cer-
tain documents sent the editor, and the latter's failure to answer a
private note transmitted to him with the documents. "The docu-
ments referred to were telegrams preferring a charge of smuggling
against General Montoya, a brother officer of General Villa; and the
note to the editor of the * Star and Herald * merely suggested that he
might publish them if he saw fit." The paper was suspended, but
after a considerable length of time the United States government com-
pelled Colombia to pay the damages.
But what are we to say of a "Republic " where a Dictator can wipe
every newspaper out of existence at a breath to gratify a whim, or
private vengeance, or any other unworthy reason ?
CHAPTER XL
INSUFFICIENCY AND INADEQUACY OF EDUCATIONAL
FACILITIES IN LATIN AMERICA
IN Mexico a system of public schools has been established which,
although greatly different from our own, offers some hope for the
future. The pretended public school systems of most other Latin-
American countries are pitiable. The Mexican government might
profit greatly by studying the methods of Booker T. Washington at
Tuskegee, Alabama, and adopting them throughout the Republic.
The peons of Latin America would make bright, quick, and intelli-
gent workmen if they had proper technical instruction. The faculty
of imitation, so largely developed among them, would be of the greatest
aid in enabling them to master the arts and industries. Unfortunately
what few schools there are in the country districts of Latin America
are of the most inefficient type, and in them attention is directed ex-
clusively to the rudiments of a literary education of the most super-
ficial character. Even in reading and writing, instruction is generally
crude and inefficient. The Creole — that is, the descendant of the
Spaniards — would not condescend to learn a trade or an occupation
even if there were industrial schools. He aspires to be a classical
scholar, to be able to quote from the Latin authors, and to make
high-flown references to the characters of Greek and Roman mythol-
ogy. In this manner he impresses the ignorant peon with a belief
in his learning and superiority; and when education has filled its
function for show purposes, it has accomplished all the Creole has
ever desired it to do. Millions of young men and women are grow-
ing up in Latin America without even having seen the inside of a
schoolhouse, and of those who attend school there are very few who
acquire, or who desire to acquire, a solid education and the real de-
velopment of character which that implies. Education is sought for
the purpose of enabling him to make a living without work, or to
make a display with the object of impressing others. There is a wide-
spread antagonism toward schools established on our system, and
American teachers in Central or South America must be prepared
to encounter great obstacles.
An American School for Girls has been in operation more than
thirty years in Bogota, the principal in 1903 being Miss Jessie Scott.
An American School for Boys was established about twelve years ago,
the Rev. Malbone W. Graham being the principal in 1903.
432 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
As fully explained in other chapters of this work, no school can
be established in one of these barbarous dictatorships without first
obtaining a concession or permission from the government, involving
red tape, payment of stamp duties, delays, bowing and scraping to
the half-breed chiefs, etc.
The principals of the schools on December 2, 1902, presented
their memorials to the government in due form, asking the required
permission to teach their schools for the ensuing year, but the per-
mission was not granted. The principals were informed that a general
resolution would be issued covering the case about the middle of the
month; but in the mean time they could not open the schools, and
did not feel at liberty to engage teachers for the ensuing year or make
other needed preparations.
On January 8, 1903, more than a month after the memorial
had been sent to the government, no answer having been received,
American Minister Hart addressed a letter to the government
requesting favorable action at an early date on the memorial. On
January 17, 1903, Minister Hart received an answer from Felipe F.
Paul, Minister of Foreign Affairs. This letter is given in full, so
that the reader can judge for himself as to the state of civilization in
that Commonwealth.
SIR, — In a communication bearing date the 15th instant my honorable
colleague of the Ministry of Public Instruction, who was advised of the con-
tents of the polite note of the 8th instant which your Excellency was pleased
to address in the matter of the permission asked by the principals of the Amer-
ican School for Boys and the American School for Girls to open their respec-
tive establishments, tells me that the matter was determined on the said 15th
instant in the following manner:
In view of the memorial addressed to the Ministry of Public Instruction
by Mr. Malbone W. Graham, requesting permission to open in this city the
American School for Boys. Considering that Article 38 of the present Con-
stitution declares that only the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion is the re-
ligion of the country, which religion the authorities shall protect as an essential
element of school order.
On the other hand, if the same fundamental law permits the exercise of all
forms of worship not contrary to Christian morals nor to the laws, worship or
the series of acts of adoration of the Divinity must not be confounded with the
propaganda and teaching of a religious system.
If it be held that establishing Protestant schools is establishing an industry,
it must be remembered also that these industries and the professions will be
inspected in their relation to morality, safety, and the public health, and that
the teaching of doctrines opposed to the Roman Catholic doctrines engenders
the social evil of opposition in the minds of citizens, and incites division in the
country, which brings, clearly, pernicious consequences.
These statements are proved by the knowledge which the Ministry has of
the mockery by pupils of the American school of acts of the Roman Catholic
worship. In the first three articles of the Concordat, which is the law of the
EDUCATIONAL FACILITIES 433
Republic, are rather amplified in the obligations of the State toward the
Church, whose canonical legislation is to be respected by the authorities.
Finally, in view of the foregoing considerations, and in order to leave intact
the toleration of individual ideas and paternal rights, the Ministry resolves :
The Protestant Schools are permitted to open as private establishments in
which instruction may be given to the children of Protestant persons, but it
will not be permitted to give them the character of public schools by means of
advertisements, nor in any similar manner.
With this I beg, etc.,
FELIPE F. PAUL.
It was really kind of the Colombia government to give permission
for opening the doors at all ! The government might have levied a
"forced loan" on them, for instance, and left them without a door
to open, or put them in cells where doors were never opened, or dis-
posed of them in numerous other ways ; that it did none of these things
is a sufficient cause for gratitude.
Minister Hart was so unreasonable as not to be satisfied with this
resolution. He replied:
"The resolution giving permission to reopen the schools confines their
possible clientage to persons of the Protestant faith. Instruction may be given
to 'children of Protestants ' only. If the principals of these schools were will-
ing to erect themselves into so many inquisitorial tribunals to discover the
religious belief of every parent or guardian presenting a child for admission,
the answers to their inquiries might be untruthful. Persons not Protestants
might declare themselves to be Protestants for the purpose of evading the
prohibition of the Ministry of Public Instruction. Who would be held respon-
sible for the deception, the principal of the school or the parent of the child ?
This exaction is burdensome, unreasonable, and unjust, and any effort of
the principals of the schools to draw around their institutions the dead line of
exclusion on account of religious belief would be as humiliating as, probably,
it would be futile. The right to put this burden upon citizens of the United
States of America occupied in, or who desire to occupy themselves in, teaching
in Colombia cannot be admitted.
"The resolution of the Ministry of Public Instruction forbids, in the most
comprehensive way, any and all public announcements concerning these in-
stitutions, and this because ' it will not be permitted to give them the character
of public schools.' I do not understand that public notice makes a public
school, within the ordinary acceptation of the term 'public school,' any more
than the lack of public notice would convert a public school into a private
school. The purpose of the prohibition is clearer than its logic.
"The directors of these schools have no desire that their institutions be
considered as public schools in the sense of forming part of the system of
instruction provided by, or especially encouraged by, the State. The desire
of those citizens of the United States is to continue the lawful business in which
they are engaged . . . and this is their right according to the treaty of peace,
amity, navigation, and commerce between the Republic of Colombia and the
United States of America."
VOL. i — 28
434 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
The alleged government of Colombia took similarly hostile action
against American schools in all parts of the country, the following
circular being issued for that purpose:
(Minister of Public Instruction to Governor Velez.)
BOGOTA, Jan. 11, 1902.
GOVERNOR , Barranquilla :
With date of December 30, in use of the respective constitutional authoriza-
tion, the government issued a decree authorizing the inspection of private
establishments of instruction. The decree provides that until public order is
re-established it is prohibited to open such establishments, of whatever grade,
class, or condition they may be, without special or express permission of the
government, and that those who act contrary to this edict will be compelled to
close their establishments and will pay a fine of 500 to 2000 pesos. Please let
the public know of this decree and enforce it in that department. You are
authorized to grant the permission referred to or to deny the same according
to the circumstances of each institution and with regard to the actual state of
the nation.
JOSE JOAQUIN CASOS.
Joaquin F. Velez, Governor of Barranquilla, closed the three
American schools in that town, — one for boys, one for girls, and one
a "Popular School." When United States Consul George W. Colvig
wrote to him, submitting the prospectus, list of books, etc., for his
examination, the Governor wrote a very insulting and bigoted letter
in reply. He said that the government did not intend "to concede
authority to those colleges whose teachings are opposed to our institu-
tions and to the tendencies of the present government"; that "it
is clear that the teaching of doctrine opposed to the Catholic religion,
which it defends, must be considered as contrary to the government,
because they inculcate in the young the beliefs for which the rebel
radicals struggle"; and he ended his long rambling screed against
the schools by informing the consul: "Your intervention in this
matter could not in any way be coercive, because I am not easily in-
timidated, and furthermore I know how far a foreign consul can
meddle in the disposition made by the government."
The school conducted by Rev. J. G. Tonzeau, at Medellin, was
also closed by the governor of the department of Antioquia.
The protests of Mr. Hart were unavailing, and his successor, Mr.
Beaupre, was instructed to follow the same line in endeavoring to
obtain fair treatment for the schools. Comment on the action of the
Colombian authorities is unnecessary.
CHAPTER XLI
INSTITUTIONS WHICH MAKE FOR INTELLECTUAL
DEVELOPMENT AND MORAL IMPROVEMENT.—
LITERATURE
IN the establishment of lyceums, theatres, operas, and social so-
cieties the countries of Central America and the northern part
of South America have hardly made a beginning. That these
are all elements of education admits of no argument. In all Vene-
zuela and Colombia there is not a single self-sustaining theatre.
There are only one or two pretended theatres in the principal towns,
and the alleged performances in them are disgusting rather than
otherwise. Occasionally a French or Italian opera company will
visit the capital under government subvention ; but this is merely for
a few weeks. The vast population of these countries has not the
remotest idea of either music in the higher sense or the drama.
As regards scientific progress and inventions, I know of nothing
original in Central or South America. The pretended patents granted
by these governments are too frivolous to merit discussion. Men
have no time for science or invention in a community where their
entire energy is consumed in war.
On the professions in Latin America we can make a better report.
There are many lawyers of exceeding keenness of mind and of a sound
knowledge of jurisprudence. A decent and stable judiciary could
very easily be organized, and a reasonably fair administration of jus-
tice secured, if the matter were entrusted to the lawyers untrammelled
by the military chiefs. As to the clergy little need be said. It com-
prises the Catholic priesthood, which, as shown elsewhere, is a body
of men deserving high praise.
Central and South America are very deficient in libraries, which,
of course, is to be expected in view of the backward state of public
education. There are, it is true, libraries of considerable importance
in the principal capitals; but even these are not patronized by the
public at large except to a very limited extent. A few of the "doctors,"
poets, and newspaper writers will be found at infrequent intervals
making use of the reference books in the library, but that is all. That
there should be only one or two public libraries in a nation, and that
these should have no circulating departments, is not very encourag-
ing. The overwhelming mass of the people in all the Latin-American
countries have not the slightest knowledge of even the existence of
public libraries, let alone of their practical use.
436 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Another great and lamentable defect in Latin America is the lack
of necessary hospitals and charitable institutions for maintaining
crippled and otherwise defective persons. The masses of the people —
that is to say, the peons — are born and live and die without medical
attendance. I need not enter into any extensive discussion as to the
grave and serious detriment this is to the entire race. Of course,
there are a few hospitals in all these countries. Those which are
managed by the Sisters of the Catholic Church are, generally speak-
ing, excellent institutions, and they are served, as a rule, by the best
medical talent in the locality. Hospitals maintained by the different
national, State, or municipal governments are, on the contrary, badly
equipped and managed, and more likely to hasten the patient's death
than retard it.
In the matter of their sports the Latin Americans display their
character no less truly than in their other social and political institu-
tions. The cock-fight and the bull-fight are practically the only forms
of sport which are recognized or enjoyed by the genuine Latin
American. The savagery and brutality of these degrading enter-
tainments need not be especially commented upon. A man is indeed
in a very low state of civilization who could find enjoyment in either
of them.
I. LITERATURE
In literature and literary attainments there is a considerable ele-
ment of the Latin- American population which possesses high qualifi-
cations. The literary productions are usually in florid and luxurious
language. Much of it is brilliant, although the form rather than the
substance will attract attention. Most of the literary productions
remind one of the Richmond, Va., editor, who, in writing of the re-
turn of one of his colleagues, said that his pen "combines the quali-
ties of the scimitar of Saladin and the battle-axe of Cceur de Lion,
and he wields it like a very Orlando." This sentence gives the key
to the style of Latin- American composition.
Some years ago a writer in Caracas alleged that the authors of
Venezuela were deficient in literary powers. Immediately a great
meeting was called of all those who had ever wielded a pen. Indig-
nant protests were made against the offending critic, and in order to
demonstrate that literature was not yet dead in Venezuela, the members
of the convention decided to show how ably and well they could write.
Each one selected a subject, and thereupon went home and proceeded
to express his thoughts with reference to it in the most ornate Spanish.
This conglomeration of essays and discussions was collected and
printed in one volume of at least a thousand huge pages. It had
neither plan, logical sequence, nor aim ; but it sufficed to demonstrate
that the educated Venezuelan is a genuine literary man, and entitled
as such to due homage. It would not be fair to say, however, that
INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 437
the same degree of frivolity characterizes Latin-American authors
generally. Rather, I would say that in literature the Latin Americans
have made infinitely greater advancement than in any other depart-
ment of human endeavor. Of course, their literature is the intellec-
tual product of what I call the "doctor class " ; it is imaginative rather
than logical, keen and subtle instead of profound, discursive and
theoretical but not practical. Many excellent examples of the oratory
and literature of Latin America will be found throughout this work.
Mi Delirio Sobre el Chimborazo, by Bolivar, is so excellent an ex-
ample of a typical Latin-American classic, that I must quote from it,
even though much is lost in the translation.
MY DELIRIUM ON CHIMBORAZO
I had come enveloped in the mantle of the rainbow from where the brim-
ming Orinoco pays its tribute to the god of waters. I had visited the enchanted
Amazonian fountains, and wished to arise to the heights of the universe. I
sought the tracks of La Condamine and of Humboldt. I followed them auda-
ciously; nothing detained me. I arrived at the glacial regions; the ether
suffocated my breath. No human footstep had trod the diamond crown
which the hand of Eternity had placed on the sublime temples of the lord of
the Andes. I said to myself: "This mantle of the rainbow, which has served
me as a standard, has reconnoitred in my hands the infernal regions, has
ploughed through the rivers and oceans, has ascended above the gigantic
shoulders of the Andes ; the country has been laid subject at the feet of Co-
lombia, and time has not been able to detain the march of Liberty. Belona has
been humiliated by the splendor of the rainbow, and cannot I climb over the
hoary-headed giant of the earth ! Yes, I can." And possessed by the violence
of a spirit unknown to me, which appeared to me divine, I left behind the foot-
prints of Humboldt, covering with a cloud the eternal crystals which surround
the summit of Chimborazo. Soon after, as if under the impulse of the spirit
which animated me, and fainting from striking with my head the vault of the
firmament, I stood with my feet at the threshold of the abyss.
A feverish delirium seized my mind : I felt myself burning with a strange
and powerful fire. It was the God of Colombia which possessed me.
Suddenly Time presented himself to me, beneath the venerable counte-
nance of an old man, burdened with the spoils of age ; frowning, leaning, bald,
the complexion of death, a scythe in the hand. . . .
" I am the father of the centuries ; I am the arcanum of fame and secrecy ;
my mother was Eternity; the limits of my empire are the boundaries of the
Infinite; for me there is no sepulchre, because I am more powerful than
Death ; I see the past and the future and give the present from my hands.
Why do you swell with pride, young or aged, man or hero ? Do you think your
Universe is anything ? What, to raise you up above an atom of creation is to
elate you with pride ! Do you think that the instants which they call centuries
can serve to measure my secrets ? Do you imagine that you have ever seen
the sacred truth ? Do you suppose foolishly that your actions have any value
in my eyes ? All is less than a point in the presence of the Infinite, which is
my brother."
Overcome by a sacred terror, "Why, O Time," I responded, "have you
438 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
not made to disapf>ear mortal misery, which has become so great? I have
surpassed all men in good fortune, because I have been elevated to the head
of all. I dominate the earth with my footsteps; I reach Kternity with my
hands; I feel the infernal prisons surge beneath my feet; I am looking with
my brilliant, .stars at the infinite Suns: I measure without astonishment the
space which encloses matter; and in your countenance I read the history of the
past and tin; thoughts of destiny."
"Observe," he said to me; "learn, preserve in your mind that which you
have seen ; picture to the eyes of your fellow creatures the representation of
the physical Universe, of the moral Universe; do not conceal the secrets which
the heavens have revealed to you; tell the truth to mankind." . . . The phan-
tasy disappeared.
Absorbed, motionless with astonishment, to say it thus, I remained weak
for a long time, stretched out upon that immense diamond which served me
for a bed. Finally, the tremendous voice of Colombia shouted to me. I was
resuscitated; I awoke from my torpor; I opened with my own hands my
heavy eyelids; I again became a man, and wrote "My Delirium."
In Book I, Part III, chapter xxvii, of this work, entitled "Serni-
Deification of the Dictators," the newspaper articles quoted are fair
samples of the editorial art as practised in Venezuela. Literature of
a much higher and more serious type is displayed in the essays of Dr.
S. Ponce de Leon, in his "Social Studies," from which extensive quota-
tions arc made in many chapters of this work. Many selections are
al.so printed from Latin-American writers on international questions,
from which the student can observe the cunning, evasive and sophis-
tical methods and traits of the Latin-American mind as displayed in
the diplomatic game.
The literature of Latin America, being an offshoot from that of
Spain, exhibits many of the traits of the latter. The Spanish language
lends itself more to belles-lettres than to logical discussion or scientific
statement. It will be found that almost every doctor who writes
knows all about Virgil and Homer, that he has Greek and Roman
mythology at his finger-tips, so that classical references will be found
upon almost every page. He also has a fair knowledge of general
history, particularly that of Rome and the Latin nations.
Poetry is the perennial product of a Latin-American writer, and
there are literally thousands of poets. And, indeed, much of that
which they write is really very good. In Latin America poetry flour-
ishes like a green l>a.y tree. Every newspaj>er contains effusions by
some local bard, and some of them are entitled to take high rank
among literary productions.
The burning verses written by the Latin-American bard to his
"mistress' eyebrow" are intense almost to the point of delirium in
their expressions of love. A haunting form of pathos and mystery
j>ervades them. The solemn stillness of the ink-black night, the
strange weird sounds in the dread canons, the fitful breaths of the
INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT 439
vast forests, or the soft notes of melody in the pale moonlight by the
shimmering waves of the wild ocean, are all backgrounds for a thou-
sand themes of enraptured or despairing affection, of startling daring
or fearful danger, told with exquisite modulation, with the rhythm
of music and the vividness of art.
To attempt to mention the poets by name would l>e a task far
beyond the limits of this work. It is to be hoped, however, that some
scholar may be induced to delve deep into this precious mine of quaint
literature for the purpose of adequately presenting it to the English-
speaking world.
CHAPTER XLII
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH IN SPANISH AMERICA
"The Federal government contributes to the support of the Apostolic Roman
Catholic Church." — Constitution of Argentina.
"The religion of the republic is the Roman Catholic Apostolic, and all others are
excluded. The political powers are bound to respect it, to cause it to be respected, and
to protect it in its liberty, and all its other rights." — Constitution of Ecuador.
" The state recognizes and maintains the Roman Catholic Apostolic religion, and
prohibits any other public worship, excepting in its colonial territories, where there will
be toleration." — Constitution of Bolivia.
"The religion of the republic is the Roman Catholic Apostolic. The government
protects its practice." — Constitution of Nicaragua.
" Peru professes the Roman Catholic Apostolic faith, and does not permit the exer-
cise of any other in public. It is protected and its ministers are supported by the
state." — Constitution of Peru.
THE government of Haiti concluded a concordat with the Holy
See in 1869, by which an archbishopric and dependent bishop-
rics were established ; all incumbents being nominated by the
President, appointed by the Pope, and paid by the state.
In Paraguay the religion of the state is the Roman Catholic
Apostolic, but the exercise of other forms of worship is tolerated.
In Santo Domingo the religion of the state is the Roman Catholic,
but other forms are allowed under certain restrictions.
The established religion of Uruguay, partially supported by the
state, is the Roman Catholic, but other forms are tolerated.
The Roman Catholic Church is practically the only church in South
America, though in some of the countries other churches are nominally
tolerated. In other countries no church but the Roman Catholic is
permitted. Such mediaeval intolerance seems especially incongruous in
what are alleged to be republics. I believe there are but three Protes-
tant missions in all Venezuela, none in Bolivia or Ecuador; that there
are but one or two in Peru, and few in Chili, Argentina, or Brazil.
Even in Mexico, where not the slightest legal distinction is made
between churches, there are very few Protestant denominations, and
the influence of these is limited. The Roman Catholic Church is
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH 441
thus a force of vast importance in South America, and commands
the most serious thought in connection with the development of these
countries.
In South America the adherents, the defenders, of the Roman
Catholic Church are called the Conservadores ; their opponents, the
Liberates. Of the ceaseless outcrop of revolutions, many are con-
sidered in the histories as conflicts between the Liberales and the
Conservadores. The stranger unfamiliar with the vain imaginations
of these people, with their extraordinary illusions, their absurd
exaggerations, their incomprehensible ignorance; and moved by
their exquisite politeness, their protestations of sacred and undying
honor, and by such appearances of heroism or martyrdom as would
seem to reduce Kosciusko to a star of the sixth magnitude, — such a
person might readily suppose that there was some just ground for
placing these revolutions on a higher plane than that of merely
mercenary ventures. But he would find, as his experience broadened,
that a marauding band calls its members Liberales, Conservadores,
Nationalistes, Federalistes, Restauradores, or by any one of a dozen
other high-sounding but hollow names, as its grasping fancy prompts.
Occasionally Liberales will tell in American or European news-
papers of wrongs as committed by the Conservadores, and as if the
Roman Catholic Church were responsible. The writer remembers
one noted Colombian whose eyes rolled in fine frenzy and whose voice
rang with vows of vengeance as he described how the Conservadores
had come into power, had annulled the existing marriage laws, and
had declared marriages under such laws null and void; how his
brother-in-law had thus been enabled to desert his sister and marry
another woman, etc., implying, as he ran on, that the Church was in
some manner a party to an outrage committed on the institution of
marriage.
Now the Roman Catholic Church regards marriage as one of its
sacred functions, a rite, a divine ordinance, which can be celebrated
only through its exclusive prerogative. The Church, therefore, denies,
and has always denied, the validity of a civil marriage ceremony.
But if the Church acquires temporal power through the triumph of
the so-called Conservadores, or otherwise, and influences the govern-
ment to make void marriages which were civilly valid when performed,
such act deserves the severest censure, even though the Church has
always declared such marriages to be null and void. An ordinance
of a church, however wholesome and salutary in itself, may be both
unjust and harmful if incorporated into the civil law of the state, and
grossly so if made operative upon non-communicants, and retroactive.
Certain political relations, however, the Roman Catholic Church
in South America, as the supreme religious factor of that continent,
could not avoid, even if it wished to do so. Within its fold are most
of the distinguished families and most of the few respectable educa-
442 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
tional institutions. Such semi-political relations between Church
and state as exist in the departments of education and charity are
of unquestioned public utility, and are seldom molested, even during
periods of the bloodiest revolutions. In like manner are the per-
sons of the clergy and the buildings of the Church regarded as
inviolable.
II
Regarding the strictly political activities of the Church as wholly
pernicious, and its semi-political connections as ordinarily beneficent,
or at least not harmful, let us now consider its moral and spiritual
influence.
The Roman Catholic priests in South America comprise the best-
educated class of men in the community. I think all of them un-
derstand Latin and Spanish, many of them speak French, Italian,
Portuguese; not a few understand English and German. In histori-
cal and literary knowledge they are pre-eminent. In natural science
very few are broadly proficient, but among them are many good mathe-
maticians, and some have a fair working knowledge of astronomy.
In the subtleties of logic and philosophy these priests have few
superiors, even among our best- trained college men. In the moun-
tain fastnesses, in the great wildernesses, where white men have
seldom trod, one may find Roman Catholic churches and missions,
and often priests of culture and fine intellectual power.
For the simple, pious, moral lives these men lead, they are worthy
of all praise. Public sentiment in South America demands less social
restraint than does that in England or the United States, and the
temptations are great to lay aside the teachings of virtue and fall in
with the semi-dissolute mode of life everywhere prevalent. The
climate, the very atmosphere, invites moral as well as physical relaxa-
tion. And yet it is the writer's deliberate opinion, based upon personal
acquaintance with a large number of priests and upon many years of
constant observation, that in the practice of pure morals and ascetic
virtue the Catholic priesthood of South America is not surpassed by
any body of clergy of equal number in any part of the world. Their
moral example and influence, not only by virtue of their authority as
functionaries of the Church, but by virtue of their personal and private
character, are emphatically for good.
Let us discuss briefly a few of the many phases of the work of the
Roman Catholic Church as a great civilizing agent in South America.
In spite of the thunders of the Church and of its dogmas of eternal
damnation, "la querida" is rife, and an alarming proportion of the
people ignore the marriage ceremony; and yet the Roman Catholic
Church, refusing absolution to men and women who live together
out of matrimony, inculcating always and everywhere the sacred-
THE CATHOLIC CHURCH 443
ness and indissolubility of the marriage bond, exerts a great and
beneficent power.
Another noble influence of the Church lies in its stern and unre-
lenting attitude in favor of law and order, of stability, and of security
to life and property. That in South America bloodshed and anarchy
run riot, that its many governments are as unstable as the waves of the
sea, is due neither immediately nor remotely, directly nor indirectly,
to the Church, but to forces entirely beyond its control. The Church
stands for law and order, at all times and under all circumstances.
Its teachings are of the strictest and severest morality, and it is one
of the mightiest bulwarks of the world against anarchy.
Again, in works of charity, in a land where the demands on charity
are so great, the resources so small, the Church deserves the greatest
credit. Go to any leper hospital or colony in South America, and
there will you find Las Hermanitas de los Pobres (The Little Sisters
of the Poor) devoting their lives to ministering to these sad, pathetic
outcasts of the world. Human love and devotion can do no more.
Sublimest of all heroines, these infinitely blessed women make us feel,
even in our darkest hours, the divine essence in humanity. The
church in whose name and under whose authority they labor deserves
and will receive for such noble work the admiration and respect of all
just, broad-minded men.
Moreover, the Church in South America is the most earnest
champion of the cause of education. What little effort has been made
to establish an efficient system of schools has sprung from the priests,
and if the methods of education are deficient and inadequate and the
facilities for education limited in comparison with those in civilized
countries, it must not be forgotten that the Church is not the govern-
ment, and cannot be blamed for the constant political disorder that
not only prevents the establishment of any efficient system of popular
education, but also heavily handicaps all commerce, all industry,
everything that makes for civilization as against barbarism.
Ill
Perhaps the most transcendent of all deficiencies in the political
life of Spanish America is the lack of stern morality. This lack may
be attributed in no small degree to the great scarcity among the people
of the Bible, whose value in implanting positive doctrines of morality
and in forming sound character is incalculable. The Church falls
far short of accomplishing all that it should accomplish in spreading
broadcast this Book of books, — this work of profound philosophy,
this unrivalled storehouse of literature, this vast reservoir of history,
this infallible guide in pure morality, this beacon of eternal hope. I
am satisfied that at the present time not one family in a hundred, in
444 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Spanish America, has a copy of the Bible in the house. No one could
do a greater service to humanity than to place a copy in every family
of the land.
IV
The Roman Catholic Church in Latin America fully deserves
high praise, even in broader terms than are here employed, but un-
qualified approval it cannot receive. There is a blemish, — the re-
ligious intolerance prevailing in Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Peru,
and some other countries, where, under concordats established with
the Holy See, or from other causes, the free development and exercise
of Protestant beliefs are hindered, Protestant missions harassed, and
their schools molested.
This policy is so short-sighted, so narrow-minded, so indefensible,
that one may well feel that the various states, rather than the Church,
are primarily responsible for it. The influence of the Church in South
America is a wondrous blessing, a vast power for good ; but religious
intolerance on its part is the very thing of all things that might under-
mine or destroy that power. The progress of the Church in the United
States demonstrates that its marvellous development is not incompat-
ible with the widest religious freedom and mutual tolerance.
The true strength of the Church is not in fanatics or in bigoted
adherents, but in the sincere veneration of broad-minded, thoughtful
men. The Church in South America should use its influence with
the powers of state, to the end that religious intolerance shall cease.
CHAPTER XLIII
AN ESTIMATE OF THE INFLUENCE OF SPAIN ON
THE LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES
IN the United States it is common to blame, for the manifold dis-
orders of Latin America, not its inhabitants, but Spain. Thus, it
is said that if they have not yet learned the art of self-government,
it is because they as colonists have been oppressed and ground down,
and have been given no opportunity to govern themselves. Dr. Free-
man Snow, in his lectures on International Law before the Naval
War College, said:
"In palliation of their condition, it might be said that when they began
their existence as independent states seventy years ago their people had never
had the slightest experience in self-government. They were ruled by govern-
ors appointed by the King of Spain, and they had existed largely, if not solely,
for the benefit of the mother country."
It is true that Spain has neither ever understood nor attempted
in good faith to practise the basic principles of good government, —
justice and "a square deal" for all men. But Venezuela, Colombia,
and Central America (excepting Costa Rica) were better governed
by the Spanish viceroys than they ordinarily have been governed
since. The Spanish colonial system was by no means ideal, — in
fact it was indefensible, but under it life and property were safer than
they have been under the dictatorships.
When Spain is mentioned to an American, he thinks of, first, her
religious intolerance, as typified in the Inquisition; second, her
bloody and tyrannical career all through Latin America, notably in
Peru and Mexico, exemplified in the Conquistadores, and in Weyler
in Cuba; third, the evidence of a cruel spirit, shown even in her
national sport, the bull-fight.
This indictment is severe, and justified by the facts. But let us
consider the matter a little further.
The Inquisition was horrible, beyond the powers of description
and of condemnation. But Spain had no monopoly of fanaticism and
bigotry. The record of our own witchcraft persecutions, in enlight-
446 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ened Massachusetts, constitutes a chapter of horrors which makes
one ashamed of his race. Nor was England blameless. For instance,
David Lewis, Bishop of Llandaff, a Roman Catholic priest, for the
sin of worshipping God according to the dictates of his own conscience,
was hanged, disembowelled, and quartered August 27, 1697. On the
scaffold this sainted man said:
" But why again this untimely death ? My religion is the Roman Catholic
religion. In it I have lived above forty years. In it I now die, and so fixedly
die, that if all the good things in this world were offered to me to renounce it,
all should not move me one hair's breadth from my Roman Catholic faith.
A Roman Catholic I am, a Roman Catholic priest I am, a Roman Catholic
priest of that religious order called the Society of Jesus I am ; and I bless God,
who first called me, and I bless the hour in which I was first called, both unto
that faith and function. Please now to observe, I was condemned for read-
ing Mass, hearing confessions, administering the sacraments, anointing the
sick, christening, marrying, preaching. As for reading the Mass, it was the
old, and still is the accustomed and laudable, liturgy of the Holy Church ; and
all the other acts which are acts of religion tending to the worship of God;
and for this dying, I die for religion. . . . Whomsoever, present or absent,
I have ever offended, I humbly desire them to forgive me. As for my enemies,
had I as many hearts as I have fingers, with all those hearts would I forgive
my enemies."
Anglo-Saxons about to condemn the Spanish people for religious
intolerance, ponder well these words : " Let him that sinneth not, cast
the first stone!"
The cruelty practised by the Conquistadores, and thenceforward
down the long line of Spanish generals even to Weyler, has been
grave and indefensible. But it has been mild, indeed, as compared
with the unspeakable outrages wrought by the military Dictators and
Jefes of Latin America, since the "Independence," — crimes (prac-
tised under the pretended authority of government !) which make
one heart-sick to contemplate.
We call the bull-fight cruel; so it is, and no thoroughly civilized
people could enjoy it. But while we Americans regard with horror
the bull-fight, with its disembowelling of noble horses, its stabbing of
goaded bulls, we yet persist in that infinitely more savage and bar-
barous crime against humanity and Christian decency, — the exe-
cution of men and women by process of law. Think of a people that
pretends to be moral and civilized, taking a helpless, trembling fellow
creature and torturing him or her for weeks or months, through the
devious and inscrutable processes of the "law"; think of its holding
the horror of the scaffold ever before the imagination of the threatened
victim and then slitting "the thin-spun life"; think of its terrifying
the hearts and shaking the reason of the victim's wife and children,
his father or mother; of the daughter, begging the executive to spare
her father's life, but begging in vain ; think of the unspeakable infamy
THE INFLUENCE OF SPAIN 447
of hanging an innocent man, and I believe that hundreds of them
have been hanged in the United States through the fatal mistakes of
judges and juries who claimed to be God-fearing, law-abiding citi-
zens ; — think of all of this damning, deadening horror ; and while
it stalks beside us, let us prate no more of Spanish bull-fights !
II
Let us now consider what Spanish influences, in addition to the
forces and instruments of government, have affected the Latin-
American peoples.
The permanently beneficial influence of the Roman Catholic
religion (elsewhere more fully set forth) may properly be credited to
Spain.
The language and literature of Spain are a priceless inheritance.
The Spanish language is the most exquisite form of human speech, —
soft yet sonorous, rhythmic yet flexible. Free from the barbarities
that play havoc with English spelling and German declensions, it
is susceptible of the most delicate inflections, the most varied intona-
tions. Exuberant yet precise, lithe and graceful, musical, luxurious,
it is a beautiful medium for the expression of philosophy, of art, of
poetry, and of love. On the other hand, it is inapt for intense con-
centration, for thundering invective, for terse commercial terminology.
It is, indeed, an ornate and delicate tongue, stealing insensibly into
one's affections and remaining there.
The literature that has come down to Latin America from the
mother country is, of course, worthy of profound study and admiration.
Calderon and Cervantes are but two of the many great names that
adorn her literary annals.
Another heritage from Spain, worthy of all praise, is that stately
courtesy, that fine politeness, which everywhere obtains, even among
the lower classes. Latin America contains unnumbered assassins,
but the coarse, loud-mouthed bully is rare. It is unusual to hear one
man swear at or abuse another, and when the affair reaches that pass,
the dagger is certain to be ready in the background. The influence of
good manners, even on the worst of men, is of no mean value. The real
Spanish gentleman is the very quintessence of good breeding, cour-
teous hospitality, sincerity. He is a very high type of man, — not rare
by any means ; and one regrets that he has not had the physical
power necessary to control the state policies of Spain.
There are many states whose ideals and methods of government
correspond very closely to what might reasonably be expected, in view
of the intellectual, moral, and physical development of their inhabi-
tants. The United States, England, France, and Switzerland are
examples. The government of Mexico is far in advance of, and the
government of Spain is far behind, what might be expected under
448 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
such a test. The people of Spain as individuals have higher principles
of morality, higher ideals of conduct, than might be inferred from a
study of Spain's government policies. And so with the countries of
Central America, with Colombia, and with Venezuela; their peoples
socially and morally are far better than their "governments." If this
were not so, civilized existence would be quite impossible in these
countries. It is then in government that Spain has made the most com-
plete failure. Her governing class has been corrupt and tyrannical,
destructive rather than constructive.
Spain has not known how to govern colonies. This, however, is
a deficiency to be judged leniently; and it is not at the root of the
weakness of the Latin-American governments. Even the mighty
United States is still feeling its way, in the administration of colonial
possessions; in governing the Philippines and Porto Rico, it has
proved that it yet has much to learn. England, the greatest colonizing
power of the world, had to serve a costly apprenticeship. Her bitter
experience in losing the American colonies taught her more than a
century ago that the more she should foster and benefit her colonies,
the stronger and greater would she herself become.
But if the bandit governments of Haiti, Santo Domingo, Nicaragua,
Guatemala, Salvador, Honduras, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Colombia
do not owe their present depravity to the mother country (France as
to Haiti, Spain as to all the others), then to what do they owe it ? To
one and the same cause, in every country (but Haiti) of Central and
South America, — miscegenation. Of Haiti, a negro colony, no ad-
vance in government could have been expected, for the African race
up to the present time has plainly shown its incapacity for self-govern-
ment. The future capacity is beyond the scope of certain predic-
tion; but up to the present time this race, saving noted individual
exceptions, has not been a factor of importance in the world's civiliza-
tion. We may now consider, as one group, all the other countries of
Latin America.
Ethnologists divide the human family into three great branches, —
the Caucasian, the Turanian, and the Ethiopian. The Turanian
branch includes the Chinese, the Japanese, and the American Indi-
ans. China for thousands of years has had a government of a rela-
tively high degree of civilization. Japan is now accounted one of the
great powers. The Aztecs and Incas, in Mexico and Peru, even in
their isolated condition, remote from all exterior influences, attained
a considerable degree of civilization. I believe that Mexico and Peru,
even before the discovery of America, had better, more stable, and
more civilized governments than the present governments of the coun-
tries of Central America, of Ecuador, Colombia, Venezuela, Haiti,
and Santo Domingo, with the possible exception of Costa Rica.
Good governments, then, have been established by the Caucasian
race; relatively good governments by the unmixed Turanian race;
THE INFLUENCE OF SPAIN 449
but no civilized government has ever yet been established by the
Ethiopian race or by the mixed breeds.
Here is the mainspring of Latin-American degeneracy, — not
Spanish example, not even Spanish tyranny, but the mixed character
of the Latin-American blood. These countries are suffering from the
endemic mongrel, — by this miscegenate product of white adventurers,
red Indians, and black Ethiops they are attainted to the core.
Ill
Returning now to the heritage of Latin America from Spain, it is
relevant to note here some of the striking defects in Spanish character.
Perhaps the most conspicuous of these defects, among the so-called
better classes, is their radically mistaken notion of labor. They regard
labor not only with aversion, but with contempt. It is beneath the
dignity of a Spanish gentleman to engage in productive enterprises.
A man may hold his position among the Creole aristocracy, if he be a
gambler, an intriguing scoundrel, a polite blackmailer, or a murderous
military chief ; but if he once soils his hands with honest labor of any
sort, he is placed beyond the pale of social recognition. Of course,
a community imbued with so disastrous a prejudice as this cannot
thrive; and to this characteristic of those who should be national
leaders, combined with the slow, almost arrested, intellectual develop-
ment of the Spanish women, is largely due the weakness of Spain.
A man bent on getting rich quick, without the drudgery of labor,
finds it an easy descent to intriguery and scoundrelism. From Spanish
contempt for the dignity of labor springs easily corruption, so rife
in Spanish official circles.
VOL. i — 29
PART V- BUSINESS CONDITIONS IN LATIN
AMERICA
CHAPTER XLIV
CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES
THE government "concession" is a peculiarly distinctive feature
of Latin-American business life. It somewhat resembles the
special charter granted by a state legislature in the United
States, where, however, the special charter system has now been
largely superseded by general incorporation acts, uniform in opera-
tion and effect. It is essentially a special privilege conferred by the
government on a person, firm, or corporation ; a privilege not con-
ceded by the general laws, or at least not exercisable except by special
permission of the government.
A United States patent bears a certain analogy to a concession;
but a patent is granted by virtue of general laws, and not because of
special favoritism ; and while it creates an artificial monopoly, it does
so only under wholesome restrictions, for a limited period, and in
the product of one's brains.
Concessions are of all classes, for all purposes, and embrace all
objects. They are granted by the executive department of the govern-
ment, and although they nominally require the approval of the
Congress, yet as this body is always actually, if not theoretically,
appointed by the Dictator, such approval is only a matter of the wishes
of that exalted personage.
To attempt to carry on, without a concession, mining, trans-
portation, or manufacturing, would be, in most Latin- American
countries, a highly dangerous venture, resulting eventually in great
difficulties, and probably in the loss of all the capital invested in the
enterprise. Even if one wishing to embark in some such business
should find that no one already had a concession for the same, still he
would be very unwise to start without a concession of his own.
Although the general law of the country may give him a clear right
to embark in the desired line of business, he must not rely upon
the general law. If no concession had already been granted, giving
to some person the exclusive right for a long period of years to develop
or operate in this line, it is simply an oversight, which will be remedied
just as soon as the Dictator's attention is called to it. If our business
man should without a concession begin to make tallow candles or
straw mats, or to dig guano, or to smelt copper ore, no sooner would
his business be established with a reasonable prospect of success than
454 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
he would be surrounded by a horde of hungry, envious politicians and
military chiefs, who would go to the limit of human craft in devising
schemes for robbing him of the reward of his efforts. A more decisive
fate would await him, however, for to a certainty the government
would grant to some member of its clique a concession, giving to the
favored henchman exclusive privileges and unlimited power, and
killing all competition in the line of industry initiated by our hapless
friend. He would have to buy that concession, or go out of business.
And as attention had been called to the profits in the business, the con-
cession would cost very much more than it would have cost had he
bought in the first place. To appeal to the courts in such a case would
be idle and preposterous; to appeal to his legation, almost equally so.
Thus caught between the millstones, he finds little sympathy in any
quarter, least of all at the legation of his own government, where all
too frequently there are concessions for sale. He is regarded as legit-
imate prey, as fish that come to the net.
A short time ago the government of Venezuela granted to some one
the exclusive privilege of grinding corn-meal in the Federal District.
The monopoly of importing flour had previously been granted to
some one else, and the price of the cheapest grade had risen to fifteen
dollars a barrel, as against three dollars a barrel in New York. (Doubt-
less the Dictator and his clique received a continuous income from
this monopoly, or they would have abolished it, after the first payment. )
So far, only the middle and upper classes had been pinched, but with
the corn-meal concession came the turn of the miserably poor. The
great mass of the peons, who live on a cent or two a day, had been in
the habit of grinding their corn themselves on a concave-shaped stone,
called a metata, and making from the pulp a kind of corn-cake (arepa).
Thousands of people, reduced to the ragged edge of starvation, could
still keep soul and body together on that wretched stint of corn which
in the ultimate is necessary to support human life. But now came the
omnivorous concession, and grasped, as with the tentacles of an
octopus, even this poor, unpromising field. Somebody in the clique
was given the exclusive right to grind corn, and when a conscientious
newspaper editor cried out on behalf of the poor and asked for the
rescission of the concession, he was promptly locked up in jail, where
he might thank his stars if he could get an arepa even at the price
asked by the concessionaire.
The number of these concessions surpasses all comprehension. A
foreigner of creative energy who desires to develop an industry is met
at every point of the compass with obstacles in the shape of previously
granted concessions which he must buy up, or whose holders he must
in some way appease, often before he can even start. For instance, he
proposes to purchase and operate a mine situated ten or fifteen miles
away from a navigable river. He examines the titles and plans of the
mine, gets the opinions of the best lawyers he can find, and finally sue-
CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES 455
ceeds in getting the titles in strict conformity with the mining law. It
may be that it will take him months, or even years, to do this, for if
any one interested believes the mine to be valuable, a thousand ob-
stacles will be thrown in the way of the correction of the most trivial
defect in the titles, in the hope that the purchaser may buy with the
flaws still outstanding, and thus may later be thrown into litigation.
But let us suppose that he has overcome these preliminary difficul-
ties, and is now ready to operate his mine. Before cutting a tie, or
laying a rail, or even making a survey, he must get a concession from
the government. Here will come waiting, conferences of generals, of
statesmen, and of autoridades, more waiting, and then — manana.
He might feel that, as he had bought his mine and paid for it, and was
ready and willing to pay for any land his railroad might occupy, he
ought to have the right to build his road and work his mine ; " but
nay, not so fast."
The government will probably begin by demanding that its in-
tended victim purchase at least $50,000 worth of government bonds
(documents usually of value — as souvenirs of misplaced confidence !),
and that he then deposit them somewhere as an "evidence of good
faith," a pledge that he proposes to work his prospective concession.
The trend of further negotiations depends largely upon the skill and
patience of the "victim." If he knows exactly how to deal with the
"gang" that confronts him, if as a keen analyst of human nature he
knows its weak points and when to take advantage of them, if he
throws in with his cash a lot of soft-soap and flapdoodle about the
noble aspirations and patriotic impulses of the Dictator, and the
great benefit to be derived by the dear people, he may, in the course of
six months or a year, and after a cash expenditure of $10,000 to $20,-
000 for lawyers' fees, etc. (bribery included), get the coveted privilege
of laying down his own rails on his own land to his own mine ! He
probably feels sure now that he is "out of" his most dismal "woods,"
but again he counts without his host. His concession doubtless con-
cedes that he may bring in his rails and machinery free of duty. This
is but a confirmation of the law of the land. However, he would better
realize first than last, that there is nothing "free." For each invoice
that comes in "free of duty," one must petition the government to re-
lease such duty, and each petition must be covered with revenue
stamps ; and the luckless importer frequently finds it cheaper to pay
the duties than to buy the stamps ! Furthermore, even the most trivial
clerical mistake in the "freeing" process would subject him to a
fine enormously disproportionate to the offence.
But now that the railroad is complete, and our "Captain of Indus-
try " is ready to operate his mine, — ah ! now have his troubles really
begun. The Constitution and the laws provide that there shall be
free navigation forever of all the rivers and navigable water within the
national domain. In fact, the navigation of the river our friend has
456 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
planned to utilize has been free for the past hundred years. But in
fondly thinking it free as the ocean he has made a huge mistake. No
sooner is he ready to use this river extensively, on a scale appropriate
to his enterprise, than some one bobs up with a concession, running
thus:
"Considering that the Supreme Head of the Republic, in the exercise of
his constitutional attributions, has, with profound wisdom and inspired patri-
otism, ever sought to encourage and develop the natural riches and resources
of the country, thus being a constant and perennial source and fountain of
inspiration to industry; and considering that the rich and magnificent district
lying adjacent and contiguous to the River So and So, is deserving of the
nation's most ardent efforts to aid it in the path to glory; and considering
that the highly cultured people of that region are entitled to the highest
benefits which come from great public works splendidly conceived and
magnificently executed ; now therefore, in obedience to the wishes of, and in
compliment to the exalted merits of, the people of the District So and So,
State So and So, the Constitutional President of the Republic has made the
following contract," etc.
Then will follow the concession, probably granted by the Dictator
years before, in anticipation of just such a case as this ; by which
Senor So and So agrees to canalize and clean such river, and in return
for the great public benefit thus conferred, is given the exclusive right
and privilege to navigate this river for, say, fifty years. The river has
never been either canalized or cleaned, probably has never needed
either operation. But of course the concessionaire, who is one of the
ring, and is collecting toll for the Dictator, claims that he can prove
that he has performed his agreement and that the concession is in full
force and effect. What is our would-be navigator to do ? Go to law
about it, or go to see his government's legation ? Either course would
be time and money wasted, and would lead him straight to the poor-
house or the insane asylum. His only sane plan is to put on the boldest
possible front, to pretend that he will fight to the finish, will make an
international question of it, etc. ; and then let him make the best com-
promise he can, and "settle up."
Alas, poor "foreign pig"! Another "sticking" is at hand. It
turns out that his concession yet lacks the approval of Congress !
When the Dictator approved the concession, he, of course, "felt satis-
fied " that Congress would approve it ; in fact, there was no need at
all for doubt or fear on that point. Now that Congress is actually in
session, however, the case is somewhat different. Great opposition
has developed. The interests of the country must be protected. It
now appears that this concession is very much more inimical to the
interests of the country than was at first imagined. It might lead to
smuggling, a thing no one had thought of at first. Exciting debates
will now take place in the halls of the statesmen, while the newspapers
will ring with the outrages this "foreign pig" is trying to commit on
CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES 457
the sacred rights of the Patria. In the mean time one of the members
of the cabinet will offer to the "pig " his good services in trying to allay
the opposition in Congress — for a small consideration, such as per-
sonal friendship might dictate — say, $15,000. The negotiations will
probably result in their finally "getting together" at $10,000; where-
upon it will be found that although the concession has some bad
features, yet on the whole it is beneficial to the country, and therefore
should be approved.
Even yet the gantlet is not wholly run ; the weary steeple-chaser
has yet to take the banner hurdle — is the concession constitutional ?
We have elsewhere discussed the ephemeral and unstable character of
the Constitution, and have shown it to be extra-judicial, something
apart from the law, rather than a vital organism of principles forming
the groundwork of the law, the essence of the body politic. Its elas-
ticity is very convenient when the Dictator thinks that the patient pur-
chaser is inclined to be a bit niggardly in his payments. Now can the
Dictator strike at his very heart, for if the concession be unconstitu-
tional, then of course it is worthless ; and who is to expound and inter-
pret the Constitution, — who but the Court, controlled and appointed
by the Dictator?
The foregoing is no fanciful sketch. It is a fair description of a
commonplace experience, understated rather than exaggerated. The
swarm of concessions which have been granted by any one of these
Latin- American governments is beyond all enumeration, past all be-
lief. On every side human action is held down, bound, and gagged
by this monster of governmental greed and graft. Gulliver on the
shore of Lilliput was no more securely bound by the thousands of
threads that everywhere tightened around his limbs than is industry in
South America by the thugs and parasites of the dictators. The breath
of life of all enterprises save some of the simpler forms of mercantile
business is government sanction and favor. Everything, from the
conclusion and ratification of an international treaty to the appoint-
ment of a doorkeeper in a calaboose, must receive the personal atten-
tion and approval of the Dictator. A member of the cabinet is merely
a messenger boy for his Mightiness, the Head of the "Republic."
Many a concession (perhaps some monstrous "castle in the air")
stands ready for the Dictator's approval, of him, for him, held by a
henchman for his benefit ; and hence it is usually cheaper and much
quicker to buy one of these ready-made affairs, if one can be found
exactly fitted to the necessities of the case, than to undergo the
interminable delay and expense of having one made to order.
The writer has a collection of thirty or forty large volumes, of five
hundred to a thousand pages each, of concessions granted by the gov-
ernment of Venezuela. That nine hundred and ninety-five out of
every thousand of these concessions are mere soap-bubbles, held with-
out the slightest intention of ever putting them into practical opera-
458 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
tion, is evident at a glance. Many have yet long periods to run. Some
would be of immense value if lived up to by the government. Many
have been sold to foreigners and afterwards cancelled, but by far the
larger number of them remain in the hands of this "Doctor," that
"Colonel," or the other "General."
The doors of prosperity are forever closed to a country oppressed
by such an incubus as this. There may now and then be an exception,
as Mexico, with its great Dictator, mighty for advancement, Porfirio
Diaz. But generally this system is fatal to progress, — even more
fatal than are revolution and disorder. Where a man cannot safely
proceed with his business plans without first spending months, even
years, in getting the consent of the government, — a consent which
should be free as the sunshine, absolute as gravity, — where the suc-
cess or failure of his business is more a question of government fav-
oritism than of individual enterprise, in the land infested with such
government there can be no great and stable industrial development.
The blessings of liberty are nowhere more fully exemplified than
in the multifarious relations of commerce. As men are left free in
their contractual relations, free to embark in any business not immoral
or detrimental to the public good, free to labor as they will and
reap the reward of their efforts, will they — yes, and the country
where they labor — become great and prosperous. There is no better
example than business of the doctrine that the best government is that
which subjects the individual to the least interference consistent with
sound public policy.
I. THE SALT MONOPOLY
Curacao is a little island in the Caribbean Sea, near the Venezuelan
coast, controlled by the Netherlands. Here salt is obtained from the
ocean by means of "salt pans," — large shallow depressions into which,
to a depth of about three feet, the salt water flows through sluices from
the sea, and where it evaporates by the sun's heat. After evaporation
(the process taking several months), the salt residue is removed and put
into bags, and is then ready for shipment. These bags of salt are sold
alongside in Cura9ao for 30 cents each, or $2.10 gold per ton. Oddly
enough, the salt from the pans on the east end of the island differs
greatly from that from the pans on the west end, about thirty miles
away. The east end salt comes in large lumps and coarse grains, while
that from the west end is in fine particles. This difference has never
been accounted for. In Venezuela, only a night's sail away, the price
of this salt has risen from 30 cents per bag to $15 per bag, or $105 gold
per ton ! In order to buy even a pound of salt, one must get a certifi-
cate from the Administration of Salinas that it is not contraband, must
stamp documents, sign statements, and go on and on through a mass of
red tape. And the salt is always coarse and filthy. Venezuela is full of
CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES 459
salt mines. Salt there ought to be dug out as cheaply as sand out of a
sand bank. And it is. But there is a monopoly. Dictator after Dicta-
tor, Jefe after Jefe, has lined his pockets with money, the monopoly
always readily paying the money, the Dictator or Jefe always drawing
the noose tighter and tighter. Of the vast gross amount of money ob-
tained by the monopoly, a little goes into the government treasury,
some goes as interest on salt scrip, much more goes as net to the mo-
nopoly, and the lion's share, as usual, goes to the ruling Dictator. The
old issues of scrip represent what the former Dictators have stolen;
the newer issues stand for the requirements of the ruling Dictator.
The shameful price charged by the monopoly stands for the last drop
of blood that can be squeezed out of the public.
Maracaibo Lake and the rivers of Venezuela and Colombia are
filled with fish. Years ago fishing was a considerable industry.
Many hundreds of poor men fished day and night from their little
cayucas. Their catch was salted and shipped into the interior, into the
mountains, where the people have to eat salt fish or none. But the
salt monopoly put an end to that, for now salt fish became so dear
that the natives in the interior could not afford to buy it. Many a poor
fisherman, knowing where in abandoned salt wells worked neither
by the government nor the monopoly salt was lying like sand in heaps,
would venture after dark to go and get a bagful of it with which to
cure his fish. If he was caught in the act, he was shot ; if he was found
out afterwards, a long term of imprisonment awaited him. They
would not give him a Mauser and put him into the army, as they
would an assassin, but he would be locked up in a filthy cell and left
to rot.
Again, the fishermen's wives tried to get a little salt by washing it
out of the sands of the seashore, but the government put a stop to
that, and locked up some of the women. And in Venezuela, to-day,
punishment swift, severe, monstrously disproportionate, is meted out
to the man who takes a tin cup of salt out of an abandoned mine for
the use of his wife and children !
In Colombia the price of salt is 70 cents per pound, $1400 per ton !
In Ecuador the government-protected salt monopoly is a little
more tolerable. The price here is but $20 gold per ton (only nine or
ten times the Cura£ao price), but the restrictions, the search-warrants,
and the countless other exactions devised by these vampire despotisms
are no less atrocious in Ecuador than in Venezuela or Colombia.
In the latter part of 1905 the government of Peru decreed the
formation of a "Limited Liability Company" for the purpose of
controlling and monopolizing salt.
"ART. 1. The Executive Power is merely authorized to contract the
administration of the salt with a limited liability company, under the condi-
tions which it may consider most convenient for the Government's interest
460 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
with a charge for commission not to exceed 6 per cent, and for such a length
of time as may be necessary for the more effective execution of the laws Nos.
43 and 44, of December 30, 1904.
"ART. 2. For the purpose of fixing the prices for the sale of the salt in
the different places of its consumption the Government shall consider as a
tax the same rate which now rules: viz., 5 cents per kilogram for that used
for domestic consumption, and 1 cent for that used for industrial purposes."
II. SAMPLE CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES
Ice manufacture is one of the most intolerable of monopolies, —
another "divvy" with the "powers that be." Ice in Maracaibo,
Cartagena, Puerto Cabello, La Guaira, — in fact, in the entire torrid
district, — costs from ten to twenty times as much as it does in New
York. One buys ice as in the States he would buy candy, by the pound,
and it costs four or five cents a pound at that. Ice from the United
States could be laid down in any of these places at six or seven dollars
a ton ; but no, for ice of the poorest quality the people must pay at the
rate of sixty or seventy dollars a ton. Pearl fishing is a monopoly ; so
is the slaughter of cattle, and one of the most abominable of them all.
Both the manufacture of matches and that of cigarettes are monopo-
lized. In Venezuela the importation of chewing-tobacco is prohibited,
and the home-made stuff which masquerades there as such is the
filthiest imaginable. The making of soap — the making of almost
everything a man with a streak of white in him needs ! — is mo-
nopolized.
That the reader may get at least a glimmering of the enormity of
this incubus upon business, a few samples, from the tens of thousands,
follow. They are Venezuela cases, as I have a transcript of Venezuelan
records; but a similar or worse condition exists in practically all
of the other Latin-American countries, especially those of Central
America and the northern part of South America.
Concession No. 6245, May 10, 1895, granted a monopoly of the
navigation of the river Tocuyo to General Jose T. Madriz, on the pre-
tence that he was to canalize it.
Concession No. 6441, March 10, 1896, relating to immigration,
granted to Dr. Manuel M. Galaois, under which he agreed to bring
into Venezuela within the period of seven years at least sixty thousand
German, Swiss, North American, Spanish, Irish, Italian, and Dutch
immigrants. Who was the concessionaire — not some millionaire
philanthropist who wanted to benefit the human family ? He who
knows conditions in Venezuela will see at once that this "conces-
sion " is nothing but arrant tomfoolery and bad faith. There are no
millionaire philanthropists in Venezuela. How does " Doctor " Galaois
(who doubtless holds his concession for the benefit of the governing
Military Chief) make anything out of it, or even get his money back ?
He appears grandly to contemplate the expenditure of millions on mil-
CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES 461
lions of dollars. In return for this vast outlay he is to receive about
twelve acres of land per immigrant. Acres bring about fifteen cents a
dozen ; there are millions in Venezuela that would be dear at a dollar a
square mile. The scheme is, to lure a vast herd of guileless families
who have been impressed by our Sister Republic, Venezuela, who dream
of our glorious Monroe Doctrine, who have assimilated much liter-
ary material concerning the "Pan" Conventions and the Bureau of
American Republics, who sympathize with the roseate imaginings of
the consuls, and who therefore believe in liberty and justice in Vene-
zuela, — the scheme is to get such families as these down there, to rob
them of all they have, be it fifty dollars or five hundred dollars, and
then, with brigandage and starvation surrounding them, with disease
and death facing them, to leave them to the mercy of the tribunals
of the Sovereign State of Venezuela, sheltered by the JEgis of Inter-
national Law!
Concession No. 6546, May 27, 1896, granted to Frederico Bander,
for the preparation of smoked meat.
"Frederico Bander agrees to introduce and to implant in the Republic,
in the course of one year, counting from the date on which this contract shall
be approved by the National Congress, the industry unknown in the Republic,
of preparing and conserving meat smoked, cooked, or in any other form, and
for this purpose will establish in the Republic of Venezuela, in those places
which he may consider most appropriate for the enterprise, the establish-
ments and factories required by said industry, so as to be able to furnish such
meat products not only for consumption in this country, but also for expor-
tation, which is to be the principal business of the enterprise."
It would seem that one might build a smoke-house without being
subjected to a rigmarole of documents, stamps, and other red tape;
without being in the immediate keeping of him who also guides the
Ship of State, — but not so, in Venezuela.
Nor may a man establish even his own chicken roost without the
paternalistic approval of the Unwashed Authorities. On October 4,
1895, Concession No. 6371 was granted to General J. Gualberto
Hernandez for the acclimatization and fattening of fowl and other
small animals. The contract was drafted with as much ceremony
and formality as an international treaty. General Hernandez "agrees
to introduce and acclimatize the classes of fowls and other small
animals advantageous for fattening," etc.
Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll used to say that Tammany had two
objects of existence, — grand and petty larceny. It is fair to say that
even Tammany's broad grasp has never compassed the poultry busi-
ness. A longish step for the General, from the pinnacles of statesman-
ship, "God and Federation," and the immortal glory of the Patria,
to — hen-farming. But it is to be feared that the General had his eye
on somebody else's fowls, not his own. We note, as we go on, that all
462 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
the doubts and controversies arising under this contract will be
resolved by the alleged tribunals of the alleged Republic, and will not
give rise to international reclamations. This at least is reassuring,
because it would be sad indeed if General J. Gualberto Hernandez's
hen-roost should lead to an imbroglio among the Great Powers.
Concession No. 6353, August 14, 1895, grants a monopoly in the
"exploration of Free Lands," to one Alcala, for the Section Guayana,
State of Bolivar. The milk in this cocoanut is found in Article II:
"As soon as gold or any mineral shall be discovered, Adriano Regino
Alcala will fulfil the requisites prescribed in the Code of Mines then
in force as necessary in order to acquire the mining concession."
The Dictator probably had learned that some foreign explorer had
discovered mines in this region. Forthwith he granted this concession
to one of his henchmen. So long as it should remain in the hands of
the Dictator or his clique, it would be held to supersede, in the
specified district, the general mining law ; but should the enterprising
explorer buy it, and begin operations, he would find himself at the
mercy of the ruling military Jefe, for lo ! this capricious concession
would soon turn out to be in conflict with the Code of Mines, or the
Constitution, or something else.
Some wonderful fancies float through the minds of Latin Americans.
Windbags, "castles in Spain," are as solid as Gibraltar beside many
of the concessions of Venezuela. They used to obtain millions of
dollars from "financiers" of the United States and Europe on verita-
ble "South Sea Bubbles." Concession No. 6428, February 3, 1896,
was granted by Venezuela to Jose Machado Pinto and Rodulfo Salazar
Manrique, for the colonization of the High Orinoco. The project
involved establishing vast banks, building railroads, bringing in
immigrants by the thousands, mining in vast sections, developing
agriculture over millions of acres of wild territory ; it was as fantastic
and illusory a " pipe-dream " as one could devise. Was this concession
granted in good faith ? Did ever anybody intend genuinely to work it ?
If so, why are its terms so vague, so vaporous ? Why does its bombast
profess to grant almost everything — why is it yet so cunningly worded
that it might turn out to grant nothing ? One familiar with the history
of the Orinoco Concession, of the Manaos Concession, and of a hun-
dred other similar delusions, perceives at a glance the true inwardness
of such a scheme. It is to sell out to the simpletons of finance, to fill
the foreign investor with fond hopes of enormous prospective profits,
and then, when his funds are fast within the net, his money-bags
squeezed dry, why then let who will prick the bubble, and relegate the
guileless unfortunate to a doubtful claim before the State Department
at Washington.
CONCESSIONS AND MONOPOLIES 463
III. CONCESSIONS GRANTING MONOPOLIES IN COLOMBIA
General Rafael Reyes, President of Colombia, on March 6, 1905,
granted an odious monopoly to the Central Bank. It embraced
liquors, hides, cigars, cigarettes, and matches. It was preceded by a
decree, on March 3, 1905, of which some of the principal articles are
as follows:
"ART. 1. For revenue purposes there are hereby established the follow-
ing government monopolies:
"1. On liquors.
"2. On hides.
"3. On tobacco and cigarettes.
"4. On matches.
"ART. 2. The revenue on liquors consists in the monopoly of the pro-
duction, introduction, and sale of distilled intoxicating liquors, and embraces:
" (a) Cana aguardiente and its compounds.
" (6) Brandy or cognac, whiskey, champagne, chartreuse, cremas, cura-
£ao, kirsch, and similar liquors, and the extract of cognac and concentrated
spirits for the manufacture of said liquors.
"ART. 3. The revenue on hides consists of a tax on the hide of each beef
slaughtered and offered for consumption in the republic.
"ART. 4. The revenue on cigarettes and tobacco consists of a tax placed
on the consumption of the former, and in the monopoly of the manufacture,
introduction, and sale of the latter.
"ART. 5. The revenue on matches consists of the monopoly of their man-
ufacture and sale, as well as of their importation or that of the materials for
their manufacture."
Three days after making this decree, General Reyes entered into
a contract with the Central Bank, the concern issuing the paper
money of Colombia and composed mostly of government officials and
other men in the ring, giving to it the exclusive authority (in conjunc-
tion, of course, with General Reyes) to carry the decree into effect.
On September 4, 1905, General Reyes issued a further decree establish-
ing the prices of hides, matches, etc. One of the articles of this decree
reads thus:
"ART. 8. The prices for hides for industrial purposes shall be as follows:
In the Capital District, Cundinamarca, and Quesada, $13 per quintal; in
Antioquia, Caldas, Tolima, and Huila, $13 ; in Bolivar, Atlantico, and Mag-
dalena, $14; and in Narino, $11 per quintal."
At a later date the price was fixed at $13 per quintal in Santander,
Galan, Boyaca, and Tundama.
On June 12, 1905, the following decree of General Reyes was pub-
lished regarding the tobacco monopoly :
"ART. 1. The sale and exportation monopoly of tobacco is established
as a national revenue, and shall be merged with the monopoly for the manu-
facture and sale of cigarettes.
464 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"1. From September of the present year no tobacco can be exported and
sold on account of private persons.
"2. From the same date the importation of tobacco and cigarettes in any
form whatsoever also is prohibited, but this prohibition shall not affect other
articles necessary for manufacturing and putting up cigarettes."
To conclude the discussion of concessions and monopolies, it
must be evident to the business man who has devoted any attention
to the subject, that hope is dead in communities in which governmen-
tal monopolies are practically everywhere, as they are in the Latin-
American dictatorships. In many of these countries a farmer who
raises a patch of tobacco must pay tribute to the governmental mo-
nopoly or go to jail. Every act of life, every branch of industry, every
effort of inventive genius, every useful project of commercial enter-
prise, is throttled by these atrocious concessions and monopolies. This
rank, hydra-headed disease cannot be cured; the only hope is ex-
tirpation. Where this accursed system flourishes, there civilization
cannot exist.
CHAPTER XLV
STAMPS AND TARIFFS
IN all South American countries, petitions to the government,
checks, drafts, receipts, promissory notes, invoices, and all other
documents require government stamps. If the stamps are omitted,
or a mistake is made in the amount, a heavy fine is imposed, not
by a court of competent jurisdiction, but by the stamp officer. It
often occurs in the interior, that no stamps are available, and the
inconvenience then is especially great.
A characteristic trick of the various governments of these countries
is to issue a decree declaring null and void all stamps of certain issues.
A business man in the interior must necessarily carry a large stock of
stamps or render himself liable to great inconveniences or heavy fines.
He therefore buys, as opportunity offers, sufficient stamps to last until
his next return to the base of supply. But now the government, seeing
that a certain issue of stamps is thus pretty completely in the hands of
merchants, issues a decree declaring the issue void. Thenceforward
no one would dare to use one of those stamps, for, if he were discov-
ered, he would be not only fined, but locked up in jail. The gov-
ernment never gives a reason for the decree, nor redeems the stamps.
It is simply a "confidence game."
A merchant had $3000 American gold in his safe, and the Venezue-
lan government knew it. This government wanted gold, and had
stamps for sale; so it went to the merchant, told him how highly it
esteemed him and how imprudent he was to carry such a large amount
of gold in that way, and gave him to understand that he would better
trade the gold for stamps. The merchant was inclined to protest, but
a man who is days away from a war-ship, and who knows that the gov-
ernment of the United States has no conception of these bandits, cannot
see things as he would if some haven of refuge were near. So he finally
yielded, as all foreigners in those robber countries sooner or later yield,
and gave up his gold and received the stamps. A few weeks later he
picked up a copy of the Gaceta Ofirial, and read of the cancellation of
a certain series of stamps. The cold sweat started out on him, for he
instantly thought of the series he had in his safe, and this it proved to
be. He never got back a dollar of his loss through this infamous " hold-
up," and as long as the great United States of America continues its
present policy, he never will. Indeed the foreigner in Venezuela who
complains and protests only lays himself open to a second onslaught
far more severe than the first.
VOL. i — 80
466 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
During that very week in which Mr. Herbert W. Bowen made his
famous declaration at The Hague that Venezuela was as highly civ-
ilized as England or France, and that its courts were entitled to as
much faith and credit as the courts of those countries, a German busi-
ness man, agent for some fire-insurance companies, wrote policies on
certain houses in Maracaibo for about $150,000. The law relating to
stamps did not specify fire-insurance policies, but as it was supposed
to cover all cash transactions, he stamped the contracts at the legal
rate, according to the premiums, which constituted the cash payment in
the matter. His lawyer, one of the ablest in Venezuela, considered
that the law was strictly complied with, and this opinion was unques-
tionably correct.
The government of Venezuela, however, decreed that the policies
should be stamped according to their face, thus imposing stamps to an
amount even greater than the premiums ! Not content with this arbi-
trary act, the government fined the agent $3800 gold, and ordered that
he be locked up in jail. The agent appealed to the German consul,
and learned to his dismay that the exequatur of that gentleman, one of
the most highly honored business men in South America, had been
revoked by Venezuela for no reason assigned.
Here is another case. A spy for the government of a country of
South America called upon a business man, a heavy importer, and
demanded that the importer submit for examination his invoices for
the past six months.
The importer replied, "They are in the custom house."
"But," said the spy, "the law requires you to get them back every
six months."
The importer : " I can't get them back unless the customs authori-
ties give them to me."
The spy : " Did you stamp them as the law requires ? "
The importer: "Yes, every one of them. Go to the custom house
and see them."
After much talking the spy went to the custom house and asked to
see the invoices. The administrator said that they had been sent to
the chancellor of the exchequer, but, after several days of contentious
debate, he produced some of them. The documents produced had
only a few stamps on them, — the three or four across which the im-
porter had written his name in cancellation. In the case of a docu-
ment calling for twenty dollars' worth of stamps, those cancelled by the
importer would not amount to more than a dollar. The other stamps,
which should have been cancelled by the administrator, were missing.
(The law differs somewhat in the different South American countries
on this point. In Mexico the importer has to write his name across
every stamp, and thus cancel it. In other countries the administrator,
or a judge, may cancel the stamps. )
Of course the value of the stamps so seized were part of the per-
STAMPS AND TARIFFS 467
quisites of the office. The stamp officer took the opportunity to de-
mand that the importer replace the stamps. The importer flatly
refused, and the government officials let the matter drop. The im-
porter had positive proof that he had fully stamped the invoices, and
indeed, unless this had been done, the invoices could not have been
received in the custom house.
Until they have had some experience of these stamp laws, Ameri-
cans cannot realize the extent of the nuisance. Every page of the cash
book and ledger must have a stamp. Every contract, will, deed, or
other conveyance, must be plastered over with stamps. It is almost
impossible to turn around without putting a stamp somewhere.
That a government should issue stamps, sell them, cancel them
without refunding the money paid, and fine even those who used
them simply through mistake, seems incredible; yet Venezuela and
Colombia have done this many a time.
I. THE TARIFF
The tariff may be a dry subject in the United States, but it becomes
a very live issue the moment one sets foot in Latin America. By study-
ing the methods of one of those swarthy Dictators, one could almost
learn how to draw blood out of a turnip ; for there is no method devis-
able by human ingenuity for extracting a dollar from a man's pocket,
which they have not already adopted. The tariff, on both imports and
exports, is one of their favorite modes of extortion. Although their
"Constitutions" prohibit export charges, what is a little thing like a
Constitution when a Dictator wants a dollar ?
No sooner do the small farmers, miners, or manufacturers produce
for exportation in considerable quantities, with some show of profit,
cacao, divi-divi, coffee, hides, fruits, nuts, or anything else, than along
comes the ruling "Military Boss " with a little "decreto " imposing an
export duty, large enough to absorb at least one half the prospective
profits, perhaps two thirds. In Latin America tariff laws, like all
other "laws," are made by edicts of the "Military Boss." This sim-
plifies matters greatly, and means quick work. If some one be pre-
paring to export a goodly cargo of cocoanuts, or fibre, or dyewood,
or balata gum, on which it is reasonable to suppose that there may be a
profit of $10,000, it might be difficult to get "Congress" together in
time to pass an export tariff which would cover that particular ship-
ment; besides the game would not be worth the candle; so the Dic-
tator serenely " passes the law " himself. He merely calls his secretary,
begins his decree with " Considerando," dashes off a column or two of
flapdoodle about the sacred interests and destiny of the country, and
his own holy and patriotic intentions, and concludes by imposing on
the outgoing goods an export duty sufficient to make the disgusted
exporter wish he had been content to live on fish and bananas rather
than tempt the hazardous paths of commerce.
468
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
A sample of these decretos is shown in the following Consular Re-
port to the State Department.
II. EXPORT DUTIES IN COLOMBIA
Minister Hart sends from Bogota, October 3, 1902, a translation
of a recent decree, as follows :
"ART. 1. From the arrival of the present decree to the knowledge of the
respective managers of the customs of the Republic, and until new orders be
given, the charges for the export duties will be made in gold, in the form and
amount below expressed :
Clean coffee per quintal $0.70
Coffee in husk " 50
Rubber " 3.59
Hides 1.00
Goatskins and the like 3.00
Tagua, or vegetable ivory .25
Divi-divi " 08
Tobacco:
Raw .40
Plug .50
Prepared .80
Cotton:
Raw " .30
Clean .35
Seeds " .15
Bananas per bunch .01
Stuffed birds per kilogram 1.50
Heron feathers 15.00
Orchids .30
Tortoise shell 2.50
Balsam per quintal 1.20
Dye:
Mora .80
Brazil .80
Construction woods (cedar, galiavo, or any other) . . per 1000 superfi ia fee 2.40
Cocoanuts per 1000 1.00
Cattle per head 8.00
Straw hats per kilogram .50
"ART. 2. Articles not mentioned, declared for export, will be valued by
the Section of Inspection of the respective custom, with the approval of the
Manager, and will pay 5 per cent of the value in gold.
"ART. 3. The Government will charge for the freight of export cargo: In
the Upper Magdalena, $1 gold, in the lower Magdalena, 80 cents gold — for
every cargo not exceeding 10 arrobas (250 pounds). ..."
An outsider would scarcely discover the true inwardness of the
above. But the chances are that the Dictator had learned that a large
shipment of cattle or of goat skins was about to be made, and that he
included the other schedules merely for the purpose of covering up
his tracks. It will be observed that the Colombian government pro-
poses to charge, for "freight of export cargo " on the Magdalena River,
STAMPS AND TARIFFS 469
$1.80 per 10 arrobas, or $14.40 gold per ton. This is in addition to
the export duty, which, on cattle, is "expressed " as $8 per head.
Even if the government should actually carry the goods, freight
charges of $14.40 per ton would be outrageous. The Magdalena is as
large and quite as navigable as the Ohio, and there are many fine
steamboats, owned by an American company, plying on its waters, —
that is, when the Dictator is in a complaisant mood.
After this brief expose, any business man can see that this export
schedule was made simply for blackmailing purposes; several of the
articles it would be impossible to export under the conditions named.
Moreover, further on in the same decree are some really luminous
clauses. Read carefully the following (the italics are the author's) :
"ART. 9. Exporters who are willing to do so will be exempt from the pay-
ment of the export duties and of the freight [the Government freight charges]
if they will deliver to the Government, as a loan, a sum double the value of
the duties and freights.
"1. The said loan will be returned in the manner and terms which the
Congress o} the Republic shall determine, or before, if the Government can
do so.
"2. The duties, freights, and loans with which this decree deals will be
paid in Colombian gold, according to law 73 of 1867.
"ART. 10. Special passports and safe-conducts will be issued by the
Ministry of War for all those conducting cargo for export to river ports.
"The civil and military chiefs, as well as the commanders and chiefs of
operations in the field, will order the necessary measures to quicken and facili-
tate export; will give strict fulfilment to Decree No. 1202 of 1901, and for
no reason will put contributions on export articles."
Couched in delicate phrase, this is per se duress, sheer and shame-
ful ; nor are the claws far beneath the velvet !
III. PORT CHARGES IN HONDURAS
The Dictator of Honduras is rather more modest than his Colom-
bian compatriot ; still, there is a smack of rapacity in his ways.
The following report was made by Alfred K. Moe, United States
Consul, Tegucigalpa, October 14, 1903:
PORT CHARGES
On every package or bale of merchandise unloaded at a port of entry in
Honduras there must be paid certain fixed port charges, in addition to the
customs duties and the commission merchant's fees.
470
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
DESCRIPTION
CHA
RGES
Charges at Amapala on goods imported :
Manifest in detail . ..... . .
Pesos1
0 75
Cents
28 8
Poliza, or customs permit of entry
1 50
57 6
050
192
Sanitary fee on goods to interior
0 10
38
Sanitary fee on goods to the port
0 15
5 7
Municipal duties or imposts on goods destined for the port
only:
Cotton goods, etc., per 100 pounds . .
1 00
384
General merchandise
050
192
Flour " " "
0.15
5 7
On exports (shipping permit from custom house)
0.75
28.8
1 Silver.
In order to give an idea of the expense attendant on the entry of merchan-
dise at the ports in Honduras and the shipment thereof to Tegucigalpa, the
introduction of a "lot" of 125 pounds of flour at the port of Amapala is
illustrated below:
DESCRIPTION
Agent's fees including all port charges
Pesos
4.00
2.50
0.25
2.50
2.50
$1.536
.96
.096
.96
.96
Duty
Depot fee, San Lorenzo
Freight to Tegucigalpa
Municipal imposts Tegucigalpa
Total
11.75
$4.51
COST
But the port charges merely give the leeches an appetizing send-off.
The customs duties, the "freight," the stamps required by every in-
voice, every receipt, and every other bit of paper, all conspire to make
the staff of life a luxury, even to the rich.
IV. INCREASE IN THE IMPORT DUTIES OF GUATEMALA
Another sample oppression:
"A decree recently issued by the Government of Guatemala makes a
decided increase in the duty collected on imports. The law provides that
30 per cent of the customs duties be paid the Banco de Guatemala for certain
bondholders. Until this decree was issued importers paid this 30 per cent
on a basis of 10 to 1 United States gold, according to a former decree ; but
now the 30 per cent must be paid in gold or its equivalent in exchange. To
illustrate: Formerly, where the duty amounted to $100, it was necessary to
pay 30 per cent at the rate of 10 to 1, or $300 Guatemalan and the $70, or a
STAMPS AND TARIFFS 471
total of $370 in Guatemalan currency ; while now one must pay 30 per cent
in United States gold, which at the present rate of exchange (16 to 1) means
$495 Guatemalan currency, and the $70, making $565, — a difference of
$195, or an increase of about 53 per cent in the real duty paid. This is a very
considerable increase on what was already a heavy burden, and it has had a
very depressing effect on all foreign business." — ALFRED A. WINSLOW,
Consul-General, Guatemala City, Guatemala, September 7, 1903.
V. OUR "SISTER," PARAGUAY
Those American citizens who have that sure mark of superiority, a
belief in anti-imperialism, should move to Paraguay and embark in
the exportation business. A recent decree of the Dictator of that "Re-
public " contains the following, as reported by John N. Ruffin, United
States Consul at Asuncion. (The italics are the author's.)
" ART. 14. The exportation of hides is subject to duties as follows : Half
the hides which will be presented for exportation are to be delivered to the
administrations of the custom houses of the Republic, which will pay for them
a discount of 60 cents gold each, according to the following prices :
"For each kilogram of dry hide, 26 cents gold ; for each kilogram of salted
hide, 16 cents gold; for each kilogram of fresh hide, 12 cents gold; for each
kilogram of imperfect hides, one third the preceding prices, according to the
class.
"The administrations of the custom houses will pay these prices in effec-
tive gold or its equivalent in paper money at the current rate of exchange of
the day, not to exceed 900. If the prices of the hides suffer variations that
exceed 10 per cent in the consuming market, the Executive Power will pro-
ceed to the revision of prices established, in proportion to these variations.
"From the 1st of January, 1904, at each time that the quotation of gold
shall go above 900 the exportation of yerba-mate will be subject to the follow-
ing conditions :
"Besides the taxes already in vogue and created by this law, half of the
yerba-mate that may be presented for exportation to the custom houses of
the Republic will be delivered to them, [the exporter] paying therefor the prices
established in the tariff of values, in gold, or paper at the rate of 900, according
as the government wishes. The exporters of this article will be free from the
preceding disposition if they should sell to the government drafts in gold at the
rate of 900, up to the value of the amount of that part of the yerba compre-
hended in this [clause of the] law.'*
In other words, the exporter must sell to the administration one
half of his hides at 60 per cent of their "price " (said price being estab-
lished by said administration ) — and then the lordly purchaser will
pay in what ? Gold ? No, Senor ; the Dictator says he will pay in
gold at his option, but that if it please him he will pay in paper
money at the rate of 900. And "please him " paper at that puny rate
surely will ; no one in his right commercial mind would pay in gold
if he could choose Paraguayan paper money at only 900 exchange.
472 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
The hide exporter, like a half-baked pancake, is now ripe for the
opposite exposure. For the other half of his hides — that half of which
the good Dictator graciously omitted to relieve him — he must pay an
export duty, and not a centavo of it in paper. Gold, gold, is what "the
government wishes," always wishes. Payments by the genial adminis-
tration may be, will be, in paper ; but payments to it may be, must be,
in gold ! To this baiting add the transportation and stamp duties, the
permits, the "gratifications" to this, that, and the other Jefe, the fines
(surely a few fines will crop out here and there to vary the monotony),
and all the other obstacles thrown in the way of commerce by systema-
tized blackmail ; and in the end the agonized exporter not only realizes
that all his commercial hides have been squandered, but feels as if his
personal one had accompanied the others.
VI. ENORMOUS IMPORT DUTIES
Space has not permitted the writer to do more than give a few
instances of the myriad annoyances and obstacles which, masquerading
as export duties, have harassed and hampered the producers of Latin
America, and have thus oppressed consumers throughout the civilized
world. Yet export duties are "unconstitutional" in almost every
Latin-American country. Why their Dictators, who make, alter, and
abolish constitutions at convenience, do not have a new set of constitu-
tions to match the export duties, is shrouded in mystery.
The constitutions, however, hold import duties in great favor.
No man fully realizes what an oppressive tariff on imports is until he
encounters one of the Latin-American variety. The tariff on clothing
is so high that only the rich can afford to go decently clad. All cloth-
ing, food, and other necessities imported into Latin America cost the
residents there at least four times as much as the same articles would
cost in New York. From the hotbed of these enormous tariffs would
soon spring forced local industries, were it not for the discouraging
political and economic conditions. As things are, a civilized man
must import the goods or do without them. Moreover, not only are
the tariffs extreme, exorbitant, but they are subject to the whims of
the Dictators, and changed without a moment's warning. Often the
Dictator's mood is not so innocent as a whim, — he is planning to
squeeze the last dollar out of his victims.
All importers in Latin-American countries are subjected to a
scandalous, iniquitous system of fines. Here are some instances
which occurred under the observation of the writer.
An American citizen in Mexico imported from the United States
1000 kegs of nails, each keg weighing 100 pounds. The invoices were
all correctly made out; the weights, size of nails, numbers of kegs,
value, and all other items were noted with scrupulous exactness. But
the Mexican consul in the United States, on his consular certificate,
STAMPS AND TARIFFS 473
inadvertently placed the kegs figure in the weight column and the
weight figure in the kegs column, so that his certificate read 100 kegs
of 1000 pounds each. The importer knew nothing of this innocent
error until the administrator of the custom house at the Mexican port
of consignment called him into his office and fined him $5000 off-
hand without argument or ceremony. For the remission of this fine
nearly a year's time, the expenditure of over $1000 for lawyer's fees
and travelling expenses, and finally an appeal to General Diaz person-
ally, were required. And this in Mexico, which is as far ahead of the
other Latin-American countries as Massachusetts is of Korea !
A gentleman importing a saddle into Venezuela was fined $195,
because a mistake had been made in the box number. The saddle
was correctly described in the invoice, but the clerk had written box
No. 3 for box No. 4.
In a shipment of provisions imported for personal use there were
six bottles of pickles; the invoice stated that there were six glass
bottles of cucumber pickles, one quart each, but the overlord of the
custom house said that the invoice should have stated whether these
pickles were put up in mustard or vinegar, and for the omission so to
state he fined the importer $100.
Another, making a similar importation, was fined $80 because a
five-pound box of candy was scheduled in the invoice as a five-pound
box of candy; the Jefe said that the nature or ingredients of the
candy should have been indicated.
These are but samples from thousands of such cases. The
saddle, pickles, and candy fines were all paid without a murmur, for
the victims had long since learned that protests only made matters
worse, and that an appeal to the United States consul would be un-
availing, for he could not grant redress even were he so disposed. An
English railway company in Latin America paid a fine of over $3,000
because of a clerical error in the invoices of a shipment of no more
importance than those above indicated. The railway manager thought
that it would be better to pay the fine without protest, feeling that a
protest would simply jeopardize the railway's standing with the local
military "boss." The victims might appeal to the courts; but, as
there is no independent judiciary, such a course would be a waste of
time and money.
VII. FOREIGNERS PAT THE BILLS
All exports from the United States to Latin America are subjected
to very heavy import duties. Normally, Latin America should buy
of the United States, and buy freely, flour, meats, agricultural imple-
ments, ironwork, petroleum, cotton goods, clothing, electrical and other
machinery, rails, locomotives, wagons, harnesses, drugs, and a thou-
sand other things. But Latin America's port and customs charges, its
474
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
freights, in short, its import duties, are so exorbitant that the United
States sells to it, in fact, comparatively little. On the other hand, the
United States imports from Latin America hides, coffee, cocoa, rubber,
sugar, etc., all of which come in free of duty, or at a merely nominal
tariff rate. The remarkable spectacle is exhibited of the countries of
Latin America imposing vast export duties, however "unconstitu-
tional," on their own productions (which we admit here free of duty),
while at the same time imposing exorbitant import duties on our
exports to them.
For illustration, our imports from and exports to Brazil for five
years were as follows :
1899
1900
1901
1902
1903
Imports . .
Exports . .
$57,875,747
12,239,036
$58,073,457
11,578,119
$70,643,347
11,663,574
$79,183,037
10,391,130
$67,216,348
10,738,748
The balance of trade against us, since 1861, in dealing with Brazil,
has been $1,750,000,000.
Here we have in figures the concrete result of the Monroe Doctrine
and Pan-Americanism to date. All duties, import or export, fall on
the consumer. Of the eleven million 'dollars' worth of goods sent
by the United States to Brazil in 1903, what proportion was bought by
the native Brazilians, and what proportion by the civilized foreigners
there resident? The great majority was bought by the civilized
foreign residents of Brazil (Germans, English, Americans, Italians,
French, Spaniards) and only the small minority by the native Brazil-
ians; so that the civilized foreign residents paid most of Brazil's
import duties on those goods. And the United States in buying
Brazil's products necessarily paid Brazil's export duties thereon.
Behold the interesting result : Brazil collected revenue both ways, on
our exports to it and on its exports to us !
To sum up, the government revenue of these Latin- American
countries falls roughly into two classes, — that derived from their
export duties and that derived from their import duties. Their export
duties fall on consumers who are civilized foreigners non-resident;
their import duties fall on consumers who are civilized foreigners
resident. The money, then, necessary to carry on these bandit, semi-
barbarous governments is kindly furnished by civilized foreigners.
These gentle people who furnish the sinews of government, do they
share in the governing ? Ah ! that is different. Specialization is the
order of the day. The real native Latin Americans are past masters in
the science of government — they do the governing !
CHAPTER XLVI
CURRENCY AND FINANCE
SHORTLY after Colombia refused to accept the offer of fourteen
million five hundred thousand dollars that was made by the
United States for the Panama Canal, the writer noticed a news-
paper despatch from Baranquilla, Colombia, stating that the town
had been devastated by a great fire, and that the loss had been fifty
million dollars. On the face of it this was impossible, for it is a town of
thirty or forty thousand mostly half-breeds, Indians and negroes. Its
buildings are mostly mud huts, and there are but few business blocks
of any importance. A subsequent paragraph stated that the figures
referred to paper money. A few weeks later the writer made a land-
ing at Baranquilla, and therefore he was able to investigate the extent
of the burned section. One block was burned, worth at a fair valua-
tion fifty thousand dollars — the balance of the report was exag-
geration and paper, as much paper as exaggeration. The writer, on
going ashore, was told that if he were intending to remain on land
for two or three hours, he would better have from five hundred to a
thousand Colombian dollars about him, as he might want to take a
tramway ride and get some luncheon. Think of paying fifty dollars
for a bottle of beer, or a thousand dollars for a pair of shoes ! These
people offer you this worthless paper at a discount of ten or fifteen
thousand per cent, and you are compelled by law to take it.
The following is from a Bogota newspaper :
FABULOUS RESULTS
The Banco International, of Bogota, has just published its statement of
cash movements for the second period of six months of the year 1903. Its
cash on hand, according to the balance, is to-day $128,973,936.25. It has
obtained in this period a credit of $78,416,666.30, which the Director-
General proposes to distribute thus:
For a dividend to the shareholders of the bank at $1000 each . . . $40,000,000.00
As a gift to the employees of the bank 139,000.00
As a gift to charity 500,000.00
For a reserve fund 37,777,666.30
Total . . $78,416,666.30
476 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Seventy-eight millions of dollars profits made — but how ? By
grinding on a printing-press. Formerly Colombia had its paper
money made in New York, but it soon found that the cost of printing
it there was about as much as the stuff was worth ; so, in order that
the margin of profit might not be cut down, the noble Colombians
decided to print it themselves. Now, when they want a few thou-
sand million dollars, they just print them on their imported printing-
presses, and the Dictator with his army gently makes the people give
up their valuables in exchange. If a Colombian general wants a drove
of burros or cattle belonging to some poor peon farmer, he does not
have to take them disagreeably by force. He simply shows the peon
the advisability of his accepting a few hundred thousand dollars for
them, and presto ! whoop-la ! on they all go in the path of imperish-
able glory !
It is hard for one to take those people seriously, when one thinks of
them as a congeries of volatile individuals ; but national dishonor, the
utter ruin of the national credit, unparalleled dishonesty and incom-
petency in the management of finances, the pall which shrouds the
future — these are sad and serious conditions.
No other country in Central and South America is as rotten in its
finances as Colombia, but each one of them, save Mexico and Peru, is
saturated with the same rank poison of inflation.
Who knows what to expect in Paraguay, where exchange yes-
terday was 700, where to-day it is 900, where to-morrow a revolution
may break out and it may be 9000 — who knows ?
The laws of Venezuela declare for a gold standard, and prohibit
the importation or coinage of silver ; but what of that ? Whenever a
Venezuelan Dictator wants a million dollars he has two million silver
dollars coined, either in Paris or in Philadelphia. He forces this into
circulation as if it were on a parity with gold, pays for the bar silver
and the cost of coinage, and pockets the profit — about a million
dollars silver. The big foreign houses (largely the German houses)
have to handle these forced issues, or run the risk of incurring the
enmity of the government — a serious matter.
In Guatemala they have a currency, the value of which is illustrated
by a decree of the Dictator issued in September, 1903. By this decree
all farmers, and other employers of labor, were compelled thence-
forward to pay their laborers $1.50 a day, Guatemalan currency,
instead of 75 cents to $1, which had been the customary wage.
The American walking delegate would zealously applaud this brave
friend of the proletariat, but on learning that $1.50 Guatemalan
currency is worth but 9 cents American gold, he would apprehend,
with a touch of sadness, that even in Guatemala there was still room
for a rise.
The following report by Chester Donaldson, United States Consul,
CURRENCY AND FINANCE
477
Managua, under date of December 12, 1902, gives a suggestion of the
currency situation in Nicaragua :
President Zelaya has this day issued a decree asking for a loan of 1,000,000
pesos ($361,000) from the merchants and business men of the country,
both native and foreign, for which the government will issue bonds, to be
offered in quantities of not less than 1000 pesos ($360) to the business men
who, on November 2, agreed not to buy silver at a higher rate than 100 per
cent premium. In consequence, chiefs of custom houses will liquidate poli-
cies with an increase of 100 per cent on the present tariff. For about one
month the increase had been 180 per cent.
The new bond to be issued is to be used to retire the national paper cur-
rency from circulation. Twenty-five per cent of all customs duties shall be
payable in these bonds.
The loan shall be distributed between the different departments of the
Republic as follows:
DEPARTMENT
AMOUNT
DEPARTMENT
AMOUNT
Leon
$200 000
Jinotega
$20 000
Granada,
140 000
New Segovia
10000
Managua . . .
120,000
Chontales
10000
Chinandega
80,000
Department of Zelaya, in-
Rivas
40,000
cluding Cabo Gracias a
Masaya
30,000
Dios and San Juan del
Matagalpa
30,000
Norte
300000
Carazo
20000
Total
$1,000 000
How beautiful is the language of diplomacy ! " Issued a decree
asking for a loan . . . from the merchants and business men."
But suppose the merchants and business men did not respond to
this gentle request; suppose the amount attempted to be levied on
commerce in each department were not forthcoming ? Every business
man in Spanish America knows the answer — confiscation and de-
struction of his property, oppression, imprisonment, intimidation, and
possibly assassination for him ; protests by his government, possibly
even a battle-ship — and then the Monroe Doctrine !
Here, in a nutshell, is the financial system of most of the South
American republics. The Dictator makes a "forced loan" — that
means that the foreign merchant must "lend " gold. He will never see
it again. He will be paid in paper (if paid at all), paper which he will
be forced to accept, the rate of exchange on which may be 100 per cent,
or 10,000 percent. In this way hundreds of millions of dollars of
bonds, paper currency, and other worthless obligations of these pre-
tended governments have been foisted into circulation, or forced upon
Europeans.
478 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Chili is said to have fifty million dollars of paper currency in circula-
tion, authorized in 1898. The financial disturbances there have been
so great that the period for the conversion of this currency has been
extended.
Argentina is the "favorite home " of wildcat currency — and wild-
cats in general. Frank C. Carpenter says :
"All the provinces are in debt, and but few of them pay their interest.
The internal debt of the country now amounts to almost $200,000,000, and in
1895 the provincial debt, including unpaid interest, amounted to more than
$137,000,000 in gold. At present (1899) the city debts foot up more than
$24,000,000 in gold, while the country has a national debt of over $350,000,000.
"Some of the greatest scandals of the Argentine Republic have been in
connection with the misuse of the public funds by government officials, and
this especially as to the national banks and stocks. There has seldom been
such corruption as there was in connection with the National Bank of the
Argentine, which failed for many millions. The bank was largely political,
and a prominent official could cause it to pay out money to almost any one.
Many of the congressmen drew upon it for their support. I heard of one
deputy who borrowed a million dollars from the bank and with this built a
palace at Belgrano, one of the suburbs of Buenos Aires. In getting the loan
he agreed to repay it in instalments, so much every three months. When the
first payment came due, the bank directors sent for him. On his appearing
they presented the note; he looked at it and coolly said that he had no
money. They then asked him to pay the interest, but he nonchalantly
replied, 'I have nothing.' He was then asked if he could not pay some of the
interest, whereupon he burst out in a rage, saying: 'I have no money, I tell
you. I doubt whether I will ever have any for you, and I want to know right
here and now whether you expect me to fight the battles of your bank in Con-
gress and then pay back the money I get from it just as other people do ? *
The last accounts indicate that the million dollars and accumulated interest
were still outstanding, and that the indebtedness will probably remain until
the end of time.
"Another instance of the looseness of the business methods of the bank is
shown in the case of an irresponsible army officer of Cordoba, who wanted to
borrow $6000 to build a house. He knew Julius Celman, who was then
president of the Republic, and called upon him for a note of introduction to
the officials of the bank. President Celman not only introduced him, but
recommended that the money be lent him, and by a slip of the pen, I suppose,
asked that he be given $60,000 instead of $6000. The officer went to the bank,
showed the letter, and signed an application, which the clerk made out for
him, the clerk putting in the $60,000 as requested by the president. The bank
directors voted that he should have the money, and the papers were made out,
the officer signing the note without scanning the figures. When this was done,
the teller of the bank handed out $60,000 to the officer, whereupon he replied
that he had not asked for $60,000, but only wanted $6000. Whereupon they
showed him the papers. The army officer pointed out the mistake and asked
what he should do. They replied that he had better take the $6000 and leave
the remainder of the money on deposit, and that when the first payment came
due he could pay the whole note. So, leaving the $54,000, the officer went
CURRENCY AND FINANCE
479
away. Later on, however, he met a friend who persuaded him he would be a
fool not to take all the money, as he could certainly make mote by using it for
speculating. The result was that he did take it and lost the whole, and the
bank was never repaid.
"Orders like this for money from public officials were frequently given to
the national banks. The standing of the man who was to receive the money
was seldom questioned, although cash was given in exchange for his notes.
I have heard of common peons who thus got money on their worthless notes
at the instance of politicians, who paid them for the use of their names.
"The bank would accept drafts twenty or thirty times greater than those
which its directors authorized. One of the directors was always to be bought
by a bribe. False balance sheets were periodically published to deceive the
public, and dividends which had never been earned were paid out of the bank
funds. The bank at its inception had a capital of $8,000,000; ten years later
this was raised to about $20,000,000, and it was afterwards increased to
$50,000,000. In one year its deposits were $253,000,000, and its loans were
$412,000,000. It had in its vaults $432,000,000 of national treasury bills, and
it had a savings department in which $1,400,000 were deposited. The bank
went down in the panic, as did other banks of similar character. One was a
mortgage bank whose business was lending good money on bad property.
The government was also interested in this, and many a swamp lot was used
as security for a $10,000 loan. To-day such banks have passed away, and
the man who makes money out of the government must do so either through
bribery or by getting a fat contract." (CARPENTER'S South America.)
Brazil also has an enormous amount of paper currency afloat,
amounting, according to statements made June 30, 1903, to 675,-
000,000 milreis. The milreis ought to be worth 54 or 55 cents Ameri-
can money, and so it would be if it were made of silver. Brazilian
paper is not quite so base as that of Paraguay ; the exchange is around
400 or 500. Whenever a crisis arises in finance, it is met by issuing a
few million more milreis, and thus the merry wheel goes round.
There is no occasion for discussing the monetary systems of Uruguay
or Bolivia, or for further discussion of those of the other Spanish-
American countries. With the exception of that of Peru, these sys-
tems are all vicious. An irredeemable paper currency is, as we have
already suggested, the menace that hangs over so many of these
countries. Peru seems to be a commendable exception, and there are
prospects that its currency may be eventually upon a sound basis.
The following statement gives the latest obtainable figures show-
ing the debts of the various South American Republics. The figures
show that the credit of Mexico and Chili is excellent; of Argentina,
good; of Brazil, Peru, and Uruguay, poor; and that Costa Rica,
Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, Salvador, Santo Domingo, Haiti,
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Paraguay should have
no credit whatever.
480
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
INDEBTEDNESS OF THE LATIN-AMERICAN COUNTRIES.
ARGENTINA
The external debt of Argentina on July 31, 1905, was given as follows;
Pounds sterling
National loans 42,297,050
Provincial debts assumed 30,395,916
National cedulas 11,763,923
Total 84,456,889
The internal debt was:
Consolidated
Gold $16,544,000
Paper 79,174,400
Treasury bills, about 1,000,000
Other bills 3,332,594
Floating debt, about 1,000,000
Total $101,050,994
The estimated revenues of Argentina for 1906 were $47,000,000 gold and
$72,000,000 paper, while the estimated expenditures were $24,000,000 gold
and $122,500,000 paper.
BOLIVIA
The internal debt amounted in 1905 to 6,243,270 bolivianos, each valued
at about one dollar silver. The expenditures of Bolivia have been for several
years greater than the revenues, as follows :
REVENUE
EXPENDITURES
1901
Bolivianos
7,965,350
Bolivianos
7,810,555
1902
9,148,350
9,274 152
1903
7,013,350
7,461,860
1904
7,231,700
8,555,103
1905
7,928,730
9,473,577
BRAZIL
The foreign debt of Brazil on January 1, 1905, was 65,918,121 pounds
sterling. The internal debt was as follows :
MILREIS
Funded 598,743,287
Floating 180,408,805
Total 779,152,092
CURRENCY AND FINANCE
481
In addition there was 674,400,000 milreis of paper money in circulation.
The gold milreis — coined in pieces of 5, 10, and 20 milreis — is valued by the
United States mint at about 55 cents. The revenues and expenditures of
Brazil are given as follows :
REVENUE
EXPENDITURES
1900
Gold Milreis
49,955,000
44,041,000
42,904,000
45,121,000
50,566,000
Paper Milreis
263,687,000
239,284,000
266,584,000
327,370,000
342,782,000
Gold Milreis
41,892,000
40,493,000
34,574,000
48,324,000
48,476,000
Paper Milreis
372,753,000
261,629,000
236,458,000
291,198,000
352,292,000
1901
1902
1903
1904
CHILI
The foreign debt of Chili in 1905 was 17,799,960 pounds sterling, and the
internal debt 103,815,821 pesos. The revenue of Chili exceeds the expendi-
tures, as follows:
REVENUE
EXPENDITURES
Gold
Currency
Gold
Currency
1902
Pesos
105,072,832
108,503,565
Pesos
33,434,346
32,490,145
Pesos
25,882,702
12,508,075
Pesos
108,844,693
84,721,437
1903
COLOMBIA
The external debt of Colombia in 1905 was 3,051,000 pounds sterling,
with arrears of interest amounting to 351,000 pounds. The country on this
date had the enormous amount of 746,801,420 pesos of paper currency in
circulation. Its internal debt was said to be 7,398,817 pesos. The expendi-
tures of this country continue to greatly exceed the revenues.
REVENUE
EXPENDITURES
1902
$51,235,000
$85,555,000
1903
54,552,000
104,649,000
It will be seen that the finances of this country are in a deplorable condition.
COSTA RICA
The foreign debt of Costa Rica in 1905 was 2,600,000 pounds sterling.
This government has been continually in default with its creditors. Its
internal debt in 1905 was 7,868,777 colones gold (a colon is worth about 45j
cents American).
VOL. i — 31
482
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ECUADOR
The foreign debt of Ecuador in 1905 was 9,315,000 sucres, and the internal
debt over 5,000,000 sucres. A sucre is valued at about 48.7 cents by the
United States mint. This country is, and has been since it separated from
Colombia, in default with its creditors. Its expenditures usually exceed its
revenue.
REVENUE
EXPENDITURES
1904
Sucres
1 n K-I a QOO
Sucres
1905
nry-i £ fyf\O
lS5,o»y,l'*O
10 OOQ A an
lX,35oo,4OU
Whether these figures are at all accurate it is impossible to determine.
GUATEMALA
In 1905 the external debt of Guatemala was 1,868,328 pounds sterling;
the gold debt was 9,939,511 dollars, and the currency debt $49,327,070. This
government is usually in default with its creditors. The expenditures usually
exceed the revenue. For 1905-1906 the revenue was estimated at 23,000,000
pesos, and the expenditures at 27,317,659 pesos.
HAITI
On January 1, 1905, the debt of Haiti was as follows:
DOLLARS
POUNDS
STEELING
Gold debt
26,304,975
5,260,995
Paper
14,107,245
608,070
Total
40,512,220
5,869,065
The expenditures of this government are usually in excess of the revenue.
Thus the revenue for 1904 was 3,359,759 United States gold dollars, and
2,166,943 gourdes valued at 96^ cents each; while the expenditures were
3,478,874 gold dollars and 7,549,976 paper dollars.
HONDURAS
The external debt of Honduras in July, 1905, was stated to amount to
20,615,082 pounds sterling. No interest had been paid upon the foreign debt
since 1872. The internal debt was stated to be 1,317,380 pesos. These figures
do not include large claims by foreigners for indemnities. It is claimed that
the expenditures and revenues balance each other at from three to four mil-
lions of pesos a year.
CURRENCY AND FINANCE
483
MEXICO
In 1905 the debt of Mexico was as follows:
POUNDS
STERLING
DOLLARS
External gold debt . . .
City of Mexico loan 1889
30,045,432
1,897,830
Internal debt ....
Floating debt . . .
143,694,340
1,291,887
Total
31,943,262
Total
144,986,227
The following exhibits the receipts and expenditures of Mexico :
RECEIPTS
EXPENDITURES
1903-1904
86,473,801
76,381,643
1904-1905 . . .
92,083,887
79,152,796
1905-1906
88,104,000
85,474,315
The obligations of Mexico are promptly met, and its credit is excellent.
NICARAGUA
In July, 1905, the external debt of Nicaragua was 253,600 pounds sterling,
on the interest of which the government was in default. The internal debt
on January 1, 1904, was stated to be 13,662,436 pesos. These amounts do
not include indemnities claimed by foreigners. The revenues and expendi-
tures approximately balance at from six to seven millions of pesos a year.
PARAGUAY
The external debt of Paraguay amounted in 1905 to 881,550 pounds ster-
ling. This had been made the subject of numerous compromises and de-
faults. There was a debt also of 1,442,509 pounds sterling, being a guarantee
to the Paraguayan Central Railway, also the sum of $22,312,690 owing to
Brazil and Argentina. In addition there was an internal debt of $20,411,795,
notes in circulation. Statistics of revenue and expenditure are apparently
unreliable. The paper currency is at a great discount, and the credit of the
government is very poor.
PERU
In January, 1890, the foreign debt of Peru was 22,998,651 pounds sterling.
At this time, with the consent of the creditors, the so-called Grace-Donough-
more contract was made with a private corporation, under which contract
Peru was released from this debt in consideration of its cession to the syndi-
cate of all the State railways, of the right to export 2,000,000 tons of guano,
of certain mineral concessions, etc. Peru was to pay an annuity of 80,000
pounds sterling for thirty-three years, but it defaulted on the fourth payment.
There have been subsequent compromises. The internal debt of Peru amounts
to over 3,000,000 pounds sterling. Its annual revenue of about $9,000,000 is
practically equal to its annual expenditure.
484 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
SALVADOR
The external debt of Salvador in 1900 was 726,420 pounds sterling. The
internal debt amounted in 1905 to $8,401,690. The expenditure and revenue
each amounts to eight or nine millions of dollars annually.
SANTO DOMINGO
This government is bankrupt. Its foreign debt was stated in 1904 to be
3,885,350 pounds sterling ; due to the Santo Domingo Improvement Company,
$4,481,250 U. S. gold, and to other creditors, $5,890,229. The financial con-
dition of Santo Domingo is fully explained in President Roosevelt's message
to Congress, in/ra, Vol. II, Book III, chap. v.
URUGUAY
In 1905 the foreign debt of Uruguay was 20,564,080 pounds sterling. The
official statement of the public debt on January 1, 1905, was as follows:
DOLLAKS
External 97,023,416
Internal and international 25,702,281
122,725,697
The estimates of revenue and expenditure about balance each other at
approximately $17,000,000 a year.
VENEZUELA
In 1905 the foreign debt of Venezuela due to bondholders was 5,177,980
pounds sterling. In addition to the bonded debt were awards of 1,009,639
pounds sterling, for damages to foreign subjects, made by the Joint Commis-
sions. The internal debt of Venezuela is stated to be about $20,000,000 United
States gold.
Mr. Herbert W. Bowen, American Minister at Caracas, made, on January
22, 1905, the following report to the State Department (Foreign Relations,
1905, p. 1019):
DEBT OF VENEZUELA
Bolivars *
To the British bondholders, principal and interest 78,771,705
To the German bondholders 61,553,452
140,325,157
French, Spanish, and Dutch (diplomatic debt) 11,320,264
Total exterior debt 151,645,421
Internal debt (60 per cent held by the French) 92,983,088
Total exterior and interior debt 244,628,509
Total amount awarded by mixed commissioners, about . . . 38,428,580
Grand total debt 283,057,089
Venezuela's expenditures amount yearly to about 30,000,000
And her income to about 70,000,000
What becomes of the 40,000,000 surplus is not officially told.
» A bolivar equals twenty cents United States gold.
CHAPTER XLVII
THE LABOR PROBLEM AND AGRICULTURE
I. LABOR
Y | iHE labor problem is a serious one everywhere. What with labor
agitators, walking delegates, union bosses, and man's natural
disinclination for work, it is a difficult matter, even in the
United States, to secure effective labor. In these days, when the
natural indolence of mankind is often stimulated by labor unions,
of whose leaders many make their living by fomenting discord, and
appear to prosper in proportion as they succeed in their pestiferous
efforts, the questions confronting manufacturers, contractors, and
other employers of labor are indeed serious.
In South America, however, there is much mutual distrust, one man
of another; nor do the people there begin to appreciate the value of
cohesion, the power of the mass operating as a unit; so that the labor
union has not become an important factor there, and the employer
seldom has to deal with the walking delegate.
The difficulties with which employers of labor have to struggle in
South America arise from (1) the character and inability of the peons ;
(2) the appalling frequency of the -fiestas; (3) the political conditions.
In South America all the manual labor is performed by the peons.
No white man, no half -white, would condescend to soil his hands by
"work." Those hands were made to "sway the rod of Empire," or,
at the least, to write poetry. He is seldom interested in becoming a
machinist, a carpenter, a locomotive engineer, or in following any
other similarly useful occupation. The height of his ambition is to
become a "General" or a "Doctor"; and although it often requires
considerable ingenuity to keep up appearances, he usually manages
to do it.
The employer of labor is therefore relegated to the ignorant, un-
trained peons. They are ignorant not only of the commonest ma-
chinery, but also of many of the simplest utensils and tools. I have
seen a peon given a wheelbarrow and a shovel, and told to remove
dirt from one place to another. Left to his own brain-power, he
filled the wheelbarrow, placed it on his head, and carried it to its
destination !
In the wooded districts the peons are very handy with axes and
machetes, but ignorant of other classes of tools. They know but little
486 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
of hammers, saws, and nails. The walls of most of their houses are
tied together with brujuca, a sort of vine, or built of adobe, a mud
brick. The walls of buildings even of considerable size are dove-
tailed together, laboriously and tediously, without the use of nails.
The labor habit is transmitted, in most cases, from generations of
ancestors. It is rarely acquired offhand. The muscles must not only
be trained ; they must be strengthened and accustomed to the kind of
labor called for. Nutrition is a vital element. The food of most peons
is wholly inadequate to heavy labor. To them a fish, a banana, and
a few black beans (usually all cooked in the same pot together), and a
little black coffee, seem to be quite a hearty meal. This food is not
sufficient in quantity or quality to sustain heavy labor ; and it is liter-
ally true that if one wishes to teach these men to work, he must begin
by teaching them to eat.
A large number of these peons are willing to work, provided the
labor be not too severe, and under teaching that is firm as well as
patient and kind, they become fairly good laborers. They have not
the physical strength of the Italian, nor are they like the Chinese
peasant, in whose very "warp and woof" the spirit of toil has
become ingrained.
There is a marked distinction between the peons of the town and
those of the country. The greater number of the former are worthless,
vicious, and depraved. They work but a day or two at a time; and
their purpose is to get a little money for gambling or aguardiente.
However, there are few enterprises furnishing employment to men,
and many men who are idle, so that an employer can usually get, even
in the towns, a few trustworthy men. The peons from the country,
however, are commonly kind-hearted, simple-minded people, and
under even tolerable governments might become a large factor in
carrying forward public works and other enterprises. True, they must
be taught to work, how to handle tools, the value of time, habits of
punctuality, and the many other things that unite to round out the
competent workman ; but all this can be done with men of reasonable
intelligence and good disposition who sincerely wish to learn to work.
The country peons — the small farmers, fishermen, cattlemen, woods-
men, etc. — are the most promising element in South America; they
are the foundation upon which to build civilization.
One of the great obstacles to all industrial enterprise in Latin
America is the continuous stream of dias de fiesta. Every day in the
Roman Catholic calendar of these countries is a saint's day — it is
always the day of Saint Santiago, or Saint Cipriano, or Saint Simon, or
Saint Somebody. Now not only will Saint Santiago's Day be cherished
and celebrated by Santiago Smith, but all of Smith's friends and re-
lations will gladly unite with him on that day in refraining from work.
Moreover, the general government has many a fiesta, and each par-
ticular State has a goodly number. There is the day of "Independ-
LABOR PROBLEM AND AGRICULTURE 487
ence," and the day of "Federation," and the day some battle was
fought, and the almost innumerable days when the Saint did some-
thing or other, or at least ought to have or might have done it. Then
there are the birthdays, not only of the members of one's immediate
family, but of his compadres and comadres, his cunados, and all the
rest. And so the whittling down of working days goes on — a cheery
comic business on the surface, a serious one at the core.
But the gravest problem of all inheres in the attitude, the conduct
of the government. No sooner have a number of men been gathered
together for any organized enterprise, such as the building of a railroad
or the operation of a mine, than they are liable to be descended upon
by the government and impressed into the army. The perennial
recluta is the sword of Damocles hanging over the head of every peon
in South America who tries to make an honest living for his family by
honest work. For condemnation of the recluta, language is inade-
quate; it is an outrage that beggars description.
In addition to the curse of the recluta, there is the difficulty, at
times, of maintaining law and order among the workmen. For gen-
erations revolution has been running in the blood. As far as all efforts
to maintain order in the camp are concerned, the representatives of
the government are a detriment rather than a benefit. The manager's
best plan is to get permission of the authorities, and establish his own
police department.
It is plain that to organize an efficient and well-disciplined com-
pany of workmen in South America under present conditions is im-
possible. Observe the excessive cost of labor there. Though the peons
apparently get but starvation wages, the aggregate cost of labor in
South America is from four to five times what it would be in the United
States for the production of the same result. The calculation of the
cost of labor must be made exactly as one would measure the power
of a steam-engine — how much per hour does it cost to produce a
horse-power ? In the United States a cubic yard of embankment can
be handled, on an average, for 12 cents; in South America it will cost
50 cents gold. South American "cheap " labor is the most costly in the
world. Cheap labor is the dearest and most unsatisfactory kind. The
peon and coolie systems will be found only in the less progressive
countries. High-priced labor is the most economical in the long run,
and is the labor that is most consonant with sound public policy.
High wages mean skilled labor, efficiency, intelligence. He who
drives a cultivator or a gauge-plough is a skilled workman. If his em-
ployer should hire a Mexican peon in his stead, the employer would
soon realize that it requires both practice and intelligence to run these
machines.
In the production of brute energy, the muscles of man can never
compete with coal and water. Nor with the muscles of beast ; if the
work to be done is on the fifty-cents-a-day level, the chances are that
488 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
a burro or a donkey can do it as well as a peon can, and at less cost.
Man's high value to his employer is measured by the energy he
exerts, not by way of his muscles, but by way of his brains. An intelli-
gent workman, receiving five or six dollars a day for operating a
machine, will do more work than fifty peons, each receiving fifty cents
a day.
II. AGRICULTURE
Agricultural methods, in all South American countries, are exceed-
ingly primitive; yet there are no arid tracts of any importance in
South America — the soil is wonderfully fertile, and abundant crops of
almost all staple agricultural products could easily be raised.
One can travel thousands of miles through these countries without
seeing even a plough of any kind ; without seeing any lister, drill, corn-
planter, or corn-sheller ; without seeing anything but a machete !
In Venezuela, Colombia, Central America, and Santo Domingo
combined, there is not so much agricultural machinery as in one town-
ship in Wisconsin. The people do not want agricultural machinery;
their governments would not let them have it even if they did want
it — the import duties, fines, taxes, and a swarm of other exactions
would prohibit it. And yet agriculture is the basis of civilization !
The nearest approach to roads are the burro trails. One may
travel thousands of miles without seeing any kind of a wagon but the
two-wheeled carts in the towns. Everything is borne on the backs of
burros. The limit of the burro's burden is 250 pounds, 125 pounds on
each side.
Burro trains make journeys that continue for weeks. One behind
another, Indian file, over the mountains and through the forests these
patient, suffering, cruelly treated beasts follow the serpentine trail.
Weary, sore, crippled, half starved, they plod on their way — the
hardiest animals in the world.
Two crops of corn a year can be grown almost anywhere in the
American tropics, and each would rival a banner Kansas crop. Here
and there in Mexico, Chili, and Argentina they use in corn cultivation
rude ploughs made usually of forked trees, but in the other countries
the only implement used is the machete. With the machete a hole is
dug, in which the grains of corn are planted; and sometimes the
machete cuts down the weeds, but more often, after the corn is planted,
it must take care of itself. In the tropics one man will plant and har-
vest an average of no more than two acres (about a hundred bushels)
in the year. Compare this with the work of a farm-hand in Iowa or
Kansas, who each year will cultivate easily sixty acres of corn, each
producing fifty bushels (a total of three thousand bushels), and then
have at least six months for other matters.
Corn is always dear and scarce in the American tropics. Some ten
LABOR PROBLEM AND AGRICULTURE 489
years ago the writer was in Huajutle, a place in Mexico about one hun-
dred and fifty miles from the coast, in the State of Vera Cruz. There
the people were dying of starvation ; corn was twenty-four pesos per
fanega (three dollars gold per bushel) ! In the United States corn was
worth at the time less than forty cents per bushel. The enormous
tariff and the cost of transportation were mainly responsible for this
difference. After the lack of food had reduced thousands to mere
skeletons, and many had died from starvation, the government tempo-
rarily suspended the tariff, and admitted American corn free of duty.
The principal reason why the growing of corn in Spanish America
is so costly is that there is neither agricultural machinery nor the ability
to use it. Corn raised with a machete will always be dear, however
cheap the labor. Another scarcely less potent cause is that the farmer
has no incentive to amass wealth. He knows that, as soon as he should
have an uncommonly good crop, a few extra head of cattle, a band of
revolutionists or the government troops would come to ravage the
crop and despoil him of the cattle. If he should have the reputation
of being well-to-do (and reputations are easily acquired in these coun-
tries), he would be liable to be held by one side or the other for a large
money ransom, perhaps larger than he could raise. He knows that,
should he import agricultural machinery, the government would
pounce down upon him for excessive import duties. There would be
the extortionate tariff, and stamps, and the inevitable fines ; and in the
end he would wish that he had never heard of agricultural machinery.
But supposing the farmer should endure all these things, and
should import the machinery ? It would simply lie sprawling about,
a prey to "rust and rot and mildew," a pathetic object of curiosity;
and the peons would continue to prepare the earth for the planting by
digging holes with a machete — or a stick.
In Venezuela, some years ago, it seemed as if cocoa were about to
become an exceedingly valuable crop. Many farmers began to plant
it ; and especially in the vicinity of Merida, where cocoa is indigenous,
was it believed that an era of prosperity was about to dawn. But not
so. The government made one of its lightning changes in the "Con-
stitution," which had heretofore prohibited export duties, and then
levied an export duty sufficient to absorb all the profit that there was
in cocoa raising. It was the old, old story, — and the agriculturists
found themselves drudging that the military Jefes might fatten.
The producer of coffee has "a long row to hoe." From many
plantations the coffee must be carried on burros for a journey of five
or six days or more, to the nearest river or railroad. The cost of
transportation thence to the nearest port for shipment is usually sev-
eral times as much as the cost of like service would be in the United
States. At all events, by the time the coffee has been sold and the
expenses have been paid, the profit of the coffee-planter has dwin-
dled to very little.
490 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Scattered throughout Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, and Venezuela
lie thousands of abandoned farms and plantations which were in a
state of relatively high cultivation during the rule of the Spanish
Viceroys. Indeed, all those countries possessed under Spain much
more material wealth than they possess now. More than that — all
Central America except Costa Rica, and all South America except
Peru, Brazil, Chili, and Argentina, were better off, were more ad-
vanced materially and socially, were better governed, before inde-
pendence, than since. There has been a retrograde movement, not
an advance, and they are nearer barbarism to-day than they were
one hundred years ago.
III. ESSENTIAL ELEMENTS OF GOOD CITIZENSHIP
S. Ponce de Leon, in his E studios Social, says :
"The South American nations, which are yet in their infancy, battling
painfully for their social and political reconstruction, need imperiously to
develop as much as possible this powerful civilizing element ; and especially
because, under the conditions in which many of them are to be found, labor
has come to be not only an element of welfare and progress, but a condition
essential to life. Because of tendencies which have ruled up to recent times,
it is believed that labor is odious and humiliating for certain classes, and by
a strange aberration it is also believed that indolence and vice must be the
condition essential to nobility, because education has not extended to all
classes the knowledge of the moral and social duties, and because the extraor-
dinary fertility of our zone offers bread for the smallest effort and creates
habits of indolence, and because finally of the political corruption which has
extended more and more, and destroyed the love of work and developed a
desire for the lazy life of the cafes, or for the more indolent and abject life in
the departments of government; the result is that labor is far distant from
being treated with the importance it deserves and receiving the development
of which it is capable. We have the profound conviction that dislike of labor,
indolence, is one of the most productive causes of the revolutions which dis-
honor and destroy us. There is so intimately united the sentiment of prop-
erty ownership and the love of peace and public order, that whenever every
citizen becomes an owner of property, revolutions will be impossible; and
whenever we cease to exhibit to the world the spectacle of our bloody and
shameful warfare that proud day will mark the beginning of the greatness
to which is destined the world of Columbus. What do we lack ? The con-
sciousness of our destiny ? That we shall acquire ; we have for it imagination,
vivacity, activity. In our valleys abound beautiful flowers, aromatic plants,
odoriferous trees, and in our forests birds of brilliant and varied plumage and
harmonious song; we have our diverse latitudes, all temperatures, and all
altitudes; rivers which are seas, lakes which are oceans; we have hydro-
graphic areas, such as that of the Orinoco in Venezuela, which is not inferior
to that of the Nile ; there are in our agricultural zones an exuberant vegeta-
tion and extended pastures limitless in horizon. We want for nothing in our
grand, rich, and poetic America. We are born in a halo of gold and crystal ;
LABOR PROBLEM AND AGRICULTURE 491
abundance surrounds us on all sides ; the aroma of a thousand flowers sweet-
ens our atmosphere ; we have a natural heritage of talent ; and the mild heat
of our sun and sky, always filled with light, and the beautiful panoramas
unrolled before us by nature in the splendid tropics, always develop in the
South American countries the powerful faculties of genius.
"What do we need in order to make ourselves worthy of the scenes in
which we live ? Labor, and only labor. But we sleep on our laurels and con-
fide too much to the generosity of our soil ; we do not ask of labor the illumi-
nation of spirit, or the joys which come from the possession of material wealth.
And as we have not arrived at the height where each man has the consciousness
of his duty and his destiny, those who are interested as leaders of the American
community should intervene with power to make this duty a moral and legal
obligation, making labor obligatory, and compelling each individual to say
how he lives, and to produce at the least as much as he consumes.
"It has already been objected against previous writings in which we asked
for a law of vagrancy, that this law would curtail individual liberty and kill
the republic.
"And what republic? we reply. Can there be a republic, a real genuine
republic, without labor or education ? Whether or not individual liberty is
curtailed, is of little importance; the thing which is of vast importance is to
build up, little by little, a united republic, seeking by all possible methods
to establish social harmony. Why have we failed to establish it in these fifty
years and more ? We have not solved the problem ? Well, then, here is the
solution : compulsory education, obligatory labor. There is no need to seek
it anywhere else, for we shall not find it. Let us convert all the citizens into
property owners and then shall we have peace, stable and solid, which shall
be based on general public sentiment and necessity ; and we shall gain much
also in morality. An industrious man is universally honored, is moral, a good
father of a family, and a good citizen. Dominated by the worthy ambition
to acquire an estate, employing for this end honest methods, he does not seek
it in the perturbations of public order, in disturbances engendered by the
venom of vagabonds; he seeks it in agriculture, the arts, industry; he does
not seek to enrich himself with the property of others, or from the treasury of
the nation, but with the vigor of his arms and the sweat of his noble brow;
he does not teach his children that the tools of prosperity are the sabre or the
Remington, but he teaches them to put their hands to the pick or the plough ;
and the citizen who thus comprehends his duty to society will form a family
honored, industrious, and worthy to become citizens of their country.
"We have already said that for the South American nations work is not
solely a question of progress and welfare, but also one of life and death. To
live in constant civil wars, devoured by anarchy, is not to live ; where there
is no property or income, for lack of honesty and labor; where there is no
public morality because of the failure of the administration of justice ; where
social harmony cannot exist because there is no authority in the law ; — such
a condition is mere existence, not life. Now the love of peace, order, honor,
public morality, the supremacy of the law, and things else that make for
social harmony, are created and fostered by work. Legislators should devote
themselves to the study of this vital question, and they should fully realize
that while there yet exist in our society large numbers of individuals who do
not work, for whom no principles exist, who consider peace as a calamity and
war as the natural element of life, and consequently are disposed to aid a
492 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
revolution, whatever the flag it raises, it will be a puerile illusion to have
confidence in the permanency of peace.
"Thus is explained how men entirely unknown can be leaders of a revolu-
tion without possessing the influence which comes from wealth or valor, with-
out natural prestige or the glory of talent ; it is because they instigate those
elements who await but a signal to burst into the flame of anarchy ; and this
could surely not happen if compulsory labor had converted the vagabonds
into proprietors; then these individuals who threaten the destruction of the
present social order would become solid columns of stability, and efficient
elements for the social regeneration."
CHAPTER XLVIII
MINING AND MINERALS
I. VENEZUELA
IN South America there is a certain river flowing through Colombia
and Venezuela. The sand of this river is laden with gold. Analy-
ses made in Paris and in New York show that this sand contains
from five to six ounces of gold per ton. An ounce of pure gold is
worth $20.67; hence a ton of that sand is worth from $100 to $120.
A friend of the writer, a conservative, hard-working business man,
who has been plundered by these Latin-American governments for
the past twenty-five years, until now he has but little left, had hopes
of recuperating his fortune by working the wondrously rich alluvial
deposits of this river. He asked the writer to go with him into this
business. The writer answered as follows :
"That river-bed is paved with gold for miles; no doubt there is
as much gold there and in that vicinity as there is in the Klondike, —
but how to get it out ?
"There has been no mining law in Venezuela for more than three
years. It was suspended in the year 1900 by a decree of General
Castro. No public reason was ever given for that suspension, for
the Dictator of Venezuela does n't have to give reasons for his acts.
From that date to this, January, 1904, there has been no possibility
of obtaining a title to a mine in Venezuela. The mineral industry,
which ought to be one of the most important in Venezuela, has been
completely destroyed, — not paralyzed, but annihilated.
"Now, suppose you try to get a special concession, as has been
done hundreds of times before, authorizing you to extract gold from
the sands of that river, what would happen ? The minute the word
'gold' was used, Castro and his gang would prick up their ears, and
you would find yourself in the midst of a hornet's nest.
"A concession would be granted, but not to you. It would be put
in the name of some henchman of the administration, for the sole and
exclusive benefit of Cipriano Castro. It might be that in a few weeks
his 'heelers' would come and offer the same concession to you for
sale, but, if so, they would talk * millions' for it. The probabilities
are that you and all your friends combined have n't enough money
to pay the price they would ask for the concession by that time.
494 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"Suppose that you still believed in that property and still desired
to work it ? You would wait six months or a year, until their preten-
sions had cooled somewhat, and then perhaps you would come to terms
with them by giving them so many thousands of dollars cash, and
say two thirds of the net product. Your troubles would now only have
commenced, because when your machinery was all in and at work
and you were doing a big business, they would not be satisfied with
two thirds of the profit, but would want it all; so they would con-
fiscate your machinery, under one pretext or another, and in the end
you would lose all the money you had put into it, and would be very
fortunate if you were not 'accidentally ' killed by their soldiers. If this
sand were worth a thousand dollars a ton, my advice would still be —
keep out of it.
"That gold will have to stay in the sands of that river, for, under
present conditions in Venezuela and Colombia, it is impossible for
anybody to get it out."
In the Callao district, in the eastern part of Venezuela, there are
millions of tons of ore that would assay one and a half ounces of gold
($31 ) per ton. But nobody could work this ore, nor could it be worked
even if it should assay ten times as much.
The sands of the Yuruari River are literally full of gold. An
American engineer, Josiah Flournoy, of Georgia, whose company
purchased a concession, held by some Venezuelan general, for tak-
ing this gold out of these sands, took dredges, sluices, and all the
apparatus necessary for pumping the sand from the bottom of the
river and working the gold out of it. The gold was there — and it
is there yet. Mr. Flournoy, a typical hard-working American en-
gineer, was at last accounts holding possession of his dredge and
machinery with a Winchester and some six-shooters. The General,
having got all he was entitled to, wanted more, and of course Caracas
was "out for booty," while the government troops and the revolu-
tionists took turns in using this modern up-to-date machinery for
target practice.
The quantity of gold sent from the Yuruari district, from 1884 to
1889, is stated as 1,394,480 ounces, and 49,355 ounces is the figure
for 1901. Little or nothing is being done there at the present time.
There are silver mines in the States of Los Andes, Lara, and Ber-
mudez; and iron mines at Imataca, on the Orinoco. Salt in abun-
dance is found in many parts of Venezuela. Asphalt is an important
mineral product of the country, and there are doubtless immense
petroleum fields, as yet wholly unworked.
Comparatively little mining exploration has been done in Vene-
zuela, and the country is still, as to minerals, largely terra incognita;
but there are not wanting indications that, under a stable and liberal
government, Venezuela might become one of the great mineral-
producing countries of the world.
MINING AND MINERALS
495
II. COLOMBIA
Colombia is unquestionably one of the richest mineral countries
of the world. The fact that the total production of gold and silver
in the country is only about $4,000,000 annually is due to the political
conditions, and not to any lack of wealth in its mines. The principal
gold and silver mines are found in Antioquia, Cauca, Bolivar, Tolima,
and Magdalena. Colombia has also mines of copper, lead, mercury,
and platinum. It is stated that there are in operation in Colombia
at the present time fourteen mines of cinnabar, thirty-two of emerald,
and seven of manganese. Important emerald mines exist in Muzo and
Coscuez. Considerable quantities of coal, iron, etc. are found, and
the Pradera iron works near Bogota have a capacity of thirty tons of
pig iron per day.
The "Bulletin of the Bureau of the American Republics," Vol. I
(Washington, 1893), is authority for the following:
"Don Vicente Restrepo, in his valuable book entitled Estudio sobre las
minas de oro y plata de Colombia (A Study on the Mines of Gold and Silver of
Colombia), printed in Bogota in 1888, states upon official information that
the total production of the mines of Colombia ever since the Conquest
may be estimated at $672,000,000; of which $639,000,000 are of gold and
$33,000,000 of silver.
"The same learned writer says that this total production can be distributed
as follows:
Antioquia $250,000,000
Cauca 249,000,000
Panama 94,000,000
Tolima 54,000,000
Santander 15,000,000
Bolivar $7,000,000
Cundinamarca .... 1,800,000
Magdalena 1,000,000
Boyaca 200,000
The total production of gold by periods of time may be stated in round num-
bers as follows :
Sixteenth century $53,000,000
Seventeenth century 173,000,000
Eighteenth century 205,000,000
Nineteenth century (up to 1886) 208,000,000
Total $639,000,000
"Colombia holds the second place in the list of the gold-producing coun-
tries of Latin America. Brazil comes first, with a total production of gold,
since the discovery, of $684,456,750; Bolivia is the third, with a total of
$183,303,000; Chili is the fourth, with $175,839,750; Mexico is the fifth,
with $153,507,900, and Peru is the sixth, with $106,717,500."
III. PERU
Peru also is one of the richest of mineral countries. Its inex-
haustible mineral wealth was developed by the Aztecs long before
496 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Columbus discovered America. Pizarro seized and sent to Spain
quantities of gold and silver of fabulous worth. At the present time
there are about ten thousand mineral concessions in Peru, of which
five or six thousand are being operated.
Doubtless the stories of the production of the precious metals in
Peru have been greatly exaggerated, but nevertheless the production
has been great, and but for the almost continuous revolutions of a
century, would have been vastly greater.
In 1903, 37,086 tons of metal ores, valued at 952,812 pounds ster-
ling, were exported from Peru ; in 1904 the exports were 33,879 tons,
valued at 767,148 pounds sterling.
Gold is found in every department of Peru. In the department
of Loreto gold is found at Alto Amazonas. In the department of
Amazonas gold is found in Suya, in Chuyurco Hill, Hovaluena, Rio
Neiva, and Maranon. In the department of Piura there is alluvial
gold at Hualcarumi, and also a vein at Frias, province of Ayabaca.
In the department of Cajamarca there is gold near San Ignacio,
Rio Chicipe, Capan, and Chirinpata. In the department of Liberdad
gold is found near Huamachuco, and at Pataz, Parcoy, and Taya-
bamba, in the province of Pataz, and also at Salavery, Rio Cajas,
Chinchal, Gallinero, Corrito Blanco, Tajo, etc.
In the department of Ancachs there are alluvial deposits of gold
in Chysgoran. There are gold mines at San Cristobal near Uco,
Jauca, Quilla, Pamplona, etc. In the department of Huanuco, at
the Boca del Sapo near Huallanca, quartzose rock yields one ounce
of gold to the ton. In the department of Junin the Cerro de Pasco
mine yields from one to one and two-thirds ounces of gold per ton.
In the department of Lima gold is found nearly everywhere, but not
in paying quantities. In the department of Huancavelica there are
silver mines at Julcani, and gold mines at Corihuacta, also at Coris.
In the department of Ayacucho there are numerous abandoned mines.
Two mines, Chaipi and Luicho Hills, are in operation.
In the department of Cuzco in the province of Paucartambo, is
the region whence, according to tradition, the Incas got their immense
stores of precious metals. The Carhuays is the only mine in the dis-
trict now in operation, and it is worked on a very small scale. There
are other mines in this department, — at Uama, on the Churo River,
at Cerro Carnante, and in Colquemavaca, — but none of them are
being extensively worked. In the department of Apurimac, at Aya-
huaya in the province of Antobamba, Indians take out about 250
ounces of gold a year.
The department of Arequipa is said to be the richest department
in Peru. The Palmadera mines near Huayllura yield five and one-
half ounces of gold to the ton. There are rich mines at Montesclaros,
at Picha near Chacana, at Huanzo near Antobamba, and at many
other places, which for one reason and another have been abandoned.
MINING AND MINERALS 497
In the department of Puno gold exists in the provinces of Carabaya
and Sandia, near the southern boundary of Peru.
Silver exists in practically unlimited quantities in Peru. In the
Cerro de Pasco district there are between 350 and 400 silver mines
in operation. At Yauli there are 225 silver mines; in the province
of Huarochiri, 120.
Lead is found in abundance in Peru; also copper, tin, gypsum,
coal, salt, guano, asphalt, petroleum, etc. The petroleum beds of
Peru are supposed to cover 30,000 square miles. The principal guano
deposits are on the island of Lobos de Afuera.
The mineral development of Peru, while even under present con-
ditions extensive in comparison with that of Venezuela, Colombia,
and Central America, would be greatly increased if a permanent,
stable, and liberal government were assured.
IV. ECUADOR
The mineral resources of Ecuador are mainly undeveloped.
Placer gold is alleged to be found in considerable quantities in the
Western Cordilleras, under conditions which make hydraulic mining
possible. The gold mines of Cachabi, Uimbi, and Playa de Oro in
the province of Esmeraldas are well known, but the ore is low-grade.
American syndicates are endeavoring to work the mines of Cayapas
and Cachabi. In 1891 the Zuruma Gold Mining Co. was operating
the Portobello mine, with but indifferent success. It is said that
placer gold is found in considerable quantities in the valleys of the
Amazon district of Ecuador. Quicksilver is mined at Loja and
Azogues. It is stated that Ecuador is also rich in copper, iron, lead,
and coal, but little has been done in the way of development.
V. BOLIVIA
Bolivia is one of the richest mineral countries of the world. The
records of the public mint at Potosi show that the mountain of Potosi
has produced the following enormous amounts of gold and silver :
From 1545 to 1800 $1,532,948,142
From 1800 to 1864 . 1,386,951,258
Total $2,919,899.400
The total mineral production of Bolivia from 1545 to 1800 is given
as $3,339,262,032.
The mining industry in Bolivia to-day is not nearly so flourishing
as it was a hundred years ago. Of the several causes for this decline,
the chief one has been the many abominable governments under the
military Dictators.
VOL. i — 32
498
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
The following tables give the number of Bolivian mines abandoned,
and the number in operation, in 1848. They were prepared by Mr.
Jose Maria Dalence, and published in Bosquejo Estadistico de Bolivia
in 1851. It is said that the number of mines in operation is about the
same now as in 1848.
SILVER MINES IN BOLIVIA, 1848
DISTRICT
ABANDONED
IN OPERATION
Potosi . .
1,800
26
Porco
1,519
33
Chayanta
130
8
Chias
650
22
Lipez
760
2
Oniro .
1,215
11
Poopo .
316
15
Carangas
285
4
Sicasica
320
9
Inquisivi TA Paz
160
5
Ayopaya \
Bern
Santa Cruz
Other Sections J
2,845
0
Total
10000
134
GOLD MINES IN BOLIVIA, 1848
DISTRICT
ABANDONED
IN OPERATION
Oruro
200
0
Araca
500
4
Sorata
500
7
Argue .
100
£
Total
1,300
13
The Bolivian mountains producing silver and tin are found in a
territory a thousand miles long by more than two hundred miles wide,
extending from the Sotolaya district of La Paz to Tupixa, the capital
of the province of Chichas. Everywhere throughout this region will
be found mines abandoned since the days of the Spaniards. The
mining operations now carried on there are absurdly crude. Usually
the " mills " used for crushing the ore are large boulders. Lashed to the
boulder is a pole, which the Indians work up and down like a pump-
handle. A flat stone is used for a bed, and the ore is crushed by the
to-and-fro movement of the huge boulder. Other equally antiquated
MINING AND MINERALS 499
contrivances are in general use. A few of the larger foreign mining
companies, such as the Huanchaca Company and the Real Socavon
de Potosi, operate modern machinery.
Copper is found in vast quantities in the mountains adjacent to
Corocoro, near the Desaguadero River. The annual production
already exceeds 4000 tons, although copper mining in Bolivia has
hardly begun.
The tin mines of the department of Oruro are among the richest of
the world. The present output is about 6,000 tons per year. Tin is
frequently found in ore of 40 to 60 per cent purity, and in lodes ranging
as wide as six or eight feet, and averaging perhaps two feet. Large
tin deposits are known to exist at the base of Huaina Potoso, a snow
peak in the La Paz Cordillera, and to the south in the Quimsa Cruz
Cordillera, and in the ranges east of Oruro and Lake Poopa. Pozoconi,
a mountain in the Huanuni district, is traversed by many lodes and
veins. Other important lodes exist in Negro Pabellon, Morococola,
Avecaya, Berenguela, etc.
Lead, zinc, bismuth, antimony, wolfram, borate of lime, and
common salt are also found in Bolivia.
If Bolivia had a good, stable, and liberal government, its mining
development would go forward on a broad scale, and it would become
one of the greatest mineral-producing countries of the world.
VI. CHILI
The value of the total mineral products of Chili for 1903 was
178,768,170 pesos, or 65,250,371 dollars U. S. gold (a Chilian peso
being equivalent to 36| cents). Out of this, a total of 140,102,012
pesos was nitrate, leaving all other mineral substances valued at
38,666,158 pesos. Of the metals, copper leads in value at 21,438,397
pesos, while of gold and silver there were respectively 1,745,115 and
1,284,308 pesos produced. Coal is an important product, the produc-
tion in 1903 being valued at 8,250,720 pesos. Other products are
lead, cobalt ore, manganese, borate, salt, sulphur, sulphuric acid, and
guano. There are about 12,000 mineral concessions on which dues
are paid to the government, but the number in actual operation is
much smaller.
In the production of nitrate Chili leads the world. The enor-
mously rich nitrate deposits were originally owned by Peru, and made
that nation rich ; but they were seized by Chili at the end of the war
with Peru-Bolivia, in 1883. The raw nitrate of soda is called caliche.
The region that produces it extends from Camarones to Taltal, a
distance of 393 miles from north to south. The nitrate beds are very
narrow, having an average width of about two miles. The most
important salitreras are near Iquique in the province of Tarapaca and
Pisagua. Iquique is the great port of export.
500 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
The entire nitrate region is a barren desert. Usually the nitrate
beds are at or near the surface. The material is blasted out, and
hauled by mules on tramways to the works where it is treated. More
than $100,000,000 of foreign capital, mostly English, is invested in
these immense works. The annual output of nitrate is given as follows :
TONS
1884 550,000
1885 420,000
1886 443,000
1887 702,000
1888 773,000
1889 903,000
1890 1,009,000
1891 877,000
1892 804,842
1893 938,871
1894 1,082,285
1895 1,220,000
1896
092000
1897
064 075
1898
,254 000
1899
,360,000
1900
,490,000
1901
,267,800
1902
419400
1903
.441.360
1904 1,513,090
Chili's principal revenue is derived from the export taxes on
nitrate. This tax is $1.60 Chilian per metric quintal of 100 pounds,
and the total exceeds all the other revenues of the government.
VII. URUGUAY
The mining industry of Uruguay is in a very backward condition.
In the department of Rivera about 72,000 grams of gold are pro-
duced annually. The mineral resources of the country are thus
described in Anuario Estadistico de la Republica del Uruguay, 1890 :
"The soil is very rich in minerals, — metals, clay, and combustible min-
erals. Gold, silver, copper, iron, tin, and mercury are found among the first.
Granite, mica, feldspar, various and precious agates, calcareous stone, moun-
tain rock crystal, marble of different colors, slate, lithographic stones, alum,
gypsum, cobalt, calcareous cement, loadstone, marble basalt, and columbite
of great value, discovered by Mr. Lettson. A quantity of flints and crystalli-
zations similar to rubies, topaz, zirconite, and emerald, which appear in glit-
tering points in pyramidal shapes, are found in abundance in our mineral
kingdom. The mineralogist, Henry Petivenit, found gold, topaz, and dia-
monds in the river San Francisco, which runs through Minas; and Mr.
Lettson, gold in the departments of Salto and Tacuarembo.
"From 1852 up to date, several mines were denounced, and samples of
minerals were extracted from Godoy, Barriga Negra, San Francisco de Minas,
Arapey, Chico, Acegua, and other places.
MINING AND MINERALS 501
"The working of a lead mine was tried in Soldado, department of Minas,
and at present a French company works the gold mines of Cunapiru in the
auriferous region of the department of Tacuarembo. Another company works
a copper mine in the department of Maldonado.
"In the hills of Arequita, Penitentes, Campanero, Mahoma, and Marin-
cho, since last century the existence of gold has been ascertained.
"Gold in veins is found, also in quartz and in nuggets. Near the source
of the Arepay and Gueguay rivers, and especially of the Catalan and Pin-
tado, begins the region of the quartz stone and agates, amethysts, and
glittering flints."
VIII. PARAGUAY
Practically nothing is known of the mineral resources of Paraguay.
There is said to be iron in many parts of the country, but whether
or not it is pay-rock is unknown. Gold exists near San Miguel. The
government reports of Paraguay state that "iron, copper, manganese,
gold, marble, and building stone of the best quality are found in
Paraguay in the greatest abundance." These, like most of the other
government reports of South American countries, must be received
with exceeding caution.
IX. ARGENTINA
There have been many extremely optimistic reports sent out about
the mineral wealth of Argentina, but up to the present time the
mineral development of that country has been relatively insignificant.
Gold and copper are found in Catamarca and San Juan, and silver in
various places. Several companies are at work in a small way dredging
the rivers for gold, but without important results.
The province of Jujuy in the extreme northwest is said to be rich in
minerals. There are more than one hundred mines there, mostly
gold mines ; but little or no development work has been done.
Veins of auriferous quartz are stated to exist at La Rinconada,
Timon Cruz, and Santa Catalina. At the last-named place there are
three mines known as Eureka, Belga, and Suripugio, which Mr. H. F.
Garrison, a mining engineer, writing in La Nation of December 7,
1891, denotes the richest in the world. As the total mineral production
of Argentina in 1890 was only about $1,700,000, Mr. Garrison's
report should be accepted with a grain of salt.
As many mineral concessions have been granted in Argentina as
railroad concessions in Venezuela, and to as little purpose. The
larger number of these concessions are located in the provinces of
San Luis, Rioja, or San Juan, and Jujuy.
It is reported also that argentiferous lead, iron, salt, borate of lime,
bismuth, coal, and petroleum are found in Argentina. Coal is being
mined in the province of Mendoza, and petroleum in the territory of
Neuquen.
502 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
X. BRAZIL
Brazil is a mighty empire, comparatively quite undeveloped. Its
mineral resources are doubtless fully equal to those of the United
States. Compared to the immensity of its territory and its vast wealth,
its mineral development to date seems almost insignificant. The
"Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics," Vol. I, Washington,
1893, says :
"The existence in Brazil of copper, manganese, and argentiferous lead ore
in considerable quantities and in widely extended localities has been demon-
strated. Mines of iron, coal, gold, and diamonds have already been worked
there. Amethysts, topazes, beryl, garnets, and agate are found in various
parts. Gold is found in every State of Brazil, and is systematically mined in
Minas Geraes, Rio Grande do Sul, Goyaz, Bahia, Matto Grosso, Parana,
S. Paulo and Maranhao. The product of the mine of S. Joao del Rei, oper-
ated by an English company since 1835, in the year 1875 was 4,774 pounds;
the average yield of metal per ton of ore, 535 grains. The Ouro Preto mine
furnished, in 1887, 594 pounds of gold. D'Eschwege estimates the amount of
gold produced by the mines of Minas Geraes, from 1700 to 1820, at 1,404,965
pounds troy; and Henwood calculates at 171,000 pounds the amount pro-
duced from 1820 to 1860. Corcieux estimates the quantity obtained from 1860
to 1888 at 132,000 pounds. Castelnan thinks the production much greater in
this State, and puts at $100,000,000, the value of the gold produced in the
States of Bahia, Maranhao, Sao Paulo, Rio Grande do Sul, Goyaz, and Matto
Grosso. Diamonds are coextensive with the gold deposits, and, like that
metal, are most abundant in Minas Geraes, where they have been found since
1789. The most important locality known for the production of this gem is
the district of Diamantina, in the above-named State. They are found in
Parana in the gravels of the river Tibagy, and in the beds of streams dry dur-
ing the summer. Since the discovery of diamonds at the Cape of Good Hope
the Brazilian production has greatly diminished. The amount of these stones
found in Minas Geraes during 1887 is estimated by the director of the school
of mines at Ouro Preto at 5673 grams."
Iron is found in abundance in Minas Geraes and elsewhere, but
little has been done in the way of development.
The exportation of bar gold from Brazil in 1902 was 3,989,982
grams; in 1903, 4,322,043, and in 1904,3,871,426. Much is said
of the production of diamonds in Brazil, but the exports are relatively
unimportant, amounting in value to but $200,000 to $300,000 per
year. In 1904 there were exported 610 tons of copper ore, and 2122
grams of platinum. Mica, talc, rock crystal, agate, and petroleum
are abundant.
XL HAITI
As to the mineral resources of Haiti but very little is known. It is
alleged that there are gold, silver, copper, tin, iron, antimony, nickel,
MINING AND MINERALS 503
coal, and gypsum in the country ; and extensive mineral districts are
declared to exist in the communes of Dondou, Limonade, St. Michel,
Plaisance, Mirebalais, Banica, and Lascahobas, but these statements
are very unreliable. To operate mines in Haiti under present con-
ditions would be practically impossible.
XII. SANTO DOMINGO
Santo Domingo is doubtless rich in minerals, but owing to its
wretched government the development of its mineral resources has
hardly begun. The interior of Santo Domingo is mainly a wilderness.
The most reliable information obtainable on this subject is the
report of William P. Blake, geologist, printed as Executive Document
of the Senate, No. 9, Forty-second Congress. In this report Mr.
Blake says:
A brown ore of iron is very abundant over considerable areas in the in-
terior, either in beds or lying in detached blocks upon the surface. It is the
species known as limonite, but it is combined with silicious sand and gravel,
forming a solid cemented mass. Whether it has phosphorus or other hurtful
impurities can only be ascertained by analysis or trial. There is an abun-
dance of limestone for flux, and charcoal could be had at a moderate cost, but
I doubt whether, even under favorable circumstances, pig-iron could be profit-
ably produced there in competition with localities where a variety of ores can
be obtained and where skilled labor is abundant.
There is a very considerable extent of gold-bearing country in the interior,
and gold is washed from the rivers at various points. It is found along the
Jaina, upon the Verde, and upon the Yaqui and its tributaries, and doubtless
upon the large rivers of the interior. Some portions of the gold fields were
worked anciently by the Spaniards and Indians. There are doubtless many
gold deposits, not only along the beds of rivers but on the hills, which have
never been worked, and there probably is considerable gold remaining among
the old workings. The appearances of the soil and rocks are such as to justify
the labor and expense of carefully prospecting the gold region. The condi-
tions for working are favorable. The supply of water for washing is unlimited,
and sufficient fall or drainage can generally be had. The women in the inte-
rior obtain a small quantity of gold by washing the gravel in bateas, and it is
said that there are two or three Americans in the mountains engaged in gold
washing, and that they occasionally visit one of the towns to buy provisions.
Ores of copper occur on the southern flank of the mountains between Azua
and the river Jaina. Samples obtained by me are yellow copper ore of fair
richness, and some samples are of the species known as variegated copper.
The beds are said to compare favorably with similar deposits of ore in the
foothills of the mountains in California. I was not able to visit the mines, but
samples were obtained for assay.
The lignite deposits of the Samana peninsula have already been made the
subject of a special investigation and report. No evidences of the existence of
older and true coal could be found.
Considerable salt is also said to exist in the island.
504 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
XIII. COSTA RICA
It is stated that most of the Costa Rican rivers contain auriferous
sands. The most important gold mines of the country are at Mount
Aguacati. Here are three mines owned by English and American
companies ; the Trinidad has a 40-stamp mill and the Union a 20-stamp
mill. In the Ciruelitas district some twenty mines exist, but few of
them are in successful operation. The mining industry of Costa Rica
will remain quite undeveloped under present governmental conditions,
although the government of Costa Rica is far superior to that of
the other Central American countries.
XIV. NICARAGUA
The principal mines of Nicaragua are in the Mico, Tunkey,
Cuicuina, and Pizpiz districts. Gold was produced in 1903 to the
amount of $556,000 U. S. gold. There are one silver mine and
several gold mines in operation, worked by Americans and English.
There are many abandoned mines.
XV. SALVADOR
It is stated that there are about ninety mines in the department of
Morazan, about twenty-five in the department of Chalatenango, and
about thirty in the department of Santa Ana. Practically all of the
Morazan and Chalatenango mines are of gold, or of gold and silver.
Copper, tin, and lead are found in the department of Santa Ana.
There are some important gold mines in La Union. The total export
of minerals for 1904 was given at 68,674 pounds, gold and silver
being the most important in the list.
XVI. HONDURAS
Honduras is extremely rich in mineral resources. Despite the
atrocious "governments," and the never-ceasing uprisings and po-
litical disturbances, considerable is being done in the way of mining.
In 1902 there were exported from Honduras 23,235 ounces of gold
and 1,010,204 ounces of silver. A few strong foreign mining com-
panies are in the field.
In addition to gold and silver, Honduras produces platinum, cop-
per, lead, iron, zinc, antimony, and nickel. Rich copper ore is found
at Coloal, in Gracias, containing 58 per cent of copper and about
80 ounces of silver per ton.
The "Honduras Mining Journal," February 10, 1891, says:
"As regards mineral resources, Honduras ranks first among the Central
American States, and this is shown by the old Spanish records of the royalty
MINING AND MINERALS 505
of one fifth levied by Spain on all mineral productions in these States. Gold-
bearing quartz, in well-paying quantities but small veins, is found all over
Olancho, and its rivers, Jalan and Guayape, with their numerous tributaries,
afford a comfortable living to the native gold washers with their bateas. The
Yuscaran district contains quartz which yields silver in profitable quanti-
ties, mixed with gold. Here is the celebrated old Guayabillas mine, which
from the last century to within a few years back has yielded largely ; in fact,
the whole district is full of metalliferous veins running through quartzose
rocks. I may mention also the San Juancito mine, between Tegucigalpa and
Cantarranas, now paying largely ; and many others, both gold and silver, in
active operation and remunerative ; the Minas de Oro, near Comayagua ; the
famous Opoteca, now, like many other old Spanish mines, practically un-
worked, but containing immense masses of ore still unextracted ; and between
the capital and the Atlantic seaboard, many mines worked by American and
English companies. The country abounds in old Spanish mines now aban-
doned, but the old workings show that much ore has been extracted and
reduced."
XVII. GUATEMALA
Considerable placer gold is found at Las Quebradas, near Yzabal.
In Motozintla, of the Pacific Coast range, low-grade gold ore is found.
In the department of Huehuetenango, in the Chuchumatanes moun-
tains, auriferous copper ores are found. At Chiantla, near Huehue-
tenango, according to Mr. Rea, the Indians work lead mines, the ore
of which produces 40 to 60 per cent of lead, and in addition $10 to $15
worth of silver per ton. At Todos Santos, about fifty miles north, the
same formation yields even richer results. Mr. Rea states that at
Santa Cruz de Mushtli there is a vast deposit of the same class of ore,
which looks as if it had been vomited forth by a volcano, and which
assayed from $10 to $60 per ton silver, and eighty per cent lead.
Auriferous gravel beds are found in the Rio Grande River. Mica,
asbestos, copper, magnetic iron ores, and gypsum are plentiful.
Considerable quantities of silver are mined in the departments of
Chiquimula and Santa Rosa. Chalk beds are found near Coban.
Salt is produced in Alta Vera Paz and Santa Rosa.
While Guatemala is exceedingly rich in minerals, little has been
done or can be done in the way of development, under present condi-
tions. Mr. Rea's report, above quoted from, says :
"On reference to the old archives of the colonial days we find that between
the date of 1627 and 1820, 1322 mines of gold, silver, lead, copper, iron, tin,
and one of mercury were opened and worked."
It will thus be seen that in mining (as it has been in almost every other
industry), Guatemala was more advanced under Spain than it has
been since.
CHAPTER XLIX
RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING
SOUTH AMERICA is perhaps the only continent where quite a
number of railways, constructed at enormous expense, under
prolonged effort and in the face of inconceivable obstacles, have
been completely abandoned.
The building of a railway in South America is a task which may
well try the stoutest nerves. The climatic conditions, bringing fever
and other diseases in their train ; the material obstacles arising from
the conformation and condition of the earth's crust ; the impossibility
of obtaining competent labor (or any labor, for oftentimes the recluta
sweeps the field bare of laborers) ; the stupidity and meddlesomeness
of the government, — all these things bring down an avalanche of
difficulties about the railway builder's head, and make it well-nigh
impossible for him to accomplish anything in railway work.
Little, indeed, has been accomplished. Kansas has more railway
mileage than has all South America, exclusive of Argentina and Brazil.
The cost of building a railway in South America is, like the cost of
almost everything else, disproportionately high. Before commencing
work, the contractor will hear that labor is exceedingly cheap, perhaps
fifty cents a day will be the price given, and he will probably figure
that the work will cost relatively less than it would in the States. But
the "cheaper" labor is, the dearer it turns out to be, and the con-
tractor will find that a common earth railway embankment, which in
the States would cost eleven or twelve cents a cubic yard, will cost
from forty to fifty cents anywhere in South America.
He will be compelled to bear many needless and even wicked ex-
penses. Although the railway mileage in South America is unimpor-
tant, considered relatively to the extent of territory, yet it is more
extensive than the people or the governments desire. Most of those
South Americans who have seen railways (a vast number of them have
never even heard of one) do not like them. Railways bring foreigners
into the country ; they call for the occasional intervention of a for-
eign government, and, speaking generally, they bring into a place
an atmosphere different from that to which the people have been
accustomed.
RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING 507
According to consular and other reports, the railway mileage of
South America is as follows :
YEAR
MILES
Argentina
1902
11,000
Bolivia
1904
700
Brazil
1902
9370
Chili
1902
2800
Colombia ... . . .
1901
411
Ecuador
1901
128
Paraguay
1902
156
Peru
1902
1,035
Uruguay
1901
1 026
uiuguaj
Venezuela
1898
315
But the data relative to South American railway construction and
mileage are exceedingly unreliable. Thus, to consider the above state-
ment of over four hundred miles of railway in Colombia, it is difficult
to learn of railways totalling more than half of this amount. Colombia
has half a dozen small sections of railway track scattered over the
country, which appear to begin nowhere and end nowhere. Some of
these sections are eight or ten miles long, others are thirty or forty ;
they are all little narrow-gauge affairs, forming no adequate or con-
nected system of transportation.
The Venezuelan report for 1898 stated 505 miles of railway in
operation, and 1000 miles under construction. However insignifi-
cant these figures are, compared to the needs of an inhabited and to
some degree civilized country as large as Great Britain, Ireland, Ger-
many, Belgium, and France combined, yet would they be reckoned,
if true, a hopeful sign, an indication that Venezuela was at least
moving, if but slowly, in the right direction. But the facts are that
not a mile of railway was under construction in Venezuela in 1898,
nor has a mile of track been built there between 1898 and January
1, 1904, save some 28 or 29 miles built by the author of this work.
This track was purely an accessory to an asphalt mine to which it led ;
it was built through a vast wilderness, and without the remotest de-
sign of using it for general passenger or freight service.
But though next to no railways were built in Venezuela during this
period, there was no lack of the granting of railway concessions. One
can scarcely inquire as to any two of the most insignificant Indian vil-
lages in the country, without learning that a concession has at some
time or other been granted to build a railway between them. If the
word were the deed, if construction followed hard upon the heels of
concession, Venezuela would soon be gridironed from one end to the
other with steel rails. These concessions, however, have in every in-
stance been granted to local generals or friends of the ruling Dictator,
508 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
with the idea that some foreigners may be induced to buy them, or at
least to put up some money for "preliminary expenses."
A concession for a railway projected to start in the woods and end
in the swamps, and which could never earn enough to pay for its axle
grease, will be held up and pictured in the most glowing terms. One
such fakir scheme has been pushed and boomed by an American con-
sul through dozens of pages of puffs appearing in the consular reports
to the United States government. The "concession" stands in the
name of a citizen of the country, but is unquestionably for the benefit
of the consul, who has worked hard to get American business men to
put money into the scheme. The road could never earn enough to pay
for the firewood of its engines, yet the concessionaire under the terms
of the concession is bound to begin the road within one year from the
date of the concession and to finish it within two years from said date,
under pain of forfeiture, and the concessionaire promises to carry the
mails and government troops free, to adopt schedules of freight and
passenger charges as fixed by the government, and finally to donate
the road in fee simple, free of all debt, to the government at the end of
fifty years. The promise of the government on its part — a promise
which it would never keep, but which is of little or no account in any
event — is to give the concessionaire every alternate block of land on
both sides of the railway to the depth of 500 metres. This amounts,
for every 1 J miles of railway, to 247 acres of land — land for which
the government's price to a native would be $400 a square league
(5760 acres), or say 8 cents an acre.
It is upon such a basis as the foregoing that the governments of
Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil, and Bolivia propose to build
railways, — rather to put an end to railway building, for no respon-
sible man would entertain such a concession for a moment. When a
company has begun to consider seriously building a railway in one of
these countries, the first thing it encounters is one of these fraudulent
concessions, which is brandished like a club about its head. So the
railway business in the greater part of South America is completely
paralyzed; and under present conditions it must remain so. Even
were there no concessions to be grappled with, even were the govern-
ment and people friendly, even if everybody were wanting railways,
still the problem of railway building in South America (or anywhere
else for that matter) is a serious one. To build a railway requires a
vast expenditure of capital, an organization of skilled men not always
readily assembled, and, above all, a transportation demand at
least prospectively sufficient to meet the heavy expenses of maintenance
and operation. The railway's financial success, its dividend-earning
power, depends upon stable conditions, political and social, such con-
ditions creating the steady volume of business necessary for meeting
its fixed charges and operating expenses. When Jay Gould was asked
to aid in promoting a railway from the United States via Mexico, Cen-
RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING 509
tral America, and Colombia to Buenos Aires, he said that not even a
century hence would the traffic and freight of such a line amount to
sufficient to justify the expense of building it. It is true that Secretary
Elaine entered heartily into the project, but however able Blaine was
as a statesman, Gould was the abler railway man.
Railways are the barometers of civilization. Their condition, their
security, the effectiveness of their service, the certainty of their divi-
dends, the perfection of their mechanical equipment, their enterprise,
originality, and liberality in making improvements, their freedom from
political blackmail, the stability of their organization, — all these
things show, perhaps more clearly than anything else does, the status
of the communities that the railways serve. The facts that there are
some railways in all South American countries, and quite a mileage in
some of them, indicate that the inhabitants of these countries are in
advance of the primitive savages. But the facts that the railways
there have relatively small mileage, and are owned, built, maintained,
and operated wholly by foreigners, that no company of native South
Americans has ever built or operated a railway, that all of the railways
are constantly in difficulties, and that some of them have been actually
abandoned, — these facts all go to show that the inhabitants of these
countries are not so much in advance of the primitive savages as they
are behind the inhabitants of the civilized parts of the globe.
I. COMPARATIVE MILEAGE OF AMERICAN AND LATIN-AMERICAN
RAILWAYS
The State of Illinois contains 56,000 square miles of land, and over
11,000 miles of railway tracks, not counting a large mileage of switch
tracks. Most of the track is rock-ballasted. Illinois thus has 1 mile of
railway, standard gauge (4 feet 8i inches wide), for every 5 square
miles of territory. Other States are almost equally well supplied,
averaging 1 mile of track to every 6 or 8 square miles of territory.
France has 1 mile of railway for every 8 square miles of area; Bel-
gium, 1 for every 4 square miles; Ireland, 1 for every 8; Scotland,
about the same ; England, 1 mile of railway in every 3^ square miles
of area; Switzerland, 1 in 7; Italy, 1 in 11; and Germany, 1 in 6.
Let us now turn to South America.
Ecuador contains about 125 miles of railway (from Duran, oppo-
site Guayaquil, to Guamote) in an area as claimed of 273,000 square
miles, or 1 mile of track for every 2730 square miles of territory.
Colombia is said to have about 411 miles of railway in an area
variously estimated at from 455,000 to 505,000 square miles, or 1 mile
of railway track for (approximately) every 1285 square miles.
Venezuela has about 500 miles of railway, all narrow-gauge, in a
territory of 594,000 square miles, or 1 mile of railway track for every
1200 square miles.
510 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
In 1904 Brazil had 10,408 miles of railway. Her area is practically
as large as that of the United States, or 3,218,130 square miles. There
was, therefore, 1 mile of railway for every 318 square miles. There is
in Brazil an expanse of territory as large as that portion of the United
States lying east of the Mississippi River in which there is not a mile
of railway track.
Bolivia has 700 miles of railway, or 1 mile for each 1000 square
miles of area. The percentage is higher in Peru, Chili, and Argen-
tina. Thus Peru has 1 mile of railway for every 460 square miles of
area; Chili, 1 for every 100 square miles, and Argentina 1 mile for
every 112 square miles.
The record of railway building in Chili and Argentina confirms
what is said elsewhere in regard to the higher civilization of those coun-
tries as compared to that of the other South American countries. This
record forms an admirable criterion. If one were required to pass
judgment upon the relative state of civilization of two nations, he
might confidently turn to the statistics of their railways, and, upon a
comparison of the relative railway mileage, construction, and other
conditions, form his decision. No other industry is so indicative of the
real growth of a nation, for the railway is the focus of every other
industry, and its statistics throw a high light upon the statistics of
them all.
The discovery of South America and the discovery of North Amer-
ica were practically contemporaneous, and so were the beginnings of
European colonization on these two continents. In healthfulness of
climate, in fertility of soil, in mineral wealth, in natural resources gen-
erally, South America is in no way inferior to its northern neighbor.
Yet the United States is to-day a Colossus among nations, a young
giant, healthy, happy, rich, and free ; while in many parts of South
America coffee must still be carried a six or seven days' journey on the
backs of burros before it reaches a market.
II. RAILWAYS IN ARGENTINA
(From THEODORE CHILD'S "Spanish American Republics.")
"In the days of the viceroys and of the palmy days of Potosi the shrinkage
of the king's gold on the way between the mines and the royal treasury was
always considerable. Nowadays the shrinkage is observable in the metallic
deposits of banks, in the sums voted for the execution of great public works,
and in the proceeds of English loans. A calculation of deep interest, which
has never yet been made, would be to reckon how many of the millions lent,
mostly by English bondholders, have been diverted from their destination to
enrich politicians, and how many millions spent on public works have been
misapplied. In his message, for instance, President Celman announced that
the Republic in December, 1889, possessed a total length of 8074 kilometres
of railway in service, 9914 kilometres in construction, 500 kilometres of which
with the rails already laid, and 7332 kilometres in project. As usual in official
RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING 511
documents, President Celman neglected to put in qualifying clauses. In
reality there are but two well-managed and adequate lines in the whole Re-
public, — namely, Buenos Aires to Rosario (548 kilometres), and the Great
Southern (1328 kilometres). The rest are, for the most part, badly built,
badly managed, and insufficiently provided with rolling-stock; and many
have been constructed without any other object than land speculations and
the government guarantee of seven per cent interest. The amount of guar-
anteed interest paid by the Argentine government in 1889 to railway compa-
nies was more than three million dollars. The railway system of the Argentine
has not been rationally conceived ; the nation has been exploited by companies
and speculators ; in the concession and tracing of new lines the interests of the
public are frequently sacrificed to the interests of individual large landholders,
who desire to increase the value of their property by having a railway across
it. The latest folly is the building of railways in the Chaco, where the land is
still, so to speak, in formation, and so loose that the track has to be relaid
almost after every shower of rain. In short, the moment we begin to look into
the railway system of the Republic, and to examine the reality and not the
imposing figures of statistical tables, we find very little honesty and very little
that is genuine."
III. LET THE GOVERNMENTS ADOPT A MORE LIBERAL POLICY
TOWARD RAILWAY MEN
There can be no such thing as modern civilization without rail-
ways; indeed, without railways there can be no civilization worthy of
the name. Men of a literary rather than a practical turn will doubtless
cite Rome and Greece in refutation of the statement that a high type
of civilization is impossible without railways. But we know little of
the actual civilization of those periods ; the glamour of Greece and
Rome, filtering through the pages of history, is what has come down
to us, and "distance lends enchantment to the view."
It should be a matter of urgent concern to every South American
government to encourage throughout its domain the building and
operation of railways by private enterprise ; and it should be the policy
of these governments to give to railway men the widest possible lati-
tude in the exercise of their ingenuity and the play of their individual
resources. This policy has given to the people of the United States
the finest and most progressive railways in the world, and the greatest
mileage.
The adoption of such a policy, however, in South America would
mean a radical antecedent change of attitude on the part of its govern-
ments toward railways and toward foreigners from whom South
American railway projects emanate. Under existing circumstances, if
a responsible company were seriously considering the building of a
railway in Bolivia, Venezuela, Colombia, Central America, or Santo
Domingo (to instance several countries), the government of the
country under consideration would conduct itself as if it were con-
ferring the greatest possible privilege upon the company in granting
512 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
to it a concession to lay its own rails on land that it might purchase ;
and furthermore it is probable that the company would be required
to turn over its railway, free of debt, to the government at the end of
fifty years. It would be required in the mean time to carry the govern-
ment troops and officials free and the government correspondence at
half price, and to allow the government to make the time schedules
and fix the tariff to be charged for freight and passenger traffic. Per-
haps the government on its part would concede a strip of land five
hundred metres wide on each side of the track, in alternate blocks, —
land which under no circumstances would be worth more than $200
or $300 a track mile, — but this would be the extent of its munificence.
The chances are the government would mulct the company for cash
to the amount of four or five times the value of this land before it was
even granted.
So much for what the government would do ; now for what it ought
to do. It ought to make a substantial land grant to the company.
The government could very well afford to give a standard gauge rail-
way every alternate mile of land on both sides of the track for a depth
of five miles, or even ten miles. Land given to railway companies to
encourage railway building is not land thrown away. The railway
company is the greatest promoter of immigration that there is. It
makes no pretence of patriotism or philanthropy. The matter is one
of simply straight business — but business of a broad-minded and
enlightened character. The policy of the railway men of the United
States has attracted settlers by the millions; cities and towns have
sprung up as at the call of a magician's wand ; vast territories, hitherto
barren and inhospitable, have become rich and fertile, and the Ameri-
can Desert, no longer "Great," has shrivelled to a fraction of its
former magnitude.
A word may be said here as to the extraordinary climatic influence
which may be exerted by cultivation. Where forestation, agricul-
ture, education, and commerce have been established, nature seems
at times to have risen to the occasion and to have modified her climate
to meet the new conditions.
The wonderful development of Texas and the Great West north
to the Dakotas has no equal in the history of agriculture. In this
achievement the railways have played a part, the importance of which
will probably never be appreciated. And a mighty support to the
railways have been the government and the people, in giving the rail-
ways liberal land grants and extensive powers.
Similarly the mighty development of South America could be
brought to pass. Capital always stands ready to blaze the way where
there are security, stability, a progressive spirit animating the people,
and a liberal governmental policy. Under the influx of capital, bands
of steel would ere the lapse of many years link together the now disjecta
membra of this rich continent from north to south and from east to west.
RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING 513
IV. STEAMBOATING
The steamboating business in South America has its ups and
downs — more downs than ups. The histories of the various steam-
boating companies, whether their boats ply on Maracaibo Lake, the
Magdalena River, the Orinoco, or the Amazon, are pretty much the
same.
A company in one of the South American countries has for some
years been run by a personal friend of the writer. He had the man-
agement of six or eight big river steamboats, costing $15,000 or
$20,000 each, and adapted to the navigation of all the large rivers
within a certain territory. One after another these boats were seized
by the government or by the revolutionists; and then ignoramuses
were put in charge of the machinery, boilers were burned out or blown
up, and the boats themselves were jammed into logs or rocks, and
often, manned by opposite factions, were shooting at each other. As
soon as a vessel's bottom was knocked full of holes or its machinery
destroyed, the government (if it were in possession) would calmly
return the vessel to my friend and order him to fix it — at his own
expense — and be quick about it. The government people never
paid him for the damage to his vessels nor for their use. Occasionally
they would give him something on account, enough to buy cylinder
oil or firewood, and stave him off for the balance. Their promises
to pay were profuse ; and a man who does not remain satisfied with
promises to pay is liable to be considered an enemy of his country, a
friend of the revolutionists, and therefore a fit subject for the jail. For
six months or a year at a time this whole fleet of merchant steam-
boats would be engaged in unwilling but racking service, or tied up
as if storm-bound, or out of commission owing to injuries received in
so-called war.
V. CLOSING RIVER NAVIGATION
The Latin-American countries restrict navigation through the
imposition of excessive duties or otherwise, and even close navigation,
whenever it suits their chiefs to do so, on any and all the rivers of South
America, not even excepting such great water-ways as the Magda-
lena, Orinoco, Amazon, or La Plata.
Such a case was reported from Brazil by the United States min-
ister, Charles Bryan, in a despatch dated Petropolis, August 14, 1902.
The Brazilian government issued a circular decree, dated August 8,
1902, suspending the free navigation of the Amazon. Foreign gov-
ernments whose citizens had vast interests on the Amazon at once pro-
tested. The decree violated the "Constitution " of Brazil and injured
all foreign interests. The decree was soon modified by limiting the
prohibition to imports and exports to and from Bolivia. Its purpose
VOL. i — 33
514 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
was to cut off a vast rubber district of Bolivia, whose only means of
communication with the outside world was via the Amazon River.
The United States consul-general, Eugene Seegar, on January 20,
1903, wrote a protest to the Brazilian government, calling attention to
the fact that the United States had always regarded transit on the
Amazon as being free, and observing that he hoped that such changes
in the decree would be made as "the strong ties of close friendship that
bind us to your glorious country give us reason to hope for." The
decree was soon afterwards revoked, and free navigation resumed for
the transportation of all goods except arms and ammunition.
VI. SEIZURE OF AMERICAN VESSELS IN COLOMBIA
(Extract from UNITED STATES " FOREIGN RELATIONS," 1903.)
DEPARTMENT OF STATE, January 22, 1902.
Mr. Hay states that it has been represented to the United States govern-
ment that the Colombian government has seized the vessels of the Compania
Fluvial de Cartagena, and also that it has discriminated against the company
in the matter of navigation regulations, sailing permits, and government com-
petitions. Mr. Hart is instructed to bring the matter to the attention of the
Colombian government and say that an immediate restitution of the prop-
erty, with full indemnity for damages caused by illegal acts of Colombian
authorities toward said company, is requested by the government of the
United States.
That it has also been represented that the Colombian government fails
to afford reasonable protection to the Cartagena-Magdalena Railroad Com-
pany and its warehouses, and that the government interferes with the em-
ployes of the company, and impresses them into the service of the government,
and that it discriminates against the company in respect to its traffic.
That it has also been represented by the Cartagena Terminal and Im-
provement Company that the Colombian government discriminates in the
administration of law against it by requiring payment of port and light-house
dues in gold at Cartagena and not at other ports.
Mr. Hart is directed to immediately bring these matters to the attention
of the Colombian government and request just treatment of the American
companies mentioned above.
Minister Hart, and later, Minister Beaupre, tried to get some
redress from the Colombian government, but without avail.
On May 12, 1902, Felipe F. Paul, Minister of Foreign Affairs of
Colombia, answered Mr. Beaupre, saying:
"Now, as formerly, during a disturbance of public order which has already
been going on for over two years and a half, it has been found necessary to
make use of private property in order to aid the re-establishment of order.
The requisition of property by the legitimate authorities has been extended
to foreigners, as is sanctioned by the principles of international law, as also
by treaties.
RAILROADING AND STEAMBOATING 515
"The government has no flotilla in the Magdalena River. This river is
the principal means of communication with the interior. The defence of this
river has therefore to be provided for in times of disturbance by the arming
of merchant vessels. This has been done with regard to boats, the property
of various fluvial companies."
Mr. Paul proceeded with a long argument to the effect that Colom-
bia had, under international law, a right to seize these boats and use
them in its war operations.
There are as many international lawyers in South America as there
were marine lawyers on the old-time brig. Turn which way you will,
somebody will quote "international law" at you, always in defence
of spoliation. And in the mean while the "governments" seize some
of the boats, the revolutionists seize others ; and the ensemble blow up
boilers, knock holes in the hulls, shoot the smokestacks off, and smash
the machinery to pieces. In payment the luckless company receives
long screeds on "international law," and its manager, if he "doth
protest too much," goes to jail.
It is a great pity that Mark Twain never did any steamboating on
the Magdalena River.
PART VI -GOVERNMENTAL BAD FAITH AND
INCOMPETENCY
CHAPTER L
ENTIRE LACK OF GOOD FAITH AMONG LATIN-
AMERICAN DICTATORSHIPS
I. PERU REPUDIATES HER CONTRACTS
PERU is anxious to make it appear that she keeps better faith
with foreigners and foreign investments than the other South
American countries do, and just at present the appearance is
supported by the fact. Peru is in straits, financially and otherwise ;
and she must comport herself well, or the fly will not walk into the
parlor. But not many years ago Peru made no pretence whatever
of acting in good faith towards anybody. She was then as brazen in
her exterior commercial relations as Venezuela or Colombia is now.
When Caceres came into power in Peru, his government at once
sought to overthrow all acts of the administrations of Pierola and
Iglesias from December 21, 1879, to December 2, 1885. Charles W.
Buck, American Minister at Lima, on August 12, 1886, wrote
Secretary Bayard:
"Also a bill has been introduced in the Deputies to annul all interior acts
of the Pierola and Iglesias governments. Were such a measure to pass, it
would, I apprehend, be construed here to reach with disintegrating touch
contracts of the greatest importance heretofore entered into with foreigners,
especially the railroad contracts by which the three most important railroads
in Peru were placed under lease to Americans and the Callao Muelle y Dar-
sena contract. In advance of definite outcome in the direction of the proposed
action of the Peruvian government disregarding or annulling contract rights
of American citizens in properties perhaps worth more than $100,000,000,
which would in effect be confiscation, it seems desirable that I should be
advised in an instruction of the views of our government."
On August 14, 1886, Mr. Buck wrote:
"The House of Deputies have unanimously adopted the report of the
special committee appointed to investigate the Muelle y Darsena contract,
by which the approval of Congress is refused to the renewal made by the
Iglesias government, April 10, 1885, and it is declared null."
Plainly, this act of the Peruvian Congress was blackmail — nothing
else. The contract in question had been made by the Iglesias govern-
520 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ment, the only government which Peru had at the time; and it had
been approved by the Iglesias Congress. It is true that the Iglesias
government was an absolute military dictatorship, but such was the
ordinary form of government.
However, as the Central or South American dictatorship ordi-
narily has a lax morale as to its own contracts, one hardly expects to
find it imbued with a lively sense of responsibility for the contracts of
its predecessors.
Upon the general subject outlined in Mr. Buck's report, the State
Department at Washington on September 23, 1886, expressed the
following opinion:
"Upon the general question of the binding effect upon Peru of contracts
made by the Pierola and Iglesias government in accordance with the Constitu-
tion and laws of that country, the opinion of this department is that the per-
formance of such engagements is obligatory upon the present Peruvian govern-
ment, and that the attempt on the part of that government to avoid such
contracts, thus denying the capacity of the Pierola and Iglesias government
to contract, in violation or disregard of the vested rights of citizens of the
United States, would afford just ground for complaint. For the greater part
of six years, from 1879 until 1885, either the Pierola or the Iglesias govern-
ment was recognized by foreign powers as the government of Peru."
On October 28, 1886, Mr. Buck wrote:
"I have to report that Congress, on the 24th instant, passed an act. . . .
annulling all the interior acts of the Pierola and Iglesias governments. . . .
The signing and putting into effect is perfunctory. The President has also
signed the act annulling the Darsena contract."
It is not necessary for us to follow the tortuous paths of the diplo-
matic correspondence in regard to this matter. The Peruvian foreign
minister wrote a long brief on the claim that Peru had a perfect right,
under "international law" to violate the plighted faith of the nation
as given by previous administrations.
There is little good faith among the pretended governments of
South America ; their very processes of thought and expression are as
crooked as a ram's horn. Straightforwardness, common candor, and
honesty are all but unknown. Yet there are degrees and degrees of
sluggishness of the moral sense — and Peru is better than Venezuela !
II. DOUBLE OB TRIPLE PAYMENT OF DUTIES DEMANDED
BY NICARAGUA
Between February 3 and 25, 1899, the government of the Blue-
fields district in Nicaragua was completely in the hands of General
Reyes, of the revolutionary forces. This "general" compelled the
local merchants to pay the duties on goods imported during that time
ENTIRE LACK OF GOOD FAITH 521
to him. Among the importers thus compelled to pay were Samuel
Weil & Co., of New Orleans, the Central American Trading Co.,
Allen & Caldwell, Jacob Albert Peterson, Samuel Dean Spellman,
and Orr & Laubenheimer.
When the rabble, headed by Zelaya and self-styled a "constitu-
tional government," got possession of the Bluefields district, through
the surrender of General Reyes to the British and American naval
forces, it at once demanded a second payment of these duties. The
merchants protested, but "Constitutional President" Zelaya wanted
the money, and persisted.
Finally, on April 29, 1899, Joaquin Sanson, Nicaraguan Minister
of Foreign Affairs, and William Lawrence Merry, American Minister,
entered into a convention under which the sums claimed were de-
posited by the merchants in the hands of Mr. Bingham, English Con-
sul at Bluefields, in escrow. This removed the entire question from
the local authorities of Bluefields to the State Department of the United
States and the Foreign Office of Nicaragua.
The stereotyped allegation was made by Nicaragua that the mer-
chants had sympathized and aided the revolution. The United States
government thoroughly investigated this charge, taking ample sworn
testimony, and declared that there was nothing in this pretension.
Secretary Hay then demanded the return of the money to the
merchants.
Nicaragua refused its assent, and Mr. J. Sanson, Nicaraguan
Foreign Minister, wrote some letters. That one dated Managua,
August 25, 1899, is a good sample of Latin- American diction and of
Latin-American ingenuity in devising excuses for appropriating other
people's money. Mr. Sanson said inter alia:
"The idea of a discussion in this respect does not enter to-day into my
proposition, nor much less regarding the culpability the Americans may have
incurred, that aided the revolt of General Reyes, — a circumstance that the
government of Nicaragua has desired to forget in order not to give the matter
greater proportions, and as a friendly act toward the United States of North
America."
Again :
"With regard to General Reyes being he who commanded absolutely
in the department of Zelaya, between the 2d and 23rd of February last, because
General Aurelio Estrada, named successor, could not take possession of the
post, and even took refuge in the American consulate, — that is no argument
that excuses the payment of duties due to the custom house, because the rule
of Mr. Reyes was illegal, not sanctioned by any law of right, or recognized
by any foreign power."
If General Reyes' rule was illegal, where then shall we look for
legality in Latin-American governments? They all are based on
revolution, on force; there are but two kinds of "revolutionary"
522 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
leaders in Latin America — some are "in" and want to stay there;
the others are "out" and do not want to stay there. "Legality" —
" Constitutionality " — bah !
Secretary Hay took a firm and decided stand in the matter. The
Nicaraguan government then concluded to try a new tack. So it
brought an action in one of its alleged courts, and cited the foreign
consuls, the merchants, etc., ostensibly to testify with reference to
the alleged participation of the merchants in the "revolution." Secre-
tary Hay decided that our consuls and our minister should not testify,
or produce any document in the local court, because, so far as they
were concerned, the matter was exclusively in charge of the State
Department, but that the merchants should testify in the local court
whenever called upon to do so.
Not long after this stage of the matter, Minister Merry received
from Mr. Sanson a private letter in these words :
"I limit myself now to say to you that we have good reasons to expect
that the Sefior Judge Roman will absolve the merchants of Bluefields from
the payment of duties, and that he will order returned to them the money
deposited."
Feeling that the "Judges" in Latin America were hardly more
than clerks to register the decrees of the "Military Jefes," Mr. Merry
thought the case ended, and was rather inclined to criticise those mer-
chants who, not imbued with ideas as optimistic as his, had displayed
anxiety to evade the summons to "court."
On May 25, 1900, "Judge" Roman y Reyes rendered his "sen-
tence " — which seems to have been suppressed until July, and under
which no action was attempted until later — condemning the merchants
to pay these perennial duties again. Thus was commanded, at the
behest of this distinguished jurist, a third payment of the duties on
one and the same bill of goods, the first payment having been already
made to the General Reyes de facto government, and the second pay-
ment having been already deposited with the British consul in escrow.
Executions were later issued for the collection of the moneys, and de-
mands for payment were made.
On August 2, 1900, Secretary Hay wrote Mr. Merry :
"The course of the proceedings in this matter, in painfully marked con-
trast with the professions of the Nicaraguan government, cannot pass un-
noticed, and the controversy has reached the stage where it can be settled
only by action in accordance with the just expectation of the United States.
The interested merchants should be advised that in the event of a renewal
of any attempt to enforce the judgment, they should still refuse to pay."
Minister Merry presented a very stern note to the Nicaraguan
government, in which he said :
ENTIRE LACK OF GOOD FAITH 523
" During my visit to Managua last April, I was advised both by your
Excellency and Hon. Mr. Salcedo, Subsecretary of Foreign Affairs, that
instructions had been sent to the Bluefields authorities to permit the return
of the second payments alluded to by Her Britannic Majesty's Consul Bing-
ham, to the merchants presumably in accord with the result of conferences
alluded to at Washington. It now appears that Judge Roman, of the Blue-
fields local court, has issued his ' sentence ' ordering a third payment of these
duties, regardless and in violation of the international convention of April 29,
1899, which had been approved by both governments. The mere suggestion
that the judge of a local court has the right to violate an international agree-
ment, approved by both governments interested, is so subversive of inter-
national courtesy and equity that I am assured that your Excellency will
agree with me that a discussion of the point is superfluous."
When the United States finally took a positive stand in the matter,
it secured the return of the money to the merchants. The episode,
which is one of many such cases (save that usually the money is not
returned), illustrates the proposition that no man to-day can do busi-
ness successfully in the semi-barbaric States of Central America, in
San Domingo, Haiti, Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador, unless his
own government is at his back at every moment, and, as this condition
is utterly impracticable of performance, the proposition turns out to
be merely an indirect mode of stating that the transaction of business
successfully in those countries is to-day a practical impossibility.
III. How A PORT'S USEFULNESS MAY BE DESTROYED
One of the innumerable acts of despotism by which Spanish-
American Dictators visit punishment upon a whole section of coun-
try whose inhabitants may not have fully submitted to the yoke is
to issue a decree closing the port or ports of such section of country.
The execution of such a decree practically shuts off communication
with the outside world. It renders staple imports so extremely dear
that even the well-to-do, if dependent upon the products of other lands,
find it very difficult to obtain what are for them the common neces-
sities of life.
General Castro, Dictator of Venezuela, on May 27, 1903, closed
the custom houses at La Vela de Coro, Guanta, Puerto Sucre, Guiria,
Cano Colorado, and Ciudad Bolivar. The decree reads thus :
"ART. 1. The custom houses of La Vela de Coro, Guanta, Puerto Sucre,
Guiria, Cano Colorado, and Ciudad Bolivar will be temporarily closed. The
term allowed for merchandise that may arrive at the closed ports from Europe,
the United States of North America, and the Antilles is as follows : For Eu-
rope, thirty days for steamers and sixty days for sailing vessels ; for the United
States, fifteen days for steamers and thirty days for sailing vessels; for the
Antilles and Demerara, ten days, whether they are steamers or sailing vessels;
and for Trinidad or Granada, two days, counting from the 1st of June, 1903.
"ART. 2. The custom house of the port of Juan Griego will be removed
to the port of Porlamar, where it will have all the functions and will fulfil all
524 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
the duties that are set forth in the laws of finances. The custom-house guard
of Porlamar will take the place of the one of Juan Griego.
"ART. 3. In each of the closed ports there will be established a custom-
house guard with the duties and functions set forth in the code of finances.
"ART. 4. The jurisdiction of these custom-house guards will be the same
as that of the suppressed custom houses.
"ART. 5. The suppressed custom houses of Quanta and Puerto Sucre
will be submitted to the jurisdiction of the custom house of La Guayra ; those
of Guiria, Cano Colorado, and Ciudad Bolivar, to the custom house of Caru-
pano ; and La Vela de Coro, to Puerto Cabello."
Under this decree vast sections of Venezuela were deprived of
all communication with the outside world save by a roundabout
cumbrous method entailing the immediate supervision of the ruling
Dictator, and bristling with difficulties so enormous as to put a stop
to business. La Vela de Coro is a port hundreds of miles from Puerto
Cabello, and has no more natural relation to the latter than Mobile
has to Charleston; yet all merchandise for La Vela de Coro must
now first be shipped to Puerto Cabello, and there reshipped, subject
to large extra charges, — a heavy, perhaps almost prohibitive burden.
A whole State is dependent upon La Vela de Coro as its natural port ;
but because this State had not prostrated itself in humble obeisance
to Castro, he deliberately and with malice aforethought started to
grind it into the dust. And the few foreigners in this State suffer
more from the outrage than any one else does.
These ports having been closed and cut off from the outside world,
any outrages or infamies heaped upon the helpless inhabitants of the
vast territories appurtenant thereto may remain forever unknown to
civilization. (Moreover, Dictators have been known to prohibit
strangers and all other persons from writing about the internal or
external politics of a country.)
What shall be said of the government of a country where one man,
without the consent of an alleged Congress or of any one, can and
does issue a decree closing almost all of the ports in the country, — the
decree of one man, from whose whimsical and despotic conduct there
is no appeal and no help except revolution ?
CHAPTER LI
VALUELESSNESS OF SPANISH-AMERICAN
STATISTICS
ALL statistics relating to Spanish-American countries must be
taken with a grain of salt. One may read in official documents
the following areas, in square miles: Brazil, 3,209,878; Ar-
gentina, 1,125,086; Bolivia, 597,271 ; Venezuela, 593,943 ; Colombia,
513,938; Peru, 463,747, and Ecuador, 273,150. If one should refer
to the chapter in this book on surveys, he would see that all of these
figures are mere estimates, not based upon anything like accurate
calculation. It is not probable that any one can compute, from the
data at hand, to within 1000 square miles of the true area of Vene-
zuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, or Bolivia, or to within 5000 square
miles of the true area of Argentina, or to within 50,000 square miles
of the true area of Brazil.
Unreliable as are the statistics of land areas, much more so are
the statistics of population. Never in any one of these countries has
a census been taken. They usually simulate the common practices
of civilized countries, but the writer has never heard of even a pre-
tence of taking a census. Men guess at the populations of the com-
ponent districts, and the sum total of these guesses is assumed to be
the population of the whole country. These crude estimates are later
dignified by the name of census and incorporated into official reports,
as if entitled to full faith and credit. Thus the table following pur-
ports to represent the population of the Spanish- American countries.
These figures give to Spanish America, including Mexico, a popula-
tion of fifty-two millions; excluding Mexico, a population of nearly
forty millions.
These figures, then, are founded upon guesses. Never, even in
Mexico, has there been a census taken. There are no data for mak-
ing a rational estimate which would be reasonably certain to be within
500,000 of the actual population of Venezuela, within 1,000,000 of
the actual population of Colombia, within 1,000,000 of that of Mexico
or of Argentina, or within 3,000,000 of that of Brazil. It seems very
improbable that the population of any one of these countries is nearly
as large as the figures of the estimates noted below. It is true that in
the cities the swarming population are simply packed into their narrow
little rooms, existing like rats in the hold of some rotten hulk ; but
526
AMERICAN SUPREMACY
YEAR
POPULATION
Mexico .... . . .
1895
12 632 427
Guatemala
1897
1 535 632
Salvador
1894
803 534
Honduras
1895
400 000
Nicaragua
1897
420 000
Costa Rica . . ...
1892
243 205
Haiti
1897
960 000
Santo Domingo
1888
610 000
Colombia
1895
4 000 000
Ecuador . .
1897
1 271 861
Venezuela
1891
2 323 527
Brazil
1890
14 333 915
Peru
1891
2 621 844
Bolivia
1893
2,000 000
Argentina .
1895
3 954 911
Paraguay
1895
432000
Uruguay
1897
840 725
chnf :::::.;:''''
1895
2,712 145
52,095,726
even so, I think the above sum total is at least ten millions greater
than would be borne out by the facts.
An idea of the difficulties experienced by the statistician in deal-
ing with South American affairs may be obtained by the following,
from the " Bulletin of the Bureau of the American Republics," Vol. IV,
Handbooks, p. 1 :
"The area of Bolivia, as hitherto published, presents an irreconcilable
confusion of figures, ranging all the way from 106,180 to 832,176 English
square miles. In his Nodones de Geografia de Bolivia, published at Sucre
in 1889, Senor Justo Leigue Moreno gives the area of the country at 2,155,329
square kilometres, or 832,176 English square miles; the Handbook of the
American Republics, 784,554 English square miles; the Statesman's Year
Book, 772,548 English square miles; the American Encyclopedia, 697,288
English square miles; the Encyclopedia Britannica, 536,200 English square
miles; the Bolivian delegate to the International American Conference, in
his Railway Report, at 275,000 square kilometres, or 106,180 English square
miles. The fact that no two of these authorities agree is perhaps explained,
with the exception of the latter, which is clearly an error, by their including
or excluding in whole or in part in their estimates the disputed territory
claimed by the Republic."
Hon. Manuel Vicente Ballivian, of La Paz, one of the most schol-
arly and distinguished authors of Bolivia, and until 1890 director of
the Government Department of Boundaries, gives the official esti-
mates of the area of the Republic, and how determined. Under date
May 26, 1892, he says :
"The total area of the Republic, not including the territory of El Chaco,
claimed alike by Bolivia, Paraguay, and the Argentina, is 1,546,818.27 square
kilometres, or 597,271 English square miles."
VALUELESSNESS OF STATISTICS 527
With regard to Ecuador the same authority says :
"The limits of this vast territory, which lies between Colombia on the
north, Brazil on the east, Peru on the south, and the Pacific Ocean on the
west, have never been surveyed, nor even determined. Article 2 of the Con-
stitution contains a provision also that the boundaries shall be established by
treaties. The governments of Ecuador and Peru reached an agreement in
1888 by which all questions in regard to their frontier were submitted to
the decision of the Queen Regent of Spain. Her Majesty consented to assume
the responsibility, but her consent was given upon the express understanding
that her government would not undertake to consider the matter until after
two cases of similar character, one between Colombia and Venezuela and the
other between Costa Rica and Colombia, also submitted to her for adjustment,
were finally disposed of. The case between Colombia and Venezuela was
settled by the royal award of March 16, 1891, which both parties accepted.
That between Colombia and Costa Rica is no longer before Her Majesty.
Colombia withdrew from the arbitration on the ground that the time allowed
by the treaty had expired. The Spanish government having, under these
circumstances, abstained from taking any action on that subject, it was ex-
pected that the vexed and long-standing question between Ecuador and Peru
would be speedily taken up and settled. But, according to the message of
President Flores to the Ecuadorian Congress, June 10, 1892, some obstacles
have been raised on the part of the Peruvian Congress, and the arbitration
has been suspended.
"With Brazil there seems to be no question, because the treaty of 1777
between Spain and Portugal, which were then the owners of the two territories,
marked the limits between them with tolerable accuracy. But even if there
were questions in regard to this point, they would be of no practical impor-
tance — at least at the present time — because the boundary on that side
passes through an uninhabited wilderness.
"As to the northern limit, which has been for a long time and is still in
dispute with Colombia, an effort is being made diplomatically on the part of
Ecuador to have it settled by treaty.
"It may be said, however, that independent of any changes which may
be effected by virtue of the settlements above referred to, the territory of
Ecuador lies between 1° 56' north latitude and 5° 30' south latitude, and
longitudes 69° 52' and 80° 35' west of Greenwich. Its greatest length, from
north to south, has been calculated to be in the neighborhood of 520 miles,
while its greatest width, from east to west, is estimated at 740 miles. The
ocean front, owing to its extended curvilinear projection, its indentations,
and its sinuosities of all kinds, measures at least 2000 miles.
"The total area of the Republic, never ascertained by actual survey, has
been generally believed to be 118,630 square miles. The geographer Villavi-
cencio increases these figures to 127,205, while Hanemann and other well-
known authorities, through planimetric calculations, have concluded to make
it 248,580 square miles."
It is evident that he who would undertake to straighten out and
elucidate these South American inter-country boundaries has before
him a task worthy to rank with the labors of Hercules.
CHAPTER LII
BOUNDARY SURVEYS, COAST SURVEYS, AND
LIGHT-HOUSES
I. BOUNDARY SURVEYS
THE survey of India was begun not long after it came under Eng-
lish control. The establishment of the base line illustrates the
care and accuracy of men skilled in topography and mensura-
tion. The base line was run three times; extreme care was used in
the adjustment of transits and levels, and all instruments were kept
in the shade. In preference to the ordinary steel tape metallic bars
were used, and posts were driven into the ground, with beams from
post to post. These bars, also kept in the shade, measured from a
pin point to a pin point; and magnifying glasses were used so that
the correspondence between each bar and its pin point termini might
be perfect. Three times was the distance measured thus precisely,
with the result of a variation of one inch in ten miles. This inch was
distributed equally among the three measurements, the point falling
almost exactly on the terminus of one of them. The base line for the
great English survey of India was now established.
Surveying in the United States may not have been quite so mi-
nutely accurate as the foregoing, yet the United States system is an
admirable one. It was instituted at the very beginning of the nation.
While the English and Americans initiate and carry forward their
surveys as a matter of course, the South Americans have never accom-
plished any surveying, nor have they even made a beginning.
In Mexico there have been some amateurish efforts to survey
certain sections. For the last five years the government has been
employing quite a number of graduates in engineering from the
school in the City of Mexico, to make land surveys. The outcome
up to now is "confusion worse confounded."
In the title-deeds of a tract of land in Mexico or any other Spanish-
American country the boundary line will commonly be described as
running from a certain old tree to the summit of a certain hill or
mountain, thence in another direction to where a path crosses a cer-
tain ravine, thence in another direction to where two paths intersect,
- one of them perhaps an ancient path to some Indian village, and
the other probably a Camino Real (Royal Highway), in reality only
SURVEYS AND LIGHT-HOUSES 529
a miserable mule-path among the stones and stumps. As vague as
this will be the description in the official records, if there is any record
whatever of the conveyance.
In those exceptional cases where pretended surveys have been
made there has been no system or uniformity, but each "engineer"
has hit upon a happy-go-lucky scheme of his own; but though his
measurements may lack accuracy and the directions of his lines may
be somewhat doubtful, his maps will usually be resplendent in as
many colors as those of Joseph's coat.
It is doubtful if there are five native engineers in either Santo
Domingo, Central America, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, or
Bolivia, who, given all the instruments and tables they desire, can,
otherwise unaided, calculate their latitude and longitude within one
mile of the truth ; nay, more, it is doubtful if there is one who could
run a straight line for twenty-five miles without a variation of at least
thirty minutes of a degree.
Every map of South America is guess-work, — free-hand drawing.
No South American government can turn to its maps and tell how
far or in what direction one given point is from another. In ail Span-
ish America there is scarcely a map (of any district, however small)
that is even approximately accurate. There is no map based on a
survey of any State, department, condado, or municipality, even in
Mexico.
The atlases contain maps of South America, and show for the
different countries definite boundaries, but there are none save those
determined by Nature, — oceans, or rivers, or mountain ranges.
The boundary line between Ecuador and Brazil is, of course, in
dispute ; so is that between Ecuador and Peru ; while Peru and Chili
have been fighting so long over their mutual border that "the memory
of man runneth not to the contrary."
Who knows the Colombia- Venezuela boundary? On our maps
it seems to commence at the Gulf of Maracaibo, in the Goajira penin-
sula, and thence to follow the summit of a chain of mountains south-
ward until this chain intersects another chain at a point not far from
San Cristobal, and thence to wander along in a southeasterly and
southerly direction until it strikes the branch of the Orinoco River.
Along this boundary, which has never been surveyed, there lies a
vast frontier. A part of this region has no government at all; a
part has two governments, both bad, and a part is in that vague,
nebulous condition in which the inhabitants do not know to whom
they belong.
Along this hazy border there are extensive districts where the
natives (Indians) refuse to acknowledge any paramount authority
whatever. The Indians of the Goajira peninsula have their own
government, and refuse to recognize either Venezuela or Colombia;
and incidentally one may observe that life and property are safer in
VOL. i — 34
530 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
this quasi-Cossack jurisdiction than in either of the countries men-
tioned. Other large sections of country southwest of Maracaibo Lake
are peopled by Indians no less savage, because white, who avoid inter-
course with civilization.
A few years ago Venezuela and Colombia, after fifty years of dis-
cussions, patriotic resolutions, etc., finally appointed a joint commis-
sion to establish the boundary line between the two countries. These
gentlemen met, drank much champagne, made many speeches, and
had the bands play the national airs. There was dancing, there
was revelry, there was a great jubilee. Of course things heroic and
patriotic, and things transcendental were both said and done. After
living a week or two in this seventh heaven, those buoyant but hard-
worked men started upon the still more arduous labor of making
the survey, or at least of establishing the line. Just how they pro-
posed to do it is not so clear, for they were a bunch of doctors, generals,
and politicians. Not a commissioner knew a transit from a Colt's
rapid-fire gun. But at all events the Honorable Boundary-Experts
started off on one of the biggest steamboats they could find at Mara-
caibo. Whether or not they intended to take this fairy shallop with
them over the mountains cannot be told, for the only thing that his-
tory records is that they got up some river, ready to drink some more
good champagne and then buckle down to work, when a body of
revolutionists came blithely along, swooped down, took the boat and
the good champagne away from them, and threw a lot of them into
the water, while the terrified remnant fled to the woods. This little
episode appears to have dissolved the commission, and no further
efforts have been made to establish that boundary line.
We all remember the dispute between British Guiana and Vene-
zuela, and the message of President Cleveland, which suggested the
possibility of war on the part of the United States against England
because of the matter. In that controversy the pretensions of Vene-
zuela were as vague and unfounded as they have been in many other
similar cases. There was not a survey, not one authentic map, not
one definite fact on which to base a tangible claim. The tribunal has
made its award, giving to England all she claimed and more; but
it would be hard, perhaps impossible, to find a man in the government
of Venezuela who knows within fifty miles of where the line was
finally located !
Throughout the southern part of Venezuela the authority of the
Caracas government is more nominal than real ; and no one has more
than a hazy notion of the true divisional line between Venezuela and
Brazil. Almost all of the inland border of Brazil is in doubt or dis-
pute. There are large territories, such as the Acre district, over which
both Bolivia and Brazil claim jurisdiction, while there are other vast
regions that no country controls, where no white man has ever set
foot. The district between the Madeira and the Papajos rivers,
SURVEYS AND LIGHT-HOUSES 531
branches of the Amazon, is hardly less terra incognita than the crust
of the moon.
South America, the richest of all continents in natural resources,
spreading over nearly seven million square miles, has yet not one
authentic survey save those made by a few railroads ; nor yet one map,
of any district however small, save those drafted by guess-work !
II. COAST SURVEYS
The lack in South America of a system of land surveying is scarcely
less deplorable than the prevailing ignorance of the coast lines, harbors,
and obstacles to navigation along shore. The various governments
have done but little toward light-houses and navigators' charts.
In the making of coast surveys and hydrographic charts Spain is
much more in advance of the South American countries than England
or the United States is in advance of Spain. In the days of Spanish
dominion she had done something toward charting the obstacles to
navigation along these coasts, and the present mariners' charts of the
north shores of Colombia and Venezuela are largely based upon the
original surveys and plottings made by Spain. But from Colon to
the island of Trinidad there are only a few light-houses (and these are
miserably kept), and neither Colombia nor Venezuela has made the
slightest effort in the direction of such coast surveys as modern com-
merce demands. Spain had also established a very good system of
light-houses off Cuba and Porto Rico. Her charts showed most
of the rocks or other obstacles to navigation thereabouts; and al-
though these charts were not as accurate as those of the United States
Coast Survey, they were yet extremely useful to navigators,
The navigators' charts of the coast of Brazil are based not only
upon English and American data, but also upon many surveys and
soundings made by the French; whereas the plotting of the rivers,
such as the Orinoco, Amazon, La Plata, and others, has depended,
save for some work of little importance by the Brazilian navy, wholly
upon English and American data.
Neither the United States nor England has ever systematically
taken up the subject of a comprehensive coast survey of South America,
for this work should devqlve upon the governments of that continent
to the extent that its coast falls within their respective domains. But
these governments are too busy with schemes and intrigues, too busy
thinking how to loot the few industries that are being carried on, to
interest themselves in such altruistic enterprises as light-houses, buoys,
bells, the life-saving service, harbor improvements, coast surveys, and
navigators' charts.
532 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
III. LIGHT-HOUSES
It is not necessary to describe the light-house systems of the United
States, England, or any other civilized country. Every obstruction
to navigation along their coasts is indicated in some manner, as by a
light-house, a bell, or a buoy. On the coast of Maine there are more
than 60 light-houses, all of them in first-class condition, and nearly
as many bells, whistles, sirens, and trumpets for fog signals. On the
Massachusetts coast are between 80 and 90 light-houses. OS Rhode
Island, Connecticut, and New York there are about 150; off New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Delaware about 70 ; and thence along the
coast to Key West about 200; in other words, on the east coast of
the United States there are about 575 light-houses. Moreover, the fog
signals are almost as numerous.
The following list of light-houses along the northern coast of South
America and the eastern coast of Central America, noted from "Lights
and Tides of the World," by H. D. Jenkins, shows how seriously in-
adequate is the protection afforded to navigators by the governments
of these coasts :
VENEZUELA LIGHT-HOUSES
NAME OP LIGHT GENERAL REMARKS
Orinoco River Exhibition of light and position of hulk
unreliable.
Carupano Bay Light-house destroyed 1892. Uncer-
tain whether re-established.
Margarita Island One fixed light.
Cumana Shows white to the westward, red
northward, and green southward.
Unreliable.
El Roque On one of the northern islets of Los
Roques group.
La Guayra Not easily distinguished from the lights
of the town.
La Guayra Exhibition of light uncertain. Un-
reliable.
Puerto Cabello Provisional pending the establishment
of a flashing light.
NOTE. — At the entrance to Maracaibo Lake, at Vela de Coro, Tucacos, La
Guanta, and at many other ports, or places where there have been ports, there are no
lights whatever.
SURVEYS AND LIGHT-HOUSES 533
COLOMBIAN LIGHT-HOUSES
NAME OP LIGHT GENERAL REMARKS
Santa Martha Particulars wanting. Formerly a light
was exhibited in this place visible
24 miles.
Santa Martha Belillo Point is the southwest extreme
of Verte Island on north side of the
harbor. Reported unreliable.
Savanilla Duration of flash 3 seconds. Obscured
when bearing southward of S. 36 E.
Reported unreliable.
Savanilla A feeble light.
Galera de Zamba Visible from N. 67 E. through E. to
S. 22° W. (135). Height of light
above sea unknown.
Cartagena A small fixed light is exhibited from
Postelillo Fort to guide boats from
the anchorage to custom-house
wharf.
Manzanillo Point Alternately red and white flashes. Re-
ported irregular. 1895.
NICARAGUA AND HONDURAS, East Coast
NAME OP LIGHT GENERAL REMARKS
Greytown The former light, visible 14 miles, at
the entrance to the harbor is extin-
guished, and the present light inside
the port is unreliable.
Cape Gracias Obscured by trees when bearing north-
ward of N. 33 °W.
Truxillo Bay Light-house destroyed.
Roatan Island Light-house destroyed in 1892.
Utilla Island Unreliable.
Port Cortez Shows white from S. W. through S.
and E. to W., and red in other
directions.
Puerto Barrios Not easily distinguished from the town
lights.
Livingstone Unreliable.
CHAPTER LIII
LATIN-AMERICAN PRISONS
T I ^HE discomforts of South American living, even in the best hotels,
have already been sufficiently indicated. The unsanitary con-
ditions of South American cities, even of their best localities,
are a matter of common knowledge.
The South Americans are a people of illusions and vain imagina-
tion. They glory in spectacular performances, they love adulation
and display. And so outwardly their hotels and residences make
a fine show, while inwardly they are uncomfortable, inconvenient, and
unsanitary. But if even their "grand palaces" are unclean and un-
sanitary, and lack the ordinary modern conveniences such as sanitary
plumbing and adequate baths, one may logically apprehend that their
prisons are horrible dens — and they are.
To the prisons the love of vainglorious display has not penetrated.
The prisons are the plain, unvarnished product of the natural un-
adorned South American, and their standard of maintenance shows
him in the "lime-light" — for what he really is.
The writer has visited the prisons, not only at Vera Cruz but at
San Carlos and elsewhere, but has no intention of sickening the reader
by describing these hell-holes of iniquity; and, indeed, language
would fail. The nauseating filth covering the cell floors, the thousand
stifling, offensive, poisonous stenches, the countless germs of disease
teeming in every crack and crevice, the abominable stuff forced in the
name of food upon the prisoners, the intolerable heat by day, the
awful chill by night, the unspeakable vermin, the loathsome sores
that come so soon after this dreadful existence begins, the — oh, the
mordant, or else deadening, horror of it all; sum of all agonies and
fears, charnel-house of all crimes and villanies !
If the prisons of South America were made mainly to hold crimi-
nals, some one might attempt to argue prevention of crime, in possible
extenuation of their condition, however contrary to modern humani-
tarianism such an argument would be. But these prisons were made
mainly to hold political prisoners, — for the suppression and intimida-
tion of those who are thought to be obstructing the "government"
that chances to be uppermost.
Criminals ! They may be walking at large, free as the daylight,
or they may be detained for a short time in the "Carcel," and then,
after a short investigation, turned loose. But opposers of the "gov-
LATIN-AMERICAN PRISONS 535
eminent " ! Many a stalwart man, suspected of this heinous conduct,
has been flung into one of these iniquitous holes, and in a few months
reduced to a decrepit, trembling skeleton, to which terror, disease,
and cruelty have affixed their ghastly brands.
The following description of a Venezuelan prison is taken from
the New York " Herald," January 1, 1905 :
"From a Venezuelan prison, where he had seen scores of his fellows perish,
Andres Duarte Level, once colonel in the revolutionary forces of his country,
has gained his freedom and has come North to breathe the free air of the
United States, of which he will soon become a citizen, and to tell a tale of
scarcely credible cruelties practised with the permission and often with the
active participation of President Castro upon his helpless enemies.
"It was due in no small part to his youth — he is only twenty-seven —
that Level was able to escape from the oppression of the Dictator. His father,
who had been Vice-President under Guzman Blanco, and who afterward held
other offices of importance, left behind him — he is now in exile — friends
who were more fortunate than he in preserving their balance on the see-saw
of politics in the South American Republic. These friends put forth their
efforts to obtain the release of the son from the fortress of San Carlos, where
he had been confined in irons since the suppression of the recent rebellion, in
which he had seen active service.
"Last week the 'Herald ' published the text of a letter to President Roose-
velt from a mother appealing for aid for her only son. She recounted some of
the cruelties inflicted upon her child in a Venezuelan prison. This man was a
companion of Level in misfortune.
"Death was not feared by the prisoners of San Carlos; it was the greatest
boon they asked for. Shackled one to another with irons that often weighed
fifty pounds, beaten, starved, denied an occupation, they saw their fellows
drop one by one, and they counted them lucky, for, with escape out of the ques-
tion and rescue impossible, it meant death or worse — insanity.
"Fifteen hundred men, the greater part of them political prisoners, were
crowded into a space that would have been taxed by one third of that number.
The cells were in the casements of the fort, and those facing the sea were swept
by waves, there being several inches of water in them at high tide. The largest
of the cells was barely twenty-five feet long, eight feet wide, and six feet high,
and in these as many as fourteen to eighteen prisoners were cast.
"On account of the peculiar manner in which they were ironed and the
lack of room, these unfortunates were compelled to assume half-sitting, half-
lying postures, the while the heat, fearful during the day, became absolutely
unbearable at times, with no water to quench their raging thirst. The average
temperature on the bastion of the fortress is 105 degrees. It is not difficult
to estimate how much higher it would be in a room without ventilation or
sanitary appliances, crowded with human beings.
"Here Level spent eight months. Often ill, so ill that he moved about
only with the aid of his shackle mate and others, it was only the vitality of
his years that kept him alive. He had friends who supplied him with money.
The tithes of the sums sent which eventually reached him, after passing
through the sticky hands of various prison officials, enabled him to purchase
food that barely kept the life in his withered body. Those prisoners without
536 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
money went without food, unless they were fed on the bounty of their friends,
for the prison supplies no rations to its inmates.
"The fortress of San Carlos, which is the most important in the country,
is on an island at the entrance to Lake Maracaibo, about twenty miles from
the city of that name. It is built in the form of an octagon, with a sea wall
following the same lines on the exposed side. It is in this wall that the cells are
to be found, those at the farthest point often being flooded by the swells.
"The space between the wall and the sides of the fort is roofed over except
for one little patio (yard) where the prisoners are herded from half-past six in
the morning, when they are driven from their cells at the point of a bayonet,
until five in the evening, when they are again compelled to return to their foul-
smelling holes.
"A ditch sufficed for sanitation, of which the cells were guiltless, and that,
with the hot sun and great humidity, bred pestilence that causes physicians
to marvel that all were not exterminated. Illness was so common that it ceased
soon to cause ordinary sympathy; the officials ignored the conditions unless
informed that smallpox had developed, and then the prisoner afflicted was cut
away from his companions and by two of his fellows — the officials never
exposing themselves — rowed over to a deserted island, called Zapara, two
miles away. There, without food, medicine, or shelter, patients were left to
care for themselves as best they could.
"In those museums in civilized countries where instruments of torture are
on exhibition may be seen the shackles now used to bind the prisoners of San
Carlos, relics of what has been supposed generally to be a forgotten period.
There, also, may be seen the whips that are still employed in the Venezuelan
prisons, — whips made of bull's hide, which inflict so heavy a blow that Vol-
taire once described them at great length, being impressed with the malig-
nancy of their invention.
"The shackles called grilles, some of which were brought over by the
Spanish forefathers, vary in weight from thirty to sixty pounds, and are so
made as to do duty for two prisoners at one time. The shackles consist of a
heavy iron bar about two and a half feet long, with what appears to be a large
staple at either end. Into these staples the right foot of one and the left of
another prisoner are put, and then they are locked over the ankles. Some-
times, by the refinement of cruelty, the prisoners are ironed one facing for-
ward and the other backward. To the centre of the bar is riveted an iron
chain to which is attached a heavy iron ball.
"It is in the selection of the men who shall be bound together that the
keepers show the development of their inhumanity. The extremes in con-
trasts are sought, — the well are shackled to the sick, the strong to the weak,
the young to the old, the short to the tall, — in brief, the two best calculated
to accentuate rather than relieve each other's miseries are selected to be com-
panions for life, unless pardon, which is rare, or death, which is more common,
puts an end to the enforced intimacy.
"When, from one or the other cause, a prisoner has been released, his
iron is filed away and his companion is left to carry the double burden. It is
not infrequent, Level declares, when a man has died from a contagious dis-
ease, for the keepers to sever his foot from the leg, so that the body may be the
more rapidly disposed of. Then it is slung in a stretcher on two poles and
buried in a shallow, unmarked grave on the beach scarce two stones' throw
from the walls.
LATIN-AMERICAN PRISONS 537
"Into this living death Level was plunged not quite two years ago. When
he emerged, he was a changed man. . . .
"When for some real or fancied offence a prisoner was ordered to be
whipped, a corporal's guard of ten men was detailed, and each of these gave
a certain number of lashes to the victim. When the blows were not suffi-
ciently severe in the opinion of the corporal, he would lash the soldier twice
and then add three to the number the prisoner was to receive.
"When the punishment was finished, the unfortunate, unable to move,
was carried to as shady a corner as could be found, and there ministered
to by his fellow prisoners, who often could not obtain sufficient water to even
quench his thirst. The whips used were made of skins half an inch thick,
and inflicted a blow heavy enough not only to cut the flesh but to break a bone.
During his term Level declared he had seen at least ten prisoners who had
died as a direct result of the whippings they had received.
"Colonel Carlos Fortique was whipped into insensibility in the sight of
Level. When Fortique regained consciousness several days later, he became
a maniac. Two others were whipped to such an extent that they lost their
power of speech and never regained it. Two other prisoners, Messrs. Nasaugo
and Vina, who had refused to contribute to Castro's forces when he began
his rebellion, were locked together in a fifty-pound grilles and were whipped
on an average of once a week. Their imprisonment is for life, and they were
committed without the semblance of a trial.
"When the gates of San Carlos closed upon a prisoner, he was absolutely
shut off from the outside world. Letters which were addressed to him from
friends were read by the officials and never permitted to fall into the hands
of him for whom they were intended, for fear of secret codes in which plots
might be formulated. When money was received from senders whose posi-
tions might engender trouble if an inquiry were started, the remittance was
acknowledged, usually by General Jorge A. Bello, commandant of the for-
tress, but never was the full amount placed in the prisoner's hands. The
average remittance was so much clear gain for the prison officials, who never
bothered themselves as to whether the one for whom it was intended was
starving for lack of money wherewith to purchase food.
"The price of food was in keeping with the conditions. For $7.50 a
prisoner was supplied with so-called meat once a day for two weeks. The
coffee for the same time cost him fifty cents more. The books of the prison
caterer, who paid the officials heavily for the privilege of living off the mis-
fortunes of the prisoners, were always in such shape as to show a balance
against the customer, and therefore whatever money might be received by
the prisoner was diverted to this end — at least thus was the explanation
assigned when questions were asked.
"Just previous to the release of Level, which was effected through the
friendship of General Velutini and Mendoza, Governor of the Federal district
wherein Caracas is located, Castro paid a visit to the fortress, and great
preparations were made to honor him. By some hook or crook a revolver
had been smuggled into the prison, and the President was fired upon, the
shot not taking effect. For this offence fifty prisoners were lashed and three
of them deliberately whipped to death in the hope of extorting a confession
as to the identity of the culprit.
"It was at this time that Castro gave a striking exhibition of his cruelty
when he permitted the lash to descend upon the back of one who had been
538 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
his most trusted friend and adviser, but whom he had sent to prison because
of a quarrel which originated over a question of the policy to be pursued in
regard to the revolutionists, — General Desiderio Centeno, his former chief
of staff. Centeno was already a victim of consumption when he was whipped,
and that aggravated his case to such a degree that he died two weeks later.
"When Level was finally released, it was upon the understanding that
he was to leave the country at once and to say nothing and write nothing
against the government. He received his passport on May 28, and embarked
just in time to escape an officer who bore a warrant for his rearrest, Castro
repenting his decision to give him his freedom."
CHAPTER LIV
THE PASSPORT NUISANCE
IN Central America, Santo Domingo, Colombia, and Venezuela
the would-be traveller must get permission of the local bandit
called "Perfecto," or " Gobernador," or " Comandante," or "Res-
guardo," or by some other equally impressive title, before he can em-
bark. Often the vise of two or more of these worthies is required. The
challenging policeman or soldier is ubiquitous, and the held up traveller
must give his name and destination.
I have seen a ship and its passengers detained in the broiling sun,
all day, awaiting the pleasure of the swarthy Jefe in authority. He
was drunk or taking his siesta.
The agents of these governments are stationed on board ship, and
no one is allowed aboard unless he has all of his " Certificationes "
with the "estampillas," duly signed by these representatives of our
"Sister Republics."
To embark from, or undertake the simplest journey in, one of
these countries is a serious undertaking. It involves days of prepara-
tion and interviews with one functionary and another. Oftentimes
the officials refuse to certify a ticket, and then the unfortunate pas-
senger is subjected to all the senseless and outrageous annoyance that
results. Moreover, restriction on the liberty of movement is a serious
matter ; and detention in an insalubrious climate may mean not only
injury to one's business but also the loss of one's health.
To see a gentleman approach, with hat in hand and every evi-
dence of abject humility, one of these unwashed "authorities," and
humbly beg a passport or to have his ticket vised, and then to see the
"authority" with a lordly air dole out this special favor as if he were
one of the potentates of the earth and the passenger only a yellow
dog, — ah ! these are sights that "cannot but make the judicious
grieve."
One of the practices of mediaeval barbarism that has caused the
civilized world to regard the government of Russia as a typical des-
potism is its system of passports and espionage, hampering the move-
ments and delaying the plans of the traveller, and making life a burden
to him. That any country calling itself a republic should adopt these
methods of Russia, and even make them more harassing, is prepos-
terous. But, speaking generally, the Latin-American Republics (so
called !) have passport systems so bristling with annoying technicalities
540 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
as to make the Russian methods seem broad-minded and liberal by
comparison.
I. PASSPORTS IN VENEZUELA
Before a man can even take passage on a steamship for Venezuela,
he must get a passport from the Venezuelan consul in the port of de-
parture. Here is an exact copy of the form of the passport issued (on
payment of a fee) by the Venezuelan consul-general in New York :
[SEAL]
Filiacion El infrascrito Consul General
Nacionalidad de los Estados Unidos de Venezuela
Edad en Nueva York concede franco
Estatura y seguro
Peso PASAPORTE
Ojos al Senor
Pelo
Nariz para que siga libremente a
Color en los Estados
Barba Unidos de Venezuela.
Estado Civil Se suplica a los autoridades
Senas particulares Venezolanos prestarle todos las se-
guridades y proteccion acordades
por los leyes de la Republica.
Expedido, firmado y sellado en la
ciudad de Nueva York,
[ SEAL ]
But it is even harder, much harder, to leave Venezuela than it is
to enter it. For every move one makes there, a Jefe must be con-
sulted, and a passport obtained, of which the following is a fair
sample :
ESTADOS UNIDOS DE VENEZUELA
ESTADO ZULIA
JEFATURA CIVIL DEL DISTRITO CAPITAL
Maracaibo: 14 de enero de 1907
93? y 45?
[ SEAL ]
PASAPORTE
que se concede a/ ciudadano Gaorgull Cuuhfilla para que pueda .
trasladarse a New York
Dios y Federacion
FELIPE GONZALEZ S.
THE PASSPORT NUISANCE 541
II. RESTRICTIONS IN COMMERCE
But if it is difficult for a person in such a country to move about,
hedged in by the edicts of military despots, and confronted on every
corner by murderous half-breed soldiers, armed with Mausers, whose
stereotyped shout of Quien viva? grates like the "sing" of a rattle-
snake upon one's nerves, how much more difficult is it for one to carry
through a shipment of goods ! The simplest shipment, up a river into
the interior, requires more red tape (more "peticiones" and "estam-
pillas") than it takes to send out an ocean liner from New York.
Every little canoe leaving an inland village port must have its permit,
often signed by half a dozen "Autoridades " each affixing his seal
and exacting his fee.
The following permit is a fair sample of thousands, and will serve
to exemplify the innumerable restrictions and exactions that are
placed on all kinds of commercial operations, even the simplest, in
our "Sister Republics":
Embarco en la balandra national " Dalia Luisa" su potion Jesus Aria,
con destino al Rio Limon consignado ala United States & Venezuela Co.
lo siguiente :
1. Una caja tabaco de mascar .................. K* 7 B8 28
1 . Una caja canteniendo dulces, frutas y sardinas .......... "4$ "46
1. Una cunete pescado salado .................. "15 "20
1. Un saco hauna de trigo ................... "46 " %4
4. Buttos .......................... K* 114 B» 118
Son cuatro bultos con peso de ciento catorce Kilogramos su valor ciento
diez y ocho bolivares.
Maracaibo : 17 de Diciembre de 1903.
A. N. OSORIO ANEZ.
[SEAL]
ADMINISTRACION DE ADUANA
Reconozca el Cabo de muelle y confonne que sea
Embarquese y demiloase
METETA ROCA
Cumplase
p El Comandante
[SEAL]
ANGEL YEO ORTIZ
III. PASSPORTS FOR LEAVING HAITI
Tirecias Augustin Simon Sam, "President" of Haiti, promulgated
a law at Port au Prince, October, 1897, which required all persons
leaving Haiti to obtain passports and pay the following fees :
ART. 2. The price of stamped papers on which shall be delivered pass-
ports for foreign ports, with which every person dwelling on Haitian territory
should be provided, is thus fixed :
542 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
To go into the Dominican territory — G. 4.00
To go to the Antilles or on the American Continent . 6.00
To go to the other side of either ocean 15.00
It is reasonable to suppose that any man who was so unfortunate
as to find himself in Haiti would be glad to pay either of the sums
named for the blessed privilege of taking his departure.
IV. WHAT HAPPENS TO A MAN WITHOUT A PASSPORT
The following letter, dated April 9, 1897, from Minister Granville
Stuart at Montevideo, with reference to affairs in Uruguay, addressed
to the Secretary of State of the United States, is self-explanatory :
SIR, — Herewith enclosed find statement of passports issued by this lega-
tion during the quarter ended March 81, 1897.
These three passports are irregular in that the persons receiving them
have all been absent from the United States more than two years, but they
are native-born citizens, and in danger of being surreptitiously seized and
forced into the army and sent to the front, as is being done to foreigners as
well as to natives, and when seized they are not allowed to communicate with
any one, and as no lists of the killed are ever published, their fate would never
be known if they fell in battle.
Hence I have taken the responsibility of issuing these passports, holding
that prevention of the outrage in these countries is better than any amount
of reclamation after the harm is done.
I have also issued protection papers in another form to eight native-born
and six naturalized citizens of the United States, to wit :
Native-born: John J. Golden, William Clagett, Ernest Clagett, Samuel
John, Wilson Kellogg, Edward Hall, colored, Henry Estrazulas, William
Decker, James E. Lensby.
Naturalized: Antonio Macree, Antonio Labriole, Geunaro Ruggiero,
Charles Querollo, Lewis Lawrence Richards, Fred H. Olsen.
These papers are as follows :
LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,
MONTEVIDEO — (date).
To WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
This is to certify that the bearer (name) is a citizen of the
United States, and is entitled to protection as such.
Description: Age, years; height, ; eyes, ; nose,
mouth, ; hair, ; complexion,
(Red seal of the legation.)
(Official Signature.)
I charged no fee for these papers, and as soon as this civil war now raging
here is over will cease issuing them, and also passports, unless the parties are
clearly entitled to them under the instructions of the department, and I trust
my issuing these papers will be approved in consideration of the terrible state
of affairs prevailing here.
THE PASSPORT NUISANCE 543
I have felt it my duty to use every means in my power to protect any
and all American citizens, and have issued these papers for that purpose.
I have, etc. GRANVILLE STUART.
In reply, John Sherman, Secretary of State, on May 25, 1897,
wrote Mr. Stuart that the department disapproved his act in issuing
the "protection papers."
"The only certificate of citizenship issued by the United States is a
passport, and the giving of any document of the nature or in lieu of
a passport is not authorized," wrote Mr. Sherman.
If a citizen of the United States has been abroad more than two
years, he is not entitled to a passport, and in such event, according to
the ruling of Secretary Sherman, no certificate of citizenship what-
ever could be given him ; it would appear therefore that under those
circumstances an American citizen could be forced into the Uruguayan
army without redress ! If the American people wish to extend their
foreign commerce, they should give their fellow-citizens in alien
lands better protection than this.
In many Latin- American countries no attention is paid to an
American passport, and in such cases, to the man who had a passport,
Mr. Sherman was ready to issue a provisional certificate, in addition
or as a substitute. But there are many American citizens who may
have been travelling or living abroad for more than two years without
passports; when such a man arrives in Uruguay, or in some other
land of the South American recluta, is this or perchance some other
outrage to bear him down, while the American flag floats idly over
the legation ? If the ruling of the Honorable Secretary represents the
law as it stands to-day, what, then, is the remedy ?
PART VII -CLIMATIC CONDITIONS, INSECTS,
REPTILES, AND COMMON DISEASES
CHAPTER LV
INSECT PESTS AND REPTILES
GEOGRAPHICALLY the tropics comprise the territory between
the parallels of Cancer and Capricorn, which are situated
twenty-three degrees and twenty-eight minutes north and
south, respectively, of the equator. Usually the highland and moun-
tainous districts within these limits are healthful. Such coast districts
and other lowlands of South and Central America as extend from the
equator to a considerable distance north of Cancer and south of Capri-
corn constitute the real tropics in the ordinary sense of the term ; and
their climate as a rule is hot, humid, and unhealthful.
These real tropics include the coasts and other lowland districts
of Mexico, Central America, and South America as far south as Rio
Janeiro or even Buenos Aires on the east coast and Valparaiso on the
west coast. In most of these districts the lowlands adjacent to the
coast are covered by heavy timber matted with vines, thorns, and
brush. Swamps are frequent; small streams widen out into large,
shallow lagoons; and in many places, perhaps in most places, the
undergrowth is so rank and luxuriant as to form an impenetrable
jungle.
In these dense tropical forests there are vast numbers of poisonous
vines, and many trees whose sap is deadly. Palo de leche (milk-tree)
is the native designation of several distinct species of trees of exuberant
poisonous sap. The deadly upas is to be found in many sections.
The manzanilla, found along the coast of the Caribbean, is said to
exhale a gas so poisonous that if a man should go to sleep beneath its
branches he would never wake up. The natives express great dread
of this tree, but whether or not the stories of its dangerous qualities
are true, it is impossible to state.
In these jungles are also found thousands of medicinal trees, shrubs,
and herbs, and doubtless the pharmacopoeia will be still further en-
riched by new discoveries.
I. INSECT PESTS
Nowhere else is the marvellous fecundity of living organisms so
impressive as in the tropics. One is especially amazed at the unlimited
548 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
variety of the forms and species of insect life, and by the infinite num-
ber of the insects, whose brief existences are ever being replaced by
other myriads.
Many of these insects are intolerable pests, making life a burden
for people who are compelled to live or work in the woods.
Mosquitoes. Of all the pests in the tropics mosquitoes are the
worst. They are ever present, and in the jungles they are as numer-
ous and vicious by day as by night. It is not an uncommon experi-
ence for a man to be even at midday so covered with mosquitoes that
it would be difficult to discern the texture of his clothing. Horses are
driven frantic by these torments, whose stings start the blood from
almost every square inch of the poor brute's body. There are many
kinds, each seeming unique in its capacity for some especial brand of
mischief. They convey or inject the germs of malaria and yellow
fever, but their poison most commonly brings on derangements of the
nervous system. Their venom produces in the sufferer not only local
disturbance, but nervous shock rather general than local in character.
A mosquito is merely a rattlesnake on a small scale; the bites of a
sufficient number of mosquitoes would surely cause death from
poison.
Pinolias or Piojillos. The forests swarm with an exceedingly small
insect, of the tick variety, scarcely larger than the point of a pin, of
a reddish brown color, and called the pinolia, the piojillo, or by some
other name, according to the locality. These insects cluster in great
numbers on the under sides of leaves. The luckless traveller who
disturbs a few clusters will find himself literally covered with these
minute plagues. They penetrate the meshes of almost all kinds of
cloth, and as soon as they touch a man's skin begin to bore into it.
Hundreds of little pimples are formed, and intense irritation is pro-
duced. Occasionally, if the trouble is neglected, or if the blood is
out of order, or the system run down, the limbs or portions of the
body affected swell up, and running sores form. Sometimes, but not
frequently, amputation of the feet or hands becomes necessary, to
save the patient. The remedy is to wash the body with a concoction
of tobacco and alcohol immediately after exposure.
Garrapatas. Another insect very numerous in certain localities,
and similar to but much larger than the pinolia, is the garrapata.
It adheres to the skin, forming a sore; but as it can readily be seen
and removed, it is not such a nuisance as the pinolia. The skin should
be bathed in alcohol, — if possible, in alcohol in which tobacco has
been steeped for twenty-four hours; or an application of a two per
cent solution of carbolic acid in olive oil will be found beneficial.
Conchugas. These are wood-ticks, larger and more poisonous than
their North American relations. The bite frequently causes a running
sore which lingers for weeks. These creatures seem to have a curious
epicurean instinct, — they commonly abandon the first point of con-
INSECT PESTS AND REPTILES 549
tact and make at once for the tenderest part of the body, there to bury
their villanous fangs. Thus, if a conchuga lights on a man's ankle, it
will probably not bite there, but will leisurely proceed to get in between
his victim's toes before "putting on the screws." The victim then re-
taliates, tearing off and annihilating the conchuga at top speed, but
the latter has usually taken hold with such a grip that parts of his jaws
or fangs are left in the wound, and an ugly sore follows.
Curemias. It seems probable that the curemia is not a member of
the tick family. It is much smaller than the piojillo ; indeed it is al-
most invisible, and one attacked by it is often at a loss to understand
exactly the nature of his trouble. They are sufficiently numerous in
many places to be reckoned a dangerous pest.
Nigua. This is a strange insect, as diminutive as the curemia.
Its common habitat is in or near old stables, or corrals. The nigua
attacks only the foot, and usually fastens upon the toe. One may feel
a strange sensation on the under side of the big toe ; a careful exami-
nation fails to disclose anything, or perhaps one may barely discern a
tiny black speck, which looks like a brier prick. But the annoyance
grows and spreads to the other portions of the foot ; ugly swellings and
open sores follow. It will now be found, on thorough investigation,
that each nigua has laid a nest of eggs, making a labyrinth of openings
in the surrounding tissue for the deposit of the larvae, and that this
process is being multiplied with alarming fecundity. Unless prompt
steps are taken to exterminate the entire brood, amputation becomes
necessary, for they soon burrow so deeply into the flesh that they are
able to defy exterminative and curative measures. Every insect,
larva, and egg should be extracted by sterilized knife or needle at the
earliest opportunity.
Fleas. Fleas swarm in myriads throughout the tropics, and are a
constant source of annoyance and sometimes even torture.
Rodadoras. These little black gnats are found in swarms in many
places. They will crawl through a mosquito netting unless it is of the
closest weave. They raise welts on the skin, and deserve mention on
the list of pests of tropical life.
Flies, Hornets, etc. Common house-flies, horse-flies, wasps, hor-
nets, and stinging insects of all kinds are much more numerous in the
tropics than in the temperate zones.
Other Dangerous Bugs and Insects. Spiders (Arana) are black and
ferocious, and their bite is often sufficiently poisonous to cause death.
The tarantula is an ugly creature of the spider variety, much larger
than anything of the kind known in the United States. Its bite is as
deadly as that of a snake. Scorpions (Alacran) cause intense pain
when they sting, but if the person stung has proper treatment, the re-
sult of the bite is seldom fatal. The treatment for all the insects de-
scribed under the present heading is the same as that used for snake
bites, as detailed later in the chapter.
550 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
Cienpies (Centipede). This is a creature with many feet and legs;
it ranges in length from five to ten inches ; its body ranges in size from
a man's little finger to his thumb. The cienpies can crawl through an
incredibly small space, and can secrete itself most unaccountably.
It will hide where it would seem impossible for even a mosquito to do
so, and its success in getting into trunks and valises is almost magical.
Its bite is poisonous, but usually not fatal.
Vampire Bats. Vampires are not accounted a very serious menace
to life in the tropics, although they have been known to kill persons
who were sleeping unprotected in the open air. They sink their
strong sharp incisors into the sleeper, and the leech-like sucking of
blood proceeds. If there are several of them at their devilish work,
and nothing occurs to awaken the unconscious victim, he may die from
loss of blood.
II. SNAKES
Fraught with danger to life in the tropics are the numerous poison-
ous snakes of many varieties. Many of them are exceedingly small, so
that among the leaves of the heavy underbrush they are almost in-
visible. To describe the different species of the poisonous snakes of
Latin America would be beyond the scope of this work, and I shall
only refer briefly to some of the more common varieties.
Coral. Small, with red and black stripes; very dangerous and
very numerous.
El Quatro Nariz. The four-nosed snake is larger, and duller in
hue, than the coral ; no less dangerous.
Boca Dorada. The golden-mouth snake is similar to the copper-
head found in the United States. It attains a length of three feet, or
more. Its bite is deadly.
Rabo Amarillo. A snake somewhat smaller than the rattler. Tail
tipped with yellow. Very poisonous.
Cascabel. This is the rattlesnake of the North. It is found in the
more elevated regions on rocky highlands and prairies, but seldom in
the swampy districts.
Guayacan. There are several kinds of guayacans in the dense
tropical thickets. They reach the size of the timber rattlesnake, and
are fully as dangerous.
Guayacan Guata. A snake of brownish hue, growing to six feet in
length. It is found in the manglares (tracts covered with water, heavy
timber, and dense underbrush) and in the swamps.
There are many other varieties, but these noted are sufficient for
descriptive purposes. The poisonous snakes of the tropics range in
length from a few inches to six or eight feet; they dwell on high,
rocky lands and in the impenetrable swamps ; they may be in the trees
or on the ground or in the water; they are of all colors, from the
INSECT PESTS AND REPTILES 551
brightest to the dullest ; almost all of them are aggressive and quick of
movement.
If a poisonous snake strikes near an artery, there are but a few
minutes before the heart will be paralyzed. But if the place bitten is in
a region of few blood vessels, such as the front part of the leg below the
knee, the prompt application of remedies may save the sufferer's life.
The wound should be cut open so that it may bleed freely ; if a limb
is bitten, a cord should be bound above the wound, between it and the
heart, not so tightly as to stop the circulation, but tightly enough to
retard it greatly.
In Colombia a remedy called Curarina is prepared, and in
Venezuela a similar remedy called Viborina, either of which is very
useful for such emergencies. Spirits of ammonia is the next best
remedy. Pour the remedy freely into the wound and keep on it a
piece of cotton completely saturated with the remedy. Ten or fif-
teen drops of it in a wineglassful of water should be taken every
fifteen or twenty minutes, or as often as the stomach will stand the
dose without nausea. Of these remedies, Curarina is the best. It is
manufactured by Juan Salas Sons, Cucuta, Colombia. Tincture of
iodine is said to be a specific for snake bite. The wound must be cut
open, and the tincture freely applied. A few drops also are taken in-
ternally — say six or eight drops, every two or three hours, according
to the condition of the stomach. Permanganate of potassium, too, is
regarded as an excellent remedy. Whisky is useful as a stimulant,
but it is not a specific for the poison.
CHAPTER LVI
COMMON DISEASES IN THE TROPICS
MALARIA is probably the greatest curse of the tropics. It is
especially a disease of the swamp-lands. In its more violent
forms it is as dangerous as yellow fever, and much more
prevalent.
Ordinary chills and fever (calentura, or, to use the native term,
paludismo) is but one form of malaria. The victim may suffer for
years, becoming anaemic, emaciated, and wholly incapacitated for
performing the ordinary duties of life.
Considering now its more violent forms, malaria may cause the
blood to become congested in the veins ; congestive chills ensue, and
the heart usually gives way under the strain. The sufferer may sur-
vive one or two congestive chills, but a third one is said to be fatal.
Akin to the malaria causing congestive chill is the pernicious fever
(fiebre pernicioso\ a form of malaria in which the mortality is fully as
large as in yellow fever. The person attacked usually falls uncon-
scious and never recovers.
The only specific for malaria in all its forms is quinine, the base of
all successful remedies for this disease. If the patient should be un-
conscious, quinine injections should be given. Hot irons or bricks
should be kept at the feet, and bags of hot water on the stomach and
bowels. An alcohol bath is a good thing. A nightly dose of ten grains
of quinine, upon going to bed, is not an unusual prescription for a
doctor to order in the tropics.
Mosquitoes are not the only propagators of malaria. It may be
absorbed through the pores of the skin, it may be inhaled with the
breath, and it is frequently contracted through drinking stagnant or
otherwise impure water.
Malaria is a great and serious handicap to the development of these
enormously rich and extensive regions, the tropics of our Western
Hemisphere ; and its eradication would be a consummation worthy of
the profoundest study of the ablest minds, a consummation which can
never be hoped for with confidence while, as to-day, a barbarous fight-
ing rabble holds the reins of so-called "government."
In these days the duties levied by the successive Dictators on
quinine and all other medicines keep them beyond the reach of the
COMMON DISEASES IN THE TROPICS 553
poor man, so that perhaps seven tenths of all who die in Latin America
leave this world without having been able to avail themselves of the
opportunity for recovery that medicine would have afforded. Medical
attendance, too, has been lacking.
If a sick peon recovers, he recovers in most cases through the in-
herent, unassisted strength of his constitution. For the quinine which
would cost ten cents in the United States, the peon must pay at least a
dollar, most of which is grabbed by the disreputable "head of the
government." It is no easy thing for a peon to earn a dollar, and
generally he goes without the quinine.
In Latin America hundreds of thousands of human beings are
stricken, and linger awhile in agony, and die, to whom no saving grace
of medicine or other assistance has been proffered, to whom no helping
hand of a physician has been outstretched.
I. STOMACH AND BOWEL COMPLAINTS
Diseases of this class, due in great measure to the poor food and
poorer cooking, are prevalent almost everywhere in the tropics and
throughout Latin America. Diarrhoea is exceedingly common, and if
dysentery develops the danger to life is almost as great as in yellow
fever. The best medical attendance should be called at once. If no
doctor is available, the patient should be kept as quiet as possible, in
bed. Usually the treatment will begin with a heavy dose of castor
oil. " Anti-dysentericum," a German patent medicine, is the best and
safest remedy for the disease, and, if taken in time, usually cures it.
A little distilled water, black coffee, toasted bread crust, and beef tea
should constitute the only diet. Milk, butter, and grease of all kinds
should be avoided.
The Sun cholera cure is said to be very efficacious, but the writer
has no personal knowledge as to this, while he has cured many obsti-
nate cases by the above-mentioned method. In ordinary bowel com-
plaints blackberry brandy is extremely beneficial
II. LIVER COMPLAINTS
Almost every one in the tropics gets a bad liver. Disease of the
liver is frequently complicated with enlargement of the spleen, malaria,
and diarrhoea or dysentery; the disease oftentimes results fatally.
Physicians of the highest skill should be called in to cope with this
trouble, and it appears probable that there remains much for even
them to learn about the liver.
In cases of liver complaint blue-mass is often given, or a blistering
of that portion of the body about the liver is resorted to; but the
patient is advised to consult a good physician.
554 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
III. SMALLPOX
Owing to the indescribable filth pervading Latin America, small-
pox is there endemic, perennial, eternal. Vaccination is the standard
preventive. The writer has been exposed in the tropics to the smallpox
at least a hundred times. That he has not suffered the slightest incon-
venience from these exposures is due (in his belief) to the fact that
he has been vaccinated every few years.
IV. YELLOW FEVER
This dreaded scourge, also, is a filth disease. It is spread mainly
by mosquitoes, and it has been asserted on eminent authority that the
mosquito is the only vehicle of its dissemination, but the writer does
not believe that this limitation is supported by the facts. His belief
is that yellow fever is an acute infectious disease, to be classed in this
respect with diphtheria and smallpox.
V. SKIN AND CONSTITUTIONAL DISEASES
There is unquestionably more syphilis in Latin America than in
Europe and North America (north of the Rio Grande) combined.
So universal is the disease that probably a clear majority of the
inhabitants have some taint of it in their blood. Physicians treating
Latin-Americans for diseases other than syphilis are frequently in
much perplexity about remedies, for under the circumstances the laws
of the materia medica are often inapplicable. The comparative mild-
ness of typical tropical syphilis is ascribed to the free perspiration
usually prevailing induced by the hot climate.
Carate, a loathsome skin disease, which has some appearance of
being constitutional, is contracted by shaking hands, or by other con-
tact, with the person afflicted. Permanent spots, discolorations of the
skin, uncanny in appearance and of considerable size, gradually de-
velop all over the body. If the subject be white, the spots will be bluish
black; if the subject be black, the spots will be purplish white; and
in like manner the pigment of the skin will variously be affected in ac-
cordance with the varying shades resulting from mixtures in different
proportions of the copper-colored, black, and white races. The
disease is extremely sluggish of action, but is probably incurable.
A number of other skin diseases are said to be caused by the sting
of insects. Vila, a disease observed in Peru, resembling leprosy in
some respects and carate in others, is said to be of this origin.
CHAPTER LVII
LEPROSY
THIS dread, incurable curse of mankind has been the terror of
the world since the dawn of history. To-day the region of its
most extensive germination and development, the scene of its
greatest ravages, is Latin America. On nearly every island in the
Caribbean Sea a leper hospital has been established, and on the main-
land of South America tens of thousands of lepers are in hiding or
even at large. Lepers do not make good soldiers ; hence neither the
"ins" nor the "outs" are much concerned with them.
Now and then a spasmodic effort is made to segregate these un-
fortunates. Often, when a new "Presidente " takes his seat, he makes
a great hurrah, and gathers up from all parts of the community those
who are afflicted with the disease — and many who are not — and
hurries them to the lazaretto. As they may be committed without
judicial process, and solely upon the order of the "Executive," this
"worthy" holds a terrible weapon over the heads of any who
have incurred his enmity. The enemy of the Executive sometimes
awakens to find staring at him these alternatives : abject, bitter sub-
mission or — banishment to the leper colony. Nay, worse, there
may arise a horrible dilemma, inevitably recalling Virginia and Ap-
pius Claudius.
When, however, a family, jointly and severally, is persona grata
to the "Presidente," each and every member of such family is kept
out of the leper hospital, even though some one of them may in fact
have the disease. The victim usually keeps to his room, and does
not receive visitors. But he continually meets other members of the
family ; they in time become infected, and often visitors are exposed
thus without knowing it.
In the treatment of this vital problem a laxity prevails that would
appall the people of a civilized community. The writer once heard
quite accidentally in Maracaibo, that the "government" had just
made a "raid " on the lepers in all parts of the town, and that ninety-
six of them had been taken for transportation to the Isla de Pajaros,
in Maracaibo Lake, a small island some four or five miles away, occu-
pied by about three hundred lepers. The discovery of almost a hun-
dred lepers living among families in the town created no especial
excitement or comment, but was regarded as quite a matter of course,
556 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
and some one said that there were in hiding probably several times
as many more.
The "government" should support this colony, but often, espe-
cially during revolutions, there are months at a time when no attention
whatever is paid to it. Sometimes starvation drives the stronger
members of the colony into the lake, in the attempt to swim across to
Maracaibo, and many of them succeed in getting across. But the
Sisters of Charity, who are in constant attendance on the island, usually
in times of greatest distress appeal to the merchants of Maracaibo,
particularly the Germans. They form committees of relief and send
supplies, thus preventing utter starvation.
Strange to say, these lepers are permitted to marry. Many chil-
dren are born, most of whom die young.
The methods of dealing with the leper problem in Venezuela are
naively set forth in a letter to a Caracas newspaper, by a prominent
citizen writing from De Trujillo, Venezuela, July 30, 1904, as follows:
"Our very dignified and progressive Provisional President has just dictated
a measure which has received the most enthusiastic approval throughout the
State. Mindful of the necessities of moral as well as material progress, the
order dictated is a circular to all the Governors of Districts, which will be by
them at once transmitted to the Chiefs of the Municipalities, and thence to
the Commissaries of the Villages, containing explicit instructions for the
investigation of leprosy as it now exists in the State, with remarks on the
condition of the disease when encountered, and with the names and ages of
the sufferers. The Citizen President proposes that all the lepers, who are
disseminated in great numbers throughout the State, shall come to the laza-
retto. This is a measure so transcendental that it makes manifest once more
the high gifts of good will toward progress which are found invested in the
present Magistrate. It is well known that, owing to lack of vigilance, leprosy
has greatly developed among us, constituting a veritable danger, and that up
to the present time there have been in the lazaretto only 126 lepers, scarcely
the tenth part of those affected. Daily now those sick with leprosy enter the
lazaretto. The National Executive will take measures concerning this matter,
and it is certain that General Castro, always wise and prompt, will dictate
effective and transcendental measures, with that scientific, sociological, and
humanitarian skill which characterizes him. Recently the monthly sum
devoted to the lazaretto has been increased to one thousand bolivars [about
$200]."
This increase would swell the total to about $1.50 per month per
patient, in a country where living expenses are higher than in the
United States ! The condition of luxury in which these lepers live
may readily be imagined, especially when one considers that probably
two thirds or more of this stipend is stolen in transit by the officials
and guards.
In many sections apparently no attempt is being made to check
or deal with this dread disease. In the vicinity of Bucaramanga,
and particularly in the district of Socorro, Colombia, the percentage
LEPROSY 557
of lepers passes ordinary belief, but a person making a thorough study
of this locality may readily believe that one third of all of the inhabi-
tants have been stricken. The Unclean are found in the streets, in
the stores, on the waysides; they ordinarily go and come without
restriction ; and hundreds of them are to be seen in the most shocking
stages of putrefaction. It is probable, to be sure, that a considerable
proportion of the so-called lepers of this and other districts are in fact
victims of syphilis (or other constitutional maladies), but it is stated
that not infrequently leprosy and syphilis coexist in one and the same
subject.
LEPROSY IN VENEZUELA, COLOMBIA, AND OTHER LATIN-
AMERICAN COUNTRIES
In the Western Hemisphere leprosy is substantially confined to
Latin America, the islands of the Caribbean Sea, and Hawaii. There
is considerable leprosy in Mexico, but it is carefully isolated and is
not spreading. In Yucatan and Central America there is more of it.
Colombia is one of the most leprous countries of the world. Nobody
knows how many of the natives are afflicted, but the number mounts
up into the tens of thousands.
In the Hawaiian Islands the first cases observed were by Dr.
Hillebrand in 1859, — two Chinese immigrants taken to the hospital
in Honolulu.
In 1866 the islands contained four hundred lepers. Isolation
was then effected, and a peninsula, of about fifteen square miles in
extent, on the north coast of the island of Molokai, was appropriated
for the leper colony.
In 1881 the Molokai colony contained eight hundred patients.
In the last fifteen years more than two thousand lepers have died at
Molokai, and it is now stated that one tenth of the total native popula-
tion of the Hawaiian Islands are stricken.
Vast sections of Brazil are infected with leprosy, and so it is in
Paraguay. There are leper hospitals in the Guianas, in Jamaica,
Haiti, Cuba, Barbadoes, Cura9ao, and in all parts of Venezuela.
Leprosy is a contagious, infectious, endemic, chronic, and constitu-
tional disease, and is absolutely incurable. Although it existed in
ancient times, and in the middle ages was found in all parts of Europe,
and although the medical profession has made the most profound
efforts to master it, there has been no authentic record of a cure.
Many cures have been "claimed." Three or four years ago it was
widely reported that tua tua, a plant found in Venezuela, had actually
cured a case of long-standing leprosy. Within a year a prominent
physician of New Orleans claimed to have cured one of the three or
four cases located in the hospital there. Within the year 1906 dis-
tinguished scientists in the medical service of the United States gov-
558 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
ernment claimed to have cured cases in Hawaii by the use of the X-ray
or by other similar rays. There is a widespread belief among the
natives of Colombia that the mineralized waters of a certain rivulet
bring out a profuse perspiration on the bathers therein, and that con-
tinued ablutions will cure leprosy. I have seen a man whose hands
had been eaten away, and large segments of whose body had sloughed
off, apparently from ulcers, but a thorough healing process had set
in, which had left him apparently well for several years. This was
cited as a case of leprosy which had been cured, or where the disease
had run its course, but unquestionably the affliction was another con-
stitutional disease, not leprosy.
In one case it was reported, from respectable sources, that the
leper took vast quantities of chlorate of potash and got well ; but no
physician has ever been able to cure any other patient with this
remedy. A physician has stated that he has cured a leper by the use
of strychnin, but in my belief he was certainly mistaken. However,
hoang-nan, a Chinese preparation whose properties are due to a small
percentage of strychnin, is recommended as an alterative in syphilis,
leprosy, and similar diseases.
Leprosy resembles tuberculosis in one respect (indeed, the bac-
teriologists say that there is more than one resemblance between these
two dread diseases), and that is that there are, in the course of both
diseases, periods of manifest improvement, in which the patient feels
confident that he is going to get well.
There are certain local treatments for the ulcers, and there are
tonics and internal remedies which greatly aid and relieve the patient.
It is of great benefit to the sufferer to change his residence to some
bracing, healthful climate, where the general health can be maintained
and if this be done, the disease becomes milder and slower.
The discussion as to whether or not leprosy is contagious, or is
infectious, or is hereditary, or develops from local causes has been in
progress for centuries. One theory, ably advocated by eminent
writers, is that leprosy is caused by the consumption of decayed or
stale fish. Peons in all parts of South America also have this belief,
although it is not probable that they have ever heard of the arguments
of medical men on the subject.
Cases have been reported where a husband and wife have lived
together for years, one of them leprous and the other healthy. Cases
have been reported of healthful children when one or both parents
were leprous. All such stories must be received with doubt. Prob-
ably there are persons who are immune to the disease. Some writers
claim that it can only be acquired by heredity, but the improbability
of this contention is shown by the alarming spread of the disease in
the Hawaiian Islands.
That the disease is both contagious and infectious there can be
but little doubt. In all probability it is communicable in various ways.
LEPROSY 559
Dr. Ashmead, of New York, says leprosy is conveyed by fleas, as
yellow fever is by the stegomyia fasciata. The fact that fleas swarm
everywhere in Latin America, and particularly in the leprous dis-
tricts, suggests possible confirmation of this plausible theory, and
bespeaks for it earnest consideration by men of science. Ziemssen
says:
"The transfer takes place from man to man, and may be direct, or indirect
when only the bacilli, or their spores, are transmitted. Pus containing
bacilli (spores), therefore, will be liable to infect, but not any kind of pus
coming from a leprous patient. Whether, in analogy with anthrax, the spores
possess so great a power of resistance that they retain their vitality outside
of the animal body in the corpses of lepers, and thus are able to provoke the
disease when they subsequently reach the human organism, has not been
ascertained."
There is, in leprous countries at least, a widespread belief that the
disease may be caught from contact of the hands with a dead body
or with bare human bones, denuded, by decay, of all flesh, and no
native of South America could be induced to handle the skull of one
who had died of leprosy.
Latin-American physicians of standing relate many cases where
persons having moved into houses formerly occupied by lepers were
in a few months (or perhaps there may have been a lapse of years)
attacked by the disease. The better classes avoid touching anything
which has been handled by a leper. In places where lepers run at
large, they sometimes enter pool and billiard rooms for the purpose
of playing, and there is a theory of wide credence among the intelli-
gent natives, that a person, however healthy, may become infected
through the medium of a billiard cue.
The bacilli leprce — probably the germs, certainly the constant
concomitants, of the disease — were discovered by Hansen in 1879.
This discovery was confirmed by Neisser the same year, and it has
been confirmed by many subsequent observers. Shoemaker says that
the bacilli appear as fine, minute rods about one five-thousandth of an
inch in length, usually pointed at both ends, and that the majority
of them contain spores. According to Gottman, they possess the
power of spontaneous motion, but other bacteriologists deny this.
The bacillus resembles the tubercle in form, but is of more uniform
length and not so frequently bent or curved. It stains readily with
the aniline colors.
Sternberg, in his "Manual of Bacteriology," says that the earlier
attempts to cultivate this bacillus were without success, but that Bor-
doni Uffreduzzi obtained from the marrow of the bones of a leper
a bacillus which he believed to be the leprosy bacillus, and which
grew upon ordinary nutrient gelatin. Sternberg doubts the identity
of the bacillus in this case, but proceeds as follows :
560 AMERICAN SUPREMACY
"We have experimental evidence to show that leprous tissues containing
this bacillus are infectious and may reproduce the disease. The experiment
has been made upon man by Arning, who inoculated a condemned criminal
subcutaneously with fresh leprous tubercles. The experiment was made in
the Sandwich Islands, and the man was under observation until his death
occurred from leprosy at the end of about five years. The first manifestations
of the disease became visible in the vicinity of the point of inoculation several
months after the experimental introduction of the infectious material.
"Positive results have also been reported in the lower animals by Damsch,
by Vossius, and by Melcher and Ortmann. The last-named investigators
inoculated rabbits in the anterior chamber of the eye with portions of leprous
tubercles excised for the purpose from a leper. The animals died from gen-
eral infection at the end of several months, and the characteristic tubercles
containing the bacillus were distributed through the various organs."
There are many strange and (so far) unexplainable things about
this disease. As the precise mode of its propagation is still shrouded
in mystery, it is not strange that little or nothing is known about its
period of incubation. Authentic cases have been reported of Euro-
peans finding themselves stricken after a lapse of two or three years
since they had last been in leprous countries. Excepting as thus sug-
gested, they did not know when or how they had been exposed. So
long a period of incubation seems highly improbable. Leper-infected
fleas may have come in their baggage, and may have more recently
bitten them ; or articles which they had brought with them may have
been laden with the bacteria.
There are wide variations in the duration of the disease. In Nor-
way or Sweden a leper may live for twenty -five or thirty years, while
in Hawaii from five to ten years is the rule.
The disease occurs in different forms, generally known as lepra
tuberculosa, lepra maculosa, and lepra ancesthetica, the latter being
the lepra nervorum of Virchow. Whichever of these forms the disease
may take, the characteristics of the other forms at length appear.
There is only one method known to science for successfully coping
with this disease, — complete segregation. And if, as the writer fears
and believes, fleas, mosquitoes, house-flies, and other insects may
carry the disease, even complete isolation may be far from being com-
pletely effective, unless supported by additional measures shortly to
be indicated.
The extraordinary spread of the disease in the Hawaiian Islands,
in spite of the most rigorous isolation, is very disquieting. On the
other hand, Germany and France were successful, through rigorous
isolation, in exterminating the disease within their limits.
Lepers should be segregated and isolated; great care should be
taken to prevent them from insect annoyance, and to destroy such
insects as may come into contact with them, and to disinfect all prem-
ises where, prior to their segregation, they have been harbored.
LEPROSY 561
It is hoped that by such means the spread of the disease will be
completely stopped, or at least greatly retarded and diminished.
But for the isolation and treatment of this "living death," for the
enforcement of the sanitary regulations which are indispensable to
coerce the segregation of the afflicted and prevent the spread of the
disease, the strong arm of stable government is needed. The area
of leprosy in South America to-day is practically conterminous with
the area of anarchy and military dictatorships. The northern part
of the continent is in far worse condition than the southern part.
For about half of the time Venezuela, Colombia, and Ecuador have
no governments, and for the other half their governments are not
much better than none. Vastly superior to these countries in respect
of government are Chili and Argentina, at least. And pursuing the
analogy suggested, one notes that there are relatively few lepers in
Chili and Argentina, and that the number is decreasing.
This most dire scourge is increasing relentlessly year by year
throughout the entire northern portion of South America. There is
but partial isolation : tens of thousands of lepers roam at large ; or
live secluded in charge of family or friends, thus in their turn exposed.
The natives are careless, their habits are filthy; they live crowded
into unfit habitations, of unspeakable sanitary surroundings, without
sewers or other things which make for the common decencies of life ;
there is a total absence of all public spirit; the pretended govern-
ments are engaged in schemes of extortion, or in exploiting the vain
performances of some upstart general ; and a selfish indifference to
the welfare of the community is everywhere in evidence. There is
no continuity of purpose, no general principles of accepted public
policy, no earnest ambition to build up a real nation; there is only
servile sycophancy joined with a cynical spirit of corruption and of
utter disregard for all the amenities of life.
Amid conditions so unstable, so debased as these, to carry forward
the rigorous isolation and scientific, humane treatment of lepers, and
the adoption and enforcement of sanitary measures for the protec-
tion of the community against them, would be quite impracticable.
This is a harsh and most regrettable conclusion. Now look into the
future. Given fifty years more of the same class of "governments"
as those of the past fifty, and Venezuela and Colombia will be huge,
horrible, unroofed, unfenced leper colonies. That the situation is
a real menace already, and presages an ugly possibility of evil in the
future, to the inhabitants of the United States, there can be no doubt.
The University Press, Cambridge, U. S. A.
University of Toronto
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