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XE N O P K O i\i 













[Reprintid from Stertotype plates.^ 


Anabasis, Book I. 




Tabular View of the MARcnEs, &c. 
Geographical Commentary, by W, 

F.R.G.S. . 
Geographical Index 
Memorabilia, Book I. 
II. . 

Intjex .... 













A Biographical Notice of Xenophon is prefixed to the 
second volume of this transLation. Some remarks are here 
offered on the authorship of the " Anabasis." 

A passage of the " Hcllcnica," in which it is said thai a 
narrative of the Expedition of Cyrus was written by Themis- 
togenes of Syracuse, has given rise to the question ^ whether 
the account of that expedition wliich we now have is that of 
Xenophon or that; of Theraistogenes. 

When Xcnoplion, in the course of his narrative of events 
rehiting to Greece, comes to the time at which the expedition 
of Cyrus took place, he say?,'^ " How Cyrus collected an army, 
how he marched up the country with it against his brother, 
how the battle was fought, how C}tus was killed, and how 
the Greeks afterwards effected a safe retreat to the sea, has 
been written by Themistogcnes the Syracusan." 

Suidas^ also says that " Themistogcnes, a Syracusan his- 
torian, wrote the Anabasis of Cyrus, ^-ig iv role Serotpuiyroc 
'EWrjyiko'ig feperai, and some other things concerning his own 
country." What sense is to be given to the word (pifjtrai in 
this passage, has been a subject of much doubt. If the 
phrase containing it be translated, with ]Morus, qitcE nomina- 
tur ant laudalur in Historid Grcecd, a sense is given to the 
verb for which there is no authority ; and if it be rendered, 
with most interpreters, quce inserta leyitur historiis Gracis, 
that is said which is not true. Kuster* and Dindorf,^ there- 
fore, suggest that the w^ord 'EKkrjviKolQ, which is not found in 

' Morus in Dissert. Hellenicis prsemiss. c 6. Kiihner Prole^om. 
It) Anab. p. xviii. 

' Hellen. iii. 1,2. 'v. HefiiaroytviiQ. 

' Ad Suiilam, v. Gt/ii<7roy'vr?(. ' Pra^f. in Anab. p. vii.ed. ]8a6 


the Paris manuscripts, should be struck out. The sense will 
then be, '•which is inserted among the writings of Xenophon." 

Suidas being thus interpreted, the two passages will concur 
in showing that a narrative of the "Anabasis" was written by 
Tliemistogenes. The next point to be considered is, whether 
(liat narrative which we now have is, or is not, the work of 

Plutarch, in his Co?isideratiotis whether the Atheniatis were 
more renowned in Arms or in Letters,^ observes, in alluding 
10 the historians, tiiat " Xenophon was a subject of Li>tory for 
himself, for he wrote au account of the military matters which 
he successfully conducted, but represents that the account was 
written by Tliemistogenes the Syracusun, in order thai he might 
have more credit if he spoke of himself as another person, 
giving to another the reputation of the work." The passage 
is somewhat obscure, for there is a word, such as Xiyu, want- 
ing ; I translate it in the sense in which it is taken by Leun- 
clavius and Wyttenbach. 

In agreement with this passage of Plutarch, Tzetzes, in his 
Chiliads,^ after observing that Phidias made two statues for a 
young man of whom he was fond, and for whose workman- 
siiip, it appears, they w^ere to pass, says that " Xenophon did 
the same with regard to the Anabasis of Cyrus ; for he set a 
certain name to the work to please one whom he loved ; * * * 
it is the book of Themistogcnes the Syracusan, and afterwards 
came to be commonly called the work of Xenophon ; so Plato 
the philosopher wrote his Dialogues under the names of \i\i 
friends; and other writers have composed innumerable thing! 
in a similar way." When he says that " it is the book o\ 
Tliemistogenes," to /3i/3X<o»' Otfjuaroyirovc ian, he can have m; 
other meaning but that it was given to the world by Xeno 
phon under the name of Tliemistogenes. A Schohum, which 
IS appended to the passage by an unknown author, states the 
>r\atter more briefly and clearly : " Xenophon inscribed the 
A nabasis of Cyrus with the name of Themistogenes, yet it 
ame to be commonly called afterwards the work of Xeno 

From these writers, then, Plutarch, Tzetzes, and his Scholi 
ast. it would appear that the " Anabasis," or account of th^^- 
expedition of Cyrus, was written by Xenophon, and pubhsheci 


as the work of Tliemistogenes. But from the passage of Xen- 
ophon, to which we ought to attribute more authority than to 
any othenas also from that of Suidas, we may rather conceive, 
as Dindorf suggests, that there were two Anabases, the one writ- 
ten by Tliemistogenes, before Xenoplion wrote the third book of 
the Hellenica, and to which Xenophon v/as then content to re- 
fer, and the other written by Xenouhon himself subsequently 
tr, that time. Under this supposition, indeed, we must beheve 
that Xenophon published the Anabasis at a very advanced 
period of life, while the composition seems to be that of a man 
in the full vigour of his faculties; but Sophocles, as Kiihner' 
observes, wrote with great spirit after he was eighty years of 
age; and the Anabasis might have been written some years 
before Xenoplion sent it out of his hands. If there were two, 
that of Themistogenes, from what Xenophon says of it, may 
have brought the Greeks only to the sea, or to Trebisond ; 
that of Xenophon is continued to their junction with Thibron, 
If there were but one, Xenophon may have published the first 
four books, at an earlier period, under the name of Themisto- 
genes, and have afterwards added the three other books, and 
signified that the whole was his own. 

One object of the author of the work which we have, 
observes Mitford,'^ was to apologize for the conduct of Xeno- 
phon ; in the latter part the narrative is constantly accom- 
[•anied with a studied defence of his proceedings ; the cir- 
cumstances that produced his banishment from Athens, and 
whatever might excite jealousy against him at Lacedaemon, 
have bsen carefully considered ; if. therefore, Themistogenes 
wrote it, he may have written under the direction of Xeno- 
phon ; if Xenophon wrote it, there may have been good rea- 
sons why, at the time of its publication, he should have wished 
n to pass under another person's name. 

If there were two Anabases, we may suppose that Xenophon's 
siperseded that of Themistogenes, and caused it to be lost. 
The name of Themistogenes, as an author, is mentioned by no 
writer besides those whom we have noticed ; while that of 
Xenophon, as the author of the Anabasis, is specified, »« 
Mitford and Kriiger ^ observe, by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 
Strabo, Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, Lucian, ^lian, and Athe- 

' Prolegom. in Anab. p. xix. * Hist, of Greece, vol. v. p. 83.^ 
' De Autheiii. Anab. p. 18. 


naeus, besides the grammarians and lexicographers, Hes) chius, 
Pollux, Harpocration, and Ammonius. 

But no decisive opinion can be pronounced. The statemeni 
of Plutarch, which he gives, not as a conjecture of his own 
but as a matter of general belief in his day, and wliich is sup- 
ported by Tzetzes and his Scholiast, may induce many readers, 
if not the majority, to suppose, with Weiske'and Kiihner, tliat 
there was probably but one Anabasis, that which we now 
have, and which, though the work of Xenophon, was, for 
whatever reasons on the part of the author, sent into the world 
as the composition of Themistogenes. The attractions of the 
subject, as Dr. Smith^ observes, might have induced more 
than one or two persons to write upon it. 

Of the other work translated in this volume, no doubt lias 
been expressed that Xenophon was the author. It shows what 
were the habits and conversation of him who taught that 

To know 
That which before us lies in daily life 
Is the prime wisdom ; 

who brought philosophy down from heaven to dwell with 
men ; and who was pronounced the wisest of men by the 
Delphic oracle, "because he judiciously made choice of human 
nature for the object of his thoughts, an inquiry into which ai- 
much exceeds all other learning, as it is of more consequence 
to adjust the true nature and measures of right and wron^% 
than to settle the distances of the planets, and compute the 
time of their circumvolutions." ^ His doctrine was, 

Tavr ilSiog, ffOfpoQ 'loBf fiartiv I' 'EiziKovpoi' tacov 

n-oD TO Kiibv ?»jTtI»', icni Titfg at fiovahg.* 
On life, on morals, be thy thoughts employed; 
Leave to the schools their Atoms and their \'oid. 

He gave indeed, it may be thought, too little encourage- 
ment to investigations in pliysieal science. How far he 
recommended that mathematical studies should be pursued, 
maybe seen in B. iv. c. 7. The best specimen of Socratic 
reasoning in the Memorabilia is the philosopher's conversii- 
tion with Euthydemus in B. iv. c. 2. 

' Tractat. de aestimanda Cyri Exped. p. xvii. seqq. 

' Note on Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. ' Spectator, No. 408 

• Automedon. Anthbl. Gr. Ramhler, No. 180. 



Pftrentage of Cyrus the Younger. After the death of his father he h, ac- 
cused of plotting against his brother Artaxerxes, who imprisons him, but 
releases him on the intercession of his mother, and sends him back to his 
province, where he secretly collects forces, of which a large proportion 
are from Greece, to make war on his brother. 

1. Op Darius^ and Parysatis were born two sons,^ the elder 
Artaxerxes,^ and the younger Cyrus. After Darius had 
fallen sick, and suspected that the end of his Ufe was approach- 
ing, he was desirous that both of his sons should attend him. 
2. The elder then happened to be present ; Cyrus he sent for 
from the province of which he had made him satrap. He had 
also appointed him commander of all the forces that muster 
in the plain of Castolus.* 

' Darius II., surnamed Nothus, who reigned from b. c. 423 to 
B. c. 404, the year in which Cyrus went up to Babylon. 

* Several children of his are mentioned by Plutarch, Life of Artax. 
c. i. 27. ^ ^ , . 

* Afterwards Artaxerxes II., surnamed Mnemon ; he began hji 
reign b. c. 405. 

* Elg KaarwXov viSiov.'] In each of the provinces of the Persian 
empire, certain open places, plains or commons, were appointed for 
the assembly and review of troops. See i. 2. 11 ; 9. 7 ; Helleu. 
- 4.?. Heeren, Ideen, vol. ii. p. 486. Castohis is mentioned as a city 
)f Lydia by Stcnhanus of Byzantium. Kiihner. 

VOL, I. » 



Cyrus accoi'clingly went up, taking with him Tissapliernes as 
a friend, and having also with him three hundred heavy-arm- 
ed Greeks,' and Xenias of Parrhasia,^ their captain. 

3. But when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was placed 
upon the throne, Tissapliernes brought an accusation against 
Cyrus before his brother, saying that he was plotting against 
him. Artaxerxes was induced to give credit to it, and had 
Cyrus arrested, with the intention of putting him to death ; 
but his mother, having begged his life, sent him back to his 

4. When Cyrus had departed, after being thus in danger 
and disgrace, he began to consider by what means he might 
cease to be subject to his brother, and make himself king, if 
he could, in his stead. Parysatis, their mother, was well dis- 
posed towards Cyrus,^ as she loved him better than Arta- 
xerxes, who was on the throne. 5. Whatever messengers from 
the king'' came to visit him, he let none of tiiem go till he 
had inclined them to be friends to himself, rather than the 
monarch.* He also paid such attention to the Barbarians ^ 
that were with him, that they were in a condition to take the 
field, and well inclined towai-ds himself. 6. His Greek force 
he collected as secretly as he could, that he might surprise the 
king as little prepared as possible. 

He collected troops in the following manner. Whatever 
garrisons he had in his towns, he sent orders to the com- 
manders of them to procure respectively as many Peloponne- 
sians as they could, of the best class of soldiers, on pretence 
that Tissaphernes Avas forming designs upon those towns. 

' Twv 'EWijviov — oTrXirag — rpiaKoaiovg.'] Three hundred of the 
Greeks that were in his pay, or of such as he could then procure. 
' A city and district in the south-western part of Arcadia. 

* 'YTrijpx^f T<f) Kv(>ii>.'] " Partibus et consiliis ejus [Cyri] favebat." 
Schneider. " Cyro addicta et adjumento erat." Kuhner. Compare 
V. 6. 23; Hellen. vii. 5. 5. _ 

* "OuTtQ — Twy ■n-apa /3a<TiXa'c.] We must understand those whc 
are called t^oc'ot, Cyrop. viii. (j. 16: compare (Econ. iv. 6. Zeune. 
They were officers a])poiuted to visit the satrapies annually, and 
make a report respecting the state of them to the king. 

* OvTU) liari^fiQ aTTtTr'tfiTTiTo, k. t. X.] " He sent them all away 
(after) so disposing them, that they were friends rather to himself 
than the king." 

* By this term :vre meant chiefly the Asiatics that were aboul 
Cyrus. The Greeks called all people Barbarians that were not of 
theijr own nation. 


For the cities of Ionia had formerly been under the govern- 
ment of Tissaphernes, having been assigned to him bj the 
king, but had at this time all revolted to Cyrus except Mile- 
tus. 7. Tissaphernes, discovering that the people of Miletus 
were forming a similar design, [to go over to Cyrus,' j put 
some of them to death, and sent others into banishment. Cy- 
rus, receiving the exiles under his protection, and assembling 
an army, laid siege to Miletus by land and sea, and used 
every exertion to restore these exiles ; and he had thus another 
pretext for augmenting the number of his forces. 8. He then 
sent to the king, and requested that, as he was his brother, 
these cities should be given to him rather than that Tissa- 
phernes should govern them ; and in this application his 
mother supported him. Thus the king had no suspicion of 
the plot against him, but supposed that Cyrus, from being at 
war with Tissaphernes, was spending the money upon troops ; 
eo that he was not at all concerned at the strife between them, 
especially as Cyrus remitted to him the tribute arising from 
the cities which Tissaphernes had had. 

9. Another army was collected for him in the Chersonesua 
opposite Abydos, in the following method. Clearchus, a La- 
cedaemonian, happened to be in exile. Cyrus, having met 
with him, was struck with admiration for him, and made him 
a present often thousand darics.'^ Clearchus, on receiving the 
gold, raised, by means of it, a body of troops, and making ex- 
cursions out of the Chersonesus, made war upon the Thracians 
that are situated above the Hellespont, and was of assist- 
ance to the Greeks ; so that the towns on the Hellespont 
willingly contributed money for the support of his men. This 
too was a force thus secretly maintained for Cyrus. 

10. Aristippus, also, a Thessalian, happened to be a guest- 
friend^ of Cyrus, and, being pressed by an adverse faction aw 

' ' ATroffrrjvai TrpoQ KCpov.] These words are regarded as smirioiw 
bj' Schneider, on the suggestion of Wolf and Wyttenbach. Kriiger 
and KiJhner retain them, as added expKcationis causa. 

* The daric was a Persian gold coin, generally supposed to have 
derived its name from Darius I.; but others think tnis doubtfu.. 
From c. vii. 18, it appears that three hundred darics were equal to 
a talent. If the talent be estimated therefore, as in Mr. Hussey'g 
Essay 071 Anc. Weights and Money, ch. iii. sect. 12, at £243 15*., thj 
value of the daric will be 16s. Zd. The sum given to Clearchus 
will then be £8125. 

* Bii'os.] I have translated this word by ffuest-friend, a convfni* 

■ 2 


home, came to liim, and asked him for two thousand mercen- 
ary troops, and three months' pay for them, representing that 
he would thus be enabled to overpower his enemies. C}tu3 
granted him lour thousand, and sis montlks' pay, desiring him 
not to terminate the strife until he should consult him. Thus 
another body of troops was clandestinely supported for him in 

11. He then requested Proxenus a Boeotian, who was also 
his guest-friend, to join him with as many men as he could 
procure, stating that he intended to make war on the Pisi- 
dians, as they molested his territories. lie also desired 
Sopha^netus of Stymplialus,' and Socrates, an Acha?an, both 
cf them his guest-friends, to come to him, and bring as many 
men as possible, pretending that he was going to war with 
Tissaphernes on behalf of the Milesian exiles ; and they acted 
as he wished. 


Cyrus begins his march, proceeding from Sardis tlu-ough Lydia into Phrv- 
gia, where he is joined by new forces. The city of Celaente ; the plain of 
Caystnis, where the soldiers demand their arrears of pay, which Cynn 
discharges with money received from the queen of Cilicia. The town of 
Thymbrium ; the fountain of Midas. Cyrus enters Cilicia, and is met at 
Tarsus by Syennesis, the king of the country. 

1. "When it seemed to him time to march up into the coun- 
try, he made it his pretext for doing so that he wished to 
expel the Pisidians entirely from the territory, and mustered, 
as if for the purpose of attacking them, the whole of the troops, 
as well Barbarian as Greek, that were on the spot.^ He also 

ent term, which made its appearance in our language some tinit 
ago. The ^ivoi were bound by a league of friendship and hospital- 
ity, by which each engaged to entertain the other, when he visited 

' A town of Arcadia, on the borders of Achaia. 

• To rt fiapfiapiKOV Kai ro 'EWijvikov to tprav^a aTparivfia.'] There 
has been much dispute about tl^e exact signiticatioii of ivrav^a ia 
this place. Zeune would have it mean " illuc, in ilium locum ubi 
sunt Pisid;e; " and Kriiger thinks that " towards Sardis " is intend- 
ed. But t'lis is to do violence to the word; I have followed Weiske 
and Kiihner, who give it its ordinary signification. " Barbaronun 


sent word to Clearchus to join him, bringing whatever force 
was at his command ; and to Aristippus, as soon as he had 
come to terms with the party at home, to send him back th<; 
troops that he had. He also desired Xenias the Arcadian, 
who commanded for him the mercenaries in the several towns, 
to bring him all his men except such as would be required to 
garrison the citadels. 2. He summoned, too, the army that 
was besieging Miletus, and invited the exiles to accompany 
him on his expedition ; promising them, that if he success- 
fully accomplished the objects for which he undertook it, he 
would never rest till he had re-established them in their 
country. Tliey cheerfully consented, as they had confidence 
in him, and, taking their arms, joined him at Sardis. 

3. To Sardis also came Xenias, bringing with him the 
troops from the several towns, to the number of four thousand 
heavy-armed men. Thither came also Proxenus, with heavy- 
armed men to the number of fifteen hundred, and five hun- 
dred hght-armed ; Sophaenetus the Stymphahan with a thou- 
sand heavy-armed ; Socrates the Achcean with five hundred ; 
and Pasion of Megara with three hundred heavy-armed, and 
the same number of peltasts.^ Both Pasion and Socrates 
were among those serving in the army at Miletus. 

4. These joined him at Sardis. Tissaphernes, observing 
these proceedings, and considering the force to be sfreatcr than 
was necessary to attack the Pisidians, set out, with all possi- 
ble speed, to give notice of the matter to the king, taking with 
him about five hundred cavalry ; 5. and the king, as soon as 
he heard from Tissaphernes of the preparations of Cyrus, 
made arrangements to oppose him. 

CjTus, at the head of the force which I have stated, com- 
menced his journey from Sardis,- and proceeded through 

et Grsecorum [exercitum]," says Kiihner, " quem Cyrus ibi, uhi 
versabatur, collectum habebaL" The rb before ivravSra is an addi- 
tion of Dindorf s, which Kiihner pronounces unnecessary. 

* The TTtXraorat were troops armed with a light shield, called 
ffeXr;;, holding a middle place between the 6-XTrat and ;^i\ot. They 
were first made an etricient part of the Greek forces by Iphicrates : 
see his Life in Corn. Nep. ; and Xen. Hellen. iv. i. 16 ; 3. 12. 

* Xenophon begins his account of the expedition from Sardis, 
because he there joined the army, but afterwards constantly com- 
putes from Ephesus, the sea-port from whence he began his jrui^ 
Jl«y. Stanford. 


Lydia, three days' march,' a distance of twenty-two para- 
Bangs,^ as far as the river Masander. The breadth of this 
river is two plethra,^ and a bridge was thrown over it, con- 
sti'ucted of seven boats. 6. Having crossed the stream, he 
went forward through Phrygia, one day's march, eiglit para- 
sangs, till he reached Colossae, a populous city, wealthy and 
of considerable magnitude. Here he halted seven days ; 
Avhcn Menon the Thessalian joined him with a thousand heavy- 
armed troops and five hundred peltasts, consisting of Dolo- 
pians, ^nianes, and Olynthians. 

7. Hence he proceeded in three days' march, a distance of 
twenty parasangs, to Celaenag, a populous, large, and rich city 
of Phrygia. Here Cyrus had a palace, and an extensive park 
full of wild beasts, which he was accustomed to hunt on 
horseback whenever lie Avished to give himself and his horses 
exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the river 
Maeander ; its springs issue from the palace itself ; and it 
runs also through the city of Celasnae. 8. There is also at 
Celaenae a palace of the Great Iving,'' situated near the source 
of the river i\Iarsyas, under the citadel. This river too 
runs through the city, and falls into the i\I;eander. The 
breadth of the Marsyas is twenty-five feet. Here Apollo is 
said to have flayed Marsyas, after conquering him in a trial 
of musical skill, and to have hung up his skin in the cave, 
Avhere the source of the stream rises : and on this account 
the river is called the Marsyas. 9. Xerxes is said to have 

' 'S.raOfioog.'l The word araOfiSg means proijcrly a station or halt- 
ing-})lace at the end of a day's march, of which the lengtli varied, 
but was generally about five parasangs. 

^ The parasang in Xenoplion is equal to thirtj' stadia ; see ii. 2. 
6. So Herodotus, ii. 6; v. 53. Mr. Aiiisworth, following Mr, 
Hamilton and Colonel Leake, makes the parasang equal to .3 Eng- 
lish miles, ISO yards, or .3 geographical miles of 1822 yards each 
Travels in the Track^ pref. p. xii. Thus five parasangs would be a 
long day's march ; these marches were more than seven ; and 
the next day's was eight. But Rennell thinks the parasang not 
more than 2.78 English miles. Mr. Hussey, Anc. Weujhts, &c., 
Append, sect. 12, makes it 3 miles, 787^ yards. 

* The plethruin was lOO Greek or 101.125 English feet. See 
Hussey, Append, sect. 10, p. 232. 

* The king of Persia was cal'ed the Great King by the Greek 
writers, on account of the great extent of his dominions, or of the 
number of kings subject to him ; a title similar to that of the suc- 
cessors of Mahomet, Grand Signior. 

Cfi. 2.J CtRtJS 18 JOINED Bt CLEAKCllUS. 7 

built both this palace and the citadel of Celfenae, wheii he was 
returning from Greece after his discomfiture in battle. 

Cyrus remained here thirty days ; during Avhich time Cle- 
archus, the Lacedaemonian exile, joined him with a thousand 
heavy-armed men, eight hundred Thracian peltasts, and two 
hundred Cretan archers. At the same time Sosis^ of Syra- 
cuse arrived with three hundred heavy-armed men, and So- 
phcenetus, an Arcadian, with a thousand. Here Cyrus held 
a review of the Greeks in the park, and took their number ; 
and they were in all eleven thousand heavy-armed troops, and 
about two thousand peltasts.^ 10. Hence he proceeded two 
days' march, a distance of ten parasangs, to Peltae, a well- 
peopled city, where he halted three days, during which Xenias 
the Aj-cadian celebrated the sacred rites of Lycasan Jove,^ and 
held public games on the occasion ; in which the prizes were 
golden strigiles.* Cyrus was present at the games as a spectator. 
Thence he proceeded, two days' march, twelve parasangs, to 
Ceramon Agora, a populous city, the last on the side of Mysia. 

11. Hence he proceeded, in three days' march, the distance 
of thirty parasangs, to the Plain of Caystrus, a populous 
city. Here he halted five days ; and at this time more than 
three months' pay was due to the troops, which they frequently 
went to his tent to demand. Cyrus put them off, giving them 

' This is the reading of the name adopted by Dindorf and Kuh- 
ner; most other editors have Socrates, which occurs in four manu- 
scripts ; two have Sosias, and one Sostes. 

' The word is here used, as Spelman observes, in a more generat 
sense than ordinary, to signify all that were not heavy-armed. 

* Ta \vKaia.] The festival of Lycacan Jove is mentioned by Pausa- 
nias, viii. 2. 1, and the gymnastic contests held in it by Pindar, OL 
ix. 145 ; xiii. 153 ; Nem. x. 89. iSchneider. — Mount Lycaeum was sa- 
cred to both Jupiter and Pan. KUhner. 

* 'S.TXtyylStQ.'] Generally supposed to be the same as the Latin 
ttrigilis, a flesh-scraper ; an instrument used in the bath for cleansing 
the skin. To this interpretation the preference seems to be given 
by Kiihner and Bornemann,to whom I adhere. Schneider, whom 
KriJger follows, would have it a head-band or fillet, such as was 
worn by women, and by persons that went to consult oracles. 
Poppo observes that the latter sort of prizes would be less accept- 
able to soldiers than the former. There were, however, women in 
the Grecian camp, as will afterwards be seen, to whom the soldiers 
that gained the prizes might have presented them. The sense of 
the word must therefore be left doubtful. The sense of ttrigilit is 
supported by Suidas; see Sturz's Lex. s. v> 


hopes, but was evidently distressed ; for it was no pail of 
his character not to pay when he had the means. 12. 
But while he was there, Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis king 
of the Cilicians, paid him a visit, and was said to have pre- 
sented him with a large sum of money. He in consequence 
gave the troops pay for four months. The Cilician queen 
had with her a body-guard of Cilicians and Aspendians ; and 
it was reported that Cyrus had connexion with her. 

13. Hence he proceeded two days' march, ten parasangs, to 
Thymbrium, a populous city. Here, by the road-side, was a 
fountain, called the fountain of Midas, king of Phrygia ; at 
which INIidas is said to have captured the Satyr, • by mixing 
wine with the water. 

14. Hence he proceeded, two days' march, ten parasangs, 
to Tyrioeum, a well-peopled city, where he stayed three days. 
The Cilician queen is said to have requested Cyrus to show her 
his army. With the desire therefore of exhibiting it to her, 
he reviewed his troops, as well Greek as Barbarian, in the plain. 

15. He ordered the Greeks to be marshalled, and to take their 
places, as they were accustomed to do for battle, each captain 
arranging his own men. They were accordingly drawn up four 
deep ; Menon and his troops took the right wing; Clearchus and 
his men the left ; and the other captains occupied the centre. 

16. First of all, then, Cyrus reviewed the Barbarians, who 
marched past him, drawn up in troops and companies ;2 and 
afterwards the Greeks, riding by them in his chariot, with llie 
Cilician queen in her car.^ They had all brazen helmets, scarlet 
tunics, greaves, and polished shields. 17. When he had ridden 
past them all, he stopped his chariot in front of their phalanx, 
and sent Pigres the interpreter to the Greek officers, with 
orders for them to present arms,'* and to advance with their 
whole phalanx. The officers communicated these orders to 

' Tov Sarrooj'.] Silenus. See Servius ad Virg. Eel. vi. 13. 

' Kara iXac Kal kuto. rat.tig.'} 'IX»; signifies properly a troop of 
horse, consisting of G4 men ; and ra^tc, a company of foot, which 
Xenophon, in the Cyropaedia, makes to consist of 100 men. 

^ 'E(p' apfia^a^ijQ.'] The hartnajnaxa was a Persian carriage, pro- 
bably covered, for women and children. See Q. Curt. iii. 3, 23; 
Wesseling ad Herod, vii. 41. 

♦ UpoiaXtaQni rd oTrXa.] " To hold out the shield and the spear, 
the one to defend the person, and the other to repel or attack an 
adversary." Kuhner. 


their soldiers ; and, when tlie trumpeter gave the signal, the> 
presented arras and advanced. Then, as they pi'oceeded with 
a quicker pace and loud shouts, the soldiers of their own ac- 
cord took to running, hearing down upon the tents of the Per- 
sians. 18. Upon this, there arose great terror among the rest 
of the Barbarians ; the Cilician queen fled from her car ; and 
he people in the market deserted their goods and took to their 
heels ; while the Greeks marched up to the tents with laugh- 
ter. The CiUcian queen, on beholding the splendour and dis- 
cipline of the army, was struck with admiration ; and Cyrus 
was delighted when he saw the terror with which the Greeks 
inspired the Barbarians. 

19. Hence he advanced, three days' march, a distance of 
wenty parasangs, to Iconium, the last town of Phrygia ; wliere 

he halted three days. He then went forward through Lycao- 
nia, five days' march, a distance of thirty parasangs ; and this 
country, as being that of an enemy, he permitted the Greeks to 

20. From hence C}tus despatched the Cilician queen, by the 
shortest road, into Cilicia ; and sent with her the troops wliich 
Menon had. and Menon himself. Cyrus, with the rest of the 
army, proceeded through Cappadocia, four days' march, a dis- 
tance of twenty-five parasangs, to Dana, a populous, large, and 
wealthy city. Here he stayed three days; in the course of which 
he put to death a Persian, named Megaphernes, a wearer of the 
royal purple,^ and a certain other person in power, one of the 
provincial governors having accused them of conspiring against 

21. They then made an attempt to enter Cilicia ; but the 
sole entrance was a road broad enough only for a single car- 
riage, very steep, and impracticable for an army to pass, if 
any one opposed them. Syennesis, besides, was said to be 
stationed on the heights, guarding the defile ; on which ac- 
count Cyrus halted for a day in the plain. The next day, a 

' ^oivLKiaTJiv PamXeiov.l ^milius Portus, on the authority of Zo- 
naras, Lex. p. 1818, interprets this " dyer of the king's purple ; " an 
interpretation repugnant to what follows. Moras makes it pnrpu- 
ratus ; Larcher, vexillarius, because in Diod. Sic xiv. 2() a standard 
is called ^oiviKig : Brod^eus gives ' unus e regiis familiaribus, pu- 
nicea veste indutus, non purpurea.' Without doubt he was one of 
the highest Persian nobles, as he is joined with the vwapxoi^vvd(rrai." 


messenger came to inform him that Syennesis had quitted the 
heights, on receiving information that Menon's army waa 
ah-eady in Cilicia within the mountains, and hearing that 
Tamos had a number of galleys, belonging to the Lacedaj- 
monians and Cyrus himself, sailing round from Ionia to Cihcia. 
22. Cyrus accordingly ascended the mountains without any 
opposition, and saw ' the tents in which the Cilicians kept 
guard. Hence he descended into a large and beautiful plain, 
well watered, and abounding with all kinds of trees, as well 
as vines. It also produced great quantities of sesamum, 
panic, millet,^ wheat, and barley. A chain of hills, strong 
and high, encompasses it on all sides from sea to sea. 23. De- 
scending through this plain, he proceeded, in four days' march, 
a distance of twenty-five parasangs, to Tarsus, a large and 
opulent city of Cilicia. Here was the palace of Syennesis, 
the king of the Cilicians ; and through the midst of the city 
runs a river, called the Cydnus, the breadth of which is two 
plethra. 24. This city the inhabitants, with Syennesis, had 
deserted for a strong-hold upon the mountains, except those 
who kept shops.^ Those also remained behind, who lived 
near the sea at Soli and at Issi. 

25. Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, had arrived at Tarsus five 
d?ys before Cyrus. But in passing over the mountains which 
sHrt the plain, two companies of Menon's troops had perished ; 
8c-me said that they had been cut to pieces by the Cilicians, 

' E7^£.] Tills seems to be the reading of all the manuscripts, and 
is retained by Poppo, Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kuhner. But 
Schneider and Weiske read tlXe, "took possession of," on the sug- 
gestion of Muretus, Var. Lect. xv. 10, who thought it superfluous 
for Xenophon to say that Cyrus merely sato the tents. Lion, how- 
ever, not unreasonably supposes this verb to be intended to mark 
the distance at which Cyrus passed from the tents, that is, that he 
passed within siglit of them, the Cilicians having retired only a 
short space to tlie rear. 

* ^Ti^a/xou Kcd fifXipTiv Kai KEyxQov.'] Sesamum is a leguminous 
plant, well known in the East; the seeds of it resemble hemp-seed, 
and are boiled and eaten like rice. Mt\ivr],paniciim, is a plant re- 
sembling mUlet. Kkfxpog, milium, millet, is far the best known o( 
the three to Europeans. Panic bears its grain in ears ; millet, in 

* KaTTjjXtea.] KairTjXtiov is of'en used in the sense of a tavern; 
sometimes in a more general sense, as a7iy kind of shop. We mav 
suppose that all those remained behind who had anything to sell, 
with the hope of getting profit. 


while committing some depredations ; others, that being left, 
behind, and unable to find the rest of the army or their road, 
they had been destroyed while wandering about. They 
amounted to a hundred heavy-armed men. 26. When the rest 
of Menon's troops came up, full of resentment at the fate of tlieir 
comrades, they plundered both the city of Tarsus and the pa- 
lace in it. Cyrus, on entering the city, sent for Syeimesis to 
come to him ; but Syennesis answered, that he had never yet 
put himself in the power of one stronger than himself ; 
nor would he then consent to go to Cyrus, until his wife pre- 
vailed upon him, and he received solemn assurances of safetj'. 
£7. Afterwards, when they had met, Syennesis gave Cyrus a 
large sum of money for the support of his army, and Cyrus in 
return presented him with such gifts as are held in estimation 
by a king, a horse with a golden bit, a golden chain and brace- 
lets, and a golden scimitar and Persian robe. He also engaged 
that Ins country should no more be plundered, and that he 
should receive back the captured slaves, if they anywhere 
met with them. 


Cyrus is forced to stay twenty days at Tarsus by a mutiny of the Greek sol- 
diers, who, suspecting that they were led against the king, refuse to go 
farther, and ofter violence to Clearchus, who endeavours to force them to 
proceed. But being told by Cyrus that the expedition is directed against 
Abrocomas, and promised an increase of pay, they agree to continue thuii 

1. Heue Cyrus and the army remained twenty days ; for 
the soldiers refused to proceed farther, as they now began to 
suspect that they were marching against the king, and said 
that they had not been hired ibr this purpose. Clearcluis, 
first of all, endeavoured to compel his soldiers to proceed ; but, 
as soon as he began to advance, they i)elted him and his 
baggage-cattle with stones. 2. Clearchus, indeed, on this 
occasion, had a narrow escape of being stoned to death. At 
length, when he saw that he should not be able to proceed by 
force, he called a meeting of his soldiers ; and at first, stand- 
ing before them, he continued for some time to shed tears, 
while they, looking on, were struck with wonder, and re- 
mained silent. He then addressed them to this effect : 

12 THE EXPEDltlOJf OF CtStlS. [b. 1. 

3. " Wonder not, soldiers, that I feel distressed at the 
present occurrences ; for Cyrus engaged himself to me by ties 
of hospitality, and honoured me, when I was an exile from my 
countiy, both with other marks of esteem, and by presenting 
me with ten thousand darics. On receiving this money, I 
did not treasure it up for my own use, or squander it in 
luxury, but spent it upon you. 4. First of all, I made war 
upon the Thracians, and, in the cause of Greece, and with 
your assistance, took vengeance upon them by expelling them 
from the Chersonesus, when they would have taken the coun- 
try from its Grecian colonists. When Cyrus summoned me, 
I set out to join him, taking you with me, that if he had need 
of my aid, I might do him service in return for the benefits 
that I had received from him. 5. But since you are unwill- 
ing to accompany him on this expedition, I am under the ob- 
ligation, either, by deserting you, to preserve the friendship of 
Cyrus, or, by proving false to him, to adhere to you. Whether 
I shall do right, I do not know ; but I shall give you the pre- 
ference, and will undergo with you whatever may be neces- 
sary. Nor shall any one ever say, that, after leading Greeks 
into a country of Barbarians, I deserted the Greeks, and 
ftdopted, in preference, the friendship of the Barbarians. 

6. " Since, however, you decline to obey me, or to follow 
me, I will go with you, and submit to whatever may be des- 
tined for us. For I look upon you to be at once my country, 
my friends, and my fellow-soldiers, and consider that with you 
I shall be respected, wherever I may be : but that, if separated 
from you, I shall be unable either to afford assistance to a 
friend, or to avenge myself upon an enemy. Feel assured, 
therefore, that I am resolved to accompany you wherever 
you go." 

7. Thus he spoke ; and the soldiers, as well those under 
his own command as the others, on hearing these assur- 
ances, applauded him for saying that he would not march 
against the king ; and more than two thousand of the troops of 
Xenias and Pasion, taking with them their arms and baggage, 
went and encamped under Clearchus. 

8. Cyrus, perplexed and grieved at these occurrences, sent 
for Clearchus ; who, however, would not go, but sending a 
messenger to Cyrus without the knowledge of the soldiers, 
bade him be of good courage, as these matters would be ar- 

on. 3.] SPEECH OF CLEABCHt/S. l3 

ranged to his satisfaction. He also desired Cyrus to send for 
him again, but, when Cyrus had done so, he again declined to 
go.^ 9. Afterwards, having assembled his own soldiers, and 
those who had recently gone over to him, and any of the rest 
that wished to be present, he spoke to the following effect : 

" It is evident, soldiers, that the situation of Cyrus with 
regard to us is the same as ours with regard to him ; for we 
are no longer his soldiers, since we refuse to follow him, nor is 
he any longer our paymaster. 10. That he considers himself 
wronged by us, however, I am well aware ; so that, even 
when he sends for me, I am unwilling to go to him, princi- 
pally from feeling shame, because I am conscious of having 
been in all respects false to him ; and in addition, from being 
afraid, that, when he has me in his power, he may take venge- 
ance on me for the matters in which he conceives that he 
has been injured. 11. This, therefore, seems to me to be no 
time for us to sleep, or to neglect our own safety ; but, on the 
contrary, to consider what we must do under these circum- 
stances.'^ As long as we remain here, it seems necessary to 
consider how we may best remain with safety ; or, if we de- 
termine upon going at once, how we may depart with the 
greatest security, and how we may obtain provisions ; for 
without these, the general and the private soldier are alike 
inefficient.^ 12. Cyrus is indeed a most valuable friend to 
those to whom he is a friend, but a most violent enemy to 
those to whom he is an enemy. He has forces, too, both in- 
fantry and cavalry, as well as a naval power, as we all alike 
see and know ; for we seem to me to be encamped at no great 
distance from him. It is therefore full time to say whatever 
any one thinks to be best." Having spoken thus, he made a 

13. Upon this, several rose to speak ; some, of their own 
accord, to express what they thought ; others, previously in- 
structed by Clearchus, to point out what difficulty there 
would be, either in remaining or departing, without the con- 

' He himself, the very person who had desired Cyrus to send for 
nim, refused to go ; this refusal being given for the sake of keep- 
ing up appearances. 

* 'Ek Touruv.] " Ex his, secundum haec, h. e. in hac rerum con« 
ditione." Kuhner Bornemann interprets simply pos< A«c. 

• Ovrt crpaTTfyov ovrt iSiwtov 6<pt\og ovSer.] "No profit (or use) 
either of a general or private soldier." 


Bont of Cyrus. U. One of these, pretending to be eager to 
proceed Avith all possible haste to Greece, proposed that tliey 
should choose other commanders without dcLiy, if Clearchus 
were unwilling to conduct them back ; that they should pur- 
chase provisions, as there was a market in the Barbarian 
camp, and pack up their baggage ; that they should go to 
Cyrus, and ask him to furnish them with ships, in which they 
might sail home ; and, if he should not grant them, that they 
should beg of him a guide, to conduct them back througJi 
such parts of the country as were friendly towards them. • 
But if he would not even allow them a guide, that they 
should, without delay, form themselves in wai-like order, and 
send a detachment to take possession of the heights, in order 
that neither Cyrus nor the Cilicians, (" of whom," said he, "we 
have many pi-isoners, and much money that we have taker,,") 
may be the first to occupy them. Such were the suggestions 
that he offered ; but after him Clearchus spoke as ibllows : 

15. "Let no one of you mention me, as likely to undertake 
this command ; for I see many reasons why I ought not to do 
so ; but be assured, that whatever person you may elect, I 
shall pay the gi-eatcst possible deference to him, that you may 
see that I know how to obey as well as any other man." 

16. After him another arose, who pointed out the folly of 
him who advised them to ask for ships, just as if Cyrus were 
not a,bout to sail back,^ and who showed, too, how foolish it 
would be to request a guide of the very person "whose plans," 
said he, " we are frustrating. And," he added, " if we 
should trust the guide that Cyrus might assign us, what will 
hinder Cyrus from giving orders to occupy the heights before 
we reach them ? 17. For my own part, I should be reluctant 

' Ai(T (piXiai; Tijg x''V^c] The earlier editions have w? before Sii, 
of which, as being useless, Schneider first suggested the omission; 
and which has accordingly been rejected by subsequent editors. 
The guide was to conduct them only through regions that were 
friendly to Cyrus, or where he could procure them a friendly re- 

^ "Qa-irfp iraXivTov ffroXovKvpov firj iroiovn'ivov.] About the mean- 
ing of these words there has been much dispute. The translatiou 
which I have given is tliat of Bcneinann, "quasi retro Cyrus navi- 
gaturus non esset," which is adopted by Kiihner. "The speakej 
assumes," says Borneinann, "that Cyrus is directing his march 
against the Pisidians or some other rebellious people, and that, 
uhen he has reduced them, he will return to his province." 

en. 3. J CTRtrs still dissembles 15 

to embark in any vessel that he might grant us, lest he 
should send us and the galleys to the bottom together ; I 
should also be afraid to follow any guide that he may ap- 
point, lest he should conduct us into places, from whence 
there would be no means of escape ; and I had rather, if I 
depart without the consent of Cyrus, depart without his 
knowledge; but this is impossible. 18. I say then that such 
proposals are absurdities ; and my advice is, that certain per- 
sons, such as are fit for the task, should accompany Clearchus 
to Cyrus, and ask him in what service he wishes to employ 
us ; and if the undertaking be similar to that in which he be- 
fore employed foreign troops,' that we too should follow him, 
and not appear more cowardly than those who previously 
went up with him. 19. But if the present design seem greater 
and more difficult and more perilous than the former, that 
they should ask him, in that case, either to induce us to accom- 
pany him by persuasion, or, yielding himself to our persuasions, 
to give us a passage to a friendly country ; for thus, if we 
accompany him, we shall accompany him as friends and zeal- 
ous supporters, and if we leave him, we shall depart in 
safety ; that they then report to us what answer he makes to 
this application ; and that we, having heard his reply, take 
measures in accordance with it." 

20. These suggestions were approved ; and, having chosen 
certain persons, they sent them with Clearchus to ask Cyrus 
the questions agreed upon by the army. Cyrus answered, 
that he had heard that Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was on 
the banks of the Euphrates, twelve days' march distant; and 
it was against him, he said, that he wished to march ; and if 
Abrocomas should be there, he said that he longed to take due 
vengeance on him ; but if he should retreat, " we will con- 
sider there," he added, " how to proceed." 

21. The delegates, having heard this answer, reported it to 
the soldiers, who had still a suspicion that he was leading 
them against the king, but nevertheless resolved to accompany 
him. They then asked for an increase of pay, and Cyrus 
promised to give them all half as much again as they received 
before, that is to say, instead of a daric, three half-darics a 

• The reference is to the three hundred Greeks that went up with 
Cyrus to Babylon under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian, 
L 1. 2. 


month for every soldier. But no one heard there, at loaot 
publicly, that he was leading them against the king. 


fhc army reaches Issi, the last city; in Cilicia, at which the fleet then ar- 
rives. Cyrus proceeds into Syria, where two of the Greek captains, 
Xenias and Pasion, desert the expedition; the good feeling of Cyrus, in 
forbearing to pursue them, renders the other Greeks more willing to ac- 
company him. He arrives at Thapsacus on the Euphrates, where he dis- 
closes the real object of his expedition to the Greek troops, who expresi 
discontent, but are induced by fresh promises, and the example of Menon, 
to cross the river. 

1. Hence he proceeded., two days' march, a distance of ten 
parasangs, to the river Psarus, the breadth of which was three 
plethra. He tlien went forward, one day's march, live para- 
sangs, to the river Pyramus, the breadth of which is a sta- 
dium. Hence he advanced in two days' march, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last city in Cilicia, situate upon 
the sea-coast, a populous, large, and rich place. 

2. Here Cyrus remained three days, in which time the ships 
from Peloponnesus, thirty-five in number, arrived, Pythagoras 
the Lacedaemonian being their commander. But Tamos, an 
Egyptian, had conducted the fleet from Ephesus, who had 
also with him five-and-twenty other ships, belonging to Cyrus, 
with which he had blockaded ]\Iiletus Avhen it was in the in- 
terest of Tissaphernes, and had fought against him on behalf 
of Cyrus. 3. In these vessels came also Cheirisophus the 
Lacedaemonian, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and who 
had with him seven hundred heavy-armed troops, which he 
commanded as part of the army of Cyrus. The ships wero 
moored opposite Cyrus's tent. Here, too, the Greek mercen- 
aries, who were in the pay of Abrocomas, four hundred 
heavy-armed men, deserted him and came over to Cyrus, and 
joined in the expedition against the king. 

4. Hence he proceeded, one day's march, five parasangs, to 
the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. These were two fortresses ;' 

' ''Haav Si ravra Svo Ttixri-] As the fern. irvXai precedes, and as 
the gates were not properly the rtixr), but the space between them, 
Weiske conjectures ^vav £i ivTai'^a, k. t. X., which K'ihner and 

dti. i-2 CYRtS ENTERS sYraA, If 

of the part within them, towards Cilicia, Sytntiesis and a 
guard of Cilicians had the charge ; the part without, toAvards 
Syria, a garrison of the king's sokliers was reported to oc- 
cupy. Between the two runs a river, called Carsus, a pleth- 
rum in breadth. The whole space between the fortresses was 
three stadia ; and it was impossible to pass it by force ; for the 
passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to tbe sea, 
and above were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses 
were gates. 5. It was on account of this passage that Cyrus 
had sent for the fleet, that he might disembark heavy-armed 
troops within and without the Gates,' who might force a pass- 
age through the enemy, if they still kept guard at the Syrian 
gates ; a post which he expected Abrocomas would hold, as 
he had under his command a numerous army. Abrocomas 
however did not attempt this ; but, when he heard that Cyrus 
was in Cilicia, retreated out of Phoenicia, and proceeded to 
join the king, having with him, as was said, three hundred 
thousand men. 

6. Hence he proceeded through Syria, one day's march, 
five parasangs, to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited 
by Phoenicians ; this place was a public mart, and many 
merchant-vessels lay at anchor there. 7. Here they remained 
seven days ; and here Xenias the Arcadian captain, and 
Pasion the Megarcan, embarking in a vessel, and putting on 
board their most valuable effects, sailed away ; being actu- 
ated, as most thought, by motives of jealousy, because Cyrus 
had allowed Clearchus to retain under his command their sol- 
diers, who had seceded to Clearchus in the expectation of re- 
turning to Greece, and not of marching against the king 
Upon their disappearance, a rumour pervaded the army that 

others approve, but have not admitted into the text. Kuhner in- 
terprets Tiixn "castella," and I have fallowed him. ^Vhen Xeiio- 
phon speaks, a little below, of Tii\7] tig Ttjv^aXarTav Ka^l/Kovra, he 
seems to mean tcalls attached to the fortress nearest to tiie sea. So 
when he says that at each of the fortresses, Itti toIq reixffffv a^ifoTipon:, 
were gates, he appears to signify that there were gates in the walls 
attached to each of the fortresses. " At a distance of about six 
hundred yards, corresponding with the three stadia of Xenophon, 
are the ruins of a wall, which can be traced amid a dense shrub- 
bery, from the mountains down to the sea-shore, where it termin- 
ates in a round tower." Ahisworth, p. 59. 

' " That is, within the two fortresses and beyond them, viz ib 
lyria." Kuhner 

VOL. 1. Q 

18 tllE EXPEbixiON OF CtRtS. [M. t 

Cyrus would pursue them with ships of war ; and smie 
wished that they might be taken, as having acted per- 
fidiously ; Avhile others pitied their fate, if they should be 

8. But Cyrus, calling together the captains, said to them, 
" Xenias and Pasion have left us : but let them be well as- 
sured, that they have not fled clandestinely ; for I know 
•which way they are gone ; nor have they escaped beyond my 
reach ; for I have triremes that w^ould overtake their vessel. 
But, by the gods, I shall certainly not pursue them ; nor shall 
any one say, that as long as a man remains with me, I make 
use of his services, but that, when he desires to leave me, I 
seize and ill-treat his person, and despoil him of his property. 
But let them go, with the consciousness that they have acted 
a worse part towards us than we towards them. I have, in- 
deed, their children and wives under guard at Tralles ; but 
i!Ot even of them shall they be deprived, but shall receive 
them back in consideration of their former service to me." 
9. Tims Cyrus spoke ; and the Greeks, even such as had 
been previously disinclined to the expedition, when tliey 
heard of the noble conduct of Cyrus, accompanied him with 
greater pleasure and alacrity. 

After these occurrences, Cyrus proceeded four days' march, 
a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which is 
a plethrum in breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the 
Syrians looked upon as gods, and allowed no one to hurt 
either them or the pigeons. The villages, in which they 
fixed their quarters, belonged to Parysatis, having been given 
her for her girdle.' 

10. Thence he advanced, five days' march, a distance of 
thirty parasangs, to the source of the river Dardes, which is a 
plethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the 
governor of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, con- 
taining all that the seasons produce. But Cyrus laid it waste, 
and burned the palace. 

' Ei'c ^Mvr.v."- Nominally to furnish her with girdles, or to supply 
ornaments for her girdle, it being tlie custom with the Persian 
kings to bestow places on their queens and otlier favourites osten- 
sibly for tlie purpose of furnishing them with articles of dress, food, 
or other conveniences. See Herod, ii. 98; Plato, Alcib. I. c. 40, 
Cic iu Verr. iii. 23 ; Corn. Nepos, Life of Theinistocles, c. 10. 


11. Hence he proceeded, three days' march, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, whicli is there four 
stadia in breadth, and on which is situated a hirge and rich 
city, named Thapsacus. The army remained there five days ; 
and Cyrus sent for the Greek captains, and told them, that 
his march was directed to Babylon, against the Great King • 
and he desired them to make this announcement to the soL 
diers, and to persuade them to accompany him. 

12. The leaders, assembling their troops, communicated 
this information to them ; and the soldiers expressed them- 
selves much displeased with their officers, and said that they 
had long known this, but concealed it ; and they refused to 
go, unless such a donative was granted them, as had been 
given to those who had before gone up with Cyrus to his 
father, and that, too, when they did not go to fight, but 
merely attended Cyrus when his father summoned him. 13. 
This state of things the generals reported to Cyrus ; who in 
consequence promised to give every man five minoe of silver,' 
when they should arrive at Babylon, and their full pay be- 
eides, until he should bring back the Greeks to Ionia again. 
The greatest part of the Grecian force was thus prevailed 
uj>on to accomj)any him. But befoi'e it was certain what the 
other soldiers would do, whether they would accompany Cyrus 
or not, Menon assembled his own troops apart from the rest, 
and spoke as follows : 

14, " If you will follow my advice, soldiers, you will, with- 
out incurring either danger or toil, make yourselves honoured 
by Cyrus beyond the rest of the army. What, then, would 
I have you do? Cyrus is at this moment urgent with the 
Greeks to accompany him against the king ; I therefore sug- 
gest that, before it is known how the other Greeks will an- 
swer Cyrus, you should cross over the river Euphrates. 15. 
For if they should determine upon accompanying him, you will 
appear to have been the cause of it, by being the first to pass 
the river ; and to you, as being most forward with your 
services, Cyrus will feel and repay the obligation, as no one 
knows how to do better than himself. But if the others should 
determine not to go with him, we shall all of us return back 
again ; but you, as having alone complied with his wishes, 

' Reckoning tlie taliMit at £243 15s., tlie niina (CO = a tale at 
T7ill be £i is 2d.^ and live niiiiui £20 iis. 3il. 

^ ttlE EXPEDITION Ot- CtUtS. [ft. 1- 

eiul as being most worthy of his confidence, he will employ ii» 
garrison duty and posts of authority ; and whatever else you 
may ask of him, I feel assured that, as the friends of Cyrus, 
you will obtain it.'* 

16. On hearing these proposals, they at once complied with 
them, and crossed the river before the others had given their 
answer. And when Cyrus perceived that they had crossed, 
he was much pleased, and despatched Glus to Menon's troops 
with this message : " I applaud your conduct, my friends ; 
and it shall be my care that you may applaud me ; or think 
me no longer Cyrus." 17. The soldiers, in consequence, being 
filled Avith great expectations, prayed that he might succeed ; 
and to Menon Cyrus was said to have sent most magnifi- 
cent presents. After these transactions, he passed the river, 
and all the rest of the army followed him ; and, in crossing 
the stream, no one was Avetted by its waters above the breast, 
18. The people of Thapsacus said, that this river had never, ex- 
cept on that occasion, been passable on foot, but only by means 
of boats ; which Abrocomas, going before, had burnt, that 
Cyrus might not be able to cross. It seemed, therefore, that 
this had happened by divine interposition, and that the river 
had plainly made way for Cyrus as the future king. 

19. Hence he advanced through Syria, nine days' march, a 
distance of fifty parasangs, and arrived at Ihe river Araxes, 
whei*e were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. 
Here the army remained three days, and collected provisions. 


lliG atmy proceeds tlirough Arabia, having the Euphrates on the right. 
They suffer from want of provisions, and many of the beasts of burden 
perish ; but supplies are procured from the opposite bank of the Eu- 
phrates. A dispute occurs between Clearchus and Menon, which is 
quelled by Cyrus. 

1. Ctkus now advanced through Arabia, having the Eu- 
phrates on his right, five days' march through the desert, a 
distance of thirty-five parasangs. In this region the ground 
was ciUircly a plain, level as the sea. It was coverei with 


wormwood, and whatever otlier kinds of shrub or reed grew 
on it, were all odoriferous as perfumes. But there were no 
trees. 2. There were wild animals, however, of various kinds ; 
the most numerous were wild asses ; there were also many 
ostriches, as well as bustards and antelopes ; and these ani- 
mals the horsemen of the army sometimes hunted. The wild 
asses, when any one pursued them, would start forward a con- 
siderable distance, and then stand still ; (for they ran much 
more swiftly than the horse ;) and again, when the horse ap- 
proached, they did the same ; and it Avas impossible to catch 
them, unless the horsemen, stationing themselves at intervals, 
kept up the pursuit with a succession of horses. The flesh of 
those that were taken resembled venison, but was more ten- 
der. 3. An ostrich no one succeeded in catching ; and those 
horsemen who hunted that bird, soon desisted from the pur- 
suit ; for it far outstripped' them in its flight, using its 
feet for running, and its wings, raising them like a sail.^ The 
bustards might be taken, if a person started them suddenly; 
for they fly but a short distance, like partridges, and soon 
tire. Their flesh was very delicious. 

4. Marching through this region, they came to the river 
Mascas, the breadth of which is a plethrum. Here was a 
large deserted city, of which the name was Corsote, and 
which was entirely surrounded by the Mascas. Here they 
stayed three days, and furnished themselves with provisions. 

5. Thence he proceeded, thirteen days' march through 
the desert, a distance of ninety parasangs, still keeping the 
Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a place called the 
Gates.^ In this march many of the beasts of burden perished 
of hunger ; for there was neither grass, nor any sort of tree, 

> ATTfffTraro.J " Drew itself awav from " its pursuers. There are 
various readings of this word. Kuhner adopts ainaira, in the sense 
of " drew off its pursuers from the rest of the huntsmen." Bornemann 
reads dTrtTrraro. 

* It would be needless to repeat all that has been said as to the 
construction of this passage ; I have adopted the explication of 

» En-i nvXac.] A strait or defile through which the road lay trom 
Mesopotamia into Babylonia; hence called the Pyl(B Babylonia. It 
is mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus sub voce XapfiavSti. Ains- 
worth, p. 80, places it fourteen miles north of Felujah, and a hui}- 
dred and eight miles north of Babyloij. 


but the wliole country was completely bare. Tlie Inhabitants, 
who quarried and fashioned millstones near the river, took 
them to Babylon, and sold them, and lived upon ccirn which 
they bought with the money. 6. Corn, too, failed the army, 
and it was not possible to buy any, except in the Lydian 
market among Cyrus's Barbarian ti-oops, where they pur- 
cliased a capithe ' of wheat-flour or barley -meal for four sigli. 
The siglus is equivalent to seven Attic oboli and a half,'^ and 
the capithe contains two Attic chcenices. The soldiers 
therefore lived entirely upon flesh. 

7. There were some of these marches which he made ex- 
tremely long, whenever he Avishcd to get to water or forage. 
On one occasion, when a narroAV and muddy road presented 
itself, almost impassable for the waggons, Cyrus halted on 
the spot with the most distinguished and wealthy of his train, 
and ordered Glus and Pigres, with a detachment of the Bar- 
barian forces, to assist in extricating the waggons. 8. But 
SIS they appeared to him to do this too tardily, he ordered, as 
if in anger, the noblest Persians of his suite to assist in ex- 
pediting the carriages. Then might be seen a specimen of 
their ready obedience; for, throwing off" their purple cloaks, 
in the place where each happened to be standing, they rushed 
forward, as one would run in a race for victory, down an ex- 
tremely steep declivity, having on those rich vests which 
they wear, and embroidered trowsers, some too with chains 
about tbtir necks and bracelets on their wrists, and, leaping 
with these equipments straight into the mud, brought the 
waggons up quicker than any one would have imagined. 

9. On the whole, Cyrus evidently used the greatest speed 
throughout the march, and made no delay, except where 
he halted in order to obtain a supply of provisions, or for 
some other necessary purpose ; thinking that the quicker 
he Avent, the more unprepared he should find the king when 
he engaged him, and that the more slowly he proceeded, 

' Kanl^T].] A measure, as is said below, equal to two Attic ch/e- 
nices. The Attic chcenix is valued by Mr. llussey, Essay on An- 
cient Weights, &c., ch. 13, sect. 4, at 1.84(i7 pint. 

'' The sifflus is regarded by some as the same with the Hebrew 
fihekel, but erroneously, as the siglus was of less value than the 
shekeb The obolus is valued by Mr. Hussey at something more 
than three half-pence ; seven oboli and a half would therefore bb 
about a shilhng. 


Che more numerous would be the force collected by the kii^o;. 
And an attentive observer might see that tlie empire of the 
king was strong indeed in extent of territory and number of 
inhabitants, but weak through the length of the roads, and 
the dispersion of its forces, if an enemy invaded it with rapid 

10. On the other side of the Euphrates, over against their 
course through the desert, was an opulent and extensive city, 
called Charmande ; from this place the soldiers purchased 
provisions, crossing the river on rafts in the following manner. 
They filled the skins, wliich they had for the coverings of 
their tents,' wi(h dry hay, and then closed and stitched them 
together, so that the water could not touch the hay. Upon 
these they went across, and procured necessaries, such as wino 
made of the fruit of the palm-tree, and panic ^ corn ; for this 
was most plentiful in those parts. 11. Here the soldiers of 
]Menon and those of Clearchus falling into a dispute about 
something, Clearchus, judging a soldier of Menon's to be in 
the wrong, inflicted stripes upon him, and the man, coming to 
the quarters of his own troops, told his comrades what had 
occurred, who, when they heard it, showed great displeasure 
and resentment towards Clearchus. 12. On the same day, 
Clearchus, after going to the place where the river was crossed, 
and inspecting tlie market there, Avas returning on horseback 
to his tent through Menon's camp, with a few attendants. 
Cyrus had not yet arrived, but was still on his way thither. 
One of Menon's soldiers, who was employed in cleaving wood, 
when he saw Clearchus riding through the camp, threw his 
axe at him, but missed his aim ; another then threw a stone 
at him, and another, and afterwards several, a great uproar 
ensuing. 13. Clearchus sought refuge in his own camp, and 
immediately called his men to arms, ordering his heavy-armed 
troops to remain on the spot, resting their shields against their 
knees, while he himself, with the Thracians, and the horse- 

' "ZKciratT^iarn is the readinj^ nf Dindorf, hut it ought rather to "he 
vrtyaafiaTa, if the distinction of Kriiger and Kiihner, who adopt 
the latter, be right ; viz. that aKinafj^a signifies a covering to wrap 
round the bodj', and rriynufia a shelter against sun or rain. See 
Arrian, iii. 29. This mode of crossing rivers, we learn from Dr 
Layard, is still practiced in .\nnenia both by men and wom^llt 

« Spe note '♦«> i- 1 "J'^. 


men tliat were in bis camp, to the number of more than forty, 
tand mo3t of these were Thracians,) bore down towards the 
troops of Xlenon, so that they and Alenon hunsclf were struck 
with terror, and made a general rush to their arms ; while 
some stood still, not knowing how to act under the circum- 
stances. 14. Proxenus happened then to be coming up be- 
hind the rest, with a body of heavy-armed men following 
him, and immediately led his troops into the middle space be- 
tween them both, and drew them up under arms, begging 
Clearchus to desist from what he was doing. But Clearchus 
was indignant, because, when he had narrowly escaped stoning, 
Proxenus spoke mildly of the treatment that he had received ; 
he accordingly desired him to stand out from between them. 

15. At this juncture Cyrus came up, and inquired into the 
affair. He then instantly took his javelins in his hand, and 
rode, with such of his confidential officers as were with him, into 
the midst of the Greeks, and addressed them thus: 16. 
" Clearchus and Proxenus, and you other Greeks who are 
here present, you know not what you are doing. For if you 
engage in any contention with one another, be assured, that 
this very day I shall be cut off, and you also not long after me ; 
since, if our affiiirs go ill, all these Barbarians, whom you see 
before you^ will prove more dangerous enemies to us than 
even those who are with the king." 17. Clearchus, on hear- 
ing these remonstrances, recovered his self-possession ; and 
both parties, desisting from the strife, deposited their arms in 
their respective encampments. 


Traces of the king's troops are perceived. Orontes, a Persian nol leman, a il- 
lation of C3'rus, offers lo go forward with a body of cavalry, and lay an 
ambush for the king's army. Before he sets out, however, he is found to 
be in con-espondence with the king, and is put to death. 

1. As they advanced from this place, the footsteps and dung 
of horses were observed, and i;he track was conjectured to be 
that of about two thousand cavalry. These, as they went be- 
fore, had burnt all the fodder, and whatever else might have 
bgen of use to Cyrus. And here Orontes, a Persian, by bJrtb 


connected with the king, and reckoned one of the ablest of the 
Persians in the field, turned traitor to Cyrus ; with whom, indeed, 
he had previously been at strife, but had been reconciled to 
him. 2. He now told Cyrus, that if he would give him a 
thousand horse, he would either cut off, by lying in ambush, the 
bodyof cavalry that were burning all before them, or would take 
the greater number of them prisoners, and hinder them from 
consuming everything in their way, and prevent them from 
ever informing the king that they had seen the army of Cyrus. 
Cyrus, when he heard his proposal, thought it advantageous ; 
and desired him to take a certain number of men from each 
of the different commanders. 

3. Orontes, thinking that he had sccui'ed the cavalry, 
wrote a letter to the king, saying that he would come to 
him with as many hoi'se as he could obtain ; and he de- 
sired him to give directions to his own cavalry to receive 
him as a friend. There were also in the letter expressions 
reminding the king of his former friendship and fidelity 
to him. This letter he gave to a man, upon whom, as he 
believed, he could depend, but who, when he receivea 
it, carried it to Cyrus. 4. Cyrus, after reading the letter, 
caused Orontes to be arrested, and summoned to his own tent 
seven of the most distinguished Persians of his staff, and de- 
sired the Greek generals to bring up a body of heavy-armed 
men, who should arrange themselves under arms around his 
tent. They did as he desired, and brought with them about 
three thousand heavy-armed soldiers. 5. Clearchus he called 
in to assist at the council, as that officer appeared, both to him- 
self and to the rest, to be held most in honour among the 
Gi-eeks. Afterwards, when Clearchus left the council, he re- 
lated to his friends how the trial of Orontes was conducted ; 
for there was no injunction of secrecy. He said, that 
Cyrus thus opened the proceedings : 

6. "I have solicited your attendance, my friends, in order 
that, on consulting with you, I may do, with regard to Orontes 
here before you, whatever may be thought just befoi-e gods 
and men. In the first place, then, my father appointed him to 
be subject to me. And when afterwards, by the command, 
as he himself states, of my brother, he engaged in war against 
me, having possession of the citadel of Sardis, I, too, took up 
(jrms £vgainst him, and iflt^de him resolve tQ desist fvQW 


war with me ; and then I received from him, and gave hira 
in return, the right-hand of friendship. 7. And since that 
occurrence," he continued, " is there anything in which I have 
Avronged you ?" Orontes rephed that tliere was not. Cyrus 
again asked him, "And did you not then subsequently, when, 
as you own yourself, you had received no injury from me, go 
over to the Mysians, and do all the mischief in your power to 
my territories ? " Orontes answered in the affirmative, " And 
did you not then," continued Cyrus, " when you had thus 
again proved your strength, come to the altar of Diana, and 
say that you repented, and, prevailing upon me by entreaties, 
give me, and receive from me in return, pledges of mutual 
filith ? " This, too, Orontes acknowledged. 8. " What in- 
jury, then," continued Cyrus, " have you received from me, 
that you are now, for the third tim.e, discovered in traitorous 
designs against me ? " Orontes saying that he had received 
no injury from him, Cyrus asked him, "You confess, then, 
that you have acted unjustly towards me ?" "I am necessi- 
tated to confess it," replied Orontes. Cyrus then again in- 
quired, " And would you yet become an enemy to my brother, 
and a faithful friend to me ? " Orontes answered, " Though 
I should become so, O Cyrus, I should no longer appear so to 
you." 9. On this, Cyrus said to those present, " Such are this 
man's deeds, and such his confessions. And now, do you first, 
O Clearchus, declare your opinion, whatever seems right to 
you." Clearchus spoke thus : " I advise, that this man be put 
out of the way with all despatch ; that so it may be no longer 
necessary to be on our guard against him, but that we may 
ha-ve leisure, as far as he is concerned, to benefit those who are 
willing to be our friends." 10. In this opinion, Clearchus 
said, the rest concurred. Afterwards, by the direction of 
Cyrus, all of them, even those related to the prisoner, rising 
from their scats, took Orontes by the girdle,* in token that he 
was to suffer death ; when those to whom directions had been 
given, led him away. And when those saw him pass, Avho 
had previously been used to bow before him, they bowed be- 
fore him as usual« though they knew that he was being led to 

* This was a custom amonp: the Persians on such occasions, as is 
expressly signified by Diodorus Siculus, xvii 30 in his account q| 
the condemnation of Charidemus, ^t the cpinmand of Df^rm- 


11. After lie had been conducted into the tent of Artapata?, 
the most confidential of Cyrus's sceptre-bearers,' no one from 
that time ever beheld Orontes either living or dead, nor coulc 
any one say, from certain knowledge, in what manner ho 
died. Various conjectures were made ; but no burial-place 
of him was ever seen. 


Cyrus enters Babylonia, and reviews his troops ; he addresses the Grcclw, 
and promises them great rewards in case of victory. He advances in oidcr 
of battle, but afterwards, supposing that his brother had no immediate 
intention to engage, proceeds with less caution. 

1. Hence Cyrus proceeded through Babylonia, three days' 
march, a distance of twelve parasaiig.s ; and at the end of 
the third day's march, he reviewed his army, both Greeks 
and Barbarians, in the plain, about midnight ; for he expected 
that with the ensuing dawn the king would come up with his 
army to offer him battle. He desired Clearchus to take 
the command of the right wing, and Menon the Thessalian 
that of the left, while he himself drew up his own troops. 

2. After the review, at the dawn of day, some deserters from 
the Great King came and gave Cyrus information respecting 
the royal army. Cyrus, assembling the generals and captains 
of the Greeks, consulted with them how he should conduct 
the engagement, and then encouraged them with the following 
exhortations : 3. " It is not, Greeks, from any want of Bar- 
barian forces, that I take you with me as auxiliaries ; but it is 
because I think you more efficient and valuable than a multi- 
tude of Barbarians, that I have engaged you in my service. 
See, then, that you prove yourselves worthy of the liberty of 
which you are possessed, and for which 1 esteem you fortunate ; 
for be well assured, that I should prefer that freedom to all 
that I possess, and to other possessions many times as great. 
4. But, that you may know to what sort of encounter you are 
advancing, I, from my own experience, will inform you. The 

' Sict/Trroi'xwr."] •' Eunuchs, who, by the institution of Cyrus the 
elder, formed the king's bodj'-gu^r4. See Cjrop. vii- 5, 5§," 


enemy's numbers are immense, and they make tlieir onset with 
a loud shout; but if you are firm against this, I feel ashamed 
to think what sort of men, in otiier respects, you will find 
those in the country to be. But if you are true men, and 
prove yourselves stout-hearted, I will enable those of you, who 
may wish to go home, to return thither the envy of their fellow- 
■•ountrymen ; but I think that I shall induce most of you to 
prefer the advantages of remaining with me to those in your 
own country." 

5. Upon this, Gaulitcs, an exile from Samos, a man in tlie 
confidence of Cyrus, being present, said, " Yet some say, O 
Cyrus, that you make many promises now, because you are 
in such a situation of approaching danger ; but that if things 
should turn out well, you will not remember them ; ' and some, 
too, say, that even if you have both the memory and the will, you 
will not have the power of bestowing all that you promise." 
6. Hearing this, Cyrus said, " We have before us, my friends, 
the empire that was my father's, extending, on the south, to 
the parts where men cannot live for heat ; and on the north, 
to the parts where they cannot live for cold ; and over all that 
lies between these extremes, the friends of my brother are now 
satraps. 7. But if we conquer, it will be proper for us to 
make our own friends masters of these regions. So that it is 
not this that I fear, that I shall not hav-o enough to give to each 
of my friends, if things turn out successfully, but that I shall 
not have friends enough to whom I may give it. And to each 
of you Greeks, I will also give a golden crown." 

8. The Greeks who were present, when they heard these as 
suranccs, were much encouraged, and reported what he had said 
to tlie rest. The captains, too, and some others of the Greeks, 
went into his tent, desiring to know for certain what would 
be their reward if they should be victorious ; and he did not 
let them go without satisfying the minds of all. 

9. But all, who conversed with him, urged him not to en- 
gage in the battle personally, but take his station behind their 
line. About this time, also, Clearchus put a question to Cyrua 
to this effect : " And do you think, Cyrus, that your brother 

» Ou ntuvijaOai.'] This is the reading in all books and manuscripts. 
But a future seems to be wanted rather than a perfect. Hutchinson 
and others rencler it " te nop fore memorem." Should we read 

Ctl. ?.j NtJMfifeft OP tROOrS 0^ EACH SlDfi. 29 

will come to battle with you ? " " By Jupiter," replied Cyrus, 
"it' he be indeed the son of Darius and Parysatis, and my 
brother, I shall not gain possession of these dominions without 
a struggle.'* 

10. In mustering the Greeks Under arms, their numbers 
were found to be ten thousand four hundred heavy-armed 
men, and two thousand four hundred peltasts ; of Barbarian 
Iroops under Cyrus, there were one hundred thousand, with 
about twenty chariots armed with scythes. 

11. Of the enemy the number was said to be one million 
two hundred thousand, with two hundred scythed chariots. 
There were, besides, six thousand cavalry, of whom Artagerses 
had the command ; these Avere drawn up in front of the king 
himself. 12. Of the royal army there were four command- 
ers, or generals, or leaders,' each over three hundred thou- 
sand men ; that is to say, Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, 
and Arbaces. But of this number only nine hundred thousand 
were present at the battle, and one hundred and fifty scythed 
chariots ; for Abrocomas, who was marching from Phoenicia, 
did not arrive till five days after the battle. 

13. This information was brought to Cyrus by some of the 
enemy who deserted from the Great King before the battle: 
and such of the enemy as were taken prisoners after the bat- 
tle gave the same account. 

14. Hence Cyrus proceeded one day's march, a distance of 
three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barba- 
rian, drawn up in order of battle ; for he expected that on 
this day the king would give him battle ; as about the middle 
of the day's march, there was a deep trench dug ; the breadth 
of it was five fathoms,^ and the depth three. 15. This ditch 
extended up through the plain, to the distance of twelve para- 
sangs, as far as the wall of Media.^ Here are the canals which 

' ■'Hffav apxovTfc fat ffrparjp/oi Kal yyc^iovig rfrraptf.] Weiske 
Considers the words Kal aTpurriyoi Kai t'lyifjiovig spurious ; and 
Schneider and some others are of his opinion. Kuhner thinks 
that they are genuine, and explicative of the more general term 

^ 'Opyviai."] The 6pyvia was equal to 6.0C75 English feet. See 
Hussey on Ancient Weights, &c., Append, sect. 10. 

' Toil UT}diac Teixovs.'] As many of the best manuscripts have 
Wt}Siiag, in this passage as well as in ii. 4. 12, ii. 4. 27, and vii. 8. 25, 
Kiihncr, adopts that reading, under the notion that the wall wa» 

80 ItiE E^EDtTlON OF CtRlJS. [b. t. 

are supplied from the river Tigris $' there are four of* them, each 
a plethrura in breadth, and very deep ; boats employed in con- 
veying corn sail along them. They discharge themselves into 
the Euphrates, are distant from each other one parasang, and 
there are bridges over them. Near the Euphrates was a nar- 
row passage between the river and the trench, about twenty 
feet in breadth. 16. This trench the Great King had made 
to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was march- 
ing against him. By this passage Cyrus and his army made 
their way, and got within the trench. 

17. On this day the king did not come to an engagement, 
but there were to be seen many traces of men and horses in 

18. Cyrus sent for Silanus, the Ambracian soothsayer, and 
gave him three thousand darics,^ because, on the eleventh 
day previous, Avhile sacrificing, he had told Cyrus that the 
king would not fight for ten days ; when Cyrus exclaimed, 
" He will not then fight at all, if he does not figlit within that 
time ; but if you shall prove to have spoken truly, I promise 
to give you ten talents." This money, therefore, he now paid 
him, the ten days having elapsed. 

19. As the king made no attempt, at the trench, to prevent 
the passage of Cyrus's army, it was thought both by Cyrus 
and the rest that he had given up the intention of fighting ; 
so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his march 
with less caution. 20. On the day succeeding that, he 

named from Medea, the wife of the last Vmg of the Medcs, whom tlie 
Persians conquered and despoiled of his dominions. " Those wlio 
aefend the reading Mj^t^i'ac," continues Kiihner, " suj)])ose the name 
to be derived from the country of Media, and believe, with Man- 
nert, (Geog. i. p. 3.30,) that it is the sam^ wail which Semiramis built 
to defend her kingdom on the side of Media ; but this opinion rests 
on very weak arguments." Ainsworth, ]). 180, thinks that it ex- 
tended from the Tigris to the Euphrates, and that the site of it is 
indicated by the ruins now called Sidd Nimrud, or "the ^Vall of 

' "These canals however flowed, not from the Tigris into the 
Euphrates, but from the Euphrates into the Tigris, as is shown not 
only by Herodotus, Diodorus. Arrian, Pliny, Ammianus, but by 
later writers." Kiilmer. But "the difference in the level of tlie 

rivers is so slight that it is probable tluit by merely altering I lie 

diagonal direction of a canal, the waters could be made to flo\? 
either way; certainly so at certain seasons." Ainsworth, jj, S'J, 
„ * See Hole on i. J. 9. 

eti. 8.) THE KiMO AbViifCES Tt> bATTLfi. 31 

pursued his journey seated in his chariot, and liaving but a 
8iuall body of troops in line before liiin ; wliile tlie far greater 
part of tlie army observed no order on tlieir marcli, and many 
of the soldiers' arms were carried on the waggons and beasts 
of burden. 


The enemy are seen advancing in order of battle, and the army ot Cyrus 
hastily prepare for action. The Greeks, in the right wing, put to fiigl-.t 
the troops opposed to them, and ])ursue tlieni some distance. Cyj'us, in 
the centre, directs his attack against the king, and is killed. 

1. It was now about the time of full market,' and the 
station, where he intended to halt, was not far off, wlien 
Pategyas, a Persian, one of Cyrus's confidential adherents, 
made his appearance, riding at his utmost speed, with his 
horse in a sweat, and straightway called out to all whom he 
met, both in Persian and Greek, " that the king was approach- 
ing with a vast army, prepared as for battle." 2. Immediately 
great confusion ensued ; for the Greeks and all the rest ima- 
gined that he would fall upon them suddenly, before they could 
form their ranks ; 3. and Cyrus, leaping from his chariot, put 
on his breastplate, and, mounting his horse, took his javelin 
in his hand, and gave orders for all the rest to arm themselves, 
and to take their stations each in his own place. 4. They 
accordingly formed with all expedition ; Clearchus occupying 
the extremity of the riglit wing close to the Euphrates, Prox- 
enus being next to him, and after him the other captains in 
succession. Menon and his troops occupied the left wing of 
the Greeks. 

5. Of the Barbarian forces, about one thousand Piii)hlago- 
nian cavalry were stationed near Clearchus, and the Grecian 
peltasts on the right ; and on the left was Ari:i2us, Cyrus's 
lieutenant, with the rest of the Barbarian troops. 6. In the 
centre^ was Cyrus, and with him about six hundred cavalry, 

' A/x^i ayopav nXnOovaav.'] The time from the tenth hour till 
noon. The whole day was divided by the Greeks into lour purls, 
Trfiuff, dfKpl dyopai> irXifiovaav, fitar}fi^^Ha, StiXtj. K'uhner. 

^ Tlic words icrtTd TO fji'taov, which were introduced into the text by 
Leuuclavius, as if absolutely necessary, and from a comparison vt 

351 tHE fiXPKDITlOi; OF CtRtS. [8. 1 

the men all ftrmed with breastplates, defences fot the thighs, 
and helmets, except Cyrus alone ; for Cyrus presented him- 
self for battle with his head unprotected. [It is said, too, that 
the other Persians expose themselves in battle with thei? 
heads uncovered.] ' 

7. All the horses of the cavalry, that were with Cyrus, had 
defensive armour on the forehead and breast ; and the horse- 
men had also Grecian swords. 

8. It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight. 
But when it was afternoon,^ there appeared a dust, like a 
white cloud, and not long after, a sort of blackness, extending 
to a great distance over the plain. Presently, as they ap- 
proached nearer, brazen armour began to flash, and the spears 
and ranks became visible. 9. There was a body of cavalry, 
in white armour, on the left of the enemy's line ; (Tissa- 
phernes was said to have the command of them ;) close by 
these were troops with wicker shields; and next to tliem, 
heavy-armed soldiers with long wooden shields reaching to 
their feet ; (these were said to be Egyptians ;) then other 
cavah-y and boAvmen. These all marched according to their 
nations, each nation separately in a solid oblong.^ lo. In front 
of their line, at considerable intervals from each other, were 
stationed the chariots called scythed chariots; they had 
scythes projecting obliquely from the axletree, and others un- 

Diod. Siculus, xiv. 2, Bornemann and others have omitted. I have 
thought it well to express them in the translation. Compare sect 
22, 23. 

' The words in brackets, as being at variance with what is said 
immediately before, that the Persians had hehnets on their heads, 
Wyttenbach, Weiske, and most other critics have condemned as an 
interpolation of some copyist. Kiihncr defends them on the ground 
that they do not interfere with what precedes, but merely express a 
general custom of the Persians. Jacobs for aWoi'S conjectures 
vaXaiovc, which Lion has received into his text ; but TraXaiovg does 
not suit well with the present StaKtvovviviiv. For my own part, I 
wovdd rather see the words out of the text than in it, if for no other 
reason than that they break the current of the narrative. Dindorf 
very judiciously leaves them in brackets. 

' AftXjj.] See note on sect. 1. of this chap. "This division of the 
day was also distinguished into two parts, StiXr) Trpiota, and StiXti 
oif/ia, the early part of the afternoon, (which is here meant,) and 
the evening." Kkhner. 

^ 'Ev Tr\ai<ji({) nXiipii aj'Spc'nrwj'.J " In an oblong full of men," i « 
the men being close together. 


der the driver's seat, pointing to the earth, for the purpose 
of cutting through whatever came in their way ; and the 
design of them Avas to penetrate and divide the ranks of tho 

11. As to what Cyrus had said, however, when, on caUing 
together the Greeks, he exhorted them to sustain unmoved 
the shout of the Barbarians, he was in this respect deceived ; 
for they now approached, not with a shout, but with all pos- 
sible silence, and quietly, with an even and slow step. 12. 
Cyrus in the mean time, riding by with Pigres the interpreter, 
and three or four others, called out to Clearchus to lead his 
troops against the enemy's centre, for that there was the king ; 
" and if," said he, " we are victorious in that quarter, our ob- 
ject is fully accomplished." 13. But though Clearchus saw 
that close collection of troops in the centre of the enemy's 
line, and heard from Cyrus that the king was beyond tlie left 
of the Greeks, (for so much the superior was the king in 
numbers, that, while occupying the middle of his own line, 
he was still beyond Cyrus's left,) nevertheless he was unwill- 
ing to draw off his right wing from the river, fearing lest he 
should be hemmed in on both sides ; and in answer to Cyrus 
he said, " that he would take care that all should go well." 

It. During this time the Barbarian army advanced with a 
uniform pace ; and the Grecian line, still remaining in the 
same place, was gradually forming from those who came up 
from time to time. Cyrus, riding by at a moderate distance 
from his army,' surveyed from thence both the lines, looking 
as well towards the enemy as to his own men. 15. Xenophon, 
an Athenian, perceiving him from the Grecian line, rode up 
to meet him, and inquired whether he had any commands ; 
when Cyrus stopped his horse, and told him, and desired him 
to tell everybody, that the sacrifices and the appearances of 
the victims were favourable.^ 16. As he was saying this, he 
heard a murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what 

' Ov Ttavv irpoQ avrt^ Tw cTpaTf.vfiari.'] " Satis longinquo a suis in- 
tervallo." — Weiskc. 

* Ta ifpa — Kai rd (T<pdyia KaXd.j The Upd are omens from the en- 
trails of the victims; the aipdyia were omens taken from the appear- 
ances and motions of the animals when led to sacrifice. This is the 
explanation given by Sturz in the Lexicon Xenophonteum, and 
adopted by Kiihner. Compare ii. 1. y. /^"*M7r'\ 

'^ (LIBRARY) „| 

34 titg fiXtEhitioN ot" ctntjs. [b. 1. 

noise that was. He answered,' " that it was the watchword, 
passing now for the second time."^ At which Cyrus won- 
dered who had given it, and asked what the word was. He 
rephed that it was, " Jupiter the Preserver and Victory." 
17. When Cyrus heard it, " I accept it as a good omen," said 
lie, " and let it be so." Saying this, he rode away to his own 
svation ; and the two armies were now not more than three or 
four stadia distant from each other, when the Greeks sang the 
pa^an, and began to march forward to meet the enemy. 18. 
And as, while they proceeded, some part of their body fluctu- 
ated out of hne,^ those who were tlius left behind began to run : 
and at the same time, they all raised just such a shout as they 
usually raise to Mars, and the whole of them took to a run- 
ning pace. Some say, that they made a noise with their 
spears against their shields, to strike terror into the horses. 
19. But the Barbarians, before an arrow could reach them, gave 
way, and took to flight. The Greeks then pursued them 
with all their force, calling out to each other, not to run, but 
to follow in order. 20. The chariots, abandoned by their 
drivers, were hurried, some through the midst of the enemies 
themselves, and others through the midst of the Greeks. 

' Dindorf has 6 ^f KXiapxoc tlinv, which is the reading of some 
manuscripts; others have 'Ztvo^iov instead of KXsapYoc. Din- 
dorf prefers the former, assuming that Clearchus liad probably rid- 
den up to Cyrus on tliat occasion; but this is an assumption wliich 
he had no right to make, as nothing can be gathered from the text 
in favour of it. Bornemann and Kiihner tliink it better to consider 
both names as equally interpolations, and to read simply o ct tiiriv, 
Xenophon of course being understood. 

* Aii'Ttpov.'] The watchword seems to have been passed from the 
extremity of one wing (the right I should sup])ose) to the extremity 
of the other, and then back again, that the soldiers, by repeating it 
twice, might be less likely to forget it. But as it would thus be 
passed only twice, not oftener, it would appear that we should read 
TO SiiTtpov. Kriiger de Authen. Anab. p. 33. Kiihner observes that the 
article is not absolutely necessary. I have translated "the second 
time," as the sense seems to require. Son-.e have imagined that 
the word Itvnpov implies that a second watchword, another given 
out for the occasion, was passing round ; but for this supposition 
there seems no ground. As there is nc answer to the inquiry, 
Ti'c irapnyyikXtt, Kriiger thinks that some words have dropped out 
of the text. 

* 'EKucvfiaii't.'] Tliis metaphor, from tlie swelling and heaving of 
a wave, is imitated by Arrian, Anab. ii. 10. 4, and praised in the 
treatise de Eloc. 81j attributed to Demetrius Phalereus. 

€it. 8.] etitus At TAcics the kiKd. 35 

The Greeks, Avhcn they saw them coming, opened their ranks 
to let them pass ; some few, however, were startled and 
caught by them, as might happen in a race-course ; but 
these, they said, suffered no material injury ; nor did any 
other of the Greeks receive any hurt in this battle, except 
that, on the left of their army, a man was said to have been 
ghot with an arrow. 

21. Cyrus, though he saw the Greeks victorious, and pur- 
suing those of the enemies who were opposed to them, and 
though he felt great pleasure at the siglit, and was already 
saluted as king by those about him, was not, however, led 
away to join in the pursuit ; but keeping the band of six hun- 
dredcavalry, that were with him, drawn up in close order around 
him, he attentively watched how the king Avould proceed ; for 
he well knew that he occupied the centre of the Persian army. 
22. All the commanders of the Barbarians, indeed, lead ' their 
troops to battle occupying the centre of their own men ; 
thinking that they will thus be most secure, if they have the 
strength of their force on either side of them, and that if they 
have occasion to issue orders, their army will receive them in 
half the time. 23. On the present occasion, the king, though 
he occupied the centre of his own army, was nevertheless be- 
yond Cyrus's left wing. But as no enemy attacked liim in 
front, or the troops that were drawn up before him, he began 
to wheel round, as if to enclose his adversaries. 24. Cyrus, in 
consequence, fearing that he might take the Greeks in the 
rear, and cut them in pieces, moved directly upon him, and 
charging with his six hundred horse, routed the troops that 
were stationed in front of the king, and put the guard of six 
thousand to flight, and is said to have killed with his own 
hand Artagerses, their commander. 

25. When this flight of the enemy took place, Cyrus's six 
hundred became dispersed in the eagerness of pursuit ; only a 
very few remaining with him, chiefly those who were called 
" partakers of his table." 

26. While accompanied by these, he perceived the king and 
the close guard around him ; when he immediately lost his 
self-command, and exclaiming, " I see the man," rushed upon 

• "Hyoiij^rat.] Schneider, Kiilmer, and some other editors have 
TiyovvTo, but I'oppo and Dindorf seem to be right in adopting til* 
present, notwithstanding the following optative. 
« 2 

38 tHE feiPEttlTION ot- CrRUS* : 

him, struck him on the breast, and wounded him through tJi6 
breastplate, as Ctesias, the physician, relates, stating that he 
himself dressed the wound. 27. As Cyrus was in the act of 
striking, some one hit him violently with a javelin under 
the eye ; and how many of those about the king were killed, 
(while they thus fought, the king, and Cyrus, and their re- 
spective followers in defence of each,) Ctesias relates ; for he 
was with him ; on the other side, Cyrus himself was killed, 
and eight of his principal officers lay dead upon his body. 28. 
Artapates, the most faithful servant to him of all his sceptre- 
bearers,' wlien he saw Cyrus fall, is said to have leaped from 
ids horse, and thrown himself upon the body of his master; 
29. and some say, that the king ordered some one to kill him 
on the body of Cyrus ; but others relate, that he drew his 
scimitar, and killed himself upon the body ; for he had a 
golden scimitar by his side, and also wore a chain and brace- 
lets, and other ornaments, like the noblest of the Persians ; 
since he was honoured by Cyrus for his attachment and fidel 
ity to him. 


The character of Cyrus. All his personal friends are killed, except Arlaetis, 
who takes to flight. 

1. Thus then died Cyrus; a man who, of all the Persians 
since Cyrus the elder, was the most princely and most worthy 
of empire, as is agreed by all who appe-xv to have had personal 
knowledge of him. 2. In the first p/ace, while he was yet a 
boy, and when he was receiving his education with his brother 
and the other youths, he was thought to surpass them all in 
everything. 3. For all the sons of the Persian nobles are 
educated at the gates of the king;^ where they may learn 

' See c. 6, sect. 11. 

' 'EttJ ra'tg ftaaiXiwQ Srpatf.] For " at the king's palace." " The 
k info's palace was styled among the ancient Persians, as in the mo- 
dern Constantinople, the Porte. Agreeably to the customs of other 
despots of the East, the kings of Persia resided in the interior of their 
palaces ; seldom appearing in public, and guarding all means of 
access to their persons. The number of courtier*, masters of cere- 
mot ies, guards, and others was endless. It was through them alone 

en. 9.] CnARACTER OF OVRUS. d7 

many a lesson of virtuous conduct, but can see or hear nothing 
disgraceful. 4. Here the boys see some honoured by the king, 
and others disgraced, and liear of them ; so that in tlieir very 
childhood they learn to govern and to obey. 

5. Here Cyrus, first of all, showed himself most remark- 
able for modesty among those of his own age, and for paying 
more ready obedience to his elders than even those who were 
inferior to him in station ; and next, he was noted for his 
fondness for horses, and for managing them in a superior 
manner. They found him, too, very desirous of learning, 
and most assiduous in px'actising, tiie warlike exercises of 
archery, and hurling tlie javelin. G. When it suited his age, 
he grew extremely fond of the chas':>, and of braving dangers 
in encounters with wild beasts. On one occasion, he did not 
shrink from a she-bear that attacked him, but, in grappling 
with her, was dragged from off his horse, and received some 
wounds, the scars of wliich were visible on his body, but at last 
killed her. The person who first came to his assistance he 
made a happy man in the eyes of many. 

7. When he was sent down by his father, as satrap of 
Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and was also ap- 
pointed commander of all the troops whose duty it is to 
muster in the plain of Castolus, he soon showed that if he 
made a league or compact with any one, or gave a promise, 
lie deemed it of the utmost importance not to break his word. 
8. Accordingly the states that were committed to his charge, 
as well as individuals, had the greatest confidence in him ; 
and if any one had been his enemy, he felt secure that if 
Cyrus entered into a treaty with him, he should suffer no in- 
fraction of the stipulations. 9. When, therefore, he waged 
war against Tissaphernes, all the cities, of their oAvn accord, 
chose to adhere to Cyrus in preference to Tissaphernes, ex- 
cept the Milesians ; but they feared him, because he would 
not abandon the cause of the exiles ; 10. for he both showed 
by his deeds, and declared in words, that he would never de- 
sert them, since he had once become a friend to them, not 
even though they should grow still fewer in number, and be 
in a worse condition than they were. 

that access could be obtained to the monarch." Ileere^i, Besearches, 
kc. vol. i. p 403. See Cyrop. i. 3. 2 ; 2. 3, seq^. Corn. Nep. Life 
of tofton, p. 3. . 


11. Whenever any one did him a kindness or an injury, he 
ghowed himself anxious to go beyond him in those respects ; 
and some used to mention a wish of his, that "he desired to 
live long enough to outdo both those who had done him 
good, and those who had done him ill, in the requital that 
he should make." 12. Accordingly to him alone of the men 
of our days were so gi-eat a number of people desirous of 
committing the disposal of their property, their cities, and 
their own persons. 

13. Yet no one could with truth say this of him, that he 
suffered the criminal or unjust to deride his authority ; for 
lie of all men inflicted punishment most unsparingly ; and 
there were often to be seen, along the most frequented roads, 
men deprived of their feet, or hands, or eyes ; so that in 
Cyrus's dominions, it was possible for any one, Greek or Bar- 
barian, who did no wrong, to travel without fear whither- 
soever he pleased, and having with him whatever might suit 
his convenience. 

14. To those who showed ability for war, it is acknoAV- 
ledged that he paid distinguished honour. His first war was 
witii the Pisidians and Mysians ; and, marching in person 
into these countries, he made those, whom he saw voluntarily 
hazarding their lives in his service, governors over the terri- 
tory that he subdued, and distinguished them with rewards 
in other ways. 15. So that the brave appeared to be the 
most fijrtunate of men, while the cowardly were deemed fit' 
only to be their slaves. Tiicre were, theretbre, great numbers 
of persons who voluntarily exposed themselves to danger, 
wherever they thought that Cyrus would become aware of 
their exertions. 

16. With regard to justice, if any appeared to him inclined 
to display that virtue, he made a point of making such men 
richer than those who sought to profit by injustice. 17. Ac- 
cordingly, while in many other respects his affairs were ad- 
ministered judiciously, he likewise possessed an army worthy 
of the name. For it was not for money that generals and 
captains came from foreign lands to enter into his service, 
hut because they were persuaued that to serve Cyrus well, 
would be more profitable than any amount of monthly pay. 
' 'AKtouffOai.l Lion, Poppo, Kiihner, and some other editors, read 
fi'.tvvy, but the passive siijta l^ettpr with the prcqedjug ^viivtaifm. 


18. Besides, if any one executed his orders in a superior man- 
ner, lie never suffered his dih'gence to go unrewarded ; con- 
sequently, in every undertaking, tlie best qualified officers 
were said to be ready to assist him. 

19. If he noticed any one that was a skilful manager, with 
strict regard to justice, stocking the land of which he had the 
direction, and securing income from it, he would never tak« 
anything from such a person, but was ever ready to give him 
something in addition ; so that men laboured with cheerful- 
ness, acquired property with confidence, and made no conceal- 
ment from Cyrus of what each possessed ; for he did not 
appear to envy those who amassed riches openly, but to en- 
deavour to bring into use the wealth of those who con- 
cealed it. 

20. Whatever friends he made, and felt to be well-disposed 
to him, and considered to be capable of assisting him in any- 
thing that he might wish to accomplish, he is acknowledged 
by all to have been most successful in attaching them to him. 
21. For, on the very same account on which he thought that 
he himself had need of friends, namely, that he might have co- 
operators in his undertakings, did he endeavour to prove an 
efficient assistant to his friends in whatever he perceived 
any of them desirous of effecting. 

22. He received, for many reasons, more presents than 
perhaps any other single individual; and these he outdid 
every one else in distributing amongst his friends, having a 
view to the character of e?ich, and to what he perceived each 
most needed. 23. Whatever presents any one sent him of 
articles of personal ornament, whether for warlike accoutre- 
ment, or merely for dress, concerning these, they said, he used 
to remark, that he could not decorate his own person with 
them all, but that he thought friends well equipped were the 
greatest ornament a man could have. 24. That he should 
outdo his friends, indeed, in conferring gi-eat benefits, is not 
at all wonderful, since he was so much more able ; but, that 
he should surpass his friends in kind attentions, and an anxious 
desire to oblige, appears to me far more worthy of admiration. 
25. Frequently, when he had wine served him of a peculiarly 
fine flavour, he would send half-emptied flagons of it to some 
of his friends, with a message to this effect : " Cyrus has 
not for sonie tin^e nict with plcfvsa,nter wine than this ; and he 


has therefore sent some of it to you, and begs you will drink 
it to-day, with those whom you love best." 26. He would 
often, too, send geese partly eaten, and the halves of loaves, 
and other such things, desiring the bearer to say, in present- 
ing them, " Cyrus has been delighted with these, and there- 
fore wishes you also to taste of them." 

27. Wherever provender was scarce, but he himself, from 
Laving many attendants, and from the care which he took, 
was able to procure some, he would send it about, and de- 
sire his friends to give that provender to the horses that 
carried them, so that hungry steeds might not carry his 
friends. 28. Whenever he rode out, and many were likely to 
see him, he would call to him his friends, and hold earnest 
conversation with them, that he might show whom he held in 
honour ; so that, from what I have heard, I should think that 
no one was ever beloved by a greater number of persons, 
either Greeks or Barbarians. 29. Of this fact the following 
is a proof; that no one deserted to the king from Cyrus, 
though only a subject, (except that Orontes attempted to do 
so ; but he soon found the person whom he believed faithful 
to him, more a friend to Cyrus than to himself,) while many 
came over to Cyrus from tlie king, after they became enemies 
to each other ; and these, too, men who were greatly beloved 
by the king ; for they felt persuaded, that if they proved 
themselves brave soldiers under Cyrus, they would obtain 
from him more adequate rewards for their services than from 
the king. 

30. AVliat occurred also at the time of his death, is a great 
proof, as well that he himself was a man of merit, as that he 
could accurately distinguish such as were trust-worthy, well 
disposed, and constant in their attachment. 31. For when he 
was killed, all his friends, and the partakers of his table, who 
were witli him, fell fighting in his defence, except Ariseus, 
who had been posted, in command of the cavalry, on the 
left ; and, when he learned that Cyrus had fallen in the battle, 
he took to flight, with all the troops which he had under his 



The head ami right-hand of Cyrus cut off. Artaxerxes pursues Arisen*, 
plunders the camp of Cyrus, and then returns to attack the victorious 
Greeks, who put him to flight, recover what he had seized, and return to 
their camp. 

1. The head and riglit-liand of Cyrus were then cut off. 
The king, and the troops that were with him, engaging in 
pursuit, fell upon the camp of Cyrus ; when the soldiers of 
Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled through their 
camp to the station whence they had last started ; which was 
said to be four parasangs distant. 2. The king and his fol- 
lowers seized upon many other things, and also captured the 
Phoca3an woman, the mistress of Cyrus, who was said to be 
both accomplished and beautiful. 3. His younger mistress, a 
native of Miletus, being taken by some of the king's soldiers, 
fled for refuge, Avithout her outer garment, to the party of 
Greeks,' who were stationed under arms to guard the baggage, 
and who, drawing themselves up for defence, killed several of 
the pillagers ; and some of their own number also fell ; yet 
they did not flee, but saved not only the woman, but all the 
rest of the property and people that were in their quarters. 

4. The king and the main body of Greeks were now 
distant from each other about thirty stadia, the Greeks pur- 
suing those that had been opposed to them, as if they had 
conquered all; the Persians engaged in plundering, as if they 
were wholly victorious. 5. But when the Greeks found that 
the king with his troops was amongst their baggage ; and the 
king, on the other hand, heard from Tissaphernes, that the 
Greeks had routed that part of his line which had been op- 
posed to them, and were gone forward in pursuit, the king, 

' Jlpbg Twv 'EXXtjvojv.'] " These words," says Kiihner, " have won- 
derfully exercised the abilities of commentators." The simplest 
mode of interpretation, he then observes, is to take irpbg in the sense 
oiverstts, "towards," comparing iv. 3. 2(j ; ii. 2. 4; but he inclines, 
on the whole, to make the genitive BWr'iviov depend on tovtovq un- 
derstood : tKipivyii Tihv 'EXXryj/wv irpoq {tovtovq) d'l itv^ov, k. t. X., 
though he acknowledges that this construction is extremely forced, 
and that he can nowhere find anytliing similar to it. Brodseus sug- 
gested ■KpoQ rb twv 'EXXijvwj', scil. aTQaTontSov, and Weiske and 
Schneider would read irpbg to twv 'EWiivuiv arpaTOTTiSov. Othef 
conjectures it is unnecessary to notice. 


on liis part, collected his forces, and formed them in line 
again ; while Clearchus, on tho other side, calling to him 
Proxenus, who happened to be nearest to him, consulted with 
him whether they should send a detachment to the camp, or 
proceed, all of them together, to relieve it. 6. In the mean 
time, the king was observed again approaching them, as it 
seemed, in their rear. The Greeks, wheeling round, prepared 
to receive him, in the belief that he would attack them on 
that quarter ; the king, however, did not lead his troops that 
ivaj, but led them off by the same route by which he had be- 
fore passed on the outside of their left wing ; taking with him 
both those who had desei'tcd to the Greeks during the en- 
gagement, and Tissaphernes with the troops under his com- 

7. Tissaphernes had not fled at the commencement of the 
engagement, but had charged through the Greek pcltasts, 
close to the banks of the river. In breaking through, how- 
ever, he killed not a single man, for the Greeks, opening their 
ranks, struck his men with their swords, and hurled their 
javelins at thorn. Episthenes of Ampliipolis had the com- 
mand of the peltasts, and was said to have proved himself an 
able captain. 8. Tissaphernes, therefore, when he thus came 
oif with disadvantage, did not turn back again, but, proceed- 
ing onwards to the Grecian camp, met the king there ; and 
thence they now returned together, with their forces united in 
battle-array. 9. AVhen they were opposite the left wing of 
the Greeks, the Greeks feared lest they should attack them on 
that wing, antl, enclosing them on both sides, should cut them 
off; they therefore thought it advisable to draw back this 
wing,' and to put the river in their rear. lo. While they 
were planning this mana?uvre, the king, having passed be- 
yond them, presented his force opposite to them, in the same 
form in which he had at first come to battle ; and when 

' 'AvaTrrvfrmn'.] Literally "to fold back." Whether we are to 
mulerstand that one part of the wing was drawn behind the other, 
is not very clear. The commentators are not all agreed as to the 
exact sense that the word ought to bear. Some would interpret it 
hy explicare, "to open out," or " extend," and this indeed seems 
more applicable to TrtpnvrvKavreg which precedes ; for the Greeks 
might lengthen out their line that the king's troops might not sur- 
round them. But on the whole, the other interpretation sepma t,^ 
h?ive most voices in favour qf it. 


the Greeks saw their enemies close at hand, and drawn up for 
fight, they again sang the paean, and advanced upon them 
with much greater spirit than before. 11, The Barbarians, 
on the other hand, did not await their onset, but fled sooner* 
than at first ; and the Greeks pursued them as far as a certain 
village,^ where they halted ; 12. for above the village was a 
hill, upon which the king's troops had checked their flight, 
and though there were no longer any infantry^ there, the 
height was filled with cavalry ; so that the Greeks could not 
tell what was doing. They said, that they saw the royal 
standard, a golden eagle upon a spear,'' witli expanded 

13. But as the Greeks were on the point of proceeding 
thither, the cavalry too left the hill ; not indeed in a body, 
but some in one direction and some in another; and thus the 
hill was gradually thinned of cavalry, till at last they were all 
gone. 14. Clearchus, however, did not march up the liill, but, 

' 'Ek TrXtoi'oc.] Sc. Siaarri^.iroQ : they began to flee when the 
Greeks were at a still greater distance than before. 

'' MtXP' f<'''A"K Tit'og.] This is generally snpposed to have been 
Cunaxa, where, according to Plutarch, the battle was fought. 
Ainsworth, p. 214, identifies Cunaxa with Imsh/ab, a place 36 miles 
north of Babylon. 

^ The infantry seem to have fled ; the cavalry only were left. 

* 'Etti TTtXrjjc '"■« ^vXov. 1 So stands the passage in DindorPs text ; 
but most editors, from Schneider downwards, consider Itti Kv^ov to 
he a mere interpretation o{ inl TrsXrjjc, that has crept by some acci- 
dent into the text, and either enclose it in brackets or wholly omit it. 
niXrj; is said by Hesychius and Suidas to be the same as Sopv or 
Xoyx'/ : and Kriiger refers to Philostratus, Icon. ii. 32, tirl rT/e TriXTrjg 
atTog. In Cyrop. vii. 1, 4, the insigne of Cyrus the elder is said to 
have been a golden eagle, tTri ooparog ftoKpov avariraftii'og. rifXr// 
accordingly being taken in this sense, all is clear, and i-rrl KvXov is 
superfluous. Kuhner gives great praise to the conjecture of Hutch- 
inson, iiri iTi\Ti)g in'i Kv(ttcv, who, taking iriXri] in the sense of 
a shield, supposed that the eagle was mounted on a shield, and the 
shield on a spear. But the shield would surely have been a mere 
encumbrance, and we had better be rid of it. Yet to take iriXrjj in 
the sense of « spear, unusual in Xenophon, is not altogether satisfac- 
tory ; and it would be well if we could fairly admit into the text 
Leunclavius's conjecture, IttI TraXrov. 

* 'Avartrafiivov.] This word is generally imderstood to signify 
that the eagle's wings were expanded. See Liddell and Scott's 
Lexicon ; and D\: Smith's Plpt, qf Q, and R- Ant. sub Sj^rxa 


stationing liis force at its foot, sent Lycius tlie Syracusan and 
another up the hill, and ordered them, after taking a view 
from the summit, to report to him Avhat was passing on the 
other side. 15. Lycius accordingly rode thither, and having 
made his observations, brought word that the enemy were 
fleeing with precipitation. Just as these things took place, 
the sun set. 

16. Here the Greeks halted, and piling their arms, took 
some rest ; and at the same time they wondered that Cyrus 
himself nowhere made his appearance, and that no one else 
came to them from him ; for they did not know that he was 
killed, but conjectured that he was either gone in pursuit of 
the enemy, or had pushed forward to secure some post. 17. 
They then deliberated whether they should remain in that 
spot and fetch their baggage thither, or return to the camp ; 
and it was resolved to return, and they arrived at the tenta 
about supper-time. 18. iSuch was the conclusion of this day. 

They found almost all their baggage, and whatever food 
and drink was with it, plundered and wasted ; the waggons, 
too, full of barley-meal and wine, which Cyrus had provided, 
in order that, if ever a great scarcity of provisions should fall 
upon the army, he might distribute them amongst the Grecian 
troops, (and the waggons, as was said, were four hundred in 
number,) these also the king's soldiers had plundered. 19. 
Most of the Greeks consequently remained supperless ; and 
they had also been without dinner ; for before the array had 
halted for dinner, the king made his appearance. In this 
state they passed the ensuing night. 


BOOK 11. 


The Gfeeks are surprised to hear of the death of Cyrus. Anaeus resolves US 
return to Ionia, contrary to the advice of Clearchus, who incites him to 
make an attempt on the throne of Persia. Artaxerxes sends a message to 
tlie Greeks ; their reply. 

1. How the Grecian force was collected for Cyrus, when 
he undertook his expedition against his brother Artaxerxes, 
what occurred in his march up the country, how the battle 
took place, how Cyrus was killed, and how the Greeks re- 
turned to their camp and went to rest, in the belief that they 
were completely victorious, and that Cyrus vvas still alive, has 
been related in the preceding book. 

2. When it was day, the generals met together, and ex- 
pressed their surprise that Cyrus had neither sent any person 
to give directions how they should act, nor had made his ap- 
pearance himself. It seemed best to them, therefore, to pack 
up what baggage they had, and, arming tliemselves, to march 
forward till they could effect a junction with Cyrus. 3. But 
when they were on the point of starting, just as the sun was 
rising, there came to them Procles, the governor of Teuthrania, 
(who was descended from Daraaratus, the Lacedaemonian,) 
and with him Glus, the son of Tamos, who told them that 
Cyrus was dead, and that Ariosus, having fled, was, with the 
rest of the Barbarians, at the station whence they started the 
day before ; and that he said he would wait for the Greeks 
that day, if they would come to him ; but on the morrow, he 
eaid, he should set off for Ionia, from whence he had come. 

4. The generals, on hearing this intelligence, and the other 
Greeks, on learning it from them,i were grievously afflicted; 
and Clearchus spoke thus : " Would that Cyrus were^ still 
alive ; but since he is no more, carry back word to ArijEUS, 

» Jlvv^avoutvoi.l Schneider and others would omit this word, 
« o.^T^o^o„t ,-ntprnnlatinn. I havB foUowed Kuhnei's interpr 

46 titii EJcfkbiTioJc 6t cttiHt- [S. it. 

that We at least are victorious over the king, and that, as you 
see, no enemy any longer offers us battle ; and, if you had not 
come, we should liave marclied against the king ; and we pro- 
mise AriiEUs, that, it" he will come hither, we will seat him on 
the royal throne ; for to those who conquer, it belongs also to 
rule." 5. Saying this, he dismissed the messengers, and sent 
with them Cheirisophus the Lacedaemonian, and Menon the 
Tiiessalian ; for Menon himself desired to go, as he was con- 
nected with Ariasus by ties of friendship and hospitality. 

6. While they departed on their mission Clearchus waited 
where he was ; and the troops supplied themselves with food, 
as well as they could, from the carcases of their baggage-cattle- 
slaughtering their oxen and asses ; and, going a little v^ay iti 
front of the line, to the place where the battle was fonghr, 
they collected and used as fuel, not only the -arrows, which lay 
in great quantities, and which the Greeks had compelled the 
deserters from the king to throw down, but also the wi^^ker 
shields of the Persians, and the wooden ones of the Egyptians ; 
and there were also many other light shields, and waggons 
emptied of their contents,' to be taken away ; using all which 
materials to cook the meat, they appeased their hunger for 
that day. 

7. It was now about the middle of the forenoon,^ when 
.some heralds arrived from the king and Tissaphernes, all of 
them Barbarians, except one, a Greek named Phalinus, who 
clianced to be with Tissaphernes, and was highly esteemed by 
him, for he had pretensions to skill in the arrangement of 
troops, and in the exercise of heavy arms. 8. These persons 
having approached, and asked to speak with the commanders 
of the Greeks, told them, " that the king, since he had gained 
the victory and slain Cyrus, required the Greeks to deliver 
up their arms, and go to the gates of the king,^ and try to 
obtain, if they could, some favour from him." 9. TIuis spoke 
the king's heralds j and the Greeks heard them with no small 

' *£pto-:>ai tpp/ioi.] Before ^PhiaBm is to be understood wort, as 
Zeune and Weiske observe. Kiihner remarks that fpi//<oi should pro- 
perly be referred to botli TrtX -ae and lifinUn : the shields were with- 
out owners, and tlie waggons without their contents, as having been 
plundered by the enemy. 

* Tlfoi TrXli^ovauf ayop/d'.] See i. 8. I. 

' See i. a. 3. 

CH. l.j frtE KIKG*S MESSAGE TO tllE GilEEkS. 4? 

concern ; but Clearclius only said, " that it was not the part 
of conquerors to deliver up their arms : but," he continued, 
" do you, fellow-captains, give these men such an answer as 
you think most honourable and proper ; and I will return im* 
mediately;" for one of the attendants just then called him 
away to inspect the entrails which had been taken out of the 
victim, as he happened to be engaged in sacrifice. 10. Cleanor 
the Arcadian, the oldest of them, then answered, that " they 
would die before they would deliver up their arms." " For my 
part," said Proxenus the Theban, " I wonder, Phalinus, 
Avhether it is as conqueror that the king asks for our arms, or 
as gifts in friendship ; for if as conqueror, why should he ask 
for them at all, and not rather come and take them ? But if 
lie wishes to get them from us by means of persuasion, let 
liim say what will be left to the soldiers, if they gratify him 
in this particular." 11. To this Phalinus replied, " The king 
considers himself the conqueror, since he has slain C}tus. 
For who is there now that disputes the sovereignty with him ? 
And he also looks upon yourselves as his captives, having you 
here in the middle of his dominions, and enclosed within im- 
passable rivers ; and being able to lead such multitudes against 
you, as, though he gave them into your power, it would be 
impossible for you to destroy." 

12. After him, Tlieopompus,' an Athenian, spoke thus : "O 
Phalinus, we have now, as you see, nothing to avail us, ex- 
cept our arms and our valour. While we retain our arms, 

• Qioirofinog.'] This is the reading of six manuscripts ; others have 
Stvo<{)wv. The passage has greatly exercised the ingenuity of the 
learned, some endeavouring to support one reading, some the other. 
If we follow manuscript authority, it cannot be doubted that Bto- 
trofiiroQ is genuine. W eiske thinks " Xenophon " inadmissible, be- 
cause the officers only of the Greeks were called to a conference, 
and Xenophon, as appears from iii. 1. 4, was not then in the ser- 
vice : as for the other arguments that he has offered, they are of 
no weight. Kriiger (Qurestt. de Xen. Vit. p. 12) attempts to refute 
Weiske, and to defend the name of Xenoplion, conjecturing tluit 
some scholiast may have written in the margin BsoTro/iTroc ^i Ilpo- 
Sfvov TovTo ti-nuv <{>T](n, whence the name of Theopompus may have 
crept into the text, as Diod. Sic, xiv. 25, attributes those words to 
I'roxenus. But as this notion rests on conjecture alone, I have 
thouglit if safest, with Weiske, Schneider, l\)ppo, and Dindorf, to 
adhere to the reading of the best manuscripts. * * * Who thia 
Theopompus was, however, is unknown ; for he is nowhere else 
mentioned in the Anabasis Kuhuer 

4? "raE EXPEDITION Of CYRUS. [b. I1» 

we may hope to profit by our valour ; but if we were to give 
them up, we should expect to be deprived also of our lives. 
I)o not suppose, therefore, that we shall give up to you the only 
things of value that we possess ; but, with these in our hands, 
we will even fight for whatever of value you possess." 13. On 
hearing him speak thus, Phalinus smiled, and said, "You 
seem like a philosopher, yc-:ng man, and express yourself not 
without grace ; but be assured that you are out of your senses 
if you imagine that your valour will prove victorious over the 
might of the king." 14. But it was reported that certain 
others of the generals, giving way to their fears, said that they 
had been faithful to Cyrus, and might likewise prove of great 
service to the king, if he were willing to become their friend ; 
and that whether he might wish to employ them in any other 
service, or in an expedition against Egypt, they would assist 
him in reducing it." 

15. In the mean time Clearchus returned, and asked whether 
they had yet given their answer. Phalinus, in reply, said, 
" Your companions, O Ciearchus, give each a different an- 
swer ; and now tell us what you have to say." 16. Clearchus 
then said, " I was glad to see you, O Phalinus, and so, I dare 
say, were all the rest of us ; for you are a Greek, as we also 
are ; and, being so many in number as you see, and placed 
in such circumstances, we would advise with you how we 
should act with regard to the message that you bring. 17 
Give us then, I entreat you by the gods, such advice as seems 
to you most honourable and advantageous, and such as will 
bring you lionour in time to come, when it is related, that 
Phalinus, being once sent from the king to require the Greeks 
to deliver up their arms, gave them, when they consulted him, 
such and such counsel ; for you know that whatever counsel 
you do give, will necessarily be reported in Greece." 

18. Clearchus craftily threw out this suggestion,^ with the 
desire that the very person who came as an envoy from the 
king, should advise them not to deliver up their arms, in order 
that the Greeks might be led to conceive better hopes. But 
Phalinus, adroitly evading the appeal, spoke, contrary to his 
expectation, as follows: 19. "If, out of ten thousand hopeful 
chances, you have any single one, of saving yourselves by con- 

' * tavTa viri'iycTo,'] Eitc doloai suadebat. Compare ii. 4. 3 


tinuing in arms against the king, T advise you not to deliver 
up your arms ; but if you have not a single hope of safety in 
opposing the king's pleasure, I advise you to save yourselves 
in the only way in which it is possible." 20. Clearchus re- 
joined, " Such, then, is your advice ; but on our part return this 
answer, that we are of opinion, that, if we are to be friends 
with the king, we shall be more valuable friends if we retain 
our arms, than if we surrender them to another ; but that if 
we must make war against him, we should make war better if 
we retain our arms, than if we give them up to another." 21. 
Phalinus said, " This answer, then, Ave will report : but the 
king desired us also to inform you, that while you remain in 
this place, a truce is to be considered as existing between him 
and you ; but, if you advance or retreat, there is to be war. 
Give us, therefore, youranswer on this point also ; whether you 
will remain here, and a truce is to exist, or whether I shall 
announce from you, that there is war." 22, Clearchus re- 
plied, " Report, therefore, on this point also, that our resolution 
i,* the same as that of the king." " And what is that? " said 
Phalinus. Clearchus replied, " If we stay here, a truce ; but 
if we retreat or advance, war." 23. Phalinus again asked him, 
" Is it a truce or war that I shall report ? " Clearchus again 
made the same answer: "A truce, if we stay ; and if we re- 
treat or advance, war." But of what he intended to do, ho 
gave no intimation. 


The Greeks, joining Ariaeus, form an alliance with him, and take counsel 
with him in reference to their return. During the night following the 
first day's march they are seized with a panic, which Clearchus allays. 

1. Phalinus and his companions departed ; and there noTt* 
returned, from their interview with Ariaeus, Procles and 
Cheirisophus ; ]\Ienon had remained there with Arisius. 
They reported, " that Ariseus said that there were many Per- 
sians, of superior rank to himself, who would not endure that 
he should be king ; but," he adds, " if you wish to return 
with him, he desires you to come to him this very night ; if 
you do not, he s^ys that l^e will set out by himself early in the 

VOL. I. E 


morning." 2. Clearchus rejoined, " And we must certainly 
do as you say, if we determine to go to him ; but if not, adopt 
for yourselves such measures as you may think most for your 
advantage ;" for not even to them did he disclose what he in- 
tended to do. 

3. But afterwards, when the sun was setting, having as- 
sembled the generals and captains, he spoke as follows : " ^ly 
friends, when I otlcred a sacrifice with reference to marching 
A>gainst the king, the signs of the victims were not favourable, 
and indeed it was with good cause that they were not so ; for 
as I now learn, there is between us and the king the river 
Tigris, a navigable river, which we could not cross without 
vessels ; and vessels we have none. Yet it is not possible to 
remain here ; for we have no means of procuring provisions. 
But for going to the friends of Cyrus, the sacrifices were ex- 
tremely favourable. 4. We must accordingly proceed thus : 
when we separate, we must sup, each of us on what he has ; 
■when the signal is given with the horn as if for going to rest, 
proceed to pack up your baggage ; when it sounds the second 
lime, place it on your baggage-cattle ; and, at the third signal, 
follow him who leads the way, keeping your baggage-cattle 
next tlie river, and the heavy-armed troops on the outside." 
5. The generals and captains, after listening to this address, 
went away, and did as he directed ; and thenceforth he com- 
manded, and tlie others obeyed, not indeed having elected him 
commander, but perceiving that he alone possessed such qua- 
lifications as a leader ought to have, and that the rest of them 
were comparatively inexperienced. 

6. The computation of the route which they had come from 
Ephesus in Ionia to the field of battle, was ninety-three days* 
march, and five hundred and thirty-five parasangs, or sixteen 
thousand and fifty stadia ; ' and the distance from tlie field 
of battle to Babylon was said to be three hundred and sixty 

7. Here, as soon as it was dark, Miltocythes the Thracian 
deserted to the king, with about forty horse that he eom- 

' As Xenophon, in the first hook, has enumerated only 84 days' 
march, 517 parasan<?s, which make but 15,510 stadia, Zeune thinks 
that the f) claj's' march, and 18 parasangs, here added, are to be un- 
derstood as forming the route from Ephesus to Sardis. Kriiger is iu- 
clined to think the passage an interpolation. 


manded, and nearly three hundred of the Thracian infantry. 
8. Clearchus led the way for the rest, in the prescribed 
order ; and they followed, and arrived at the first halting- 
place,' to join Arifeus and his troops about midnight; and 
the generals and captains of the Greeks, having drawn up 
their men under arras, went in a body to Arijeus ; when tho 
Greeks on the one hand, and Aria3us and his principal officers 
on the other, took an oath not to betray each other, and to 
be true allies ; and the Barbarians took another oath, that 
they would lead the way without treachery. 9. These oaths 
they took after sacrificing a bull, a wolf,^ a boar, and a ram, 
over a shield, the Greeks dipping a sword, and the Barbarians 
a lance, into the blood. 

10. When these pledges of mutual fidelity were given, 
Clearchus said : " Since then, Ariajus, our route and yours is 
now the same, tell us, 'what is your opinion with respect to 
our course ; whether we shall return the way Ave came, or 
whether you consider that you have thought of a better way." 
11. Ariaius replied : " If we were to return the way we came, 
we should all perish of hunger : for we have now no supply of 
provisions ; and for the last seventeen days' march, even when 
we were coming hither, we could procure nothing from tho 
country through which we passed ; or, if anything was to be 
found there, we consumed it ourselves in our passage. But 
now we propose to take a longer road, but one in which we 
shall not want for provisions. 12. We must make the first 
days' marches as long as we can, that we may remove our- 
selves to the greatest possible distance from the king's army ; 
for if we once escape two or three days' journey from him, the 
king will no longer be able to overtake us ; since he will not 
dare to pursue us with a small force ; and, with a numerous 
army, he will not be able to march fast enough, and will pro 

' Ei'c rov TToiorov araOfiov.'] This is the araOfioc mentioned in i. 10. 
1, being that from which the army of Cyrus started en the day when 
the battle took place. 

' Bornemann observes that the sacrifice of the wolf seems to have 
been the act of the Persians, referring to Plutarch de Is. et Os., 
where it is said that it was a custom with them to sacrifice that ani- 
mal. "They thought the wolf," he adds, "the son and image of 
Ahrimanes, as appears from Kleuker in Append, ad Zendavestana, 
T. II. P. iii. pp. 78, 84; see also Brisson, p. 388." 


bably experience 'a scarcity of provisions. " Such," he con- 
cluded, " is my opinion." 

13. This scheme for conducting the army was calculated for 
nothing else than to effect an escape, clandestinely or openly, 
by flight.' But fortune proved a better leader ; for as soon as 
it was day they began their march, with the sun on their 
right, expecting to arrive about sunset at some villages in the 
Babylonian territory ; and in this expectation they were not 
disappointed. 14. But, in the afternoon, they thought that they 
perceived some of the enemy's cavalry ; and those of the 
Greeks who happened not to be in their ranks, ran to their 
places in the ranks ; and Ariaius (for he was riding in a wag- 
gon because he had been wounded) came down and put on 
his armour, as did those who were with him. 15. But Avhile 
ihey were arming themselves, the scouts that had been sent 
forward returned, and reported that they were not cavalry, 
but baggage-cattle grazing ; and every one immediately con- 
cluded that the king was encamped somewhere near. Smoke 
also was seen rising from some villages not far distant. 16. 
Clearchus however did not lead his troops against the enemy ; 
(for he was aware that his soldiers were tired and in Avant 
of food ; and besides it was now late ;) yet he did not turn 
out of his way, taking care not to appear to flee, but continued 
his march in a direct line, and took up his quarters with his 
vanguard, just at sunset, in the nearest villages, from which 
even the wood-work of the houses had been carried oft" by the 
king's troops. 17. These, therefore, who were in advance, 
encamped with some degree of regularity; but those who 
followed, coming up in the dark, took up with such quarters 
as they chanced to find, and made so much noise in calling 
to each other, that even the enemy heard them ; and those 
of the enemy who were stationed the nearest, fled from their 
encampments. 18. That this had been the case, became ap- 
parent on the following day ; for there was no longer a single 
beast of burden to be seen, nor any camp, nor smoke any- 
whei-e near. The king had been alarmed, as it seemed, by 

* 'A7ro5;>a»'rti Kal airofpvyHi'J The first means to flee, so that it 
cannot be discovered whither the fugitive is gone; the second, so 
that he cannot be overtaken. Kiihner ad i. 4. 8. " Fu§a vel clandea- 
tiua. vel aperti." Weiske. 

CH 3. ) ttEKALbS AtlE S£Jfr FROil tUK SINO 5.1 

the sudden approach of the Grecian army ; and of this he gave 
proof by what he did on the foUov/ing day. 

19. However, in the course of this night, a panic fell upon 
the Greeks themselves, and there arose such noise and com- 
motion in their camp as usually ensues on the occurrence of 
eudden terror. 20. Upon this, Clearchus ordered Tolmides, 
an Eleian, whom he happened to have with him, the best' 
herald of his time, to command silence ; and proclaim, that 
"the generals give notice, that whoever will give information 
of the person who turned the ass among the arms,^ shall re- 
ceive a reward of a talent of silver." 21. On this proclama- 
tion being made, the soldiers were convinced that their alarm 
was groundless, and their generals were sarfe. At break of 
day, Clearchus issued orders for the Greeks to form themselves 
under arms, in the same order in which they had been when 
the battle took place. 


The king proposes a truce, and supplies the Greeks with provisions during 
the negotiation. Three days after he sends Tissaphcrnes to them, to ask 
why they had engaged in hostilities against him ; he is answered by 
Clearchus. A treaty is then concluded, the king engaging to send home 
the Greeks under the conduct of Tissaphernes, and the Greeks promising 
to do no injury to the countries through which they should pass. 

1. What I just now stated, that the king was alarmed at 
-lie approach of the Greeks, became evident by what followed ; 
for though, when he sent to them on the preceding day, he 
desired them to deliver up their arms, he now, at sunrise, sent 
heralds to negotiate a truce. 2. These heralds, upon arriving 
at the outposts, requested to speak with the commanders. 
Their request being reported by the guards, Clearchus, who 
happened then to be inspecting the several divisions, told the 

' 'Apiarov.] Best, apparently, on account of the loudness or 
clearness of his voice. 
* The arms, as Kiihner observes, were piled in front of the men's 

3uarters. The affair of the ass was an invention of Clearchus to 
raw off the thoughts of the soldiers from the subject of their ap- 
[>rehension. PolyaeMUs, iii. 9. 4, speaks of a similar stratagem 
laving been adopted by Iphicrates. 

64 lllE Eif EDITION OF C^wUS. [n. it. 

guards to desire tlie heralds to wait till he should be at leisure. 
3. When he had arranged the army in such a manner as to 
present on every side the fiiir appearance of a compact pha- 
lanx, and so that none of the unarmed were to be seen, ho 
called for the heralds, and came forward himself, having about 
liira the best-armed and best-looking of his soldiers, and told 
the other leaders to do the same. 4. AYhen he drew near the 
messengers, he asked them what they wanted. They replied, 
" that they came to negotiate a truce, with full powers to com- 
municate Avith the Greeks on behalf of the king, and Avith 
the king on behalf of the Greeks." 5. Clearchus answered, 
" Tell the king, then, that we must come to battle first ; for we 
"bave no breakfast ;• and there is no one who will dare to talk 
to the Greeks of a truce, without first supplying them with 

6. On hearing this answer, the messengers departed, but 
soon returned ; from whence it was apparent that the king, 
or some other person to whom a commission had been given 
to conduct the negotiation, was somewhere near. They 
brought word, " that the king thought what they said was 
reasonable, and that they now came with guides, who, in case 
the truce should be settled, would conduct the Greeks to a 
place where they might procure provisions." 7. Clearchus then 
inquired, whether the king would grant the benefit of the truce 
to those only who went to him, on their way thither and back, 
or whether tlie truce would be with the rest as well.^ The mes- 
sengers replied, " With all ; until what you have to say is 
communicated to the king." 8. When they had said this, 
Clearchus, directing them to withdraw, deliberated with the 
^ther officers ; and they proposed to conclude the truce at 
once, and to go after the provisions at their ease, and supply 
themselves. , 9. And Clearchus said, " I too am of tiiat 

' 'ApirrTov.] This word answers to the Latin prandium, a meal 
taken in the early part of the day. We cannot here render 'I 
*' dinner." 

"^ I have translated this passage as T think that the drift of the 
narrative requires. Kriiser refers air'ivtoiTo to Clearcbns, and thinks 
that by avrolg to7q avSpdai are meant tlie Persian deputies. Some 
critics suppose that by tliose words the men who were to get pro 
visions are intended. To me nothing seems consistent with the 
context but to refer (nrivSoiro to the king, and to understand by 
^i/rois toTq avdpdm the messengers from the Greeks. 


opinion. I will not, Iiovvever, announce our determination 
immediately, but will wait till the messengers begin to be un- 
easy lest we should determine not to conclude the truce. And 
yet," said he, " I suspect that a similar apprehension will arise 
among our own soldiers." When he thought therefore that 
the proper time had arrived, he announced to the messengers 
that he agreed to the truce, and desired them to conduct him 
forthwith to the place where the provisions were. 

10. They accordingly led the way ; and Clearclms proceeded 
to conclude the truce, keeping his army however in battle- 
array ; the rear he brought up himself. Tlicy met with 
ditches and canals so full of water that they could not cross 
without bridges ; but they made crossings of the palm-trees 
which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 11. Here 
it might be seen liow Clearchus performed the duties of a 
commander, holding his spear in his left hand, and a start* in 
his right : and if any of those ordered to the work seemed to 
him to loiter at it, he would select a fit object for punishment,' 
and give him a beating, and would lend his assistance him- 
self,2 leaping into the midst, so that all were ashamed not to 
share his industry. 12. The men of thirty and under only 
had been appointed by him to the work ; but the older 
men, when they saw Clearchus thus busily employetl, 
gave their assistance likewise. 13. Clearchus made so much 
tiie more haste, as he suspected that the ditches were not 
always so full of water ; (for it was not the season for irrigat- 
ing the ground ;) but thought that the king had let out the 
water upon the plain, in order that even now there might ap 
pear to the Greeks to be many difficulties in the march. 

14. Proceeding on their way, they arrived at some villages, 
from which the guides signified that they might procure pro- 
visions. In these villages there was great plenty of corn, and 
wine made from dates, and an acidulous drink obtained from 
them by boiling. 15. As to the dates themselves, such as those 
we see in Greece were here put aside for the use of the serv- 
ants ; but those Avhich were laid by for their masters, were 
choice fi-uit, remarkable for beauty and size ; their colour was 
not unlike that of amber ; and some of these they dried and 

' Tov iTnTtiSuov.'] Scil. Trai'cff^ai, poena idmieum, pocnd dignum. 

' U(<oaikantavi.'\ Manum operi adinovelat. Kiihuer, 

56 fllE EXPEblTlOK OF CT^tJS. lb. it. 

preserved as sweetmeats. These were a pleasant accompani- 
ment to drink, but apt to cause headache. 16. Here too the sol- 
diers for the first time tasted the cabbage^ from the top of the 
palm-tree, and most of them were agreeably struck both with 
its external appearance and the peculiarity of its sweetness. 
But tliis also was exceedingly apt to give headache. The 
valm-tree, out of which the cabbage had been taken, soon 
rrithered throughout. 

17. In this place they remained three days, when Tissa- 
phernes arrived from the Great King, and with him the 
brother of tlie king's wife, and three other Persians ; and a 
numerous retinue attended them. The generals of the Greeks 
having met them on their arrival, Tissaphernes first spoke by 
an interpreter, to the following effect: 18. "I myself dwell, O 
Greeks, in the neighbourhood of your country ; and when I 
perceived you fallen into many troubles and difficulties, I 
thought it a piece of good fortune if I could in any way press 
a request upon the king to allow me to conduct you in safety 
back to Greece. For I think tliat such a service would be 
attended with no want of gratitude either from yourselves or 
from Greece in general. 19. With these considerations, I made 
ray request to the king, representing to him that he might 
reasonably grant me this favour, because I had been the first 
to give him intelligence that Cyrus was marching against 
him, and at the same time that I brought him the intelligence, 

' Tbv iyK(ipa\ov.'\ Literally "the brain." Dulcis medulla earum 
[pahnarnm] in cacumine, quod cerebrum appelhint. PHn. H. N. 
xiii. 4. See also Theophr. ii. 8 ; Galen, de Fac. simpl. Medic, iv. 15. 
''It is generally interpreted medulla, "marrow" or "pith," but it 
is in reality a sort of bud at the top of the palm-tree, containing the 
last tender leaves, with flowers, and continuing in that state two 
years before it unfolds the flower; as appears from Boryd. St. Vin- 
cent Itiner. t. i. p. 223, vers. Germ., who gives his information on 
the authority of Du Petit Thouars. The French call it choux ; the 
Germans, Kohl. Schneider. " By modern travellers it is called the 
cabbage of the palm; it 'is composed' (says Sir Joseph Banks) ' of 
the rudiments of the future leaves of the palm-tree, enveloped in 
tlie bases or footstalks of the actual leaves; which enclose them 
as a tight box or trunk would do.' It forms a mass of convo- 
lutions, exquisitely beautiful ard delicate; and wonderful to ap- 
pearance, when unfolded. It is also exceedingly delicate to the 
taste. Xenophon has justly remarked that the trees from whence 
it was taken withered." Raunell's Illustrations of the Exp. of Cynu, 
p. 118 

Cll. 3,] CLEAncHtS AND TlSSAfUERS'feS. 5? 

had come to him with an auxiliary force ; because I alone, 
of all those opposed to the Greeks, did not flee, but, on tlie 
contrary, charged through the midst of them, and joined thft 
king in your camp, whither he came after he had slain Cyrus ; 
and because, together with these who are now present with 
me, and who are his most Axithful servants, I engaged in pur- 
suit of the Barbarian part of Cjrus's army. 20. The king 
promised to consider of my request ; and in the mean time de- 
sired me to come and ask you, on what account it was that 
you took the field against him ; and I advise you to answer 
with moderation, in order that it may be easier for me to se 
cure you whatever advantage I can from the king." 

21. The Greeks then witlidrew, and, after some deliberation, 
gave their answer, Clearchus speaking for them : " We neither 
formed ourselves into a body, with the view of making war 
upon the king, nor, when we set out, was our march directed 
against liim ; but Cyrus, as you yourself are well aware, de- 
vised many pretences for his proceedings, that he might both 
take you by surprise, and lead us up hither. 22. But when we 
afterwards saw him in danger, we were ashamed, in the f\ice of 
gods and men, to desert him, as we had before allowed him tc 
bestow favours upon us. 23. As Cyrus, however, is now 
dead, we neither dispute the sovereignty with tlie king, nor is 
there any reason why we should desire to do harm to the 
king's territory ; nor would we wish to kill him, but would 
proceed homeward, if no one molest us ; but we will endeavour 
with the aid of the gods, to avenge ourselves on any one that 
may do us an injury ; while, if any one does us good, Ave 
shall not be behind-hand in requiting him to the utmost of 
our power." Thus spoke Clearchus. 24. Tissapherncs, hav- 
ing heard him, said, " I will report your answer to the king, 
and bring back to you his I'eply ; and till I return, let the 
truce remain in force ; and we will provide a market for 

25. On the following day he did not return ; so that the 
Greeks began to be anxious ; but on the third day he came, 
and said, f.hat he returned after having obtained the king's 
permission to be allowed to save the Greeks ; although many 
spoke against it, saying that it did not become the king to 
suffer men to escape who had engaged in war against him. 
J6. In conclusion he said, " You may now receive from ua 


gnleinn promises that we will render the country, throu<?h 
which you will pass, friendly to you ; and will, without treach- 
ery, conduct you back to Greece, affording you opportunities 
of purchasing provisions ; and wheresoever we do not afford 
you an opportunity of purchasing, we will allow you to take 
for yourselves necessaries from the adjacent country. 27. 
On the other hand, it will be incumbent upon you to swear 
to us, that you will march, as through a friendly territory^ 
without doing harm, only taking a supply of meat and drink, 
whenever we do not give you an opportunity of purchasing, 
but that if we give you sucli opportunity, you will procure 
your supplies by purchase." 28. These conditions were 
assented to ; and they took the oaths, and Tissaphernes and 
the brother of the king's wife gave their right-hands to the 
generals and captains of tiie Greeks, and received from the 
Greeks theirs in return. 29. After this, Tissaphernes said, 
" And now I shall go back to the king ; and as soon as I have 
accomplished Avhat I wish, I will come again, after making the 
necessary preparations, for the purpose of conducting you 
back to Greece, and returning myself to my province." 


The Greeks conceive distrust both of Tissaphernes and Ariteus, and resolve 
to march apart from the Persians. Tliey commence their mai-ch imdef 
the guidance of Tissa^jherncs, pass the wall of Media, aud cross the 

1. Aftek these occurrences, the Greeks and Arijeus, en- 
camping near each other, waited for Tissaphernes more than 
twenty days ; ' in the course of Avhich there came to visif 
Arioeusboth his brothers and other relations, and certain other 
Persians, to see his companions, and gave them encouraging 
hopes; some too were the bearers of assurances'-^ from tl 9 
king, that he would not remember to their disadvantage their 

' During this time Tissaphernes went to Babylon to the king, and 
was rewarded with the hand of his daughter, and the province of 
which Cyrus had been Satrap. Diod. Sic. xiv. 26. See sect. 8. 

* Af^iac.] That \s,fidem regis noryiine dahant. See the commenta- 
tors on Cyrop. iv 2. 7 : Sk^icip fds, 'iva ^{pw/ifj/ jcai toIq dWoif^ rdvra. 

Cll. 4. J StSflCIONS of tHE GllE£K8. 59 

expedition against him under Cyrus, or anytliing else that 
was past. 2. On these things taking place, the followers of 
AritEUS evidently began to pay the Greeks less attention ; so 
that, on this account, tlicy rendered most of the Greeks dissa- 
tisfied with tiiem ; and many of them, going to Clearchus 
and the other generals, said, 3. " Why do we remain here ? 
are we not aware that the king would wish above all 
things to destroy us, in order that a dread of going to war 
with the Great Monarch may fall upon the rest of the 
Greeks? For the present, he craftily protracts our stay, be- 
cause his forces are dispersed ; but, when his army is re-as- 
sembled, it is not possible but that he will attack us. 4 
Perhaps, too, he is digging some trench, or building some wall, 
that the way may be j-endered impassable ; lor he will never 
consent, at least willingly, that we should go back to Greece, 
and relate liow so small a number as we are ha\e defeated 
the king at his own gates, and returned after setting him at 

5. To those who thus addressed him, Clearchus answered, 
** I have been considering all these things as well ; but I 
think that, if we now go away, we shall be thouglit to go with 
a view to war, and to act contrary to the terms of the truce. 
Moreover, in the first place, there will be no one to provide us 
a market, or any means of procuring provisions ; and, in the 
next place, there will be no one to guide us ; besides, the mo- 
ment that Ave do this, Ariceus will separate himself from us < 
so that not a friend will be left us ; and, what is more, our 
former friends will then become our enemies. 6. Whether 
there is any other river for us to cross, I do not know ; but 
as for the Euphrates, we know that it is impossible to cross 
that, if the enemy try to prevent us. Nor yet, if it should be 
necessary to fight, have we any horse to support us ; while 
the enemy's cavalry is most numerous and elhcient ; so that, 
though we were victorious, how many of our enemies should 
we be able to kill ? And, if we were defeated, it would not 
be possible for a man of us to escape. 7. With regard to the 
king, therefore, who is aided by so many advantages, I know 
not, if he wishes to effect our destruction, why he should 
swear, and give his right-hand, and perjure himself before the 

Pc-ppo. So it is said in Latin dcxtram ferre. See Breiteiibach ou 
Xen. Agesil. iii. 4 

6^ TOE EXPEDITIOJ; OP Cttttg. [fe. jtt. 

gods, and render his pledges faithless both to Grcclis and 
Barbarians." He said much besides to the same effect. 

8. In the mean time Tissaphernes arrived, with his array, 
as if with the view of returning home ; and Orontes came 
with his array. Orontes also brought' with him the Idng's 
daughter, whom he had received in marriage.^ 9. From 
hence they now proceeded on their march, Tissaphernes being 
their guide, and securing them opportunities of buying pro- 
visions ; Ariajus also, with tlie Barbarian troops of Cyrus, 
marched in company Avith Tissaphernes and Orontes, and en- 
camped in common with them. lo. But the Greeks, conceiv- 
ing a suspicion of these men, began to march by themselves, 
taking guides of their own ; and they always encamped at the 
distance of a parasang, or little less, from each other; and 
both parties kept on their guard against one another, as if 
they had been enemies, and this consequently increased their 
mistrustful feelings. 11. More than once, too, as they were 
gathering fuel, or collecting grass and other such things, in the 
same quarter, they came to blows with each other ;^ and this 
was an additional source of animosity between them. 

12. After marching three days, they arrived at the wall of 
Media,'* as it is called, and passed to the other side of it. This 
wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitumen ; it was twenty 
feet in thickness, and a hundred in heiglit, and the length of 
it was said to be twenty parasangs ; and it was not far distant 
from Babylon. 13. Hence they proceeded, in two days' march, 

' 'Hy«.] From iii. 4. 13, it appears that we must refer this verb 
to Orontes. See note on sect. 1. Whether Tissaphernes and Oron- 
tes both married daughters of the king, is uncertain. If only one 
of them, Xenophon is more likely to be in the right than Diodorus 
Siculus. Orontes was satrap of Ai^menia, iii. 5. 17. Rliodogune, a 
daugliter of Artaxerxes, is said by Phitarch (Vit. Art. c. 27) to have 
been married to Orsetes, who may be the same as Xenophon's 

* 'Etti yaj.i'i).'] These words signify literally for or upo7i marriage. 
The true interpretation, says Kriiger, is, doubtless, "in order that he 
might have her, or live with her, in wedlock," the marriage cere- 
mony having been, it would seem, previously performed at Babylon. 

' llXvyrtC iv'tTtivov a/\X»'/Xojc.] Whether this signifies that tliey 
actually inflicted blows on one another, or only threatened them, 
may admit of some doubt. The former notion is adopted by the 
Latin translators, by Sturz in his Lexicon, and by the commentators 

See 1. 7. la. 


the distance ol eight parasangs ; crossing two canals, the one 
bj a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one formed ot 
seven boats. These canals were supplied from the river Tigris ; 
and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the 
country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller ; 
and at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through 
the panic ' fields. They then arrived at the Tigris ; ueai 
which there was a large and populous city, called Sitace, dis- 
tant from the banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 14. In 
the nsighbourhood of this city the Greeks encamped, close to 
an extensive and beautiful park, thickly planted with all kinds 
of trees. The Barbarians, though they had but juat crossed 
the Tigris, were no longer in sight. 

15. After supper Proxenus and Xenophon happened to be 
walking in front of the place where the arras were piled, when 
a man approached, and inquired of the sentinels where he 
could see Proxenus or Clearchus. But he did not ask for 
Menon, though he came from Ariasus, Menon's intimate friend. 
16. Proxenus replying, " I am the person whom you seek," the 
man said, " Ariajus and Artaozus,the faithful friends of Cyrus, 
who are interested for your welfai-e, have sent me to you, and 
exhort you to beware lest the Barbarians should fall u\ym 
you in the night ; for there is a considerable body of troops in 
the adjoining park. 17. They also advise you to send a guard 
to the bridge over the Tigris, as Tissaphernes designs to break 
it down in the night, if he can, in order that you may not be 
able to cross the river, but may be hemmed in between the 
river and the canal." 18. On hearing the man's message, they 
conducted him to Clearchus, and told him what he had said. 
When Clearchus heard it he was greatly agitated and alarmed. 

19. But a young man,'^ one of those who were present, after 
reflecting a little on the matter, observed, " that the imputed 
designs of making an attack, and of breaking down the 
bridge, were not consistent ; for," said he, " if they attack 
us, they must certainly either conquer or be conquered ; if 
then they are to conquer us, why should they break down the 
bridge ? for even though there were many bridges, we have 
no place where we could save ourselves by flight ; 20. but if, on 

' i. 2. 22. 

* Zeune thinks that Xenophon may possibly mean himself; but 
this is mere conjecture. 


the other hand, we should conquer them, then, if the bridge 
is broken down, they will liave no place of retreat ; nor will 
any of their friends on the other side of the river, however 
numerous, be able to come to their assistance when the bridge 
:s destroyed." 21. After listening to these observations, Clear- 
chus asked the messenger what was the extent of the country 
that lay between the Tigris and the canal. He repHed, "that 
it was of considerable extent, and that there were several vil- 
lages and large towns in it." 22, It was then immediately con- 
cluded, that tlie Barbarians had sent this man with an under- 
hand object, being afraid lest the Greeks, having taken to 
pieces 1 the bridge, should remain in the island, where they 
would have, as defences, the river Tigris on the one side, and 
the canal on the other ; and might procure a sufficient supply 
of provisions from tjie country which lay between, and which 
was extensive and fertile, with people in it to cultivate it ; 
and which would also serve as a place of refuge to any that 
might be inclined to annoy the king. 

2.3. They then prepared for rest, but did not neglect, how- 
ever, to send a guard to the bridge ; but neither did any one 
attempt to attack them on any quarter, nor did any of the 
enemies come near the bridge, as those who were stationed 
on guard there reported. 

24. As soon as it w-as day they crossed the bridge, which 
was constructed of thirty-seven boats, with every precaution 
in their power; for some of the Greeks, who came from Tis- 
saphernes, stated that the enemy meant to attack them as they 
were crossing ; but this report was also false. However, as 
they were going over, Glus made his appearance, with some 
others, watching to see if they were crossing the river ; and 
when they saw they were, he immediately rode away. 

25. From the Tigris they proceeded, in four days' march, a 
distance of twenty parasangs, to the river Physcus, which was 
a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a bridge. Here 
was situate a large town, called Opis ; near which an ille- 
gitimate brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was leading 
a numerous army from Susa and Ecbatana, with the intention 

> AttXovrfc-] An excellent conjectural emendation of Holtzmann 
for the old reading cuX9c,vtic. KUhner.-The stratagem of Tissa- 
phernes was similar to that by which Themistocles expedited the 
departure of Xerxes fiom Greece. 


of assisting the king, met the Greeks, and, ordering Lis troops 
to halt, took a view of the Greeks as they passed by. 16 
Clearchus marched his men two abreas(, and halted occasion 
ally on the way ; and as long as the van of the army halted, 
so long there was necessarily a halt throughout the whole of 
the line ; so that even to the Greeks themselves their army 
seemed very large, and the Persian was amazed at the sight 
of it. 

17. Hence they proceeded through Mcdia,^ six days' march 
through a desert country, a distance of thirty parasangs, when 
they arrived at the villages of Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus 
and the king ; which Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, gave 
permission to the Greeks to plunder of everything except the 
slaves. There was found in them a great quantity of corn, 
and sheep, and other property. 18, Hence they advanced in 
a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of 
twenty parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the 
end of the first day's march there was situate on the opposite 
bank of the river a large and opulent city, called Cajnie, 
whence the Uarbarians brought over, on rafts made of hid© 
a supply of bread, cheese, and wine. 


After a three days* halt on the river Zahatus, Clearchus endeavours to pux 
an end to the "distrust between the Persians and the Greeks by an inter- 
view with Tissaphernes. He is received so plausibly that he is induced 
to return on the following day, accompanied by five other generals and 
twenty captains, in expectation of being informed of the persons who had 
excited, by false reports, ill feelings between the two armies. The gener- 
als are conducted into the tent and put to death ; the captains and those 
with them are massacred on the outside, one only escaping to tell the tale. 
Ariaeus calls on the rest of the Greeks to surrender their arms, but is an- 
swered with defiance. 

1. Soon after, they arrived at the river Zahatus, the breadth 
of which was four pletlu-a. Here they remained three days ; 
during which the same suspicions continued, but no open in- 
dication of treachery appeared. 2. Clearchus therefore re- 
solved to have a meeting with Tissaphernes, and, if it was at 
.» i.7. 15. 


all pvossiblc, to put a stop to these suspicions, before open hoa- 
tilities should arise from them. He accordingly sent a person 
to say, that he wished to have a meeting with Tissaphernes ; 
who at once requested him to come. 3. When they met, 
Clearchus spoke as follows : " I am aware, O Tissaphernes, 
that oaths have been taken, and right-hands pledged between 
us, that we will do no injury to each other: nevertheless, I 
observe you on your guard against us, as though we were 
enemies ; and we, perceiving this, stand on our guard against 
you. 4. But since, upon attentive observation, I can neither 
detect you in any attempt to injure us, and since, as I am 
certain, we have no such intentions towards you, it seemed 
proper for me to come to a conference with you, that we may 
put an end, if we can, to our distrust of one another. 5. For 
I have, before now, known instances of men, who, being in 
fear of another, some through direct accusations, and others 
through mere suspicion, have, in their eagerness to act before 
they suffered, inflicted irremediable evils upon those who nei- 
ther intended nor wished anything of the kind. 6. Think- 
ing, therefore, that such misunderstandings may be best 
cleared up by personal communications, I have come here, 
and am desirous to convince you that you have no just ground 
for mistrusting us. 7. In the first and principal place, the 
oaths, which we have sworn by the gods, forbid us to be ene- 
mies to each other ; and I should never consider him to be 
envied who is conscious of having disregarded such obhga- 
tions ; for from the vengeance of the gods I know not with 
what speed any one could flee so as to escape,^ or into what 
darkness he could steal away, or how he could retreat into any 
stronghold, since all things, in all places, are subject to the 
gods ; and they have power over all everywhere alike. 8. Such 
are my sentiments respecting the gods, and the oaths which 
we swore by them, in whose keeping we deposited the friend- 
ship that we cemented ; but among human advantages, I, for 
my own part, consider you to be the greatest that we at pre 

' Our' ano ttoiov av ra^ot-e <ptvywv rig airo^iryoi.] This is Din- 
dorfs reading. Borneinann anu Kiiliner have our' d-n-o ttoiov av rd- 
xovq ovre oiroi av tiq 6tvywv airo(pvyoi., on the authority, as they say, 
of the best copies. Dindorf thought with Schaefer, ad Greg Cor. d. 
492, that the words ovrt o-rroi dv were superfluous, and consequently 
omitted them. Bornemann and Kiihner see no reason why they 
Kbonld Bot be retaineo 


sent possess ; 9. for witli your assistance, every road is easy, 
every river is passable, and there will be no want of provi« 
eions; but without you all our way would lie through dark- 
ness, (for we know nothing of it,) every river would be diffi- 
cult to pass, and every multitude of men would be terrible ; 
but solitude most terrible of all, as it is full of extreme per- 
plexity. 10. And even if we should be so mad as to kill you, 
what else would be the consequence, than that, having slaia 
our benefactor, we should have to contend witJi the king as 
your most powerful avenger ? ' For my own part, of how many 
and how great expectations I should deprive myself, if I at- 
tempted to do you any injury, I will make you acquainted. 

11. I was desirous that Cyrus should be my friend, as I thought 
Lini, of all the men of his time, the most able to benefit those 
whom he wished to favour. But I now see that you are in the 
possession both of the power and the territory of Cyrus, while 
you still retain your own province, and that the power of the 
king, which was opposed to Cyrus, is ready to support you. 

12. Such being the case, who is so mad as not to wish to be 
your friend ? 

" But I will mention also the circumstances from which I 
derive hopes that you will yourself desire to be our friend. 

13. I am aware that the Mysians give you much annoyance, 
and these, I have no doubt, I should be able, with my present 
force, to render subservierit to you ; I am aware also that the 
Pisidians molest you ; and I hear that tliere are many such 
nations besides, which I think I could prevent from ever dis- 
turbing your tranquillity. As for the Egyptians, against 
whom I perceive you are most of all incensed, I do not see 
what auxiliary force you could use to chastise them better 
than that which I now have with me. 14. If, again, among 
the states that lie around you, you were desirous to become a 
friend to any one, you might prove the most powerful of 
friends ; and if any of them gave you any annoyance, you 
might, by our instrumentality, deal with thera^ as a master, as 

• liMf n'iyiarov t<piSpoi>.'\ 'E(^£Cpoc properly meant a gladiator or 
wrestler, who, when two combatants were engaged, stood ready to 
attack the one that should prove victorious. See Sturz, Lex. Xen. ; 
Schol. in Soph. Aj. 610 ; Hesychius ; D'Orvill. ad Charit. p. 338. 

' 'Avaarpk<poio.] " Ut dominus versere, vivas, domini partes sus- 
tineas : " 'Av must be repeated from the preceding cl^use ; unles* 

vol,. I. P 

tj6 tiifc: EXPEbitiox of gyrus. [t;. II. 

we should serve you not for the sake of pay merely, but from 
gratitude, whicli we should justly feel towards you if we aro 
saved by your means. 15. When I consider all these things, 
it appears to me so surprising that you should distrust us, that 
I would most gladly hear the name ' of hiui who is so persua* 
sive a speaker as to make you believe that we are forming 
designs against you." 

Thus spoke Clearchus. Tissaphernes replied as follows: 
16. " I am delighted, O Clearchus, to hear your judicious ob- 
servations ; for, with these sentiments, if you were to meditate 
anything to my injury, you would appear to be at the same 
t'ime your own enemy. But that you may be convinced thai 
you have no just cause for distrusting either the king or me, 
listen to me in your turn. 17. If we wisked to destroy you, 
do we appear to you to be deficient in numbers either of 
cavalry or infantry, (u- in warlike equipments, with the aid of 
which we might be able to do you injury, without danger of 
suifering any in return ? is. Or do we seena to you likely to 
be in want of suitable plaoes to make an attack upon you ? there not so many plains, which, as the inhabitants of 
them are friendly to us,^ you traverse with exceeding toil? 
8ec you not so many mountains before you to be crossed, 
which we miglit, by pre-occupying them, render impassable 
to you ? Or are there not so many rivers, at which we might 
parcel you out,^ as many at a time as we might be willing to 
engage ? Some of these rivers, indeed, you could not cross at 
all, unless we secured you a passage. 19. But even suppos- 
ing tliat we were baffled in all these points, yet fire at least 
would prove its power over tlie produce of the soil ; by horn- 
ing wliicli, wc could set famine in array against you, which, 
though you were the bravest of the brave, you would find it 
difficult to withstand. 20. How then, having so many means 

that particle, as Diiulcrf thinks, has dropped out from before avU' 
arpi^oto. Kiihner. 

' There is in the text, as Kriiger observes, a confvision of the two 
constructions, dKou(Taifu to ovofia tovtov, ootic, and aKouaaifii, nf. 

* "A iin'iv (piXia vpTa.] I have here departed from Duidorf's text, 
which lias a u/ieTc (piXia ovra, k. r. \. ; a reading much less satisfac- 
tory than ilie other, to wliich Schneider, IJurneinann, and Kiihner 

Tafiiivt(TOai.'\ This word is used in the same sense, Cyrop. iii 
S -17; iv. 1.18; Thucyd. vi. 18; Puitarch, Timol. c. 27. 

en. 5.] RKi'LY OF TissArnicRXEs. 67 

of waginj:; war with you, and none of tlicm attended witb 
danger to ourselves, should we select from amongst them all 
this mode, the o-nly one that is impious in the sight of the 
gods, the only one that is disgraceful in the sight of men ? 
ni. It belongs, altogether, to men who ai'e destitute of means, 
deprived of every resource, and under the coercion of neces- 
sity, and at the same time devoid of principle, to seek to effect 
their purposes by perjury towards the gods, and breach of 
faitli towards men. We, Clearchus, are not so foolish or so 
inconsiderate; 22. or why, wlicn we have the opportunity of 
effecting your destruction, have we made no such attempt? 
Be well assured, that the cause of this was my desire to prove 
myself faitliful to the Greeks, and, in consequence of doing 
tlicm sei'vice, to return sujjported by that very body of foreign 
troops, to whom Cyrus, when he went up, trusted only on ac- 
count of the pay that lie gave them. 23. As to the particulars 
in which you will be of service to me, some of them you have 
enumerated, but of the greatest of all I am myself fully 
conscious ; for though it is permitted to the king alone to 
wear the turban upright on the iiead, yet perhaps another 
than he may, with your assistance, wear that upriglit wliich is 
on the heart."' 

24. Tissaphernes, in speaking thus, seemed to Clearchus to 
speak with sincerity, and he leplied, " Do not those, then, 
wlio endeavour by calumny to make us enemies, when there 
are such strong inducements to friendship between us, deserve 
the severest of punishment?" 2:i. "Well, then," said Tissa- 
jdienies, " if you will come to me, as well generals as captains, 
in a public manner, I will inform you who they are that tell 

' Ti'ii' S' ini Ty Kapci<f—txoi.'\ Sc. vQytiv. The sense is, "hut to 
wear a tiara erect on the heart, that is, to have a kingly spirit and 
to aspire to dominion, is what another, by your aid, might be able 
to do." Tissaphernes, by this expression, wished to make il under- 
stood thai he nii-tht possibly, with the support of the Greeks, aspire 
to the throne of Persia himself. A simihir metaphor is noticed by 
Schaefer, (ad Greg. Corinth- p. 491.) hi Phjlostratus v. a. iii. p. 131 : 
CoKf'i ;;ot K-ai roi' 7rpoy)'ujTd;t£i'oj' dvlpa vyiuig lavTou tX""^ — ' Ka^apoJe H 
tkvTuv 7rpo0r)r«i'£()', lavrou ka't tuu ttio'i rtp artpvcii Tp'nroSoQ aviiki'Tog. 
K'dhner. See Cyrop. viii. 3. 13. Hutchison refers to Dion Chrysost. 
xiv. extr. Lucian Piscat. p. 213. See also Strabo, xv. p. 231, where 
the I'ersian tiara is said to be TriXima nvpyioTov, in the shape of a 
tower; and JospVa. Ant. xx. 3. " The tiaras of the king's subjecta 
were soft au'' Iiexible : Schol. ad Plat, de Rcny.ib." Kr'dgcr 
F 2 

68 T'l'^ KxriiDiTioK 01- cvnus. fb. n. 

me that }\.n arc fonnin}^ plots against me and my army." 26. 
' I Avill bring them all," said Clcarclius, "and, on my part, 
will let you know the quarter whence I hear reports respect- 
ing you." 27. After this conversation, Tissaphernes, behav- 
ing to Clcarclius with much courtesy, desired him to stay with 
him, and made him his guest at supper. 

On the following day, when Clearchus returned to the 
camp, he plainly showed that he considered himself to be on 
the most friendly footing with Tissaphernes, and stated what 
he had proposed; a*.d he said that those must go to Tissa- 
phernes, whose presence he required, and that whoever of the 
Greeks should be proved guilty of uttering the alleged calum- 
nies, must be punished as traitors, and persons ill-affected to 
the Greeks. 28. It was Menon that he suspected of making 
the charges, as he knew that he had had an interview witii 
Tissaphernes in company with Ariaius, and was forming a 
party and intriguing against himself, in order that, having 
gained the Avholc army over to his own interests, he might 
secure the friendship of Tissaphernes. 29. Clearchus likewise 
wished the whole army to have their affections fixed on him- 
self, and troublesome rivals to be removed out of his way. 

Some of the soldiers urged, in opposition to his advice, that 
all the captains and generals should not go, and that they 
ought to place no confidence in Tissaphernes. 30. But Clear- 
chus pressed his proposal with great vehemence, till he at 
lengtli succeeded in getting five generals and twenty captains 
to go ; and some of the other soldiers followed them, to the 
number of about two hundred, as if for the purpose of 

31. When they had arrived at the entrance of Tissaphernes' 
tent, the generals, who were Proxenus the Boeotian, I\Icnon 
the Tiiessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Lacedaj- 
monian, and Socrates the Achaean, were invited to enter; but 
the captains waited at the door. 32. Not long after, at one 
and the same signal, those uithin were seized, and those with- 
out massacred ; and immediately afterwards a body of Bar- 
barian cavalry, riding through the plain, killed every Greek, 
slave or freeman, that they met. 

35. The Greeks, observing the motions of these cavalry 

'Qj fi'c dj-opar.] " Consequently unarmed." Kriiger. 


from the camp, were filled with astonishment, and wondered 
■\rhat they could be doing, till Nicarchus an Arcadian came 
fleeing thither, wounded in the belly and holding his intestines 
in his hands, and related all that had occurred. 34. The 
Greeks, in consequence, ran to their arms in a state of general 
consternation, expecting that the enemy would immediately 
march upon the camp. 35. They however did not all come, 
but only Arinsus and Artaozus and INIithridates, who had been 
Cyrus's most confidential friends ; and the interpreter of the 
Greeks said, that he saw with them, and recognised, the 
brother of Tissaphernes. Otlicr Persians, equipped with 
corslets, to the number of three hundred, were in attendance 
on them. 36. As they approached the camp, they called for 
whatever general or captain of the Greeks might be there, to 
come out to them, that they might deliver a message from the 
king. 37. There accordingly went forth to them, w^ith much 
caution, Cleaner the Orchomenian, and Sopha^netus the Stym- 
phalian, generals of the Greeks, and with them Xenophon 
the Athenian , that he might learn news of Proxenus. As for 
Cheirisophus, he happened to be absent at some village look- 
ing for provisions. 

38. When they had stopped just within hearing, Ariaeus 
said to them : " Clearchus, O Greeks, having been found 
guilty of perjury, and of violating the truce, has received his 
just punishment, and is dead ; Proxenus and Menon, as hav- 
ing denounced his treachery, are in great honour ; but the 
king demands of you your arms ; for he says that they are 
his, as they belonged to Cyrus his subject." 39. To tliis the 
Greeks answered, (Cleanor the Orchomenian spoke for them,) 
" Ariteus, most wicked of men, and the rest of you, as many 
as were the friends of Cyrus, have you no regard either for 
gods or men, that, after having sworn that you would consider 
our friends and enemies to be likewise yours, you have thus,* 

' 'Qc cnro\w\'tKaTi.'\ Jacobs interprets wg by qttdm, as equivalent 
to quam inrpitcr! quam impii. ! But such exclamations belong rather 
to modern writers tlian to the ancients. * * * Otliers have conjec- 
tured dytMQ, dvoaiwg, utfidg, i(7wg, oXwg, ot'Twg. In one inaniiscript 
wf is omitted ; an omission ai)i)roved by Larcher, Porson, and some 
others. Some, too, think that the sentence is dvuKoXov^oi;, and that 
the autlior, forgetful how he conniienced it, goes on witli w; for on. 
Dindorf supjjoses that Cleanor must be regarded as too much pro- 
voked and agitated to mind the exact arrangement of his words. 

70 Till-: EXI'KDITIOX OV CYKUS. [ll. 11. 

after treacherously deserting us in concert willi Tissa- 
plierncs, the most godless and most unprincipled of human 
beings, murdered the very men to whom you swore alli- 
ance, and, abandoning us who are left, have come against us 
in conjunction with our enemies?" 40. Ariasus replied, 
"Clearchus had been previously detected in treacherous designs 
against Tissaphernes and Orontes, and all of us who accom- 
pany them." 41. To this Xenophon rejoined, " Clearchus, 
then, it he infringed the truce in violation of his oath, is de- 
serve'lly punished; for it is just that those who violate, 
their oaths should suffer death ; but as for Proxenus and 
ISIenon, as they arc your benefactors and our generals, send 
them hither ; for it is clear that, being friends to both parties, 
they will endeavour to advise what is best both for you and 
for us." 42. The Barbarians, after conversing among them- 
selves for some time, departed without making any answer to 
ihis proposal 


fhc characters of tlic five generals that were put to death. 

1. The generals, who were thus made prisoners, were take» 
np to the king, and put to death by being beheaded. 

One of them, Clearchus, by the general consent of all who 
were acquainted with him, appears to have been a man well 
qualified for Avar, and extremely fond of military enterprise. 
2. For as long as the Lacedccmonians were at war with the 
Athenians, he remained in the service of his country ; but 
when the peace took place, having induced his government to 
believe that the Thracians were committing ravages on the 
Greeks, and having gained his point, as well as he could, 
with the F.phori, he sailed from home to make war upon 
the Thracians that lie above the Chersonesus and Perin- 
thus. 3. But when the I'^phori, after he was gone, hav- 

For my own part, I consider tliat those liave the most reason on 
their side who think that we should read ovTcjg, interpreting it, with 
Bornemann, so rashly, so xtnjastijiably. From ourwf, written ConJ- 
pcndiously, o>q might easily have sprung. Kuhner. 


ing for some reason changed tlieir mincl, took measures in 
oblige him to turn back from the Isthmus, he then no longer 
•^nid obedience to their commands, but sailed away to the 
Hellespont, 4. and was in consequence condemned to death, 
for disobedience, by the chief magistrates at Sparta. Being 
then an exile, he went to Cyrus ; and by Avhat methods he 
conciliated the favour of Cyrus, has been told in another place. 
Cyrus presented him with ten thousand darics ; 5. and he, 
on receiving that sum, did not give himself up to idleness, 
but having collected an army with the money, made war 
upon the Thracians, and conquered them in battle, and from 
tiiat time plundered and laid waste their country, and con- 
tinued this warfare till Cyrus had need of his army ; when 
he went to him, for the purpose of again making war in con- 
cert with him. 

6. These seem to me to have been the proceedings of one 
fond of war, who, Avhcn he might have lived in peace without 
disgrace or loss, chose war in preference ; wh-'ti he might 
have spent his time in idleness, voluntarily underwent toil for 
the sake of military adventure ; and when he might have en- 
joyed riches in security, chose rather, by engaging in warfare, 
to'diminish their amount. He was indeed led by inclination to 
spend his money in war, as he might have spent it in pursuits 
of gallantry, or any other pleasure ; to such a degree was he 
fond of war. 7. He appears also to have been qualified for 
military undertakings, as he liked perilous adventui-e, was 
ready to march day and night against the enemy, and Avas pos- 
sessed of great presence of mind in circumstances of difficulty, 
as those who were with him on all such occasions were uni- 
versally ready to acknowledge. 

8. For commanding troops he was said to be qualified in as 
great a degree as was consistent with his temper ; for he 
was excelled by no one in ability to contrive how an army 
might have provisions, and to procure them ; and he was 
equally fitted to impress on all around him the necessity of 
obeying Clearchus. 9. This he effected by severity ; for he 
was of a stern countenance and harsh voice ; and he always 
punished violently, and sometimes in anger, so that he occa- 
sionally repented of wliat he had done. He punished too on 
principle, for he thought that there could be no efficiency in 
tn army undisciplined by chastisement. 10. He is also re- 


ported to have said, that a soldier ought to fear his commander 
more than the enemy, if he would either keep guard well, or 
abstain from doing injury to friends, or march without hesita- 
tion against foes. 11. In circumstances of danger, accord- 
ingly, the soldiers were willing to obey him implicitly, and 
wished for no other leader ; ^ov they said, that the sternness 
in his countenance, then assumed an appearance of cheerful- 
ness, and that wliat was severe in it seemed undauntedness 
against the enemy ; so that it appeared indicative of safety, and 
not of austerity. 12. But when they were out of danger, and 
were at liberty to betake themselves to other chiefs, they de- 
serted him in great numbcH'S ; for he had notliing attractive 
in him, but was always forbidding and repulsive, so that the 
soldiers felt towards him as boys towards their master. 13. 
Ilcncc it was, tliat he never had any one who followed him 
out of friendship and attachment to his person ; though such 
as followed him from being appointed to the service by their 
country, or from being compelled by want or other necessity, 
lie found extremely submissive to him. 14. And when they 
began under his command to gain victories over the enemy, 
there were many important circumstances that concurred to 
render his troops excellent soldiers ; for their perfect confi- 
dence against the enemy had its effect, and their dread of 
punishment from him rendered them strictly observant of dis- 
cipline. 15. Such was his character as a commander. But 
he was said to have been by no means willing to be com- 
manded by others. When he was put to death, he was about 
fifty years of age. 

16. Proxenus the Boeotian, from liis earliest youth, felt n 
desire to become a man capable of great undertakings ; and 
through tliis desire paid Gorgias of Leontium for instruction. 
17. When he had ])assed some time Avith him, and thought 
himself capaljle ot command, and, if honoured with the 
friendsliip of the great, of making no inadequate return for 
their favours, he proceeded to take a part in this enterprise 
with C}Tus ; and expected to acquire in it a great name, ex- 
tensive influence, and abundant wealth. 18. But though he 
earnestly Avished for these things, he at the same time plaiidy 
showed, that he was unwilling to acquire any of them by in- 
justice, but that he thought he ought to obtain tliem by just 
and honournble mpans, or otherwise not at all. 


19. He was indeed able to command orderly and well-dis- 
posed men, but incapable of inspiring ordinary soldiers with 
either respect or fear for liini ; he stood even more in awe of 
those under his command, than they of him ; and evidently 
showed that he was more afraid of being disliked by his sol- 
diers, than his soldiers of being disobedient to him. 20. He 
thought it sufficient both for being, and appearing, capable 
of command, to praise him who did well, and withhold his 
praise from the oifender. Such, therefore, of his followers, as 
v.-ere of hojiourable and virtuous character, Avcre much attach- 
ed to him, but the unprincipled formed designs upon him, as 
a man easy to manage. He was about thirty years old when 
he was put to death. 

21. As for Menon the Thessalian, he ever manifested an 
excessive desire for riches, being desirous of command that 
he might receive greater pay, and desirous of honours that 
he might obtain greater j>erquisites ; and he wislied to be well 
with those in power, in order that when he did wrong he 
might not suffer punishment. 22. To accomplish what he 
desired, he thought that the shortest road lay through perjury, 
falsehood, and deceit; while sincerity and truth he regarded 
as no better than folly. 23. He evidently had no affection for 
any man ; and as for those to whom he professed to be a 
friend, he was unmistakeably plotting mischief against them. 
He never ridiculed an enemy, but always used to talk with 
his associates as if ridiculing all of them.' 24. He formed no 
designs on the property of his enemies, (for he thought it 
dilHcult to take what belonged to such as were on their guanl 
against him,) but looked uix)n himself as the only person sens- 
ible how very easy it was to invade the unguarded property 
of friends. 

25. Those whom he saw given to perjury and injustice, ho 
feared as men well armed ; but sought to practise on those 
who were pious and observant of truth, as imbeciles. 26. As 
another might take a pride in religion, and truth, and justice, 
so Menon took a pride in being able to deceive, in devising 
falsehoods, in sneering at friends ; and thought the man who 
was guileless was to be regarded as deficient in knowledge of the 
world. He believed that he must conciliate those, in whoso 

- Twv £i (Twoyrwr, k. t. \.] By a species of attraction for role 
if avfovai Triiatv, a>; KarayiXuiy avruiv, at\ diiXiytTO. Ku/mer, 


friendship he wished to stand first, by calumniating such as 
ah-eadj held the chief place in their favour. 27. Tlie soldiers 
he tried to render obedient to him by being an accomplice it 
their dishonesty. lie expected to be honoured and courted, 
by showing that he had the power and tlic will to inflict the 
greatest injuries. When any one deserted him, he spoke of it 
as a favour on his own part that, while he made use of his 
services, he did not work his destruction. 

28. As to such parts of his history a,s are little known, I 
might, if I were to speak of them, say soraetliing untrue of 
him ; but those which every one knows, are these. While yet 
in the prime of youth he obtained, at the hands of Aristippus, 
(he command of his corps of mercenaries. He was also, in 
his prime, most intimate with Arianis, tliough a Barbarian, as 
Aria;us delighted in beautiful youths. He himself, too, while 
yet a beardless youth, made a favourite of Tharypas, who had 
arrived at manhood. 

29. When his fellow-officers were put to death, because 
they had served with Cyrus against tlie king, he, though he 
had done the same, was not put to death with them ; but after 
the death of the other generals, he died under a punishment 
inflicted by the king, not like Clearchus and the other com- 
manders, who were belieaded (which appears to be (he 
ipecdiest kind of death) ; but after living a year in torture, 
like a malefactor, he is said at length to have met his end. 

30. Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Acha;an were also 
put to death. '1 hose no one ever derided as wanting courage 
in battle, or bla7ied for their conduct towards their friends 
They were both about five and thirty years of age. 



Dejection of the Greeks. How Xenophon was led to join in Cjtus's espe- 
ciition. His dream, and rcflcctioiis. lie rouses the captains of tht divi- 
sion that Proxeniis had commaiulcd, and exhorts them to take measures 
for their safety. Apollonidcs deprived of his captaincy. A general meet- 
ing of the surviving generals and captains, at which Xenophon persuader 
them to choose new commanders in the room of th jse that they had lost 
Xenophon is one of those elected. 

1. What the Greeks did in their march up the cotinlry 
with Cyru.s, until tlie time of the battle, and wliat occurred 
after Cyrus was dead, when the Greeks set out to return 
with Tissaphernes in reliance on a truce, has been related in 
the preceding part of the work. 

2, After the generals were made prisoners, and such of the 
eaptains and soldiers as had accompanied them were put lo 
death, the Greeks were in great jjerple-xity, reflecting that 
they were not far from the king's residence ; ' that there were 
around them, on all sides, many hostile nations and cities ; 
Ihat no one woidd any longer secure them opportunities of 
purchasing provisions ; that they Avcre distant from Greece 
not less than ten thousand stadia; that there was no one to 
guide them on the way ; that impassable rivers would inter- 
cept them in the midst of their course; that the Barbarians 
who had gone up with Cyrus had deserted them ; and that 
they Avere left utterly alone, having no cavalry to support 
them, so that it was certain, even if they defeated their ene 
mie.s, that they would kill not a man of them, and that, if 
they were defeated, none of themselves would be left alive ; — 
3. reflecting, I say, on these circumstances, and being dis- 
heartened at them, fvw of them tasted food for that evening,* 
fow kindled fires, and many did not come to the place of 

' Etj Talc ft(tm\iio(, ^vpaic. i See ii. 4- 4. 

* Ei'f Tt)v idirifav.l Vesperiino tempore. Kuhner. 


arms ' tlariiig llie night, but lay down to rest where they 
severally happened to be, unable to sleep for sorrow and long- 
ing for their country, their parents, their wives and children, 
whom they never expected to see again. In this state of 
mind they all went to their resting-places. 

4. There was in the army a certain Xenophon, an Athe- 
nian, who accompanied it neither in the character of general, 
nor captain, nor common soldier,bntit had happened that Prox- 
enus, an old guest-friend of his, had sent for him from home, 
giving him a promise that, if he came, he would I'ccommend 
him to the friendship of Cyrus, whom he considered, he said, 
as a greater object of regard than his own country. 5. 
Xenophon, on reading the letter, consulted Socrates the 
Athenian, as to the })ropricty of making the journey; and 
Socrates, fearing that if he attached himself to Cyrus it might 
prove a ground for accusation against him with his country, 
l)ecause Cyrus was thought to have zealously assisted the 
Lacednsmonians in their war with Athens, advised Xenophon 
to go to Delphi, and consult the god respecting the expedi- 
tion. 6. Xenophon, having gone thither accordingly, inquired 
of Apollo to which of the gods he should sacrifice and pray, 
in order most honourably and successfully to perform the 
journey which he contemplated, and, after prosperously ac- 
complishing it, to return in safety. Apollo answered him that 
"he should sacrifice to the gods to whom it was proper for 
him to sacrifice."^ 7. When he returned, he repeated the 
oracle to Socrates, who, on hearing it, blamed him for not 
asking Apollo in the first place, whether it were better for 
him to go or stay at home ; whereas, having settled with him- 
self that he would go, he only asked how he might best go; 
" but since you have," said he, "put the cpiesiion thus, you 
must do what the god has directed." 8. Xenophon, there- 
fore, having sacrificed to the gods that Apollo commanded, 

' 'KtvI ct TO. oTrXrt.] See note on ii. 2. 20. 

' (hoii-, oiQ tSii, diiiiv.'] Ut diis eis, quibus oporteref, sacra faceret. 
Those gods are to be understood, to wliom it was established, by 
law or by custom, that whoever was entering on an expedition, 
such as that which Xenophon meditated, should offer sacrifice. 
They were therefore certain or appointed gods : comp. sect. 8 ; and 
vi. i. 22. Yet tlie absence of the article ought not to surprise us, 
even when special god? are meant. K'tikner. — What gods they were, 
does not api)car. 

OH. 1.] XeXOrGONS DHEAM. 77 

set sail, and foLiiid Proxenus and Cyrus at Sardis, just setting 
out on their march up the country, and was presented to 
Cyrus. 9. Proxenus desiring that he should remain with 
them, Cyrus joined in the same desire, and said that as soon 
as the expedition was ended, he would send him home again. 
The expedition was said to he intended against the Pisidians. 
10. Xenophon accordingly joined in the enterprise, being thus 
deceived, but not by Proxenus ; for he did not know that the 
movement was against the king, nor did any other of the 
Greeks, except Clearelius. When they arrived in Cilicia, 
however, it appeared manifest to everyone tliat it was against 
the king that their force was directed ; but, though they were 
afraid of the length of tlic journey, und unwilling to proceed, 
yet the greater part of them, out of respect* both for one 
another and for Cyrus, continued to follow him ; of which 
number was Xenoplion. 

11. When this perplexity occurred, Xenophon was distressed 
as well as the other Greeks, and unable to rest, but having 
at length got a httle sleep, he had a dream, in which, in the 
midst of a thunder-storm, a bolt seemed to him to fall upon 
his father's house, and the house in consequence became 
all in a blaze. 12. Being greatly frightened, he immediately 
awoke, and considered his dream as in one respect favourable, 
(inasmuch as, being in troubles and dangers, he seemed to be- 
hold a great light fioui Jupiter,) but in another respect he was 
alarmed, (because the dream appeared to him to be from Ju- 
piter who was a king, and the fire to blaze all around him,) lest 
he should be unable to escape from the king's territories, but 
should be hemmed in on all sides by inextricable difficulties. 

13. What it betokens, however, to see such a dream, we may 
conjecture from the occurrences that happened after the dream. 

• At' ataxvrr)}'.'] They had regard for their character in the eyes 
of one another, fearing that they might seem, faint-hearted; and 
regard for it in those of Cyrus, fearing that they might seem ungrate- 
ful. Kuhner. — Alaxvyr] is self-respect, apprehension of what others 
may think of us; and may be illustrated by Horn. II. v. 
AWt'jXot'c o' alcuaie Kara Kpartpag va^ivag' 
Al(^ofi(V(DV avCpwv TrXjoj'tf aooi t)i Tri(pavrai' 
" Have self-respect before one another in the violence of battle ; of 
men who respect themselves, more are saved than killed." ilul- 
chinson cites A. Gellius, xix. 7 : aia)^ii'Ti iarl foiog SiKaiov ^iyov, 
i, e. a /ear of Just blame. 


What immcdiatelj followed was this. As soon as he awoke, 
tlic thought that first occurred to him was, " Why do I lie 
here ? The night is passing away. With daylight it is pro- 
bable that the enemy will come upon us ; and if we once fall 
into the hands of the king, what is there to prevent us from 
being put to death with ignominy, after witnessing the most 
grievous sufiurings among our comrades, and enduring every 
severity of torture ourselves ? 14. Yet no one concerts mea- 
sures, or takes thought, for our defence, but we lie still, as 
if we were at liberty to enjoy repose. From what city, then, 
do I expect a leader to undertake our defence ? What age 
am I waiting for to come to myself? Assuredly I shall never 
be older, if I give myself up to the enemy to-day." 15. Aftei 
these reflections he arose, and called together, in the fi^r 
place, the captains that were under Proxenus. 

When tliey were assembled, he said, "For my part, captains, 
I cannot sleep, nor, I should tliink, can you, nor can I lie 
still any longer, when I consider in what circumstances we 
are placed ; IG. for it is plain that the enemy did not openly 
manifest hostility towards us, until they thought that they 
had judiciously arranged their plans ; but on our side no one 
takes any thought how we may best maintain a contest with 
them. 17. Yet if we prove remiss, and fall into the power 
of the king, what may we not expect to suffer from a man 
who cut off the head and hand of his own brother by the 
~7:ame mother and father, even after he was dead, and fixed 
them upon a stake ? Wiiat may not we, I say, expect to 
suffer, who have no relative' to take our part, and who have 
marched against liim to make him a suVjject instead of a mon- 
arch, and to put him to death if it should lie in our power ? 
13. Will he not proceed to every extremity, that by reducing 
us to the last degree of ignominious suffering, he may inspire 
all men with a dread of ever taking the field against him ? 
We m 1st however try every expedient not to fall into his 
hands. 19. For myself, I never ceased, while the truce lasted, 
to consider ourselves as objects of pity, and to regard the 
king and his people as objects of envy, as I contemplated how 
extensive and valuable a country they possessed, how great 
an abundance of provisions, how many slaves and cattle, and 

' K»/^<^wi'.] Cyrus, says Weiske, liatl his motlier to take his part 
the Greeks had iio one to take Ihehs. 


how vast a quantity of gold and raiment ; 20. while, on the 
other hand, when I reflected on the condition of our own 
soldiers, that we had no share in any of all these blessings, 
unless we bought it, and knew that few of us had any longer 
money to buy, and that our oaths restrained us from getting 
provisions otherwise than by buying, I sometimes, on taking 
all these circumstances into consideration, feared the continu- 
ance of peace more than I now fear war. 21. But since they 
have put an end to peace, their own haughtiness, and our 
mistrust, seem likewise to be brought to an end ; for the 
tulvantages which I have mentioned lie now as prizes between 
us, for whichsoever of us shall prove the better men ; and 
the gods are the judges of the contest, who, as is just, will 
be on our side ; 22. since the enemy have offended them by 
perjury, while we, though seeing many good things to tempt 
us, have resolutely abstained from all of them through regard 
to our oaths ; so that, as it seems to me, Ave may advance to the 
combat with much greater confidence than they can feel. 23. We 
have bodies, moreover, better able than theirs to endure cold 
and heat and toil ; and we have, with the help of the gods, 
more resolute minds ; while the enemy, if the gods, as before, 
grant us success, will be found more obnoxious to wounds 
and death • than Ave are. 24. But possibly others of you en- 
tertain the same thoughts ; let us not, then, in the name of 
heaven, wait for others to come and exhort us to noble deeds, 
but let us be ourselves the first to excite others to exert their 
valour. Prove yourselves the bravest of the captains, and 
more Avorthy to lead than those Avho arc noAV leaders. 23. As 
for me, if you Avish to take the start in the course, I am 
Avilling to foUoAv you, or, if you appoint me to be a leader, 
I shall not make my youtli an excuse, but shall think myself 
sufficiently mature to defend myself against harm." 

26. Thus spoke Xenophon ; and the captains, on hearing 
his observations, all desired him to be their leader, except a 
certain Apollonides, Avho resembled a Boeotian in his manner 
of speaking ; this man said that "Avhoever asserted they could 
gain safety by any other means than by obtaining, if he could, 
the king's consent to it, talked absurdly;" and at the same 

' Kai TpwToi Kal ^%'>]Toi ^aXXov.] " More vulnerable and mortal." 
Alluding to the supevuivity of the Grecian armour over that of th*" 


time began to enumerate the ditrieulties surrounding them, 
27. But Xcnophon, interrupting him, said, " most wonder- 
ful of men ! you neither understand what you see, nor remem- 
ber what you hear. Yet you were on tlie same spot with 
those here present, when the king, after Cyrus Avas dead, being 
in high spirits at the circumstance, sent to demand that we 
should deliver up our arms ; 28. and when we, refusing to de- 
liver them up, and appearing in full armour, went and en- 
camped over against him, what means did he not try, sending 
deputies, asking for a truce, and supplying us with provisions 
until he obtained a truce? 29. But when, on the other hand, 
our generals and captains went to confer with the Barbarians, 
as you now advise us to do, without their arms, and relying 
on the truce, were they not beaten, goaded, insulted, and are 
they not unable, wretched men, to die, though, I should think, 
greatly longing for death ? And do you, knowing all these 
occurrences, say that those who exhort us to defend ourselves 
talk absurdly, and advise us to go again to try persuasion? 
30. To me, captains, it seems that we should no longtr ad- 
mit this man into the same service with ourselves, but take 
from him his captaincy, and laying baggage on his back, make 
use of him in that capacity ; for he disgraces both his own 
country and all Greece, inasmuch as, being a Greek, he is of 
such a character." 31. Here Agasias of Stymphalus, pro- 
ceeding to speak, said, "But this man, assuredly, has nothing 
to do either Avith Bocotia or with Greece at all, for I have ob- 
served that he has both his ears bored, like a Lydian." Such 
indeed was the case ; and they accordingly expelled him. 

32. The rest, proceeding to the difterent divisions of the 
troops, called up the general wherever there Avas a general 
surviving, and the lieutenant-general' where the geneial was 
dead, and the captain wherever there Avas a captain surviving. 
S3. When they Avere all come together, they sat down bofc^e the 
place Avhere the arms Avere piled ;- and the generals a.o cap- 
tains assembled Avere about a hundred in all. The tim^ *\en 
the meeting took place Avas about midnight 

' Toi' viroarpaTiiyov.'l Kriiger, from v, 9. 3C, and vi. 2. 11, co.. 
eludes that the vTroarparnyo': was he who was appointed to discharfre 
the duties of the crpdniyri in his absence, or to take his place if "ae 
»hould be killed. 

' Sec ii. 2. 20. 


34. Hicronymus, a native of Elis, the oldest of all l4ie cap- 
tains that had served under Proxenus, was the first to speak, 
as follows : " It has seemed proper to us, generals and cap- 
tains, on contemplating the present state of our affairs, to meet 
together ourselves, and to call upon you to join us, that we 
may determine, if we can, on some plan fur our benclit. But 
do you, Xenophon, first represent to the assembly what you 
have already observed to us." 35. Xenophon accordingly said, 
" We are all aware that the king and Tissapherncs have made 
prisoners of as many of us as they could ; and it is evident that 
they are forming designs against the rest of us, that they may 
put us to death if they can. But on our parts I think that 
every means should bo adopted in order that we may not fall 
into the barbarians' hands, but rather that they, if we can 
accomplish it, may fall into ours, 36, Be well assured then, 
that you, who have now met together in such numbers, have 
upon you a most important responsibility ;• for all the soldiers 
look to you, and, if they see you dispirited, they will them- 
selves lose courage, but if both you yourselves appear well 
prepared to meet the enemy, and exhort others to be equally 
prepared, be certain that they will follow you, and strive to 
imitate you. 37. Perhaps, too, it is right that you should 
show some superiority over them ; for you are their generals. 
their officers, and their captains, and, when there was peace, 
you enjoyed advantages over them in fortune and honour : 
and now, in consequence, when war arises, you ought to prove 
yourselves pre-eminent over the multitude, and to take the 
lead in forming plans for them, and, should it ever be neces- 
sary, in toiling for them. 38. And, in the first place, I think 
that you will greatly benefit the army, if you take care that 
generals and captains be chosen as soon as possible in the 
room of those whom we have lost ; for without commanders 
nothing honourable or advantageous can be achieved, I may 
say in one word, anywhere, but feast of all in the field of battle. 
Good order conduces to safety, but want of order has al- 
ready proved fatal to many. 39. Again, when you have ap- 
pointed as many commanders as are requisite, I consider that 

' Kaipoj/.] Leunclavius makes this equivalent to " in vobis pluri- 
inum est situin." Sturz, in liis Lexicon Xenoph., says, "rerum 
status is est, nt vos in priniis debeatis rebus consulere." Toup, in 
nis Emend, ad Suid., gives maximum tnomentum habetia. 

VOL. I. o 


if you were to assemble and encourage the rest of the soldiers, 
you would act very suitably to the occasion ; 40. for you 
perhaps observe, as well as myself, how dejectedly they have 
now come to the place of arms,^ and how dejectedly they go 
upon guard, so that, while they are in such a condition, I 
know not for Avhat service anyone could employ them, whether 
required by night or by day. 41. But if any one could change 
the direction of their thoughts, so that they may not merely 
contemj)late what they are likely to sutfer, but what they may 
be able to do, they will become much more eager for action ; 
42. for you are certain that it is neither numbers nor strength 
which gives the victory in war, but that whichsoever side 
advances on the enemy with the more resolute courage, their 
opponents, in general, cannot withstand their onset. 43. I 
have also remarked, fellow-soldiers, that such as are eager in 
the field to preserve their lives at any rate, for the most part 
perish wretchedly and igiiominiously, wliile i see that such 
as reflect that death is to all men common and inevitable, and 
seek in battle only to fall with honour, more frequently, from 
whatever cause, arrive at old age, and live, while they live, 
with greater happiness, 44. Being aware, then, of these tracts, 
it behoves us, such are tlie circumstances in which we are 
placed, both to prove ourselves to be brave soldiers, and to 
exhort others to be so likewise." 45. Having spoken thus, he 

After liim Cheirisophus said, " Till the present moment, O 
Xenoi)hon, I knew nothing of you, except having heard that 
you were an Athenian, but now I have to praise you both 
tor what you say and what you do, and could wish that there 
were very many like you ; for it would be a general good. 
46. And now," he added, '• let us not delay, my fellow-soldiers, 
but proceed at once, you who want them, to choose commanders, 
and when you have elected them, come to the centre of the 
camp, and bring those that are chosen ; and we will then call 
the rest of the soldiers together there. And let Tolmides 
the herald," said he, "come with us." 47. As he said this, he 
rose up, that tlie necessary measures might not be delayed, 
but carried at once into execution. There were accordingly 
chosen commanders, Timasion a Dardanian in tlie room of 
Clearchus, Xanthicles an Achajan in that of Socrates, Cleanor 
' See ii. 2- 20. 


an Arcadian in that of Agias, Pliilesius an Aclia3an in that 
of Menon, and Xcnophon of Athens in that of Proxcnus. 


Tho new generals hold a council of war. The speeches of Chcirisophufc, 
Cleanor, and Xcnophon. The order of march is settled, and the dutit* 
of each commander appointed. 

1. When the officers were chosen, and day was just dawning, 
they met in the centre of the camp, and it was resolved to sta- 
tion sentinels at the out-posts, and to call together the soldiers. 
When the rest of the troops came up, Cheirisophus the 
Lacedaemonian rose first, and spoke as follows : 2. " Our pre- 
sent circumstances, fellow-soldiers, are fraught with ditTiculty, 
since we are deprived of such able generals, and captains, and 
soldiers, and since, also, the party of Ariieus, who were for- 
merly our supporters, have deserted us ; 3. yet it behoves us 
to extricate ourselves from these difficulties as brave men, 
and not to lose courage, but to endeavour to save ourselves, 
if we can, by an honourable victory ; but if we cannot do so, 
let us at least die with honour, and never, while we live, put 
ourselves into the power of the enemy ; for I think that, in 
that case, we should endure such sulTerings as I wish that the 
gods may inflict on our adversaries." 

4. After him Cleanor the Orchomenian arose and spoke 
thus: "You see, soldiers, the perjury and impiety of the 
king ; and you see also the faithlessness of Tissaphernes, 
who, after telling us that he was a neighbour of the Greeks, and 
would esteem it the highest privilege to save us, and after 
having given us his right hand as a pledge, has himself de- 
ceived and made prisoners our generals, and has not respected 
even Jupiter, the protector of the rights of hospitality, but, 
entertaining Clcarchus at his own table, has, by this very means, 
inveigled and destroyed our officers. 5. Arisus, too, whom 
we offered to make king, to whom we gave and from whom 
we received pledges, that we would not betray one another, 
even he, neither fearing the gods, nor respecting the memoi-y 
of Cyriia- though hcnoured by him in the highest degree while 
G 2 

84 THE EXrEDlTiOh' OF CYHUS. [n. 111. 

he was alive, has now gone over to his bitterest enemies, and 
endeavours to distress us who Avere his friends. 6. But on 
these men may the gods take vengeance ; for ourselves, it is 
incumbent upon us, having tliis conduct before our eyes, not 
to be deceived again by tliem, but, after fighting as bravely 
as we can, to bear with patience sucli fortune as the gods may 
appoint us." 

7. Next stood up Xenophon, who had accoutred himself 
tor war as splendidly as he could, thinking that if the 
gods should grant them victory, the finest equipment would 
be suitable to success, or that, if it were appointed for him 
to die, it would be well for him to adorn himself with his 
best armour,^ and in that dress to meet his end. He pro- 
ceeded to speak thus : 8. "Of the perjury and perfidy of tlie 
Barbai'ians Clcanor has just spoken, and you, I am sure, are 
well aware of it. If, then, we think of coming again to term? 
of friendsliip with them, we must of necessity feel much dis- 
trust on that head, when we see what our generals have suf- 
fered, who, in reliance on their faith, put themselves into their 
hands ; but if we propose to inflict on them vengeance with 
our swords for what they have done, and, for the future, to be 
at war with them at all points, we have, with the help of the 
gods, many lair hopes of safet}'." 9. As he was uttering these 
words, somebody sneezed, and the soldiers, hearing it, with 
one impulse paid their adoration to the god;- and Xenophon 
continued, " Since, soldiers, while we were speaking of safety, 
an omen from Jupiter the Preserver has appeared, it seems to 
me that we should vow to that god to oifer sacrifices for 
our preservation on the spot Avhere we first reach a fnendly 
country ; and that we sliould vow, at the same time, to sacn- 
fice to the other gods according to our ability. And to whom- 
soever this seems reasonable, let him hold up his hand." All 
held up their hands ; and they then made their vows, and sang 
the paean. When the ceremonies to the gods were duly per- 
formed, he recommenced tluis : 10. " I was saying that we 
had many fair hopes of safety. In the first place, we have 
observed our oaths made to the gods ; but the enemy have 
perjured themselves, and broken tlie truce and their oaths. 

' T(jv KaWiffTojv iavTov aW'Xravra.'] " Thinking himself worthy 
of Ihe most beautiful (equipments)." 
* Ibv Otov.] Jupiter the Preserver. Kuhner 


Such being the case, it is natural that the gods should be un- 
favourable to our enemies, and should fight on our side ; tho 
gods, who are able, whenever they will, to malo the mighty 
soon weak, and to save the Aveak with ease, although they be 
in grievous perils, ll. In the next place, I will remind you' 
of the dangers in which our ancestors were, that you may feel 
conscious how much it becomes you to be brave, and how tlie 
brave are preserved, even from the greatest troubles, by tlie aid 
of the gods. For when the Persians, and those united with 
them, came with a numerous host, as if to sweep Athens from 
the face of tlie earth,' the Athenians, by daring to oppose 
them, gave them a defeat ; 12, and having made a vow to 
Diana, that whatever number they should kill of the enemy, 
they would sacrifice to her divinity the same number of goats, 
and not being able to find enough, they resolved to sacrifice 
five hundred every year ; and to this day they still continue 
to sacrifice them. 13. Again, when Xerxes, having collected 
that innumerable army of his, came down upon Greece a se- 
cond time, our ancestors on that occasion, too, defeated the 
ancestors of these Barbarians, both by land and sea ; of which 
exploits the trophies are still to be seen as memorials ; the 
greatest of all memorials, however, is the liberty of the states 
in which you were born and bred, for you worship no man 
as master, but tlie gods alone. Of such ancestors are you 
sprung. ' 

14. " Nor am I going to say that you dishonour them. 
It is not yet many days since you arrayed yourselves in the 
field against the descendants of those Bai'barians, and defeated, 
with the help of the gods, a force many times more numerous 
than yourselves. 15. On that occasion you showed yourselves 
brave men to procure a throne for Cyrus ; and now, when 
the struggle is for your own lives, it becomes you to be more 
valiant and resolute. 16. At present, too, you may justly feel 
greater confidence against your adversaries ; for even then, 
when you had made no trial of them, and saw them in count- 

' AiT^tc atpaviovvTiov.] Weiske, Sclineidcr, and others omit the 
avOiq. Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kiiliner preserve it, as it is found 
in six manuscripts, giving it, with Spohn, Lect. Theocr. i. p. 33, 
the sense of bac/c agaiti, as if tlie Persians had intended (o make 
Alliens disappear again as if it had never been. I think the wora 
better left out. .\n An^erican editor has conjectured airdf. 


less munbers before you, you yet diircd, with the spirit of 
your fathers, to advance upon them, and now, when you have 
learned from experience of them, that, though many times 
your number, they shrink from receiving your charge, what 
reason have you any longer to fear tliem ? 17. And do not 
consider it any disadvantage, tliat the troops of Cyrus, who 
were formerly arrayed on our side, have now left us ; for they 
are far more cowardly tlian those who were defeated by you ; 
at least 1 they deserted us to flee to them, and those who are 
so ready to commence flight it is better to see posted on the 
side of the enemy than in our own ranks. 

18. "If, again, any of you are disheartened because we 
have no cavalry, and the enemy have a great number, con- 
sider that ten thousand cavalry are nothing more than ten 
thousand men ; for no one ever perished in battle of being 
bitten or kicked by a horse ; it is the men that do whatever 
is done in the encounter. 19. Doubtless we, too, rest upon a 
surer support than cavalry have, for they are raised upon horses, 
and are afraid, not only of us, but also of falling, while we, 
taking our steps upon the ground, shall strike such as ap- 
proach us with far gieatcr force, and hit much more surely 
the mark at wliich we may aim. In one point alone, indeed, 
have the cavalry the advantage, that it is safer for them to 
flee than for us. 

20. "But if, though you have courage for battle, you are 
disquieted at the thought that Tissaphernes will no longer 
guide you, and tliat the king will no longer supply you with 
provisions, consider whether it is better to have Tissaphernes 
for our guide, who is manifestly plotting our destruction, or 
such persons as we ourselves may seize and compel to be our 
guides, who will be conscious that if they go wrong with re- 
gard to us, they go wrong with regard to their own lives and 
persons. 21. And as to provisions, whether is it better for us 
to purchase, in the markets which they provide, small measures 
of food for large sums of money, (no longer, indeed, having the 
money,) or, if we are successful in the field, to take supplies 
for ourselves, adopting whatever measure each of us may 
wish to use ? 

22. "Again, if you think, that this state of things wiU be 

• Vovv.] Some copies have oi'r. "The sense of yovv is this: cet^ 
rit rebus ^yrmtermissis, hoc quidem ccrtlssiinwn est, eos fiigUse." ivuhne:' 


better, but imagine that tlie rivers will be impassable, and 
that you were grcatlj misled when you came across them, 
reflect whether the Barbarians have not acted most unwisely 
also in this respect.' For all rivers, though they may be 
impassable at a distance from their sources, are easy to be 
forded by those who go to their springs, wetting them not 
even to tlie knees. 23. But even if the rivers sliall not afford 
us a passage," and no guide shall appear to conduct us, we 
still need not be in despair ; for wc know that the Mysians, 
whom we should not call more valiant tlian ourselves, have 
settled themselves, against the king's will, in many rich and 
large cities in the king's territory ; we know that the Pisi- 
dians have acted similarly ; and we have ourselves seen^ that 
tlie Lycaonians, having seized on the strongholds in the 
plains, enjoy the produce of th? land of these Barbarians u 
24. and I should recommend that we, for the present, should 
not let it be seen that we are eager to start homewards, but 
should apparently make arrangements as if we thought of 
settling somewhere in these parts ; for I am sure that the king 
would grant the Mysians many guides, and give them many 
hostages to send them out of the countr)' safely, and even make 
roads for tliem, though they should desire to depart in four- 
horse chariots ; and for ourselves, too, I am convinced that 
he would with thrice as much pleasure do the same, if he sa'v 
us making dispositions to remain here. 25. But I am afraid 
that if we should once learn to live in idleness, to revel in 
abundance, and to associate with the fair and stately wives 
and daughters of the Medes and Persians, we should, like the 
lotus-eaters,** think no more of the road homewards. 26. It 

' El apa,K.T.\.'\ Kriiger admonishes the reader that these words 
must be taken negatively : xohether — not. 

" Au;(Tov(Tn'.] Eight manuscripts have ^loicroj'ffti/, wliich Bornemann 
has preferred. Dindorf also gave the preference to it in Ins first 
edition, but has subsequently adopted the other reading. MZ/rt 
iioi(jov<jiv is interpreted by Borneniann, "if the rivers jhall present 
uo difference in any part of their course ; if they be as broad at 
their sources as at their mouths." 

' \vroi t'lCofiiv.'] The Greeks had passed through a part of Lyca- 
onia in their march up the country, i. 2. 19; when, however, it is not 
indicated that they saw nnicli. 

* The alhision is to Odyss. ix, 83. where the lotus-eaters are men- 
tioned : 


seems to me, therefore, both reasonable and just, that we 
should first of all make an attempt to return to Greece, and 
to the members of our families, and let our countrymen see 
that they live in voluntary poverty, since they might see those, 
who are now living at home without due means of subsistence, 
enriched on betaking themselves hither. But I need say no 
more on this head, for it is plain, my fellow-soldiers, that all 
these advantages fall to the conquerors. 

27. " I must also suggest to you, however, in what mannei 
we may proceed on our way Avith the greatest safety, and 
how we may fight, if it should be necessary to fight, to the 
greatest possible advantage. First of all, then," he continued, 
" it seems to me that we ought to burn whatever carriages we 
have, that our cattle may not influence our movements, but 
that we may march whithersoever it may be convenient for 
the army ; and then that we should burn our tents with them, 
for tents are troublesome to carry, and of no service either for 
fighting or in getting provisions. 28. I think also that we 
ought to rid ourselves of whatever is superfluous in the rest 
of our baggage, reserving only what we have for war, or for 
meat and drink, that as many of us as possible may be under 
arms, and as few as possible baggage-bearers ; for you are 
aware that whatever belongs to the conquered becomes the 
property of others ; and, if we are victorious, we ought to 
look upon the enemy as our baggage-carriers. 

29. " It only remains for me to mention a particular which 
I consider to be of the greatest importance. You see that 
the enemy did not venture openly to commence war against 
us, until they had seized our generals, tliinking that as long 
as we had commanders, and were obedient to them, we should 
be in a condition to gain the advantage over them in the field, 
but, on making prisoners of our generals, they expected that 
wc should perish from want of direction and order. 30. It is 
incumbent, therefore, on our present commanders to be far 
more vigilant tlian our former ones, and on those under com- 

The trees around them all their fbotl Produce, 

Lotus the name, divine nectareous juice, 

(Thence called Lotophagi,) wliich whoso tastes, 

Insatiate riots in the sweet repasts, 

Nor other home, nor other care intends, 

But quits his house, his country, and liis friends. Tc^. 


mand to be far more orderly, and more obedient to their 
officers, at present than they were before. 31. And if you 
were also to pass a resolution, that, should any one be dis- 
obedient, Avhoever of you chances to light upon him is to join 
with his officer in punishing him, the enemy would by that 
means be most effectually disappointed in their expectations, 
for, on the very day that such resolution is passed, they will 
see before them ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who 
will not allow a single soldier to play the coward. 32. But it 
is now time for me to conclude my speech ; ' for in an instant 
perhaps the enemy will be upon us. Whosoever, therefore, 
tliinks these suggestions reasonable, let him give his sanction 
to them at once, that they may be carried into execution. 
But if any other course, in any one's opinion, be better than 
this,* let hira, even though he be a private soldier, boldly give 
us his sentiments; for the safety, which we all seek, is a ge- 
neral concern." 

33. Cheirisophus (hen said. " Should there be need of any 
other measure in addition to what Xenophon proposes, it will 
be in our power to bring it forward by and by ; Avhat he has 
now suggested avc ought, I think, to vole at once to be the 
best course that avc can adopt ; and to whomsoever this seems 
proper, let him hold up his hand ;" and they all held them up. 
34. Xenophon then, rising again, said, "Hear, soldiers, what 
appears to me to be necessary in addition to what I have laid 
bctbre you. It is plain that we must march to some place 
from which Ave may get provisions ; and I hear that there are 
some good-looking villages not more than twenty stadia dis- 
tant ; 3.5. but I should not wonder if the enemy, (like cowardly 
dogs that run after such as pass by them, and bite them if 
they can, but ilee from those Avho pursue them,) I should not 
wonder, I say, if the enemy were to follow close upon us when 
we begin to march. 36. It will, perhaps, be the safer way for 
us to march, therefore, forming a hollow square of the heavy- 
armed troops, in order that the baggage and the large number 
vi' camp-followers may be in greater security within it ; 

' Utpaiviiv.] Sc. TOP \6yov. Tliis is the sense in which this word 
lias been taken, 1 believe, by most readers ; as in iEsch. Pers. 699, 
and elsewhere. Sturz, in his Lexicon, seems to take it in the sense 
of to execute, to liroceed to action. 

'^ Ei Si Ti d\Xo f3iXTiov 7] Tavry.] Understand 5o«T *xfir. Kiihner. 
'* But if anything else (seetns^ better (to any ( ne) than in this way " 


and if it be now settled who is to lead the square, and regu- 
late the movements in front, who are to be on each flank, and 
who to have charge of the rear, we shall not have to consider 
of these things wiien the enemy approach, but may at once 
act accordhig to what has been arranged. 37. If, then, any one 
else sees anything better to recommend, let it be settled other- 
wise ; if not, let Cheirisophus lead, since he is also a Lacedae- 
monian ; • let two of the oldest generals take the command on 
each of the flanks ; and let Timasion and myself, the youngest 
of the oflicers, take charge, at least fur the present, of the rear. 
38. After a time, when we have tried this arrangement, we will 
consider, as occasion may require, wliat may seem best to l^e 
done. If any one thinks of any better. plan than this, let him 
speak." As nobody made any objection, he said, " Whosoever 
likes these proposals, let him hold up his hand." The pro- 
posals were approved. 39. " And now," he added, " it be- 
longs to you to go and carry into execution what has been 
decided upon ; and whosoever of you wishes to see his friends 
and relations, let him prove himself a man of valour, for by 
no other means can he succeed in attaining that object ; who- 
ever of you desires to jireserve his life, let him strive to con- 
quer, for it is the part of conquerors to kill, but of the con- 
quered to die ; and if any one of you covets spoil, let him 
endeavour to secure victory for us, for it is the privilege of 
victors at once to save their own property and to seize on 
that of the vanquished." 


The Greeks are visited oy Mithridatcs as a friend, but he soon shows that he 
is an enemy, and they resolve to enter into no further negotiations with 
the Persian king. They pass the Zabatus, are harassed by Mithridates, 
and suffer from the want of slingcrs and cavalrj'. Volunteers are enrolled 
for these services. 

I. When this speech was concluded, they rose up, and 
went off to burn their carriages and tents ; of their superflu- 

' 'ETT(tct) Kai AaKiCaifiorioc iari.] The icai, a/so, refers to something 
understood : " since he is not only a brave man, but also a Lacedae- 
monian." Kuhner. Tlie LacedaMiionians were tiicn at the head of 
Grecoe: conip. v. 9. 26; vi. G. 12. Zeune 


CU3 baggage they divided among themselves such portions as 
any needed, and threw the rest into the fire. Having done 
this, they went to breakfost. While they were at their meal, 
Miiliridates rode up to tliem with about thirty horsemen and 
requesting the generals to come within hearing, spoke as fol- 
lows: 2. " I was faithful to Cyrus, O men of Greece, as you 
yourselves know ; I am now well disposed towards you; and 
lam living here under great apprehensions; if therefore I 
should find that you are concerting any safe scheme for your 
deliverance, I would come and join you, bringing with me all 
my followers. Let rac know, therefore, what you have in con- 
templation, as one who is your friend and well-wisher, and 
who is willing to march along with you." 3. The generals, 
after consulting together, resolved on returning the following 
answer; and Cheirisopluis delivered it: "It is our deter- 
mination, if no one hinders us from returning home, to pro- 
ceed through the country with as Utile injury to it as possible; 
but if any one opposes us on our march, to fight our way 
agftinst him as vigorously as we can." 4. Mithridates then 
endeavoured to convince them how impracticable it was to 
escape without the king's consent. But it was now concluded 
that he was insidiously sent ; for one of tlic followers of Tis- 
saphernes was in attendance on him to insure his fidelity.' 
5. In consequence, it was thought right by the generals to 
pass a resolution that the war should be such as to admit of 
no intercourse by heralds ; ^ for those that came tried to cor- 
rupt the soldiers, and succeeded in seducing one of the cap- 
tains, Nicarchus an Arcadian, and he deserted in the night 
with about twenty men. 

6. Having then dined, and crossed the river Zabatus, they 
marched on in regular order, keeping the baggage-cattle and 
camp-followers in the centre. But before they had gone far, 
Mithridates made his appearance again with about two hun- 
dred cavalry and about four hundred archers and slingers, 

' UicTTttog'fviKa.] To watch him, lest he should act treacherously. 

' n6\(/iov aKt'ipvKTov.'] Properly war in which there is no use for he- 
ralds, but in which all is violent and desperate; so that a'/c/'/puKroc 
will be equivalent, according to Hesychius, to aCcaXXncroc, implacn- 
hle, irreconcilable. See Erasm. Adag. iii. 3. St. Sturz Lex. Others 
rather think it a deadly war, not commenced by sending heralds, 
and not to be terminated by sending them. Kiihner. See Herod 


vci-y light and active troops. 7. He advanced towards the 
Greeks as a friend, but, when he came near, some of his men, 
both horse and foot, suddenly discharged their arrows, and 
others used their slings, and wounded some of our men. The 
rear of tlie Greeks indeed was much harassed, and could do 
nothing in return ; for the Cretan bowmen shot to a less dis- 
tance than the Persians, and had also, as being lightly armed, 
sheltered themselves Avithin the heavy troops ; and the javehn- 
men did not hurl far enough to reach the slingers. 8. Upon 
this it seemed to Xeno])hon that it would be well to pursue 
them ; and such of the heavy-armed and peltasts as happened 
to be with him in the rear, began to pursue, but couU over- 
take in the pursuit not a single man of the enemy ; 9. for the 
Greeks had no cavahy,' nor could their infantry, in a short 
distance, overtake the inftintry of the enemy, who took to 
flight when they were a long way off, since it was impossible 
for the Greeks to follow them to a great distance from the 
rest of the army. lo. The Barbarian cavalry, too, inflicted 
wounds in their retreat, shooting backwards as they rode, 
and however far the Greeks advanced in pursuit, so far were 
they obliged to retreat fighting. 11. Thus during the whole 
day they did not advance more than five-and-twenty stadia; 
however, they arrived at the villages in the evening. 

Here again there was much dejection ; and Cheirisophus 
and the oldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for pursuing 
the enemy apart from the main body, endangering himself, 
and yet being unable to hurt the assailants. 12. Xenophon, 
hearing this charge, acknowledged that they blamed him justly, 
and that the result bore testimony in their favour. " But," 
said he, " I was under the necessity of pursuing, as I saw 
that we suffered great damage while remaining at our posts, 
aJid were unable to retahate. 13. But when we began to 
pursue," continued he, "the truth was as you say ; for we 
were none the better able to injure the enemy, and we could 
not retreat without great difficulty. 14. Tiianks are due to the 
gods, therefore, that the Barbarians did not come upon us in 
great force, but only with a few troops, so that, whilst they 

'Cyrus's Greek auxiliaries for the expedition had consisted only 
of infantry ; all his cavalry was either Asiatic or Thracian. The 
Thracian horse had deserted, and the Asiatic cavalry bad gone over 
to Tissaplipines soon after the battle. 


did US no great harm, they showed us of what we stand in 
need: 15. for at present the enemy shoot their arrows and 
shng their stones such a distance, that neither can the Cretans 
return their shots, nor can those who tlwow Avith the liand 
reach them ; and when we pursue them, we cannot go after 
them any great distance from the main body, and in a short 
gpace a foot-soldier, even if ever so swift, cannot overtake 
another foot-soldier, starting at bow-shot distance, 16. It 
therefore we would keep off the enemy, so that they may be 
unable to hurt us on our march, we must at once provide our- 
selves with slingers and cavalry. There arc, I hear, some 
Rhodians in our army, the greater number of whom, they say, 
understand the use of the sling, while tlicir weapon carries 
even double the distance of the Persian sling, 17. which, as 
they sling with large stones, reach only a short distance, 
while the Rhodians know how to use leaden bullets. 18. It- 
then, we ascertain which of them have slings, and give money 
to each of them* fur them ; and pay money also to any one 
who is willing to plait more, and find some other privilege ^ 
for him who consents to serve in the troop of slingers,^ possi- 
bly some will oifer themselves who may be able to be of ser- 
vice to us. 19. I see also that there are horses in the army, 
some in my possession, and some left by Clearchus, besides 
many others taken from the enemy which are employed in 
carrying the baggage. If, then, we collect all these, and put 
ordinary baggage-cattle in their place, and equip the horses for 
riders, they will perhaps annoy the enemy in their flight." 
20. These suggestions were api)roved ; and that very night 
there came forward slingers to the number of two hundred. 
The next day, as many as fifty horsemen and horses were 
pronounced fit for service ; leathern jackets'* and breastplates 

' lovTifi fiiv.'] As Tivtq Tt't-KavTai immediatel}' precedes, the siii- 
gvdar rovr^j rather startles the reader; but there ai-e not wanting 
examples of similar irregularity. 

2 'ATiXiiav.'] Exemption, for instance, from keeping guard and 
keeping watch. Kriiger. 

' Tip a<t>tvSovav tvrtTayniv(i> i^tXovTi.'] " To him willing to be a 

slinger, being enrolled in the company (of slingers)." Tiiis is the 

reading of Schneider, and Dindorf, and Bornemann. Kiihuer and 

• some others prefer if -ip Ttrayn'tvi^, " in the place appointed him." 

* 2n-o\at'££.] This form of tlie word is preferred by Dindorf , 
Schneider, Bornemann, and Kiihner prefer aroXcUiq, both in thia 
passage and in iv. 1. 18. Botli forms stem to have been in use. and 

94 TIIK KXl'EDiriON Ol' CYUL'S. Tb. lit. 

were furnished to them ; and Lycius the son of Polystratus 
an Athenian, was appointed their cai)tain. 


Mitluidatcs again ptirsiics the Greeks, Tjut is repulsed. They reach iht 
Tigris, encainp at Mespila, and are attacked by Tissaphernes with a nu- 
merous force. They repel him, and alter their order of march. Traversing 
a mountainous part of the countiy, they arc harassed by the enemy, till, 
on getting possession of a height, they arc enabled to reach the plain be 
yond it in safety. 

1. Having halted for that day, tliey went forward on the 
next, rising earlier in the morning than ; for they had 
a ravine formed by a torrent to pass, at which they were 
afraid that the enemy would attack them while they were 
crossing. 2. It was not till they had got over, however, that 
Mithridates again made his appearance, having now with him 
a thousand horse, and archers and slingcrs to the number of 
four thousand ; for he iiad solicited and obtained that number 
from Tissaphernes, promising that, if he received them, he 
would deliver the Greeks into his hands ; for he had con- 
ceived a contempt for them, because, in his previous attack 
on them, though he had ))ut a small force with iiim, he had 
suffered no loss, and thought tliat he had caused them great 
annoyance. 3. When the Greeks, liaving crossed, were dis- 
tant about eight stadia from the ravine, Mithridates also 
passed over it with his force. Instructions had been issued 
to such of the peltasts and heavy-armed troops as were to 
pursue, and a charge had been given to the horsemen to pur- 
sue with boldness, as a sufhcient force would follow to support 
them. 4. When therefore Mithridates overtook them, and 
the slings and arrows began to take effect, a signal was given 
to the Greeks with the trumpet, and those who had been or- 
dered immediately hastened to charge the enemy, the cavalry 
riding forward at the same time. The enemy however did 
not wait to receive their charge, but fled back to the ravine. 

to have liad tlie same signification ; but mroXag to liave been the 
more common. See Pollux, 1. 135. llesychius lias (T7ro\<;c, xirioriaKO( 
fia^ix, (TKunvog, o fivpaivoi; Owpa^. See Polhix, 7. 70 ; 10. 143. 
Suiiias, Phavorinus, and Photius ^ivc similar interpretations. 

Cll 4. J I.AKISSA. 95 

5. In the pursuit several of the Barbarian foot were killed, 
and about eighteen of the horse were made prisoners in the 
defile. The Greeks, of their own impulse, mutilated the dead 
bodies, in order that the sight of them might be as horrible 
as possible to the enemy. 

6. The enemy, after faring thus, went off, and the Greeks, 
advancing the rest of the day wiiliout molestation, arrived at 
the river Tigris. 7. Here was a large deserted city, the name 
of which was Larissa, and wliicli the Mcdes had formerly in- 
habited. Tiie breadth of its wall was five and twenty feet, 
and the height of it a hundred ; its circuit was two parasangs. 
It was built of bricks made of clay, but there was under it a 
stone foundation,' the height of twenty feet. 8. This city the 
king of the Persians,^ at the time when the Persians wrested^ 
the empire from the Medes, was unable by any means to take ; 
a cloud, however, having covered the sun, hid it from view,* 

' Kpi)TriQ S' vTTiiv \i9iv7), K. T. X.] Thc foundation appears to have 
risen twenty feet above tiie ground ; so that tlte whole height of tlie 
wall would be a hundred and twenty feet. Mr. AInswortli says that 
he found the ruins of the brick wall at Resen, wiiich he considers 
to be the same with Larissa, " based on a rude and hard conglome- 
rate rock, giving to tlieni all the solidity and characteristics of being 
built of stone." Traceh in the Track, p. 139. 

- Cyrus the Great. 

' 'V.Xan^avov.'] That the Medes did not wiUingly submit, but 
were overcome by force, is testified by Herodotus, and is apparent 
from what is said here; whence it follows that Xafi^avuv ti)v upx>iv 
irapa tivoc may be applied even when those who lose the govern- 
ment are forcibly deprived of it. Xenophon however is at variance 
with himself in the Cyropasdia, where Cyrus is said to have suc- 
ceeded to the throne by a marriage with the daughter of Cyaxares. 

* "HXior 05 vi<pi\i) TTpoKaXl-i/aaa r/^ai'ifff.] This reading has been 
adopted by Dindorf and others, from a conjecture of Brodwus or 
Muretus; the manuscrii)ts have all j'yXioc^t vi(pi\r]v TrpoKaXvifjag, e\- 
cept two, one of whicli has the v erased in v«pi\i]i', and the other 
VKp'iXy. Those wlio read wiih Dindorf refer to Plutarch de Pla- 
cit. I'hilosoph. ii. 24, where the cause of an eclipse of the sun is 
said by some i)hil<)Sopliers to be a condensation of clouds imper- 
ceptibly adcancing over the disc. Bornemann and Kiihner restore 
the reading of the manuscripts, which Langius thus interprets: 
tol niibem sibi pratendens se obsniravit ; than which no better ex- 
planation has been offered. That we are not to suppose an eclipse 
of the sun to be signified in the text, is well observed by Borne- 
mann ; as Thales had previously ascertained the causes of such 
eclipses, and had foretuhl one, according to Herodotus i. 74 ; hence it 

96 Title KXrEUlttON OF C\iiVS. [ !•.. tlL 

till the people deserted it,' and so it was taken. 9. Neai* the 
city was a stone pyramid, of the breadth ^ of one plcthnim, 
and tlie height of two plethra. Upon it^ were many of the 
Barbarians who had fled from the neighbouring villages. 

10. Ilencc they proceeded one day's journey, six parasangs, 
to a large unoccupied fortress,* situated near a city, the name 
of which was Mespila ; the Medes had formerly inhabited it. 
The foundation of the wall was of polished stone, full of 
shells,'' the breadth fifty feet, and the height fifty ; ll. and on 
it was constructed a wall of bricks, fifty feet broad, and a 
hundred high ; the circumference of it was six parasangs. 
Here INIcdea, tlie king's wife, is said to have taken refuge, 
when the INIedes were deprived of their empire by the Per- 
sians. 12. The king of the Persians, on besieging thia city, 
wi^s unable to reduce it either by length of time or by assault, 
but Jupiter, as with a thunder-stroke/' deprived the inhabit- 
ants of their senses, and thus it was taken. 

13. Hence they proceeded one day's journey, a distance of 
four parasangs. In the course of this day's march Tissaphernes 
made his appearance, having with him the cavalry which he 
liimself commanded, the force of Orontes, who had married 
the king's daughter,^ the Barbarian troops with which Cyrus 

is impossible to believe that Xenophon would have spoken of a 
solar eclipse himself, or have made the inhabitants speak of one, so 
irrationally. Hutchinson and Zeune absurdly imderstand r/)i' noXiv 
with r)<pavia( 

' 'K^fXtTToi'.] Hutchinson and Weiske interjn-et this word ani- 
mis defecerunt. Abreschius (Dllucid. Thucyd. p. 274) makes it re- 
Uquerunt sc. tir?,em ; an interpretation adopted by Porson, Schneider, 
Kiihner, and all the modern editors. 

' Etipof.] We must understand the length of each side. 

' 'Eni raifTiig.^ There might be steps on the outside on which 
they might climb. 

* TfJxof,-] Now called Yarumjah, according to Ainsw. Travels, 
p. 139. 

* Koyx"'^"''"'"'-] " It is a curious fact, that the common building- 
<tone of Mosul (near iMespila) is highly fossiliferous, and indeed 
replete with shells, characteristic of a tertiary or supra-cretaceous 
deposit ; and the same lime-stone does not occur far to the north 
,r south of Mosul, being succeeded by wastes of gypsum." Ainsw. 
Travels, p. 110. 

* 'Efifpo»'rj)roi>c wouT.] "Jupiter makes the inhabitants thun- 
derstruck." " lie rendered them," says Sturz, " either stupui 
or mad." 

' ij. 4. «. . - 


went up, the troops with which tlie king's brother came lo 
assist him, and, besides these, all that the king himself had 
given him ; so that his army appeared extremely numerous. 
14. When he came near, he stationed some of his companies in 
the rear, and brought others round upon our flanks, but did not 
venture to make a charge, or show any disposition to endanger 
himself, but ordered his men to use their slings and bows. 15. 
But when the Khodians, who were dispersed among the ranks, 
began to use their slings, and the .Scythian archers' dis- 
charged their arrows, no one failing to hie a man, (for it 
would not have been easy to do so, even if they had been ever 
80 desirous,) Tissapherncs hastily retreated beyond reach of 
the missiles, and the other divisions drew off at the same time. 
16. During the rest of the day the Greeks continued their 
march, and the enemy followed ; but the Barbarians no longer 
harassed them with their usual skirmishing ; for the Rhodians 
sent their missiles to a greater distance than the Persians, 
and than most of the bowmen. 17. The bows of the Persians, 
too, were large, so that such of their arrov/s as were taken up, 
were of service to the Cretans, who continued to use the 
enemy's arrows, and practised shooting by sending them far up 
into the air.'^ A great number of bov/strings were also 
found in the villages, and some lead, so that they could use it 
for their slings. 

18. For that day, therefore, as soon as the Greeks reached 
the villages and encamped, the Barbarians went off, having 
had the worst in the skirmish ; and during the next the 
Greeks remained where they were, and collected provisions, 
for there was plenty of corn in the villages. The day after, 
they proceeded through the open country, and Tissapherncs 
foUov/ed, hurling missiles at them from a distance. 19. Here 
the Greeks found that a square was a had disposition for an 

' S/cyS'ai Togorai.] As there is no mention of Scythians in the 
whole Anabasis, Kriiger, in his larger edition, suggested that the 
word TKvSfai might have been written in the margin by some scio- 
list, who was thinking of the Athenian rogorai ; but in his smaller 
edition he has shown that he has learned something better from 
Arrian. Tact. ii. 13 : " Those of the cavah-y who use bows are called 
imroTo^orai, and by some ^icv^ai." Kiihner. 

2 In order that they might fall with the greater weight. Borne- 
mann. Or perhaps, as Bishop TbiilwaU thinks, that they migLl 
reach a greater distaiif p. 


army when the enemy was behind them ; for it must neces- 
sarily happen, that if the flanks of the square close together 
from the road being narrow, or from hills or a bridge making 
it necessary, that the heavy-armed men must be pushed out of 
their places, and march Avith difficulty,' being at the same 
oime crowded together and thrown into confusion ; so that 
when in such disorder they must be nearly useless. 20. And 
•when, again, the flanks divide, those who were previously 
forced out of their places, must now of necessity separate, and 
the space between the flanks be left empty ; and men who arc 
tlirown into such a condition must doubtless lose heart, if the 
enemy are bcliind them. Whenever, too, they had to pass a 
bridge, or any other crossing-place, each hastened on to get first, 
and the enemy had then a fine opportunity of attacking them.' 
21. The generals, seeing that such was the case, formed six 
companies of a hundred men each, and appointed captains of 
these companies, as well as captains of fifty and captains of 
twenty-five.^ These captains and their companies, on the 
march, whenever the flanks of the square closed together, fell 
behind, so as to cause no disorder in the flanks, and then led 
on outside the flanks ; 22. and whenever the sides of the square 
opened, they filled up the centre, if the opening was narrow, 
by companies ; if rather wide, by fifties ; if very wide, by 
twenty-fives;'' so that the centre Avas always full. 23. If, 
then, it was necessary to pass any defile or bridge, they were 
not tlirown into confusion, but the captains and companies went 
over in succession ;'^ and if anything was needed in any part 

' Uoi'ijpujQ.] From noviipog, diJpcuU, not from Trort]p6c, bad. Ses 
Thucyd. viii. 21', ed. Popp. part iii. vol. iv. p. 658, segq. Kuhner. 

2 K«t ihtni^iTov i]v ivTuu^a toiq TToXenioiQ. I have rendered this 
phrase agreeably to the notion of Kriiger, who thinks tvEniii-ov used 
absolutely, or as a substantive. Some, however, understand »o 
TrXalpiov, or to arpartvua, -which is perhaps better. 

3 ' Evio fi or a pxac-^ The tpa>iiorla being the fourth part of a Xo^oc, 
or twenty-five men. See Xen. De Rep. Lac. ii. 4 ; Arnold's 
Tliucyd. V. 68. 

* As there were six companies of a hundred men each, they 
moved into the vacant space, if it was but narrow, by centuries, 
that is, six men in front, and a hundred deep ; if it was somewhat 
broader, by fifties, that is, twelve men in front, and fifty deep ; if 
very broad, by twenty-fives, that is, twenty-four men in front, and 
twenty-five deep. Kiihner. 

* 'Ev T<[i /itpa.] Each in his place ; one after another in the order 
v.'hich had been previously appointed. 


of the main body, these were at hand. In this order they 
advanced four days' journey. 

2-i. As they were pursuing the fifth day's march, they ob- 
served a kind of palace, and several villages round it. The 
way to this place, they perceived, lay among high hills, which 
reached down from a mountain, at the foot of which the vil- 
lage was.' These hills the Greeks were glad to see, as was 
natural, when the enemy's force consisted of cavalry. 25. 
But when, after leaving the plain, they had ascended the first 
hill, and were descending in order to mount the second, the 
Barbarians came upon them, and from the eminence began, 
under the lash,^ to hurl darts, use their slings, and shoot 
arrows, on the ground below; 26. they wounded many, and 
had the advantage over the light-armed Greeks, and shut 
them up within the heavy-armed ; so that both the slingcrs 
and archers were that day entirely useless, being mixed with 
the crowd that had charge of the baggage. 27. When the 
Greeks, on being hard pressed, attempted pursuit, they 
mounted the height but slowly, as being heavily armed, while 
the enemy sprang up speedily. 28. When, again, they re- 
treated back to the rest of the force, they Aired equally ill. 
The same occurrences took place on the second hill ; so that 
they thought it proper not to move the soldiers from the third 
hill, until they led up a body of peltasts to the mountain from 
the right wing of the square. 29. When these had got above 
the pursuing enemy, they no longer attacked them in their 
descent, fearing that they might be cut otF from their own 
body, and that enemies might assail them on both sides. 3o, 
Marching in this manner for the rest of the day, some by tlie 
route among the hills, and others advancing abreast of tiiera 

' "Uv )'; Kw/nj,] Schneider, Borncmann, and most editors before 
Dindovf, read Kwfuj, a village, without the nvticle. Dindorf has 
added the article from two manuscripts, and Kiihner lias folic wed 
him, supposing that the particular rilhigo of which the Greeks had 
now caught sight is meant. Bornemann, if the article be added, 
thinks that the village in which the palace stood is intended. The 
passage seems to me decidedly belter without the article ; for, if it 
be inserted, the reader is puzzled to kn w why Xenophon changes 
the number, when he had just before said that the palace stood iu 
the midst of villages. 

* According to the discipline of the Persians; see Herod vii. 21, 
^6j 223. 

H 2 


along the mountiiin, tliev arrived at the vihagc?, and ap- 
pointed eight surgeons,' for there were many wounded. 

31. Here they remained three days, both for the sake of the 
wounded, and because they found, at the same time, abund- 
ance of provisions, wheat-flour, wine, and a great quantity 
of barley laid up for horses ; supplies which had been col- 
lected for the satrap of the country. On the fourth day 
they went down into the plain. 32. But as Tissaphernes 
overtook them with his forces, necessity taught them to en- 
camp where they first saw a village, and not to march on still 
fighting ; for there were many unfitted for action, some 
wounded, some carrying the wounded, and some bearing the 
arms of those that carried them. 33. AVhen however they 
were encamped, and the Barbarians, coming up to the village, 
attempted to skirmish with them, the Greeks had greatly the 
advantage ; for they found a great difterence^ between sally- 
ing from their own ground to repulse the enemy, and fighting 
with a pursuing enemy on their march. 

34. When evening approached, it became time for the 
enemy to retire ; for the Barbarians never encamped at a less 
distance from the Greeks than sixty stadia, fearing lest the 
Greeks should attack tliem in the night. 35. For in the night 
a Persian army is difficult to manage ; as their horses are 
tied, and for the most part fastened by the feet, that they may 
not run away if they should be untied ; and if any sudden at- 
tack takes place, the Persian has^ to put the housings^ on his 

' This is the first mention of surgeons in the Greek army, as Mr. 
Stanford observes, since the time of Homer. But wliether the 
persons here mentioned were professed surgeons, or merely some of 
the soldiers, who, in long service, had gained experience in the 
treatment of wounds, is uncertain- The latter supposition is more 
in consonance with the word appouited. 

- TloXv yap cikrptpov—opi^iwpTic—Troptvontvoi.'] The manuscripts 
present some variations here. Bornemann's text is the same a» 
Dindorfs. Kiihner prefers Snointv — opfiiJvraQ — TropivofiivovQ^ ex- 
pressing a doubt whether the other method be really Greek. 

' Aa — nioffj; aj/cpi.] Most commentators concur in taking this as 
tn example of the rarer construction of fiT with the dative ; though 
it has been suggested whether riepo-j/ avcp'i may be the dative after 
i-Triealai, as if a Persian horse-soldier had an attendant to equip his 
horse for IiImi. 

* 'E7r(o-a|ai.] Spelman quarrels with D ^blancourt for translat- 
ing this \Tord by •"saddle," and adopts in ci' cwn version " hons- 

cil 4. J THE BAitiJAUiANs fni:-occupt Tilt; PASSES. ini 

horse, and to bridle him, and then, when he has put on his 
armour, to mount ; but all these things are troublesome by 
night and in the midst of an alarm. On this account they 
encamped at a distance from the Greeks. 

36. As soon as the Greeks saw that they intended to retire, 
and were passing the order for doing so, proclamation was 
made among the Greeks, in the hearing of the enemy, that 
they were to collect their baggage ; when the Barbarians, for 
some time, delayed their inarch ; but, when it grew late, they 
went oft", for they did not think it expedient to march and ar- 
rive at their camp ' in the night. 37. When the Greeks ob- 
served them evidently moving away, they themselves also 
decamped 2 and began to march, and accomplished as much as 
sixty stadia. There was thus so great a distance between the 
armies, that the enemy did not appear on the following day or 
on the third ; but on the fourth, tlie Barbarians, having gone 
forward in the night, occupied an elevated position on the 
right, on the route by which the Greeks were to pass ; the 
brow of a mountain, beneath which was the descent into the 
plain. 38. As soon as Cheirisophus saw that this eminence 
was pre-occupied, he sent for Xenophon from the rear, and 
ordered him to bring his pehasts and come to the front. 39. 
Xenophon however did not bring the peltasts, (for he saw 
Tissaphernes, and all his force, in full view,) but, riding up 
alone, asked, "Why do you call me?" Cheirisophus replied, 
" You may see ; for the eminence above the descent has been 
pre-occupied against us, and it is impossible to pass, unless we 
cut off those who are on it. But why did you not bring the 
peltasts?" 40. Xenophon replied that he did not think it 
right to leave the rear unguarded when the enemy were in 
sight. "But it is high time," he continued, " to consider how 
Bome of us may dislodge those men from the hill." 41. Xeno- 
phon now noticed that the summit of the mountain ^ was 

ings," which I have borro-.veJ from him, from inability to find a 
better word. 

' To aTparoTTtcoi'.] Apparently for the place where tliey intended 
to encamp. It seems needless to understand, with Kriiger, " castra 
interea a lixis et calonibus po?ita." 

' 'Ava^tv^avrig.'] 'Ava^iv^ai, castra movere. Zeune. 

' The enemy had not occupied the highest part of the mountain, 
but a lower position upon it. Conip. sect. 37- Kiihner 

102 Tlil', FA'PKDITIOX OP CVIttTS [b. ItT. 

above their own army, and that tlicre was a way from it to 
the hill where the enemy were, and exclaimed, "It is best for 
as, Cheirisophns, to hasten as quickly as possible to the 
summit, for if we gain this, those who are above our road 
will be unable to maintain their ground. But do you, if you 
please, remain with the army ; I liave a desire to go forward ; 
or, if you prefer it, proceed on to the mountain, and I will 
stay here." 42. " I leave you," replied Cheirisophus, " to 
choose which of the two you please." Xenophon, observing 
that he was the younger, decided on advancing, but requested 
Cheirisophus to send with him a detachment from the fi'ont, 
as it was too great a distance to bring one from the rear. 
4.3. Cheirisophus then sent with him tlie peltusts from the 
front ; and he took those that were in the middle of tlio 
square. Cheirisophus also ordered the three hundred that li<5 
had with him at the head of the square, consisting of picked 
men, to follow Xenophon. 

44. The party then marched forward with all possible 
speed. But the enemy on the heights, when they perceived 
that the Greeks were directing their course towards the sum- 
mit, hurried forward also themselves to contend for the pos- 
session of the summit. 45. There was then great shouting 
from the Grecian army, cheering their men, and great shout- 
ing also from the troops of Tissaphernes, cheering on theirs. 
46. Xenophon, riding along on horseback, encouraged his 
party, saying, " Consider, soldiers, that you are now contend- 
ing for Greece ; that after a brief struggle now, we shall 
/nareh the rest of the way without fighting, to join our chil- 
ili-en and our wives." 47. Sotcrides, a Sicyonian, cried out, 
*' We are not upon an equality, Xenophon ; for you are car- 
ried on a horse, while 1 have hard work to carry my shield." 
48. Xenophon, on hearing this remark, leaped from his horse, 
pushed Soterides from tlie ranks, took from him his shield, 
and marched on with it as fast as he was able. He happened 
however to have on his horseman's corslet, so that he was 
(iistressed. Yet he continued to exhort the men in front to 
lead on gently, and those behind, who followed with difficulty, 
to come up. 49. But the rest of the soldiers beat and threw 
stones at Soterides, and reviled him, till they obliged him to re- 
sume his sliield and march in his place. Xenophon, remount- 
ing, led the way, as long as it was passable for his horse, on 


horseback, but when it became impassable, he left his horse 
behind, and hastened forward on foot. Thus they got the 
start of the enemy, and arrived first at the summit. 


The Greeks arrive at a point where the Carduchian mountains ovcrliang the 
river, and, as they are still harassed by the enemy, the generals hold u 
consultation, and determine to march across the mountains. 

1. The Barbarians, in consequence, turned their backs and 
fled every one as he could, and the Greeks took possession of 
the top of the hill. Tissaphcrnes and Ariajus turned aside, and 
went off in another direction. Cheirisophus and his forces, go- 
ing down into the plain, encamped in a village abounding with 
acceptable supplies ; and there were also in this plain many 
other villages stored with excellent provisions, lying along the 
river Tigris. 2. When it was evening, the enemy suddenly 
showed themselves in the plain, and cut off some of the 
Greeks who were dispersed over the ground foraging ; for 
several herds of cattle had been intercepted as they were 
being transported to the other side of the river. 3. Here 
Tissaphcrnes and his party attempted to set fire to the vil- 
lages, and some of the Greeks were much disheartened, being 
apprehensive that, if they should burn them, they would have 
no place whence to procure supplies. 

4. Cheirisophus and his men now returned from giving 
succour;' and Xonophon, when he came down, riding past 
the ranks, as the Greeks, coming in from affording aid, met 
him, said, 5. " You see, Greeks, that the enemy admit that 
the country is now ours, for whereas they stipulated, when 
they made tin truce, that we should not burn the king's coun- 
try, they now burn it themselves, as being no longer theirs. 

' 'Ek T Tig j3oii6iiac.'] Xenophon is here somewhat obscure ; for he 
made no mention of this (ioriOt'ta before. Cheirisoplnis and his men 
seem to have pone to aid the party of Greeks tliat were dispersed 
for plunder, when some of tliem were cut off by the Persians, 
and when Tissanbcrnes attempted to burn the villages. * * « After- 
wards he is rather tautological; for the words jyvi'fca ol "E\\»ji'«g 

express no more than is said in o\ ^iiv an<pl Kiipi(TO(pov (iotiQiiac, 

except tliat they serve to mark the exact time when Xenophor ad- 
dressed tlie men. Kiihner. 

104 THE r.xi'F.intiox of ctrus. [v.. hi. 

ButwliereVcr tlicy leave supplies for themselves, thither also 
they shall see us direct our march. 6. I think, however, 
Cheirisophus," continued he, " that we ought to resist these burn- 
ers, as if in defence of our own territory." " I," replied Chei- 
risophus, " am of a different ojjinion ; rather let us burn also," 
said he, " and thus they will the sooner cease." 

7. When they returned to their quarters,' the soldiers 
busied themselves about their provisions, but the generals 
and captains held a council. There was now much perplex- 
ity ; for on one side of them were exceeding high mountains, 
and on the other a river of such depth, that, when they 
sounded it, their spears did not rise above the water. 8. 
While they were in doubt how to act, a Rhodian came to 
them, and said, " I am willing to convey you across, O Greeks, 
by four thousand heavy-armed men at a time, if you will 
furnish me with what I require for the purpose, and give me 
a talent as a remuneration." 9. Being asked w'hat he should 
require, he replied, " I shall want two thousand hides made 
into bags ; and I see here many sheep, goats, oxen, and asses, 
the hides of which, being blov/n out,^ would easily furnish the 
means of crossing. 10. I shall want also the ropes which you 
use for the baggage-cattle ; joining, wnth these, the bags to 
one another, steadying each bag by attaching stones to it, let- 
ting the stones down like anchors into the water, extending the 
bags across the stream, and securing them to both banks, I 
will then lay wood upon them, and strew earth over the wood. 
11. Tiiat you will not sink, you will at once see; for each 
skin will prevent two men from sinking, and the wood and 
earth Avill keep them from slipping off." 12. The generals, 
on hearing this proposal, thought the invention ingenious, 
but the execution of it impossible, for there were numerous 
cavalry on the other sida to hinder their passage, who, at the 
commencement, would not have allowed tlie first that made the 
attempt to effect their purposes. 

' 'Eti tuq (TK}]vag.] The tents were burned, iii. 3. 1 ; and Kriiger 
tliercfore observes tliat we must consider rag (tktjvck; as equivalent 
to TO ffrparoTTEi^ov, or the place of encampment. Tliis explanation 
is better than that of Weiske and Zeune, who think that the shelter 
of the villages is meant. 

' "A avoSa^'ivra Kai ^vcriQiv-aJ] " Which being skiimed and 
blown out." From brevity, Xenophon has said that of the animals 
which lie cu^lit to have said of their skins. Kniyir. 


13. The next day tliey retreated back towards Babylon, to 
some unburnt villages, having first set fire to those wliich they 
abandoned ; so that tlie enemy did not come up to them, but 
watched them, and seemed to be wondering which way the 
Greeks would turn themselves, and what tlicy had in their 
mind. 14. The rest of the soldiers then turned their tlioughta 
to getting supplies ; but the generals and captains held ano- 
ther council, and, bringing together the prisoners, questioned 
them as to the whole country around, what each part was. 
15. They said that the parts toward the south were on tlie 
road towards Babylon and Media, through which the Greeks 
had coine ; that the road towards the east led to Susa and 
Ecbatana, where the king was said to pass the summer and 
spring ; that the one across' the river, towards the west, led 
to Lydia and Ionia ; and that the other over the mountains, 
towards the north, led to the Carduchi. 16. This people, 
tliey said, lived among the mountains, were very warlike, and 
did not obey the king; that on one occasion, a royal army of 
a hundred and twenty thousand men had penetrated into their 
country, whence, from the impracticability of the ground, not 
one of them returned ; but that, whenever they made a treaty 
with the satrap of the plain, some of them had intercourse 
with the Cai-duchi, and some of the Carduchi with them. 
17. The cenerals, having heard these statements, kept apart 
by themselves those who said that they knew the road in each 
direction, not letting it be known which way they intended to 
go. It appeared necessary to the generals, however, to make 
their way over the mountains into the country of the Cardu- 
chi ; for the prisoners said that after passing through this they 
would come to Armenia, a large and rich country, of which 
Orontes was governor, whence it would be easy for them to go 
whichever way they pleased. 

18. With reference to this proceeding, they made a sacri- 
fice, in order that, when it should seem time, thoy might com- 
mence their march ; for they were afraid that the passage 
over the mountains might be pre-occupied by the enemy ; and 
they gave orders, that when the soldiers had supped, they 
should all pack up their baggage and go to rest, and follow 
their leaders whenever the signal should be given. 

• Ain€dtTi.] The road " for one crossing" the river. 



The Greeks enter the territory of the Carduchi, where they suffer greatly 
from the wind and cold, as well as from the Barbarians, who harass them 
with frequent attacks on their march. 

;. What occurred in the expedition up the country to tlie 
time of the battle, and what took place after the battle during 
the truce Avhich the king and the Greeks that went up with 
Cyrus concluded, and what hostilities were committed against 
the Greeks after the king and Tissaphernes had violated the 
truce, and while the Persian army was pursuing them, have 
been related in the preceding part of tlie narrative. 

2, When they had arrived at a spot where the Tigris was 
quite impassable from its depth and width, and where there 
was no passage along its banks, as the Carduchian mountains 
hung steep over the stream, it appeared to the generals that 
they must march over those mountains, 3. for they had heard 
from the prisoners that " if they could but cross the Carduchian 
mountains, they would be able to ford, if they wished, the 
sources of the Tigris in Armenia, or, if they declined doing 
so, to make a circuit round them." The sources of the Eu 
phrates, too, they said were not far from those of tlie Tigris, 
and such is the truth.' 

4. Their entrance upon the territory of the Carduchi they 
made in (lie following manner, endeavouring at once to escape 
observation, and to anticipate the enemy in getting pos- 
session of the heights. 5. When it was about the last watch, 
and enough of the night was left to allow them to cross the 
plain under cover of the darkness, they arose at a given sig- 
nal, and, marching onwards, reached the hills by break of 
day. 6. Here Cheirisophus took the lead of the army, having 
with him both his own men and all the light-armed ; while 
Xenophon brought up the rear with the heavy-armed troops, 
having not a single light-armed soldier ; for there seemed to 

' Kai i(TTiv ovTcog txov.] A most happy emendation of Abreschius, 
Dilucid. 'I'hucyd. p. (J 10, for kuI tcrrii' ot-rw arivov. 


be no clanger that any of the enemy would attack them in the 
rear as they were marching up tlie mountains. Cheirisophus 
indeed mounted the summit before any of the enemy perceived 
him ; he then led slowly forward ; 7. and each portion of the 
army, as it passed the summit in succession, folloAved him to the 
villages which lay in the windings and recesses of the moun- 
tains.* 8. The Carduchi, in consequence, quitting their dwell- 
ings, and taking with them their wives and children, fled to 
the hills. There was plenty of provisions left for the Greeks 
to take ; and the houses were furnished with great numbers 
of brazen utensils, none of which the Greeks took away. Nor 
did they pursue the people, being inclined to spare them, if 
perchance the Carduchi, since they were enemies to the king, 
might consent to allow them to psiss through their country as 
that of friends ; 9. the provisions, however, as many as fell in 
their way, they carried off; for it was a matter of necessity 
to do so. But as for the Carduchi themselves, they Avould 
neither listen when they called, nor did they give any other 
sign of friendly feeling. 

10. But when the rear of the Greeks was descending from 
the hills into the villages, being now overtaken by darkness, 
(for, as the way was narrow, their ascent of the heights, and 
descent to the villages, had lasted the entire day,) some of 
the Carduchi, collecting together, attacked the hindmost, and 
killed and wounded some of them with stones and arrows. 
Tliey were but few; for the Greek troops had come on them 
unawares ; 11. but had they assembled in greater numbers, a 
great part of the army would have been in danger of being 
destroyed. For this night, accordingly, they took up their 
abode in the villages ; and the Carduchi lighted a number of 
fires around them on the hills, and observed the positions of 
one another." 12. As soon as it was day, the generals and 

" Thus thej accomplished their entrance into Kuidistan with 
out opposition, and crossed one of the most defensible passes that 
tliey were almost destined to meet. * * * The recesses — left be- 
tween the hills are in the present day tlie seat of villages, as they 
were in the time of Xcnoplion, and the crags in front, and in the 
rear, bristle with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds." Ains- 
wortk. Travels in the Track, p. 153, ] i-i. 

* Sui'twowv aXXr/Xoi'c.] The lighted fires served as signals, by 
means of which the Carduchi could keep an eye on one another. 

108 rilK 2Xf EDITION OF CVUUS. [li. IV. 

captains of the Greeks, meeting together, resolved, Avhen they 
should march, to reserve only such of the baggage-cattle as 
were most necessary and most able, abandoning the rest, and 
to dismiss all the slaves in the army that had been recently 
captured ; 13. for the cattle and the slaves, being numerous, 
rendered their progress slow, and the number of men in charge 
of them were unable to take part in any encounter; and be- 
sides, when the men were so numerous, it was necessary to 
procure and carry Avith them a double quantity of provisions. 
This resolution being passed, they made proclamation that the 
troops should act accordingly, 

14. When they had breakfasted, and were on the march, 
the generals, taking their stand in a narrow part of the way, 
took from the soldiers Avhatever of the things mentioned they 
found Iiad not been left behind ; and the men submitted to this, 
unless any of them, smitten with desire of a handsome boy or 
woman, conveyed them past secretly.^ Thus they proceeded 
during this day, sometimes having to fight a little, and some- 
times resting themselves. 15. On the next day a great storm 
arose ; but they were obliged to pursue their march, for they 
had not a sufficient supply of provisions. Cheirisophus con- 
tinued to lead, and Xenophon had charge of the rear. 16. 
The enemy pressed steadily upon them, and, where the passes 
were narrow, came close up, and used their I ows and their 
slings ; so that the Greeks, sometimes pursumg and some- 
times retreating, were compelled to march but slowly ; and 
Xenophon, when the enemy attacked them violently, had fre- 
quently to pass the word for a halt. 17. Cheirisophus, at 
other times, when the order was passed, halted, but on one 
occasion he did not halt, but hurried on rapidly, and passed 
the word to follow ; so that it was manifest that there was some- 
thing extraordinary; but there was no time to go forward 
and ascertain the cause of the haste ; and the march of the 
rear-guard became like a flight. 18. On this occasion a brave 
soldier, Cleonymus a Lacedaemonian, met his death, being shot 
v.'ith an arrow in the side through his shield and corslet ;2 and 
also Basias, an Arcadian, shot right through the head. 

19. When they arrived at the place of encampment, Xeno- 

• U\))v tl TiQ 71 iKXt\pev, K. T. X.] " Exccpt if any one concealed 
anything, citlier coveting a youtli or woman of the handsome ones " 

* T/;c (Tn-oXd^off.] See note on iii. 3. 20. 


plion immediately proceeded, just as lie was, to Cheirisoplius, 
and blamed him for not liavinp^ halted, as the men had been 
oonipelled to flee and fight at the same time. " Two honour- 
able and brave soldiers," said he, "have now been killed, and 
we have been unable either to carry off their bodies or bury 
them." 20. To this remark Chcirisophus answered, " Cast 
your eyes upon those mountains, and observe how impassable 
they all are. The only road which you see is steep ; and 
close upon it you may perceive a great multitude of men, who, 
having occupied the pass, keep guard at it. 21. For these 
reasons I hastened on, and therefore did not wait for you, to 
try if I could get the start of the enemy before the pass was 
seized ; and the guides Avhom we have say that there is no other 
road." 22. Xenophon rejoined, " I have two prisoners ; for 
when the enemy molested us, we placed an ambush, which 
enabled us to recover breath, and killed some of them ; and 
we v/ere also anxious to take some alive for this very purjiosc, 
tliat we might use them, as being well acquainted with the 
country, for guides." 

23. Immediately after, bringing forward the two men, they 
inquired of them separately whether they knew of any other 
road than that which was open to their view. The one denied 
that he knew of any otlier, though many threats were held out 
to him ; and as he would give no useful information, he was put 
to death in sight of the other. 24. The survivor said that the 
other liail denied any knowledge of a road, because he had a 
daughter tiiere married to somebody, but stated that he him- 
self would lead them by a road tliat might bo passed even by 
beasts of biii'den. 25. Being then asked if tlierc was any spf)t 
in it difficult to be passed, he replied that there was one height, 
and that unless a party secured it before-hand, it would be im- 
possible for them to pass. 26. Upon this it was thought proper 
to call together the captains, both of the peltasts and of the 
heavy-armed men,i and to acquaint them with the prospect of 
affairs, and ask whether any of them was willing to prove 
himself a man of valour, and engage to go on this service as a 
volunteer. 27. Of the heavy-armed, Aristonymus of Methy- 
drium, and Agasias of Stymphalus, both Arcadians, offered 

' AoxnyovQ Knl TrtXraTraQ Kal rwv uttXituju.^ II. e. Centuriones et 
ex peltastis et ex yniUtihvs gravis armatura. Kuhner. YliXTaarciQ is to 
be taken as an epithet ; compare yviii'rjruiv ra^iapx<oy, sect. 28. 


themselves ; and Calliniaclms of Parrhasia, also an Arcadian, 
disputed the honour with them, and said that he himself was 
eager to go, taking witli him volunteers from the whole army ; 
" for I am sure," said he, " that many of the young men will 
follow if I take the lead." 28. They then asked if any of the 
officers of the light-armed troops were willing to join in the 
attempt ; and Aristeas of Chios presented himself, a man 
who had often proved himself of great value to the army for 
similar services. 


One of the prisoners is forced to guide them to an eminence, from which 
they dislodge the Carduclii. But they are still harassed, and the rear 
suffers severely. 

1. It was now afternoon, and the generals^ desired the 
party to take some refreshment and set forward. Hav- 
ing bound the guide, they put him into their hands, and 
arranged Avith them, that, if they should gain the summit, 
they should keep guard at that post during the night, and give 
a signal by trumpet at break of day, and that those on the 
height should then charge the enemy in possession of the 
ipparent egress,^ and those below should issue forth and come 
n a body to their assistance as soon as they Avere able. 

2. When they had made this arrangement, the party set 
ut, being in number about two thousand; and there was 

heavy rain at the time. Xcnophon, taking the rear-guard, 
led them towards the apparent egress, in order that the enemy 
might turn their attention in that direction, and that those 
who were going round might as much as possible escape no- 
tice. 3. But when the rear-guard came to a ravine, which 
they had to pass to gain the ascent, the Barbarians then rolled 
down masses of rock,^ each big enough to load a waggon, with 

' Xenophon and Cheirisophus. Kilhncr. 

'^ Tijv (paviouv ticfam)'.] Xenophon calls tlie passage to the top of 
tlie mountain an tK^aaiq, or egress, with reference to tlie Greeks, to 
wliom it was a way of escape from a disagreeable position. K'dhner 
ad c. 5. 20. The same words are repeated by Xenophon in the 
next sect. 

' 'O\o<rpoxoi'i.] A word borrowed from Homer, signifying pro- 


Other .stones greater and smaller, which, strikuig in their de- 
scent against the rocks, were hurled abroad in all directions ; ' 
and it was utterly impossible even to approach the pass. 4. 
Some of the captains, when they could not succeed in this 
part, made attempts in another, and continued their efforts 
till darkness came on. When they thought that they might 
retire unobserved, they went to get their supper ; for the 
rear-guard had been dinnerless that day. The enemy, how- 
ever, being evidently in fear, continued to roll down stones 
through the whole of the night, as it was ea>y to conjecture 
from the noise. 5, Those, meanwhile, who had the guide, 
taking a circuitous route, surprised a guard of the enemy 
sitting round a fire, and, having killed some of them, and put 
the rest to flight, remained on the spot, with the notion that 
they wey^ in possession of the summit. 6. But in possession 
of it they were not ; for there was a small hill above them, 
round which lay the narrow pass, at which the guard had 
been posted. However, there was a way from thence to that 
party of the enemy who were stationed at the open egress. 7. 
Here they remained during the night. 

As soon as day began to dawn, they advanced in regular 
order, and with silence, against the enemy ; and as there was 
a mist, they came close upon them before they were per- 
ceived. But when they caught sight of one another, the 
trumpet sounded on the side of the Greeks, who, raising the 
shout of battle, rushed upon the enemy. The Barbarians did 
not stand their charge, but quitted the pass and fled ; only a 
few of them were killed, for they were active in moving off. 
8. At the same time the party of Cheirisophus, hearing the 
.sound of the trumpet, marched immediately up the plain 
track ; while others of the ofiicers proceeded by untrodden 
paths, where each happened to be, and, climbing up as well 
as they could, drew up one another with their spears ; 9. and 
tiiese were the first to join those who had secured the position. 
Xenophon, with the half, of the rear-guard, went up by the 

perly a round stone Jit for rolling, or a stone that has been made round 
61/ ro/.V«y, as a pebble in tlie sea. It was originally an adjective, 
with TTtTpog understood. Most critics suppose it to be from oXoc and 
rp'ixu), tnius teres atque rotundas. Liddell and Scott derive it from 
t'lXut, volvo. See Theocr. xxii. 49. 

' AiKT<ptv£orwvTo.'] " Shivered in pieces, and flew about as if 
hurled by a sling." 


same way as those who had the guide ; for it was the most 
practicable for the baggage-cattle ; the other half he ordered to 
come np behind the cattle. 10. In their way they came to a hill 
overhanging the road, which was occupied by the enemy, 
Ys'hom they must either dislodge or be separated from the rest 
of the Greeks. Th? men themselves, indeed, might have gone 
the same way as the rest of the army, but the baggage-cattle 
could ascend by no other route than this. 11. Encouraging 
one another, therefore, they made an attack upon the hill in 
files,' not on every side, but leaving a way of escape for the 
enemy, if they should be inclined to flee. 12. For a while, 
as they were making their way as each best could, the Bar- 
barians shot arrows and threw stones at them, but did not 
receive them in close encounter, and at last abandoned the 
place entirely. 

The Greeks had no sooner passed the hill, than they caught 
sight of another before them occupied also by the enemy. 
Upon tliis hill it was resolved likewise to make an assault. 
13. But Xenophon, apprehending that, if he left the hill 
which they had taken unguarded, the enemy, recovering it, 
might attack tlie baggage-cattle as they were passing, (for the 
train of baggage-cattle reached a great distance, as they were 
marching along a narrow path,) left upon the hill the captains 
Ccphisodorus the son of Cephisophon, an Athenian, Aniphi- 
crates the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian, and Archagoras, 
an exile from Argos, while he himself, with the others, directed 
his march upon the second hill, which they also captured in » 
similar manner. 14. However, there was still a third hill left 
for them to take, which was by far the steepest of the wliole ; 
this was an eminence that overhung the post where the guard 
was surprised in the night by the volunteers. 15. But as the 
Greeks came up, the Barbarians deserted the hill v.ithout 
attempting any defence, so that all were surprised, and sus- 
pected that they had left their position from fear of being sur- 
rounded and besieged in it. But the truth was, that having ob- 

■ 'Op^ioig roTc Xo^ojc.! Eacli Ao^oc or company marchinj^ in file 
nr column, so that the depth of the Xoxog was equal to tlie number 
of soldiers of which it consisted. Stnrz. This is the interpretation 
adopted by Kuhner. Yet it would be hard to prove that vp^toQ 
\6xoQ always meant single Jile ; tlie term seems to have included 
any form of a company in whicli tlie mimber of men in depth ex- 
ceeded tlie number in Aont. 


served from the cniiiioncc wliat had passed behind, they all 
went oiT with the intention of attacking the rear. 

16. Xenophon, Avith tlie youngest of his men, ascended to 
the top, and ordered the rest to march on slowly, so that the 
companies in the rear might join them ; and he directed them, 
after proceeding some distance, to halt under arms, on a level 
piece of ground. 17. At this juncture Aristagoras the Argive 
came fleeing from the enemy, and said that the Greeks were 
driven from the first hill, and that Cephisodorus, and Amphi- 
crates, and all the rest, who had not leaped from the rock, and 
joined the rear-guard, had been killed. 18. The Barbarians, 
after this success, appeared upon an eminence opposite the 
third hill, and Xenophon began to treat with them, through 
an interpreter, about making a tvuce, and called upon them 
to give up the dead. 19. They replied, that they would give 
them up on condition that he would not burn their villages. 
To this Xenophon agreed. But while the rest of the army 
was passing on, and these were discussing the terms of a 
truce, all the Barbarians from that part of the country had 
flocked together. Here the enemy made a stand ; 20. and 
when Xenophon's party began to descend the hill, to join the 
others where the heavy-armed troops were drawn up,' they 
came forward in great numbers and with loud shouts. When 
they had reached the top of the hill from which Xenophon 
was descending, they rolled down stones, and broke the leg 
of one man ; and Xenophon's shield-bearer deserted him, 
carrying otf his shield, 21. but Eurylochus, an Arcadian from 
Lusia,2 a heavy-armed soldier, ran to his support, and went 
on holding his shield before them both ; and the rest went to 
join those who were already drawn up. 

22. The entire Gi'ccian force was now together, and took 
up their quarters in a number of good houses, and in the 
midst of abundance of provisions. Wine was so abundant, 
that they kept it in excavations under ground, which were 
plastered over.^ 23. Xenophon and Cheirisophus now made 

' T(/ o-rrXa tKdvro.] See sect. IG. The heavy-armed men had 
lialted on the level piece of f,n-ound, and iheir arms were lying by 
them. See Kiihner ad i. 5. 14. 

* A small town of Arcadia, to the north-west of Clitor. 

• 'Ev XaKKoig KoviaToli:.! The Athenians and other Greeks used 
to make large excavations under ground, some round, some sqnaro, 

V'L. r, I 


an agreement with the enemy, that on receiving the dead 
bodies they should give up the guide ; and they performed all 
funeral rites for the deceased, as far as they could, according 
to wliat is usually done at the interment of brave men. 
24, The next day they proceeded without a guide ; and the 
enemy, sometimes by skirmishing, and sometimes, where thei'e 
was a narrow pass, by pre-occupying it, endeavoured to 
obstruct their progress. 25. Whenever therefore they im- 
peded the front, Xenophon, ascending the hills from the reax', 
endeavoured to break through the oi)position made in that 
quarter, trying always to reach higher ground than the ob- 
structing enemy ; 26. and when they assailed the rear, Chei- 
risopluis, quitting his place, and striving also to get above 
the enemy, removed the obstruction that was offered to the 
passage of that part of the army. Thus they relieved and 
supported each other with effect. 2". Sometimes, too, when 
the Greeks had ascended eminences, the Barbarians gave 
them great annoyance in their descent ; and, as they were 
nimble, they could escape, though they had but a very short 
start of us ;' for they were encumbered with no other weapons 
than bows and slings. 28. As archers they were very expert, 
and had bows nearly three cubits long, and arrows above two 
cubits ; and they drew the string, whenever they discharged 
tlieir arrows, advancing the left foot^ against the lower ex- 
tremity of the bovr. Their arrows penetrated through shields 

and, covering tliem over with plaster, laid up their wine and oil in 
them ; they called them Xokkoi. Schol. ad Aristoph. Eccl., cited by 
Ilutchinson. Spelman translates Xukkoi Koma-oi, " plastered cis- 
terns," a term which Ahisworth adopts. "The plastered cisterns 
noticed by Xenophon," says he, "are also met with ihroughout 
Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria They are especially numerous 
around some of the ancient villages of the early Christians of those 
countries, as more especially between Semeisat and Bireh-jik, and 
have frequenth' been a subject of discussion as to their former 
uses. This notice of Xenophon serves to clear up many doubts 
upon the subject, although, since the Kurds have become Mahom- 
medans, and rejected the use of wine, there is no doubt they are 
sometimes used for depots for corn or hay, and even sometimes 
for water. They were generally closed by a single large stone." 
Travels in the Track, (kc. p. 1 (J t. 

' 'Ey-fi'^iv (ptvyovrtQ.'] " Fleeing from near," i. e. when they were 
at no great distance before us. 

^ T^ apwTtpif TToci 7rpoa€aivoi'riQ.] All the manuscripts have 
vpoSah'ovTic : ■n-onadaivovTfc is a conjecture of Wesseling ad 


fcnd corslets ; and tlie Greeks, taking them up, made use of 
them as javelins, fixing thongs to them.' In these parts tho 
Cretans were of the greatest service. Stratoclcs, a Cretan 
had the command of them. 


The Greeks arrive at the river Centrites, which divides the Carduchi from 
Armenia. They see tho Persians drawn up on the opposite bank, while 
the Carduchi threaten their rear. They are encouraged by a dream of 
Xcnophou's to try a ford, and effect a safe passage across the stream. 

1, This day the Greeks abode in the villages above the 
plain near the river Centrites, the breadth of which is about 
two hundred feet, and which forms tlie boimdary between 
Armenia and the territory of the Carduchi. Here they took 
some rest, being glad to see a piece of level country. Tho 
river is distant from the mountains of the Carduchi about six 
or seven stadia. 2. It was with great satisfaction that they 
stayed here, as they had a sufficiency of provision.?, and were 
frequently reflecting on the difficulties that were past, for, 
during seven days tliat they had been marching among the 
Carduchi, they had been constantly fighting, and had suffered 
more evils than all tliose which they had endured from the 

Diod. Sic. iii. 8, which all the recent editors have adopted, but by 
which it does not appear that anything is gained, as irpbc to Kara) 
Tov ToKov precedes. Spolinan, who was himself an archer, has 
illustrated the passage very clearly by a quotation from Arrian, 
Indie 16 : " Resting one end of the bow upon the ground, and step- 
ping forward with the left foot, (r(P tto^i np api(yripip avTitavriQ,) 
they thus discharge the arrow, drawing the string a long way back, 
the arrow being nearly three cubits lon^" See also Diod. Sic. 1. c, 
where he speaks of the archery of the !dLthiopians ; Strabo, xvi. p. 
1117; Suidas m'Apa^u:, cited by Weiske. Schneider and Halbkart, 
strangely enough, think that Xenophon is speaking of cross-boics, 
which few besides themselves have supposed to have been known 
in Xenophon's lime. 

• 'EvnyKvXHivTtq.] " Fitting them with ayicirXai." The ayKyXj/ is 
generally supposed to be the same witli the Latin amentum, a strap 
or loop fastened to the middle of a javelin, or the shaft of a spear, 
that it might be hurled witli the greater force. The writer of the 
article Ansa in Smith's Diet, of G. and li- Ant. thinks, however. 
that the two were not the same. 

1 2 


kin^ and Tissapliernes.* Having escaped from such hard- 
ships, they gladly took repose. 

3. At day-break, however, they perceived on the other side 
of the river a body of cavalry, in complete armour, ready to 
prevent them from crossing, and on the high banks above the 
cavalry, another of foot prepared to hinder them from enter- 
ing Ai-menia, 4. These were Armenians, Mardians, and 
Chaldoeans, mercenary troops of Orontes and Artuchas.' 
The Chalda\ans were said to be a free people, and warlike ; 
for arms they had long shields and spears. 5. The high 
banks on wliicU these forces were drawn up, were three or 
four hundred feet from the river ; and the only road that was 
visible was one that led upward, apparently a work of art. 
Here the Greeks endeavoured to cross, 6. but as, on making 
trial, the water rose above their breasts, and the bed of the 
river was rough with large and slippery stones, and as it was 
impossible for them to carry their arras in the water, or, if 
they attempted to do so, tlie river swept them away, (while, 
if any of them took their arms on their heads, they became 
exposed to the arrows and other missiles of the enemy,) they 
in consequence retreated, and encamped at the side of the 

7. They now perceived the Carduchi assembled in great 
numbers under arms on the spot where they themselves had 

' Yet " the Carduchian mountains," observes Rennell, "in effect 
presented an asyhim to tlie Greeks, who could no other way liave 
escaped, at least, the re'terated attacks of such a host of enemies, 
whose numbers also were augmenting instead of diminishing 
Bnt as a Persian army coidd not subsist, or their cavalry act, with 
in the wide range of tliese mountains, tlie Greeks, by ascending 
them, got rid of their dreaded enemy. And although, in the mean 
time, they had to contend with an enemy much more brave and 
persevering, their numbers were fewer, and they might reasonably 
expect an earlier escape from them than from the Persians. Had 
they known tliat tlie Tigris was fordable under the Zaco hills, and 
passed into Mesopotamia, they woidd still have had the Euphrates 
\o cross, a yet more difficult river, in the line which they must have 
pursued. Therefore, according to our limited view of things, it 
appears that nothing less than such a barrier as these mountains 
presented, could have saved the Greeks from eventual destruction, 
.'rom the attacks of the Persians." lllustratmis of the Exp. oj 
Cyrus, p. 173. 

Orontes was satrnp of Armenia, iii. 5. 17; Artuchas is nowhere 
else mentioned. 

en. 3. J A Fono discovered. 117 

been on the previous night. Hence great despondency was 
felt by the Greeks, as they knew the difficulty of passing 
the river, and saw the Carduchi ready to attack them it' they 
attempted to cross. 8. This day, therefore, and the following 
night, they remained where they were in great perplexity. 
Xenophon however had a dream ; he thought that he was 
bound in fetters, but that they fell off liim of their own 
accord, so that he was set at liberty, and walked securely* 
whithersoever he pleased. 9. "\Micn tlic morning approached, 
he went to Cheirisophus, told hiui tliat he had hopes that all 
would be well, and related to him his dream. Cheirisophus 
was much pleased, and, as soon as it was day, all the generals 
who were present offered sacrifice, and the victims were 
favourable at the very first. As soon as they left the place of 
sacrifice, the generals and captains gave directions to the 
troops to take their breakfast. 

10. While Xenophon was at breakfast, two youn^ men 
came running up to him, for every one knew that it was 
allowable to approach him whether breakfasting or supping, 
and to wake him and speak to him even when asleep, if they 
had anything to tell of afiairs relating to the war. 11. The 
youths informed him that they had been gathering sticks for 
their fire, and had chanced to see, on the opposite side of the 
river, among the rocks tliat reached down to the stream itself, 
an old man, a woman, and some girls, depositing in a cavern- 
ous rock what appeared to be bags of clothes ; 12. that when 
they saw this, they thought it would be safe to cross, as the 
ground at that point was inaccessible to the enemy's horse ; 
that having taken off their clothes, and taken their daggers in 
their hands, they went over undressed, in expectation of hav- 
ing to swim, but that, as they went on, they reached the otlier 
side before they were wet to the middle, and, having thus 
forded the stream, and taken the clothes, they came back 
again. 13. Xenophon immediately therefore made a libation, 
and ordered the young men to join in it,^ and to pray to the 

' AtafiatVfiv.] " Ingvedi, pcdem pioferre." Klihner. His fetters 
being removed, he was able to put his legs apart, and walk with 
ttability ; as is indicated, says Weiske, by the preposition lia. 

* 'Eyx'''*'-] This passage is commonly taken thus : iKiXivt rolg 
veavLaKoiQ tyx*^"' " h^ ordered the young men to pour (wine) into 
(the cup for themselves)," for the purpose of making a libation. 
Klihner, however, makes it Ui^tvi (tovq Tr-ipi avriv) lyxtif foTc 
vtaridKOK;, he ordered those about liim (the atten 'Hants'* to uour into 


gods who 1i;k1 sent the dream and pointed out the ford, to 
complete what was wanting to their snccess. After the liba- 
tion, he at once conducted the youths to Cheirisophus, and 
to him they gave the same account. Cheirisophus, on hear- 
ing it, made a libation also. 

14. When tlie libation was over, they gave orders to the 
soldiers to get their baggage ready ; while they themselves, 
calling the rest of the generals together, consulted with them 
how they might cross the river to the best advantage, and how 
they might defeat the enemy in front, and suffer no damage 
from those in the rear, 15. It was then resolved that Chciri- 
.sophus should take the lead, and cross over with half of the 
army, that the other half should stay behind with Xenophon, 
and that the baggage-cattle and camp-followers should go 
over between the two. 16. When these matters were ffvirly 
arranged, they began to move, the young men acting as 
guides, and keeping the river on the left, the distance to the 
ford being about four stadia. 17. As they proceeded, the 
lines of the enemy's cavalry advanced abreast of them on the 
opposite bank ; and when they came to the ford, and the mar- 
gin of the river, they halted, laying down their arms ; and 
then Cheirisophus himself, placing a chaplet upon his head,' 
and laying aside his outer garments, took up his arms and 
commanded the rest to follow his example, directing the cap- 
tains to lead their troops in files,- some on his left hand, and 
some on his right. 18. The augurs at the same time sacri- 
ficed victims over the river ;3 while the enemy plied tlieir 
bows and slings, but did not reach the Greeks. 19. As the 
sacrifices appeared favourable, all the soldiers sung the paean 
and raised a shout, and all the women (for thc4-e were a number 
of the men's mistresses in the army) joined in the cry. 

tlic cup for the young men. The former mode is the more simple, 
KiXevw being sometimes found with tlie dative, and agrees better 
with what follows. 

' ^Tt(pm'uj(rafievoc.'\ According to the custom of the Lacedsemo- 
nians, of which Xenophon speaks de Repub. Lacediem. 13. 8; 
Hellen. iv. 2. 12; see also Plutarcli, Lycurg. c. 22. Schneider. 

^ IovqXoxovq oci^'iovt;.'] See iv. 2. 11. 

^ 'F.a(pay'utZovTo tig tov 7rora//or.] Offering a sacrifice to the gods 
inhabiting the river, as Alexander in tlie middle of the Hellespont 
sacrificed a bull to Neptune and tlie Nereids: see Arrian i. 11. 10, 
cited by Hutchinson. "They slew the animals so aa to allow the 
blood to flow into tlic river." Poppo 


20. Cheirisoplius and his men then entered the stream ; and 
Xenophon, taking the most active of the rear-guard, marched 
at full speed back to tlie ford' opposite the outlet into tho 
mountains of Armenia, making a feint that he meant to cross 
the river there, and thus cut off the cavalry that Avere on the 
bank; 21. when the enemy, seeing Cheirisophus and his men 
crossing over with ease, and Xenophon and his party hurry- 
ing back, were afraid of being intercepted, and fled with pre- 
cipitation to gain the outlet that led up from the river, and as 
soon as they came to that passage, they directed their course 
up into the mountains. 22. Lycius, who had the command of 
the troop of horse, and Tl-'.schines, who commanded the band of 
l^eltasts attending on Cheirisophus, seeing the enemy retreat- 
ing with so much jiaste, set off in pursuit of them ; and the 
rest of the soldiers called to each other not to stay behind,^ 
but to go along witii them up the mountains. 23. But Cheiri- 
sophus, when he had crossed the river, did not follow the 
cavalry, but made his way up the high banks that reached 
down to the river, to attack that portion of the enemy that 
were on the more elevated ground. ^ This party on the 
heights, however, seeing their cavalry take to flight, aban- 
doned tiieir commanding position above the stream. 

24. Xenophon, when he saw that all was going well on the 
other si<le, returned with all possible speed to join that part of 
the army which was crossing over; for the Carduchi were 
evidently descending into tlie plain, with the view of falling 
upon the rear. 25. Cheirisophus was now in possession of 
the heights, and Lycius, who, with his small party, had pro- 
ceeded in pursuit of the enemy, had captured some of tlieir 
baggage that they had left behind, and amongst it some rich 
garii.ents and drinking-cnps. 26. The baggage and camp- 
followers of the Greeks were still in the act of crossing; and 
Xenophon, turning towards the Carduchi, halted under arms 
over against them, and ordered the captains to form each his 
own company into divisions of five and twenty men, bringing 
round each division in line'' towards the left ; and he directed 

' Tov TTopov.l The ford mentioned in sect. 5, G. 

* Behind the enemy. Kuhner. Or behind the cavalry that were 
pursuing the enemy. 

' Those mentioned in sect. 3. 

* 'Eiri ^nXayyoq.'] This disposition of a company was in opposi- 

120 THE EXrEDITiOK OF CtilL'S. Ib tV. 

both the captains, and the officers of the divisions of five and 
twenty, to advance facing the Carduchi, and the rearmost to 
lialt facing the river. 

27. The Carduchi, when they ohserved that the rear-guard 
of the canii)-followcrs was diminished in number, and that 
they seemed now indeed to be but fe\^, advanced at a quicker 
pace, singing at the Sctiiie time certain songs, Cheirisophus, 
when he saw that all was safe on his own side, sent the pel- 
tasts, and the slingers and archers, to Xenophon, desiring 
them to do whatsoever he shouhl direct. 28. Xenophon, see- 
ing them beginning to cross, sent a messenger to desire that 
they slioukl remain by tlie river where they were, without 
crossing, and that, when his own party shoukl begin to cross, 
they shoukl come forward into the water on each side opposite to 
him, the javelin-men holding their weapons by the thong,' 
and the archers with their arrows on tlie string, as if with 
the intention of crossing over, but not to advance far into the 
river. 29. His own men he ordered, as soon as a sling shoula 
reach them and a shield should ring,- to raise the pa^an and 
rush towards the enemy ; and he directed that when the 
enemy should take to flight, and the trumpeter slioukl sound 
the signal of attack^ from the river, the rear should wheel to 
the right and take the load, and that they should then all run 
forward as fast as possible, and cross over at the part where 
each happened to be stationed, so as not to impede one 
another ; telling them that he would be the best man who 
should first reach the opposite side. 30. The Carduchi, see- 
ing that those who were left were but few, (for many even of 
those who had been ordered to stay had gone away, some to 

tion to Xoxoi 01)3(01 (iv. 2. 11) : see c. 8, sect. 10. The expression 
twi (pnXayyoc, says Kiilmer, properly means for a j)hal<inx, or so that 
a jihalanx (or acies) might be formed. 

• h.irjyKvXwu'ivovc.'] The verb iur/KvXova^ni is rightly interpreted 
by Hesycliius to ii'(~ipai tovq SuktiiXovij tjj ayKvXij (h. c. amento) tov 
ciKoi'riov. titurz. The followino; tiriSiSXtj^ivovg must be similarly 

* 'Acnric xpo'Pv-'] From the enemy's missiles striking upon it. 
Kuhner. Hutchinson, Weiske, and Zeune think tliat a clashing of 
shields on the part of the Greeks is meant, preparatory to an onset ; 
but, without doubt, erroneously. 

^ Or, sound a charge. The design of it was to precipitate ths 
snemy's fliglit Compare sect. 32. 

<3n. 4.] ARMtKlA: souiices or the tiguis, 121 

their mistresses,) began, in consequence, to press forward 
boldlj, and to use their slings and bows. 31. The Greeks 
then sang the poean, and rushed upon them at full speed ; and 
the Barbarians did not stand their charge ; for though they 
were well enough equipped for a sudden onset and retreat 
upon the mouniains, they were by no means sufficiently armed 
to receive an enemy hand to hand. At this juncture tlie 
trumpeter sounded, 32. when the enemy fled still faster, and 
tlie Greeks, turning in the opposite direction, made their way 
over the river with all possible speed. 33. Some of the 
enemy, perceiving this movement, ran back to the river, and 
wounded a few of our men with their arrows ; but the greater 
number of them, even when the Greeks were on the other 
side, were observed to continue their flight. 34. Tlie troops, 
meanwhile, that came to meet Xcnophon, being carried away 
by their courage, and advancing too far, repassed the river in 
the rear of Xcnophon's men ; and some of these also were 


The Greeks enter Armenia, pass the sources of the Tigris, and arrive at the 
Teleboas. They make a treaty with Tiribazus, the governor of the pro- 
vince, and discover his insincerity. 

1. When they had crossed, and had ranged themselves in 
order about noon, they proceeded I'^-ough the country of Ar- 
menia, consisting wholly of plains and gently sloping hills, a 
distance of not less than five parasangs ; for there were no 
villages near the river, in consequence of the hostilities wiih 
the Carduchi. 2. Tlie village, however, at which they at 
length arrived, was of considerable size, and contained a palace 
for the satrap ; ' upon most of the houses thei'e were towers, 
and provisions were in great plenty. 

3. Hence they proceeded, two days' journey, a distance of 
ten parasangs, until they passed round the sources of the river 
Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days' journey, fif- 

' Oroiites: iii. 5. 17; 4. 3, 4. He was the satrap, as Kriiger 
thinks, of Eastern Armenia ; Tiribazus being called satrao of West- 
em Armenia, S2ct. 4. _ 


teen parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, in- 
deeii, but of much beauty ; and there were many villages on 
its banks. 4. This part of the country was called Western 
Armenia. The deputy-governor of it was Tiribazus, who was 
an intimate friend of the king ; and no one else, when he was 
present, assisted the king to mount his horse. 5, He now 
rode up with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an inter- 
preter, said that he wished to speak witli the commanders. 
The generals thought proper to hear what he had to say, and, 
advancing within iiearing, asked what he wanted. 6. He re- 
plied, tiiat he wished to make a treaty with them, on the con- 
ditions that he himself should not hurt the Greeks, and that 
the Greeks should not burn the houses, but should be at 
liberty to take such provisions as they required. This pro- 
posal was agreeable to the generals, and they concluded a 
treaty upon these terms. 

7. Hence they proceeded, three days' march, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs, through a plain ; and Tiribazus followed 
them with his troops, keeping at the distance of about ten 
stadia. They then came to a palace,^ with several villages 
around it stored with abundance of provisions. 8. While 
they were encamped, there fell a great quantity of snoW* in 

' Ti'pfffiC.] Apparently intended for a sort of defences, sliould the 
peo])le be attacked by any of their neigliboin-s. Compare v. 2. 5. 

" KaXoc/iir, ^ityag S' ov.] I have, with Bornemann and Poppo, re- 
stored tills reading, in whicli all tlie maniiscrii)ts concur. Aluretus, 
from Demetrius Phalereus, sect. 6 and ]21, has given ntyag n'lv ov. 
KaXoQ di, and Hutchinson and all otlier editors down to Bornemann 
iiave followed him. It cannot be denied that this is the usual order 
in such phrases; as in iv. 8. 2 ; vi. 4. 20 ; but passages are not want- 
ing in wliich the contrary order is observed; see iv. 6.2. Kilhner. 
As tlie ])iece attributed to Demetrius Piialereus is not genuine, little 
attention need he paid to it. 

* It woidd seem to liave been the palace of Tiribazus, as the one 
mentioned in sect. 2 was that of Orontes. Schneider. 

* Sec Diod. Sic. xiv. 28.] .Ainswortli speaks of the cold in the 
nights on tliese Armenian uplands, p. 173. "When Lucullus, in 
his expedition against Mithiidates, marched through .\rmenia, his 
sriny suffered as much by the frost and snow as the Greeks under 
Xenophon ; and, when .Alexander Severus returned through tliis 
country, many of liis men lost tlieir hands and feet through excessive 
cold. Tournefort also complains that at F.rzeroum, though situated 
in a plain, his fingers were so benumbed with cold, that he could 
not write till an hour after sunrise. (See Plutarch in LucuU., and 
Zonaras's Ainials.j " Sj)elmaii 


tlie night ; and in the morning it was thought advisable that 
the companies and officers should take up their quarters in 
the neighbouring villages; for they perceived no enemy, and 
it appeared to be safe on account of the quantity of the snow.' 
9. Here they fouud all kinds of excellent provisions, cattle, 
corn, old wines of great fragrance, dried grapes, and vegetables 
of all kinds. 

Some of the soldiers, however, who had strolled away from 
the camp, brought word that they had caught sight of an array, 
and that many fires had been visible during the night. 10. 
The generals tliought it unsafe, therefore, for the troops to 
quarter apart, and resolved to bring the whole army together 
again. Tiiey accordingly assembled, for it seemed to be clear- 
ing up.^ 11. liiit as tliey were passing the night here, there 
fell a vast quantity of snow, so that it covered both the arms 
and the men as they lay on the ground. The snow cramped 
the baggage-cattle, and they were very reluctant to rise ; for, 
as they lay, the snow that had fallen upon them served to 
keep tliem warm, wlien it had not dropped off. 12. But when 
Xenophon was hardy enough to rise without his outer gar- 
ment, and to cleave wood, some one else then rose, and, taking 
the wwod from him, cleft it himself. Soon after, the rest got 
up, and lighted fires and anointed themselves ; 13. for abund- 
ance of ointment was found there, made of hog's-lard, sesa- 
mum,^ bitter almonds, and turpentine, which they used in- 
stead of oil. Of the same raateiials also an odoriferous 
unguent was found. 

14. After this it was resolved to quarter again throughout 

' There being no cause to apprehend the approach of an enemy 
during such deep snow. 

* AiaiOpid^^uv.] The commentators rightly interpret this word dis- 
serenascere, "to clear up." Kiihner; who, however, prefers avvai- 
9(>ia^uv, for which there is good manviscvipt aiUhority. He trans- 
lates it, with liornemann, simul dissercnascere, " to clear up at the 
same time;" so that the one word has little advantage over the 
other. Sturz disapi)roves of the interpretation disserenascere, and 
woidd liave both verbs to signify sub dio agere, " to bivouack in the 
o))en air;" but the other sense appears preferable. 

' See note on i. 2. 22. Oil made of sesamuin, or sesama, is men- 
tioned, says Kiihner, by Plin. H. N. xiii. 1, xviii. 10; Q. Curt. vii. 
4. 23; Dioscorid. 2. 119—121; Theophrast- de Odoribus, p. 737, 
ed. Schneid.; Salmas. Exercit. Flin. p. 727 ; Interp. ad Aristoph, 
Pac. 865. 


tlie villfigos. under shelter; and the soldiers went ofT with 
great shouting and delight to the cottages and provisions. 
Those wlio had set fire to the houses, when they quitted them 
before, paid the penalty of having to encamp uncomfortably in 
the open air. 1.5. Hence they despatched in the night De- 
mocrates of Temenos, giving him a detachment of men, to the 
hills where the stragglers said that they had seen the fires ; they 
selected liim because he was thought on several former occasion.^ 
to have brought exact information concerning such matters 
reporting what was, just as it appeared, and wliat was not, a; 
not existing. 16. Having gone, he said that he saw no fires, 
but he brought with him a captive that he had taken, liaving 
a Persian bow and quiver, and a short battle-axe, such as the 
Amazons have. 17. Being asked of what country he was, he 
said that he was a Persian, and that he was going from the 
army of Tiribazus to get provisions. Tiiey then asked him 
how large tlie army was, and for wliat purpose it was assem- 
bled. 18. He said tluit Tiribazus had his own troops, and 
some mercenaries from the Chalybes and Taochians ; and that 
he was prepared to attack the Greeks in their passage over 
the mountains, at a narrow defile through which lay tlieir 
only road. 

19. The generals, on hearing this, resolved to collect tlie 
army, and, leaving a guard, with Sopha^netus the Stymphalian 
as commander over those who stayed behind, proceeded to 
march witliout delay, taking the man that had been captured 
for their guide. 20. After they had passed the mountains, 
the peltasts, who went before the rest, and were the first to 
discover the enemy's camp, did not wait for the heavy-armed 
men, but ran forward with a sliout to attack it. 21. The 
Barbarians, hearing the noise, did not stand their ground, but 
fled ; some of them however were killed, and about twenty 
horses taken, as was also the tent of Tiribazus, and in it some 
couches with silver feet, and drinking-cups, and some prison- 
ers, who said tliat tliey were bakers and cup-bearers. 22. 
AVhcn the ofliccrs of the h'^avy-avmcd troops heard what had 
taken place, they resolved upon marching back as fast as pos- 
sible to their own camp, lest any attempt should be made on 
those who had been left there. Calling in the men immedi- 
ately, therefore, by sound of trumpet, they returned to the 
camp the same day. 



Tilt Greeks inarch tlirough an uninhabited tract of countrj", suffering great- 
ly from ecld winds, snow, and want of provisions. At length they reach 
some wcU-storcd villages, where they rest seven days. 

1. The next day it Avas thought necessary to march away 
as fast as possible, before the enemy's force should be re- 
assembled, and get possession of the pass. Collecting their 
baggage at once, therefore, they set forward through a deep 
Bnow, taking with them several guides ; and, liaving the same 
day passed the height on which Tiribazus had intended to at- 
tack them, they encamped. 2. Hence they proceeded three 
days' journey through a desert tract of country, a distance of 
fifteen parasangs,' to the river Euphrates, and passed it with- 
out being wet higlicr than the middle. The sources of the 
river were said not to be far off. 3. From hence they ad- 
vanced three days' march, through much snow and a level 
plain, a distance of fifteen parasangs ; the third day's march 
was extremely troublesome, as the north-wind blew full in 
their fices, completely parching up everything and benumb- 
ing the men. 4. One of the augurs, in consequence, advised 
that they should sacrifice to the wind ; and a sacrifice was 
accordingly ofi'ered ; when the vehemence of the wind ap- 
peared to every one manifestly to abate. The depth of the 
snow was a fathom ;^ so that many of the baggage-cattle and 
slaves perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 5. They 
continued to burn fires through the whole night, for there 
was plenty of -wood at the place of encampment. But those 
who came up late could get no wood ; those therefore who 
had arrived before, and had kindled fires, would not admit 
the late comers to the fire unless they gave them a share of 
the corn or other provisions that they had brought. 6. Thus 
they shared with each other what they respectively had. In 
the places where the fires were made, as the snow melted, 

' Rennell, p. 214, and Kinneir, p. 485, think this distance too great 
for troops marching through deep snow. niiTt occurs in one 
manuscript, and Kiiliner has admitted it into Ids text. 

^ 'Opyvid.] A great depth. Wc cannot suppose the snow to b.ave 
been of that depth everywhere. None of the commentators make 
any remark. 


there were formed large pits that reached down (o tlie ground ; 
and here tliere was accordingly opportunity to measure the 
depth of the snow. 

7. From hence they marched through snow the whole of 
the following day, and many of the men contracted the hili- 
tnia.^ Xenophon, who commanded in the rear, finding in his 
way such of the men as had fallen down with it, knew not 
what disease it was. 8. But as one of those acquainted with 
it, told him that they were evidently affected with bulimia, 
and that they would get up if they had something to eat, he 
went round among the baggage, and, wherever he saw any- 
thing eatable, he gave it out, and sent such as were able to 
run to distribute it among those diseased, who, as soon as they 
had eaten, rose up and continued their march. 9. As they 
proceeded, Cheirisophus came, just as it grew dark, to a vil- 
lage, and found, at a spring in front of the rampart, some 
women and girls belonging to the place fetching water. 10. 
The women asked them who they were ; and the interpreter 
answered, in the Persian language, that they were people 
going from the king to the satrap. They replied that he was 
not there, but about a parasang off. However, as it was late, 
tliey went with the water-carriers Avithin the rampart, to the 
head man of the village ; 11. and here Cheirisophus, and as 
many of the troops as could come up, encamped ; but of the 
rest, such as were unable to get to the end of the journey, 
spent the night on the way without food or fire ; and some of 
the soldiers lost their lives on that occasion. )2. Some of the. 
enemy too, who had collected themselves into a body, pursued 
our rear, and seized any of the baggage-cattle that were un- 
able to proceed, fighting with one another for the possession 
of them. Such of the soldiers, also, as had lost their sight 
Trom the effects of the snow, or had had their toes mortified by 
tlie cold, were left behind. 13. It was found to be a relief to 
the eyes against the snow, if the soldiers kept something black 
before them on the march, and to the feet, if they kept con- 
stantly in motion, and allowed themselves no rest, and if they 

' ' EfiovXi fiiaffav-l Spelman quotes a description of the (iovXcfiia or 
^oi:\(^ioc from Galen Aled. Def., in which it is said to be "a disease 
in wliich the patient frequently craves for food, loses the use of his 
limbs, falls down, tu.ns pale, feels his extremities become cold, his 
gtomach oppressed, and his pulse feeble." Here, however, it seems 
to mean little more than a faintness from long fasting. 


took otF their shoes in the night; 14. but as to such as slept 
with their shoes on, the straps worked into their feet, and the 
soles were frozen about them ; for when their old shoes had 
failed them, shoes of raw hides had been made by the men 
themselves from the newly-skinned oxen. 15. From such 
unavoidable sufferings, some of the soldiers were left behind, 
who, seeing a piece of ground of a black appearance, from the 
snow having disappeared there, conjectured that it must havo 
melted ; and it had in fact melted in the spot from the effect 
of a fountain, which was sending up vapour in a woody hol- 
low close at hand. Turning aside thither, they sat down and 
refused to proceed farther. 16. Xenophon, who was with the 
rear-guard, as soon as he heard this, tried to prevail on them 
by every art and means not to be left behind, telling them, 
at the same time, that the enemy were collected, and pursuing 
them in great numbers. At last he grew angry ; and they 
told him to kill them, as they were quite unable to go forward. 
17. He then thought it the best course to strike a terror, if 
possible, into the enemy that were behind, lest they should 
fall upon the exhausted soldiers. It was now dark, and the 
enemy were advancing with a great noise, quarrelling about 
the booty that they had taken ; 18. when such of the rear- 
guard as were not disabled, started up, and rushed towards 
them, while the tired men, shouting as loud as they could, 
clashed their spears against their shields. The enemy, struck 
wit'i. alarm, threw themselves among the snow into tiie 
hollow, and no one cf them afterwards made themselves heard 
from any quarter. 

19. Xenophon, and those with him, telling the sick men that 
a party should come to their relief next day, proceeded on 
their march, but before they had gone four stadia, they found 
other soldiers resting by the way in tlie snoAV, and covered 
up with it, no guard being stationed over them. They roused 
them up, but they said that the h&ad of the army was not 
moving forward. 20. Xenophon, going past them, and send- 
ing on some of the ablest of the peltasts, ordered tliem to ascer- 
tain what it was that hindered their progress. They brought 
word that the whole army was in that manner taking rest. 
21. Xenophon and his men, therefore, stationing such a guard 
as they could, took up their quarters there without fire or 
aupper. Wher. it was near day, he sent the youngest of hia 


men lo the .siok, tcllliig them to rouae them and oblige them 
to proceed. 22. At this jnnctnrc Clieirisophus sent some of 
his people from the villages to see how the rear were faring. 
The yonng men were rejoiced to see them, and gave them the 
sick to conduct to the camp, while they themselves went for 
ward, and, before they had gone twenty stadia, found them- 
selves at the village in which Cheirisoi^hus was quartered. 
23. When they came together, it was thought safe enough to 
lodge the troops up and down in the villages. Cheirisophus 
accordingly remained where he was, and the other officers, 
appropriating by lot the several villages that they had in sight, 
went to their respective quarters Avith their men. 

24. Here Polycrates, an Athenian captain, requested leave 
of absence, and, taking with him the most active of his men, 
and hastening to the village which Xenophon had been allot- 
ted, surprised all the villagers, and their head man, in their 
houses, together with seventeen' colts that were bred as a 
tribute for the king, and the head man's daughter, who had 
been but nine days married ; her husband was gone out to 
iiunt hares, and was not found in any of the villages. 25. 
Their liouses were imder ground, the entrance like the mouth 
of a well, but spacious below ; there were passages dug into 
them for the cattle, but the people descended by ladders. In 
the houses Avcre goats, sheep, cows, and fowls, with their 
young ; all the cattle were kept on fodder within the walls.' 
26. There was also wheat, barley, leguminous vegetables, and 

' That this number is corrupt is justly suspected by Weiske, and ' 
shown at some length by Kriigev de Authent. p. 47. Borncmann, 
in his preface, p. xxiv., proposes tTrrd Kai tVarov, a hundred and 
seven. Strabo, xi. 14, says that the satrap of Armenia used to send 
annually to the king of Persia twenty thousand horses.^ Kuhner. 
Kriiger, 1. c, suggests that Xenophon may have written S' two huU' 
(bed, instead of IZ', seventeen. In sect. 3j we find Xenophon taking 
some of tliese horses liimself, and giving one to each of llie other 
generals and captains ; so that the number must have been con- 

* " This description of a village on tlie Armenian uplands applies 
itself to many that I visited in the present day. The descent by 
wells is now rare, but is still to be met with ; but in exposed and 
elevated situations, the houses are uniformly semi-subterraneous, 
and entered by as small an aperture as possible, to prevent the cold 
getting in. Whatever is the kind of cottage used, cows, sheep, goats, 
and fowls participate with the family in the warmth and protection 
thereof." Ainsw. Travels, p. 178. 

ta. 5. J THE GREEKS ENTfiRtALVED, l29 

f»arley-wine,' in large bowls ; the grains of barley floated in 
it even with the brims of the vessels, and reeds akb lay in it, 
some larger and some smaller, without joints ; 27. and these, 
When any one was thirsty, he was to take in his mouth, and 
suck.2 -phe liquor was very strong, unless one mixed water 
with it, and a very pleasant drink to those accustomed to it. 

28. Xenophon made the chief man of his village sup with 
him, and told him to be of good courage, assuring him that 
lie should not be deprived of his children, and that they would 
not go away without filling his house with provisions in re- 
turn for what they took, if he would but prove himself the 
author of some service to the army till they should reacli 
another tribe. 29. This he promised, and, to show his good- 
will, pointed out where some wine' was buried. This 
night, therefore, the soldiers rested in their several quarters 
in the midst of great abundance, setting a guard over the 
chief, and keeping his children at the same time under their 
eye. 30. The following day Xenophon took the head man 
and went with him to Cheirisophus, and wherever he passed 
by a village, he turned aside to visit those who were quarter- 
ed in it, and found them in all parts feasting and enjoying 
themselves ; nor would they anywhere let them go till they 
had set refreshments before them ; 31. and they placed every- 
where upon the same table lamb, kid, pork, veal, and fowl, 
with plenty of bread both of wheat and barley. 32. When- 
ever any person, to pay a compliment, wished to drink to 
another, he took him to the large bowl, where he had to stoop 
down and drink, sucking like an ox. The chief they allowed 
to take whatever he pleased, but he accepted nothing from 
them ; where he found any of his relatives, however, he took 
them with him. 

' Olvoc (cpi'^iroc.] Something like our beer. See Diod. Sic. i. 
20,34; iv. 2; Athenaeus i. 14; Herod, ii. 77 ; Tacit. Germ, c 23. 
"The barley-wine I never met with." Aifisw, p. 178. 

* The reeds were used, says Kriiger, that none of the grains of 
barley might be taken into the mouth. 

' Xenophon seems to mean grape-wine, rather than to refer to the 
barley-wine just before mentioned, of which the taste does not 
appear to have been much Hked by the Greeks. Wine from 
grapef was not made, it is probable, m these parts, on account o 
the cold, but Strabo speaks of the oIvoq Movapirtjg of Armenia Mi 
nor as not inferior to any of the Greek wines. Schneider 

voi. 1. K 

130 fitE EXpEDltlOX OF CYRtfS. [b. IV. 

S3. When they came to Cheirisophus, they found liis men 
also feasting in their quarters,' crowned with wreaths made 
of hay, and Armenian boys, in their Barbarian dresses, wait- 
ing upon them, to whom they made signs what they were to 
do as if they had been deaf and dumb. 34. "Wlien Cheiriso- 
phus and Xenophon had saluted one another, they both asked 
the chief man, through the interpreter who spoke the Persian 
language, what country it was. He replied that it was Ar- 
menia. They then asked him for whom the horses were bred ; 
and he said that they were a tribute for the king, and added 
that the neighbouring country was that of the Chalybes, and 
told them in what direction the road lay. 33. Xenophon then 
went away, conducting the chief back to his family, giving 
him the horse that he had taken, which was rather old, to fat- 
ten and offer in sacrifice, (for he had heard that it had been 
consecrated to the sun,) being afraid, indeed, that it might 
die, as it had been injured by the journey. He then took some 
of the young horses, and gave one of them to each of the other 
generals and captains. 36. The horses in this country were 
smaller than those of Persia, but far more spirited. The chief 
instructed the men to tie little bags round the feet of the 
horses, and other cattle, when they drove them through the 
snow, for without such bags they sunk up to their bellies. 


The Greeks leave the villages under conduct of a guide, who, on being 
struck by Cheirisophus, deserts them. After wandering through the 
country for seven days, they arrive at the Phasis, and in two days more 
at some mountains occupied by the Phasiani, Taochi, and Chalybes, whom, 
by skilful manoEuvring, they dislodge. 

1. When the eighth day was come, Xenophon committed 
the guide to Cheirisophus. He left the chiefs all the members 

' SifT/voCiTac.] Convivantes, epu!u7ites. Comp. v. 3. 9 ; vii. S. 15. 
Kiihner. Having no flowers or green herbs to make chaplets, which 
the f Jreeks wore at feasts, they used hay. 

' This is rather oddly expressed; for the guide and the chief 
vero the same person. 

6t*. ^-3 ARfttVE AT THE PIIASis. ]3l 

of his fiimily, except his son, a youth just coming to mahird 
age ; him he gave in charge to Episthenes of Amphipolis, in 
order that if the father should conduct them properly, Im 
might return home with hira. At the same time they carried 
to his house as many provisions as they could, and then bfoke 
up their camp, and resumed their march, 2. The chief {!cn* 
ducted them through the snow, walking at liberty. When hg 
came to the end of the third day's march, Cheirisophus wa:< 
angry at him for not guiding them to some villages. He said 
tliat there were none in that part of the country. Cheiriso- 
phus then struck him, but did not confine him ; 3. and in con- 
sequence he ran off in the night, leaving his son behind him. 
This affair, the ill-treatment and neglect of the guide, 
was the only cause of dissension between Cheirisophjs and 
Xenoplion during the march. Episthenes conceived an affec- 
tion for the youth, and, taking him home, found him extremely 
attached to him. 

4. After this occurrence they proceeded seven days' journey, 
five parasangs each day, till they came to the river Phasis,' 
the breadth of which is a plethrum. 5. Hence they advanced 
two days' journey, ten parasangs ; when, on the pass that led 
over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, Taochi, and 
Phasians wore drawn up to oppose their progress. 6. Chei- 
risophus, seeing these enemies in possession of the height, 
came to a halt, at the distance of about thirty stadia, that he 
might not approach them while leading the army in a column. 
He accordingly ordered the other officers to bring up their 
companies, that the whole force might be formed in line.^ 

7. When the rear-guard was come up, he called together 
the generals and captains, and spoke to them as follows : 
" The enemy, as you see, are in possession of the pass over 
the mountains ; and it is proper for us to consider how wo 
may encounter them to the best advantage. 8. It is my 
opinion, therefore, that we should direct the troops to get 
tiheir dinner, and that we ourselves should hold a council, in 

' Not the Colchian Phasis, which flows into the Enxine, but a 
river of Armenia ('Apa5';c. now Aras) which runs into the Caspian. 
See Ainsworth, Travels, p. 179, 247. However Xenophon himself 
seems to have confonnded this Phasis with that of Colchis. See 
Uennell, p. 230. Kuhner. 

* Eni ^aXavyof.J See on iv. 3. 2fi. 

{.1^ rrnr. E^PEDtttoJf of cYRts. tn. IV. 

the mean time, whether it is advisable to cross the mountain 
to-day or to-morrow." 9. " It seems best to me," exclaimed 
Cleanor, " to march at once, as soon as we have dined and 
resumed our arms, against the enemy ; for if we waste the 
present day in inaction, the enemy who are now looking 
down upon its will groAv bolder, and it is likely that, as 
their confidence is increased, others will join them in greater 

10. After him Xenophon said, " I am of opinion, that if 
it is necessary to fight, we ought to make our arrangements 
so as to fight with the greatest advantage ; but that, if we 
propose to pass the mountains as easily as possible, we ought 
to consider how we may incur tlie fewest wounds and lose the 
fewest men. 11. The range of hills, as far as we see, extends 
more than sixty stadia in length ; but the people nowhere 
seem to be watching us except along the line of road ; and it is 
therefore better, I think, to endeavour to try to seize unobserved 
some part of the unguarded range, and to get possession of 
it, if we can, beforehand, than to attack a strong post and 
men prepared to resist us. 12. For it is far less difficult to 
march up a steep ascent without fighting than along a level 
road with enemies on eacli side; and, in the night, if men 
are not obliged to fight, they can see better what is before 
them than by day if engaged with enemies ; while a rough 
road is easier to the feet to those who are marching without 
molestation than a smooth one to those who are pelted on the 
head with missiles. 13. Nor do I think it at all impracticable 
for us to steal a way for ourselves, as we can marcli by night, 
so as not to be seen, and can keep at such a distance from 
the enemy as to allow no possibility of being heard. We 
seem likely, too, in my opinion, if we make a pretended 
attack on this point, to find the rest of the range still less 
guarded ; for the enemy will so much the more probably 
stay where they are. 14. But why should I speak doubtfully 
about stealing ? For I hear that you Lacedaemonians, O 
Cheirisophus, such of you at least as are of the better 
class,' practise stealiag from your boyhood, and it is not a 

• Twv 6/ioiwv.] The ofioioi at Sparta were all those who nad an 
equal right to participate in the honours or offices of the state; 
qui pari iiiter se jure ffaudebant, quibiis honores omnes cequaliter patebant, 
Craaius de Rep. Lac. i. 10, cited by Sturz in his Lex Xenoph 


disgrace, but an honour, to steal whatever the law does not 
forbid ; 15. while, in order that you may steal with the utmost 
dexterity, and strive to escape discovery, it is appointed by 
law that, if you are caught stealing, you are scourged. It is 
now high time for you, therefore, to give proof of your 
education, and to take care that we may not receive many 
stripes." 16. " But I hear that you Athenians also," rejoined 
Cheirisophus, "are very clever at stealing the public money, 
though great danger threatens him that steals it ; and that 
your best men steal it most, if indeed your best men are 
thought worthy to be your magistrates ; so that it is time for 
you hkewise to give proof of your education." 17. "I am then 
ready," exclaimed Xenophon, " to march with the rear-guard, 
as soon as we have supped, to take possession of the hills. I 
iiave guides too ; for our light-armed men captured some of 
the marauders following us by lying in ambush ; and from 
them I learn that the mountains are not impassable, but are 
grazed over by goats and oxen, so that if we once gain 
possession of any part of the range, there will be tracks also 
for our baggage-cattle. 18. I expect also that the enemy will 
no longer keep their ground, when they see us upon a level 
with them on the heights, for they will not now come down 
to be upon a level with us." 19. Cheirisophus then naid, 
"But why should you go, and leave the charge of the riar? 
Rather send others, unless some volunteers present themselves." 
20. Upon this Anstonymus of ilethydria came forward with 
his heavy-armed men, and Aristeas of Chios and Nicomachus 
of CEta ' with their light-armed ; and they made an arrange- 
ment, that as soon as they should reach the top, they should 
light a number of fires. 21. Having settled these points, they 
went to dinner ; and after dinner Cheirisophus led forward 
the whole army ten stadia towards the enemy, that he might 
appear to bo fully resolved to march against them on that 

22. When they had taken their supper, and night came on, 

See Xenophon De Rep. Lac. 13. 1 and 7; Aristot. Polit. 5. 7. .3 
''A similar designation to that of 6/tori/iot in the Cyropsedia.' 
Schneider. See Ilellen. iii. 3. 5. 

' A native of the country about Mount (Eta in Thessaly. 1 here 
was also however a town of that name in the south of Tbesnaly: 

Tl^ci•4• iii- 92. 


those appointed lor the service went forward and got posses- 
sion of the hills ; the other troops rested where they were. 
The enemy, wlien they saw the heights occupied, kept watch 
and burned a number of fires all night. 23. As soon as it 
■was day, Cheirisophus, after having otfered sacrifice, marched 
forward along the road ; while those who had gained the 
heights advanced by the ridge. 24. Most of the enemy, 
meanwhile, stayed at the pass, but a part went to meet the 
troops coming along the heights. But before the main bodies 
came together, those on the ridge closed with one another, 
and the Greeks had the advantage, and put the enemy to 
flight. 25. At the same time the Grecian peltasts ran up 
from the plain to attack the enemy drawn up to receive them, 
and Cheirisophus foUoAved at a quick pace with the heavy- 
armed men. 26. The enemy at tlie pass, however, when they 
saw those above defeated, took to flight. Not many of them 
were killed, but a great number of shields were taken, which 
the Greeks, by hacking them with their swords, rendered 
useless. 2". As soon as they had gained the ascent, and had 
sacrificed and erected a tropliy, they went down into the plain 
before them, and arrived at a number of villages stored with 
abundance of excellent provisions. 


The Greeks, entering the country of the Taochi, storm a fort, capturing a 
great number of cattle, on which they subsist while traversing the region 
of the Chalybes. They cross the Harpasus, and, marching through the 
territory of the Scythiai, arrive at a town called Gymnias, whence they 
are conducted to Mount Thechus, from the top of which they see the 

1. From hence they marched five days' journey, thirty 
parasangs, to the country of the Taochi, where provisions 
began to fail them ; for tlie 1 aochi inhabited strong fastnesses, 
in which they had laid up all their supplies. 2. Having at 
length, however, arrived at one place which had no city or 
houses attached to it, but in which men and women and a 
great number of cattle were assembled, Cheirisophus, as 
6'jon as be carrjc before it, r()?^(\Q i\ the object of an ftttagk \ 


and when the first division that assailed it began lo be tired, 
another succeeded, and then another ; for it was not possible 
for them to surround it in a body, as there was a river about 
it. 3. When Xenophon came up with his rear-guard, peltasts, 
and heavy-armed men, Cheirisophus exclaimed, " You come 
seasonably, for we must take this place, as there are no pro- 
visions for the army, unless we take it." 

4. They then deliberated together, and Xenophon asking 
what hindered them from taking the place, Cheirisophus 
replied, " The only approach to it is the one which you see ; 
but when any of our men attempt to pass along it, the enemy 
roll down stones over yonder impending rock, and whoever 
is struck, is treated as you behold ;" and he pointed, at the 
same moment, to some of the men who had had tlieir legs and 
ribs broken. 5. " But if they expend all their stones," re- 
joined Xenophon, *' is there anything else to prevent us from 
advancing ? For we see, in front of us, only a few men, and 
but two or three of them armed. 6. The space, too, through 
which we have to pass under exposure to the stones, is, as you 
see, only about a hundred and fifty feet in length ; and of 
this about a hundred feet is covered with large pine trees in 
groups, against which if the men place themselves, what 
would they suffer either from the flying stones or the rolling 
ones ? Tlie remaining part of the space is not above fifty 
feet, over which, when the stones cease, we must pass at a 
running pace." 7. "But," said Cheirisophus, "the instant 
we offer to go to the part covered with trees, the stones fly in 
great numbers." " That," cried Xenophon, " would be the 
very thing we want, for thus they will exhaust their stones 
the sooner. Let us then advance, if we can, to the point 
whence we shall have but a short way to run, and from which 
we may, if we please, easily retreat." 

8. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, with Calliraachus of Par- 
rhasia, one of the captains, who had that day the lead of all 
the other captains of the rear-guard, then went forward, all 
the rest of the captains remaining out of danger. Next, about 
seventy of the men advanced under the trees, not in a body, 
but one by one, each sheltering himself as he could. 9. Aga- 
sias of Stymphalus, and Aristonymus of Methydria, who 
were also captains of the rear-guard, with some others, were 
«l the same time standing behind, without the trees, for it W&s 


not safe for more than one company to stand under them. 
10. CiiUimachus then adopted the following stratagem : he rau 
forward two or three paces from the tree under which he was 
sheltered, and when the stones began to be hurled, hastily 
drew back ; and at each of his sallies more than ten cart- 
loads of stones were spent, ll. Agasias, observing what Cal- . 
limachus was doing, and that the eyes of the whole army 
were upon hira, and fearing that he himself might not be the 
first to enter the place, began to advance alone, (neither call- 
ing to Aristonymus who was next him, nor to Eurylochus of 
.Lusia, both of whom were his intimate friends, nor to any other 
person,) and passed by all the rest. 12. Callimachus, seeing him 
rushing by, caught hold of the rim of his shield, and at that 
moment Aristonymus of Methydria ran past them both, and 
after him Eurylochus of Lusia, for all these sought distinction 
for valour, and were rivals to one another; and thus, in 
mutual emulation, they got possession of the place, for when 
they had once rushed in, not a stone was hurled from above. 
13. But a dreadful spectacle was then to be seen ; for the 
women, flinging their children over the precipice, threw them- 
selves after them; and the men followed their example, 
^neas of Stymphalus, a captain, seeing one of them, who had 
on a rich garment, running to throw himself over, caught hold 
of it with intent to stop him. 14. But the man dragged hira 
forward, and they both went rolling down the rocks together, 
and were killed. Thus very few prisoners were taken, but 
a great number of oxen, asses, and sheep. 

15. Hence they advanced, seven days' journey, a distance 
of fifty parasangs, through the country of the Chalybes. 
These were the most warlike people of all that they passed 
through, and came to close combat with them. They had 
linen cuirasses, reaching down to the groin, and, instead of 
skirts,^ thick cords twisted. 16. They had also greaves and 
helmets, and at their girdles a short faulchion, as large as a 
Spartan crooked dagger, with which they cut the throats of 
all whom they could master, and then, cutting oiF their heads, 
carried them away with them. They sang and danced when 
the enemy were hkely to see them. They carried also a spear 
«.f about fifteen cubits in length, having one spike.^ 17. They 

' 'AvTi Tu)v ■irTH)vywv.'] That this is the true sense of this vrord 
appears from Xen. de Re Equest. 12. 4. 

* Having one iron point at the upper end, as in v. 4. 12, and -uj 
point at the lower tor fixin? the spear in the gvound. Schneidet 


stayed in their villages till the Greeks had passed by, when 
they pursued and perpetually harassed them. They had 
their dwellings in strong places, in which they had also laid 
up their provisions, so that the Greeks could get nothing 
from that country, but lived upon the cattle which they taken 
from the Taochi. 

18. The Greeks next arrived at the river Harpasus, the 
breadth of which was four plethra. Hence they proceeded 
through the territory of the Scythini, four days' journey, 
making twenty parasangs, over a level tract, until they came 
to some villages, in which they halted three days, and collect- 
ed provisions. 19. From this place they advanced four days* 
journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, 
called Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent 
the Greeks a guide, to conduct them through a region at war 
with his own people. 20. The guide, when he came, said that 
he would take them in live days to a place whence they should 
see the sea ; if not, he would consent to be put to death. When, 
as he proceeded, he entered the country of their enemies, he 
exhorted them to burn and lay waste the lands ; whence it was 
evident that he had come for this very purpose, and not from 
any good will to the Greeks. 21. On the fifth day they came 
to the mountain;^ and the name of it was Theches. When 
the men who were in the front had mounted the height, and 
looked down upon the sea, a great shout proceeded from them ; 
22. and Xenophon and the rear-guard, on hearing it, thought 
that some new enemies were assailing the front, for in the 
rear, too, the people from the country that they had burnt 
were following them, and the rear-guard, by placing an am- 
buscade, had killed some, and taken others prisoners, and had 
captured about twenty shields made of raw ox-hides with the 
hair on. 23. But as the noise still increased, and drew nearer, 
and as those who came up from time to time kept running at 
full speed to join those who were continually shouting, the 
cries becoming louder as the men became more numerous, it 

' The word Up6v, which precedes opog in the older editions, is en 
closed in brackets, as being probably spurious, by most of the mo- 
dern editors, and actually ejected by Dindorf. Yet something seems 
to be wanting in connexion with opog, for the guide (sect. 20) says 
merely that he will bring them to a xi^piov, and pn the fifth day 
(^fler it is said that they come to the motmtain. 


appeared to Xenophon that it must be something of very great 
moment. 24. Mounting his horse, therefore, and taking with 
him Lycius and the cavalry, he hastened forward to give aid, 
when presently they heard the soldiers shouting, " The sea, 
the sea ! " and cheering on one another. They then all began 
to run, the rear-guard as well as the rest, and the baggage- 
cattle and horses were put to their speed ; 25. and when they 
had all arrived at the top, tlie men embraced one another, and 
their generals and captains, with tears in their eyes. Sud- 
denly, whoever it was that suggested it, the soldiers brought 
stones, and raised a large mound, 26. on which they laid a 
number of raw ox-hides,> staves, and shields taken from the 
enemy. Tlie shields the guide himself hacked in pieces,* 
and exhorted the rest to do the same. 27. Soon after, the 
Greeks sent away the guide, giving him presents from the 
common stock, a horse, a silver cup, a Persian robe, and ten 
darics ; ^ but he showed most desire for the rings on their 
fingers, and obtained many of them from the soldiers. Having 
the"n pointed out to them a village where they might take up 
their quarters, and tlie road by which they were to proceed 
to the Macrones, when the evening came on he departed, pur- 
suing his way during the night. 


flic Greeks proceed unmolested through the country of the Macrones, and 
enter Colchis. Putting to flight the Colchians who obstructed their pass- 
age, they arrive at Trebisond, a Greek city, where they perform whatever 
TOWS they had made, and celebrate games. 

1. Hence the Greeks advanced three days' journey, a dis- 
tance of ten parasangs, through the country of the :Macrones. 
On the first day they came to a river which divides the terri- 
tories of the Macrones from those of the Scythini. 2. On 

' They appear to be the hides of oxen offered up as a sort of sa- 
crifice to the gods. Balfour. 

* In order, says Kriiger, to render them useless, so that they 
might not be carried off by any of the neighbouring people. 

' i. J. 9, 


their right they had an eminence extremely difficult of access, 
and on their left another river,' into which the boundary 
river, which they had to cross, empties itself. This stream 
was thickly edged with trees, not indeed large, but growing 
closely together. These the Greeks, as soon as they came to 
the spot, cut down, 2 being in haste to get out of the country 
as soon as possible. 3. The IMacrones, however, equipped 
with wicker shields, and spears, and hair tunics, were drawn 
up on the opposite side of the crossing-place ; they were ani- 
mating one another, and throwing stones into the river.' 
They did not hit our men, or cause them any inconvenience. 

4. At this juncture one of the peltasts came up to Xeno- 
phon, iiiying that lie had been a slave at Athens, and adding 
that he knew the language of these men. " I think, indeed," 
said he, " that this is my country, and, if there is nothing to 
prevent, I should wish to speak to the people." 5. " There is 
nothing to prevent," replied Xenophon ; " so speak to them, 
and first ascertain what people they are." Wlien he asked 
them, they said that they were the Macrones. " Inquire, 
then," said Xenophon, " why they are drawn up to oppose us, 
and wish to be our enemies." 6. They replied, •' Because 
you come against our country." The generals then told him 
to acquaint them that we were not come with any wish to do 
them injury, but that we were returning to Greece after hav- 
ing been engaged in war with the king, and that we were 
desirous to reach the sea. 7. They asked if the Greeks would 
give pledges to this effect ; and the Greeks replied that they 
were willing both to give and receive them. The Macrones 
accordingly presented the Greeks with a Barbarian lance, 
and the Greeks gave them a Grecian one ; for they said that 
such were their usual pledges. Both parties called the gods 
to witness. 

8. After these mutual assurances, the Macrones immediate- 
ly assisted them in cutting away the trees, and made a passage 

* A stream running into the Tchoriik-su, according to Ainswoith, 
Travels, p. 189. 

* The Greeks cut down the trees in order to throw them into 
the stream, and form a kind of bridge on whicli they might cross. 

* They threw stones into the river that they might stand on them, 
and approach nearer to the Greeks, sg }»s to use th^ir weapous-witU 
ijiere effect. liqn^ern.atin' 


for them, as if to bring tliem over, mingling freely among the 
Greeks ; they also gave such facilities as they could lor buying 
provisions, and conducted them through their country for three 
days, until they brought them to the confines of the Colchians. 
9. Here was a I'ange of hills,' high, but accessible, and upon 
them the Colchians were drawn up in array. The Greeks, at 
first, drew up against them in a line,^ with the intention of 
marching up the hill in this disposition ; but afterwards the 
generals thought proper to assemble and deliberate how they 
might engage with the best effect, lo. Xenophon then said 
it appeared to him that they ought to relinquish the arrange- 
ment in line, and to dispose the troops in columns;' " for a 
line," pursued he, " will be broken at once, as we shall find 
the hills in some parts impassable, though in others easy of 
access ; and this disruption will immediately produce despond- 
ency in the men, when, after being ranged in a regular line, they 
find it dispersed. 11. Again, if we advance drawn upverymany 
deep, the enemy will stretch beyond us on both sides, and will 
employ the parts that outreach us in any way they may think 
proper ; and if we advance only a few deep, it would not be 
at all surprising if our line be broken through by showers of 
missiles and men falling upon us in large bodies. If this 
happen in any part, it will be ill for the whole extent of the 
line. 12. I think, then, that having formed our companies in 
columns, we should keep them so far apart from each other as 
that the last companies on each side may be beyond tho 
enemy's wings. Thus our extreme companies will both ' 
outflank the line of the enemy, and, as we march in file, the 
bravest of our men will close with the enemy first, and w^her- 
ever the ascent is easiest, there each division will direct its 
course. 13. Nor will it be easy for the enemy to penetrate 
into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on each 
side, nor will it be easy to break through a column as it ad- 
vances ; while, if any one of the companies be hard pressed, 
the neighbouring one will support it ; and if but one of the 
companies can by any path attain the summit, the enemy will 
no longer stand their ground." 14. This plan was approved, 
and they threw the companies into columns. Xenophon, 

' Kara Kapan, or Kohat Tagh, according to Ainsw. p. 190. 
' Kara <pd\ayya.^ See on iv. 3. 26. 
• /^oyovc opGiovg.'] Se? rn iv. 2. 11. 

eft. 3.1 TilE C0I-CrttAN5: iJrtoxtcAtlKO noNfiT. 141 

fiding along from the right wing to the left, said, " Soldiers, 
the enemy whom you see before you, are now the only ob- 
stacle to hinder us from being where we have long been eager 
to be. These, if we can, we must eat up alive." ' 

15. When the men were all in their places, and they had 
formed the companies into columns, there were about eighty 
companies of heavy-armed men, and each company consisted of 
about eighty men. The peltasts and archers they divided into 
three bodies, each about six hundred men, one of which they 
placed beyond the left wing, another beyond the right, and 
the third in the centre. 16. The generals then desired tlie 
soldiers to make their vows'^ to the gods ; and having made 
them, and sung the ptean, they moved forward. Cheirisophus 
and Xenophon, and the peltasts that they had with them, who 
were beyond the enemy's flanks, pushed on ; 17. and the ene- 
my, observing their motions, and hurrying forward to receive 
them, were drawn off, some to the right and others to the left, 
and left a great void in the centre of their line ; 18. when the 
peltasts in the Arcadian division, whom -^schines the Acar- 
nanian commanded, seeing them separate, ran forward in all 
haste, thinking that they were takir.g to flight ; and these were 
the first that reached the summit. The Arcadian heavy- 
armed troop, of which Cleaner the Orchomenian was captain, 
followed them. 19. But the enemy, when once the Greeks 
began to run, no longer stood their ground, but went off in 
flight, some one way and some another. 

Having passed the summit, the Greeks encamped in a num- 
ber of villages containing abundance of provisions. 20. As 
to other things here, there was nothing at which they were 
surprised ; but the number of bee-hives was extraordinary 
and all the soldiers that ate of the combs, lost their senses, 
vomited, and were affected with purging, and none of them 
were able to stand upright ; such as had eaten only a little were 
like men greatly intoxicated, and such as had eaten much were 
like mad-men, and some like persons at the point of death. 
21. They lay upon the ground, in consequence, in great num- 
bers, as if there had been a defeat ; and there was general de- 

* 'Qfiovc KaTa<payiiv.'] " Eat up raw," •without waiting to cook 

them ; a metaphorical expression for to extirpate utterly and at once, 
taken from Homer, 11. v. 35 : 'Qftbv ^t^pdjOoig Jlpiafiov Ilpia^oto ri 

* See the payment of these vows in sect. 25 

143 f life EXPEbtfiOJI OF CYRUS. L^- ^^' 

jectloh. The next day no one of them Avas found dead ; and 
they recovered ihelr senses about the same hour tliat they had 
lost them on the preceding day ; and on the third and fourth 
days they got up as if after having taken physic' 

22. From hence they proceeded two days' march, seven 
parasangs, and arrived at Trebisond, a Greek city, of large 
population, on the Euxine Sea ; a colony of Si nope, but lying 
in the territory of the Colchians. Here they stayed about 
thirty days, encamping in tlie villages of the Colchians, 23. 
Avhcnce they made excursions and plundered the country of 
Colchis. The people of Trebisond provided a market for 
the Greeks in the camp, and entertained them in the city ; 
and made them presents of oxen, barley-meal, and wine. 24. 
They negotiated with them also on behalf of the neighbour- 
ing Colchiani, those especially who dwelt in the plain, and 
from them too weie brought presents of oxen. 

25. Soon after, they prepared to perform the sacrifice which 
they had vowed. Oxen enough had been brought them to 
offer to Jupiter the Preserver, and to Hercules, for their safe 
conduct, and whatever they had vowed to the other gods. 
They also celebrated gymnastic games upon the hill where 
they were encamped, and chose Dracontius a Spartan, (who 
had become an exile from his country when quite a boy, for 
having involuntarily killed a child by striking him with a 
dagger,) to prepare the course and preside at the contests. 
26. When the sacrifice was ended, they gave the hides ^ to 

* That there was honey in these parts with intoxicating qualities, 
was well known to antiquity. Pliny, H. N. xxi. 44, mentions two 
sorts of it, one produced at Heraclea in Pontus, and the otljer 
among tlie Sanni or Macrones. The peculiarities of the honey 
arose from tlie lierbs to which the bees resorted ; the first came from 
tlie flower of a plant called ;egolethron, or goats'-bane ; the other 
from a species of rhododendron. Tournefort, when he was in that 
country, saw honey of this description. See Ainsworth, Travels in 
the Track, p. 190, who found that the intoxicating honey had a bit- 
ter taste. See also Rennell, p. 253. " This honey is also mentioned 
by Dioscorides, ii. 103; Stra'jo, xii. p. 826; JEWan, H. A. v. 42; 
Procopius, B. Goth. iv. 2." Schneider. 

' Lion and Kuhner have a notion that these skins were to be 
given as prizes to the victors, referring to Herod, ii. 91, where it is 
said that the Egyptians, in certain games which they celebrate in 
honour of Perseus, offer as prizes cattle, cloaks, and Ifpftnra, l-ides. 
Kriiger doubts whether they were intended for prizes, or were givea 
as -i pr'^seut to Dracoaluis. 

A. V. dtt. l.J vows pArb : GAitEg. i-f3 

Dracontius. and desired him to conduct them to the place where 
he had made the course. Dracontius, pointing to the place where 
they were standing, said, " This hill is an excellent place for 
running, in whatever direction the men may wish." " But 
how will they be able," said they, " to wrestle on ground so 
rough and bushy?" " He that falls," said he, "will suffer the 
more." 27. Boys, most of them from among the prisoners, 
contended in the short course,' and in the long course' above 
sixty Cretans ran ; while others were matched in wrestling, 
boxing, and the pancratium. It was a fine sight ; for many 
entered the lists, and as their friends were spectators, thero 
was great emulation. 28. Horses also ran ; and they had to 
gallop down the steep, and, turning round in the sea, to come 
up again to the altar.* In the descent, many rolled down ; 
but in the ascent, against the exceedingly steep ground, tho 
horses could scarcely get up at a walking pace. There v/as 
tonsequently great shouting, and laughter, and cheering from 
the people. 



Chelrisophus goes to Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, to obtain ships for 
the Greeks. Xenophon, meanwhile, attends to other matters, and devises 
another plan for procuring vessels, if Cheirisophus should fail in his mis- 
sion, anrt causing the roads to be repaired, in case the army should be 
obliged to proceed by land. Treachery of Dexippus. and efficient exertions 
of Polycrates. 

1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country 
with Cyrus, and what they underwent in their journey to tiie 
Euxine Sea ; how they arrived at the Greek city of Trebi- 
8ond, and how they offered the sacrifices which they had vowed 
to offer for their safety as soon as they should reach a friendly 
country, has been related in the preceding part of this narrative. 

• l.Ta^tov ^oXixov.] The stadion, or short course, was six ple- 

tbra, or 600 Greek feet, equal to 606^ feet English; the ^oX.xoc, or 
long course, was six or more stadia, even up to twenty-four. Hussei/, 
Append, ix. sect. 11. 

> The altar, apparently, at which they had been sacnficmg. 

144 THE EXPEDlTtOJl OF CYTLV9. [S. t. 

2. Tliey now assembled to hold a council concerning the 
remainder of their journey ; and Antileon, a native of Thurii, 
stood up first, and spoke thus : " For my part, my friends, I 
am now quite exhausted with packing up my baggage, walk- 
ing, running, carrying my arms, marching in order, mount- 
ing guard, and fighting, and should wish, since we have come 
to the sea, to rest from such toils, and to sail the remainder of 
the way ; and to arrive at Greece, like Ulysses, stretched out 
asleep " ' 3. The soldiers, on hearing these remarks, cried 
out that he spoke well ; and then another, and afterwards all 
the rest, expressed the same feelings. Cheirisophus then 
rose, and spoke as follows : 4. " Anaxibius'^ is a friend of mine, 
and is now admiral. If, therefore, you will commission me to 
go to him, I have no doubt that I shall return with galleys 
and transport-vessels to carry you. And as you wish to sail, 
stay here till I come back ; for I shall come very soon." When 
the soldiers heard this oifer, they were delighted, and voted 
that he should set sail with all speed. 

5. After him Xenophon stood up, and spoke to the follow- 
ing effect : " Cheirisophus is going to fetch ships, and we 
shall remain here ; and I will now mention what I think it 
proper for us to do during our stay. 6. In the first place, 
we must get provisions from the enemy's country ; for the 
market here is not abundant enough to supply us, nor have 
we, except some few, a sufficiency of means with which to 
purchase. But the country around us is inhabited by ene- 
mies ; and there is danger, therefore, that many of you may' 
be killed, if you go out in quest of provisions heedlessly and 
unguardedly. 7. It seems to me, then, that we ought to seek 

I — The winged galley flies; 

Less swift an eagle cuts the liquid skies ; 
Divine Ulysses was her sacred load, 
A man in wisdom equal to a god ! 
Much danger, long and mighty toils he tore, 
In storms by sea, and combats on the shore: 
All which soft sleep nowbanish'd from his breast, 
Wrapt in a pleasing, soft, and death-like rest. 

• *«•»•« 
Ulysses sleeping on his couch they bore. 
And gently placed him on the rocky shore. 

Pope, Ody»f. xlil 
J He WW then at Byzantium : see vii. 1. 3. 


provisions in foraging-parties,' and not to wander about at 
random ; so that you may preserve your lives ; and that we, 
the officers, should have the regulation of tliese proceedings." 
These suggestions were approved. 8. " Attend also," he 
said, "to the following hints. Some of you will go out 
for plunder. I think it will be better, then, for any one that 
intends to go out, to give us notice, and say in what direc- 
tion, that we may know the number of those who go and of 
those who stay at home, and may take part in their projects if 
it should be necessary ; and that, if it should be requisite to 
send succour to any party, we may know whither to send it ; 
while if any of the less experienced make an attempt in any 
quarter, we may aid his views by trying to learn the strength 
of the enemy against whom he is going." To this proposal 
assent was likewise given. 9. " Consider this too," added 
he ; " the enemy have leisure to rob us ; they meditate attacks 
upon us, and with justice, for we are in possession of their 
property. They are also posted above us ; and it appears to 
me, therefore, that sentinels should be placed round the camp, 
so that, if, being divided into parties, we keep guard and 
watch by turns, the enemy will be less in a condition to catch 
us by surprise. 10. Take this also into consideration. If we 
knew for certain that Cheirisophus would come with a suffi- 
cient number of ships to transport us, there would be no occa- 
sion for what I am going to say ; but, since this is uncertain, 
I think that we ought, in the mean time, to endeavour to pro- 
vide ourselves with ships from hence; for, if he comes with 
ships, and vessels are read^v here, we shall sail in a greater 
number of ships ; and, if he brings none, we shall make use of 
what we have procured here. 11. I observe vessels frequently 
sailing past ; and if therefore we should ask the people of 
Trebisond for ships of war, and bring them in to the shore and 
keep them under guard, unshipping their rudders till a suffi- 
cient number be collected to carry us, we shall possibly not 
fail of securing such conveyance as we require." This sugges- 
tion was also approved. 12. " Reflect also," said he, " whether 
it will not be proper to support the mariners whom we bring 
into harbour from the common stock, as long as they may stay 

' Si'i' TrpovofiuiQ.I A military mode of expression, as it appears, 
signifying instnu^to agmine pabuiatum seu frumentatum exire. Kiihner 
Compare Cyrop. vi. 1. 24; Ilellen. iv. 1, \^. Kriiger. 


on our account, and to make an agreement with them about 
the passage-money, that by benefiting us they may also be 
benefited themselves." To this they also agreed. 13. "It 
appears to me further," he continued, " that if our efforts are 
not successful to procure vessels in sufficient number,^ we 
should enjoin the towns lying on the sea to repair the roads, 
which, we hear, are scarcely passable ; for they will obey 
such an injunction both from fear and from a wish to be rid of 
us." 14. At this point of his speech they cried out that there 
must be no travelling by land. 

Xenophon, seeing their want of consideration, did not put 
that particular to the vote. But he afterwards prevailed on 
the towns to mend the roads of their own accord, telling them 
that if the roads were made passable, they would so much the 
sooner be delivered from the Greeks. 15. They received also 
a fifty-oared galley from the people of Trebisond, over which 
they placed Dexippus, a Spartan, one of the periceci;^ who, 
neglecting to get vessels together, went off with the galley 
clear out of the Euxine. He however met with a just retribu- 
tion some time after ; for being in Thrace, at the court of 
Seuthes, and engaging in some intrigue, he was killed by 
Nicander a Lacedaimonian. 16. They received too a thirty- 
oared galley, over which Polycrates an Athenian was ap- 
pointed, who brought all the vessels that he could get to 
the shore before the camp ; and the Greeks, taking out their 
cargoes, if they had any, set guai-ds over them, that they 
might be secure, and reserved the vessels for tlieir passage. 

17. While these affairs were going on, the soldiers were 
making excursions for plunder ; and some succeeded and 
others not ; but Clea;netus, as he was leading out his own 
troop and another against some strong place, was killed, as 
well as several of those that were with him. 

' "Qirrf apKtlv vXola.'] " So that vessels maybe sufficient ffor us)." 
' ntp(oiKov.] The periwci were the free inhabitants of the towns 
arounci Sparta ; they were excluded from civil offices, aud held a 
middle place between the native Spartans (the bfioioi of iv. 6. 14) 
and the Neodamods and Helots. See Thucyd. viii. 22 ; Arnold's 
Tbucyd. i. 101; Valckeneer. ad Herod- ix. U. 



To augment their stock of provisions, Xenophon undertakes a foraging ex* 
pedition against the Drilae, who lay waste their fields, and shut themselv» 
up in their chief fort, which the Greeks take and hum to the ground. 

1. When it was no longer possible for the foragers to get 
provisions, so as to return the same day to the camp, Xeno- 
phon, taking some of the people of Trebisond as guides, led 
out half the army against the Drilne, leaving the other half to 
guard the camp ; for the Colchians, having been driven from 
their homes, were collected in large numbers, and had posted 
themselves on the heights. 2. The guides from Trebisond, 
however, did not conduct them to places whence it was easy 
to get provisions, for the inhabitants of those parts were their 
friends, but led them with great eagerness into the territories 
of the Drilae, from whom they had received injuries, into 
mountainous and difficult tracts, and against the most warlike 
of all the people on the shores of the Pontus Euxinus. 

3. When the Greeks had got up into their country, the 
Drilae retreated, having first set fire to such of their places as 
seemed easy to be taken ; and there was nothing for the 
Greeks to capture but swine, or oxen, or any other cattle that 
had escaped the fire. But there was one place that consti- 
tuted their metropolis ; and to this they had all flocked. 
Around it there was an extremely deep ravine, and the ways 
of access to the place were difficult. 4. However the peltasls, 
having outstripped the heavy-armed men by five or six stadia, 
crossed the ravine, and getting sight of a great deal of cattle 
and other booty, made an attack upon the place ; and many 
spear-men,' who had gone out for plunder, followed close upon 
them; so that the number of those who crossed the ravine 
amounted to more than two thousand. 5. As they found 
themselves unable to take the place by assault, (for there was 
a broad trench round it, the earth from which had been thrown 
up as a rampart, and upon the rampart were palisades, and a 
number of wooden towers erected,) they attempted to retire, 
but the enemy pressed hard upon them ; 6. and as they could 

> Ao(«/(fopot.] No particular class of troops is meant, but merely 
such of the foragers as had armed themselves with spears, either for 
defence, or to assist them in bringing home what they took. 


not effect a i-etreat, (for the descent from the place to the ravine 
would allow only one to pass at a time,) they sent for aid to 
Xenophon, who was at the head of the heavy-armed men. 7. 
The messenger said, that the place was stored with abundance 
of things ; " but," said he, " we are unable to take it, for it is 
strong ; nor is it easy for us to retreat, for the enemy 
sally forth and assail our rear, and the way from it is dif- 

8. Xenophon, on hearing this account, brought up the 
heavy-armed to the i-avine, and ordered them to halt there 
under arms, while he himself, crossing over with the captains, 
deliberated whether it would be better to bring off those that 
had already gone over, or to lead over the heavy-armed also, 
in the hope that the place might be taken ; 9. for it seemed 
impossible to bring off the first party without the loss of many 
lives, and the captains were of opinion that they might take 
the place. Xenophon accordingly yielded to their judgment, 
placing some reliance, at the same time, on the sacrifices ; for 
the augurs had signified that there would be an action, and 
that the result of the excursion would be favourable. 10. He 
therefore despatched the captains to bring over the heavy- 
armed men, while he himself remained where he was, keeping 
back the peltasts, and allowing none of them to skirmish with 
the enemy. 1 1 . When the heavy-armed troops came up, he 
ordered each of the captains to form his company in such a 
manner as he might think most advantageous for fighting ; 
for those captains, who were perpetually contending with one 
another in gallantry, were now standing close to each other. 
12. They executed his orders ; and he then directed all the 
peltasts to advance holding their javelins by the thong,' as it 
■would be necessary to hurl whenever he should give the 
signal, and the archers having their arrows resting on the 
string/ as, whenever he gave the signal, they would have to 
shoot; he ordered the skirmishers ^ also to have their bags full 
of stones, and commissioned proper persons to see these orders 
executed. 13. When everything was ready, and the captains 

• See on iv. 3. 28. 

' The yvfiviirai are here distinguished from the archers, although 
yvfivtiTai is a general name for both archers, javelin -men, and 
sHngers, Compare iij. 4. 10. Kiihner, The slingers are evidently 
meant here. 


and lieutenants, and all those ^ who thought themselves not 
inferior to these, were in their places, and had a full view of 
each other, (for the disposition of the troops, from the nature 
of the ground, was in the form of a crescent.) the heavy-armed 
men, 14. after they had sung the paean and the trumpet had 
sounded, raised the war-cry to Mars, and ran forward, while 
the missiles, consisting of lances, arrows, balls from slings, and 
numbers of stones flung from the hand, were hurled among 
the enemy ; and some of the men, too, threw fire-brands at 
the place. 15. By reason, therefore, of the multitude of these 
missives, the enemy abandoned both the palisades and the 
towers ; so that Agasias of Stymphalus and Philoxenus of 
Pellene, laying aside their armour,^ mounted the ramparts in 
their tunics only ; and then one drew up another, and others 
mounted by themselves, and the place, as it appeared, was 
taken. 16. The peltasts and light-armed men, accordingly, 
rushed in and laid hands on whatever tlicy could find ; while 
Xenophon, taking his stand at the gates, detained as many of 
the heavy-armed as he could outside of them, for other bodies 
of the enemy were showing themselves upon some strong posi- 
tions among the hills. 17. After the lapse of a short interval 
of time, a cry arose within, and the men came fleeing out, 
some carrying what they had seized, and one or two perhaps 
wounded ; and there was great crowding about the gates. 
Those who rushed out, being questioned as to the cause, said 
that there was a citadel within, and a great number of the 
enemy, who sallied forth and fell upon our men who were in 
the place. 18. Xenophon tlien told Tolraides the crier to pro- 
claim that whoever wished to get any plunder might go in ; 
when many hastened to the entrance, and those who tried to 
push their way in got the better of those that were hurrying 
out, and shut up tlie enemy again within the citadel. 19. All 
the parts without tlie citadel were then ravaged, and the 
Greeks brought out the spoil; while the heavy-armed men 
ranged themselves under arms, some round the palisading, and 
some along the way leading to the citadel. 20. Xenophon 
and the captains then deliberated whether it would be possible 
to take the citadel, for, in that case, a safe retreat would be 

' Halbkart supposes, with much reason, that we must understand 
tlie captains of fifty and twenty-five. See iii. 4. 21 
' In order to climb with more agility. 


secured ; othcn\ase it seemed a difficult matter to retire ; and 
it appeared to them, upon consideration, tliat the citadel was 
altogether impregnable. 21. They accordingly began to pre- 
pare for a retreat ; each of the men pulled up the palisades 
that were nearest to him ; and the captains sent out of the 
place the useless hands,' and those who were loaded with 
plunder, but retained those in whom they severally confided.* 
22. When they commenced their retreat, numbers of the 
enemy sallied forth upon them from within, armed with light 
shields, spears, greaves, and Paphlagonian helmets,' while 
others climbed upon the houses that were on each side of the 
road leading to the citadel, 23. so that it was not safe to 
pursue them towards the gate leading thither, for they hurled 
down large pieces of timber from above ; and it was in con- 
sequence dangerous either to remain or retreat ; and the 
night, which was coming on, increased their alarm. 24. But 
while they were thus engaged and in perplexity, some god 
gave them the means of saving themselves ; for one of the 
houses on the right suddenly burst out in flames, whoever it 
was that set fire to it, and when it fell in, the enemy fled 
from all the houses on the right ; 25. when Xenophon, having 
learned this expedient from fortune, gave orders to set fire to 
all the houses on the left, which were of wood, and soon in a 
blaze ; and the enemy accordingly fled from these houses also. 
26. Those who were directly over against them,* however, 
and those only, still continued to annoy them, and gave evident' 
signs of an intention to fall upon them in their egress and 
descent. Xenophon in consequence ordered all who were out 
of reach of the missiles to bring wood into the space between 
them and the enemy ; and when a considerable quantity was 
collected, they set fire to it, setting fire at the same time to 
the houses close to the palisading, in order that the enemy's at- 

' Tore axpdovQ.'] Whatever camp-followers there were, with the 
wounded, and those that were laden with spoil. 

' They retained a trusty band, to cover the rear of the retreating 

' In ch. iv. sect. 13, these are said to be made of leather; by 
Herodotus, vii. 72, thev are called ircTrXtyneva : whence Halbkart, 
who refers to Homer, II. x 258, concludes that these helmets were 
formed of pieces of leather interwoven. Kiihner. 

* Kara rb oro^n.] Those in front of the assailants. 2r<5/ia, r« 
iltirpoaiev h'iqoq tov r'parov, iSuidat, 

Cli. 2.] UEfUilN FROM tlTfi COtJKtfet Of fllE DittL.fe. 1.>1 

tcntion might be engaged about these proceedings. 27. Thu^ 
by interposing fire between themselves and the enemy, they 
effected, though with difficulty, a retreat from the plac«. 
The whole of the town, houses, towers, palisading, and every- 
thing else except the citadel, was reduced to ashes. 

28. The next day the Greeks marched away, carrying with 
them the provisions that they had taken ; but as they had 
some fears with regard to the descent to Trebisond, (for it 
was steep and narrow,) tk-'y placed a pretended ambuscade. 
29. A certain man, a Mysian by birth, and bearing that name,' 
took ten'^ Cretans with him and waited in a woody place, 
making it appear that he was endeavouring to conceal himself 
from the enemy ; while their shields, which were of brass, 
glittered from time to time through the bushes. 30. The 
enemy accordingly, observing these indications, were afraid 
as of a real ambuscade ; and in the mean time the army 
effected its descent. When it appeared to the Mysian that 
they were advanced far enough,^ he gave a signal for them 
to flee with all speed, and he himself, and those that were with 
him, started up and hurried off. 31. The others, the Cretans, 
quitting the road, (for they said'' that they were gained upon in 
the race,) threw themselves down among the wood into the 
bushy hollows, and got off safe ; 32. but the Mysian himself, 
pursuing his flight along the road, was heard to call out for aid, 
when some ran to his relief, and brought him off wounded. Tha 
party who had rescued him then retreated step by step with 
their face towards the enemy, being exposed to their missiles, 
while some of the Cretans discharged their arrows in return. 
Thus they all returned in safety to the camp. 

' He was a Mysus or Mysian by birth, and was called Mt/sua. 
Kriiger apdy refers to Luciau Tox. 28: o(K«r»;c avroii ^vooq koI 
Tovvofia Kai ti]v irarpiSa. 

* Schneider has "four or five," which is found in some manuscripts 
Even teti seems to be but a small number. 

' I have here deserted Dindorfs punctuation, who puts a comma 
before np Mvffy. Kriiger and Kiihner agree in putting the comma 
after Mvfftji. 

* 'Eipaffav.l Commentators have made needless difficulties about 
this word. It is to be translated simply " they said ;" i. e. they told 
their fellow-soldier* when they returned. 



Being unable, from want of provisions, to wait longer for Cheirisophus, the 
Greeks despatch the camp-followers and baggage by sea, and proceed 
themselves by land to Cerasus, where the whole army is reviewed. They 
divide among themselves the money arising from the sale of the prison- 
ers, the generals taking charge of the tenth part, which had been vowed 
to Apollo and Diana. Description of Xenophou's residence, and of the 
temple of Diana, at Scillus. 

1. As Cheirisophus did not return, and a sufficient number 
of vessels were not collected, and as there was no longer a 
possibility of getting supplies, it appeared that they must take 
their departure. They accordingly put on board the sick 
persons, and those who were above forty years of age, with 
the women and children, and whatever baggage it was not 
necessary to retain, and appointed Philesius and Sophaenetus, 
the eldest of the generals, to go in the vessels and take charge 
of them. The rest of the army proceeded by land ; for the 
road was now prepared. 2. Pursuing their march, they ar- 
rived on the third day at Cerasus, a Greek city upon the 
coast in the country of Colchis, and a colony from Sinope. 
3. Here they stayed ten days, and a review of the troops 
under arms was held, and their number taken ; they were in 
all eight thousand six hundred. These were saved out of 
about (en thousand ; the rest had been cut off by the enemy 
and the snow, and perhaps two or three by sickness. 

4. Here also they distributed the money arising from the 
sale of the prisoners. The tenth part, which they set aside 
for Apollo and Diana of Ephesus, the generals took among 
them, each a portion, to keep for those duties. Neon of Asina 
received that which was intended for Cheirisophus. 

5. Xenophon, after causing an offering to be made for 
Apollo, deposited it in the treasury of the Athenians at 
Delphi, inscribing on it his own name, and that of Proxenus, 
who was killed with Clearchus ; for he had been his guest- 
friend. 6. The portion designed for Diana of Ephesus he 
left with Megabyzus, the warden of that goddess's temple, 
when he returned' with Agesilaus out of Asia on an expedi- 

' "Or« avfiH, K. T. X,] Verte: quum redibat cum Agesilao ex Asil 
expeditionem cum eo in Bceotos faciens. Xen. Ages. i. 36, ii. 9; 

llellcii. iv ',',: Phitavch. Ases. c. 18. Kuhner, 

en. 3.] XENOPHON's ttESrbEXCE at SCtLLtS. 153 

tion to Boeotia, because he seemed likely to incur somo peril, 
and enjoined him, if he escaped, to return the money to him, 
but, if he met with an ill fate, to make such an offering as he 
thought would please the goddess, and dedicate it to her. 
7. Afterwards, when Xenophon was banished' from his 
country, and was living at Scillus, a colony settled by the 
Lacedaemonians near Olyrapia, Megabyzus came to Olympia 
to see the games, and restored him the deposit. Xenophon, ou 
receiving it, purchased some land as an offering to the goddess 
where the god had directed him. The river Selinus happen?! 
to run through the midst of it ; 8. and another river named 
Selinus runs close by the temple of Diana at Ephesus ; and 
in both there are different kinds of fish, and shell-fish. On 
the land near Scillus, too, there is hunting, of all such beasts 
as are taken in the chase. 9. He built also an altar and a 
temple with the consecrated money, and continued afterwards 
to make a sacrifice every year, always receiving a tenth of the 
produce of the seasons from the land ; and all the people of 
the town, as well as the men and women of the neighbour- 
hood, took part in the festival ; while the goddess supplied 
those in tents there with barley-meal, bread, wine, sweetmeats, 
and a share of the victims offered from the sacred pastures, 
and of those caught in hunting ; 10. for the sons of Xenophon, 
and those of the other inhabitants, always made a general 
hunt against the festival, and such of the men as were willing 
hunted with them ; and there were caught, partly on the 
sacred lands, and partly on Mount Pholoe, boars, and antelopes, 
and deer. 11. This piece of ground lies on the road from 
Lacedfemon to Olympia, about twenty stadia from the temple 
of Jupiter at Olympia. There are within the place groves 
and hills covered with trees, adapted for the breeding of swine, 
goats, oxen, and horses, so that the beasts of the persons 
coming to the festival are amply supplied with food. 12. Round 
the temple itself is planted a grove of cultivated trees, bearing 
v/hatever fruits are eatable in the different seasons. The 
edifice is similar, as far as a small can be to a great one, to 
that at Ephesus ; and the statue is as like to that at Ephesus 

' He was banished by the Athenians for having joined Cyrus in 
this expedition against the king of Persia, whom they then consider- 
ed as a friend. Pausan. v. fi. 4 • Diog. Laert. ii. 51. See iii. 1. 5; 
vii. 7. 57. 

154 ti!t* cxpKmtio?^ Of crutjg. [R. tr 

as a statue of cypress can be to one of gold. 13. A pillar 
stands near the temple, bearing this inscription : this ground 



The Greeks an-ive at the country of the Mossynoeci, who, relying on thcii 
strong-holds, endeavour to stop their progress. But as they were divided 
into two parties, the Greeks defeat the one with the aid of the other, 
burn two fortresses, and plunder the chief city. Account of the bai-barous 
manners of the Mossynoeci. 

1. From Cerasus those who had previously gone on board 
pursued their voyage by sea ; the rest proceeded by land. 
2. When they came to the confines of the Mossynoeci, they 
sent to them Timesitheus, a native of Trapezus, and a guest- 
friend of the Mossynoeci, to inquire whether they were to 
inarch through their country as one of friends or of enemies. 
The MossyntEci rej)lied that " they would allow them no pass- 
age at all ;" for they trusted to their strong-holds. 3. Time- 
sitheus then acquainted the Greeks that the Mossynoeci in the 
country beyond were at enmity with these ; and it was re- 
solved accordingly to ask them whether they were willing to 
form an alliance with the Greeks. Timesitheus, being de- 
spatched for that purpose, returned with their chiefs. 

4. On their arrival, the chiefs of the Mossynoeci and the 
generals of tire Greeks held a conference, when Xenophon 
spoke, and Timesitheus interpreted. 5. " We are desirous," 
said he, " Mossynoeci, to effect a safe passage to Greece by 
land, as we have no ships ; but these people, who, as we hear, 
are your enemies, oppose our way. 6. It is in your power, 
therefore, if you think proper, to take us for your allies, and 
to avenge yourselves for whatever injury they have done you, 
and make them subject to you for the future.' 7. But if you 

• Kai rb Xoittot vfiiLv vTrrjKnovg ilvai tovtovq.'\ Supply tStffriv vfitv, 
after which it would have been more straightforward to say txttv 

Ctt. 4.* tttfi iiossrS^cEct. 155 

reject our application, consider whence you will again procure 
so efficient a power to support you," 8. To this the head chief 
of the Mossynoeci answered that they were pleased with the 
proposal, and would consent to the alliance. 9. " Well then/ 
said Xenophon, " for what purpose will you want to make 
use of us, if we become your allies, and how far will you be 
able to assist us with regard to ou:; passage through the 
country?" 10. They replied, " We shall be able to make an 
irruption, from the farther side, into the country of those who 
are enemies to both you and us, and to send hither for you, 
both ships and men, who will be your auxiliaries, and guide 
you on your way." ii. Having given and received pledges 
on these terms, they departed. 

The next day they returned with three hundred canoes, • 
and three men in each, of whom two disembarked, and formed 
in line under arms, while the third remained on board. 12, 
The latter sailed off with the canoes, and those wlio were left 
behind, ranged themselves in the following manner. They 
drew up in Hnes, of about a hundred men in each, hke rows 
of dancers fronting one another, all bearing shields made of 
the hides of white oxen, with the hair on, shaped like an ivy- 
leaf, and in their right hand a spear six cubits long, with a 
point at the upper end, and at the lower a round knob formed 
from the wood of the shaft, 13. They were clad in short 
tunics, that did not reach to their knees, of the thickness of a 
linen bag for bed-clothes,^ and had on their heads helmets 
made of leather like those of the Paphlagonians, with a plait 
of hair round the middle, nearly resembling a tiara ; they had 
also battle-axes of iron. 14. One of them next went forward, 
and all the rest followed him, singing to a tune ; and then, 
passing through the lines and heavy-armed troops of the 
Greeks, they proceeded straight towards the enemy, to attack 
a forti-ess, which appeared easy to be assailed, 15. and which 
was situated in front of the city which they call their metro- 
polis, occupying the highest point in the country of the Mos- 

instead of ilvai : but t^iTTiv vfilv easily leads us to the conception of 
the verb Siairpatia^c. Kiihner. 

• nXola nov6iv\ar\ Boats made of the trunk of a single tree hol- 
lowed out. 

' AivoD (Trpw;/aro^£(T/ioi;.] A bag or sack in which slaves had to 
pack up bed-clothes, e. g. for their master, when he was going to 
travel. Aristoph. Fr. 24U ; Plato Theset. % 84, ubi vide Hemdjrf. 


syiuEci, It was about this strong-hold that the present war 
had arisen ; for those who for the time being held this posi- 
tion, were regarded as chief of all the Mossynocci ; and they 
said that the other party had seized it unjustly, and, by ap- 
propriating to themselves a common possession, had gained 
the ascendency over them. 16. Some of the Greeks followed 
these men, not by orders from their officers, but for the sake 
of plunder. While they were advancing, the enemy were 
quiet for a time, but, as they drew near the fort, they sallied 
out and put them to flight, killing several of the Barbarians, 
and some few of the Greeks that went up with them, and 
continued the pursuit until they saw the main body of the 
Greeks coming to the rescue. 17. They then turned and fled, 
and, cutting off the heads of the slain, exhibited them to the 
Greeks and their own enemies, dancing and singing, at the 
same time, to some kind of tune. 

18. Tlie Greeks were much vexed on this occasion, because 
they had rendered the enemy bolder, and because their own 
men, who had gone out with the party in considerable num- 
bers, had run away ; a circumstance which had never before 
happened during the expedition. 19. Xenophon however, 
calling the Greeks together, said, " Do not be cast down, sol- 
diers, at what has happened, for be assured that the good 
which has occurred is not less than the evil. 20. In the first 
place, you are now convinced that those who are to guide us, 
are in reality enemies to those to whom it is necessary for us 
also to be enemies. In the next, those of the Greeks who 
■were regardless of our discipline, and thought themselves able 
TO do as much in conjunction with the Barbarians as witli us, 
have paid the penalty of their rashness ; so that on any other 
occasion tliey will be less inclined to desert our body. 21. 
And it is now incumbent on you so to prepare yourselves, that 
you n)ay appear to such of the Barbarians as are your friends 
to be superior to them in courage, and to prove to your ene- 
mies that they will not fighL with the same kind of men now, 
as when they fought with those who were in disorder.'' 

22. Thus they rested for that day. On the next, when 
they had sacrificed, and found favourable omens, and had 
taken their breakfast, they formed themselves in columns, 
ranging the Baibarians on the left in the same way, and 
nr/r^xhed forward with the archers ))et\veen the columns, keep- 


ing a little within the front ranks of the heavy-armed troops, 
for some of the enemy's light-armed men ran down and hurled 
stones at them. 23. These the archers and peltasts tried to 
keep in check ; the rest of the Greeks proceeded at a slow 
pace, in the first place, towards the fortress, from which the 
Barbarians, and the Greeks who were with them, had been 
repulsed the day before ; for here the enemy were drawn up 
to oppose them. 24. The Barbarians awaited the charge of 
the peltasts, and engaged with them; but when the heavy- 
armed came up, they took to flight, when the peltasts immedi- 
ately pursued them up the hill to the metropolis, and the 
heavy-armed followed in order. 25. As soon as they had 
reached the top, and were close to the houses in the metropo 
lis, the enemy, being now collected in a body, encountered 
and hurled lances at tlicm ; and, using other spears of great 
thickness and length, such as a man could hardly cai-ry, they 
endeavoured to defend themselves with them hand to hand. 

26. As the Greeks however did not give way, but engaged 
them in close combat, they fled also from this part, abandon- 
ing the place entirely. But their king, who resided in a 
wooden tower,' built upon an eminence, and whom, while he 
lives there, they all maintain and guard ^ in common, would 
not consent to come out, nor would those who were in the 
fortress that was first taken,' but were burnt there toge- 
ther with the towers. 27. The Greeks, in ransacking the 
place, found in the houses stores * of bread, laid up, as the 
jNIossynoeci themselves said, according to their hereditary prac- 
tice, and the new corn put by in the straw ; the most of it 
was spelt. 2S. Sliced flesh of dolphins,^ too, was found pic- 
kled in jars, and fat of do'iphins also in other vessels, which 

' yiocffvvi.l Moffffiw, ^vXivoQ TTvpyoQ, as appears from Diod. Sic. 
xiv. 30. Apoll. llhodius lengthens the v, ii. 1018, 1019, as well as 
Dionysius Feriegetes, v. 766. The form fioaavvoic from noffcrwoc 
occurs below ; but Schneider, on the suggestion of Buttmann, reads 
fiotravvoiv, that Xenophon may be consistent w'th himself. 

' <t>vXaTrou(Ti.] This reading is adopted by Dindorf from a con- 
jecture of Brunck, ad Apoll. Rhod. ii. 1030, which was approved 
by Porson, and is supported by Pomponius Mela, i. 19 : " The 
Mossyni maintain their king shut up in a tower." 

' That which is mentioned in sect. 15. KUhner. 

* Bfjcranpoiic.] Apothecas, rereptacula, cellos. Zeune. 

* The Chalybes also are said to pickle dolphins, and use their fat, 
by Strabo, xii. 3, p. 27. 


the Mossynoeci used as the Greeks use oil. 29. In the upper 
part of the houses were vast stores of chestnuts,* of the broad 
kind, without any fissure ; these they used in great quantities 
for food, boiling them and baking loaves of them. Wine was 
likewise found, which, when unmixed, seemed sour to the 
taste by reason of its roughness, but mixed with water, was 
both fragrant and sweet. 

30. The Greeks, after dining here, proceeded on their march, 
delivering up the place to the tribe of Mossynceci that had 
become their allies. As for the other towns at which they 
arrived, belonging to the people on that side of the enemy, 
the Barbarians deserted such as were most accessible, while 
the inhabitants of others wiUingly came over to them, 31. 
Most of these places were situated thus : they were distant 
from one another about eighty stadia, some more, some less ; 
yet the inhabitants could hear each other calling out from 
one town to another ; so mountainous and hollow is the 

32. When the Greeks, advancing onward, arrived in the 
country of their friends, they showed them some boys, sons of 
the richer sort of people, extremely fat, (having been fed on 
boiled chestnuts,) very soft and fair-skinned, and not far from 
being equal in height and breadth, painted also on their backs 
with various colours, and tattooed all over their fore-parts 
with flowers.2 33. They wanted to have intercourse in public 
with the mistresses that the Greeks had with them ; for such 
is their custom. Both the men and women were very fair. . 
34. Those engaged in this expedition said that these were the 
most barbarous of all the people they passed through, and 
furthest removed from the manners of the Greeks ; for they 
do those things in a crowd, which other men would do in pri- 
vate, or would not venture to do at all ; and they acted, when 
alone, just as they would have acted in company with others ; 

' Kapva.l The commentators rightly understand castanea 7iuces, 
chestnuts, of which the name was taken from Castana, a city of 
Thessaly, where they were first cultivated by the Greeks : see Pol- 
lux, i. 232; Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 425. Kiihner. 

* 'Av^t^iov.] So Leuiiclavius, Schneider, Kiihner, and most of 
the commentators interpret. Zeune, from Hesychius's definition of 
dv^i/iiov, " yjoajwftjj rig iXiKotiSlig iv roiig icioai," is disposed to think 
that the people were tattooed in front loith spiral lines, but this no- 
tion, saya Kiihner, minimi placnt. 


they talked to tliemseUes, laughed to themselves, and stopped 
and danced wherever they happened to be, as if they were ex- 
bibitinjr themselves to others. 


The Greeks pass through the territories of the Chalybes, and arrive at 
Cotyora, a colony from Sinope, in those of the Tibareni. Not being hos- 
pitably received, they subsist by plundering the neighbouring countrj-, 
and that of the Paplilagonians. The people of Sinope complain of these 
depredations, but are appeased by the reply of Xenophon. | 

1. Through this country, partly hostile and partly friend- 
ly, the Greeks proceeded eight days' journey, and arrived 
among the Chalybes. This people are few in number, and 
subject to the Mossynoeci ; and the subsistence of most of 
them is procured by working in iron. 2. They next came to 
the Tibareni, whose country was much more level, and con- 
tained some towns on the sea-coast, not very strongly fortified. 
Upon those places the generals were inclined to make an at- 
tack, and thus in some degree to benefit the army ; and accord- 
ingly they did not receive the otferings of hospitality that 
were sent them from the Tibareni, but ordered those who 
brought them to wait till they had considered how to act, and 
then proceeded to sacrifice. 3. After offering several victims, 
all the augurs at last gave their opinion that the gods by no 
moans approved of war. They then accepted the presents, 
and marching on, as through a country belonging to friends, 
they arrived in two days at Cotyora, a Greek city, a colony 
from Sinope, situated in the territory of the Tibareni. 

4. Thus far the army had proceeded by land. The length 
of their journey down the country, from the field of battle 
near Babylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and twenty-two days' 
march, six hundred and twenty parasangs, or eigliteen thou- 
sand six hundred stadia ; and the length of time spent in it 
was eight months. 

5. Here they stayed forty-five days; during which they 
first sacrificed to the gods, and then each of the Greeks, ac- 
cordin;: to their tribes, celebrated orocessions and gymnastic 


gfimes. 6. Their provisions, meanwhile, they took partly 
from Paphlagonia, and partly from the lands of the Cotyo- 
rites ; for they refused to permit them to purchase, or to re- 
ceive their sick within the walls. 

7. During this state of things ambassadors came from the 
people of Sinope, who were in fear about the city of Cotyora, 
(for it belonged to them, and the inhabitants paid thera 
tribute,) and about the land, as they had heard that it was 
being ravaged. Having arrived at the camp, they said, 
(Hieronymus, who was thought a man of eloquence, speaking 
for the rest,) 8. " The people of Sinope, soldiers, have sent us 
hither, first of all, to offer you commendation, because, being 
Greeks, you have overcome the Barbarians, and next to con- 
gratulate you on having arrived here safe, as we hear, through 
many and great struggles. 9. But we think it right that, as 
we ourselves are Greeks, we should receive favour, and not 
injury, at the hands of you who are Greeks ; for we have 
certainly never been aggressors in doing you any ill. 10. The 
people of Cotyora are colonists of ours, and we gave them this 
land after having taken it from tlie Barbarians ; on which ac- 
count they pay us an appointed tribute, in the same manner 
as the people of Cerasus and Trebisond ; so that whatever 
evil you do to them, the city of Sinope will consider itself 
aggrieved by it. ll. We are now informed that, having en- 
tered the town by force, you are quartered, some of you, in 
the houses, and are taking whatever you want from the 
neighbourhood without having obtained the people's consent. 
12. These proceedings we cannot approve, and, if you continue 
to act thus, it will be necessary for us to make friends of 
Corylas and the Paphlagonians, and whomsoever else we may 
be abk; to attach to us." 

13. In reply to these complaints Xenophon rose up and 
spoke in behalf of the army as follows : " We, O men of 
Sinope, have come hither, content with having preserved our 
persons and our arms ; for to bring away spoil with us, and 
at the same time to fight with our enemies, was impossible ; 
14. and now, since we arrived among the Greek cities, (at 
Trebisond for example, for there they allowed us to buy,) we 
have got our provisions by purchase ; and in return for the 
honours which they did us, and the presents which they gave 
to the army, we paid them every i-espect, and abstained froo^ 


injuring any of the Barbarians that were their friends, while 
to their enemies, against whom they led us, Ave did as mucli 
harm as we could. 15. Inquire of them, (for the men, whom, 
through friendship, the city sent along with us as guides, are 
present here,) what sort of persons they found us. ir.. But 
whithersoever we come and find no opportunity of purchas- 
ing, whether to a country of Barbarians or of Greeks, we 
take provisions for ourselves, not tyrannically, but from neces- 
sity. 17. Thus we made the Carduchi, tlie Taochi, and the 
Chaldjeans, (not subjects of the king indeed, but very formid- 
able people,) our enemies, by being under the necessity of 
taking provisions from them, as they gave us no opportunity 
to buy ; is. but the INIacrones, since they afforded us every 
fiicility for purchasing that they could, we regarded, though 
Barbarians, as friends, and took nothing from them by force. 
19. But as for the people of Cotyora, (who, you say, are your 
subjects,) for wliatever we have taken from them they tliem- 
selves are to be blamed ; for they did not make advances to us 
as friends, but, sliutting their gates, would neither admit us 
within their walls, nor offer us provisions for sale without ; 
and they alleged that the governor appointed by you was the 
cause of these proceedings. 20. With regard to your remark 
that we have entered the city and lodged ourselves in it by 
force, we requested them to receive our sick under their roofs ; 
but, when they would not open their gates, we, effecting an 
entrance where the place itself would admit us,' committed no 
further act of violence ; and the sick now lodge in the houses, 
living upon their own means ; while we place a guard at the 
gates, only that our disabled soldiers may not be in the hands 
of your governor, but that it may be in our power to remove 
them when we wish. 21. The rest of us, as you see, are en- 
camped in order in the open arr, prepared, if any one does us 
a service, to do him a service in return ; if an injury, to defend 
ourselves against him. 22. And as to your threat that, if you 
think proper, you Avill make Corylas and the Paphlagonians 
your allies against us, be assured that we, if it be necessary 
will fight with you both, (for we have ah-eady fought witb 

' 'E5I)(€to aiiTo TO x'^pi*"-! Qua, nos ipse locus recipiehat : h. e. quh 
nobis per ipsius loci naturam licebat urbem intrare. Kiihner. Schneider's 
text has oix 'd'lxovro, but all the modern editors concur with 


enemies much more numerous than you,) or, if we think fit, 
we will make the Paphlagonian leader our friend, 23. for we 
have heard that he covets both your city and all the other 
places on the sea. We shall try to become his friends by as- 
sisting him in the attainment of what he desires." 

24. After this speech the colleagues of Hecatonymus testi- 
fied manifest displeasure at what he had said, and another of 
them, coming forward, said that they were not come to make 
war, but to declare that they were friends. *' And if you 
come," he continued, " to the city of Sinope, we will receive 
you there, with tokens of friendship, and, for the present, we 
will desire the people here to supply you with what they can , 
for we see that all that you state is true." 25. The people of 
Cotyora then sent presents to the army, and the generals of 
the Greeks entertained the ambassadors from Sinope ; and 
they conversed with one another about many other things that 
concerned them, and inquired about such particulars as each 
party wanted to know respecting the remainder of the route. 


The Greeks, by the advice of Hecatonymus, resolved to proceed by sea, if 
the people of Sinope will send them ships enough for their conveyance. 
A project of Xenophon's to build a city in Pontus is frustrated by the 
treachery of Silanus. Several of the Greeks are inclined to settle in 

1. Such was the end of that day. On the next, the generals 
assembled the soldiers, and it was resolved to call in the am- 
bassadors from Sinope and consult them about the rest of 
their journey; for, if it should be necessary to proceed by 
land, the Sinopeans seemed likely to prove useful as guides, 
as they were well acquainted with Paphlagonia ; or if by sea, 
it appeared that they would want the aid of the Sinopeans, for 
they were the only people that seemed able to furnish a suffi- 
cient number of ships for transporting the army. 2. Having 
requested the attendance of the ambassadors, therefore, they 
asked their opinion, and desired that, being Greeks, they 
would in the first place receive them well,' both by being 

' To« student will find the original, in this passage, sutnewhat 


kind to them as Greeks, and by advising Ihem for the 

3. Hecatonj-mus, rising up, first stated in apology for his 
observation " that they would make the Paphlagonian their 
friend," that he had said this, not to imply that they were 
going to make war upon the Greeks, but that they would 
prefer the friendship of the Greeks though they had the option 
of becoming friends to the Barbarians. When they called 
upon him to give them his advice, he spoke, with an appeal to 
the gods, to the following effect : 4. " If I advise you what 
seems to me to be best, may many good things befall me ; if 
not, things of a contrary nature ; for that sort of counsel, 
which is said to be sacred,^ appears now to be required ; and, 
if 1 shall be thought to have advised you well, there will be 
many of you to applaud me, and if ill, many of you to execrate 
me. 5. I am aware, then, that we ourselves shall have much 
more trouble if you proceed by sea, for it will be necessary for 
us to furnish the vessels ; while, if you go by land, it will fall 
upon you to fight your way. 6. However, I must tell jou 
what I know ; for 1 am well acquainted both with the coun'uy 
of the Paphlagonians and with their strength. As for the 
country, it presents many beautiful plains, and mountains of a 
very great height ; 7, and I know, in the first place, the part 
where you must certainly make your entrance into it, for it in 
impossible to enter it at any other point than where the peaks 
of a mountain rise to a vast height on each side of the road, 
which a handful of men in possession of them would be ablo 
to defend j^ and, if they are pre-occupied, not even all the 

rbscure, as the accusative that ^f^*'^^''" should govern is wanting, 
and"E\X»j(Tt is given in anticipation of cvvovq, on which it undoubt- 
edly depends. To make it depend on ovrag, with Henry Stephens, 
is manifestly erroneous. 

' An allusion, without doubt, to the proverb if pov XP'I/"* '' <rvntov\i'i, 
or Upd r] avfiQavXi], concerning which see Hesychius, Suidas, and 
Phavorinus; also Zenobii Proverbb. 4. 20, ibique Schottus; also 
Erasmi Chiliadd. 2. 1. 47- Erasmus cites Plato, Epist. 5, and ob- 
Berves that Upa is also applied to the anchor which the sailors cast 
out as their last resort in danger. Zeune remarks that Upov is ap- 
plied to whatever is great and distinguished in its kind, so ihat 
Xenophon may mean the best and most important counsel. Sturz, 
Eex. Xenoph. s. v. (rvn^ovXi). 
.^.. Kparttv.l Kriiger makes this verb equivalent to defei^dere. 
Kiiliper understands with it rJJv iroXf/iiwv, " to prove superior to 
M 2 


men in the world would be able to force a passage. These I 
couUl show you, if you would send anybody with me. 8. Be- 
yond, I know that tliere are plains, and a body of cavalry 
which the Barbarians themselves think superior to all 
the king's cavalry ; and, on a recent occasion, they did not 
oin him when he summoned them, as their leader' has too 
high a spirit to do so. '.). But if you could even pass the 
mountains unobserved, or anticipate the enemy in taking pos- 
session of them, and could defeat their cavalry, as well as more 
than a hundred and twenty thousand infantry, in battle on the 
plain, you Avould in the next p'ace come to rivers, first to the 
Thermodon, three hundred feet in breadth, which I consider 
difficult to pass, especially with a large number of enemies 
before you, and an equal number following you behind ; next 
to the Iris, three hundred feet broad also ; and, thirdly, to the 
Ilalys, not less than two furlongs in breadth, which you would 
be unable to cross Avithout boats ; and with boats who would 
supply you? The Parthenius, too, at which you would arrive 
if you were to pass the Halys, is equally impassable, lo. I 
consider this way, therefore, not merely as difficult, but as ab- 
solutely impracticable. But if you go by sea, you may sail 
along the coast from hence to Sinope, and from Sinope to 
Heraclea ; and from Heraclea there will be no difficulty in 
proceeding either by land or sea, as there are plenty of vessels 
at Heraclea." 

11. When he had given this advice, some suspected that he 
had given it through friendship for Corylas, as he was a 
public guest-friend of his ; others thought that he was to 
receive a reward for his counsel ; and others, again, imagined 
that lie had thus advised them, in order that they might not, 
by marching through the territory of the Sinopeans, do any 
damage to it. The Greeks however gave their votes for going 
uy sea. 

">">. Xenophon then said, " O men of Sinope, the soldier? 
have chosen the mode of travelling wdiich you advise ; and 
the matter now stands thus; if the vessels are to be furnished 

their enemies." Kriiger's method is the more simple. " This pass 
appears to be situated in the range of mountains which extends 
northward into the sea, to form the cape Jasoniuni, now I'cmmw 
Burnu." Ainsworth, p. 205. 
' Corylas. 

CM. 6. J XEKOPflOX WOtJLD FOtNt) A citr. 165 

in sufficient numbers, so that not a man of us be left here, 
we will sail ; but if some of us are to be left here, and others to 
sail, we shall not go on board the vessels at all ; 13. for we are 
sure that wherever we are the stronger, we shall be able both 
to save ourselves and to get provisions, but that if we are 
anywhere found weaker than our enemies, it is quite clear we 
shall be in the condition of slaves." 14. The ambassadors, 
on hearing this statement, desired the Greeks to send an 
embassy to Sinope. They accordingly sent Callimachus an 
Arcadian, Ariston an Athenian, and Samolas an Achaean ; 
all of whom immediately set out. 

15. In the mean time, when Xenophon contemplated the 
numerous body of heavy-armed Greeks, as well as the great 
number of peltasts, archers, slingers, and cavalry, rendered 
extremely efficient by exercise, that were now in Pont us, 
where so large a force could not be collected without great 
expense, it appeared to him that it would be an honouiablo 
undertaking to acquire territory and power for Greece by 
founding a city there. 16. He thought that such a city might 
become great, when he considered both the number of the 
Greeks themselves, and that of the surrounding inhabitants 
of Pontus, With reference to this project he offered a sacri- 
fice, summoning to it Silanus of Ambracia, who had been 
augur to Cyrus, before he spoke on the subject to any one of 
the soldiers, n. Silanus, fearing that the scheme might take 
eifect, and that the army might form a settlement somewheie, 
spread a report through the army that Xenophon wanted 
them all to remain there, and form a city, and thus give him 
fame and power. 18. But what Silanus himself wished, was 
to set off for Greece as soon as possible, as he had saved the 
three thousand darics that he had received from Cyrus, when, 
sacrificing for him, he gave a true prediction concerning the 
ten days.' 19. As to the soldiers, when they heard of the 
matter, some thought it best to stay there, but the majority 
were of a different opinion ; and Timasion the Dardanian and 
Thorax the Boeotian told some merchants of Heraclea and 
Sinope who happened to be there, that if they did not 
procure pay for the troops, so that they might have provisions 
ou the voyage, there would be danger of so great an army 

' i. 7. 18 

i6g tiiu tii*El>itioH ofr cVltts. [ij. V. 

remaining in Pontus-; for Xenophon, said they, is forming 
this project, and desires us, when the vessels have arrived, 
suddenly to say to the army, 20. " Soldiers, we observe that 
we are now at a loss both how to get provisions for our 
voyage, and how to benefit our families on returning home. 
But if you are inclined to select some spot, wherever you 
please, in the inhabited country around the Euxine, and to 
take possession of it, allowing those to go home who are 
desirous to go, and those who are willing, to settle here, you 
have ships at command, so that you may make a sudden descent 
upon any part you may think proper." 21. The merchants, 
on hearing this account, communicated it to their cities ; and 
Timasion the Dardanian sent with them Eurymachus, also a 
Dardanian, and Thorax the Boeotian, to make the same state- 
ment. The people of Sinope and Heraclea, as soon as they 
learned this, sent to Timasion, and engaged him, on receipt of 
a certain sum of money, to use his influence in bringing it to 
pass that the army might sail out of tlie Euxine. 22. He 
willingly listened to this proposal, and made a speech, in an 
assembly of the soldiers, to the following purport : " We ought 
not to give our thoughts, soldiers, to remaining here ; or to 
esteem any other country as preferable to Greece. I hear, 
however, that certain persons are sacrificing with a view to 
tliis object, without informing you of it. 23. But, if you 
will sail out of the Euxine, I engage to give each of you 
monthly a stater of Cyzicus ' as pay, computing from the first 
day of the month ; and I will tlien conduct you to Troas, 
from whence I am an exile, and my city shall aid you, for my 
countrymen will gladly receive me. 24. I will also guide you 
to places from wliich you may get wealth, for I am well 
acquainted with ^Eolia, Phrygia, Troas, and all the satrapy of 
Pharnabazus, partly from being a native of that quarter, and 
partly from having served there with Clearchus and Dercyl- 

25. Thorax the Boeotian, who was always contending with 
Xenophon for the chief command, immediately^ stood up, and 
said, that if they sailed out of the Euxine, there would be 

' Worth about 22s. 9d. according to Hussey, ch. vi. sect. 4. 

' Dindojf, with most other editors, has av^ti;. I have thought 
proper to follow Schneider in reading lir^ix-, which occurs ii) two 

Ctl. 6.] XfeNOffiOxV jtlStiPtfeS IIlMSELi^. 167 

before them the Chersonese,' a fine and rich cotmtry • so that 
3uch as wished might settle there, and such as were unwilling 
to do so, might return home ; adding that it was ridiculous, 
when there was abundance of rich land in Greece, to seek 
settlements in a country of Barbarians. 26. " And until you 
arrive there," said he, " I, as well as Timasion, engage that 
you shall have pay." This he said from having learned what 
the people of Heraclea and Sinope had promised on conditioa 
that they sailed away. Xenophon, in the mean time, was 
silent. 27. Philesius and Lycon, however, both Achaeans, 
rose up and observed that it was intolerable that Xenophon 
should privately persuade the soldiers to remain, and sacrifice 
with a view to their stay, not allowing the army to participate 
in the sacrifice, and saying nothing on the subject to the 
general council. Xenophon was in consequence obliged to 
rise and speak as follows : 

28. " I sacrifice, as you see, soldiers, to the best of my 
ability, both for you and for myself, in order that I may say, 
and think, and do such things as may be most honourable and 
advantageous both for yourselves and me ; and I was just now 
sacrificing about this very consideration, whether it would bo 
better to proceed to speak and treat with you on this subject, 
or not to touch on the point at all. 29. Silanus the augur in- 
formed me, what was the most important particular, that the 
victims were favourable, but added (for he knew that I was 
not unskilled in such matters, from being constantly present 
at the sacrifices,) that some fraud and treachery was indicated 
against me by the sacrifices, as being conscious, forsooth, that 
he himself was treacherously purposing to calumniate me to 
you ; for he it was that spread the report that I intended to 
carry this scheme into execution without gaining your con- 
sent. 30. If indeed I had seen you in want, I should have 
meditated some scheme, of which the result might have been 
that you, after possessing yourselves of some town,* might 
pail home, such of you as were inclined, immediately, and such 
as were not so, after they had acquired sufficient to be of some 
benefit to their families. 31. But since 1 see the people of 
Heraclea and Sinope sending you vessels to sail in, and 

' The Tliracian Chersonese. 

» TIoXiv.] Haken thinks that Xenophon meditated taking [ioasc»» 
jtioa of the city of Cotjora. Comp. sect. 15. 


indi\ iduals here promising you pay from the beginning of the 
month, it appears to me an excellent thing for us, after getting 
safe where we wish to be, to receive pay for allowing ourselves 
to be preserved ;^ and I myself, accordingly, give up this 
project, and think that all who have come to me saying that 
•we ought to act in this manner, should give it up likewise. 
32. For what I think is this ; that while you continue together, 
as at present, in large numbers, you are likely to be held in 
honour, and to find provisions, (since in superior strength lies 
the privilege of taking what belongs to the weaker ;) but if you 
are divided, and your force broken into small bodies, you will 
neither be able to procure subsistence, nor effect a departure 
+i0 your satisfaction, 33. My opinion, consequently, is the 
same with your own, that we ought to set out for Greece, and 
that if any one remain here, or be found leaving any one be- 
hind, before the whole army is in a place of safety, he be 
brought to trial as a criminal. And by whomsoever," he 
added, " these sentiments are approved, let him hold up his 
hand." They all held them up. 

34, But Silanus cried out in opposition, and attempte.d to 
show that such as wished to leave the army ought to be 
allowed to do so. This proposition however the soldiers would 
not endure, but threatened that, if they caught him running 
away, they would inflict punishment on him. 35. Soon after, 
when the Heracleans learned that it was resolved to sail out 
of the Euxine, and that it was Xenophon who had put the 
matter to the vote, they sent the ships ; but about the money 
for pay, which they had promised to Timasion and Thorax, 
they broke their word. 36. In consequence, those who had 
engaged for its payment were confounded, and in dread of 
the army. Taking with them therefore the rest of the 

* MitrSov rj}c aojrijplaQ XajjL^avtiv.] An elegant expression, with a 
certain irony, for if one person is saved by another, he does not 
receive, but give, a reward for his preservation. Compare vii. 6. 
30: fiic^bv TrpoctTeXti ti\q atytfiaXtiag, " he gave you in addition a re- 
ward for the safety which he secured you." With like humour 
Xenophon says in his Memorabil. ii. 6. 4, fv ^k -n-daxuiv dvkxiTat : 
and so v. 8. 13, oaoig ffto^tcr^at fi'iv ijpKEi ci' vfiac. Ihat this very 
nicety of language has led to corruption of the passage, is not at 
all surprising. Klifmer. Hutchinson and Leunclavius read noptiag, 
which occurs in some manuscripts, and which Bornemann is in». 
clined to prefer. 

ell. t.] biSSAtiSFACtlON OF tHE TROOPS. 16D 

generals, those at least to whom they had communicated what 
they were previously attempting, (and these were all except 
Neon of Asina,' who commanded under Cheirisophus, and 
Cheirisophus had not yet returned,) they went to Xenophon, 
and told him that they were sorry for what had been done, 
and that it seemed the best course to them, since they had 
vessels, to sail to the river Phasis, and take possession of the 
country of the Phasians, of whom a grandson of jEetes^ 
happened then to be king. 37. Xenophon replied that he 
would propose nothing of the sort to the troops, "but assemble 
them yourselves," said he, " and lay the matter before them 
if you please." Timasion the Dardanian then gave his 
opinion that they should not call a general assembly, but that 
each of the leaders should endeavour, in the first place, to 
persuade his own men. They accordingly went off and put 
this plan in execution. 


Xenophon, being accused of encouraging the army to sail to the Phasis, de- 
fends himself in a formal speech, and is the means of bringing certain of 
the soldiers, who had some time before insulted the ambassadors from 
Cerasus, to punishment. 

1. The soldiers now learned that these matters were in 
agitation ; and Neon of Asina told them that Xenophon, 
having brought the other generals over to his side, was re- 
solved to deceive the army and take them back again to the 
Phasis. 2. The soldiers, on hearing this account, were great- 
ly displeased, meetings began to be held, and knots collected 
among them ; and they gave great reason to fear that they 
would act as they had done to the heralds of the Colchians 
and the commissaries of the market ; for as many of them as 
had not escaped to the sea had been stoned.^ 3, As soon as 

' A town of Laconia; he is accordingly called AaKcjviKog, vii. 
2. 29. 
* ..Eetes was a common name of the kings of Colchis. Strabo, 

no account has been given; but it is told below, 

I. 2, p. 71. 
' Of this affair 

170 ftife texi'EmitoN OP cvitus. [a. v 

Xonoplion observed this state of things, he thought proper to 
call the army immediately together, and not to leave them to 
collect of their own accord. He therefore ordered the herald 
to summon a general assembly, 4. and the troops, when they 
heai'd the herald's voice, hastened to the meeting with the 
greatest alacrity. Xenophon did not accuse the other generals 
of having come to him,' but addressed the troops thus: 

5. " I hear, soldiers, that some one accuses me of intending 
to deceive you, and to take you to the Phasis. Hear me 
therefore, in the name of the gods, and if I appear to have 
done wrong, I ought not to depart hence till I have suffered 
due punishment ; but if, on the contrary, my accusers are 
proved to be in the wrong, treat them, I beseech you, as they 
deserve. 6. You doubtless know," he continued, " where the 
sun i-ises and where it sets, and that whoever intends to go 
to Greece must proceed towards the west, and whoever would 
go to the Barbarians, in the contrary direction towards the east; 
and is there any one, then, who would be able deceitfully to 
persuade you that the sun rises in this quarter and sets in that, 
sets here, and rises there ?^ 7. You also know that the jiorth 
v/ind carries you out of the Euxine Sea towards Greece, and. 
the south wind inwards towards the Phasis ; and you exclaim, 
when the north wind blows, that it is fair sailing for Greece. 
Is it possible, then, that any one could deceive you with re- 
gard to this, to induce you to embark when the south wind is 
blowing? But you will say, perhaps, I shall put you on 
board when it is calm. 8. I however shall sail but in one 
ship, and you in a hundred at least; and how then could I 
force you to sail with me against your will, or lead you away 
by deceit ? 9. But I will suppose that you are deceived and 
bewitched by me, and arrive at the Phasis ; we then land in 
the country ; you will know very well that you are not in 
Greece, and I, who have deceived you, shall be but one, while 

sect. 13—25. Weiske blames Xenophon for this omission, if it be 
not rather, he says, the fault of transcribers. Kriiger defends Xe- 
nc>^)hon on the ground that he wished to avoid repetition. 

' Of having come to him to propose an invasion of the country of 
the Phasians, c. fi, sect. 36. 

^ We must suppose the speaker to point to the different quarters 
as he alhides to them. Schjef'er (Meletem. Crit. p. 3) and Weiaka 
have proposed other readings of the passage, but there seems to b« 
no just cause for disturbing it. 

m.t.] AbbttUSS OF -^ENOPltOJf. 171 

yuu who liave been deceived, -will be ncftily ten tbousandj 
with arms in your hands ; and how could one individual more 
effectually bring vengeance on himself, than by planning thus 
concerning himself and you ? lo. But these charges proceed 
from foolish men, and men who are jealous of me because I 
am hi)nourcd by you ; though indeed they are jealous without 
reason ; for which of them do I hinder from speaking before 
you, if he has anything to propose for your advantage, or 
from fighting, if he wishes, for you and himself, or from 
watching, if he cares to do so, for your satety ? When you 
choose officers, do I stand in the way of any one ? I am 
ready to resign ; let another ' take the command ; only let 
him show that he would do something for your advantage. 
11. What I have said, however, upon this point, is sufficient. 
But if any one of you thinks that he could of himself have 
been deceived in this matter, or that any other person could 
liave deceived him in it,'^ let him speak and make known his 
thoughts to us. 

12. " When you are satisfied on this head, do not dis- 
perse until you have heard something of a sort of conduct, 
which, I perceive, is beginning to show itself among the 
troops ; for if it goes on, and becomes what it threatens to be, 
it is time for us to consider about ourselves, that we may not 
appear in the sight of gods and men, of enemies and friends, 
to be the basest and most infamous of all men, and bring our- 
selves utterly into contempt." 13. The soldiers, on hearing 
these words, wondered what the matter could be, and desired 
him to proceed. He accordingly resumed his speech : " You 
are aware that there were some places upon the mountains 
belonging to the Barbarians, and in alliance with the people 
of Cerasus, from which some of the inhabitants came down 
to us, and offered to sell us cattle for sacrifice, and such other 
things as they had. Some of you seem to have gone to the 
nearest of these places, and to have made some purchases and 
returned, u. Clearchus, one of the captains, understanding 
that this place was small and unguarded, because the people 
supposed that they were in friendship with us, went against 

' He seems to allude to Thorax the Boeotian, mentioned c. 6, 
Beet. 19. Hutchhison. 

'■" El fk TiQ vfiwv, K. T. X.] Si quis verb vestrum putet vel fieri posse aui 
ut i^st ss ita deceperit, aiU alius ipsitm iCa dec^perit, Bornenianu. 

172 tut: KXPEbitiov o*" ctuts. [u. \ 

it in the night to pUinder it, without telling any of us of hia 
intention. 15. He had purposed, if he should take the place, 
not to return again to the army, but, embarking in a vessel, 
in which his comrades were sailing along the coast, and put- 
ting on board whatever he got, to sail clear away out of the 
Euxine, His companions in the vessel had concerted all this 
with him, as I now learn. 16. Assembling therefore as many 
as he could induce to follow him, he led them towards the 
place. But day-light overtook him on his way, and the in- 
habitants collecting together, and hurling missiles, and using 
other weapons, from their places of defence, killed Clearchus 
and several of the rest ; some few of them retreated to Cera- 
sus. 17. These occurrences happened on the day on which 
we set out hither from Cerasus by land, and while some of 
those who were to sail' along the coast were still at Cerasus, 
not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, as the people 
of Cerasus state, three of the older men came from the place, 
desiring to have an interview with our common assembly. 
18. As they did not find us, they told tlie people of Cerasus 
that they wondered why we had thought of attacking them. 
The people of Cerasus, however, said that when they told 
them that the outrage had not been committed by public au- 
thority, they were delighted, and were going to sail hither to 
give us an account of what had happened, and to invite those 
who wished it to take their dead and bury them. 19. But 
some of the Greeks that had fled happened to be still at Ce- 
rasus, and discovering whither the Barbarians were going, 
liad the daring to throw stones at them themselves, and en- 
couraged others to do the same. Thus these men, the three 
deputies, were stoned to death. 

20. *' When this crime was committed, some of tlie people 
of Cerasus came to us, and gave us an account of the aflkir. 
We, the generals, on listening to it, were greatly concerned at 
what had happened, and consulted with the men from Cerasus 
how the dead Greeks might be buried. 21. As we were sit- 
ting in council, outside the quarters of the heavy-armed men, 
we suddenly heard a great outcry of voices, ' Strike, strike, 
throw, throw ! ' and immediately saw a great number of men 
running together with stones in their hands, and others pick* 

' Twv nXiovrui'. ] See c. 4, sect. 1 ; c. 3. sect. I 


mg them up. 22. The people of Cerasus, as having witnessed 
what had happened among themselves, retreated in fear to their 
vessels ; and there were some of us, by Jove, who were also 
in fear. 23. I, for my part, went up to them, and asked them 
what the matter was. Some of them knew nothing about it ; 
and yet had stones in their hands. When at length I met 
with one who did know, he told me that the commissaries of 
the market were treating the army in a manner not to be en- 
dured. 24. At this moment one of the soldiers perceived the 
commissary Zelarchus retreating towards the sea, and called 
out ; the rest, hearing the cry, rushed towards him as if a wild 
boar or a stag had appeared. 2.1. The men of Cerasus, seeing 
tlie soldiers hurrying in their direction, and thinking that they 
were coming to attack them, tied in all haste, and threw them- 
selves into the sea ; when some of our men threw themselves 
in likewise, and such as did not know how to swim were 
drowned. 26, Why do you think that these men fled ? They 
had done no wrong ; but they were afraid that some madness, 
like that of dogs, must have seized our men. If things are to 
go on thus, consider what will be the state of our army. 27, 
You, as a body, will not have the privilege either of commencing 
war with whom you please, or of breaking it off, but every 
man that chooses may lead off troops of his own will, on 
whatever enterprise he thinks proper. And if any deputies 
come to you, to ask for peace or anything else, whoever 
pleases may, by putting them to death, prevent you from hear- 
ing the requests of those who apply to you. 28. Besides, those 
whom you have all elected generals, will then be of no au- 
thority, but whoever may elect himself general, and be inclined 
to cry ' Throw, throw,' will be able to put to death either 
oflicer or private among you, whomsoever he pleases, without 
a trial, at least if men be found, as in this recent instance, to 
obey him. 

29. "Consider, too, what these self-elected leaders have 
done for you. If Zelarchus the commissary has done you 
any wrong, he has sailed off without making any atonement 
to you ; if he has done you none, he has fled from the camp 
for fear of being put to death unjustly and without trial, so. 
Those who stoned the deputies have made it unsafe for you 
alone, of all the Greeks, to go to Cerasus, unless with a power- 
ful force ; and with regard to the dead, whom, previously 


those tliat killed them invited you to bury, they have rendered 
it no longer siife for you to carry them off, even though attended 
with a herald's staff. Who, indeed, that has killed heralds, 
■will be willing to go as a herald ? However, we have requested 
the people of Cerasus to bury them. 

31, "If these proreedings be right, let them be sanctioned 
by you, in order that, as such conduct is to be pursued, every 
man may procure a guard for himself, and endeavour to pitch 
his tent in a strong and advantageous position,' 32. But if 
such acts appear to you rather those of wild beasts than of 
men, contrive some mode of putting a stop to them ; or, if 
you do not, how, in the name of Jupiter, shall we sacrifice to 
the gods with any satisfaction, while we are guilty of impious 
deeds ? Or how shall we fight with our enemies, if we kill 
one another ?2 33, Or what city will receive us with friend- 
ship, that sees such lawlessness among us ? Or who, with 
any confidence, will ofiTer us provisions for sale, if we are 
found to ofl'end in things of such moment ?3 Or, in the coun- 
try where we expected to obtain the praise of all, who will 
pi-aise us if we bear such a character ? For I am very certain 
tluit we should pronounce others, who should be guilty of sUch 
acts, to be bad men," 

34. In consequence they all stood up and said that the 
ioaders in these proceedings should sutler punishment ; that 
for the future it should be forbidden to enter upon any law- 
lessness of the kind, and that whoever attempted any, should 
be put to death ; that tlie generals should bring all such per 
eons to trial ; and that there should be trials also in case any 
person had been wronged in any way since Cyrus was killed. 
The captains they appointed to be judges. On the motion of 

' Td Ipvuya v7rfpSeKin—fxo)v (TKrjvovv.'] Munita et edita loca. Bor- 
nemann, Tutum prwsicHum qumrat. Kiihner. '^-KipUlioq is properly 
high on the right, hence taken to signify commanding, advantageous. 
Kriiger however thinks that eitlier tpo/xva or vTripk^ia should be 
struck out of the text. But it is not likely that vTrtpSkKta was inter 
polated. Perhaps Xenophon, as he pronounced the word, pointed 
to some strong position on his right. 

'^ Referring to the treatment of the Greeks of Cerasus. sect 

' Uipl tA n'eyifTTa ToiaTiTa.] This appears principally to allude to 
the murder of the heralds, which was the most grievous violation 
of the rights of nations, and of the ordinances of religion ; but in 
some measure also tc the ill-treatment of the dyopayono^. Bqlfaur. 


Xenophon, too, and with the concurrence of the augurs, it 
was resolved to purify the army. The purification accord- 
ingly took place. 


A resolution is passed that the generals shall give an account of their con- 
duct. Xenophon is accused by some of the soldiers of having inflicted 
stripes upon them. Xenophon acknowledges the facts, but amply justi- 
fies his conduct. 

1. It was resolved also that the generals should give an 
account of their conduct during the time past; and when 
t'liey gave it, Philosius and Xanthicles were condemned, for 
their negligent custody of the cargoes of the merchant ships,' 
to pay tlie sum that was deficient, namely, each twenty minte ;* 
and Sophasnetus was fined ten minai, because, being chosen a 
general, he had neglected his duty. 

Some also brought accusations against Xenophon, alleging 
that ihey had been beaten by him ; and made their charges 
on the ground that his conduct had been tyrannical. 'i. 
Xenophon, standing up, called upon him who had spoken first' 
to say where he hud been beaten. He replied, " Where we 
were perishing with the cold, and where the greatest fall of 
snow was." 3. Xenophon rejoined, " If, during such severe 
weather as you mention, when provisions were failing us, 
when we had not wine even to smell to," when many of us 
were exhausted with fatigue, and the enemy were close be- 
hind us, if, 1 say, I acted tyrannically at such a time, I ac- 
knowledge that I must have been more spiteful even than 
asses,^ in which they say that from spite fatigue is not pro- 

' See v. 1. 16. 

' About £81 5$., the mina being valued at £4 Is. 2d. Hussey, 
;h. iii. sect. 12. 

' The word vpwrov occurs twice in Dindorfs and most other texts. 
Bornemann and Kiihner judiciously omit the second. 

* Oivow Si /xTiS' 6c(pnait'ta^ai Trapov.] "And it not being in our 
power even to smell to wine." Kriiger would read TrapovroQ, 
which would be an improvement, though certainly no change ii 

* Ttuv 6v<ov vtpiirrorepog.j A proverbial expression. The com- 
nentators adduce Luciau, Pseudologist. 3: iickt'ai ovuv a:ravru»» 


duceJ. 4. Tell us, however, for what cause jou were beaten. 
Did I ask you for anything, and beat you when you would 
not give it me ? Or did I demand anything back from you, 
or was I fighting about any object of affection, or did I abuse 
you in a fit of intoxication ? " 5. As he said that there was 
nothing of this kind, Xenophon asked him whether he was 
one of the heavy-armed men ? He answered, " No." Whether 
he was one of the peltasts ? He said that he was not, but 
was a free-man, set to drive a mule by his comrades. 6. 
Xenophon now recognised him, and asked him, " Are you the 
man that was carrying the sick person ?" "I certainly am," 
replied he, "for you compelled me to do so, and scattered 
about the baggage of my comrades." 7, " The scattering," 
rejoined Xenophon, "was something in this way; I distri- 
buted it to otliers to carry, and directed them to bring it to 
me again ; and, on receiving it, I restored it all safe to you, 
after you had produced the man that I gave you in charge. 
But hear," he continued, " how the affair happened ; for it is 
worth your while, s. A man was left behind because he was 
no longer able to continue his march ; I knew nothing of the 
man but that he was one of us ; and I obliged you to carry 
him, that he might not perish ; for, as I believe, the enemy 
were in pursuit of us." This the man acknowledged. 9. 
" Tlien," said Xenophon, " after I had ordered you to go be- 
fore, I soon overtook you, and found you, as I came up with 
the rear-guard, digging a pit for the purpose of burying the 
man ; when I stopped and commended you. lo. But as the 
man, while we stood by, drew in his leg, all who were present 
cried out that he was alive ; and you said, ' He may be as 
much alive as he likes, for I shall not carry him.' Upon this 
I struck you ; you say but the truth ; for you seemed to me 
to have been aware' that tlie man was alive." ii. "What 

I'^ptaToTaTov <Ti ovra. Piscat. S-t: ao-tXyfirrspouc tu>v ovwv. Kiihner. 
The latter quotation however is to be understood de libiditie, 
with which, as Schneider observes, we have nothing to do here, 
the allusion being only to the malice of the animal, which it will 
exhibit even under the greatest sufferings. " Everybody knows," 
savs Spelman, " that asses, a,nd mules their offspring, have such an 
inbred viciousness that no fatigue can subdue it." Spelman may 
be ratlier too positive in saying that everybody knows ; but the pro- 
verb shows tiiat such notion must have prevailed among the Greeks. 
' 'Eco^ntc — t/^nn ioiKivat.'\ " You seemed to me to be I'Jce ouo 

m. &.J :iEirofHoJf HfepLifes to AccusAtioS^s. i7t 

then," exclaimed the accuser, "did he the less die, after I had 
shown him to you ? " " We shall all die," rejoined Xeno- 
phon, "but must we for that reason be buried alive?" 12. 
At this all the assembly cried out that Xenophon had not 
beaten him enough. 

He then called upon the rest to state on what account each 
of them had been struck. 13. But as none of them stood for- 
ward, he said, " I acknowledge, fellow-soldiers, that I have 
beaten men for leaving their ranks ; such men as were con- 
tent to be saved by our exertions, and, while we niarched in 
order and fought where it was necessary, tried, by quitting 
their places, and hurrying on before us, to get plunder, and 
gain in that respect an advantage over us. Had we all acted 
in this way, we should all have perished. 14. I also struck 
some, and forced fiiem to march, who were giving Avay to in- 
action, unwilling to rise, and abandoning themselves to the 
enemy ; for I myself, when I was once waiting, dui-ing the 
excessive cold, for some of the men to pack up their baggage, 
and had sat for a considerable time, found that I could hardly 
get up and stretch my legs. is. Having therefore had ex- 
perience in my own person, whenever afterwards I saw any 
other sitting down and indulging in sloth, I drove him on ; 
for motion and manful exertion created a certain warmth and 
suppleness, but sitting and inaction, I observed, contributed 
to the congealing of the blood, and the mortification of the 
toes, which you know that many have suffered. I6. Others, 
perhaps, who had loitered behind from indolence, and who 
hindered both you who were in front, and us who were in the 
rear, from advancing, I may have struck with my fist, that 
they might not be struck with th^ spear of the enemy, it. 
Those, therefore, who have thus been preserved, may now, if 
they have suffered anything from me contrary to justice, ob- 
tain redress ; but if they had fallen into the hands of the 
enemy, what injury could they have suffered of such magni- 
tude, as that they would ever have claimed to get satisfaction 
for it ! ' 18. My case," he proceeded, " is plain ; for if I have 

' Tt fjiya uv o'vtwq tTra^ov otov CiKtjv iiv ri^ioiiv Xafjitaviiv ;] The 
sense of this passage is excellently given by Amasieus : Quid tarn 
grave pnssi essent, ut eo nomine eum, a quo violati essent, judicio perseqni 
vossentf i. e. they would not have been able to get satisfaction even 
'or the severest injury. K'l'ihner. If they had fallen into the hands 

VOL. 1. H 

1?9 fiife EXpEbiTiok of cyuus. [M. V. 

punished any one for his good, I am willing to make such 
atonement as parents make to their children and masters to 
their scholars. Surgeons, too, cut and cauterize for the good 
of their patients. 19. But if you nnagine that I acted thus 
from a love of tyranny, consider that I have now, through the 
favour of the gods, more spirit than I had then, and am 
bolder now than I then was, and drink a greater quantity of 
wine, and yet strike no one ; for I see you now in a calm ; 
20. but when a storm rises, and a great sea sets in, do you not 
observe that the commander in the prow,' e,ven for a mere 
nod, is angry with those in the fore-part of the vessel, and 
the steersman angry with those in the stern, because, in such 
circumstances, even small mistakes are sufficient to ruin every- 
thing? 21. Even you yourselves, however, have pronounced 
that I struck these men, on those occasions, with justice, for 
you stood by with swords, not voting-pebbles, in your hands 
and might have taken their part if you had thought proper. 
But, by Jupiter, you neither took their part, nor joined with 
nie in punishing the disorderly ; 22. and you have in conse- 
quence, by letting them alone, given encouragement to. the 
bad among them to grow audacious ; for you will find, I 
think, if you will but examine, that those who were then the 
worst, are now the most audacious characters. 23. Boiscus, 
for instance, the Thessalian boxer, strove earnestly, on pre- 
tence of sickness, not to carry his shield ; and now, as I hear, 
he has robbed many of the people of Cotyora. 24. If there- 
fore you are wise, you will treat this man in a way, the re- 
verse of that in which they treat dogs ; for dogs, when they 
are spiteful, men tie up in the day, and let loose in the night; 
but him, if you exercise your judgment, you will tie up in 
the niglit, and let loose only by day. 25. But I wonder," 
he added, " why, if I gave offence to any of you, you bear it 
in mind, and do not fail to speak of it, while, if I relieved any 

of the enemy, they would have been unable to get redress for any 
injury, however great. 

' npwpf I'c] The pioreta, he who had the command of the rowers in 
the fore-part of the vessel, and who was next in rank to tlie guber. 
nator. Kiihnc*-. An officer whose business it was to keep a look-out, 
as the sailors call it, at the head of the ship. I am informed that 
we have no term, in our naval institution, that properly explains it ; 
that oi' pilo:, the gentlemen of the nuvy tell me comes the nearest 
to it. S^eliuan. 

i.Vt, Cn. 1.] tii^ GREEKS in PAPHLAGOKll. 179 

of you during the cold, or kept off any enemy from you, or 
supplied any of you, in any way, when sick and in want, no 
one makes mention of these services ; nor, if I have commend- 
ed any one for good conduct in any case, or liave honoured 
any man, as far as I could, for valiant exertion, does any of 
you remember these occurrences. 20. Yet is it more hon- 
ourable, and just, and upright, and pleasing, to treasure ia 
the memory good acts than bad." 

They accordingly rose up, and called to mind his services;' 
and the result was- that tilings were settled satisfactorily. 



The Greeks receive an embassy from the satrap of Paphlagonia, with whom 
they make peace. They sail from Cotyora to Sinope, where they deter- 
mine to elect a commander-in-chief, and Hx upon Xenophon, who declines 
the oHice; and they then choose Cheirisoplius, who had just returned 
with vessels from Anaxibius. 

1. FiiOM this time the Greeks, during their stay here, sub- 
sisted partly by purchasing provisions, and partly by plunder- 
ing the country of Paphlagonia ; while the Paphlagonians, 
on their part, secretly intercepted, and with great adroitness, 
the straggling soldiers, and made attempts, during the night, 
to annoy those who were encamped at the out-posts. In con- 

' 'Avtfii^vT}<TKov.'] As this verb has no substantive dependent on 
t, the critics have been in doubt what turn to give it. Schneider's 
method has obtained most favour: " Conimemorabant beneficia 
Xenophonti"-." Amasaeus gives " se memores esse testificati sunt," 
which is much to the same purpose. There is no other suggestion 
worth notice. 

* Ilepityh'tTo.l Res ista hunc exitiim habuit (httc evasit) ttt pnlckri se 
haberent omnia. Stephanus. So Brodjeus, Schneider, Poppo, and 
the majority of the commentators : Schneider happily refers to 
Thucyd. vi. 24 ; i. 'dl; iv. 12; to which Kuhner adds Demosth. 01. 
i. 10. 4. Some have given to inpuy'iviTo the sense of vicit, and re- 
ferred it to Xenophon ; as Murctus : Et vicit Xenophon eos, qui sibi 
caluinniam intendehant. But tlie judgment uf vccciit editors has c ^m* 
plctely set uiidc this view of the passage. 

180 THE EXPEDITION Ot' CmfS. [iJ. Vi. 

sequence of these proceedings they conceived the most liostile 
feelings toward each other. 2. Corylas, however, who wa^ 
then governor of Papldagonia, sent deputies to the Greeks with 
horses and beautiful robes, to say that " Corylas was desirous 
neither to injure the Greeks nor to receive injury from them." 
3. The generals replied, that " they would coHsider of the 
matter with the army ;" but received them, at the same time, 
with hospitality, and invited such of the officers as they 
thought most ehgible ' to meet them ; 4. when, having killed 
some of the oxen that they had captured, and other cattle, 
they set before them a plentiful entertainment, of which they 
partook reclining on mats made of grass,^ and drank out of 
horn cups which they had found in the country. 

5. As soon as the libations were over, and they had sung 
the pa^an, two Thracians rose up, and danced in full armour, 
to the sound of a pipe ; they leaped very high, and with great 
agility, and wielded their swords ; and at last one struck the 
other, in such a manner that every one thought he had killed 
him, 6. (he fell, however, artfully,) and the Paphlagonians 
cried out ; the other, having despoiled him of his arms, went 
out singing the Sitalces;^ while other Thracians carried 
off the man as if he had been dead ; though indeed he had 
suffered no hurt. 7. Afterwards some -^^nians and Magnesi- 
ans stood up, and danced what they call the Carpgean'* dance, 
in heavy arms. 8. The nature of the dance was as follows. 
One man, having laid aside his arms, sows, and drives a yoke 
of oxen, frequently turning to look back as if he were afraid. 

' AiKotoraTovQ.'l Such as had the best claim or title to be invited, 
iiKaioQ being here used in the sense of dignus, "deserving," as in 
the phrase SiKawQ ctm, on which see Kuhner ad h. 1., and Borne- 
mann ad Conviv. iv. 15. 

2 2rtga(Tiv.] Kuhner reads aKifnroaiv, "low couches," which oc- 
curs in five manuscripts, and of which, being a rarer word, he con- 
siders oTi^aaiv to be a mere interpretation. I follow the definition 
of Hesychius. 

' A song in which they seem to have celebrated the praises of one 
of their kings named Sitalces. There were many Thracian kings of 
that name ; see Herod, iv. 80; Thucyd. ii. 29. 

* lr}v KaQTraiav.] Perhaps from K«p7r6c, fruit, one of the parties 
being a sower; or from Ka^nvoQ, the wrist, the wrists of one being 
bound. The former derivation appears the more plausible. This 
dance is also described by Maximus Tyrius, Diss xii. p. 128, ed 
Uavies, though not so fully as bjr Xenophou. 


A robber then approaches, ami the other man, when he per- 
ceives him, snatches up his arras and runs to meet him, and 
fights with him in defence of liis yoke of oxen ; (and the men 
acted all this keeping time to the pipe ;) but at last the robber, 
binding the other man, leads him off with his oxen. Some- 
times, however, the ploughman binds the robber, and then, 
having fastened him to his oxen, drives him off with his hands 
tied behind him. 

9. Next came forward a Mysian, with a light shield in each 
hand, and danced, sometimes acting as if two adversaries 
were attacking him ; sometimes he used his shields as if en- 
gaged with only one ; sometimes he whirled about, and threw 
a summerset, still keeping the shields in his hands, presenting 
an interesting spectacle. lo. At last he danced the Persian 
dance,' clashing his shields together, sinking on his knees, and 
rising again ; and all this he performed in time to the pipe. 

11. After him some Mantineans, and others of the Arcadi- 
ans, coming forward and taking their stand, armed as hand- 
somely as they could equip themselves, moved along in time, 
accompanied by a pipe tuned for the war-movement,^ and 
sung the piean, and danced in the same manner as in the pro- 
cessions to the gods. The Paphlagonians, looking on, testified 
their astonishment that all the dances were performed in 
armour. 12. The Mysian, observing that they were surprised 
at the exhibition, and prevailing on one of the Arcadians, who 
had a female dancer, to let her come in, brought her forward, 
equipping her as handsomely as he could, and giving her a 
light buckler. She danced the Pyrrhic dance* with great 
agility, and a general clapping followed; 13. and the Paphla- 

• To UtpcriKov.'] This Persian dance, from the frequent bendings 
of tlie knee in it, they called oicXaffjua, according to Pollux, iv. 100. 
Zeune. Brunck ad Aristoph. Thesmoph. 1175 refers to Meursii Or- 
chestra in oKkaofia and TltpGiKi}. 

' Ilpbg Tov ivoTrXiov pv^^fiov.'] To a tune adapted for a dance in 
armour. The commentators adduce Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 651; 
Sturz, Lex. Xenoph. ; and Phavorinus in t/zjusXtia and KUTtvoTrXtov. 

* A kind of dance in arms which was sometimes performed to the 
sound of trumpets and timbrels, and accompanied with every gesture 
of the body used in giving and avoiding blows. See Sturz, Lex. 
Xen.; Beck ad Aristoph. Av. 1169; Gronov. Thesaur. i. p. 1280 
and 1525; Ast ad Plat, Legg. p. 352 ; JMiiller's Dorians, Tol. ii 
p. 337. Kuhntr 


fronians asked Avliether the women fought along with the men; 
Av)ion they replied that it was the women who had driven the 
king from his camp.^ This was the conclusion of the enter- 
tainments for that night. 

14. Next day the generals brought the deputies before the 
army ; and it was resolved by the soldiers that " they would 
neither injure the Paphlagonians nor suffer any injury from 
them." The deputies then took their departure ; and the 
Greeks, as a sufiicient number of ships seemed to be ready, 
Avent on board, and sailed all that day and the following night, 
Avith a fair wind, keeping Papldagonia on the left; 15. and 
the day after, they arrived at Sinope, and cast anchor in Har- 
mene, the harbour of that city. The Sinopeans are situate in 
the Paphlagonian territory, but are colonists of the Milesians. 
They sent the Greeks, as a mark of hospitality, three thousand 
medimni^ of flour, and fifteen hundred ceramia^ of wine. 16. 
Here Cheirisophus now arrived with some galleys : the soldiers 
expected that he was bringing them something; but he 
brought tkem nothing. He announced however that Anaxi- 
bius the admiral, and the rest of the Lacedaemonians, gave 
them great praise ; and that Anaxibius'' engaged, if they would 
come away from the Euxine, that they should have pay. 

17. The troops stayed five days at Harmene ; and as they 
considered that they were now near Greece, it became an 
object with them, even more than bcfoi-e, to return home with 
some booty in their possession, is. And they thought that, 
if they made choice of one general, that single person would 
be better able to manage the army, whether by night or day, 
than it was managed under the existing government of several; 
so that if it should be necessary for them, in any case, to 
conceal their designs, they would be concealed more effectually, 
and if to anticipate the movements of the enemy, they would 
be less likely to be behind-hand ; as there would then be no 
need of conferences, but whatever was determined by the one 
commander would be put in execution ; whereas the generals 

' An extravagant allusion, says Kriiger, to what is said in 
i. 10. 3. 

* The medimnus is estimated as equal to 11 gallons, 7.1456 pints, 
English, in Smith's Diet, of Or. and Rom. Ant. art. Medimmts. 

* The Kipafiio^ is considered by Hussey, xiii. 4, as equal to the 
Roman amphora, or 5 gallons, 7.577 pints, English. 

* See V. 1, 4. 


had hitherto done everything by the vote of the majority.' 
19. While they were contemplating this scheme, they turned 
their thoughts to Xenophon ; and the captains came to him 
and said that the army was of this opinion, and each, express- 
ing his good-will towards him, endeavoured to induce him t<D 
undertake the command. 20. Xenophon was in some degreO 
inclined to listen to the proposal, wlien he reflected that, by 
this means, greater honour would fall to him, that his name 
would reach his friends and his country with greater glory, 
and that possibly he might also be the cause of some advan- 
tage to the army. 21. Such considerations influenced him to 
desire to become commander-in-chief. But when, on the 
other hand, he remembered how uncertain it is to all men 
what the future will produce, and that, consequently, he would 
be in danger of losing the reputation which he had already 
acquired, he felt uncertain how to act. 

22. While he was perplexed as to his decision, it appeared 
to him that the best thing that he could do was to lay the 
matter before the gods ; and having placed by the altar two 
victims,'^ he sacrificed to Jupiter the King, who had been 
pointed out to him as the god that he should consult, by the 
oracle at Del|)hi ; and he thought that he had received from 
that god the dream which he saw, when he was first appointed 
to take charge of the army. 23. He called to mind also, that 
when he was going from Ephesus to join Cyrus, an eagle 
cried on his right, in a sitting posture however, which, as tho 
augur, who accompanied him, said, was an omen portending 
something great, above the fortunes of a private individual ; 
foretelling what was honourable, but toilsome, since other 
birds attack the eagle chiefly when sitting; and he added 
that the omen was not at all indicative of gain, as the eagle 
mostly secured prey when flying. 24. While he was sacri- 
ficing on the present occasion, the god clearly directed hira 
not to seek any additional command, and not to accept it it' 
they should elect him ; and this was the issue of the matter. 
S5. The army however came together, and all suggested that 
one commander should be chosen ; and, as it was resolved to 

' 'Ek rrjc viKtoffijc-l Sc. yvi'>fii]Q, from the prevailing opinion c-l 
vote . 

' Two victims were brought, that if favourable omens were no« 
Qbtuiticd from the first, the second mijjht be used. Zfim§, 


tlo SO, they proposed Xenoplion. As it seemed evident too 
that they woukl elect him, if any one should put it to the 
vote, he rose up and spoke as follows : 26. "My fellow-soldiers, 
I am delighted, as I have the feelings of a man, at receiving 
honour from you, and am grateful for it, and pray that the 
gods may grant me to be the author of some advantage to 
you ; but that I should be preferred to be your leader, when a 
Lacedasmonian is present, appears likely to be of no advan- 
tage either to you or me ; on the contrary, it seems probable 
that if you should require assistance from them, you would 
on this very account be less likely to obtain it. I moreover 
think such dignity by no means safe for me ; 27. for I see 
that the Lacedajmonians never ceased making war on my 
country until they made the whole people acknowledge that 
the Laceda3raonian3 were masters of them as well as of others;^ 

28, though, when they made this confession, they at once 
desisted from hostilities, and no longer besieged the city. If 
therefore, seeing this state of things, I should seem, where I 
have the power, to render their supremacy uninlluential, I am 
apprehensive lest I should very soon be reminded of my duty 

29. As to your opinion, that there will be less faction among 
you under one commander than under many, be assured that, 
if you choose another, you will not find me factious ; for I 
consider that he who in war quarrels with his commander, 
quarrels with his own safety ; whereas, if you should elect 
me, I should not wonder if you should find people show 
resentment against both you and myself." 

30. After he had thus spoken, far more persons than before 
rose up, and said that he ought to take upon him the com- 
mand. Agasias of Stymphalus said that it would be ridiculous 
if things should be in such a state, since the Lacediemonians 
might then be enraged even if a party met to sup together 
did not choose a Lacedajmonian as president of their ban- 
quet. " If such be the case," added he, "it is not proper even 
tor us, it would seem, to be captains, because we are Arcadians." 
vTpon this the assembly showed by a murmur their opinion 
that Agasias had spoken well. 

31. Xenophon, seeing that there was need of something 

' Alluding to the consequences of the Peloponnesian war, hy which 
tlie supreme puwer over Greece fell into the hands of the Lacedis- 


additional on his part, came forward and said, " But, my 
fellow-soldiers, that you may be fully informed on this subject, 
I swear to you by all the gods and goddesses, that after 1 
learned your inclination, I sought to ascertain by sacrifice 
ft'hether it would be better for you to confer this command 
jpon me^ and for me to undertake it, or not ; and they gave 
me s':jh manifest signs, by the victims, that even an untaught 
person' woulu have understood that I ought to dechne the 
command." 32. They in consequence chose Cheirisophus, 
who. when he was elected, stood forward and said, " Be as- 
sured of this, my fellow-soldiers, that I should have made no 
factious opposition, if you had chosen another. However," 
added he, "you have done a service to Xenophon by not 
electing him, as Dexippus'^ has recently been accusing him 
to Anaxibius, as far as he could, although I tried as much as 
))ossible to silence him. Dexippus-* also said that he thought 
Xenophon^ would rather be joined in command with Timasion. 
a Dardanian, over the army of Clcarchus, than with himself, 
a Lacedaemonian. 33. But," he continued, " since you have 
chosen me, I will endeavour, on my part, to do you all the 
service that I can. Prepare yourselves, accordingly, to sail 
to-morrow, if it be weather for sailing. Our course will be 
for Heraclea, and it is incumbent on you all to do your 
utmost to reach it. Of other matters we will consider when 
we have arrived there," 


The Greeks sail to Heraclea, where disagreements arise among them, and 
they separate into three parties ; one, the most numerous, formed ot 
Arcadians and Achaeans, who create for themselves ten captai»s ; a seconc 
attached to Cheirisophus; and a third to Xenophon. 

1. Weighing anchor from hence the next day, they sailed 
with a fair wind along the coast for two days. In their 

' 'idiuirrjv.'] A private person; a person who was not a profes- 
sional sacrificer or augur. 

' y. i. 15. 

' 'O Si avTov.^ I take these pronouns, with Bornemann an . 

Kiihner, to mean Dexippus and Xenophon. Timasion had beet, 
elected in the phice of Clearchus, iii. 1. 47. Xenophon appears tt 
sliow his willingness to act with Clearchus in what is related ijj 


course tliey saw the Beach of Jason, where the Argo is said 
to liave been moored ; and the mouths of certain rivers, first 
that of the Thermodon, then that of the Iris, next that of the 
llalys, and finally that of the Parthenius. After sailing by 
the last, they arrived at Heraclea, a Greek city, a colony of 
Megara, situate in the territory of the Maryandyni. 2. They 
came to anchor near the Acherusian Peninsula, where Her- 
cules is said to have gone down to bring up the dog Cerberus, 
and where they now show marks of his descent to the depth 
of more than two stadia. 3. The people of Heraclea sent 
the Greeks, as tokens of hospitality, three thousand medimnii 
of barley-meal, and two thousand ceramia^ of wine, witli 
twenty oxen and a hundred sheep. Here a river named 
Lycus runs through the plain, in breadth about two hundred 

4. The soldiers, assembling together began to deliberate, 
with regard to the rest of the way, whether it were proper 
to proceed by land or sea, until they were beyond ihe Euxine. 
I.ycon, an Achaean, rising up, said, " I wonder at the generals, 
my fellow-soldiers, for not endeavouring to procure us money 
to buy provisions ; for the presents received will not furnish 
subsistence to the army for three days ; nor is there any 
place from whence we can get provisions as we proceed on 
our journey. It appears to me, therefore, that we ought to 
ask of the people of Heraclea not less than three thousand 
Cyzicene staters."^ 5. Another exclaimed, "Not less than 
ten thousand," and proposed that, having chosen deputies, we 
should send them at once to the city, while we were sitting 
there, and hear what report they brought, and take measures 
accordingly. 6. They then proposed, as deputies, first Chei- 
risophus, because he was general-in-chief, and others then 
named Xenophon ; but both resolutely refused ; for they 
concurred in opinion that they ought not to compel a Greek 
city, and one in friendship with them, to supply them with 
anything that the inhabitants did not offer of their own 
accord. 7. As they showed themselves resolved, therefore, 
not to go, the army sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus a 
Parrhasian, and Agasias of Siymphalus ; who, going to the 
town, informed the people of the resolutions just passed. It 
vras said, too, that Lycon even threatened them with violence, 
' vi. J. 15 * yi. 1- 15. » v. 6. 2^. 


if they did not comply with these demands. 8. The Heraclcaus 
listened to them, and said that they would consider of the 
matter, and then immediately collected their property out of 
the field-3, and conveyed the provisions exposed for sale into 
the city. At the same time the gates were shut, and armed 
men appeared upon the walls. 

9. In consequence, the authors of these dissensions accused 
the generals of having defeated their plan ; and the Arcadians 
and Acha^ans began to hold meeting? together, Callimachus 
tiie Parrhasian and Lycon the Acluean being mostly at their 
head. lo. The remarks among them were, that it was dis- 
graceful that one Athenian, who iiad brought no force to the 
army, should have the command of Peloponnesiaus and Lace- 
dfemonians ; that they had the labour, and others the profit, 
although they themselves had secured the general safety ; for 
that those who had accomplished this object were Arcadians 
and Achaeans, and that the rest of the army was compara- 
tively nothing ; (and in reality more than half the army were 
Arcadians and Ach^ans ;) n. and therefore these, they said, if 
they were wise, should unite together, and, choosing leaders 
for themselves, should proceed on their way separately, and 
endeavour to secure themselves something to their profit. 12. 
To this proposal assent was given ; and whatever Arcadians 
and Achajans were with Cheirisophus, leaving him and 
Xenophon, united with the rest, and all chose ten captains of 
their own ; and they appointed that these should carry into 
execution whatever should be decided by the vote of the ma- 
jority. The command of Cheirisophus over the whole army 
was thus ended on the sixth or seventh day after he had been 

13. Xenophon was inclined to pursue his way in company 
with them, thinking that this method would be safer than for 
each to proceed separately. But Neon persuaded him to go by 
himself, as having heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander the 
governor of Byzantium had said that he would come with some 
galleys to the harbour of Calpe ; 14. and he gave Xenophon 
this advice, therefore, in order that no one else might take 
advantage of this opportunity, but that they themselves only, 
and their own soldiers, might sail on board these galleys. As for 
Cheirisophus, who was both disheartened at what had oc- 
(jurred, and who from that time conceived a disgust at the 


nrmj, he allowed Xenophon to act as he thought proper. 15. 
Xcnoplion was also inclined to detach himself from the army 
nltogether, and to sail away ; but as he was saci-ificing to 
Hercules the Conductor, and consulting him whether it would 
be better and more advisable to march in company with such 
of the soldiers as remained, or to take leave of them, the god sig- 
nified by the victims that he should march with them, i o. The 
rtrmy was thus divided into three bodies ; the Arcadians and 
Achajans, to the number of more than four thousand five hun- 
dred men, all heavy-armed ; tlie heavy-armed with Chciriso- 
phus, in number fourteen hundred, with seven hundred pel- 
tasts, the Thracians of Clearchus ; and seventeen hundred 
heavy-armed men, with three hundred peltasts, under Xeno- 
phon, who was the only one that had any cavalry, a body of 
about forty horsemen. 

17. The Arcadians, having procured ships from the people 
of Heraclea, were the first to set sail, with the view of getting 
as much booty as they could by making a sudden descent upon 
the Bithynians, and accordingly disembarked at the harbour 
of Calpe, somewhere about the middle of Thrace, is. Chei- 
risophus, proceeding straight from the city of Heraclea, 
marched through the territory belonging to it ; but when h^ 
entered Thrace, he kept along near the sea, for he was then 
in ill-health. 19. Xenophon, having obtained vessels, landed on 
the confines of Thrace and the region of Heraclea, and pur- 
sued his way through the inland parts. 


The Arcadians land at Calpe, and make an incursion into the tcrr.'tory of 
the Bithynians, where they are defeated by the enemy, and in danger of 
being cut to pieces ; Xenophon proceeds to rescue '^em. All tho Greeks 
join Cheirisophus at Calpe. 

■ 1. Each of these three parties fared as follows. The Ar- 
cadians, disembarking by night at the port of Calpe, marched 

' Two or three lines, which occur in some copies at the beginning 
of this chapter, are not translated. They are not foinid in the best 
Wfluuscripts, and are rejected by Bornemann, Dindorf, and Kiihner. 

ClI. 3. J THE AK0ADIAX8 AtTACK£D< 18?) 

off to !X(t;ick the nearest village.?, lying about thirty stadia 
from the sea. As soon as it was light, each of the officers led 
his own division against a village ; but against any village 
that appeared larger than the rest, they led two divisions 
together. 2. They fixed also upon a hill on which tliey were 
all to re-assemble. As they fell upon the people unexpectedly, 
tliey seized a great number of slaves and surrounded several 
flocks of cattle. 

4, But the Thracians,' as fast as they escaped, collected 
themselves into a body ; and, as they were light-armed, the 
number that escaped, even from the very hands of the heavy- 
armed men, was great. As soon as they were collected, they 
proceeded, in the first place, to fall upon the division of Smi- 
cres, one of the Arcadian captains, who was marching away 
to the place agreed upon, and carrying with him considerable 
booty. 5. For a while the Greeks defended themselves as 
tliey pursued their march, but, as they were crossing a ravine, 
the Thracians put them to the rout, and killed Smicres and 
•>,11 his party. Of another division of the ten captains, too, 
that of Hegcsandcr, they left only eight men alive, Hegesander 
himself being one of those that escaped. 6. The other cap- 
tains joined him at the appointed spot, some with difficulty, 
and others without any.^ The Thracians, however, in conse- 
quence of having met with this success, cheered on one 
another, and assembled in great spirits during the night. At 
day-break, numbers of horsemen and peltasts ranged them- 
selves in a circle round the hill upon which the Greeks had 
encamped ; 7. and as more came flocking to them, th';y at- 
tacked the heavy-armed men without danger, for the Greeks 
had neither archer.s, nor javelin-men, nor a single horseman, 
while the Thracians, running and riding up, hurled their 
darts among them, and when the Greeks offered to attack 
them, retreated with ease. 8. Some attempted one part, and 
some another ; and many of the assailed were wounded, but 
none of the assailants. The Greeks were in consequence un- 
able to move from the spot, and at last the Thracians cut 

'The Asiatic or Bithynian Thracians, who inhabited the villages 
•which the Arcadians had attacked. See c. 2, sect. 17. 

^ 2rv TTpay/zao-if — dviv Trpayfidrutv.'} Difficulter sine negotio, 

Kiihner. So Leunclavius and Bornemann. I mention this, because 
Schneider, following Amasaeus, makes ■Kpdyy.ara equivalent to XP'/" 
((/ira, %)r<Bda. 

590 5:nE EXPEblTION OP CYUtS. [m. Vt. 

tiiem off even from water. 9. As their distress was gi'eat, 
they began to speak of terms of surrender ; aiid other points 
were agreed upon between them, but when the Greeks de- 
mandcd° Iiostages, the Thracians refused to give them ; and 
upon this the treaty was stopped. Such were the fortunes of 
the Arcadians. 

10. Cheirisophus, meanwhile, advancing unmolested along 
the coast, arrived at the harbour of Calpe. As for Xenophon, 
while he was marching through the middle of the country, 
liis horsemen, riding on before him, fell in with some am- 
bassadors who were on their journey to some place. As they 
were conducted to Xenophon, he inquired of them whether 
they had anywhere heard of another Greek army. ii. They 
gave him, in reply, an account of all that had occurred, saying 
that the Greeks were then besieged upon a hill, and that the 
whole force of the Thracians was collected round them. lie 
therefore had these men strictly guarded, that they might act 
as guides wherever it might be necessary, and then, after 
stationing scouts, he called together his soldiers and addressed 
them thus : 

12. " Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are killed, and othcra 
are besieged upon a hill ; and I think that, if they are de- 
stroyed, there will be no hope of safety for us, the enemy 
being so numerous and so daring. I3, It seems best for us, 
therefore, to march to their relief with all possible speed, that, 
if they still survive, we may join with them in their struggle, 
and not, being left alone, meet danger alone. 14. Let us for 
the present, then, pitch our camp, marching on, however, un- 
til it seems time to sup,' and whilst we are on the march, let 
Timasion, with the horse, ride on before, but keeping us still 
in sight, and let him reconnoitre the country in front, that 
nothing may take us by surprise." 15. He despatched, at the 
same time, some of the most active of the hght-armed men to 
the parts on either flank, and to the hills, that if they saw any- 
thing threatening in any quarter, they might give notice of it. 

' "OfTOi' uv toKtj Kaipug th'ai tiQ to ^ei7rro7roiiia^ai.'\ Only so far, 
that they would not be fatigued or exhausted before they_ went to 
supper. This is Weiske's interpretation, and better than Kriiger's, 
vho supposes that Xenophon was thinking of a place for pitching 
the ramp, not too near to the enemy, lest the troops sb.ould be 
obliged to fij^lit before they cyuld take their supper. 


He ordered them also to burn whatever combustible matter they 
met with ; 16. "for," said he, " we could not flee from hence 
to any place of refuge ; since it is a long way to go back to 
Ileraclea, and a long way to go over to Clirysopolis ; and the 
enemy are close at hand. To the harbour of Calpe, indeed, 
where we suppose Cheirisopluis to be, if he is safe, the dis- 
tance is but short; but even there, there are neither vessels 
in which we can sail from the place, nor subsistence, if we 
remain, even for a single day. n. Shoidd those who are be- 
sieged, however, be left to perish, it will be less advantageons 
for us to face danger in conjunction with the troops of Chei- 
risophus only, than, if the besieged are preserved, to unite all 
our forces, and struggle for our safety together. But we must 
go resolved in mind that we have now either to die gloriously, 
or achieve a most honourable exploit in the preservation of 
8o many Greeks, is. Perhaps some divinity orders it thus, 
who wishes to humble those that spoke boastfully, as if they 
were superior to us in wisdom, and to render us, who com- 
mence all our proceedings by consulting the gods, more hon- 
oured than they are. You must follow, then, your leaders, and 
pay attention to them, that you may be ready to execute what 
they order." 

19. Having spoken thus, he led them forward. The 
cavalry, scattering themselves about as far as was safe, spread 
fire wherever they went, while the peltasts, marching abreast 
of them along the heights, burned whatever they found that 
was combustible, as did the main body also, if they met with 
anything left unburned by the others ; so that the whole 
country seemed to be on fire, and the Greek force to be very 
nunierous. 20. As soon as it was time, they mounted a hill 
and encamped, when they caught sight of the enemy's 
fires, which were distant about forty stadia ; and they them- 
selves then made as many fires as they could, 21. But as 
soon as they had supped, orders were given to put out all the 
fires ; and, having appointed sentinels, they went to sleep for 
the night. At dawn of day, after praying to the gods, and 
arranging themselves for battle, they continued their march 
with as much haste as they could, 22. Timasion and the 
cavalry, taking the guides with them, and riding on before the 
rest, Ibund themselves, before they were aware, upon the hill 
whwre the Greeks had beeu besieged, but saw no troops, cither 

H)2 TtlE KXPEDlTtON 01' ctUVn. [b. XI. 

of friends or enemies, but only some old men and women, and 
a few sheep and oxen that had been left behind ; and this 
state of things they reported to Xenophon and the army. 23. 
At first they wondered what could have liappened ; but at 
length they learned from the people who were left that the 
Thracians had gone off at the close of the evening and the 
Greeks in the morning, but whither they did not know. 

24. Xenophon and his party, on hearing tliis account, packed 
up their baggage, after they had breakfasted, and pursued 
their journey, wishing, as soon as possible, to join the rest of 
the Greeks at the harbour of Calpe. As they proceeded, 
they perceived the track of the Arcadians and Achasans on 
the way to Calpe ; and when they met, they were pleased to 
see one another, and embraced like brothers. 25, The Ar- 
cadians then asked Xenophon's men why they had put out 
their fires,' "for we," said they, " thought at first, when we 
saw no more fires, that you were coming to attack the enemy 
in the night ; (and the enemy tiiemselves, as they appeared to 
us, went off under this apprehension, for they disappeared 
about that time ;) 26. but as you did not come, and the time 
passed by, we concluded that you, hearing of our sitfiation, 
had been seized with alarm, and had retreated to the sea- 
coast ; and we determined not to be far behind you. Accord- 
ingly we also marched in this direction. 


Description of Calpe. The army resolve that it shall be a capital offence to 
propose another separation. Noon leads out a party of two thousand men 
to get provisions, contrary to the omens ; he is attacked by Pharnabazus, 
and obliged to retire with the loss of five hundred men. Xenophon 
covers his retreat. 

1. This day they remained encamped upon the shore near 
the port. The spot which is called the harbour of Calpe, is 
situate in Asiatic Thrace ; and this division of Thrace, bcgin- 
.fing from the mouth of the Euxine Sea, extends on the right 
»f a person sailing into the Euxine, as far as Heraclea. 2. 
From Byzantium to Ileraclca it is a long day's passage for a 

' Tliis question is not answered. See sect. 21. 


galley with oars ; and in the space between these cities there 
is no other town belonging to tlie Greeks or their allies ; but 
the Bithynian Thracians occupy it ; and whatever Greeks 
they capture, cast ashore by shipwreck or any other accident, 
they are said to treat with great cruelty, 3. The harbour of 
Calpe itself lies half-way between Heraclea and Byzantium, 
as people sail from either side.^ On the sea there is a pro- 
montory jutting out; that part of it which reaches down into 
the water is a steep rock,^ in height, where it is lowest, not 
less than twenty fathoms ; the neck of the promontory, which 
reaches up to the mainland, is in breadth about four hundred 
feet ; and the space within the neck is large enough to afford 
accommodation for ten thousand men. 4. The harbour hes 
close under the rock, with its coast toward the west. A 
spring of fresh water, flowing copiously, is close by the sea, 
and under cover of the promontory. Abundance of wood, of 
various other sorts, but especially of such as is good for 
ship-building,3 grows along the coast. 5. The mountain'* at 
the harbour^ extends inland about twenty stadia, a«d this 
part of it has a soil of mould, free from stones ; the other 
part along the sea, to the distance of more than twenty stadia, 
is covered with plenty of large trees of every kind. 6. The 
surrounding country is beautiful and of great extent, and 
there are in it many populous villages ; for the soil produces 
barley, wheat, all kinds of leguminous vegetables, millet, 
sesame, figs in abundance, plenty of vines yielding a sweet 
wine, and everything else but olive-trees. 7. Such is the 
nature of the country. 

The Greeks took up their quarters on the shore by the 
sea. In the part which might have been ground for a city^ 

' 'Ev fi'icTi^ fiiv Kilrai tKartpojOtv TrXeovriov, k. t. X.] " Lies in the 
/niddle of those sailing from either side, from Heraclea and By- 

* risrpa a-Koppil)^.] Now called Kirpe, or Kefken Adasi, according 
to Ainsworth, p. 218. 

' " This is so much the case now, that it is designated by the 
Turks as the Aghaj Denizi, or ' sea of trees.' " Ainsworth, p. 218. 

* Now Kefken Tagh, according to Ainsworth. 

* To Iv Tif Xifii:vi.'\ Bornemann and Kiihner regard these words 
as a mere gloss, and have included them in brackets. 

* Ei'c Si TO TToXiafia av ytvofitvov, k. r. \.] In locum qui facile op- 
pidutn futurut fiiisset, seu ubi facile oppidum condi potuisset, nolu^eruni 
eastra tramftne. Zeune. A general suspicion seejns to have pre 

vol.. 1. Q 


they were unwilling to encamp ; for even their approach to it 
appeared to have been the eifect of some insidious design, from 
the belief that certain persons were desirous to found a city 
there. 8. For most of the soldiers had sailed from home 
upon this service, not frotn want of subsistence, but from hav- 
ing heard of the merit of Cyrus, some even bringing men 
with them, others having spent money on the enterprise, 
others having left their fathers and mothers, others their chil- 
dren, in hope of returning when they had collected money for 
them, for they heard that other Greeks who were with Cyrus 
were acquiring considerable Avealth.' Being men of such 
character, they longed to return in safety to Greece. 

9. When the da^ after their meeting together began to 
dawn, Xenophon offered sacrifice with regard to an expedi- 
tion, for it was necessary to lead out the troops to get provi- 
sions ; and he was also thinking of burying the dead. As the 
victims were favourable, the Arcadians also accompanied him, 
and buried the greatest part of the dead where they had 
severally fallen ; for they had now lain five days, and it was 
no longer possible to bring them away ; some of them how- 
ever they gathered together out of the roads, and buried as 
becomingly as they could with the means at their command ; 
while for those whom they could not find they erected a large 
cenotaph, [with a great funeral pile,]'^ and put garlands upon 
it. 10. Having performed these rites, they returned to their 
camp, and, after they had supped, went to rest. 

Next day all the soldiers held a meeting ; (Agasias of 
Stymphalus, one of the captains, and Hieronymus of EHs, also 
a captain, and others, the oldest of the Arcadian officers, were 
the most active in bringing them together;) ii. and they 
passed a resolution, that if any one for the future should pro- 
vailed among the troops that Xenophon was desirous to detain them 
there, for the purpose of founding a city. Compare sect. 14, and 
22, init. ; also c. 6, sect. 4. See Thirlwall's History of Greece, vol. 
iv. p. 352. 

- TloXXd Kai aya^a TrpaTTfir.] " Were doing (for themselves) many 
and good things ; " were faring abundantly and well. 

* Kai TTvpdv fiiya'Xrjv.] These words are preserved as genuine 
by Dindorf, (who observes, however, that they are wanting in three 
manuscripts,) but are thought spurious by Zeune aid Schnei- 
der, and utterly ejected from the text by Poppo and Kiibtipr. 
Zeune remarks that he had never read of a funeral pile being 
erected in conjunction with a cenotaph 


pose to divide the array, he should be punished with death; 
and that the army should return homewards in the same order 
in which it was before,' and that the former leaders should 
resume the command. Cheirisophus was now dead, from 
liaving taken some drug^ during a fever; and Neon of Asina 
took his place. 

12. After this Xenophon stood up and said, " It seems evi- 
jlent, fellow-soldiers, that we must pursue our journey by 
land, for we have no ships ; and it is necessary for us to set 
out at once, for there are no provisions for us if we remain. 
We will therefore," he continued, " offer sacrifice ; and you 
must prepare yourselves, if ever you did so, to fight ; for the 
enemy have recovered their spirit." 13. The generals then 
offered sacrifice; and Arexion the Arcadian assisted as augur ; 
for Silanus of Ambracia had already fled, having hired a 
vessel from Heraclea. They sacrificed with a view to their 
departure, but the victims were not favourable. 14. This 
day therefore they rested. Some had the boldness to say that 
Xenophon, from a desire to settle a colony in the place, had 
prevailed on the augur to say that the victims were unfavour- 
able to their departure, i^. Xenophon, in consequence, having 
made proclamation that whoever wished might be present at a 
sacrifice on the morrow, and having given notice also, that if 
there was any augur among the soldiers, he should attend to 
inspect the victims with them, made another sacrifice, and a 
great number of persons were present at it ; 16. but though 
they sacrificed again three times with reference to their de- 
parture, the victims were still unfavourable to it. The soldiers 
were on this account extremely uneasy, for the provisions 
which they had brought with them were exhausted, and there 
was no place near for them to purchase any. 

17, Tliey therefore held another meeting, and Xenophon 
said, " The victims, as you see, fellow-soldiers, are not yet 
favourable for our departure ; and I see that you are in want 
of provisions. It seems to me necessary, therefore, to otfer 
sacrifice with regard to this matter." 18. Here some one rose 

• That is, that the soldiers should severally return to the com- 
yaniea in which they were serving before tlie secession of the Ar- 
cadiaiis and Achaeam took place, and that thus each officer should 
oave his own men again. 

* ^d^HaKov.1 Sorne interpret ^ap/ja»cov "poison." iCitA??^. 

5 2 


up and said, " It is with good reason, indeed, that the victims 
are unfavourable ; for, as I heard from a person belonging to a 
vessel that came in yesterday by accident, Cleander, the 
governor of Byzantium, is on the point of coming hither with 
transport vessels and galleys." 19. In consequence they all 
resolved to stay. But it was necessary to go out for provi- 
sions ; and to this end sacrifice was again offered three times, 
but the victims were still unfavourable. 

The soldiers now came to Xenophon's tent, and told him 
that they had no provisions. He however replied, that he 
would not lead them out while the victims were adverse. 

20, The next day sacrifice was offered again, and, as all 
were concerned, almost the Avhole army crowded around 
the sacrifice ; and the victims fell short. Still the generals 
did not lead out the troops, but called them, however, together; 

21. and Xenophon said, "Perhaps the enemy may be assem- 
bled in a body, and it may be necessary for us to fight : if, 
therefore, leaving our baggage in the strong part of the ground, 
we march out prepared for battle, the victims may possibly 
prove more favourable to us." 22. But the soldiers, on hear- 
ing this observation, cried out that it was of no use to lead 
them to the part that he mentioned, but that they ought to 
sacrifice without delay. Sheep were no longer to be had, but 
they bought an ox that was yoked to a waggon, and sacrificed 
it ; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to be on the 
alert if anything in the sacrifice should appear propitious.' 
But not even on this occasion were the signs favourable. 

23, Neon was now general in the place of Cheirisophus, and 
when he saw how the men were suffering from want of food, was 
desirous to get them relief, and having found a man of Heraclea, 
Avho said that he knew of some villages in the neighbourhood, 
from which it might be possible to procure provisions, he made 
proclamation that wnoever was willing might go out to get a 
wupply as there would be a guide to conduct them. A party 
accordingly proceeded from the camp, to the number of two 

* npoOv^naOai it n iv rovrtij th).] " Studiosfe reir urgere, si exta 
lunc (boni) aliquid portenderent." Zeune. This seems to be tlie 
nest of the various explanations that have been attempted of this 

fassage. Bornemann and Kruger conjecture irpo6vKj9ai, whicl 
Liihner highly approves. No alteration, however, is necessary, 
Zeune supposes that Xenophon withdrew from the sacrifice to pre- 
vent any suspicion of unfair play on his part. 

C*i 5.] fclTiirNiA: THE (jRtEfeS AtTAClvEt). 19? 

thoflsand, equipped witli spears, leather bags, sacks, and other 
things for holding what they might find. 24. But when they 
had reached the villages, and had dispersed themselves to 
plunder, the cavalry of Pliarnabazus first ' fell upon them, for 
tliey had come to aid the Bithynians, designing, if they could, 
in conjunction with them, to prevent the Greeks from pene- 
trating into Fhrygia. These horsemen cut off not less than 
five hundred of tlie Greeks; the rest fled to the mountain. 

25. One of those who escaped immediately carried the news 
of the occurrence to the camp ; and Xenoplion, as the victims 
liad not been propitious that day, took an ox from a waggon, 
(for there were no other cattle,) and, after sacrificing it, went 
forth to give aid, with all the other soldiers not above thirty 
years of age. 2g. They brought off the rest of the party, and 
returned to the camp. 

It was now about sunset, and the Greeks were taking their 
supper in great despondency, when some of tlie Bithynians, 
coming suddenly upon the advanced guard tlirongh tlie thick- 
ets, killed part of them, and pursued the rest to the camp. 
27. A great outcry arising, all the Greeks ran to their arms ; 
but it did not seem safe to pursue the enemy, or break up their 
camp, in the night, for the country was full of wood ; and 
they therefore passed the night under arms, covered by suffi 
cient out-posts. 


The Greeks, moved by their previous dangers, at length consent to encamp 
in the strong part of the ground. Xenophon, having sacrificed, and 
placed a guard in the camp, led out the troops, who, after burying the 
dead that they found on the way, and possessing themselves of some 
booty from the villages, perceive the Barbarians posted upon a hill. They 
proceed to attack them, and though obstructed by a valley diihcult to 
cross, are animated by the valour and eloquence of Xenophon to achieva 
a successful issue. 

1. In this manner they passed the night. At day-break 
the generals proceeded to the strong part of the ground ; ■^ 

' IlpJirot,] Afterwards some of the Bithynians, as is related ia 
•ect. 26. 

' To tpvfivbf xwpiov.'] See c. 4. sect. 3, 7, 21 

198 Ttt£ EXfEbitiox 01- cVRtls. [b. vi, 

and the men followed, bringing with them their arms and 
baggage. Before it Avas time for dinner, they completed a 
trench on the side where the entrance to the place was, and 
fenced the whole length with palisades, leaving three gates. 
A vessel meanwhile had arrived from Heraclea, bringing 
barley-meal, cattle, and wine. 

2. Xenophon, rising early, had sacrificed with reference to 
an excursion, and in the first victim the omens were favour- 
able. Just as the sacrifice came to a conclusion, Arexion of 
Parrhasia, the augur, saw a lucky eagle, and encouraged Xe- 
nophon to lead forth. 3. The men, therefore, crossing the 
trench, ranged themselves under arms ; and the heralds made 
proclamation that the soldiers, after taking their dinner, should 
march out equipped for battle, and leave the camp-followej-s 
and slaves where they were. 4. All the rest accordingly went 
out, except Neon ; for it was thought best to leave him in 
guard of the people in the camp. But when the captain? 
and soldiers had left them, they were ashamed not to follow 
where the others went, and in consequence left only those who 
were above forty-five years of age ; these therefore remained, 
and the rest went forth. 5. But before they had proceeded 
fifteen stadia, they began to meet with dead bodies, and bring- 
ing up the rear of their line opposite the corpses that were 
first seen, they buried all to which the line extended. 6. When 
they had interred this first set, they marched on, and again 
bringing up their rear against the first of those that they next 
found unburied, they buried in like manner as many as the 
line took in. When they came to the road that led to the 
villages, where the dead bodies lay in great numbers, they 
brought them all together and buried them. 

7. It was now past mid-day, and having marched quite 
through^ the villages, the men were engaged in taking what- 
ever provisions they found within reach of the Hne, when, on 
a sudden, they caught sight of the enemy marching over 
some hills that were facing them, disposed in a line, consisting 
of a large number of both cavalry and infantry ; for Spithri- 

* 'Atrov aifftov.] An eagle on the right. jEsch. Prom. 498. 

• 'ECw.] The troops in front seem to have marched quite throujrh 
the villages, and out beyond them ; those in the rear appear to have 
collected the provisions, keeping themselves, at the same *Jme, undei 
cover of those in frouu 

Ctl. 5.] EXCtmslON AGAIJIST tHE B1THYNIAN9. 199 

dates and Rathines had now arrived Avith a considerable force 
from Pharnabazus. 8. As soon as the enemy perceived the 
Greeks, thej halted at the distance of about fifteen stadia. 
Upon this Arexion, the augur of the Greeks, immediately 
offered saci'ifice, and in the very first victim the omens were 
favourable. 9. Xenophon then said, " It appears to me, fel- 
low-captains, that we ought to station some divisions on the 
^vatch behind the main body, in order that, if it should any- 
where be necessary, there may be troops to support that body, 
and that the enemy, when thrown into disorder, may be re- 
ceived by men in array and full vigour." This proposal was 
approved by all. lo, "Advance then," he continued, "on 
tJie road towards the enemy, that, since we have been seen 
by them, and have seen them, we may not stand still ; and I, 
af'ter having arranged the divisions in the rear, as you have 
sanctioned, will join you." 

n. Tlie others then advanced quietly forward, and Xeno- 
phon, detaching from the main body the three hindmost com- 
panies, consisting of about two hundred men each, ordered 
one of tliem to follow on the right, at the distance of about 
a hundred feet behind ; this company Samolas the Achaean 
commanded. The second he directed to follow in the centre ; 
this company Pyrrliias the Arcadian headed. The other he 
stationed on the left; this Phrasias the Athenian led. 12. 
As the front line, in marching on, came to a woody ravine, of 
great extent and difficult to pass, they halted, not knowing 
whether it were possible to cross it, and passed the word for 
the generals and captains to come to the front. 13. Xeno- 
phon, wondering what it was that stopped their progress, but 
soon hearing the word passed, rode up as fast as he could. 
"When the officers came together, Sophaenetus, the oldest of 
the generals, said that it was not worth consideration • whether 
a ravine of such a nature were passable or not. 14. But Xe- 
nophon, eagerly seizing an opportunity to speak, said, 

" You are certain, my fellow-soldiers, that I have never 
voluntai-ily brought danger upon you, for I see that you do 
not want reputation for valour, but safety, is. But now the 
matter stands thus with us : it is not possible for us to move 
from hence without fighting ; for if we do not advance upon the 

' That is, that no deliberation was necessary ; that they oug'lt 
certainly to cross the ravine 


enemy, the enemy will pursue and attack us when we retreat. 
16. Consider, then, whether it is better for us to proceed 
against the foe holding out our arms in front of us, or, when 
wo have turned them back, to find the enemy following be- 
hind us. 17. You know, assuredly, that to flee from an enemy 
has no semblance of honour, but that pursuit puts courage 
even into cowards. For my own part, I had rather pursue 
with half the number of men than retreat with twice as many. 
As for these enemies, I know that you yourselves do not ex- 
pect them to make a stand against us, if we charge them ; but 
we are all aware that if we draw back they will have courage 
enough to follow us. 

18. " But that we, by crossing, should place a difficult ravine 
in our rear, when we are going to engage, is not this an ad- 
vantage worth securing ? As for the enemy, I should wish 
every spot of ground to appear passable to them, so that they 
may retreat ; but it is for us to be instructed by the nature of 
our position that there is no safety for us unless we conquer. 
19. I wonder, too, whether any of us thinks this ravine more 
formidable than m.any other places that we have passed, 

" How, indeed, will the plain be passable, unless we defeat 
the cavalry ? How will the hills that we have traversed be 
passable, if so many peltasts pursue us ? 20. Even if we ar- 
rive safe at the sea, how large a ravine will the Euxine prove 
to us, where there are neither vessels to convey us away, nor 
provisions to support us if we remain ; and the more haste we 
should make thither, the more haste must we make to go out 
again to find subsistence. 21. It is better therefore for us to 
fight now, when we have dined, than to-morrow, when we 
may be without a dinner. The sacrifices,' soldiers, are favour- 
able, the omens encouraging, the victims most auspicious. 
Let us march against the foe. Since they have certainly 
seen us, they ought not now to sup at their ease, or to encamp 
■where they like." 

22. The captains then bade him lead on, and no one made 
any objection. He accordingly put himself at their head, 
yrdering each to cross at that part of the ravine where he 
happened to be ; for he thought that the army would thus 
sooner get over the ravine in a body than if they defiled over 

' Ta re una ro n ff^ayta.] i. 8. 15. 


the bridge' tliat lay across it. 23. When they had passed 
over, he said, as he passed along the line, "Remember, soldiers, 
how many battles, with the assistance of the gods, you have 
gained by coming to close quarters with the enemy, and how 
those fare who turn their backs upon their adversaries. 
Reflect also that you are at the very gates of Greece.'* 
21. Follow, then, Hercules your Conductor,^ and exhort one 
another by name.'' It is pleasing to reflect, that he who now 
says and does anything brave and honourable, will preserve 
a remembrance of himself among tliose with whom he would 
wish to preserve it." 

'ir,. Tlicsc exhortations he uttered as he rode along, and at 
the same time proceeded to lead forward the troops in column ; 
and with the peltasts on each flank, they marclied upon the 
enemy. He gave orders that they should carry tlieir spears 
upon the right shoulder until a signal should be given with the 
trumpet, and that then, lowering them for a charge, they should 
fciUow their leaders at a steady pace, and that none should 
advance running. The word was immediately after given, 


The enemy, meanwhile, kept their position, thinking that they 
had the ground in their favour. 26. As the Greeks approached 
them, the peltasts shouted, and ran forward to charge them 
before any one gave orders ; and the enemy rushed to meet 
them, both the horse and the mass of Bithynians, and put 
them to flight. 27. But when the body of heavy-armed men 
came up, advancing at a quick pace, and when the trumpet 
sounded, and the men sang the pcean and shouted, and lowered 
their spears, the enemy then no longer awaited tlieir charge, 
but took to flight. 28, Timasion and the cavalry pursued 
them, and killed as many as they could, being but few. The 
enemy's left wing, to which the Greek cavalry were opposed, 
was at once dispersed, but >he right, not being closely pursued, 
raUied upon a hill. 29. As soon as the Greeks, however, saw 

' Kriiger supposes that the ravine (v«7roc) was the bed of a 
mountain torrent, and that the bridge was constructed to afford a 
passage over it when it was inundated by rains in winter. From 
what Xenophon says above, it would hardly have been conceived 
that there was a bridge. 

^ That is, close upon Greece. Compare ii. 4. 4. 

• See ch. 2. sect. 15. See also below, sect. 25 

« As in II. X. 68- 

202 TttE EXPEDITION OF CttltS. [B. Vt 

tlicra making a stand, it appeared to them the easiest and 
safest thing they could do, to charge them without delay. 
Singing the paean, therefore, they immediately advanced upon 
them ; and the enemy witlidrew. The pcltasts then pursued 
them till the right wing was also dispersed ; but only a small 
number were killed ; for the enemy's cavalry, being numerous, 
kept the Greeks in awe. so. But when they observed the 
cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in a body, and the 
Bithynian cavalry flocking to join them, and looking down 
from an eminence on what was going on, they determined, 
tired as they were, to make an assault upon them as vigor- 
ously as possible, that they might not take breath and re- 
cover their courage. 3i. Drawing up in close order, there- 
fore, they advanced ; when the enemy's horse fled down the 
hill as if they had been pursued by cavalry ; for there was a 
valley to receive them, of which the Greeks were not aware, 
as they had desisted from the pursuit before they readied it, 
it being now late. 32. Returning then to the place where 
the first encounter occurred, they erected a trophy, and went 
off towards tlie sea about sunset. The distance to their .camp 
was about sixty stadia. 


The Greeks plunder Bithyma. Cleandcr, the Spartan governor of Byzan- 
tium, arrives, and is prejudiced against the Greeks by Dexippus, but re- 
conciled to them by the efforts of Xenophon. Cleander declines the chiff 
command, which is offered him, and the army march under their 
generals through Bithynia to Chrysopolis. 

1. The enemy now employed themselves about their cwn 
affairs, and removed their families and effects as far off as they 
could. The Greeks, in the mean time, waited for Cleander 
and the galleys and transport vessels that were to come, and, 
going out every day with their baggage-cattle and slaves, 
brought in, without fear of danger, wheat, barley, wine, legu- 
minous vegetables, millet, and figs ; for the country afforded 
every useful production except olives. 

2. While the army lay at rest in the camp, the men had 
liberty, individually, to go out for spoil, and those only who 

en, S.] DEXlPPtJS : AGASU9. 203 

went out had a share of it ; but when the whole army went 
out, and any one, straggling from the rest, took any booty, it 
was adjudged to be public property. 

3. They had now abundance of everything ; for provisions 
for sale were brought from the Greek cities in every direction, 
and people who were sailing along the coast, hearing that a 
city was going to be built, and a harbour formed, willingly 
put in there, 4. Such of the enemy, too, as lived in the 
neighbourhood, sent to Xenophon, hearing that he had tlu 
management of the intended settlement, to ask what they 
should do in order to become his friends ; and he introduced 
them among the soldiers.' 

5. Cleander now arrived with two galleys, but no transport 
vessel. At the time of his coining, it happened that the body 
of the army was gone out ; while some stragglers, going over 
the mountain for plunder, some one way, some another, liau 
taken a great number of sheep, and being afraid that they 
would be taken from them,''^ informed Dexippusof the matter, 
(the same that had run away with the fifty-oared galley from 
Trebisond,) and requested him to keep the sheep for them, tak- 
ing part for himself, and giving them back the rest. c. Dexippu3 
immediately drove off the soldiers' that stood round, and who 
said that the sheep were pubHc property, and, going to Cle- 
ander, told him that they were endeavouring to seize them as 
]>lunder for themselves. Cleander desired him to bring who- 
ever should seize them before him. 7. Dexippus accordingly 
laid hold on one of the men, and was taking him off", when 
Agasias, meeting him, rescued the man ; the prisoner being 
a private of his own troop. The rest of the soldiers that were 
there began to throw stones at Dexipnus, calling him again 
and again, " the traitor." Not only he, in consequence, but 
also many of the men belonging to his galleys, were struck 
with terror, and fled towards the sea ; and Cleander fled like- 
wise. 8. But Xenophon, and the other generals, endeavoured to 
stop their flight, and told Cleander that there was no reason 
for alarm,* but that the resolution passed by the army was 

' Xcnwphon, therefore, had not yet given up hopes of being able 
to persuade the troops to stay there and found a city. Schneider. 

' As being pubhc property. See sect. 2 and 6. 

' Not the soldiers that had taken the sheep, but others that had 
gathered round. 

* On oi/Civ till "'P^y/***'] Upayfia is often used to signify some* 

204 THE ExrEDiTiox oE ctRrs. [b. vl 

the cau?e of tlie occurrence. 9. Cleander, hcAvcver, being 
instigated by Dexippus, and vexed with himself for having 
shown so much fear, said that he would sail off. and make 
proclamation that none of tlic cities should receive them, as 
being public enemies. The Lacedaemonians were at that 
time masters of all Greece. 

10. This affair appeared to the Greeks to threaten evil, and 
they entreated Cleander not to do so ; but he said that it could 
not be otherwise, unless somebody should give up to him the 
man that began to throw stones, and the person that rescued 
him. 11. The person that he wanted was Agasias, the con- 
stant friend of Xenophon, for which reason Dexippus had ac- 
cused him. As there was much perplexity, therefore, the 
generals called together the soldiers ; and some of them made 
light of Oleander's menaces, but to Xenophon the affair ap- 
peared of no small importance. Rising up, he said, 

12. "It seems to me, soldiers, a matter of no trifling mo- 
ment, if Cleander goes away, as he threatens, cherishing these 
feelings towards us ; for the Greek cities are close at hand, 
the Lacedaemonians are the chief people of Greece, and each 
individual Lacedaemonian is able to do what he pleases in 
these cities. 13. If therefore he first shuts us out of Byzan- 
tium, and then gives notice to the other governors not to ad- 
mit us into their cities, as persons refusing obedience to the 
Lacedagmonians and submitting to no law, and this character 
of us reaches the ears of Anaxibius the admiral, it will bo 
difficult for us either to remain or to sail away, for at this 
moment the Lacedicmonians are masters both by land and sea. 
14. We ought not, therefore, for the sake of one or two men, 
to exclude ourselves from Greece, but to do whatever they 
direct; for the cities, from which we come, yield them obedi- 
ence. 15. I, for my own part, (for I hear that Dexippus 
assures Cleander that Agasias would have done nothing in 
the matter, if I had not instigated him.) for my part, I say, 
I am ready to clear you and Agasias from blame, if Aga- 
sias himself shall say that I was at all the cause of these 
proceedings, and I am prepared to condemn myself, if I en- 
couraged stone-throwing or any other act of violence, as deserv- 
ing of the severest punishment, and that punishment I will 

thing dangerous, or, at any rate, something of great moment. 

en. 6.J AGASIAS : oleander. 205 

Bubinit to suffer. 16. I say, too, that if Dexippus accuses any 
other person, he ought to surrender himself to Oleander to be 
tried; for by this means you may be exonerated from all cen- 
sure. Under the present complexion of the case, it will be 
hard, if, when we expect applause and honour in Greece, we 
shall, instead of obtaining them, be not even on an equality 
with tlie rest of our countrymen, but be excluded from the 
Greek cities." 

17. Agasias then stood up and said, "I swear, my fellow- 
soldiers, by all the gods and goddesses, that neither Xenophon, 
nor any other person among you, desired me to rescue the 
man ; but, wlien I saw a brave fellow, one of my own troop, 
led off by Dexippus, (who, you are aware, has played the 
traitor towards you,) it seemed to me, I own, intolerable, and 
I set him free. is. You need not, then, deliver me up, for I 
will surrender myself, as Xenophon recommends, to Oleander, 
to do to me, after having tried me, whatever he pleases. As 
far as this matter is concerned, enter into no contention with 
the Lacedfemonians. May each of you return in safety to 
whatever place he would reach ! jVlake choice, however, of 
some of your own number, and send them with me to Olean- 
der, that, if I omit anything, they may speak and act for me." 
1 9. Upon this the army allowed him to choose whomsoever he 
would, and to go. He chose the generiils. 

Agasias and the generals, and the man that had been re- 
leased by Agasias, accordingly proceeded to Oleander ; and 
the generals said, 20. " The army has sent us to you, O 
Oleander, and requests that if you accuse them all, you will 
yourself be the judge 01 them all, and treat them as you may 
think tit ; or, if you accuse one or two or more, they think it 
right that they should surrender themselves to you for judg- 
ment. If therefore you accuse any one of us, we are here 
before you ; if any other, let us know ; for no man, who is 
willing to obey us, shall refuse to submit to you." 

21. Agasias next stood forward, and said, " I am the per- 
son, O Oleander, that rescued this man when Dexippus was 
carrpng him off, and that incited the men to stone Dexippus ; 
22. for I knew that the soldier was a deserving man, and I 
knew also that Dexippus, after having been chosen by the 
army to command the galley which we begged of the people 
of Trebisond. for the purpose of collecting transport vessels to 


save ourselves, had run away and betrayed the soldiers in 
common with whom he had preserved his life. 23. Through 
his misconduct, therefore, we have both deprived the people 
of Trebisond of their salley, and seem to have acted dishon- 
estly ; and, as far as depended upon him, we were utterly un- 
done ; for he had heard, as well as we, that it would be im- 
practicable for us, going by land, to cross the rivers and get 
safe to Greece. 24. It was from such a character as this that 
I rescued the man. If you liad been leading him away, or 
any one of those belonging to you, and not one of our own 
deserters, be assured that I should have done nothing of the 
kind. Consider, then, that if you put me to death, you will 
put to death a man of honour for the sake of a coward and a 

25. Oleander, on hearing this statement, said that he could 
not approve of the conduct of Dexippus, if he had acted in 
such a way, but observed, at the same lime, that even if Dex- 
ippus were the worst of villains, he ought not to suffer any 
violence, but to be tried, ("as you yourselves," said he, "now 
propose,") and to have his deserts. 26. " For the present 
then," he continued, " retire, leaving Agasias with rrie, and, 
when I give you notice, come to witness his trial. I neither 
accuse the army, nor any one else, since Agasias himself con- 
fesses that it was he who released the man." 27. The man 
who had been released then said, " If you suppose, O Olean- 
der, that I was apprehended for doing something wrong, be 
assured tliat I neither struck nor threw stones at any one, but 
merely said that the sheep were public property ; for it was a 
resolution passed by the soldiers, that if, when the whole army 
-vent out, any particular person made any capture by himself, 
that capture should go to the public store. 28. This was what 
I said ; and Dexippus, in consequence, seized me and was lead- 
ing me off, so that no one might utter a syllable,' but that ho 
himself, securing a share of the booty, might keep the rest for 
the plunderers, contrary to the resolution of the army." To 
this Oleander replied, " Since you are that sort of person, 
stay here, that we may consider respecting you likewise." 

29. Oleander and his party then went to dinner ; and Xe 

• 'Ira jiTj (f,yiyyoiTo /xjjch'c.] That no one might report anything 
about him (Dexippus). Kiihner. Dexippus (as the man intimatei) 
supposed that the apprehension of one would be a terror to the icat. 


nophon assembled the troops, and advised them to send some 
persons to Oleander to make intercession for the men. 3o. 
They accordingly resolved to depute the generals and captains, 
with Dracontius' the Spartan, and such of the rest as seemed 
eligible, to entreat Oleander by all means to set the two men 
free. 31. Xenophon, going to him, said, " You have the men 
in your hands, O Oleander, and the army has allowed you to 
do what you please with regard both to them and to their whole 
force. They now, however, request and entreat of you to 
give up the two men to them, and not to put them to death ; 
for they exerted themselves greatly, in time past, to be of 
service to the army. 32. Should they obtain this favour from 
you, they promise you, in return for it, that if you are willing 
to be their leader, and the gods are propitious, they will let 
you see both how well-disciplined they are, and how incapable, 
when obedient to their general, and aided by superior powers, 
of fearing an enemy. 33. They also beg of you, that when 
you have come and taken the command of them, you will 
make trial of Dexippus and the rest of them, ascertain what 
sort of person each is, and give every one his desert." 

34. Oleander, on hearing this application, replied, "By the 
twin gods,'^ I will give you an answer at once. I give up the 
men to you, and will come to you myself ; and, if the gods 
permit, I will lead you into Greece. Your words are very 
different from the accounts that I heard of some of you, 
namely, that you were alienating the array from the Lacedae- 
monians." 35. The deputies then took their leave, applaud- 
ing Oleander, and taking with them the two men. 

Oleander offered a sacrifice with reference to the journey, 
and associated in a friendly way with Xenophon ; and they 
contracted a bond of hospitality between them. When he 
saw the Greek soldiers, too, execute their orders with regu- 
larity, he grew still more desirous to become their commander. 
36. But as the omens were not favourable to his wishes, though 
he offered sacrifices three days, he called the generals together, 
and said, " The victims have not been favourable for me ^ to 

' iv. 8. 25. 

• "Sal TOi <Ti<i.] Castor and Pollux, by whom the Lacedsemoniara 
were accustomed to swear. See Schol. on Aristoph. Lys. 81, Pac. 
lU: Xen. Hellen. iv. 4. 10. 

' k/ioi iiiv oi-K iriXiadti rd Wpd sjayitr. j *' The sacrifices have 


lead you out ; but be not discouraged on tliat account ; for it 
is given to you, as it appears, to conduct the army home. 
Proceed then ; and we will receive you at Byzantium when 
you arrive there,' in the best manner that we can." 37. It 
was then resolved by the soldiers to make him a present of 
the sheep that were public property ; and he, having accepted 
them, gave them back to the soldiers again, and then sailed off. 
The army, having disposed of the corn which they had col- 
lected, and the other booty that they had captured, advanced 
through the territory of the Bilhynians. 38. But as, while they 
pursued tlie straight road, they met with nothing to enable 
them to enter tlie country of their friends with a portion of 
gpoil, they resolved upon marching back for a day and a night; 
and, having done so, they took great numbers both of slaves 
and cattle, and arrived, after six days' march, at Chrysopolis 
in Chalcedonia, where they stayed seven days to sell their 



Anaxibius, at the instigation of Phamabazus, who wishes to get the Greeks 
out of his teiTitory, allures them, with hopes of emploj-ment and pay» to 
Byzantium. They accordingly appear in arms before the city, but find- 
ing the gate's shut against them, force an entrance, and are with great 
difficulty pacified by Xenophon. Coeratades, a Theban, oflFers to lead 
them into Thrace, and his proposal is accepted ; but he soon shows his 
incapacity, and lays down the command. 

1. What the Greeks did in their march up the country 
with Cyrus, until the battle was fought, what they ex- 
perienced in their retreat, after Cyrus was dead, till they 
reached the Euxine Sea, and how they fared, in their pro- 
gress by sea and land, from the time that they arrived at the 
Euxine until they got beyond the mouth of it to Chrysopolis 

not been concluded fso as to be favourable) for me," <Src. Our 
inXia^r] is a conjecture of Bornemann's, adopted by Dindorf, for 
the common reading ovk iBtXn, which Kiihner prefers and retains. 

I follow Kiihner in the interpretation of UtTat in this passage. 
The speaker probably pointed towards Byzantium. 

Cli. l.^j oi'tEtis viioii sl-.titiits. §09 

in Asia, lias been related in the preceding i:)art of the nar- 

2. Phamabazus, fearing that the army of the Greeks might 
make an irruption into his province, sent to Anaxibius the 
Spartan admiral, who was at Byzantium, and begged him to 
transport the army out of Asia, promising to do for him in re- 
turn whatever he might require of him. 3. Anaxibius, ac- 
cordingly, sent for the generals and captains of the troops 
to Byzantium, engaging that if they came over to him, pay 
should be given to the men. 4. The rest of the officers said 
that they would give him an answer after they had considered 
of the matter ; but Xenophon told him that he was going to 
leave the army, and wanted to sail away. Anaxibius, however, 
requested him to come across with the rest, and then to take 
his departure. Xenophon therefore said that he would do so. 

5. In the mean time Seuthes' theThracian sent IMcdosades 
to Xenoplion, requesting that general to join with him in 
using his elibrts that the army might cross over, and saying 
that he should have no cause to repent of assisting him in that 
object. G. Xenophon replied, " The army will doubtless cross 
over ; let him give nothing to me therefore, or to any one 
else, on that account. When it has crossed, I shall quit it ; 
so let him address himself to those who stay, and who may 
seem able to serve him, in such a manner as may appear 
likely to be successful." 

7. Soon after, the whole army of the Greeks crossed over to 
Byzantium. Anaxibius however gave them no pay, but made 
proclamation that the soldiers should take their arms and 
baggage, and go out of the city, signifying that he intended 
at once to send them away home, and to take their number. 
The soldiers were in consequence greatly troubled, because 
they had no money to get provisions for their journey, and 
packed up their baggage with reluctance. 

8. Xenophon, who had become a guest-friend to Cleander 
tlie governor, went to take leave of him, with the intention of 

' For some account of him see c. 2, sect. 32. "He is not to be 
confounded with Seuthes the son of Sparadocus, who succeeded 
Sitalces as kinji: of the OdrysEe, nor is to be altogether regarded as 
a king, though he is distinguished by this name in c. 7, sect. 22. He 
is with more propriety called dpxi^v (twv) tTri ^aXarry, c. 3, sect. 16. 
See Xen. Hellen. iv. 8. 26. Aristot. Polit. v. 8. 15." Poppo. He was 
at this time merely a commander in subjection to Medocus. 

210 fiit tJtfEbittoi^ ofc* cVitUs. [b. vtt. 

sailing away immodiately. But Cleander said to liiin, "By 
no means do so, for, it' you do, you will incur blame, since 
some people, indeed, already accuse you as the cause that the 
army proceeds out' so slowly." 9. Xenophon replied, "I am 
not the cause of this, but the soldiers, being in want of pro- 
visions, are for that reason, of themselves, reluctant to go oul." 
10. "However I advise you," rejoined Cleander, "to go out 
with them, as if you intended to accompany them, and when 
the array is clear of the city, then to quit it." " We will 
then go to Anaxibius," said Xenophon, " and further the pro- 
ceedings." They accordingly went, and told him that such 
Avas their intention. 1 1. He reconmiended that they should act 
in conformity with what they said, and that the troops should 
go out as soon as possible with their baggage packed up ; de- 
siring them to give notice, at the same time, that wlioever 
should not be present at the review and numbering of the 
army, Avould have himself to blame. 12. The generals then 
went out first, and the rest of the army followed them. 

They were now all out except a few, and Eteonicus- was 
standing by the gates, ready to shut them, and thrust- in the 
bar, as soon as they were all outside, 13. when Anaxibius, 
summoning the generals and captains, said, " You may take 
]»rovisions from the Thracian villages ; for there is plenty of 
barley and wheat, and other necessaries, in them ; and when 
you have supplied yourselves, proceed to the Chersonesus, and 
there Cyniscus-* will give you pay." 14. Some of the sol- 
diers that overheard this, or some one of the captains, com- 
municated it to tiie army. The generals, meanwhile, in- 
({uircd about Seuthes, whether lie would prove hostile or 
friendly, and whether they must march over the Sacred 
Mountain,* or round about through the middle of Thraoe. 

' 'E^fpTTtt.] Non celeriter, sed quasi rependo exit (ex urbe). 
Hutchinson. This notion of the word is coudennied by Heiiand, 
])ial. Xen. p. 7, who shows, with nuich learning, that fjJTrtiv in the 
Doric dialect signifies incedere, ire, so that i^igirtiv in this passage is 
merely the same as iKTro^ivta^ai. Kiihtier. 

" A Laced:3enionian of some rank. See Thucyd. viii. 23. Kriiger. 

* A Spartan commander, doubtless, who was then engaged in a 
•V. ar with the Thracians in the Chersonesus. Zeune. 

* Aid TOO uoQv 6|0ot/c.] To be distinguished from the mountain of 
the same name mentioned iv. 7. 21. Schneider. Its situation is un- 
certain, but there was a road by it into the Chersonesus, as is ap 

<5ll. t.j 1 tUilttt QtJtLLllO bV XENOl'llOJf. 2l I 

1 'j. But while they were talking of these matters, thfe soldiers, 
snatching up their arms, ran in haste to the gates, with a de- 
sign to make their way back within the walls. Eteonicus, 
however, and those about him, when they saw the heavy- 
armed men running towards them, shut the gates, and thrust 
in the bar. 16. The soldiers then knocked at the gates, and 
said that they were treated most unjustly, in being shut out as 
a prey to the enemy, and declared that they would split the 
gates asunder, if the people did not open them of their own 
accord. 17. Some ran off to the sea, and got over into the 
city by the pier of the wall ; while others of them, who hap- 
pened to be still in the town, when they perceived what was 
passing at the gates, cut the bars in twain with their axes, and 
set the gates wide open. They then all rushed in. 

18. Xenophon, observing what was going on, and fearing 
lest the army should fall to plundering, and irreparable mis- 
chief be done, not only to the city, but to himself and the 
men, ran and got within the gates along with the crowd. 19. 
The people of Byzantium, at the same time, when they saw 
the army entering by force, fled from the market-place, some 
to the ships, and some to their houses, while others, Avho hap- 
pened to be within-doors, ran out ; some hauled down the 
galleys into the water, that they might save themselves in 
them ; and all believed themselves ruined, regarding the city 
as captured. 20. Eteonicus fled to the citadel. Anaxibius, 
running down to the sea, sailed round to the same place in a 
fishing-boat, and immediately sent for men from the garrison 
at Chalcedon ; for those in the citadel did not appear sufficient 
to repel the Greeks. 

21. The soldiers, as soon as they saw Xenophon, ran up to 
him in great numbers, and cried, " You have now an oppor- 
tunity, O Xenophon, to become a great man. You are in 
possession of a city, you have galleys, you have money, you 
have this large number of men. Now, therefore, if you are 
inclined, you may benetit us, and we may make you a distin- 
guished man." 22. Xenophon replied, " You say well, and I 
will act accordingly ; but if you aim at this object, range your- 
selves under arms as quickly as possible," for he wished to quiet 

parent from c. 3, sect. 3. " The fort Upbv opog is mentioned by 
Demosth. de Hal. p. 85, extr. ; Phil. iii. p. 114, and De Fals. Let-, 
p. SaO." Krii^vr. 

r 3 


them, and not only gave these orders liimself, but desired 
the other officers also to command the men to range themselves 
under arms. 23. As the men, too, began to marshal them- 
selves, the heavy-armed troops soon formed eight deep, and 
the peltasts ran to take their station on each wing. 24. The 
ground, which was called the Thracian Area,^ was excellent 
for the arrangement of troops, being clear of houses, and 
level. AVhen the arms were in their places,'^ and the men 
somewhat tranquillized, Xenophon called the soldiers round 
him, and spoke as follows : 

25. " That you are angry, soldiers, and think you have 
been treated strangely in being deceived, I am not at all sur- 
prised ; but if we gratify our resentment, and not only take 
revenge on the Lacedaemonians, who are here, for their impo- 
sition, but plunder the city which is not at all to blame, con- 
sider what will be the consequences ; 2G. Ave shall be the 
declared enemies both of the Lacedaemonians and their allies. 
What will be the nature of a war with them, we may conjec- 
ture, as we have seen and remember what has recently occur- 
red. 27. We Athenians entered upon the contest with the 
Lacedtemonians and their allies, with not less than three hun- 
dred^ galleys, some at sea and some in the docks, with a great 
sum of money in the Acropolis,'' and with a yearly revenue, 
from our customs at home and our territory abroad, of not less 
than a thousand talents ; but though we were masters of all 
the islands, were possessed of many cities in Asia, and many 
others in Europe, and of this very Byzantium where we now 
are, yet we were reduced in the war to such a condition as 
you all know. 28. And what may we now expect to be our 

• To Opi^Kiov.'] Larclier has not inaptly supposed that this place 
was near the gates called the Thracian Gates, referring to Xen. 
Jiellen. i. 3, extr., Tag -rrvXac rdc tTrl to Ofj^ictov KuKovix'ipaQ. Zeune. 
The Thracian Gates of Byzantium, before which there were seven 
towers, are mentioned by Dio Cassius, Ixxiv, 14. Schneider. With 
Hpifxiov understand x^9'-ov : it v.-as an open space, an area or square. 

' 'E.K11T0 TO. oTrXa.] Anna ordine disposita erant. Hutchinson. Leun- 
clavius renders it postquam in armis ordine consti!erant, but this is less 
suitable to the passage. The soldiers had laid down their arms, that 
they miglit listen to Xenophon more at ease. See iv. 2. 20. 

» Thucyd. ii. 13. 

* 'Bv rg TToXti.'] The Athenians used to call their 'AicpoTroXtc by 
the simple name iroXtg : see Thucyd. ii. 15. The sum of money ia 
the Acropolis was not less than six thousand talents, Thucyd. ii. 24 

CH, l.J CfERATADES. 213 

fate, when the Lacedaemonians and Achseans are in alliance ; 
when the Athenians, and those who were then allied with 
them, have become an accession to the Spartan power ; when 
Tissaphernes, and all the other Barbarians on the sea-coast, 
are our enemies, and the king of Persia himself our greatest 
enemy, whom Ave went to despoil of his throne, and, if we 
could, to deprive of life? When all these opponents are united 
against us, is there anybody so senseless as to think that we 
could get the superiority ? 29. Let us not, in the name of the 
gods, act like madmen, and perish with disgrace, by becoming 
enemies to our country, and to our own friends and relations ! 
For our connexions are all in the cities that will make war 
upon us, and that will make war justly indeed, if, when wo 
declined to possess ourselves of any Barbarian city, though 
we were superior in force, we should plunder the first Greek 
city at which we have arrived. 30. For my own part, I pray 
that, before I see such an atrocity committed by you, I may 
be buried ten thousand fathoms under ground. I advise you, 
as you are Greeks, to endeavour to obtain justice by submit- 
ting to those who are masters of the Greeks. Should you be 
unable to obtain it, however, we ought not, though wronged, 
to deprive ourselves of all hope of returning to Greece. 31. 
It appears to me, therefore, that we should now send deputies 
to Anaxibius, with this message : ' We came into the city 
with no design to commit violence, but, if we could, to obtain 
some service from you ; but, if we obtain none, we intend to 
show that we shall go out of it, not because we have been de- 
ceived, but because we are willing to obey you.'" 

32, This proposal met with approbation ; and they de- 
spatched Ilieronymus the Elean, Eurylochus the Arcadian, 
and Philesius the Achaean, to carry the message. They ac- 
cordingly proceeded to deliver it. 

33. But while the soldiers were still seated, Coeratades,' a 
Theban, came up to them ; a man who was going about the 
country, not banished from Greece, but wanting to be a 
general, and offering his services wherever any city or people 
required a leader ; and, as he came forward, he said that he 

* He had been a commander of the Boeotians towards the end of 
ihe Peloponnesian war, and, at the surrender of Byzantium, fell 
into the hands of the Athenians, by whom he was carried prisoner 
to Athens, but contrived to escape. See Hellen. i. 3. 15. Zewng. 

214 THE EXrEDlTION OF CYRUS. [r. vir. 

was prepared to conduct them to that part of Thrace called 
the Delta, Avliere they would find plenty of good things, and 
that, till they should arrive there, he would supply them with 
meat and drink in abundance. 34. The soldiers listened to 
this otfer, and heard, at the same time, the reply brought fi-om 
Anaxibius, for he had sent an answer that " if they complied 
Avith his wishes, they should have no cause to repent ; and 
that he would report their conduct to the authorities at Sparta, 
and would contrive to do for them whatever service he 
could," 35. The soldiers, in consequence, took Cccratades as 
their leader, and went out of the city, Cceratades engaging to 
come to the army next day with victims for sacrifice, an 
augur, and meat and drink for the troops. 3r>. As soon as 
they were gone out, Anaxibius caused the gates to be shut, 
and proclamation made, that whoever of the soldiers should be 
found within, should be sold as a slave. 

37. Next day Cocratades came with the victims and the 
augur ; and twenty men followed him carrying harley-mcal, 
and other twenty carrying wine ; three also with as large a load 
as they could bear of olives ; one with as much as he could 
carry of garlic, and another of onions. Having ordered these 
things to be laid down, as if for distribution, he proceeded 
to offer sacrifice. 

38. Xenophon, meanwhile, having sent for Cleander, urged 
him to obtain permission for him to enter the walls, and to 
sail away from Byzantium. 39. When Cleander arrived, he 
said, " I am come, after having obtained the permission witli 
extreme difficulty ; for Anaxibius says that it is not proper 
for the soldiers to be close to the walls, and Xenophon with- 
in ; and that the Byzantines are split into factions, and at 
enmity one with another; yet he has desired you," he added, 
" to enter, if you intend ' to sail with him." 40. Xenophon 
accordingly took leave of the soldiers, and went into the city 
with Cleander. 

Coeratades, the first day, had no favourable omens from the 
gaerifice, and distributed nothing among the troops. The 
next day the victims were placed at the altar, and Cocratades 

' I read «/ /ifXXoif, with Kriiger, instead of ti /xfXXoi, the common 
reading, which gives, " lie has desired you to enter, if he (Xeno- 
phon) intends to sail witu nirri (Anaxibius)," a confusion of peraonf 
Ut which Borncirann expresses his woiider. 


took his station with a chaplet on his head, as if intending to 
offer sacrifice ; when Timasion the Dardanian, Neon the 
Asinsean, and Cleanor the Orchomenian, came forward and 
told CcEratades not to sacrifice, as he should not lead the 
army, unless he supplied it with provisions. 41. He then or- 
dered a distribution to be made. But as his supply fell far 
short of one day's subsistence for each of ihe soldiers, he went 
off, taking with him the victims, and renouncing the general- 


The generals disnirrccinp; about the route, many of the soldiers desert. 
Aiiii.\il)ius and Xcnoplion, on their vo}-age, are met at Cyzicus bj- Aristar- 
chus, Oleander's suecessor ; he sells four hundred of the Greeks for slaves. 
Xenophon returns to the army, and the Greeks, on his advice, agree to 
sail back to Asia, but are hindered by Aristarchus. Their services are 
solicited by Seuthes, and Xenophon goes to leam his terms. 

I. But Neon the Asina;an, Phryniscus,' Philcsius, Xanthi- 
cles, all Acha^ans, and Timasion the Dardanian, remained in 
command of the army, and marching forward to some villages 
of the Thracians, over against Byzantium, encamped there. 
•2. The generals had now some disagreement, Cleanor and 
Phrvniscus wishing to lead the army to Seuthes, (for he had 
gained them over to his interest, having presented a horse to 
the one, and a mistress to the other,) and Neon desiring to 
take it to the Chersonesus, as he thought that if they came 
into the dominions of the Lacedaemonians, he himself would 
get the command of the whole army. Timasion, however, 
Avanted to cross over again into Asia, expecting by this means 
to effect his return home. 3. The army were of the samu 
mind ; but, while time was wasted in the discussion, many of 
the soldiers deserted ; some, selling their arms up and down 
the country, sailed away as they could; others joined ^ tho 

' He was one of the generals, as appears from sect. 20, and c. ■'}, 
sect. 10. " But at what time he was chosen, Xenophon has neg- 
lected to state." Krilfjor. 

' The words SiSovTt^ to. on\a rara tovq x'-'-p""?- which Dindorf and 
others enclose in brackets, are not translated. They appear to have 
arisen from the error of some copyist, whose eye was cauglil by 
l»e^rly the saiiie words above. Kuliner preserves them, adopting 


people in the neiglibouring towns. 4. Anaxiliius was pleased 
to hear these accounts of the dispersion of the array ; for he 
thought that by such a state of things he should most gratify 

5. As Anaxibius was on his voyage from Byzantium, Aris- 
tarchus, the successor of Oleander as governor of Byzantium, 
met him at Cyzicus, and said that Polus, the successor of Anax- 
ibius as admiral, was on the point of entering the Hellespont. 
6. Anaxibius desired Aristarchus to sell all the soldiers of 
Cyrus, whom he should find remaining in Byzantium, as 
slaves. As for Oleander, he had sold none, but had even at- 
tended, from compassion, to such as were sick, and obliged 
the inhabitants to receive them into their houses ; but Aris- 
tarchus, as soon as he arrived, sold not less than four hundred. 

7. Anaxibius, when he had sailed along the coast as far as 
Parium, sent to Pharnabazus according to an agreement be- 
tween them. But Pharnabazus, when he found that Aris- 
tarchus was going as governor to Byzantium, and that Anax- 
ibius was no longer admiral, neglected Anaxibius, and entered 
into a negotiation with Aristarchus about the army of Oyrus, 
similar to that which he had previously made with Anaxibius. 

8. Soon after, Anaxibius called Xenophon to him, and 
urged him, by every means and contrivance, to sail back to 
the army as soon as possible, to keep it together, to collect as 
many of the dispersed soldiers as he could, and then, leading 
them along the coast to Pei-inthus, to transport them witliout 
delay into Asia. He gave him, at the same time, a thirty- 
oared galley and a letter, and sent a man with him to tell the 
people of Perinthus to despatch Xenophon on horseback to 
the army as soon as possible. 9. Xenophon then sailed across,' 
and arrived at the army. The soldiers gladly welcomed him, 
and followed him at once with cheerfulness, in expectatioc of 
passing over from Thrace into Asia. 

10, Scuthes, when he heard of his return, sent Medosades 
to him by sea, and begged him to bring the army to him. 
promising him whatever he thought likely to prevail on him 
Xenophon told him in reply that nothing of the kind was pos- 

the notion of Sturz and Lion, that the soldieis gave away their arms 
among the country people, that they might enter the towns unarip- 
ed. so as not to alarm the inhabitant?, 
' Across the Propo()tis. 


sible ; u and Medosades, on receiving this answer, went 

When the Greeks came to Perinthus, Neon, drawing off 
from the rest, encamped apart with about eight hundred men. 
All the other troops remained together under the walls of 

12. Xenophon was next engaged in getting vessels, in order 
that they might cross over to Asia as soon as possible. But 
just at this time Aristarchus the governor, instigated by 
Pharnabazus, came with two galleys from Byzantium, and 
forbade the masters of the ships to carry over the Greeks, and 
then, going to the army, desired the soldiers not to go across 
into Asia. 13, Xenophon told him tliat Anaxibius had or- 
dered them to go, "and sent me hither," added ho, "with that 
view." " Anaxibius," retorted Aristarchus, " is no longer 
admiral, and I am governor here ; and if I find one of you on 
the sea, I will drown him." Having said this, he went oif 
into the town. 

14. Next day he sent for the generals and captains of the 
army; but, as they came up to the wall, somebody gave notice 
to Xenophon, that if he went in, he would be apprehended, 
and either suffer some injury there, or be delivered to Phar- 
nabazus. Hearing this, he sent the others on before, and said 
that he himself had a mind to offer sacrifice. 15. Returning, 
accordingly, he sacrificed to know Avhether the gods would 
permit him to attempt to lead the army to Seuthes, for he saw 
that it was not safe to cross over into Asia, as he who would 
hinder him had galleys at his command, nor was he willing to 
go to the Chersonesus and be shut up there, or that the army 
should be in great want of everything in a place where it 
would be necessary to obey the governor, and where the troops 
would be able to procure no supplies. 

16. He was engaged about this matter, when the generals 
and captains returned from Aristarchus, and brought word 
that he had told them to go away for the present, and to come 
back to him in the evening. Hence his treacherous intentions 
became still more manifest. 17. Xenophon, therefore, as the 
sacrifices seemed favourable for himself and the army to go 
in security to Seuthes, took with him Polycrates the Athenian, 
one of the captains, and from each of the generals, except 
Neon, a person in whom they confided, and went in the night 


to the camp o" Seuthes, a distance of sixty stadia, is. As lie 
drew near it, he met with several watch-fires without guards, 
and thought that Seuthes had decamped; but, hearing a 
noise, and the men about Seuthes making signals to one 
another, he understood that these fires had been kindled by 
Seuthes in front of the night-posts, in order that the sentinels, 
being in the dark, might not be seen, or show how many or 
where they were, while those who approached might not be 
concealed, but be conspicuous in the light. 19. When he 
found that such was tlie case, he sent the interpreter whom he 
had with him, and told him to let Seuthes know that Xeno- 
plion was there, and desired a conference with him. They 
inquired if it was Xenophon the Athenian, from the Grecian 
army. 20. As he answered that it was he, they leaped upon 
their horses, and hastened oflT. A little after, about two hun- 
dred peltasts appeared, and conducted Xenophon and his 
party to Seuthes. 

21. Seuthes was in a tower, strictly guarded, and round it 
stood horses ready bridled ; for, through fear, he fed his 
horses during the day, and kept on guard with them bridled 
during the night. 22. For Teres, one of his ancestors, when 
he had once a large army in this country, was said to have 
lost great numbers of his men, and to have been stripped of 
his baggage by the natives, who are called Thynians, and are 
said to be the most formidable of all enemies, especially in the 

23. When they approached, Seuthes gave notice that Xeno- 
phon, with any two of his attendants that he chose, might 
enter. As soon as they went in, they first saluted one 
another, and, according to the Thracian custom, drank to 
each other in horns full of wine ; Medosades, who acted as the 
ambassador of Seuthes on all occasions, being present with 
him. 24. Xenophon then began to speak as follows. " You 
sent Medosades, who is present here, to me, O Seuthes, for 
the first time at Chalcedon, requesting me to join my efforts 
to yours that the army might cross over out of Asia, and, 
promising, as Medosades here said, that if I succeeded, you 
would do me some service in return." 25. When he had said 
this, he asked Medosades if it was true ; and he said that it 
was. " Wlien I had gone over again to the army from Pari- 
muj Medosades canic to iijc ji second time, assuring me, ih^^t if 

en. 2.j XEKOPnoN confers vmn seutiies. 219 

I would bring the army to you, you would not only treat me 
as a friend and a brother in other respects, but that the towns 
also along the sea, of which you are master, would be assigned 
to me from you." 26. He then again asked jMedosadcs 
whether he said this, and Mcdosades acknowledged it. " Well 
then," said Xenophon, "tell Senthes what answer I gave you, 
on the first occasion, at Chalcedon." 27, " You answered 
that the army was going to cross over to Byzantium, and that 
there would therefore be no occasion on that account to give 
anything either to you or to any other person ; you added that, 
as soon as you had crossed, you would quit the army ; and all 
took place as you said." 2s. " And what did I say," con- 
tinued Xenophon, "when you came to Selybria?"' "You 
said that what I proposed was impracticable, but that the 
army was to go to Perinthus, and pass over into Asia." 29, 
" Well then," said Xenophon, " 1 am now present before you, 
with Phryniscus here, one of the generals, and Polycratcs, one 
of the captains ; and, without, are deputies from the other 
generals, the most confidential friends of each, except from 
Neon the Lacedemonian. 3«. If you wish the business to 
have greater sanction, call them in also ; and do you. Poly- 
crates, go and tell them that I desire them to leave their arms 
outside ; and do you leave your sword there, and come in 

31. Seuthes, on hearing this, said that he would distrust no 
one of the Athenians, for he knew that they were connected 
with him by lineage,^ and regarded them as kind friends. 

' I have adopted this mode of spelling the name with all the mo- 
dern editors, though not without reluctance, for Selymbria is much 
more pleasing to the ear than Selybria. If Strabo's derivation is 
right, nowever, (lib. vii. c. 6, p. Ill, 17 rov XiiXvog ttoXiq, the city of 
Selys, jipia being the Thracian word for a city,) it would appear that 
tlie letter m is an intnuler. Yet, as Kiihner observes, Stephanus of 
Byzantium lias SrjXiJ/ifp/a, and Selymbria is the invariable mode of 
spelling among the Latins. I like Thimbron, too, much better than 
'1 hibron. 

^ SvyytvfTc.] Valckenaer Cad Herod, iv. 80) deduces this cri'yysi'fia 
from the circumstance of Sadocus, the son of Sitalces, having re- 
ceived the rights of citizenship from the Atl*nians. (Thucyd. ii. 
29; Schol. ad Aristoph. Acharn. 14o.) Kriiger (de Authent. p. 33) 
rejects this notion, observing that (Tvyyirun would not follow from 
■KoXiriia. But as Procne, the daughter of Pandion, king of Athens, 
U said to have been married toTereus, king of Thrace, (see Apollo^. 


Afterwards, when those who were wanted had come in, Xe- 
nophon first asked Seuthes what use he proposed to make of 
the army. 32. Seuthes then proceeded to speak thus : " M» 
sadcs was my father ; and under his government were the 
Melanditas, the Tliynians, and the Tranipsaj. But when the 
power of the Odrysne declined, my father, being driven from 
tliis country, died of a disease, and I, being left an orphan, 
Avas bred up with Medocus, the present king. 33. As soon 
as I became a young man, however, I could not bear to sub- 
sist in dependence upon another person's table ; and I sat on 
my seat' before him as a suppliant that he would give me as 
many troops as he could, in order that, if I found it at all in my 
power, I might inflict some evil on those who had expelled 
us, and might cease to live by looking, like a dog, to his table. 
34, In compliance with my request he gave me the infantry 
and cavalry which you will see as soon as it is day. I now 
subsist with the aid of these troops, making depredations on 
my own hereditary dominions ; and if you join me, I shoulrf 
expect, with the assistance of the gods, to recover my authority 
with ease. This is what I desire of you." 

3.j. " If we should come, then," said Xenophon, " what would 
you be able to give to the soldiers, captains, and generals ? Let 
me know, that these who are with me may carry word to them," 
3G. Seuthes then promised to give every soldier a Cyzicene 
stater,^ twice as much to a captain, and four times as much 
to a general, with as much land as they should desire, yokes 
of oxen, and a walled town near the sea. 37. "But if," said 
Xenophon, " when we attempt this service, we should not 
succeed, but something to deter us should arise on the part of 
the Lacedaemonians, will you, if any of us sliould wish to take 
refuge with you, receive tlicm into your country ?" 38, " Nay 
more," replied he, " I will even treat them as brothers, make 
them guests at my own table, and sharers of all that wo may 
be able to acquire. To you, Xenophon, I will give my 

iii, 14. 8, ibique Ileyne,) is it not more probable that this is the 
avyykviia to be here nnde'. stood? See c. .3, sect. 39. Ki'thjier. 

' 'FA'cifpioQ.] In sella, the same as w SiffKfi, c. 3, sect. 29. KUhner. 
TheThracians did not recline on couches at meals, but sat on seats 
Zeune. But the exact meaning of ivSirppioQ in this passage is un- 
certain. Sturz settles notliing. In sect. 38, the worcl is used in the 
sense ofo/iorpnTrtsot, table-companions. 

' See V. 0. 23. ' Monthly ' is to be understood : see on c. 3, sect. 10 

iti^OPiiON Addresses the Art>ir. 2>ii 

claugUter ; and, if you have a daughter, I will buy ' her ac- 
cording to the Thracian custom, and will give you Bisanthe, 
which is the finest of my towns upon the sea, as a residence.'* 


All the Greeks, except Neoa and his party, accept the proposals of Seutheb, 
and join him. They march with Seuthes against his enemies, whom they 
surprise unawares, and take a great number of slaves, and much spoil. 

I. The party having heard these offers, and having ex- 
changed right hands, rode off. They got back to the camp 
before day-break, and made each his report to those who sent 
him. 2. As soon as it was light, Aristarchus sent again for 
the genei'als and captains, but they determined to decline 
going to him, and to call together the army. All the troops 
came, except those of Neon, who were about ten stadia dis- 
tant. 3. When they were met, Xenophon stood up and spoke 
as follows : 

" Soldiers ! Aristarchus, having galleys at command, seeks 
to prevent us sailing whither we desire ; and in consequence 
it is not safe for us to embark. He would have us make our 
way by force over the Sacred Mountain into the Chersonesus ; 
and, if we should succeed in crossing that mountain, and ar- 
rive there, he says that he will not again sell any of you, as 
he did at Byzantium, or deceive you again, but that you shall 
receive pay, and that he will no longer suffer you, as at present, 
to be in want of provisions. 4. Thus speaks Aristarchus. 
Seuthes, on the other hand, says that if you go to him, he 
will be of service to you. Consider, therefore, whether you 
will decide on this point while remaining here now, or after 
having gone back to get provisions. 5. My own opinion is, 
that since we have no money here to purchase, an J since they 
will not allow us to take provisions without money, we should 

' 'QvTyffo/jai.] So Herodotus v. 6 : The Thracians buy their wivea 
from their parents with large sums of money. Kiihner. The people 
of the East, as is well known, had the same custom, as also the an- 
cient Greeks : see Aristot. Polit. ii. 8. Weiske. See also Tacit, 
Cierm. c. 13. Lion. Consult Mannert. vii. p. 24. Bornonann. 

222 I'HB EXfEbitloiyr Ot' CVtltS. [l5. vtl. 

return to the villages wliere the inhabitants, being weaker 
than we are, permit us to take tliem, and that there, when we 
have got supplies, and heard what each of them desires of you,' 
3'^ou may choose whatever may seem best. 6, To whomsoever 
this proposal is agreeable, let him hold up his hand." They 
all held up their hands. "Go then," continued he, "and 
prepare your baggase, and when any one gives the signal, 
follow your leader." 

7. Soon after, Xenophon put himself at their head, and 
they followed him. Neon, however, and some other persons 
sent by Aristarchus, tried to persuade them to turn back ; but 
they paid no regard to their words. When they had advanced 
about tliirty stadia, Seuthes met them ; and Xenophon, when 
lie saw him, invited him to ride up, that he might state to him, 
in the hearing of as many as possible, what he thought for 
tlieir advantage. 8. As he came forward, Xenophon said, 
" We are going to some place where the army will be likely 
to get provisions, and where, after hearing your proposals, 
and those of the Lacedaemonian, we shall determine upon that 
course which may seem best to us. If therefore yoU will 
conduct us to a place where provisions are in the greatest 
abundance, we shall consider ourselves as being your guests." 
!'. Seuthes replied, " I know of several villages lying close to- 
gether, containing all sorts of provisions, and distant from us 
only so far that you may go over to them and dine in com- 
I'ort." "Conduct us, then," said Xenophon. 

III. When they had reached the villages, in the afternoon, 
tiie soldiers assembled, and Seuthes spoke thus: "I wish you, 
soldiers, to take service with me, and propose to give each of 
you a Cyzicene stater"'^ monthly, and the captains and generals 
what is customary. In addition to this, I will do honour to 
every man that proves himself worthy of it. Meat and drink 
you shall have, as at present, by taking it from the country ; 
but whatever spoil may be taken, I shall think proper to keep 
myself, that, by disposing of it, I may provide pay for you. 

' 'O n ric vfilbv itiTai.'\ Ad quam rem uterque (Seuthes et Aristar- 
cluis) opera vestrd uti velit. Zeinie. 

* See V. (). 23. The words rov firivog, which occur in Hutchinson's 
and other old editions after KvZtKrjuov, are omitted by Dindorf and 
Kiihnrr. It appears better to preserve thcni. They arc wanting 
in c 2, sect. 3(J. 

Cit. 3.] i»iioroSALs OF sEt'TtiES AccEftkt). 223 

n. Sucli enemies as flee fi-om us, and conceal themselves, we 
shall be able to pursue and discover ; ' and such as resist us, 
we shall endeavour, with your assistance, to overcome." 12. 
Xenophon then inquired, " How far from the sea shall you re- 
quire the army to follow you?" He replied, "jNever more 
than seven days' march, and often less." 

13, Liberty was tiien given to any one that wished, to speak ; 
and many concurred in saying that Seuthes made proposals 
of the greatest advantage, as it was winter, and no longer 
practicable, even for such as desired, to sail home ; and as it 
was impossible for them to live, though in a country of friends, 
if (hey were to subsist by purchasing, while it would be safer 
for them to remain and find subsistence in an enemy's country 
jointly witli Seuthes than by tliemselves, so many advantages 
olTering themselves, and if, in addition to these, they also re- 
ceived pay, it appeared to them an unexpected piece of good 
fortune. 14. Xenoi)hon then said, " If any one has aught to 
say against this opinion, let him speak at once ; if not, let him 
vote for it." As no one said anything against it, he put it to 
the Vote, and the decision was in favour of it. Xenophon 
inunediately told Seuthes that they would take the field with 

!■>. The soldiers then pitched their tents according to their 
divisions; the generals and captains Seuthes, who occupied a 
neighbouring village, invited to supper. 16. When they were 
at the entrance, going in to supper, a man named Heraclides, 
a native of jNIaronea,- presented himself before them. This 
man, addressing himself to every one whom he thought pos- 
sessed of anything to present to Seuthes, and first to certaiii 
people from rarium,^ who were come to estal)lish a friendship 
with Medocus, king of the Odryste, and had brought presents 
lor Seuthes and his wife, said that Medocus resided up the 
country, twelve days' journey from the sea, and that Seuthes, 
since he had taken this force into his service, would be master 
on the coast ; n. " being your neighbour therefore," he added, 

' AtMKtiv Kal fiadTtviiv.'] AtwKfiv, to pursue, with the aid of the 
cavalry ; (xaartvuv, to search out, through being well acquainted with 
tlie country. Zcune. 

' A town of T)irace between Abdera and Doriscus, now called 

' A town of Mysia, mentioned c 2, sect. 7. 

224 tllE EXP£r»ltl05l OF CYRUS. |_^. Vlt 

" he will be greatly in a condition to do 3'ou botli good and 
harm ; and, if you are wise, you will accordingly give him 
■what you have brought, and it will be bestowed to better 
account than if you were to give it to Medocus, wlio lives at a 
distance." is. By these arguments he prevailed upon them. 
Accosting, in the next place, Timasion the Dardaniaii, as he 
liad heard that he had cups and Persian carpets, he observed 
that it was customary, whenever Seuthes invited people to 
supper, for those who were invited to make him presents ; 
" and," said he, " if he becomes powerful in this countiy, he 
will be able either to restore you to yours, or to make you 
rich here." In this manner he sued for Seuthes, addressing 
himself to each of the guests. 19, Advancing also towards 
Xenophon, he said, " You are of a most honourable city, and 
your name stands very high with Seuthes ; and perhaps you 
will desire to have some place of strength, and a portion of 
land, in this country, as others' of your countrymen have. 
It will be proper for you, therefore, to honour Seuthes most 
magnificently ; 20, and I give you this advice as your well- 
wisher; for I know that tlie greater presents you make him,^ 
the greater benefits you will receive from him." Xenophon, 
on hearing this, was in some perplexity ; for he had come over 
from Parium with only one servant and just enough money 
for the journey. 

21. When the company went in to supper, consisting of the 
chief Thracians who were there, the generals and captains of 
the Greeks, and such ambassadors as had come from any city, 
the supper was prepared for them as they took their seats in 
a circle, and tables with three feet were tiien brought in for 
each. These tables were full of pieces of meat piled up, and 
large leavened loaves Avere attached to the meat. 22. The 
tables 2 were always placed near the strangers in preference to 
others ; for such was their custom. Seuthes then first pro- 
ceeded to act as follows : taking up the loaves that were set 

' He seems chiefly to alkide to Alcibiades. See Corn. Nep. Ale. 
c. 7. Zeime. Consult Hellen. ii. 1. 25, where the nixv of Alcibiades 
on the coast of Thrace are mentioned. Schneider. 

^ Toi'iry.] Kiihner, and most other editors, read Tovrmv, " than 
these," i. e. those of your countrymen to whom I have alhided. 

» Ai TpuTTti^ai.] These are the same that are hefiyre called rpiwi^ 
ifS' Kuhner. 

tn. 3.] pitESEiiTs made to seuthes. 2^S 

by him, he broke them into small portions, and distributed to 
those whom he pleased, and the flesh in a similar way, leaving 
for himself only just sufiicient to taste. 23, The rest of those, 
lefore whom tables were placed, followed his example. But 
a certain Arcadian, whose name was Arystas, an extra- 
ordinary eater, took no care about distributing, but taking in 
his hand a loaf of about three chcenices,' and placing some 
meat upon his knees, went on with his supper. 24. In the 
mean time they carried round horns of wine, and everybody 
took some ; but Arystas, when the cup-bearer came to him 
with the horn, and he observed that Xenophon had finished 
his supper, said, " Give it to him, for he is now at leisure ; I 
am not so yet." 25. Seuthes, hearing the voice, asked the 
cup-bearer what he said ; and the cup-bearer (for he knew the 
Greek language) told him. A laugh in consequence followed. 

26. As the cup made its way, a Thracian entered leading a 
white horse, and, taking up a horn full of wine, said, " I drink 
to you, O Seuthes, and present you with this horse, mounted 
on which, and pursuing whomsoever you please, you will over- 
take him, and, when retreating, you will have no cause to fear 
an enemy." 27. Another, bringing in a boy, presented him, 
drinking to Seuthes, in like manner, and another vestments 
for his wife. Timasion, drinking to him, made him a present 
of a silver cup, and a carpet worth ten minae. 28. But one 
Gnesippus, an Athenian, rose up and said, that it was an ex- 
cellent custom in old times, that those who had anything 
should give presents to the king to do him honour, and that 
the king should give to those who have nothing ; I therefore 
beg something of you,'^ that I may have something to present 
you, and to do you honour." 

29. As for Xenophon, he was in doubt how to act, for he 
was seated, as a person held in honour, in the place next to 
Seuthes ; and Heraclides now desired the cup-bearer to pre- 
sent him the horn. However he stood up boldly, (for he had 
by this time drunk rather copiously,) and, taking the horn, 
said, 30. "I present you, O Seuthes, myself, and these my 
comrades, to be your faithful friends, no one of them being 
reluctant, but all desiring, even more than myself, to be your 

' See i. 5. 7. 

* "\va Ka'i iyui, k. r. X.] Sententia aliqua mente supplenda est, ut 
lico tihi hoc, aut/Jeio cibs te hoc. Kiihner. 

226 TTtK EXPEDITION OP CttlUS. ffe. \Mt. 

adlierents. 3i. Thoy are now here before you, asking nothing 
else of you, but desiring to labour for you, expressing their 
willingness to incur dangers for your sake ; with whose as- 
sistance, if the gods are favourable, you will recover, on the 
one hand, a large portion of country which was your father's, 
and, on the other, acquire some in addition ; and you will also 
Decome master of many mon and women, whom it will not be 
necessary to take by force, but they themselves will come to 
you with presents in their hands." 32. Seuthes then stood up 
and drank with him.' and then joined with him in sprinkling 
what remained in the horn upon himself.^ 

Soon after some people came in that played on horns, such 
as they make signals with, and trumpets made of raw ox-hides, 
blowing regular tunes, and as if they were playing on the 
magadis? 33. Seuthes himself rose up and uttered the war- 

' SuvtSfTTie.] The preposition cvv, says Kuhner, shows that Seuthes 
received the address of Xenophon with pleasure. Person (ed. Hutch.) 
reads o-m'tTrif, which is g-iveii by Suidas sitb voce KaraaKiSalnv. The 
use of the preposition tS, indeed, is not very apparent, unless it be 
to signify that Seuthes drained the cup to the bottom. 

- Kni KaTiOKicaaaTO fitTO. tuvto to Kfciaq.'] " It was a custom of the 
Thracians at their banquets, when the guests had drunk as much 
wine as they could, to pour the rest of the wine upon the garments 
of the guests, which they called /caraiTKefa^av." Suidas. " The Scy- 
thians and Thracians, indulging in wine, both their wives and them- 
selves, to excess, and pouring it over their garments, think that they 
observe an honourable and excellent custom." Plato de Legg. i. 9. 
The middle voice, in this passage of Xenophon, signifies that the 
Thracians poured whatever remained in the cup, after they had 
drunk, not on the garments of their guests, but on their own. Khhner. 
This ci-itic accordingly rejects the emendation of Pierson ad McBrm, 
p. 217, though approved by Toup and Porson : avyKannKiSam rCtf 
uiT ai'Tov TO Kipag, quod reliqiium eriit vini, in convivas effndit. But as 
Athen:^^us iv. 35, Eustathius ad Hom. p. .707, Suidas sub voce Ka-ra- 
aKtcdKuv, and Pliavorinus, all read juer' auTov instead of fitrn tovto, 
lie has admitted that reading into his text, thus making the sense 
of the passage, "Seuthes joined with Xenophon in sprinkling the 
vrine on himself," i. e. Seuthes sprinkled wine from his own goblet 
on his own garments, and Xenophon, imitating him, sprinkled v.-ine 
from his own goblet on his own garments. This is perhaps the best 
■way in which the passage can be read and interpreted, if the verb 
he kept in the middle voice, which is in accordance with the passage 
just cited from Plato, though somewhat at variance with what is 
said by Suidas. But whether they sprinkled the wine over their own 
dothes or those of others, or both, we may dismiss the passage with 
Spelman's observation, that it was a "ridiculous custom." 

^ Athenfpus. iv. c. ult., says, 'O ct naycicif; KaXovuiros c{\cq—o^x)% 

ea. ^ J pREPAnATtoiig FOii an r.xri: biTio^. 22t 

cry, and sprang out of his place witli tlic utmost agility, like a 
man guarding against a missile. BulTuoiis hI^o entered. 

34. When the sun was near setting, the Greeks rose, and 
said that it was time to place the guards for the night, and to 
give out the watch-word. They requested Seuthes, at the 
same time, to give orders that none of the Thracians should 
enter the Greek camp by night ; " for," said they, " both your 
enemies are Thracians, and so are you, our friends." ' 35. As 
tliey were going out, Seuthes stood up, not at all like a man 
intoxicated, and, walking forth, and calling back the generals 
by tliemselves, said to tiiem, " The enemy, my friends, know 
nothing as yet of our alliance ; if, then, we should march upon 
them before they are on their guard against a surprise, or are 
jirepared to make any defence, we sliould be very likely to 
take both prisoners and booty." 30. Tiie generals expressed 
their assent to what he said, and desired iiim to lead them. 
" Prepare yourselves then," he replied, "and wait for me, and, 
wiien tlie proper time comes, I will come to you, and, taking 
the peltasts and yourselves, will, with the aid of the gods, 
conduct you." 37. "Consider however," rejoined Xenophon, 
" whether, since we are to march in the night, the Greek 
practice is not preferable ; for on the march, during the day, 
whatever part of the army be suitable for the ground, takes 
the lead, whether it be the heavy-armed men, or the peltasts, 
or the cavalry ; but in the night it is the custom among the 
(i reeks for the slowest part of the force to lead the way. 38. 
Thus the trooj)s are least likely to be dispersed, and least in 
danger of straggling unobserved from one another ; for bodies 
that have been separated often fall foul of each other, and both 
do and suffer injury unawares." 39. "You say well," replied 
Seuthes, " and 1 will conform to your custom ; I will also pro- 
vide you guides, some of the oldest men, best acquainted with 
the countiy ; I will bring up the rear myself Avith the cavalry, 

»rti Paprr (p^nyyov iirih'iKvvTai : "The magadis, a pipe SO Ceilled, gives 
forth a slnill and strong sound." Tliis seems to be the instrument 
here meant, tliough the same author (ibid.) observes that there was 
another kind of'/iayot^tc, resembling a harp. Poppo refers to Boeck. 
Comment. Metr. in Find. p. 2()1. 

' Your enemies are Thracians, and you our friends are also Thra- 
cians, so that in the dark we might mistake you for our enemio* 


^28 THE EJCPEbixiON OF Cl'tilJS; [b. Vlt 

ami, if there be occasion, will soon come up to the front." For 
the watch-word they fixfed upon Minerva, on account of theit 
relationship.' After this conversation they went to rest. 

40. When it Was about midnight, Seuthes came to them 
with his cavalry clad in their corslets, and his peltasts 
equipped with their arms. After he had appointed the guides, 
the heavy-armed men took the lead, the peltasts followed, and 
the cavalry formed the rear-guard. 4i. As soon as it was 
day, Seuthes rode up to the front, and extolled the Greek 
custom, for he said that he himself, when marching in the 
night, thougli but with a small force, had often been separated, 
along with the cavalry, from the infantry; "but now," he 
added, " we all appear in a body at break of day, as we ought 
to be. But halt here, and take some rest, and I, after having 
taken a survey of the country, will return to you." 42. When 
he said this, he rode off over a hill, taking a particular road. 
Having come to some deep snow, he examined whether there 
were any footsteps of men on it, pointing either forward or 
the contrary way. But as he found the way untrodden, he 
soon came back, and said, 43. " All will be well, my friends, 
if the gods be but favourable ; for we shall fall upon the in- 
habitants unawares. For my own part, I will lead the way 
with the cavalry, in order tliat, if we come in sight of any per- 
son, he may not run off and give notice to the enemy. Follow 
me ; and, if you are left behind, keep in the track of the 
cavalry. When we have crossed these hills, we shall come to 
a number of well-stored villages." 

44. When it was mid-day, he had already reached the sum- 
mit, and, after taking a view of the villages, came riding back 
to the heavy-armed men, and said, "I will now send off tlie 
horse to gallop down into the plain, and the peltasts to attack 
the villages. Follow therefore as fast as you can, that it any 
of the enemy offer resistance, you may give your support." 
45. Xenophon, on hearing this, alighted from his horse. " Why 
do you alight," inquired Seuthes, " when it is necessary to 
make haste ? " "I am sure," replied Xenophon, " that you do 
not want me only ; and the heavy-armed men will hasten on 
with greater speed and alacrity, if I lead them on foot." 40. 
Seuthes then rode off, and Timasion, w^ith about fortv of tUa 

' C. 2, sect- 81. 


Greek cavalry, went with him. Xenophon called on the most 
active men of each company, such as were under thirty years 
of age, to come forward, and, taking these, he hurried on, 
while Cleanor led up the rest of the Greeks. 47. When they 
came to the villages, Seuthes, riding up to Xenophon, with 
about fifty horse, said, " What you said,' Xenophon, has hap- 
pened ; the inhabitants are captured ; but ray cavalry are 
gone off without a leader, pursuing the people some one way, 
some another ; and I am afraid that the enemy, collecting in a 
body somewhere, may do us some mischief. It is necessary, 
too, that some of us should remain in the villages, for they are 
full of people." 48. " I then," said Xenophon, " with the 
force that I have, will possess myself of the heights ; and do 
you, meanwhile, order Cleanor to extend his line along througli 
the plain by the villages." When they had made this arrange- 
ment, about a thousand slaves, two thousand oxen, and ten 
thousand head of other cattle, were captured. Tliey then took 
up their quarters there for the night. 


Seuthes burns the villages, and takes more spoil. The Greeks suffer from 
cold. The Barbarians, who had fled, come down from the mountains on 
pretence of wishing to make a truce; they thus reconnoitre the camp, and 
then attack the Greeks in the night, by whom they are repulsed; they 
make submission to Seuthes, and their lives are spared. 

1. The next day, Seuthes, having entirely burned the vil- 
lages, and left not a single house standing, (in order to strike 
terror into the rest of the people, Avhen they saw what tliey 
would sutler if they did not submit,) made a retreat. 2, The 
booty he sent Heraclides to sell at Perinthus, that pay might 
be raised for the soldiers. He himself and the Greeks en- 

• To what this alludes, the critics are not agreed. Zeune refers it 
to sect. 38; Schneider to sect. 37 ; Bornemann, perhaps with more 
probability, to sect. 31, where Xenophon says, " You will become 
master of many men and women," to which he considers that the 
words of Seuthes, " the inhabitants are captured," refer. Halbkart, 
however, considers that it alhules to something which Xenophjj) 
lj4s yiiiilted to mentioi}, 

2.30 THE EXPEDITION OF Ci'RU3. [U. V'll. 

camped on the plain of the Thynians, who left their dwellinga, 
and tod to the mountains. 

*. There was now a great fall of snow, and such severe 
frost, that the water which the attendants brought in for 
dinner, and the wine in the vessels, were frozen, and the noses 
and ears of many of the Greeks were bitten otf. 4. Hence it 
became evident why the Thracians wear the skins of foxes 
over their heads and ears, and coats that extend not only 
over their breasts, but round their thighs ; and why, when on 
horseback, they wear wide garments,' not cloaks, reaching 
down to their feet. 

5. Seuthes, sending some of the prisoners to the mountains, 
made it known tliat if the inhabitants did not come down and 
submit to him, he wouUl burn both their villages and their 
corn, and that they would then perish with hunger. In con- 
sequence the women, children, and old men came down, but 
the younger sort encamped in the villages at tlie foot of the 
hills. 6. Seuthes, on receiving notice of their proceedings, 
desired Xenoplion to take the 3'oungest of tlie heavy-armed 
men, and to follow him. Starting, accordingly, in the night, 
t!iey arrived at the villages by break of day. Most of the 
occupants fled, for the mountains were close at hand. All that 
Seuthes took, he put to the spear without mercy. 

7. There was Avith him on this occasion one Episthenes,^ an 
Olynthian, a great lover of boys, who, seeing a handsome youth, 
just in his bloom, Avith a shield in his hand, about to be put 
to death, ran up to Xenophon, and begged him to intercede 
for so beautiful a young man. 8. Xenophon, going up to 
Seuthes, begged him not to kill the youth, and made him ac- 
quainted, at the same time, with the character of Epistheiies, 
telling him that he once raised a company in which he made 
it his sole object that the men should be handsome ; and that 
at the head of these he proved himself a man of valour. 9. 

' Ztipac.] From what is said by Harpocration, that the Zcpni 
were put on fiira tovc x"'<^'"'f, ioinrfp IrpanTidag, Zeune concludes 
that the ^tipd was a pfenula or outer "garment, reaching to the feet, 
and fastened with a belt; referring also to what lierodotus (vii. rtfl) 
says of the Arahs, ^tipac v-irt^ioufiii'oi i)n(if. Kiihner. The lower pitit 
seetns to have been something of the nature of a petticoat. b|)eiir.An 
renders the word "cassocks."_ 

' Not he thfit is ntentioped i, 10-? • iv. li- \- 


Seuthes tlien put this question to Episthenes : " Would you 
be willing, Episthenes, to die for this youth?" Episthenes, 
stretching out his neck, rephed, " Strike, if the youth desires 
it, and will feel grateful to me." lo. Seuthes next asked the 
youth whetlier he should kill Episthenes instead of him. The 
youth would not consent, but besought him to kiU neither. 
Episthenes then embraced the youth, and said, "Now, Seuthes, 
J^ou must fight with me for him ; for I will not give up the 
routh." 11. Seuthes laughed, and did nothing furthei: in the 

It was resolved by Seuthes that they should encamp where 
they were, in order that the people upon the mountains might 
not get subsistence from the villages. He himself, going down 
a little lower into the plain, pitched his camp there. Xeno- 
phon, with the select body of men,' fixed himself in the village 
highest up under the hills. The rest of the Greeks took up 
their quarters close by, among the people called the mountain 

12. Not many days had elapsed, when the Thracians, coming 
down from the hills to Seuthes, made a treaty with him about 
a peace, and the giving of hostages. Xenophon, at the same 
time, went and told Seuthes that they were encamped in a 
dangerous place, and that the enemy were near at hand, and 
said that he would rather encamp in some secure post abroad, 
than in a sheltered position with the danger of being cut off, 
Seuthes bade him fear nothing, and pointed to the hostages 
then in his hands. 13. Some of the people from the moun- 
tains, too, came down and begged Xenophon to assist them in 
effecting a treaty. Xenophon assented, told them to keep up 
their spirits, and engaged that they sl.ould suffer no harm if 
they submitted to Seuthes. But they had come with this re- 
quest only for the purpose of acting as spies. 

14. These things took place during the day. In the course 
of the following night the Thracians came down from the hills 
and attacked them. Each master of a house acted as a leader, 
for it would have been difficult for them, under any other ar- 
rangement, to find the houses in the villages in the dark, as 
they were surrounded with high palisades to secure the cattle. 
ir<. When they came up to the door of each house, some hurled 

' Cb. 3, 8cct. -ve 


their spears in at them, others struck them with their clubs 
which they carried, they said, to knock off the heads of thg 
spears, while others set fire to the buildings, and calling for Xe. 
nophon by name, bade him come forth and be put to death ; or 
else they declared that he should be burned to ashes upon the 
spot. 16. Tiie fire soon began to show itself through the roof, 
and Xenophon and his men were within, with their corslets 
on, and their shields, swords, and helmets' in their hands, 
when Silanus, a native of Macestus,- about eighteen years of 
age,' blew a signal with the trumpet, and they immediately 
rushed out, with their swords drawn, as well as those from 
the neighbouring houses, n. The Thracians at once took t* 
flight, slinging their shields, as was their custom, over thcw 
shoulders ; and some of them, as they were trying to leap ovel 
the palisades, were caught and suspended, their shields stick- 
ing fast among the stakes ; some were killed through missing 
the outlets ; and the Greeks drove the rest out of the village. 
18. A party of the Thynians, however, came back under cover 
of the darkness, and hurled their javelins at some of the Greeks 
that were running past a burning house, taking aim out of tho 
darkness at those who were in the light ; they wounded Hiero- 
nymus a Euodean,'' and Theogenes a Locrian, both captains ; 
but nobody was killed ; though the clothes and baggage of 
some of them were burned. 19, Seuthes came to their relief 
with seven horsemen, the first that he met, bringing with 
him the Thracian trumpeter ; and, when he saw how matters 
stood, the trumpet, by his orders, continued to soand as long 
as he was on the march to give aid ; so that tliis noise also 

' Perhaps they had been prevtiitt d by the lowness of the roof? 
from putting on their helmets. 

^ A town in the Triphylian district of Elis. Sleph. Byz. 

' Schneider supposes that the age of the youth is mentioned be- 
cause it properly required a grown-up person to inflate a tnimpe*^ 
effectually ; Halbkart, because he sliowed such presence of mind 
as would have been remarkable in one of niaturer years. 

♦ 'li^m'vinSv Tt EvoSia.] The last word is generally regarded as 
corrupt. Kiihner suj)poses that this is the same Hieronymus who 
is mentioned as a native of Elis, iii. 1. 34 ; vi. 4. 10 ; vii. 1. 32 ; and 
thinks that Xenophon here gives him an epithet from the particular 
town of Elis in which he was born. Some copies have 'lipMvv/tov rt 
Kai EvoHa, as if Euodeus were the name of another man ; but the 
Kai is justly rejected by Borneinann ; and Kuhner, though he re- 
tains, does not defend it. 


contributed to strike terror into the enemy. When he came 
up, he conr-^atulated the Greeks, and said that he had ex- 
pected to find many of them killed. 

20. Xenophon then requested Seuthes to give up the host- 
ages to him,' and to march witli him, if he was willing, to the 
mountains ; if not, to permit him to go himself. 21. The next 
day, accordingly, Seutlies gave him the hostages, (who were 
men of advanced age, the most considerable persons, as they 
said, among the mountaineers,) and joined him with his army. 
Seuthes had now a force three times as large as before i"^ for 
many of the Odrysaj, on hearing what he was doing, had come 
down to take the field with him. 22. The Thynians, when 
they beheld from the mountains so vast a force of heavy- 
armed men, peltasts, and cavalry, came down and besought 
him to make peace with them, engaging to serve him in every 
way, and requesting him to accept pledges from them. 23. 
Seuthes, caUing in Xenophon, communicated to him what 
they said, and observed, at the same time, that he would not 
make peace, if Xenophon wished to take revenge on them 
for their attack. 24. Xenophon replied, " I consider my- 
self sufficiently revenged, if these people, instead of remain- 
ing free, are to become slaves;" adding, however, that he 
advised him to take as hostages in future those who had most 
power to harm him, and to let the old men stay at home. All 
the people in this part of the country accordingly submitted 
V) Seuthes. 


TKe Greeks are not paid in full, yet continue to serve Seuthes ; the soldiers 
are dissatisfied, on this account, with Xenophon. Unfairness of Seuthes; 
the expedition to Salmydessus. 

1. They now crossed over' to the Thracians above By- 
zantium, into what is called the Delta. This had not formed 

' The reason for this request is not very clear. 

* A force three times as great as he had before the Greeks joined 
him. Zeune. 

* In the translation of the commencement of this chapter, I liave 
adhered to the pointing of Dindorf, which makes virtpiaXXovcn (be 


any part of the dominion of Maesailes,! though it had helougcd 
10 Teres, a son of Odryses,^ some ancient king. 2. Here He- 
raclides met them with the price of the spoil. 

Seuthes, selecting three pairs of mules, (for there were no 
more,) and others of oxen, sent for Xenophon and requested 
him to accept the first for himself, and to distribute the others 
among the generals and captains. 3. Xenophon replied, "For 
myself it will be sufficient to receive something another time ; 
give these to tlie generals and captains that have followed you 
in company with me." 4, Timasion the Dardanian then re- 
ceived one of the pairs, Cleanor the Orchomenian another, 
and Phryniscus the Achrean the tliird ; the pairs of oxen were 
divided among the captains. But Seuthes gave the army 
only twenty days' pay, though the month was expired ; for 
Heraclides said that "he had been unable to sell any more.' 
5. Xenophon, being concerned at this deficiency, exclaimed, 
with an imprecation, " You seem to me, Herachdes, not to 
have such care for the interests of Seuthes as you ought to 
have ; for, if you had such care, you would have brought the 
full pay, even though you had borrowed money to make it up, 
or sold your own clothes, if you could not raise the sum by 
any other means." 

6. At this reproach Heraclides was extremely vexed, and 
feared that he should be deprived of the friendship of Seuthes ; 
and, from that day, in whatever way he could, he laboured to 
bring Xenophon into disgrace with Seuthes. 7. The soldiers, 
too, threw blame upon Xenophon because they did not receive 
their pay; and Seutlies was displeased with him because he 
was earnest in demanding it for them, s. Until that time he 
had been constantly telling him that, when he arrived at the 
sea, he would put him in possession of Bisauthe, and Ganos, 

third person plural. Kriiprer and Kiihner point the passage in such 
a way as to make iWfpedWoi^'Ji the dative plural of the participle, 
dependent on irani'iv. 

' The father of Seuthes, c. 2, sect. .32. , , , , 

Tlie article tou after 'Vi'ipov shows us that we should understand 
-Xenophon as meaning Teres the son of Odnjses, the old king from 
whom the Odrysae were named. Bornemann. The sense of the pas- 
sage seems to be that the Delta had formerly been part of the king- 
dom of the Odrysae in the time of Teres, but had ceased to belong to 
it before or during the reign of Miesades, the father of Seuthes. 

' Oil vXtlov fUTToXiiaai.'] Not to be rendered with Leimclavuis )i^r 
plvris, but Jion uuijorem prcedcs partem. Kuhuer. 


and Neontichos, but, after that period, he alluded to none of 
those places ; for Heraclides had maliciously insinuated that 
it was not safe to intrust fortresses to a man at the head of 
an army, 

9. Xenophon, in consequence, began to consider with him- 
self what he ought to do about the expedition farther up the 
country. Heraclides, meantime, was thrusting the other ge- 
nerals upon Seuthes, and urging them to say that they could 
lead the army not less eff'-ctively than Xenophon ; he assured 
them also that, in a few days, their .full pay for two months 
should be given them, and recommended them to continue in 
the service of Seuthes. lo. To this Timasion replied, "For 
my part, even if five months' pay were to be given me, I 
would not serve without Xenophon." Phryniscus and Clcanor 
expressed the same sentiments as Tin.asion. 

II. Seuthes then blamed Heraclides for not calling in Xe- 
nophon with them ; and they accordingly sent for him alone. 
])Ut Xenophon, seeing that this was a trick of Hernclides, to 
render him unpopular with the rest of the generals, took witli. 
him, when he went, not only all the generals, but all the cap- 
tains. 12. As they were all moved by the arguments of 
Seuthes, they joined him in an expedition, and proceeded 
tlu'ough the country of the Thracians called IMelinophagi, 
keeping the Euxine Sea on the right, to Salmydessus. Here 
many of the ships sailing into the Euxine are grotmded and 
driven ashore ; for a shoal there stretches far out into the sea. 
13. The Thracians who live in those parts, set up pillars as 
boundaries, and each party plunder the wrecks stranded on 
tlieir own portion of the coast ; but for some time before they 
erected the pillars, it was said that they fell in great numbers 
by the hands of each other while engaged in plundering. 14. In 
this place were found couches, boxes, written books,' and 

' IToXXai St /3i73Xoi yiypafiixivai.] If yiypa^jiivai is genu'ne, as can- 
not iiub^ed be doubted, we must necessarily suppose that written 
Dooks are meant. But some commentators have expressed great 
surprise at the mention of written books in this pcissage, because they 
were extremely scarce in those days, and because it was not at all 
likely that they would have been brought by merchants into those 
parts. This consideration induced Larcher to set aside the word 
ytypa^fAtvai, and suggest that we should read TroXXd Si jiv^Xin. that 
\ii, many />i>ticit/i, resies, ntdeiites, " ropes or CiMes." * * • (^n the 
triiili^; iu l^ooks, see |iccker's C^harjcles, toai. i. p. %0J. Kiihmr 


many other things, such as seamen carry in iheir wooden 
store-chests.^ Having subdued this people, they went back 
again. 15. Seuthes had now an army superior in number to 
tliat of the Greeks ; for many more of the Odrysae had come 
down to him, and others, as fast as they submitted, joined his 
force. They encamped in a plain above Selybria, at the dis- 
tance of about thirty stadia from the sea. k>. No pay as yet 
appeared ; the soldiers were greatly dissatisfied with Xeno- 
phon ; and Seuthes no longer treated him with familiarity, 
but, whenever he went to desire to speak with him, many en- 
gagements were pretended. 


The Greeks are solicited by the Lacedaemonians to join them in a war with 
Tissaphernes, when a certain Arcadian brings a formal accusation against 
Xenophon ; he defends himself, and is justified bj- others. He is requested 
by Seuthes to remain in his service with a thousand men, but resolves to 

1. At this time, when two months had nearly expired, 
Charminus, a Lacedcemonian, and Pulynicus, came from Thi- 
hron, and stated that the Laceda;monians had resolved to take 
the field against Tissaphernes, and that Thibron^ had set sail 

Some have thought that /?ifXoi here means merely rolls of bark, as 
Theophrastus (if. P. iv. 8. 4) says that the /3ifXoc was used for 
sails, ropes, mats, and other articles; but this notion, as well as 
that of Zeune and Weiske, who think that nothing but paper i* 
meant, is irreconcilable with the word ytypafifi'tvai, which, as KU^ 
ner observes, we have the strongest reason to think genuine. ^" .\nd 
as so many books were written and read in Greece," says Kriiger, 
'* it is not at all surprising that some of them should have been 
transported to tlie Greek colonies." Hutchinson refers to a passage 
of Theoponipu3, similar to that of Xenophon, preserved by Longi- 
nus, sect. 43. 

' 'Ev ^vXi.voi^ Tfvxfffi.] Thes.., in case of shipwreck, would not 
sink, but float to the shore. Kriiger. 

* Qitpu)v.'] See c. 2, sect. 28. Tissaphernes, unsuccessful in his 
attempts on the Ten Tliousand Greeks, had returned to Asia Minor 
to assume Cyrus's authority, and take vengeance on such as had 
supported him. The cities of Ionia, fearing his resentment, had 
applied for protection to the Lacedemonians, wlio had sent out Thi- 
bron tliither as hj'rmost. with an army of 4500 meu- See >i^U. 
Hellen. iii- L 3 

CU. 6.J SOLICITATIONS tilOM tlife LACfebAilONUNS. 23? 

for the purpose of carrying on the war with him ; adding that 
lie was in want of this auxiliary force, and promised that a 
daric a month should be the pay for each common soldier, 
twice as much for the captains, and four times as much for the 
generals. 2. When these Lacedemonians arrived, Heraclides. 
hearing that they were come for the army, remarked to Seu- 
thes that it was a fortunate occurrence, "for the LacedoGmoni- 
ans," said he, " are in want of the army, and you no longer 
require it ; by resigning it, therefore, you will gratify ihcra, 
and the soldiers will cease to ask you for pay, and will leave 
the country." 

3. Seuthes, listening to these representations, desired him to 
bring the Lacedaemonians to him ; and as they told him that 
they were come for the army, he said that he would give it up, 
and was willing to be their friend and ally, and invited them 
to a banquet, at which he entertained them magnificently, but 
did not invite Xenophon, or any of tlie other generals. 4, 
The Lacedaemonians inquiring what sort of a person Xeno- 
phon was, he replied, that in other respects he was not a bad 
man, but that he was a great friend to the soldiers, " and on that 
account," added he, "it is the worse for him."' "Does the 
man then," said they, " try to make himself popular with the 
soldiers?" " Certainly," replied Heraclides. 5. " Will he not 
then oppose us," said they, "respecting the removal of the 
army?" "But if you call the soldiers together," rejoined He- 
raclides, " and promise tliem pay, tliey will show little regard 
to him, and will hasten away with you." 6. " How, then," 
said they, "can they be assembled to hear us ?" " To-morrow 
morning," answered Heraclides, " we will bring you to them, 
and I feel assured that, as soon as they see you, they will 
readily flock together." Thus ended that day. 

7. Next morning Seuthes and Heraclides conducted the 
Lacedaemonians to the army, and the soldiers were called to- 
gether. The Lacedaemonians then stated that it was resolved 
by their countrymen to go to war with Tissaphernes, " who," 
said they, " has injured you. If therefore you join with us, 
you will both revenge yourselves on an enemy, and will re- 
ceive, each of you, a daric a month, a captain double, and a 
general fourfold." 8. The soldiers listened to this offer witU 

' He is in a worse condition than he would be, If he paid leas r©» 
gard to the soldiers. Kiihner. 

^^^ ftiE feXPF.blTiON OF CVtt tJd. [0. VtL 

pleasure; and one of Ihe Arcadians immediately rose up to 
make an accusation against Xenuplion. Seullies was also pre- 
sent, beino; desirous to know how the matter would end, and 
was standing where he could easily hear, attended by an in 
terpreter, though he himself understood most of what was 
spoken in Greek. 9. The Arcadian proceeded to say, " We 
should certainly, O Lacedaemonians, have been with you lon^ 
ago, if Xenoplion had not wrought upon us and led us hither, 
•where, serving through a severe winter, we have had no rest* 
night or day ; while he has the fruit of our labours, and Seu- 
thes enriches him personally, and deprives us of our pay; lo. 
so that if I, who am the first to speak on this occasion, could 
see him stoned to death, and paying the penalty for what he 
has made us suffer in dragging us about, I should think that I 
had received mr pay, and should cease to be concei-ned at 
what I have undergone." After him another stood up, and 
then another; wUen Xenophon proceeded to speak as follows : 
11. "A maa may well, indeed, expect any kind of fate, 
since I now meet with accusations from you, at a time when I 
am conscious o^ having displayed the utmost zeal to serve you. 
After I had set out homewards, I turned back, not certainly 
from learning ^hat you were in a satisfactory condition, but 
rather from hearing that you were in difficulties, and with the 
intention of aiding you if I could. "^ 12. When I got back to 
the army, though Seuthes here sent many messengers to me, 
and promised me many advantages, if 1 would induce you to 
go to him, I i»iHde no attempt, as you yourselves know, to do 
so, but led you to a place ^ from which I thought you would 
have the quichest passage into Asia; for I considered that 
v+,his course would be best for you, and knew that you desired 
it. 13. But »-hen Aristarchus came with his galleys, and 
prevented you from sailing across, I then (as was doubtless 
pi-oper) callc* you together, that we might consider what 
•jieasures we ought to take. u. After hearing then Aristar- 
chus, on the o^ti hand, desiring you to go to the Chersonesus, 

' UtTravjui^a.] UtTra^iZa has crept into many editions, Henry 
Stephens havins^ •'aid that it was found in some manuscripts. But 
Dindorf and Kiihner declare that every manuscript that has yet 
oeen examined p-<^sents imrai'iit^a. 

* See c. L, sect. 40, and c. 2, sect. 8. 

' Perinthus : c. a. sect. 10. Kuhner, 

Cll. 6.J JttKoMiON onLlGEb to jcstify ttbisfeLt- ^.1§ 

and listening to Seuthes, on the other, urj^ing you to take the 
field with him, you all said that you would go with Seuthes, 
and all gave your votes for that course. In what respect then 
did I wrong you on that occasion, by leading you whither you 
all resolved to go ? 

15. "Since Seuthes, however, lias begun to break his word 
concerning your pay, you, if 1 were to express approba'tion of 
his conduct, would justly accuse and detest me : but if I, who 
was previously his greatest friend, am now most of all men at 
variance with him, with what reason can I, who have prefer- 
red your interest to that of Seuthes, incur censure from you 
fur tliat very conduct through which I have brought upon me 
his enmity? ir>. But perhaps you may say that I have re- 
ceived your pay from Seuthes, and am merely deluding vou. 
This however is certain, tiiat if Seuthes has paid me anything, 
he did not pay it with a view of losing what he gave me, and 
of paying, at the same time, an additional sum to you ; but, I 
should think, if he had given me anything, he would have 
given it witli this intention, that by bestowing on me a less 
sum, he might not have to pay you a greater. 17. If there- 
fore you suppose that such is the case, it is in your power to 
render the cunipact {)rofitless to both of us, by requiring from 
him your pay ; for it is evident that Seuthes, if I have re- 
ceived anything from him, will in that case demand it back 
from me, and will demand it justly, if I fail to fulfil the con- 
tract for which I was bribed? is. But I am conscious of 
being far from possessing anything that belongs to you ; for I 
swear to you by all the gods and goddesses, that I have not 
even received what Seuthes promised me for myself; and he 
is himself present, and as he hears me, knows whether I com- 
mit perjury or not ; 19, and, that you may be still more sur- 
prised, I swear that I have not even received as much as the 
other generals have received, no, nor even as much as some of 
the captains. 20. p>om what motive, then, did I act thus? 
I thought, my fellow-soldiers, that the more I participated in 
his poverty for the time, the more effectually should I render 
him my friend when he should be able to serve me. But 
I now see him at once in a state of prosperity, and understand 
liis real disposition. 21. Possibly some one may say, ' Are 
you not ashamed, then, of having been thus foolishly deceived ?' 
I should indeed be ashamed, if I had been thus deceived by an 

240 ttlE feJICPEDlTlON Ot> CtRtS. [b. Vll. 

enemy, but lii a friend it appears far more disgraceful to de- 
ceive than to be deceived. 22. If however we are to be on 
our guard against friends, I know that we have been on the 
strictest guard not to give Seuthes any just pretence for re- 
fusing to pay us what he promised ; for we have neither done 
him any harm, nor neglected his interests, nor shrunk from 
any undertaking to which he called us. 

23. " But, you may say, I ought to have taken pledges at 
the time, that even if he had had the will, he might not have 
had the power to deceive. With regard to this point, hear 
what I should never have mentioned before him,^ if you had 
not shown yourselves either extremely inconsiderate or ex- 
tremely ungrateful towards me. 24. For recollect in what 
circumstances you were placed, when I extricated you from 
them by conducting you to Seuthes. Did not^ Aristarchus 
the Lacedaemonian prevent you from entering Perinthus, shut- 
ting the gates if you offered to approach the city ? Did you 
not encamp without the walls in the open air? Was it not the 
middle of winter ? Had you not to buy provisions, when you 
found but few commodities for sale, and Ixad but little with 
which to buy ? 2.5. Were you not obliged to remain in 
Thrace, because galleys at anchor prevented you from sailing 
across, while, whoever stayed, had to stay in an enemy's 
country, where there were numbers of cavalry and numbers of 
peltasts to oppose you ? 26. And though we had a heavy- 
armed force, with which, going to the villages in a body, we 
might perhaps have procured a moderate supply of food, we 
had no troops with which we could pursue or capture slaves 
or cattle ; for I found neither cavalry nor peltasts any longer 
existing in a body among you. 27. If, then, when you were 
in such straits, I had, without demanding any pay for you, 
procured you Seuthes as an ally, who had cavalry and pel- 
tasts, of which you were in want, should I have appeared to 
have consulted ill for you ? 28, For, through having the aid 

' He would not have said this in the presence and hearing of 
Seuthes, lest Seuthes might say, in justification of his conduct, that 
lie had done the Greeks benefit, and that they had not been led to 

Ioin him from any liking for his service, but from being compelled 
>y the difficulties of their circumstances. Weiske. 

' Most editors, I might perhaps say all, give this passage inter- 
rogatively, except Dindorf, who puts no note of interrogation. I 
Ijave not thought proper to adhere to him on this occasion. 

en. G.] SPEECH of xknoi'iiun. 241 

of these troops, you not only fou^d a greater abundance of 
provisions in the viUages, from the Thracians being obliged to 
flee with greater precipitation, but had a greater share of both 
cattle and slaves. '29. As for enemies, we no longer saw any 
after the cavalry was attached to us, though, before that time, 
they pursued us both with horse and peltasts, hindering us 
from dispersing anywhere in small parties, so as to get pro- 
visions in greater quantities, so. And if he who afforded 
you this security, did not give you, in addition, very high pay 
for the security,' is this the dreadful calamity of which you 
complain, and do you think that, on this account, you ought 
by no means to allow me to live ? 

31. "But under what circumstances is it that you are now 
leaving the country ? Is it not after having passed the winter 
in the midst of abundance, and while you have in your pos- 
session, besides, whatever you have received from Seuthes ? 
What you have consumed belonged to the enemy ; and, while 
faring thus, you have neither seen any of your number killed, 
nor lost any alive. 32. If any reputation had been gained by 
you against the Barbarians in Asia, have you not that still 
undiminished, and have you not added to it new glory by sub- 
duing the Thracians, against whom you took the field, in 
Europe? I think, indeed, that you may justly return thanks 
to the gods, as for so many blessings, tor those very things 
for which you are incensed against me. 

33. " Such is the state of your affairs ; and now, in the 
name of the gods, consider what is the condition of mine. 
When I first set sail for home, I went off with great praise 
from you, and with honour, through your means, from the rest 
of the Greeks. I was also trusted by the Lacedasmonians, or 
they would not have sent me back to you.'-^ 34. But now I 
go away calumniated in the eyes of the Lacedaemonians by 
your statements, and at enmity with Seuthes upon your ac- 
count, whom I hoped, by serving him in conjunction with you, 
to secure as an honourable protector both for myself and my 
children, if I should have any. 35. Yet you, for whose sake 
chiefly I have incurred hatred, and incurred it fi'om people 
far more powerful than myself, and while I do not yet cease 
attempting whatever good I can for you, entertain such an 

' Consult wliat is said on v. 6, 31, ' C. 2. sect. 8 

212 TiiK ExrnniTiox of cvkus. [r.. vii. 

opini(^ii (if mo as you now express. 3fi. But you ha\'e me in 
your power, Iiaving neither found mc tleoin.Q; nor attempting 
to flee ; and, if you do what you say, you will put to death a 
man who has often -watched for your safety ; who has gone 
through many toils and dangers in company with you, accord- 
ing to his sliare and beyond his share ; who, by the favour of 
the frods, has raised with you many trophies over the Bar- 
barians ; and who has exerted himself most strenuously for 
you,' in every way that he could, in order that you might not 
make yourselves enemies to any of the Greeks. 37. As it is, 
you are at liberty to go Avhither you please, by sea or land, 
without censure; and now, when abundance of everything 
presents itself before you, when you are going to sail whither 
you have long desired to go, when those who are at the 
height of power solicit your services, when pay is offered, and 
Avhen LacediBmonians, who are thought to be the best of 
leaders, are come to take the command of you, does it seem to 
you to be a fit time for putting me at once to death ? 38. You 
had no such inclination wlien we were in the midst of hard- 
ships, men of admirable memories!^ You then called me 
father, and promised always to remember me as your bene- 
factor. However, those, who are now come to request your 
services, are not void of judgment, so that, as I think, you 
will not, by being such as you are towards me, appear better 
in their estimation." Having spoken thus, he ceased. 

3!), Charminus, the Laced:emonian, then stood up and said, 
" By tlie twin gods,-"* soldiers, you do not appear to be dis- 
jileased with this man on any reasonable grounds ; for I my- 
self can bear testimony in his favour: since, when Polynicus 
and myself asked Seuthes about Xenophon, inquiring what 
sort of man he was, he had nothing else to lay to his charge, 

' npoc i'7'"C-] f^onfra vox ornpiid vos. The former is perhaps pre- 
ferable. He alludes, v. gr. to vii. 1. 25, seqq. IVeiske. Also to vi. 
6, 11, scqq. Kii/iner. Weiske is right in interpreting "contra vos." 
Schneidei-. 1 follow those wlio are in favour of vestra causa, " for 
your sake." Bornemann. I think Borneinann in the right. Yet 
contra vos might perhaps be Englished, " against your follies or 

' 'Q iravrojv fii'TJUoi'iKibraroi.] Must be understood ironically. 
Henry Stephens thinks that we should read ctfivrj^oinKwraroi, which 
Jacobs approves, considering that irony is unsuitable to the passage- 

' See on vi. ti. :ii. 


but, as he said, that he was a great friend U the soldiers, on 
which account, he observed, it was worse for him ' both with 
us Lacedajmonians and with himself." 40. Eurylochus an 
Arcadian, a native of Lusia,^ rising up after him, exclaimed, 
*' It seems to me, Lacedgemonians, that your first act of gener- 
alship for us should be this, to exact our pay from Seuthes, 
either with his consent or against it, and that, till you do so, 
you ought not to lead us from hence." 4i. Polycrates, the 
Athenian, next rose and spoke in favour of Xenophon : ' " I 
see," said he, " soldiers, Heraclides also present here, who, after 
I'eceiving the spoil which we obtained by our exertions, and 
having sold it, gave the proceeds neither to Seuthes nor to us, 
but, having appropriated it to himself, still keeps possession 
of it. If therefore we are wise, we shall lay hold of him, for 
he is not a Thracian, but, being himself a Greek, acts dis- 
honestly to Greeks." 

42. Heraclides, on hearing this remark, was still more* 
alarmed, and, moving towards Seuthes, said, " If we are wise,' 
we shall withdraw from hence, out of the power of these men." 
Mounting their horses, accordingly, they rode off to their owa 

' See sect. 4. ' iv. 2. 21. 

' El-rrtv ivtroQ vrrb Sevo^wrroc.] This is the reading which Din- 
dorf's text exhibits, but to which most critics must surely prefer the 
common reading, ilntv dvacrrag virip Stvofijjvrog, " arose and spoke 
on behalf of Xenophon," i. e. in favour and justification of Xeno- 
phon. " Eurylochus did not indeed speak undisguisedly," observes 
Kiihner, " in behalf of Xenophon, but rather with a covert attempt 
to transfer the blame from Xenophon to Heraclides. It is however 
greatly to be doubted," he adds, " whether the received reading be 
genuine; for instead of avacrrdg three manuscripts exhibit a!vtr£JQ, 
'in a praiseworthy manner,' and two have tvtTog, which Dindorf 
has admitted into his text, changing at the same time virtp into vno, 
so that iviTog vno ^troipiot'Tog will be ' suborned by Xenophon.' 
But a strong objection to this reading is, that ivtTOQ is a word of the 
later age of the Greek language ; it occurs in Appian ; but Xeno- 
phon would rather have used inroTrifnrTog, as in iii. 3. 4. Nor is this 
word altogether suitable to the narrative. Some have objected to 
the order of the words tlmv avaaTac, instead of avaardg tlntv, which 
is more usual in Xenophon ; but this is a matter of very small mo- 
ment, and is completely nullified by the examples adduced in Bor- 
nemann's note and in Sturz's Lex. Xen. torn. i. p. 209, as well as 
by Cyrop. ii. 3. 4 ; De Rep. Ath. i. 6 ; and Hellen. i. 7. 7-" 

* Five manuscripts have fiaXXov, instead of ixaXa, which Dindorf 
has injudiciously adopted. Kiihner. 

* 'Hv awippovw^tv.] This seems to be an intentional repetition of 
hfse words, which occur just above, in the speech of Polycrates. 

11 2 


camp ; 43. from whence Seuthes sent Abi'ozelmes, his intex*- 
preter, to Xenophon, and begged him to remain in his service 
with a thousand heavy-armed men, engaging at the same time, 
to give him the fortresses on the sea, and the other things which 
he had promised him. He also told him, causing it to be com- 
municated as a secret, that he had heard from Polynicus, that 
if he fell into the hands of the Lacedasmonians, he would cer- 
tainly be put to death by Thibron. 44. Many other persons, 
too, sent notice to Xenophon that he had been made an object 
of calumny, and ought to be upon his guard. Xenophon, on 
receiving these communications, took two victims and sacri- 
ficed to Jupiter, consulting him whether it would be better 
for him to stay with Seuthes on the conditions that he pro- 
posed, or to go away with the army. Jupiter signified to him 
that he had better depart. 


The Greeks go to get provisions from the villages. Medosades tries to send 
them away, and prevails on Xenophon to go and consult the Lacedemoni- 
ans. The Lacedaemonians refuse to take away the army till Seuthes has 
paid them. Xenophon's speech to Seuthes. Seuthes at last produces the 
money, which Xenophon gives to the Lacedaemonians to be distributed 
among the soldiers. 

1. Seuthes then encamped at a great distance ; and tlio 
Greeks quartered in villages from which they intended to get 
plenty of provisions, and then to march to the sea. These 
villages had been given by Seuthes to Medosades ; 2, who, 
seeing his property in them consumed by the Greeks, was much 
displeased ; and, taking with him one of the Odrysae, the most 
influential of all those that had come dov/n from the upper 
country, and about fifty horse, went and called Xenophon out 
of the Grecian camp. Xenophon, taking some of the captains, 
and other proper persons, camo out to meet him. 3. Medosades 
then said, "You act unjustly, O Xenophon, in laying waste our 
villages. We give you notice therefore, I on the part of 
Seuthes, and this man on the part of Medocus the king of the 
upper country, to quit this di.strict; if, however, you do not 
quit it, we shall not allow you to continue your depredations, 
but, if you do harm to our territories, we shall defend ourselves 
against you as enemies." 


4. Xenophon, on hearing this warning, said, " To give you 
an answer, when you speak in such terras, is painful, yet for 
the inlbrmation of this young man, I will reply to you, that he 
may know what sort of people you are, and what sort we are. 
5. We," he continued, " before we became your allies, march- 
ed through this country whithersoever we thought fit, laying 
waste what we pleased, and burning what we pleased ; 6, and 
you yourself, when you came to us as an ambassador, pitched 
your tent with us, without fear of any enemy ; but your people 
never entered this region at all, or, if ever you did venture 
into it, used to encamp with your horses still bridled, as in the 
territory of those more powerful than yourselves. 7. But 
now, since you have become allied with us, and have by our 
means, and with the assistance of the gods, got possession of 
the country, you would drive us from that very land which 
you received from us, when we held it as our own by force of 
arms, for, as you are aware, the enemy were not strong enough 
to dispossess us. 8. And you would send us away, not only 
without oftering us a present, or doing us any service in re- 
turn for the benefits that you have received from us, but evei. 
without allowing us to encamp, as far as you are able to pre- 
vent us, when we are just taking our departure. 9. In ad- 
dressing us thus, you show no respect either for the gods or 
for the man that accompanies you, who beholds you now 
abounding in wealth, but who saw you, before you were our 
ally, supporting your existence by plunder, as you yourself 
have acknowledged.' lo. But why do you addi'ess yourself 
thus to me," added Xenophon, " for I no longer hold the com- 
mand, but the Lacedtemonians, to whom you gave the army 
that they might lead it away, and gave it, O most admirable 
of men, without calling on me to take part in the resignation 
of it, so that, as I incurred their disapprobation when I 
brought it to you, I might now do them a pleasure by restor- 
ing it to them." 

11. "When the Odrysian heard this account, he said, "I, 
Medosades, am ready to sink into the earth with shame, as I 
listen to such a statement. Had I known this before, I should 
certainly not have accompanied you, and shall now take my de- 
parture ; for Medocus, my king, would by no means approve 
my conduct, if I should assist in expelling his benefactora 
' C. 2, sect. 34. Kiihner, ^ 

246 tnE Exi-EDiTioN oP cvnus. |;ii. vit. 

from the country." 12. As he uttered these words, he mounted 
his horse and rode off, and all the other horsemen went with 
him, except four or five. But Medosades (for the devastation 
of the country made him uneasy) requested Xenophon to call 
to him the two Lacedaemonians. 13. Xenophon, taking the 
most eligible persons to attend him, went to Charrainus and 
Polynicus, and told them that Medosades wished to speak 
with them, intending to warn them, as they had warned him, 
to quit the country. 14. " I think, therefore," continued 
Xenophon, " that you might secure the pay owing to the 
army, if you were to say that the troops have entreated you to 
support them in obtaining iheir dues from Seuthes, whether 
with his consent or without it ; that they engage to follow you 
clieerfully if they gain their object ; that they appear to you 
to say what is just ; and that you have promised them not to 
depart until they have received their just demands." is. The 
Lacedaemonians replied that they Avould say this, and what- 
ever else they might be able to urge with the greatest effect ; 
and immediately set out, with all proper persons accompany- 
ing them. 

When they arrived, Charminus said, " K you have anything 
to say to us, Medosades, speak ; if not, we have something to 
say to you." 16. Medosades replied, very submissively, "I 
have to say, and Seuthes says the same, that we desire that 
those who have become our friends may suffer no evil at your 
hands ; for whatever harm you do to them, you do at the same 
time to us, as they are our allies." n. "We, then," said the 
Lacedaemonians, " shall be ready to depart, when those who 
have effected such services for you, have received their pay ; 
if they do not receive it, we are here even now to take their 
part, and to take vengeance on such as have wronged them iu 
violation of their oaths. If you are of that number, it is from 
you that we shall begin to require justice for them," is. 
" Would you be willing, Medosades," rejoined Xenophon, " to 
leave it to the people in whose country we are, (as you say 
that they are your friends,) to decide whether it is fit that you 
should quit the country, or we ?" 19. To this proposal he 
would not consent, but urged the two Lacedasmonians by all 
means to go to Seuthes about the pay, and said that he thought 
they would succeed with Seuthes ; if they did not, he re- 
mested them to send Xenophon with him, and promised to 

m. 7.] xknopho-n's sfEEca to seuthes. 24/ 

support their application. In the mean time he begged them 
not to burn the vilhiges. 

20. They then deputed Xenophon, and those who appeared 
most eligible along with him. When he came to Seuthes, he 
said, " 1 am not come, Seuthes, to ask anything of you, 
but to convince you, if I am able, 21. that you had no just 
cause to be displeased with me for demanding, on belialf of the 
soldiers, the pay which you so readily promised them ; since 
I thought it would be not less advantageous for you to pay it 
than for them to receive it ; 22. for I knew that, next to the 
gods, they have been instrumental in placing you in a con- 
spicuous position, by making you king over a large extent of 
country and gieat numbers of people, so that it is not possible 
for you to escape the notice of mankind, whether you do what 
is good or what is evil. 23. To a man in such a con- 
dition it seems to me to be of no small importance that he 
should not be thought to send away his benefactors with- 
out gratitude; of importance also to have the approbation of 
six thousand men ; and most important of all to show that you 
are never to be distrusted in what you say. 24. For I observe 
the words of the faithless wander about without power, influ- 
ence, or regard ; while the words of those who are known to 
observe truth, are not less etfectual, if they desire anything, 
in accomplishing their desire, than the strength of other men ; 
if they wish to recall any one to his duty, 1 know that the 
threats of such men are not less influential in producing re- 
form than the actual punishments of others ; and if men of 
such a character promise anything, they produce no less ef- 
fect by their promises than others by giving at the moment. 
2r.. Consider with yourself: what did you pay us before you 
obtained our alliance ? You know that you paid us nothing; 
but from confidence being placed in you that you would truly 
perform what you said, you induced such a number of men to 
join you in the field, and to con(|uer for you a kingdom not 
worth fifty talents merely, the sum which they now think they 
ought to receive from you, but many times that sum. 26. 
First of all, then, this confidence which was ])laced in you, 
and which secured you the kingdom, is bartered away by you 
lor this sura of money. 

27. " Consider, too, how great a matter you then thought it 
to obtain those dominions which you have now subjugated 

248 tiiE EXPEbiTiox OF ctntls. | ti. vtt 

and possess. I am well aware tliat you would have prayed 
for the accomplishment of what has now been done for you 
rather than for many times such a sura of money. 28. To 
me, then, it seems a greater disadvantage, as well as a greater 
disgrace, not to retain this power than not to have acquired 
it ; just as it is more grievous to a man to become poor after 
being rich than never to have been rich at all, and as it is 
more afflictiug to appear as a private man after having been 
a king, than never to have been on a throne. 29. You are 
sensible, moreover, that those who have now become your 
subjects, have not submitted to be governed by you from any 
affection for you personally, but from necessity, and that they 
would endeavour to make themselves free again, if there were 
no fear to restrain them. 3o. Whether therefore do you think 
that they will be more under the restraint of fear, and act 
more sensibly for your interests, if they should see these troops 
so disposed towards you, as to be willing to stay now if you 
request them, or soon to return again if it should be necessary, 
fend find that others, hearing many good accounts of you fron. 
these, are ready to join you at once whenever you wish.; or if 
they should form an unfavourable opinion of you, and believe 
that no others will engage in your service through distrust 
arising from what has now happened, and that the Greeks are 
better affected towards your new subjects than yourself? 3i. 
These people, besides, did not submit to you because they 
■were inferior in number to us, but because they wanted lead- 
ers. It is now a matter of apprehension, then, that they may 
choose some of our men, who think themselves wronged by 
you, or the Lacedasmonians, who are still more powerful than 
they, as leaders, especially if, on the one hand, our soldiers 
promise to serve the Lacedaemonians with greater alacrity, on 
condition that they' exact what is due to them from you, and 
the Lacedeemonians, on the other, assent to this condition 
from the need which they have of our army. 32. That the 
Thracians who have just become subject to you, would march 
against you much more willingly than with you, is indisput- 
able ; for, while you hold the mastery, servitude is their lot, 
but, if you are conquered, freedom. 

33. " If, again, it be your business to take forethought for 

■ Tliat is, the Lacedaemonians- 

Cii. 7.] xekdmion's st^EECn to settthus. 2 19 

the country, as being your own property, whctlicr you do 
think that it would be less exposed to harm, if these soldiers, 
after having received from you what they claim, should go 
away leaving peace behind them, or if they stay in the coun- 
try as in that of an enemy, and you, with other soldiers more 
jumerous than they, who will be constantly in want of pro- 
visions, proceed to take the field against them ? 34. Or whe- 
ther will more money be expended by you, if what is due to 
the Greeks be paid, or if this be left due, and you have at the 
same time to take other troops, able to overcome them, into 
your service ? 

35. "But this sum, in the opinion of Heraclides, (as he ex- 
pressed himself to me,) appears excessively large. It is 
doubtless, however, a much lighter matter for you either to 
receive or pay such a sum, than it was, before we joined you, 
to receive or pay the tenth part of it. 36. For it is not the 
actual amount that defines the much or the little, but the 
ability of him who has to pay or to receive. But your annual 
income is now greater than the whole of the property which 
you formerly possessed. 

37. " In these observations, Scuthes, I have had regard 
to your interest as to that of a friend, in order that you may 
appear worthy of the advantages which the gods have be- 
stowed upon you, and that I, at the same time, may not lose 
all reputation with the army. 38. For be assured, that if I 
now wished to do harm to an enemy, I should not be able to 
effect it with these troops, and that, if I desired again to give 
assistance to you, I should not be in a condition to do so ; such 
is the feeling of the army towards me. 39. Yet I call both 
you yourself, and the gods who know the truth, to witness, 
that I have neither received anything from you on account of 
the soldiers, nor have I ever asked of you, for my own private 
use, what was due to them, nor have I claimed what you pro- 
mised me. 40. I also swear to you, that, even though you had 
offered to pay me, I would not have received anything from 
3'ou, unless the soldiers had been at the same time to receive 
what was due to them ; for it would have been disgraceful in 
me io have settled my own business, and to have allowed 
theirs to continue in an unsatisfactory condition, especially 
when I had received honour from them. 

*i " To Heraclides, however, everything seems a trifle, in 

250 THE EXl'EWllON Ot^ CtlitJS. |_B. Vlt. 

CDinpanson ■with the acquirement of money by whiitevcr 
means. But I, O Seuthes, think no possession more honour- 
able or more glorious to a man than that of virtue, and justice, 
and generosity. 42. He that has these qualities, is rich in the 
numerous friends that he has, and rich in the good-will of 
numbers that wish to become his friends ; if he is prosperous, 
he has associates ready to rejoice w'ith him ; if he meets with 
a reverse of fortune, he is not in want of people to Icnil 
him aid. 

43. " If you have neither understood from my actions that 
I am a friend to you at heart, nor are able to discover it from 
my words, yet consider, by all means, the expressions of the 
soldiers concerning me ; for you were present and heard what 
those said who sought to asperse me. 44. They accused me 
to the Lacedajmonians of regarding you more than tliem ; 
they also charged me with taking more care that your affairs 
might prosper than their own ; and they added, that I had 
received presents from you. 4o. Whether, then, do you 
think that they accused me of having received those presents 
I'roin you, because they saw in me some ill-will towards you, 
or because they observed in me a great zeal for your good ? 
46. I consider, indeed, that all men are of oi)inion that grati- 
tude ought to be cherished ' towards him from whom they 
have received favours. You, before I did you any service, 
entertained me favourably with looks, and words, and demon- 
strations of hospitality, and were never satisfied with promis- 
ing how great rewards should be mine ; and now, when you 
have accom])lished what you desired, and have become as 
great as I could assist you to become, have you the heart to 
allow me to bo thus dishonoured among the soldiers ? 47. I 
have nevertheless confidence that time will yet teach you to 
resolve to p»y, and that you, of youn^elf, will not endure to 

' 'ATTOKtlfT^ai.'} Two manuscripts have airoKi'ia^ai, which Dindorf, 
Poppo, and Kriiger have adi.iitted into their texts (instead of the 
common cnroi^iiKwa^ai). It cannot be denied that there is much 
elegance in this reading, for aTroKilrr^ai, like Karari^ia^ai and other 
similar verbs, are very frequently used in regard to favours and be- 
nefits, as is shown by Poppo, referring to Jacobs ad Achill. Tat. p. 
«78 ; yet this circumstance does not appear to me of sufficient weight 
to justify us in deserting that reading which is supported by the au- 
thority of almost all the manuscripts, and makes very good sense. 
See my note on the Mem. Soc. ii. 1. 21. KUhtier. 

ek. ? ] SEt'THES IT.OMISES TO PXt. 2ol 

see those wlio freely did you service,' loading you -with re- 
proaches. I entreat you, then, when you make the payment, 
to study to leave me in as much credit with the army as you 
found me." 

48. Seuthes, on hearing this address, uttered imprecations 
on the man who had been the cause that the debt was not dis- 
charged long before ; (and every one surmised that Heracli- 
des was meant;) " for," said he, "I never meant to deprive 
the men of their pay, and will now give it to them." 49. 
Xenophon then said again, " Since therefore you are resolved 
to pay, I now beg you to make the payment through me, and 
not to suffer me, on your account, to bear a dillerent character 
with the army from that which I bore when we came to you." 
50. Seuthes replied, " You shall not lose more credit with the 
army by my means ; and if you will stay with me with only a 
thousand heavy-armed men, I will give you the fortresses, and 
everything else that I promised." si. "It cannot be so," re- 
jcjined Xenophon ; '' let us therefore depart." " Yet I know," 
replied Seuthes, " that it will be safer for you to remain with 
me to go away." i)2. "I commend'-' your care of me," 
rejoined Xenophon, "but it is impossible for me to stay ; yet 
be assured that wherever I receive greater honour, there will 
be good attendant on it for you." 53. Seutlies then said, " I 
have but very little money, and that I give you, one talent ;* 
\iiit I have six hundred oxen, four thousand sheep, and a hun- 
dred and twenty slaves; take these, and the hostages'* from 
tliose who were treacherous to you, and depart." 54. "And 
if these," said Xenophon, laughing, "are not sufficient to 

' Toiic coi npoefjitvovg tvepytffiav.'^ Schneider observes that tlie 

{)hrase irpota^ai nvt ivtpytaiav was used when a person conferred a 
jenefit on another without being certain whether he should receive 
any return ; and refers to Plato, Gorg. p. 520. "The Greeks," says 
Kiihner, " had indeed bargained for a remuneration, (c. 2, sect. 3(i,) 
but, though it was not paid, they still continued to give their services 
to Seuthes." Kriiger, however, observes that Xenophon certainly 
indulges in a little rhetorical exaggeration. 

* 'ETraii/w.] A similar mode of expression to that of people de- 
f lining an invitation, " I thank you," " I am obliged to you," as in 
Latin laudo, benigiu. See Bos. Lllips. p. 785, ed. Schccfer. Kiihner, 

' i. 7. 18. 

* Weiske observes that these were Thynians, who had broken 
their word by attacking Xenophon in the night, c. i, sect. 14. Ste 
also sect. 13, 20, 21. J'ojjpo. 

2o2 niE EXrEDlTTOX OF Cirittg. [b. VTIj 

make up the pay, for whom shall I say tliat I have tha 
talent ? ' Will it not be better for me, since danger threaten? 
me, to secure myself against stoning by taking my departure?^ 
You heard the threats." The remainder of that day they 
continued there. 

55. The next day Seuthes delivered to them the cattle he 
had promised, and sent men with them to drive them. The 
soldiers, in the mean time, began to say that Xenophon was 
gone to Seuthes to live with him, and to receive what Seuthes 
had promised him ; but when they saw him returning, they 
were rejoiced, and ran to meet him. 56. As soon as Xeno- 
phon saw Charminus and Polynicus, he said, " This property 
has been saved for the army through your influence ; I deliver 
it to you ; dispose of it, and divide the proceeds among the 
soldiers." The Lacedcemonians accordingly received the 
cattle, and, appointing salesmen, sold it, and incurred much 
blame.3 57. As for Xenophon, he took no part in the pro- 
ceeding, but openly prepared to return home ; for a vote of 
banishment had not yet been passed against him at Athens.' 
But his friends in the camp came to him, and begged him 
not to desert them until he had led off the army and delivered 
it to Thibron. 

* Tlvog TaXavTov (p-fjau) txiiv;'] "whose talent shall I say that 1 
have?" Among which of the Greeks shall I divide tliis talent, 
when their number is so great? K'uh7ier. 

^ Xenophon is to be considered as speaking with a sort of irony 
or sarcasm. If I return to the camp of the Greeks with this small 
sum of money, great danger will threaten me ; it will therefore be 
better for me to go away than to return to the camp. Kilhtier. The 
passage may be understood thus : Since danger threatens me, Seu- 
thes. as you yourself observed, (sect. 51,) will it not be better for 
me to go away into my own country, and so escape stoning? Bom«- 
Trtann. Comp. c. vi. sect. 10. 

^ It being supposed that they had been guilty of fraud in the dis- 
tribution. Kiihner. 

* See the biog -aphy of Xenophon prefixed to this volumt;. 



The Greeks pass over to Lampsacus. Xcnophon, having received no pay, iij 
obliged to sell his horse. He sacrifices to Jupiter MeiUchius. The Greeks 
arrive at Pergamus. Xenophon is prevailed upon to attack Asidates, a 
Persian nobleman, and at length takes him prisoner, with a great quantity 
of booty, of which he receives a considerable share. He delivers the army 
into the hands of Thibron, to be incorporated with the forces assembled 
against Tissapherues. 

1. From hence they sailed across to Lampsacus, when Eu- 
clides the augur, a native of Phlius,' the son of Cleagoras, who 
wrote The Dreams in the Lyceuii,^ came to meet Xeno- 
phon. He congratuhited Xenophon on having returned safe, 
and asked him how much gold he had, 2, Xenophon assured 
him, with an oath, that he should not have enough for his ex- 
penses in travelling home, unless he sold his horse, and what 
he had about him. Euclides did not believe him. 3. But 
after the people of Lampsacus had sent presents to Xenophon, 
and Xenophon was proceeding to sacrifice to Apollo, he made 
Euclides stand beside him at the time, who, on inspecting the 
victims, said that he was now convinced he had no money. 
" But I observe," added he, " that even if money should ever 

' A city of Acliaia in the Peloponnesus, between Sicjon and 

* Tov rd tvvirvia iv AvKCiq) ytypa<p6Tog.'] I interpret with Brodaeus 
and Kriiger, " he who wrote the Dreams in the Lyceum," i. e. the book 
entitled " Dreams in the Lyceum." Whether the received reading be 
genuine, is uncertain; for three manuscripts read tov to tvoiKia iv 
otKtii). Several conjectures have been proposed by scholars, as 
ivToixia, I'lKovia, ivwiria, but these, as nothing is known of Cleagoras, 
can be of no service in leading us to a decision. The conjecture 
ivwiria (a Homeric word) was thrown out by Toup, Ep. Ciitic. p. 
48, Lips., in the sense of " he who painted the front or facade of the 
Lyceum." Weiske defends 4»'i»7ri'ia, on the supposition that Cleagoras 
might have been a painter of such genius as to have given a strik- 
ing representation of the dreams mentionod in the Odyssey, r', 562, 
as going out of the liorn and ivory gates ; or of such as went on foot, 
11. 13', 8, 18; or of such as flew about, Eur. Hec. 71. Schneider re- 
marks that there was a statue of a dream in the temple of vEscula- 
pius, as is told by Pausanias, Corinth. 10. 2. Bornemann thinks the 
word ivvnvia suspicious, and encloses it in brackets. As to the omis- 
sion of the ai-ticle after ivvnvia, it can offend no one, if we con- 
sider, with Kriiger, that 'EvuTrvia iv AvKii^j, was the title of the book. 
— I road yiypnipTjKOTOQ, instead of yfvpn^oroc, with four of the best 
nianuscrip'.s. See Lobeck. in Addend, ad Fhryn. p. 764. Kuhtier. 


l>e likely to come to you, there will bo, some obstacle, and, if 
no other, that you will be an obstacle to yourself." ' Xeno- 
phon assented to the justice of the observation. 4. "Jupiter 
Meilichius,^ however,'' said Euclides, " is an obstacle in your 
way;" and then asked whether he had ever sacrificed to that 
god, "as I was accustomed," continued he, "to sacrifice and 
offer holocausts for you at home."^ Xenophon replied, that 
since he had left home he had not sacrificed to that deity. 
Euclides then advised him to sacrifice as he had been used to 
do, and said that it would be for his advantage. 5. Next 
day, Xenophon, going on to Ophrynium, offered a sacrifice, 
burning whole hog.s^ after the custom of his country, and found 
the omens favourable. 

6. The same day Biton and Euclides"' came to bring pay 
for the army. These men were hospitably entertained^ by 

The Lycexim was a sacred enclosure at Athens, dedicated to 
Apollo, wlieve the polemarch originally kept his court. It was de- 
corated with fountains, plantations, and buildings, and became the 
usual place of exercise for the Athenian yoiUh who devoted them- 
selves to military pursuits. Nor was it less frequented by. philoso- 
])hers, and it was especially the favourite resort of Aristotle and his 
followers. Cramer's Ancient Greece, vol. ii. p. 340. 

' By your disinterestedness and liberality. Weiske. 

" That is, Jupiter placabilis, Jupiter that might be propitiated by 
sacrifices. This appellation is often given to Jupiter, as in Thucyd. 
i. 12(), where see Duker. See the SchoL ad Aristoph. Nub. 407; 
and Meurs. in Thes. c. 7. But it appears from Pausanias, x. 38, 
that there were several gods to whom this title was given. Httt- 

' E/w^fu' iyw iijiiv 5iv((j^ai Kal o\oKavT(7v.'] As I was accustomed 
at home (i. e. at Athens) to sacrifice and burn for you whole victims, 
the Kni being explicative, and equivalent to namely. * * * This 
mode of sacrificing is to be distinguished from the common method, 
in which only the best parts of the victims were burned in sacrifice 
to the gods. Kuhner. Hence it appears that Euclides lived at Athens 
with Xenophon, and was accustomed to assist at his sacrifices as 
an augur or priest; and thus a friendship and familiarity had arisen 
between them. Schneider. 

* XoipovQ.'] Larcher, referring to Thucyd. i. 126, and the scholiast 
on that passage, conjectures that these were not real swine, but 
loaves baked in the shape of swine; a conjecture which Schneider 
justly repudiates; for as there is nothing in the text to indicate that 
the word is used in that signification, it is our business to take it in its 
ordinary sense. 

* Not the Euclides mentioned in sect. 1. Kiihner thinks the name 

* Z.ivovvTai.'] The phrase Uvova^ai tlpi usually means "to enter 


Xenophon, and having repurchased his horse, wliich he had 
gold at Lampsacus for fifty darics, (as they suspected that lie 
had parted with it from necessity, for they had heard that he 
■was fond of the horse,) they restored it to him, and would not 
receive from him the price of it. 

7. Hence they advanced throuirh Troas, and, passinj^ over 
Ida, came first to Antandrus ; tlien, proceeding along by the 
sea, tliey arrived at the plain of Thebe in Lydia.' 8. March- 
ing from hence through Atramyttium and Certorium, by 
Atarneus, to the plain of the Caicus, they reached Pergamus 
in Mysia. 

Here Xenophon was hospitably received by Hellas tlie 
wife of Gongylus of Eretria,'^ and mother of Gorgion and Gon- 
gylus. 9. 81ie told him tliat Asidates, a Persian, resided in 
the plain, and said that if lie would attack him in the night 
with three hundred men, he might take him, with his wife and 
children, and his wealth, which was considerable, in. To 
guide him in the enterprise she sent her own cousin, and a 
man named Daphnagoras, whom she greatly esteemed ; and 
Xenophon, having these with him, offered sacrifice. Basias, 
an augur from Elis, who was present, said that the omens were 
extremely favourable, and that the man miglit easily be cap- 
tured, n. After supper, accordingly, he set out, taking with 
liim such of the captains as were most attached to him, and 
had constantly been his friends, in order that he might do 
them a service.^ Others also came to join the party, forcing 

into a bond of hospitality with any one," "to become a person's 
guest-friend," but as this relation already existed between tlie ^)ar- 
ties, we must take the verb here in a more general signification. 
Kviiger. So with Ktvovrai in sect- 8. 

' Kriiger thinks that we should read Mysia, in which it appears 
that Thebe or Hypoplacia (so called from being built at the foot 
of Mount Placos) was situate. See Schneider ad h. 1., and Cramer's 
Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 129. 

' Gongylus of Eretria had been an accomplice of Pausanias in Lis 
treachery to Greece; see Tbucyd. i. 128 ; Diod. Sic. xi. 44 ; C. Nep. 
Paus. ii. 2. Xerxes in consequence, according to the practice of the 
Persian kings, (see ii. 1.3; Herod, viii. 85, 136,) had put bim in 
possession of certain towns, of which it may be inferred from this 
passage that Pergamus was one. See Hellen. iii. i. C, from whence 
it appears that be was an exile in the time of the Persian wars. 
Hellas we must suppose to have been the wife, not of this Goagylus, 
but of his son. Kriiger. 

>* By giving them a share of whatever pluude'- he niight get. 


themselves upon him, to the uumber of six hiindrc^l ; but the 
captains sent them back, that they might not have to give 
them any portion of the booty, which they regarded as ready 
to their hands. 

12. When they came to the place, about midnight, the slaves 
that were about the castle, and the greater part of the cattle, 
escaped them, as they neglected these in order that they might 
capture Asidates himself and his riches. 13, But as they were 
unable to take the building by assault, (for it Avas high and 
large, and had battlements, and many brave men to defend it,) 
they proceeded to dig a passage into it. 14. The wall was 
eight bricks of earth thick ; but a breach was made in it by 
day-break ; and the moment an opening appeared, some oner 
from within pierced the thigh of the man that was nearest 
him through with an ox-spit ;i and afterwards, by shooting 
showers of arrows, they rendered it unsafe even to approach. 
15. As they uttered loud cries, too, and made signals with 
torches, Itabelius,'^ with his force, came to their assistance, as 
well as some Assyrian heavy-armed men, and about eighty 
Hyrcanian cavalry, who were in the king's pay, from Coma- 
nia; and other troops, lightly armed, to the number of eight 
hundred, with cavalry, some from Parthenium, and others from 
ApoUonia and the neighbouring parts. 

16. It was now time for the Greeks to consider how they 
should retreat ; and, taking what oxen and sheep were at hand, 
they drove them off, placing them with the slaves, within a 
hollow square, not so much because they were anxious about 
the booty, but lest, if they went off and left it, their retreat 
might appear like a flight, and the enemy might thus be ren- 
dered bolder, and their own men more dispirited ; whereas 
they now retired as if resolved to defend their capture. 17. 
But when Gongylus observed that the Greeks were but few, 
and those who hung upon their rear were numerous, he sallied 
forth himself, against the will of his mother, at the head of 
his own force, wishing to take a share in the action ; Procles 
also, and Teuthranias, a descendant of Damaratus,^ came to his 

' A large spit ; such as might be supposed large enough for roast- 
ing a whole ox. 

* Who he was, is uncertain. Bornemann conjectures that we 
8''ouId read liabelisis. 

' See ii. 1. 3. Teuthrania was a city of Mysia, on the river 

CH. 8.] CONCLUSION. 257 

support from Ilalisarne. is. Xcnoplion and his party, as they 
were sorely liarassed by the enemy's arrows and slings, and as 
they marched in a circle to hold their shields as a defence 
against the missiles, got with great difficulty across the river 
Caicus, nearly half of them being wounded. 19. On this oc- 
casion Agasias the Stymphalian, one of the captains, was 
wounded, after making head the whole time against the enemy. 
But they at last came off safe, with about two hundred slaves, 
and cattle enough for sacrifice. 

20. On the following day Xonophon offered sacrifice, and 
led out his whole force in the night, with a design to go as 
far as possible into Lydia, in order that the Persian might not 
be in fear from his proximity, but be thrown ofT his guard. 21. 
But Asidates, hearing tliat Xenophon had again sacrificed with 
a view to an attack upon him, and that he would return 
with all liis strength, went out to encamp in some villages 
lying close under the little town of Parthenium. 22. Here 
Xenophon and his troop came round upon him, and captured 
himself, his wife and children, his horses, and all his property; 
and tlius tlie omens of the first sacrifice were verified. 

23. They then marched back to Pergamus ; and here Xeno- 
plion had no cause to complain of the god ; ' for the Lacedaemo- 
nians, the captains, the rest of the generals, and the soldiers, 
all agreed that he should receive select portions of the spoil, 
consisting of horses, oxen, and other things ; so that he was 
now able even to serve a friend. * 

24, Soon after, Thibron arrived and took charge of the army, 
and, uniting it with the rest of the Greek force, proceeded to 
make war upon Tissaphcrnes and Pharnabazus. 

25. 2 The governors of the king's country, as much of it as 

Caicus. Sec Slraho, xiii. p. 615. Damaratus had been king of 
Snarta, but, havinp; been expelled from liis tlirone by liis colleague 
Cleomenes, had taken refuge with Darius Hystaspos, by whom lie 
was courteously received, and presented witli the cities T euthrania 
and Halisarna. See Herod, vi. C7 ; Xen. Hellen. iii. 1. 6. Kuhner. 

' Jupiter Meilichius. See sect. \, 5. Kuhner. 

' This paragraph is pronounced by Kriiger de Authent. p. 7, 
fqq., to be a mere interpolation. His reasons for forming this 
o])iiiion are chiefly these: 1. That Xenophon is made to use the 
first person in it; a circumstance, liowcver, which Kiihner thinks 
of little weight, referring to i. 9. 28, and v. 7. 23, in both which pass- 
ages Xenophon uses the first person. 2. That Cyrus was satrap of 
Lydia and Phrygia before he marciied against liis brother, and tha* 

VOL. I. Vi 


wc went through, were these : of Lydia, Artemas ; of Phrygia, 
Artacaraas ; of Lyciionia and Cappadocia, !Mithridates ; of 
Cilicia, Syennesis ; of Pliocnicia and Arabia, Dcrnes ; of Syria 
and Assyria, Belesys ; of Babylon, Rhoparas ; of Media, 
Arbacas ; of the Phasiani and Hesperitce, Tiribazus ; (the 
Carduchi, the Chalybes, the Clialda^ans, the Macrones, the 
Colchians, the Mossynocci, the Coctaj, and the Tibarcni, were 
independent nations ;) of Paphlagonia, Corylas ; of the Bithy- 
luans, Pharnabazus ; and of the Thracians in Europe, Sciithes. 
26. Tlie computation of the whole journey, the ascent and 
descent,' was two hundred and fifteen days' march, one thousand 
one hundred and fifty-five parasangs, thirty-four thousand six 
hundred and fifty stadia. The length of time occupied in the 
ascent and descent was one year and three months. 

Tissaphernes succeeded him in the government of them. 3. Tliat 
it is utterly incredible that Phoenicia and Arabia, countries lying at 
such a distance from one another, coidd have formed one satrapy. 
4. That Syria and Assyria were never under the same satrap. 5. 
That if we suppose IlespcritcE to mean the Western Armenians, how 
is it that Xenophon makes no mention of Eastern Armenia, the sa- 
trap of which he had named, iii. 5. 17? C. "Why also does he not 
mention the Taochi and DriUc? 7. What is to be made of the 
Coetrc, who are mentioned neither in the Anabasis nor in any other 
ancient author? 8. That it is ridiculous to rank Seuthes among the 
king of Persia's satraps. These reasons appear sufficient to convince 
most readers of the spuriousness of the paragraph. Dindorf, how- 
ever, allows it to stand without any mark of disapprobation. Kiihncr 
encloses it in brackets. 

' As far as Cotyora; for from Epliesus to Cunaxa are numbered 
(ii. 2. G) 535 parasangs, and 10,050 stadia; and from Cunaxa to 
Cotyora, (v. 5. 4,) 620 parasangs, and IS, GOO stadia. Thus from 
Ephesus to Cotyora the distance was 1155 parasangs, and 34,G50 
stadia. Zeune. But the manuscripts do not all agree with regard t« 
Vhe numbers. Kuhner. See the "Tabular View " subjoined. 






From Sardis to the Maeander 


= 1 


Date. B. c. VA. 




i. 2. 5. 

I'o Colossae 


7 d.ys 


i. 2. G. 

ro Celaense 



20— Apr. 19. 

i. 2. 7. 

To Peltae 




21 — 24. 

i. 2. 10. 

To Ceramorum Forum 



i. 2. 10. 

lo the Plain of Caystrus 



29— May 4. 

i. 2. 11. 

fo Thymbrium 




i. 2. 13. 

To TyricBum 



8 — 11. 

i. 2 14. 

I'o Iconium 




i. 2. 19. 

riirough Lycaonia 



i. 2. 19. 

I'o Dana 




i. 2. 20. 

1 n the Plain 



i. 2. 21. 

riirough the Defiles into C'.licia 




i. 2. 21. 

Stay at Tarsus 



i. 2. 23. 

Trom Tarsus to R. Psarus 



i. 4 1. 

To Pyramus 




To Issus 



2S-July I. 


lo the Gates of Syria 





r. 4. 4. 

To Myriandrus 




i. 4. 6. 

To the river Clialus 



i. 4, 9. 

lo the river Daradax 



i. 4. 10. 

i'o Thapsacus 


3 5 


i. 4. U. 

To the river Ara^'fs 


!) 3 



i. 4. 19. 

I'o Corsote 


5 3 


i. 5.4. 

To Pylse 




i. 5. 5. 

■iiirough Babylonia 




i. 7. 1. 

Day ol the battle at Cuiiaxa 


i. 8. 0. 





To this sum is to be added the march from Ephesus, which is said to have occupied 
three days: see Kriigcr, ed. maj. p. 551. But Xenophon himself (Anab. ii. 2.6) 
states that " the length of the journey from Ephesus in Ionia to the place where the 
battle was fought, was ninety-tliree davs' march, five hundred and thirty-five para- 
sangs,and sixteen thousand and fifty stadia; while from the field of battle to Babylon 
the distance was said to lie three hundred and sixty stadia." Hence it follows, either 
tliat Xenophon has made a mistake in reckoning up the numbers, or that the numbers 
themselves have been corrupted by transcribers. 

As to the dates in this table, the reader may consult KrHger, ed.maj. p. 556; Ains- 
worth, Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greek-i, p. 2-iO, tequ. ; Karl Koch 
Der Zug der Zehntausend nach Xcnophons Anabasis Leipz. 1850, p. 140, seqq 








Date. B. c. 401, «o«. 

licference to 

Day after the battle of Cunaxa 

Sept. 4. 

Oct. 2. 

1 1. 

ii. 2. 8. 
ii. 4.9—12. 
ii. 4. 13. 
ii. 4. 25. 
ii. 4. 27. 
ii. 4. 28. 
ii. 5. 1. 

Junction with Arixus 

23 days 

To the Wall of Media 
To Sitace 


To the river Physcus 
Through Media 


To CancB 

To the river Zabatus 





To some villages not named 
To I.arissa 
To Mespila 


23, 21. [ 


iii. 3. 11. 
lii. 4. I. 
iii. 4. 7. 
iii. 4. 10. 

To some villages not named 
Through the Plain 



.Vov. :i_C. 

iii! 4.' 13— IS. 

lii. 4. IS. 

iii. 4.24. 


iii. 4. 31. 

iii. 5. 13. 

To a palace 

To certain villages 


Into the Plain 

March back 

Througli tlie Carduclii 


! '■ 

At the river Ceiitrites 



iv! 3.' 2. 

iv 4 3 

To th? sources of tlie Tigris 




To the river Teleboas 


!f-5 2 
IV. 5. i. 

Through the Plain 




2s 30. 

To the Euphrates 

Dec. 4 

To the Armenian villa?;es 
When the guide escaped 


' S-15. 

iv. 5. 22, 23. 
iv. G. 3. 

Advance beyond the Phasis 



iv. 6. 4. 

To the mountains of tlie Taoclii 



27, 28. 

iv. G. 5. 

Crossing the mountains 


jv_ (;_ 5 27. 

Through the Taochi 


Jan. 3. B. c. 400. 

iv. 7. 1. 

Through the Chalyl)es 



iv. 7. 15. 

Through the Scythiiii 




To Gymnias 



iv. 7. 19. 

To Mount Theches 


iv! 7." 21.' 
Iv. 8. 1 — 8. 

Through the Macrones 


Through the Colchians 

Feb. 2. 

iv. 8. 8. 

Battle with the Colchians 



iv. 8. 9—19. 

Delay on account of the honey 



iv.' 8.' 20. 

To Trebisond 



8— Mar. 10. 

To Cerasus 


Mar. 13—23. 

V. 3. 2. 

To the borders of the Mossynoeci 


V. 4. 2. 

Through the Mossynaci 
Through the Chaljbes 

Apr. 1! 

v."4.'2— 29. 
V. 5. 1. 

To Cotyora 



3-May 10. 

V. 5. 3. 






So Xenophon (Anab. v. 5. 4) says that " the length of the Journey down the coun- 
try, from the Held of battle near liabylon to Cotyora, was a hundred and twenty-two 
davs' march, si.x hundred and twenty parasangs, and eighteen thousand si-X hundred 
•taidia, occupying eight months," i.e. from September 4th, 401, toMay ISth, 400. The 
voyage from Cotyora to Sinope took two days, May 19th and 20th ; the army stayed at 



Sinope five davs, that is, till May 25th ; and two days after, May 27th, tliey arrived at 
Heraclea. From thence they proceeded to the Harbour of Calpe, situated m BithjTiia, 
or Asiatic Thrace; at the beginning of October they crossed over to Byzantium; and 
during December, 400, and January, 399, they were engaged in the service of the 
Thracian prince Seuthes. Kuhner. 

Xenophon (v. 5. 4) terminates the CatabasU at Cotyora. A summary of the event! 
that took nlace after the Greeks arrived at Cotyora, is subjoined. 

Cotyora. Xenophon tliiiiks of forming a settlement 

here, but is disappointed. 
Xenophon is impeached, and defends 

The army purified. 
Trial of the generals. 
Truce made with Corj-las of Paphlagonia. 
Embarkation of the army. 
Siuope, Arrival at. 

Cheirisophus returns. 
Xenophon offered tlie sole command, 
but declines it in favour of Cheiriso- 
Ucraclea, Voyage to. ... 

The army separates into three divisions- 
Arcadian division in danger ; relieved by 
Port of Calpe. Cheirisophus dies. 

I'harnabazus cuts off five hundred of the 
Greeks, through the rashness of Neon 
Pliarnabazus and his party defeated. 
Clcander, harmost of Byzantium, comes 
to the Greeks. 
Chrysopoll", The Greeks proceed to. 

Anaxibius, the Spartan admiral, lures 
the Greeks out of Asia by promising 
them employment and pay. 
Byzantium. Tliey accordingly cross over to Byzan- 
They find themselves deceived, and 

threaten to pillage Byzantium. 
Four hundred ofthe Greeks sold as slaves 
bv Aristarchus the successor of Olean- 
Ferinthue, Arrival at. 

Xenophon confers with Seuthes. 
The Greeks enter the service of Seuthes, 
(in which they remain two months, vii. 
6. 1.) 
Acts of Seuthes and the Greeks in Thrace, 
(pay withheld, vii. 5.2 & 9 ; paid, vii. 7. 
Selybria. Thibron the Spartan invites them to join 

him in the war in Asia. 
I^mpsacus, Arrival at. 

March through Troas to PergamuS. 

Attack upon Asidates. 

Great spoil taken. 

The Greeks join Thibron. 

V. G. 15, 17. 

V. 7. 1 , teqq. 
V. 7. 35. 
V. 8. 1—26. 
vi. 1. 1. 
vi. 1. 14. 
vi. 1. 15. 

vi. 1.18. 
vi. 2. 16. 
vi. 2. 16. 

vi. 3. 5,secq. 
vi. 4. 11. 

vi. 6. 6. 
vi. 6. 38. 

vii. 1. 7. 
Til. 1. 16. 

vii. 2. 6. 
vii. 2. II. 
vii. 2. 23. 

I vii. 6.1. 
vii. 8. 1. 
vii. 7.8. 
vii. 8. 9. 
vii. 8. 22. 
vii. 8. 24. 

July 1. 

Aug. r. 

Mid winter, 
vU. 6. 24. 




V.A.A., f.B.o.s., v.a.3., »ia 



The zeal and critical acumen of scholars and travellers in- 
numerable, have been devoted to the elucidation of the very re- 
markable journey of the Greeks under Cyrus, from Sardcs, the 
cajiital of Lydia'in Asia Minor, to Babylonia; and the still more 
extraordinary and interesting retreat along the river Tigris by 
Kurdistan and Armenia to the sliores of the Black Sea. 

i'ne survey of the rivers Euplirates and Tigris by the expedition 
under Colonel Chcsncy, gave, however, opportunities for investi- 
gating this very interesting subject, such as had never previously 
presented themselves; and these opportunities may be said to have 
received their complement, by the advantages which were derived 
from a journey in Kurdistan and Armenia, performed in 1840, 
under the auspices of the Kuyal Geographical Society and tlie 
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, by the writer, who, 
upon that occasion, followed the track of the gallant little corjjs, 
through the most intricate and difficult portions of their wander- 
ings. The result of these researclies were first given to the public 
in a little book, published in 1844, entitled "Travels in the Track 
of the Ten Thousand Greeks." 

Since that time, however, further elucidations have rapidly suc- 
ceeded one another, by far the most important of which are con- 
tained in the great work by Colonel Chesncy, " The Expedition 
for the Survey of the llivers Euphrates and Tigris," of which the 
two first volumes only are yet published. These volumes, how- 
ever, comprise all that refers to the expedition of Cyrus, and con- 
tain an immense mass of matter corroborative or corrective of 
what has been before published. 

Tile brilliant discoveries of Layard in Assyria, and the not 
less valuable and important philological researches of Colonel 
Rawlinson, have also, during the lapse of the last ten years, 
brought a Hood of light to bear upon the past history and con- 


ditioii of tne populalions that dwelt upon the banks of the Eu- 
phrates and the Tigris, which are not without their intimate bear- 
ings upon the narrative left to us by the Athenian historian and 

Several classical scholars have also contributed their share of 
new and valuable critical inquiries; among the most important of 
wliicli is a correction made by Professor Maiden, and published in 
the Classical Museum, (No. vii. p. 36, e^ seq.,) of the generally ac- 
cepted version of the passage which occurs in the Anabasis, (iv. G. 
4,) and which has been hitherto read as, "After this they marched 
seven days' marches, at the rate of five parasangs a day, to the 
river Phasis," but which, according to Professor Maiden, must be 
read as alojiff the river Phasis, There is no real ambiguity, Pro- 
fessor Maiden avers, in the meaning of napa in such a context. 

Tlic elfect which such a correction of seven marches has upon 
that portion of the Katabasis which refers to Armenia is consider- 
able. The number of marches between the Euphrates and the 
Phasis or Araxcs, is reduced to seven, or by one-half what was 
previously supposed, and this important correction proportion- 
ately affects the subsequent portion of the route. 

The commentary or exposition now offered to the public is 
therefore just as much a commentary on the "Travels in tie 
Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks," as it is on those works 
which preceded it, and on those inquiries and speculations which 
have been entertained since. It is by no means, however, sup- 
posed to carry the subject out of the domain of further inquiry: 
nuich remains to be done before all the questions connected with 
this most perplexing subject can receive a complete and satisfactory 

Sardes. — Leaving his relatives and friends in charge of the 
governments of Lydia, Phrygia, and Ionia, Cyrus is described as 
commencing his march from Sardes or Sardis in April, displaying, 
as Colonel Chesney remarks, admirable judgment in taking tlie 
more circuitous route along the great plains and through the prin- 
cipal cities of Asia Minor, in preference to that by which Xerxes 
advanced through Cappadocia; since it gave him the support of 
his fleet, by which he could receive supplies and reinforcements 
from time to time, besides having a fair chance of concealing for 
a longer period his bold design. 

The capital of the ancient kingdom of Lydia was situated a 
the foot of Mount Tmolus, in a line plain watered by the river 
Pactolus, of gold-bearing celebrity. It was once a great and flour- 
ishing city, and from its wealth and importance was the object of 
much cupidity and of many sieges. When taken by Cyrus the 
Great, under Croesus, its last king, who has become proverbial for 
hia riches, Sardes was one of the most splendid and opulent cities 
of the East. After their victory over Antiochus it passed to the 


Romans, under whom it rapidly declined in rank and importance. 
In the time of Tiberius it was destroyed by an earthquake, but 
was rebuilt by order of the emperor. 

The inhabitants of Sardes bore an ill repute among the ancients 
for their voluptuous habits of life. Hence, perhaps, the point of 
the phrase in the Apocalyptic message to the city, — " Thou hast a 
few names, even in Sardis, which have not defiled their garments." 
(Rev. iii. 4.) The place that Sardes holds in this message, as one 
of the " seven churches of Asia," is the source of the peculiar in- 
terest with which the Christian reader regards it. 

Successive sieges and earthquakes, and the ravages of Saracens 
and Turks, have reduced this once flourishing city to a heap of 
ruins, presenting, however, many remains of its former splendour. 
"When visited by W. J. Hamilton in 1836, with the exception of a 
few black Yuruk tents, the only habitation was that of a Greek 
miller, who had taken advantage of one of the streams which flow 
past the Acropolis, to turn the wheel of his mill. 

The principal ruin is that of the Acropolis, situated on the top 
of a crumbling hill. The ruin is, however, itself made up of an- 
cient fragments, the walls and 'gateway of the fortress being, ac- 
cording to Hamilton, probably liyzantine, and there being no traces 
of walls of Hellenic construction. Two gigantic Ionic columns, 
with other huge fragments, mark the site of the temple of Cybele. 
There are also remains of a Roman theatre, but the marble seats, 
the proscenium, and scena, are all gone : also of a stadium, the 
northern side of which has been artificially formed by a wall sup- 
ported on arches running along the side of the hill. There are 
also remains of two eai-ly Christian churches, one of which has 
been too hastily concluded by travellers to have been the church 
of Sardis to which allusion is made in the Apocalypse ; but besides 
that the expression can only have referred to the community of 
Christians then established, the nature of the structure shows that 
its date must have been at least posterior to the overthrow of the 
Pagan religion and the destruction of the temples towards the end 
of the fourth century. Many other remains are scattered over the 
area of the ancient town ; amongst which the most remarkable is 
the so-called Gerusia, situated near the western limits of the city, 
partly built of brick and partly of stone, but of a late period ; while 
to the west of these two walls are the mc-vssive marble fragments of 
another building, apparently of much older date. 

A countless number of sepulchral hillocks beyond the Hermus, 
heighten the desolateness of a spot which the multitudes lying 
there once made busy by their living presence and pursuits.* 

* The late Captain Newbold called the attention of the Koyal Asiatic 
Society (see Journal, vol. xiii. p. 88) to the opening of some of the singuhir 
tumuli, which compose the Necropolis of the Lydian kings, more especially 
that of Alyuttcs. It is probable^ he remarked, that their interior will bo 



Maeander.— The direction of Cyrus' in:ach aijpears to have 
been parallel to the Cogamus, and Iiaving made in three davs 
twenty-two parasangs, he arrived at the river Maeander, which he 
passed on a bridge of seven boats, probably above the junction of 
the Lycus. Tlie Maeander was celebrated in classic poetry for its 
tortuousncss, whence our term — meandering. Ovid, in describing 
the Minotaur's labyrinth, compares it with the Maeander. 

As soft Macandcr's wanton current plays, 

When through the Phrygian fields it loosely strays ; 

Backward and forward rolls the dimpled tide, 

Seeming at once two different ways to glide : 

While circling streams their former banks survey, 

And waters past succeeding waters see ; 

Now floating to tlie sea with downward course, 

Now pointing upward to its ancient source. 
It may be remarked here, that considering the stadium and para- 
sang as fragments of tlie earth's true meridional circumference, as 
more particularly developed by Colonel Jervis, the amount admit- 
ted in the Travels in the Track of the Ten Thousand Greeks, was 
G07.6-2977 English feet for the first, 5468.668 English feet for the 

The principle upon which this estimate is founded is this: that 
the Jewish itinerary measure was the Parsah of 3 Bereh ; each 
Bereh of 7| Khebel, or 3000 measures. The Parsah, correspond- 
ing to the Greek Trapafrayya, or the Persian Farsakh, the Bereh to 
the Turkish Bere, and the Khebel, or rope, to the stadium. The 
Jewish Bereh was the 24,000th of the earth's true meridional cir- 
cumference; the fundamental measure, therefore, the 72,000,000lh 
of the meridional circumference, wliich Colonel Jervis having com- 
puted to the ellipticity -jij from a comparative summary of the 
results of the Lapland, British, French, and Indian measurements, 
is J-iXiAio_y^.o_7.^iXiA or 21.8724876 inches English. Now the 
element is to the common element, of all those itinerary measures 
alluded to by Eratosthenes, Cleomcdcs, Posidonius, and othei 
historians and other writers, whether Egyptian, Jewish, Greek, 
Roman, or the earlier Arabian, as 5 to 9,— that is, they were, one 
and all, the 40,000,000th, the Jewish the 72,000,000th, of the 
earth's meridional circumference; and hence the true length of the 
Roman and Greek foot, and cubit, and stadium may be immedi- 
ately inferred. 

For the Jewish Parsah being the eight-thousandth part of the 
circumference, or 24,000 such measr.res above stated, was 546S.66S 
feet English. The Bereh, l-24,000th of the meridional circumfer- 
ence, or 3000 such measures, was 5468.668 feet English. The 
Khebel, or stadium z=: 729.15584 feet English (the side, — i. e. the 

found to correspond with those singular tombs (supposed those of the Polo, 
pides) in the liills near Burnabat, overlooking the Gulf of bmyma. 


Icnglli and breadth, of the greatest pyramid, or tliat of Cheops). 
One-ninth of this was tlie Greek and Roman stadium, 607.iV2V77 
feet English ; the 600th part, the true Greek foot, 12.156 English 
inches ; the G25th part, the true Roman foot, 1 1.6/ English inciies. 
The Greek and Roman cubits respectively 18.2289 and 17.4D97 
English inches. 

Colonel Jervis felt satisfied that these data would serve to clear 
up many difficulties in the writings of Herodotus, Xenophon, 
Strabo, Pliny, Diodorus, Curtius, and others, whose apparent 
discrepancies" he believed to be due rather to our misapprehen- 
sion, than to any obscurity or inaccuracy in those authors. For 
cither we must suppose the earth to have altered in dimension, the 
situation of remarkable places to have changed, or the ancients to 
have been wholly devoid of intelligence ; or we must resort to the 
conclusion that the misapprehension of these difficulties is rather 
to be sought for in our own want of patient consideration. 

Colonel Chesney has proceeded upon a much more latitudina- 
rian system. " The modern farsang or barsakh of Persia," he says 
in his great work, "The Expedition for the Survey of the Rivers 
Euphrates and Tigris," vol. ii. p. 207, "varies according to the 
nature of the ground, from three and a half to four English miles 
per hour; and being always calculated for mules, or good horses, 
under favourable circumstances, it frequently exceeds four miles. 
The ancient parasang appears to have been fixed at thirty stadia, 
which at 202.84 yards would give three geographical miles. But 
this being also a road measure, it no doubt varied as at present, 
and was regulated according to the nature of the country ; and for- 
tunately we have the means of ascertaining this difVerence with 
considerable precision. A line drawn along the map so as to touch 
the river, at short distances, from Thapsacus to the river Araxcs, 
is about one hundred and five miles, which for the fifty parasangs 
of Xenophon, give 2.10 geographical miles each. By the route 
followed from Sardis to Thapsacus, it is eight hundred and fifty- 
three geographical miles, which will give 2.608 geographical miles 
for each of the three hundred and tv.enty-seven parasangs. Again, 
from Thapsacus to the mounds of Muhammad, thirty-six miles 
from Babylon, where, for the sake of water, the route constantly 
follows and almost touches the river Euphrates, it is four hundred 
and twelve geographical miles, thus giving 1.98 geographical miles 
for each of the two hundred and eight parasangs, or 2.294 geogra- 
j)lnoal miles for the mean of i)Oth." 

" This scarcely difiers from the residt obtained by the laborious 
and discriminating geographer, Major Rennell, who, without our 
present advantages, estimated the parasang at 2.25 miles ; which, 
in fact, approaches an average of the whole march of Cyrus. We 
find that the distance from Sardis to Cunaxa, or the mounds of 
l^luhanuiiad, cannot be much under or over 1263 geographical 


miles, making 2.3G4 geographical miles for each of (.he five hun- 
dred and thirty-five parasangs given by Xenophon between those 

" From the preceding calculations," continues Colonel Chesney, 
"it appears that we are warranted in taking the average value of 
the parasang at 2.608 geographical miles throughout the march to 
Tiiapsacus, and at 1.98, or almost two miles, from thence to Cu- 
naxa; but subsequently it is less than two geographical miles. 
The greater speed in the first part of the march, was the natural 
consequence of moving during ihe most favourable season of the 
year, (April and May,) with the additional advantage of i-oads. 
The want of the latter must have been a serious impediment to 
the carriages during the next fortnight; for, although the marches 
were pressing, the heavy-armed men, with their weapons, would 
have been greatly retarded, by the almost insupportable heat of the 
summer months ; in the subsequent retreat, the mountains, the 
rivers, and unknown tracts, as well as the snow on the ground, 
must have caused still greater retardations." This is a view of the 
subject which I have also been obliged to adopt in the present 

CoLOSSAE. — Advancing from the Maeander through Phrygia, 
the army made in one day's march eight parasangs, to Colossae, 
described as being at that time a large city, rich and well inhabit- 
vd. This city had indeed been previously noticed by Herodotus, 
(vii. 30,) as a large city of Phrygia on the Lycus, a tributary to 
the Maeander. Xerxes, on his march to Sardis, v. c. 481, reached 
Colossae after leaving Anaua. Colossae had become a place of 
comparatively little importance in Strabo's time. 

A Christian church was formed here very early, probably by 
Epaphras, consisting of Jews and Gentiles, to whom Paul, who 
docs not appear to have ever visited Colossae in person, addressed 
an Epistle from Rome. Not long after, the town was, together with 
Laodicea and Hierapolis, destroyed by an earthquake. This, ac- 
cording to Eusebius, Mas in the ninth year of Nero; but the 
town must have been immediately rebuilt, for in his twelfth year 
it continued to be named as a flourishing place. In the middle 
ages there arose near it a town called Chonae, and Colossae dis- 
appeai-ed. Chonae was the birth-place of Nicetas Choniates, one 
of the Byzantine historians. 

Arundel (Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 159, c^c.) supposed that the ruins 
at the modern Khonos, which corresponds to Chonae, were also 
the ruins of Colossae, but Hamilton (Res. &c. i. 508) found exten- 
sive ruins of an ancient city about three miles north of Khonos, 
which appear from certain hydrographical peculiarities alluded to 
by Herodotus and Pliny, and' verified by Hamilton, to be undoubt- 
edly the site of Colossae. — From Colossae Cyn;s made in three days' march 


twenty parasangs, to Cclaenae, a city of Phrygia, large, rich, and 
well inhabited, and where was the fortified palace of Xerxes, the 
palace of Cyrus, the hunting park, and the cave of Marsyas. He- 
rodotus speaks of Celaenae in describing the march of Xerxes to 
Sardcs. He says (vii. 26) that the sources of the Maeander are 
here, and those of a stream not less than the Maeander: it is 
named Catarrhactes, and rising in the Agora of Celaenae, flows into 
the Maeander. The Cattan-liactes of Herodotus is clearly the 
Marsyas of Xenophon. Hamilton, who visited the source at a 
j)lace called Decnair or Dinair, describes it as a considcraljle 
stream of water gushing out with great rapidity at the base of a 
rocky cliff. It appeared as if it had formerly risen in the centre 
of a great cavern, and that the surrounding rocks had fallen in 
from the clifl's above. In Livy's description (xxxviii. 13) the 
Maeander rises in the acropolis of Celaenae, and runs through the 
middle of the city ; and the Marsyas, which rises not far from the 
sources of the Maeander, joins the same river. Leake thinks that 
it clearly appears from Strabo that both the rivers (Marsyas and 
Maeander) ran through Celaenae, and that they united in the 
suburb which afterwards became the new city Ajiameia. It did 
not appear to Hamilton that the cliff above the source of the 
Marsyas could be the acropolis of Celaenae, which Alexander con- 
sidered to be impregnable, and came to terms with the inhabitants. 
He supposes that the acropolis may have been further to the 
N. E., a lofty hill about a mile from the ravine of the Marsyas. 

The town of Apamcia Cibotus, which was built by Antiochus 
Rotcr out of the ruins of Celaenae, was positively stated by Strabo 
to lie at the source of the Marsyas. Arundel was the first who 
clearly saw that Apameia must be at Dinair ; and his conclusions 
were confirmed by a Latin inscription which he found record- 
ing the erection of a monument by the merchants residing there. 
Leake has also collected the ancient testimonies as to Apa- 
meia. Hamilton investigated the hydrographic and other fea- 
tures of the place most carefully, and obtained several Greek 
inscriptions from the same neighbourhood. 

Peltae. — From Celaenae Cyrus made in two d;iys' march ten 
parasangs, and arrived at Peltae, a city well inhabited. Pcltac, or 
rather the Pcltenus Campus, has been identified with the plain 
now called Baklan uvah, which is watered by the Maeander. 
Hamilton (ii. 1G3) describes himself as much struck with its level 
extent, and capabilities for manoeuvring cavalry. It may be, he 
says, the plain on which Cyrus reviewed his troops, and celebrated 
martial games after leaving Apameia : * for although he was 
marching to the east, it appears that he did not proceed thither 

• At page 203, vol. ii. of his Researches, &c., Mr. Ilamiltou says he is in- 
clined to place Peltae either in the great plain to the south of Ishakli, or 
tt the foot of the mountains twa uiiles on tks road from Ishakli to Dinair. 


direct; as Xcnophou says that lie passed through Ccramoram 
Agora, a town on the frontiers of Mysia, twenty-two parasangs 
from Apameia, which must have been to the N. N. W. 

Colonel Chcsney (ii. 206) attribntcs these two retrograde marches 
to the necessity of rounding a difilcult portion of the Taurus. 

Hamilton met on this plain burial-grounds with large blocks of 
stone, and broken columns, on one of which he found a mutilated 
inscription; but a whole month, he says, dedicated to the examina- 
tion of the numerous villages and burial-grounds which fdl lliis 
extensive plain, and which increase in number as you advance 
eastwards, would not be too mnch to determine the name and sites 
of the ancient towns which once flourished here. 

Ceramon' or Ceramorum Agora. — After halting three days to 
celebrate the Lupercalian sacrifice, Cyrus advanced twelve j)ara- 
sangs to Ceramon Agora, (the market of the Cramians,) the site of 
which, according to the back distances from Koniyah, would be 
a little east of the actual town of Ushak, but allowing for variation 
in the value of the parasang, at Ushak itself. 

Pliny having noticed a town called Caranae in Phrygia, Cramer 
conjectured that this might be the Ceramon Agora. It has also 
been supposed to be the same as the Caris or Carides of Stephanas, 
but that name corresponds to the Carina of Pliny, or Caria, as it 
perhaps should be read. 

Hamilton (ii. 204) describes Ushak as a place of considerable 
commerce and traffic in the present day; many of the high roads 
of Asia Minor passing through it. He also adds, that to a person 
going to Mysia from Apameia, fCelaenae,) and supposing, as Strabo 
says,' that Mysia extended to (ihiadiz, (Kadi,) Ushak would be the 
last town through which he would pass before entering Mysia, 
from which it is separated by a mountainous and uninhabited 

Plain of Caystrus. — From the market of the Cramians, Cy- 
rus made in three days' march 30 pai-asangs, and arrived at a 
well-peopled city, called the Plain of Caystrus. (Caystri Campus.) 

It lias been previously observed, that the site of the market of 
the Cramians has been determined by back distances, owing to the 
difficulty entailed by Cyrus having deviated from his course at 
Celacnae. Thus the march from Celaenae to Pcltae is 10 para- 
sangs ; from Peltae to Ceramon Agora 12 parasangs; and from 
Ceramon Agora to the Plain of Caystrus, was 30 parasangs. From 
the Plain of Caystrus, Cyrus marched 10 parasangs to Thymbrium, 
then 10 to Tyraeum, and then 20 to Iconium, the last city in 
Phrygia in the direction of his march ; for after leaving Iconium, 
he entered Cappadocia. Iconium is Koniyah, a position well 
known. Celaenae may also be considered as a well-de'.ermined 
position. Now the march of Cyrus from Celacnae to Iconium was 
y2 parasangs. The angle thus obtained drives the site of the mar- 


Ret of the Cramians more or less to the N. W. of Ushak, according 
to the estimate taken of the parasang, 2.G geog. miles according to 
Chesney, 2.455 geog. miles according to Hamilton, or 3 according 
to Colonel Jervis, but I have with others adopted the site of Ushak, 
as the most likely. 

This question has been made the subject of some critical re- 
marks by Mr. Long in the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geo- 
graphy, which I willingly give insertion to here. 

"Two recent attempts," Mr. Long writes, "have been made to 
fix the places between Celaenae and Iconium, one by Mr. Hamil- 
ton, {liescarcJies, ^-c, vol. ii. p. 198,) and another by Mr. Ainsworth 
( Travels in (he Track of the 'Ten Thousand, S,-c., p. 24). The ex- 
amination of these two explanations cannot be made here for want 
of space. But it is impossible to identify with certainty positions 
on a line of road where distances only are given, and we find no 
corresponding names to guide us. Mr. Hamilton supposes that 
the Caystri Campus maybe near the village of Chai Kieai, ' nwX 
near the banks of the Eber Ghieul^n the extensive plain between tiiat 
village and Polybotum.' Ch?j Kieui is in about 38" 40' N. hit." 

" Mr. Ainsworth places the Caystri Campus farther west, at a 
place called Surmeneh, 'a high and arid upland, as its ancient name 
designates,' which is traversed by an insignificant tributary to the 
Eber Gul,^ Mr. Hamilton's Eber Ghieul. The neighbourhood of 
Surmeneh abounds in ancient remains ; but Chai Kieui is an insig- 
nificant place, without ruins." 

" Both ^Ir. Hamilton and ]\Ir. Ainsworth, however, agree in 
fixing the Caystri Campus in the basin of this river, the Eber Ghieul, 
and so far the conclusion may be accepted as probable. But the 
exact site of the place cannot be determined without further evi- 
dence. Cyrus stayed at Caystri Campus five days, and he certainly 
would not stay with his troops five days in a high and arid upland. As 
the plain was called the Plain of Cayster, we may assume that there 
was a river Cayster, where Cyrus halted. One "of Mr. Ainsworth's 
objections to Mr. Hamilton's conclusion is altogether unfounded. 
He says that the plain which Mr. Hamilton chooses as the site of 
the Caystri Campus is 'an extensive plain, but very marshy, 
being in one part occupied by a perpetual and large lake, called 
Eber Gol, and most unlikely at any season of the year to present 
the arid and burnt appearance which could have led the Greeks 
to call it Caustron or Caystrus, the burnt or barren plain.' But 
the ^yord Caystrus could not mean burnt, ai.<d Stephanus is guilty 
of originating this mistake. It means no mo/e a burnt plain here 
than it does when applied to the plain above Ephesus. Both were 
watery places ; one we know to be so, and the other we may with 
great probabihty conclude to be." 

As it appears that I was misled in the reading of Cayster, I j'.n 
not wish to insist upon this special identification in the '' Track of 


the Tevi Thousand Greeks." I may however oe permitted to ob- 
serve, that the identification was not solely founded upon the cir- 
cumstance of Surmanah being a dry upland. It was also founded 
on back distances from Iconium 20 parasangs to Tyriaeum, 10 to 
Thymbrium, and 10 to the plain of Caystrus, or 120 geographical 
miles. Eber GUI, or Ibar Gill, being at a less distance. There is 
a stream of water at Surmanah as well as at Chai Kiui, and 
Xenophon tells us there was also in Cyrus's time a well-peopled 
city. So that it was not because it was an arid plain that it can 
be also shown not to have been a fit place for a delay of five days. 
I may also add that so marshy is the plain of Bulavadin, that the 
road "from the N. W. to that town has to be carried in great part 
over a raised causeway. Hamilton (ii. 177) describes Surmanah 
as " a rich mine of antiquarian treasures," as is also the case with 
Afyum Kara Hissar in the same neighbourhood, which he looks 
upon as the site of ancient Synnada. The same observing traveller 
however makes mention of no ruins at or near Chai Kiui, which 
he also identifies with the Holmi of Strabo. 

Thymbrium. — During a halt of five days on the plain of Cays- 
trus, Cyrus received Epyaxa, the queen of Cilicia ; whose mysteri- 
ous visit and opportune supply of treasure enabled him to appease 
the Greeks by giving them three months' arrears of pay. Ac- 
companied by Epyaxa, he advanced thence, ten parasangs, to 
Thymbrium, on the borders of Lycaonia. 

Estimating the parasang at three geographical miles, I have iden- 
tified Thymbrium with the modern Ishakli, reckoning back from 
Iconium. Even at the reduced estimate of Hamilton, ten parasangs, 
C([ual upon his scale to 24 or 25 geographic miles, measured from 
tlie site of Ilghun, or from the hot baths, brings us beyond Philo- 
melium at Ak-Shahir, and nearly half way between that town and 
the fountain of Ulu Bunar Darbund. ilamilton describes that 
fountain as only four or five miles from Ak-Shahir, whereas I was 
upv/ards of two hours travelling from the one to the other. Colo- 
nel Chesney (ii. 20S) places Thymbrium " at or a little south-east- 
ward of the present town of Ak-Shahir." 

The expression used by Xenophon, ivravda tjv izapa. rijv 6Sbv, 
would certainly appear to denote that he passed the fountain of 
Midas on the road to Tliym.brium, although Spelman translates it 
" Here was a fountain near the road, called the fountain of Midas." 
"There seems, therefore," says Hamilton, (ii. 202,) "every reason 
for placing Thymbrium at the foot of Sultan Tagh, between the 
fountain of Midas and Ak Shchr (Shahir), if indeed it be not an 
an older name for Philomelium itself." There certainly seems, 
however, taking the reduced estimate of the value of the parasang 
adopted by Hamilton and Colonel Chesney, still to remain more 
reasons for approximating the site of Thymbrium to the fountain 
of Midas than to Ak-Shahir, only that towns have mostly sue- 


cecdcd to one another at the same site. The road, it is to be re- 
marked upon this assumption of the value of the parasang, pre- 
sents few difficuUies, and it improves still more on ajiproaching 
Iconium. I can understand the parasang covering little plane 
surface in the passes of Kurdistan or the snows of Armenia, but I 
cannot help feeling, with Colonel Jervis, that to suppose a varying 
estimate of that value on the plains of Asia Minor, argues a great 
want of intelligence on the part of the ancients, and reduces them 
to the semi-barbarous position of the modern Turk and Persian, 
who, reckoning by time and not by distance, leave it impossible, 
without actual investigation, to determine from such data the 
geographical position of places. It is obvious, therefore, in the 
instances of Peltae, Ceramon Agora, Caystri Campus, Thymbrium, 
and Tyriaeum, where we have only distances to go upon, we must 
remain more or less in a state of uncertaint)'' as to their true posi- 
tions. The fountain of Midas helps to throw some additional 
light upon the positioning of Thymbrium, that of Tyriaeum i« 
confirmed by Strabo, and Ushak, as representing the market ot 
the Cramians, remains to the present day a place of considerable 
traffic and commerce, and a place of meeting of high roads. These 
circumstances must be taken into consideration in determining the 
position of the sites noticed by Xenophon between Celaenae and 
Iconium, two known positions. 

Tyriaeum. — Cyrus made in two days' march ten parasangs, 
and arrived at Tyriaeum, a populous town. Hamilton and Colonel 
Chesney, upon the evaluation of distances before alluded to, think 
that Tyriaeum is probably represented by Ilghun. I sought for 
the site at Arkut Khan, but without wishing to put much stress 
upon so indefinite a point. Neither Hamilton nor myself saw 
any remains of ancient times at either Arkut Khan or Ilghun. 
There is this to be said of Ilghun, that there is beyond that town 
a plain much better adapted for the review of the Greek and Bar- 
barian forces described by Xenophon, than at Arkut Khan, where 
the surface of the soil is broken up by slabs of horizontal lime- 
stone. Hamilton also remarks that their identification is confirui- 
ed by Strabo's account of the great road from Ephesus to Mazaca; 
for he clearly places Tyriaeum between Philomelium and Laodicca, 
and near the borders of Lycaonia. Another argument in favour 
of this site is, that Strabo states that Holmi was at the commence- 
ment of Phrygia Paroreius, which would therefore be at the west- 
ern extremity of Sultan Tagh, and he gives the distance from 
Ilolmi to Tyriaeum as rather more than 500 stadia. Now the 
distance from the commencement of the Sultan Tagh to Ilghun is 
55 miles, and from Chai Kiui, which Hamilton identifies with Hol- 
mi, just about .50 miles, or 500 stadia. 

tcoNiUM. — From Tyriaeum Cyrus made in three days march 
twenty parasangs, and came to Iconium, the last city of Phrvgia. 
T 2 


This, as one of the most ancient and remarkable cities of Asia 
Minor, requires httle notice at our hands. Phny calls it urbs cele- 
hcrrima Iconinm. Strabo speaks of it as small but well built. 

When visited by the apostle Paul in a. d. 45, it is described as 
inhabited by a great multitude of Jews and Greeks. (Acts xiv. 1.) 
The most remarkable era in the history of Iconium is that of the 
Seljukian Turks or Tartars, a branch of whom founded a dynasty 
at Koniyah in Karaman, before the rise of the Osmanli Turks. 

Modern Koniyah is still a large town, the seat of a pasha, and 
of a Greek metropolitan, and it contains many interesting relics 
of olden times. Among the most remarkable of which is the 
mosque built by Sultan Aladin, the mausoleum of Hazrit Mavlana, 
tlie founder of the Mavlani darvishes or dervishes, the old Turkish 
prison, and the Injami Minareh Jami, "the mosqae with the 
minarets towering to the stars." 

Lycaon'ia. — Froni Iconium, Cyrus made in five days' march 
thirty parasangs through Lycaonia, which being an enemy's 
country, he gave the Greeks leave to plunder it. From hence "he 
sent the Cilician queen into Cilicia the shortest way. Now as the 
next place reached by Cyrus — Dana — is a well-known site, we 
have only to mark off thirty parasangs from Iconium and twenty- 
five to Dana on the map, and the point of intersection will be the 
spot where Cyrus parted with the queen of Cilicia. 

This spot may therefore, if Cyrus kept a northern road, have 
been at or near the now small town of Kara Bunar, " the Black 
Spring ;" or if gallantry led him to take a southerly route, the part- 
ing may have taken place at or near Tchurla or Churla, north of 
Karaman, near which Hamilton found many ruins of ancient sites, 
notoriously those of Lystra and Derbe, whither Paul and Barna- 
bas fied after their expulsion from Iconium. I am most inclined 
to the latter view of the case. 

From this point Epyaxa returned to her husband Syennesis, 
the king of Cilicia, across the Taurus by Kizil Chasmah, Alan 
Biizuk, Mazatli, Soli or Pompeiopolis, and onward to Tarsus. 

Colonel Chcsney remarks upon this incident in the march of 
Cyrus, that it may be inferred from what subsequently passed in 
Cilicia, that the object of this remarkable mission and the timely 
supply of treasure, was to induce Cyrus to take another route, that 
Syennesis might not be embroiled with Artaxerxes, by permitting 
tlie march through his territory ; and it is not improbable that, 
from hQT j^eculiar intimacy with the prince, the queen believed she 
had been successful. Cyrus, however, availed himself of her re- 
turn, to send a body of Greeks under Menon, nominally as a guard 
of honour, but in reality to turn the Cilician Gates, the only pass 
which was practicable for an army through this part of Taurus. 
Two companies, amounting to one hundred heavy-armed men, 
were lost in this undertaking, and the rest, arriving before the 


main body of the army, and resenting the loss of their companions 
plundered both the city of Tarsus and the palace that stood there 

Dana. — Cyrus, with the rest of his army, moved on through 
Cappadocia, and, in four days' march, made five and twenty para- 
sanirs to Dana, a large and rich city, well inhabited. 

1 rana was well known to all antiquity, not only as the residence 
of Apollonius and the site of a temple of the Asbamaean Jupiter, 
but also as the town nearest to the Cilician Gates. Strabo says 
it was also called Eusebia ad Taurum, and that it was built on a 
mound raised by Semiramis, or called Semiramis, probably a heap 
of Assyrian ruins. Cellarius argued that Aava Mas a contraction 
!nade by the copyists for Tvava, and the correction thus made has 
been strengthened by subsequent inquiry. 

Thus Hamilton was enabled to identify the ruins at the site now 
called Kiz Hissar, " Girls Castle," or Kills Hissar, " Castle of the 
Church," with Tyana, by the existence there of a small lake or 
pool which presents the peculiar phenomenon ascribed to the 
fountain of Asmabaeus sacred to Jupiter by Ammianus Marcelli- 
nus, of never overflowing its banks, and of bubbling up like a 
boiling cauldron as r'escribed by Philostratus. (Jits. ii. 303.) An 
identification which is further confirmed by the mound on which 
the ruins stand. 

The site of Tynna being then determined, the distance from 
Iconium, the situation of tlie town at the entrance of the pass of 
Taurus, and its olden celebrity, point it out as the Dana of Xeno- 
phon, or as Cellarius more probably opines, that Dana was a mis- 
cript for Tyana. 

Cilician Gates. — Cyrus is described as preparing at Dana to 
penetrate into Cilicia ; the entrance was broad enough for a cha- 
riot to pass, very steep, and inaccessible to an army if there had 
been any opposition ; and Syennesis was said to have possessed 
himself of the eminences, in order to guard the pass ; for which rea- 
son, Cyrus stayed one day in the plain. The day after, news was 
brought by a messenger that Syennesis had quitted the eminences, 
upon information that both ^fenon's army were in Cilicia, within 
the mountains, and also that Tamos was sailing round from Ionia 
to CiHcia with the galleys that belonged to the Lacedaemonians and 
to Cyrus, who immediately marched up to the mountains without 
opposition, and made himself master of the tents, in which the 
Cilicians lay to oppose his passage. 

The Cilician Gates, called by the Turks in the present day, 
Kulak Bughaz, constitute perhaps one of the most remarkable 
and picturesque mountain-passes in the world. Colonel Chesney 
adds to this, (ii. 210,) that it is one of the loncjest and most difli- 
cult passes in the world. 

The road through the pass ascends more or less across a wild 
country from Harakli to Kulu Kushla, a distance of about 28 

278 coMMF.NTAnr ojf 

miles, and up lo which point the rivulets are tributary to the. Ak 
Giili, or white lakes, the outlet of which may be justly suspected lo 
be a subterranean channel, having a cavernous exit towards the 
plain of Adana, 

Beyond Kulu Kushla, or " place of winds," the road descends 
by a narrow glen into the valley of a tributary to the Sihun or Sa- 
ms. This valley is wooded, and bordered by precipitous clilTs. 
At a place called Shiftla Khan, some nine or ten miles beyond 
Kulu Kushla, two valleys meet to form a third, which is an open, 
wooded, pleasant vale, that leads through the very heart of tlie 
Bulghar Tagh. 

The road leaves this picturesque valley at a distance of eight or 
nine miles, to ascend in a south-westerly direction, an open valley 
bearing a small tributary to the Sihun, which is left behind flow- 
ing to the south-east, till an upland is reached, where the celebrated 
defences of the Egyptians were situated. Immediately beyond 
this, a rivulet, flowing in a southerly direction, leads to a pass in 
the mountains so narrow as to be just broad enough, as Xenophon 
describes it, for a chariot to pass — if disencumbered of fallen rocks. 
This pass is the true Kulak Bughaz ; high precipitous cliffs tower 
up on both sides; on the summit of one of which are the remains 
of a castle with round towers, and a tablet, which once bore an in- 
scription, is still to be seen on the face of a large mass of detached 
rock that lies in the rivulet. Beyond this, two roads lead, one 
over hills by I^Iizarluk, " the place of graves," chiefly sepulchral 
grottoes, to Tarsus; the other along open winding wooded vales, 
and at first rocky, then low rounded undulating hills, to the great 
plain of Adana, which is but slightly elevated above the level of 
the waters of the jNIediterranean. 

Plains of Cilicia. — Cyrus is described by his historian as de- 
scending from the mountains into a large and beautiful plain, well 
watered, and full of all sorts of trees and vines ; abounding in 
sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and barley. 

The plain of Adana, as it is now called, is still remarkable for 
its beauty and fertility. Portions, especially in the upper parts 
and around Anazarba, are merely meadow land, or covered with 
greensward, Avith, in the least watered portions, a good deal of 
mimosa, and here and there a lonely dark-leaved carob-trce, a 
great feature in the scenery. But a considerable portion of the 
plain is cultivated, furnishing sesame, panic, millet, wheat, and 
barley, as in olden time, as also rice, cotton, and sugar-cane, since 
introduced. Near Tarsus, or the valley of the Cydnus, there is a 
good deal of wood, and at Adana a few date-trees speak volumes 
of a change of chmate. The flocks of small bustards and the 
numerous gazelles impart another peculiar feature to the plain, as 
do also its rocky castle-bearing knolls in another direction. 

This plain is described by Xenophon as surrounded by a strong 


and high ridge of hills. It is, indeed, as well as the Bay of Issus, 
or Gulf of Alexandretta, perfectly enclosed by Taurus to the west 
and north, Amanus to the east, and Rhosus to the south. 

Tarsus. — Cyrus having left the mountains, he advanced through 
the plain, and having made five and twenty parasangs in four days' 
march, arrived at Tarsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia, where 
stood the palace of Syennesis, king of Cilicia ; having the river 
Cydnus running through the middle of it, which river is two hun- 
dred feet in breadth. 

Tarsus is a city of such great antiquity that its origin is involved 
in lable. While Scripture historians affirm that the sons of Tar- 
shish, the great-grandson of Noah, settled on this coast, classic 
mythology insists that Tarsus was built by Perseus son of Jupiter 
by Danac. Hypaclieans, according to Herodotus ; a colony of Ar- 
gives, according to others ; it is certain that it was a city favoured 
by the Assyrians. 

Grotefend states that after Shalmaneser, king of Assyria, had 
reigned twenty-five years, he extended his conquests over Asia 
Minor, and took up his abode in the city of Tanakan, a strong 
place in Etlak, by which, perhaps, Tarsus in Cilicia is meant, 
of the building of which by Sennacherib a fabulous account is 
given by Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus in the Armenian 
version of Eusebius. After he had introduced into that place the 
worship of Astarte or Nisroch, and received tribute, he reduced the 
neignbouring provinces to subjection, and appointed Akharrizadon, 
or Assarhuddon, as king over them. This is one of the triumphs 
supposed to be alluded to in the celebrated ob>e!:3k of Nimrud or 
Athur. No traces exist of the statue described by Arrian as com- 
memorating the building of this city and Anchiale by Sardanapa- 
lus in one day. 

No contribution to the history of Tarsus has been so rich in re- 
sults as the publication of the "Lares and Penates" of Cilicia from 
terra cottas discovered on the spot by Mr. William Burckhardt 
Barker. We have among these, evidences of Assyrian mythology, 
in the presence of the Assyrian Perseus, Sandon or Hercules, 
(Dayyad the Hunter, and the same as Nimrod,) the Assyrian 
Bellerophon and Pegasus, and horses of the sun. We have evi- 
dences of Egyptian mythology in representations of Isis, Osiris, 
Horus, Anubis, and Phre the Hawk— the Egyptian sun. With 
these we have, as might be anticipated, a whole host of illustrations 
of the mythology of Syria and Phoenicia, of Lesser Asia, Greece, 
and Rome. Tarsus was a well-known and distinguished seat of 
Greek philosophy and literature, and from the number of its schools 
and learned men, was ranked by the side of Athens and Alexan- 
dria. {Strabo, xiv. pp. 673, G74.) 

To the Christian, Tarsus derives its greatest Interest from being 
the birth-place of the apostle Paul. Augustus made Tarsus free 

28U C0M5IENTAlli' ON 

This seems to have iniphed the privilege of being governed by its 
own laws and magistrates, with freedom from tribute, but did not 
confer the jus coloniarnm, nor the ./»s civitatis : and it was nof 
therefore, as usually supposed, on this account that Paul enjoyed 
llie privilege of Roman citizenship. Tarsus, indeed, eventually 
did become a Roman colony, which gave to the inhabitants this 
jirivilege; but this was not till long after the time of Paul. We 
thus find that the Roman tribune at Jerusalem ordered Paul to be 
scourged, though he knew he was a native of Tarsus, but desisted 
on learning that he was a Roman citizen. (Acts ix. II ; xxi. 39; 
xxii. 24, 27.) 

In the time of Abulfeda, that is, towards the end of the thir- 
teenth and beginning of the fourteenth century, Tarsuswas still 
large and surrounded by a double wall, and it was chiefly inhabited 
by Armenian Christians. 

" Tarsus has always been a city of considerable commercial im- 
portance. Albcrtus Aquensis speaks of three thousand ships sail- 
ing from the port of Tarsus, and even in the present day a much 
greater extent might be given to the commerce and the mercantile 
and agricultural resources of the place. 

Cydnus. — The river Cydnus which flows through Tarsus, de- 
riving its waters from the snows of Taurus at no very great distance 
from the city itself, are extremely cold, and bear an evil repute 
since the days of Alexander the Great. Malaria prevails however 
to a great extent in the city, quite independent of any more im- 
mediate contact with its waters. 

Castle of Nimrud. — Tarsus is described by Xenophon as 
abandoned by its inhabitants, who, with Syennesis, fled to a fast- 
ness upon the mountains, those only excepted who kept the public- 
liouses. The fastness here alluded to has been identified with the 
castle of Nimrud in the adjacent mountains, partly on account of 
its antiquity, partly because no other likely place is known. The 
castle of Nimrud has not however been visited by any competent 

Soli.— The inhabitants of SoUand Issus,who lived near the sea, 
did not quit their habitations. Issus will be noticed in due course. 
Soli was a colony, according to Pomponius Mela and others, found- 
ed by the Argivcs and Rhodians ; but according to Diogenes Laer- 
tius, by Solon, who founded there a colony of Athenians, who 
gradually corrupting their own language, gave origin to the term 

This city was afterwards put under contribution by Alexander 
and devastated by Tigranes, and Pompey confined to the same 
locality the pirates who troubled the neighbouring seas, and gave 
the place his own name — Pompeiopolis. 

The ruins of the ancient city still exist near a place now called 
Aski Shahir, "the old city," near Mazatli on the coast. They 


have been minutely described by Admiral Sir Francis Heaufort in 
his Karamania (pp. 246 — 259, et scq.). Many additions have 
been made to these descriptions in Mr. W. B. Barker's work be- 
fore alluded to, ^' Lares and Penates ; or, Cilicia and its Gurernurs" 
(p. 130 et seq.). A plan and description of the ruins by Captain 
i'rissick are also to be found, in Dr. Holt Yates' " 3Io'dern JIU- 
tori/ and Condition of Egypt." 

River Psarus. — Cyrus is described as making from Tarsus, 
in two days' march, ten parasangs to the river Psarus, which 
therefore corresponds to the river of Adana, now called Sihun, or 
Saihun. to distinguish it from its neighbour the Pyramus, called 
Jihun, or Jaihun, just as the Oxus or Amu of the Turks and 
Tartars is called Jihun to distinguish it from the Jaxartes, Sir 
Uarah, or head valley, of the Turks, the Sihun of the Arabs. Jihun 
is the Arabic corruption for the Hebrew Gihon, the name of one 
of the rivers of Paradise. 

This river is, by my own admeasurements, three hundred and 
twenty-five feet wide at Adana. My idea of the distance by road 
from Tarsus to Adana corresponds more closely to the evaluation 
of 3 geographical miles to the parasang than of 'Ih miles. Colonel 
Chesney (ii. 210) himself says it is rather more than twenty-nine 
miles between the two places. 

River Pyramus. — From the Psarus, Cyrus made, in one day's 
march, five parasangs to the river Pyramus, which was a stadium 
in width. The distance here between two well-established points 
is also at the rate of 3 geographical miles to the parasang. From 
whatever point the Greeks crossed the Sihun there would be 15 

Geographical miles of nearly level plain to reach the Jihun or 
ainun, as the Pyramus is now called. 

" The width given by Xenophon," says " Colonel Chesney, indi- 
cates that the passage of the Psarus was efTected somewhere about 
the place now occupied by the city of Adana, and that of the Pyra- 
mus in the vicinity of the present town of Mallus or Misis; and 
neither of the rivers being fordable, it may be presumed that they 
were, as in the case of the Maeander, crossed on some kind of tem- 
porary bridge." 

Issi, or Issus — From the river Pyramus Cyrus advanced in 
two days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to Issi, the last 
city in Cilicia, situate upon the sea-coast, a populous, large, and 
rich place. 

We are here placed in the dilemma of diminishing the value of 
the parasang, over a country presenting no particular difficulties, 
or of supposing, as I have done in the " Travels in the Track," &c., 
that Cyrus forded the river in its lower parts, and at a time when 
its embouchure was at Kara Tash. This would have taken them 
across the plain of Ayas, ancient Campus Aliens, by which Philotaa, 


as recorded by Arrian, led the horse, on tlie occasion of the ad- 
vance of the Macedonians under Alexander the Great, and which 
would give forty-five miles between the Pyramus and Issus, whilst 
from I\Iisis there is only thirty-three or thirty-four miles. I do 
not wish however to lay particular stress upon this view of the 
case, especially since all other commentators now agree in vaiying 
the value of the parasang according to the nature of the ground, 
and there are on the road from Misis to Issus two ranges of hills 
to cross. The first the Jibal an Nur,or mountain of light, presents 
a little pass that would present obstacles to chariots; the second 
also presents a narrow pass, where is the ancient Cyclopean arch, 
called the Iron gate, or the Black gate, and which corresponds to 
the Amanian gates with a station, (the latter represented by the ruins 
at Matakh,) and a further detour is occasioned by the marshes at the 
end of the plain, on which are situated the ruins of Epiphanea, 
originally called Oeniandos and Castabala. These two sites are 
determined from the distances given in the Antonine Itinerary, 
and the Theodosian Tables. The latterplace, Epiphanea, 30 M. P. 
from Anazarbas, and the same distance from Alexandria ad Issum, 
now Iskandarun or Alexandretta. 

The positioning of Issus gave much more trouble, and involved 
the careful discussion of the historians of Alexander as compared 
with Cicero and other accessible authorities. All the circum- 
stances of the case pointed however tolerably satisfactorily to a 
great extent of ruins scattered over the plain, north of the Dali- 
chai, or mad river, as the Pinarus is now called. The only 
point not satisfactorily cleared up was the position of the altars of 
Alexander. It has been suggested that these may be the ruin 
called Jonas' Pillars, a point which Alexander had reached before 
he heard that Darius had crossed the Amanus in his rear, and 
from whence he returned to engage in the battle of Issus, so fatal 
to the Persian hosts. Quintus Curtius said that these altars were 
erected on the banks of the Pinarus, but Pliny describes the 
Bomitae or altars as between Amanus and Rhosus, which would 
point to the locality here suggested. Another difficulty remains 
with regard to Nikopolis, which Stephanus says was a name given 
to Issus after the great battle fought there by the ]\Iacedonians, 
but Strabo and Ptolemy both agree in making it a different place. 

Gates of Cilicia and Syria. — From Issus Cyrus proceeded 
one day's march, five parasangs, to the Gates of Cilicia and Syria. 
" These were two fortresses ; of the part within them, towards 
Cilicia, Syennesis and a guard of Cilicians had the charge ; the 
part without, towards Syria, a garrison of the king's soldiers was 
reported to occupy. Between the two runs a river called Carsus, 
a plethrum m breadth. The whole space between the fortresses 
was three stadia ; and it was impossible to pass it by force ; for the 


passage was very narrow, the walls reached down to the sea, and 
above were inaccessible rocks. At each of the fortresses were 

Dr. Anthon says the common text has KipTog, but the reading 
of the best MSS. is Kaoffog. The Rev. J. T. Macmichael has 
adopted the correction of Psarus for Pharus, but not that of Kar- 
sus for Kersus. There is every reason to believe that this river, 
now called Markaz su, corresponds to the KspaiaQ of Ptolemy, and 
the Crocodilon flumen of Pliny. It was at the foot of that parJ 
of Amanus called Mons Crocodilus. The French annotstors of 
Pliny have suggested an identity between a Syriac word analogous 
to Kersus, and the Egyptian Kamses, a crocodile, hence Kersus or 
Karsus would be the same as the Crocodilon flumen. 

The Gates of Cilicia and Syria occur at a point where the Ama- 
nus approaches most closely to the sea-shore. Coming from the 
north, we have the Markaz su, or Karsus, which flows from a gap 
in the rocks, between high perpendicular precipices, past the mo- 
dern village of Markaz, and then divides into two branches, one of 
which goes nearly directly to tlie sea; the other, after losing itself 
in a marshy lagune, finds its exit into the sea at a distance of about 
a mile and a half north of the direct branch. This first or northerly 
stream is passed by a bridge, and a little distance farther south 
are ruins on the shore of the termination of a wall with a gate. 
At a distance of about six hundred yards, corresponding to the 
three stadia of Xenophon, are the more perfect ruins of a wall, 
which can be traced amid a dense shrubbery, from the mountains 
down to the sea-shore, where it terminates in a round tower. 

A little beyond to the right, and on the slope of the hills, is a 
Saracenic castle, noticed under the same name of Markaz in the 
Mecca Itinerary, published by the Geographical Society of Paris. 
From this castle the rocks advance directly to the shore, leaving a 
narrow pass over which a paved road is now carried, and upon 
which stancb the ruined gateway called Jonas' Pillars, or Sakal 
Tutan, " Beard-catcher," an Oriental expression for a diflicult pass. 

Colonel Chesney remarks that " the Markaz or McrKez su, anci- 
ent Karsus, determines the sites of the so-called gates or fortresses, 
which were erected to defend the ground; the one being in Cilicia, 
and the other in Syria, the river flowing between them." 

When we consider the important events of which these gates 
were the scene, in the time of Cyrus the younger, as also in that 
of Alexander the Great ; the mystical name of the river, which 
associates it with ancient crocodile worship, and the Axio-Kersian 
or Samo-Thracian mysteries, and the ruined edifice correspond- 
ing to the Bomitae of Pliny, all domineered over by the castle of 
Saracenic times, it \vould be difficult to imagine a more interesting 
mass of ruins, both in a classical and arch.-Eological point of view, 


grouped together m so small a compass. Nor is tlie scene so re- 
plete with historical associations wanting in picturesque acces- 

Myriandrus. — Cyrus is described as proceeding from the Gates 
of Cilicia and Syria, through Syria, one day's march, five parasangs, 
to Myriandrus, a city near the sea, inhabited by Phoenicians : this 
place was a public mart, and many merchant-vessels lay at anchor 

The site of Myriandrus has not yet been satisfactorily deter- 
mined. According to the distances given by Xenophon of five 
parasangs from the Gates of Cilicia and Syria, it would be, if on 
the sea-shore, either some way beyond Alexandretta on the way to 
Arsus, or if the sea, as was probably the case, extended further in- 
land at that time, and occupied the now pestilent marshes of 
Alexandretta, beyond Godefroy de Bouillon's Castle; at the foot 
of the hills near Jacob or Joseph's well, where Rennell sought for 
the site in question, or a little beyond that, and nearer to the foot 
of the pass of Baylan. It is evident that Myriandrus and the 
town subsequently named after the Macedonian hero, were not the 
same, for Strabo mentions both, and in the following succession : 
Rhosus (Arsus), Myriandrus, and Alexandria. The ruins may per- 
chance yet be found in the wooded country that lies between Alex- 
andretta and Rhosus, at or near the coast, about opposite the 
entrance of the pass of Baylan. This is a region which has not 
yet been satisfactorily explored. 

River Chalus. — Cyrus proceeded four days' march, a distance 
of twenty parasangs, to the river Chalus, which was a plethrum in 
breadth, and full of large tame fish, which the Syrians looked upon 
as gods, and allowed no one to hurt either them or the pigeons. 

This is a long journey, of from 50 to GO miles, in which several 
objects of interest are passed over without an observation. Among 
the first of these is the pass between Amanus and Rhosus, the true 
Svrian Gates, in which are situated vestiges of the strong town 
called Pinara by Pliny and Ptolemy, and by corruption E ran a by 
Cicero, who describes it as being in the mountain above the region 
in which the altars of Alexander were situated— another proof that 
the " Bomitae" were at the foot of Amanus and Rhosus, and not, 
as Quintus Curtius relates, on the banks of the Pinarus. 

Pinara was the Pictanus of the Jerusalem Itinerary, and it is 
now represented by the town of Baylan, whose mosque was built, 
according to the Mecca Itinerary, by Sultan Selim, and the Khan 
by Sultan Sulaiman the Magnificent. There are also remains of 
a causeway, of an aqueduct, and of a bridge. 

Eeyond the Syrian Gates was Pagras or Pangrios, represented 
apparently by the castle of Ibn Abu Daud; and at the foot of the 
mountains, tlie great plain watered bv three diflerent rivers, the 


Karasu, the Aswad, and the Afrin, corresponding to the Labotas, 
the Aenoporas, and Arceuthus of the Romans, and in the centre of 
which is the great expanse of the lake of Antioch. 

The silence of Xenophon with regard to this mountain-pass, 
the rivers and lake of the plain of Antioch, and the rocky region 
beyond, now called St. Simon or Shaikh Barakat, has given origin 
to various surmises on the part of commentators on the Anabasis. 
Rennell has supposed, in consequence of this silence and that of 
Strabo, that the lake did not exist at that time; and Forster, in 
his Geographical Dissertation, has made this one of the grounds 
for S'upposing that Xenophon kept no journal, or at least no regu- 
lar one, of the expedition, but that he drew it up a great many 
years afterwards. I think it more likely, from the general charac- 
ter of the work, that something occurred, sickness or despondency, 
and the latter miglit naturally have been brought about by the 
clandestine departure of Xenias and Pasion, to distract the atten- 
tion of our historian or to make him disinclined to write. Con- 
trast, for example, the indifTercnce of the present moment, with 
the energy displayed and the minuteness of description indulged 
in when Xenophon became a leader in the passes of Kurdistan. 

A tributary to the river Sajur having been found during the 
survey of northern Syria by the Euphrates Expedition, to still 
preserve the name of Bahik or Baluklu su, "Fish River," Colonel 
Chesney makes Cyrus march in a north-easterly direction, over 
a vcrj' difficult country, to that insignificant rivulet, to turn almost 
back again in a direction south, a little west, to the Chalib or Ku- 
wait—the river of Aleppo, at the point where a large group of 
tells,* or mounds of ruin, give evidence of the existence of a once 
prosperous and flourishing community. 

I do not, however, see any reason for changing the opinion I 
had adopted in common with other geographers, that the Chalib 
or Kuwait represents the Chalus of Xenophon. The direct dis- 
tance is perhaps not sufficient, but the difficulties of the road pre- 
sented by the pass of Baylan, the marshy plain of Antioch, and 
the necessity of turning northwards up the valley of the Afrin, to 
avoid the rocky deserts of Shaikh Barakat, give in detail a distance 
between the Mediterranean and the river Chalib of at least sixty 
geographical miles, or of three miles to a parasang. 

Notwithstanding a statement of Rauwolf's, that fish were scarce 
in the market of Aleppo, I stated as the results of mv own observ- 
ation in the Travels in the Track, &c., that the Chalib abounded 
in fish, and I have since found in Dr. Russell's Natural Historv of 
Aleppo, 1794, vol. ii. p. 207, that not only do fish abound in "the 
Chalib, but that there is a fountain called Hailan, a Syriac word 
signifying "the powerful," (see my Travels and Researches in 

* Tel or Tell of the Arabians, Tuppah, vulgo Teppeh, of the Turks, 
Thupo in Pali, Stupa in Sanscrit, vulgo Topes in India. 


Asia Minor, Mesopotamia, &c. vol. ii. p. 101,) where, as in the 
fountain of IBirkatal Ibrahim or Abraham, the beloved, at Urfah, 
of Mambij ancient Hierapolis, at the tomb of Daniyali Akbar, 
" the greater Daniel," (see Eawlinson in Journal Roy, Geo. Soc, 
vol. ix, p. 83,) and elsewhere, fish are still, or were till lately, pre- 
served unmolested, and therefore more or less reverenced or sacred 
in the eyes of the true believers. 

Dr. Russell says, " From what I had cursorily remarked m the 
markets, or at the tables of the inhabitants, and from the appear- 
ance of the Kowick (Kuwait), I hardly expected to find so great a 
variety of fish in that river; but, upon examination, it was found 
to produce seventeen species, and amongst those, some hitherto 

"To the assiduity of the fishermen, which is restrained to no 
particular season, and exercised with little discretion, may be 
partly ascribed the small size of the fish in general ; for at Heylan 
(Hailan), and the fountain of fishes, where they are suffered to re- 
main unmolested, they grow considerably larger." 

It is almost needless to remark, that this superstitious reverence 
for fish is a remnant of the Assyrian and Syro- Arabian worship of 
fish gods. Berosus (see Cory's Ancient Fragments, p. 22 and 31) 
makes Cannes the first and Odakon the last of these. Selden (De 
Diis Si/ris, p. 265) is persuaded that this Odakon is the Philistine 
god Dagon. The further resemblance between Dagon and Atci-- 
gatis or Derketo is so great in other respects, that the same au- 
thority accounts for the only important dillerence between them — of sex — by referring to tl>e androgynous nature of many hea- 
then gods. The Greeks embodied their worship, as usual, into 
their mythology, by a poetic story of the loves of the goddess 
Derketa or Derceta. 

River Daradax, or Dardes. — From the villages of Parysatis 
on the Chains, Cyrus advanced, five days' march, a distance of 
thirty parasangs, to the sources of the river Dardes, which is a 
piethrum in breadth. Here was the palace of Belesys, the governor 
of Syria, and a very large and beautiful garden, containing all 
that the seasons produce. 

Tlie common text has AapaSaKog, but Anthon * gives AapStfTo^ 
with Dindorf, on good MS, authority. Colonel Chesney's view of this 
portion of the progress is, " In advancing first in an easterly di- 
rection along the Baluk-su, then southward by the banks of the 
same stream, and again eastward, quitting the latter when opposite 

* Though Dindoi-f is an authority, Anthon is none. It would be better to 
quote Kiihner, who gives AdpSuTOi, from five MSS. 

Nor can Macinschael (p. 283) be called much of an authority. But i 
might be said tliat Dindorf and Kvihner concur in reading i/^apes : Weisko 
Schneider, and Bornemann have the form ^dpot. 

Ka'p<ros is adopted by Dindorf and Kiihner; Weiske, Schneider, an4 
Bornemann, have the old Kipaot. Translator. 


to the fountain of Bab, near the source of the stream called Dhahab 
or Dabb, it is about sixty-one miles to the last, the presumed Dara- 
dax : and if the windings of the Koweik (Kuwait) be followed in 
the earlier part of the march, it would be seventy or eighty miles 
from the higher part of the Cbalib or Chains, which, as in the time 
of Xenophon, still abounds in fish. The distance (thirty para- 
sangs) given by Xenophon between the rivers Chains and Dara- 
dax, which was accomplished in five marches, agrees with the 
nature of the intervening country ; for whether the windings of 
the upper part of the Koweik were followed, or the stream forded 
two or three times in preference, a fifth march would be requisite, 
as already mentioned." (ii. p. 213.) 

Some difficulties present themselves in accepting this determina- 
tion. In the first place, the distance given would accord better 
with the idea of Cyrus having crossed the Syrian plains from the 
Chains to the Euphrates, notwithstanding Xenophon's silence 
upon the subject. The same silence, or rather passing ov«r all 
notice of the river Euphrates until the army came to Thapsacus- 
is observed throughout, and may have been an inadvertence, for 
the nature of the country would oblige an army to keep along the 
banks of the river; and Colonel Chesney, who identifies the foun- 
tain of Dhahab with that of Dardes, still makes Cyrus, notwith- 
standing the silence of Xenophon upon the subject, join the Eu- 
phrates at Balis. 

The name of the site — Balis — corresponding to the Barbalissus 
or Baroarissus of the Romans, and the ruins existing there, would 
point to that place as the site of the palace of the Persian satrap. 
Then again, at that point there is a great alluvial plain, which to the 
present day abounds in boars and other game, while all beyond, or 
westward, is a dry arid upland, a perfect wilderness, which, how- 
ever, may be modified somewhat by the waters of the Dhabab. 

Lastly, there was a canal, taken from the Euphrates at Balis, 
which might be a hundred feet wide at its origin, as described by 
Xenophon, and which it is difficult to imagine the fountain of Fay, 
as Rennell calls it — al Bab, or Taidilf— could present at its origin. 

There is to be added to all this, that the back distance from 
Thapsacus (Al Hammam) to Balis corresponds precisely with the 
distance given by Xenophon between the palace of Belesis and 
Thapsacus, that is, fifteen parasangs or forty-five miles by the bends 
of the river. Notwithstanding the points in favour of one and the 
other view of the subject, common sense would point to a probable 
visit to the fountain of Dhahab, or Dardes, on the way to the pa- 
lace of Belesis at Bahs. i But so common sense would also point 
to the identity of Bayas, or Baiae, v.ilh Issus, where is a river to 
represent the Pinarus, a plain large enough to fight a battle, witlj- 
out being cut up by deep ruts like the plain of Dali-chai, arfcl 
where the ships could be moored opposite Cyrus' tent, a proceed- 



ing scarcely possible at the mouths of the Dali-chai, only that 
other circumstances do not uphold this hypothesis. 

Thapsacus. — Having wantonly destroyed the palace and park 
of Belesis, Cyrus is described by Xenophon as proceeding, in three 
days' march, a distance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, 
which is there four stadia in breadth, and on which was situ- 
ated a large and rich city, named Thapsacus. Colonel Chesncy 
(ii. 213) describes these as "pressing marches, following and 
constantly touching the Euphrates from Balis," which accords with 
the view previously taken of this portion of the march. 

The distance here given of forty-five miles, corresponds with tiie 
overland distance from Balis to the ford celebrated among the 
Arabs, as that of the Anazah or Badawin. This ford, as such or 
as a bridge, was used for the passage alike of Persian, Greek, and 
Roman armies, and more lately of Arabs, Tartars, and Turks. 
Xerxes, who, according to Herodotus, crossed the Hellespont by 
a bridge of boats, in which one was tied to the other, had con- 
structed a similar one at Thapsacus, but this was destroyed by 
Abrocomas on the approach of Cyrus. Alexander dragged over 
the boats necessary for the passage of the river from the Medi- 

The remains of a paved causeway are still to be observed on 
both banks of the river, which is here eight hundred yards, or four 
stadia, in width. This causeway is marked in the Augustan and 
Theodosian Tables as part of a road carried by Palmyra to Ba- 
bylonia, as also northwards to Carrhae, Edessa, and to more re- 
mote countries. 

A congregation of mounds, well worthy of archaeological explor- 
ation, are all that remain of the ancient Tiphsah, which was taken 
possession of by Solomon, probably in connexion with the series 
of operations (of which the building or fortification of Tadmor 
was one) adopted by him for the purpose of drawing the Eastern 
trade into his own dominions. Tiphsah became afterwards Thap- 
sacus, both signifying the same thing, " thi ford." The same 
place is called Sura by Pliny and by Ptol,;my, and this was its 
name in medieval times, for it is called in tl:e Ecclesiastical notices 
of the Lower Empire, Flavia firma Sura. It was also, according 
to Stephanus, called Turmeda by the Syrians, and Amphipolis 
under the successors of Alexander. The ruins are now called Su- 

Rennell and D'Anville were induced from the supposed exist- 
ence of a ford or pass of the Euphrates at Dair, " the monastery," 
and in ignorance of the existence of this ford, to identify Tliapsa- 
cus with that little Arabic town, which is built upon a vast mound 
of ruin — the remains of some site of antiquity. But it is two hun- 
dred and eleven miles by the river from Balis to Dair, and to get 
over this difiiculty, these two distinguished geographers were 


obliged to suppose that Xenophon had, by an oversight, misplaced 
the distances of Belesis to Thapsacus, (fifteen parasangs,) and from 
Thapsacus to the Araxes — Xenophon's name for the Khabur — 
(fifteen parasangs,) and that it should have been fifty parasangs 
from Balis to Thapsacus, and fifteen from Thapsacus to the 
Araxes. It is satisfactory to find by the true determination of the 
position of Thapsacus at fifteen jjarasangs from Balis, that tliere 
is no necessity whatsoever for this violation of the accuracy of the 

River Araxf.s — Cyrus having with his army forded the Eii- 

f)hratcs at Thapsacus, the waters rising no higher than the breast ; 
le is described by Xenophon as advancing through Syria, nine 
days' march, a distance of fifty parasangs, to the river Araxes, 
where were a number of villages, stored with corn and wine. 

Having crossed the Euphrates, it is manifest that the country 
the army was marching in was in reality Mesopotamia, but it was 
by no means an uncommon thing for the Romans to describe the 
districts in question sometimes as in Syria, at others in Mesopota- 
mia. Pliny and Strabo both speak of the country lying between 
Thapsacus and the Scenite or nomade Arabs, as Syria. 

Wherefore Xenophon called the river Khabur, Araxes, it is diffi- 
cult to determine. The name was by no means an uncommon one, 
and Strabo, in accordance with the national custom of referring 
foreign names to a Greek origin, connects the word with c'lpdaaut, 
and adds that the Peneus was once called Araxes, on account of its 
liaving separated Ossa from Olympus at the gorge of Tempe.* 

This river was, however, known to antiquity generally by other 
names, approaching more or less to its present a])pellation. Thus, 
it is described in the Old Testament (2 Kings xxiv. 15; Ezek. i. I, 
3; iii. 15,23; x. 15,20) under the name of Chebar, as a river 
of Mesopotamia, upon the banks of which Nebuchadnezzar plant- 
ed a colony of Jews, among whom was the prophet Ezekiel. 

• Rawlinson has shown the prefix Ar, Ara, and Arta, to be of transcend- 
ental use in every single branch of Arian Palicography, with tlie exception of 
tlie Zend. (J-ourn. of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. x. p. 55, and vol. xi. p. 
33, et seq.) Ar, or liar, he suys, signifies mountain, as in Arburz, (El Bur/,) 
Arakadrish, (Aracadres,) Ar Parsin,the mountains of Persia. Bothart long 
ago showed (Phaleg i. 1) that the first syllable in Armenia (Armina in the 
cuneiform) signified in Semitic " a mountain." Burnouf and Lassen lia\ u 
traced Arius (Ariya of the cuneiform) to the root signifying "man." We 
liavc another form in Arabia, the cuneiform Arabaya. Arta, so much useci 
a-s a i)refix to names, as in Artakhshatra, (.A.rtaxerxes,) signifies, according to 
Ilawlinson, a king. There can be little doubt then of "the native origin of 
the name Aras, the Araxes of the Greeks, although there might be some 
doubt if it meant mountain river, or a head or chief river ; assuming the 
prefix Ar to have somewhat the same power as S}-r, Sir, or Sar, used by the 
Turks in Syr Darah, ( Jaxartes,) a.s head valley or river ; and by the Kvird«, 
as head mountain or stream indifferently. Araxes haj been generally sup- 
|.to*ed to be a Greek modification of the Armenian Arasch or Kruschs. 

VCL. I. iJ 


Layard says lliat in the Hebrew text the name is spelt in two dif- 
ferent ways. In Kings we have Khabour. In Ezckiel it is written 
Kebar. So also in the Septnagint it is written Xo/3dp. It is called 
Aboras and Abboras by Strabo, Zosinuis, Animianus, Procopius, 
and others. Ptolemy writes it Khaboras. 

Layard, whilst cavrying on his archa!ological explorations in 
Assyria, having been informed by the Arabs that two colossal idols, 
similar to those at Nimrud, had been laid bare by the waters of 
the Khabur; he repaired to the spot, and was rewarded by the 
discovery of a considerable number of monuments of Assyrian 
times, of which he says, " the Archaic character of the treatment 
and design, the peculiar form of the features, the rude though for- 
cible delineation of the muscles, and the simplicity of the details, 
certainly convey the impression of greater antiquity than any 
monuments hitherto discovered in Assyria Proper." 

The Khabur is a large river having its sources in the Karajah 
Tagil in nortliern Mesopotamia, and receiving in its course down 
wards tributaries from Kuhrasar (Sinna) and Has al Ain (Resaina) 
from the west ; from Masku, Mardin, Dara, Nisibin, (ancient IMyg- 
donius,) Asnawur, and Chil Agha from the east, besides a rivulet 
called Al Hauli or Iloli from the marshes of Khatuniyah in the 
Sinjar. The main branch of the river is by accident omitted 
in the map accompanving Layard's account of his discoveries in 
Nineveh and Babylon.' (l.SrxS.)' 

At the junction of the Khabur ana /he Euphrates, we have on 
the north the ruins of Carchemish of Scripture, called by the Greeks 
Kirkesion, and by the Romans, with whom it was long a frontier 
town, Cercusium. The place is called by the Arabs in the presen; 
day Kirkisiyah, and also from the abundance of ruins, Abu Sarai, 
" the father of palaces." Layard, who did not visit it, says " Abou 
Pscra." Al Wakidi,in his History of the Conquest of Mesopotamia 
by tlie Arabs, calls it Karkisha. 

To the south are the mounds of Kalneh, supposed by Colonel 
Chesnev ^i. 52; 117, W^) to be the site of Calneh, or Chalneh, 
the fourth of Nimrod's cities. (Gen. x. 10.) 

According to the Chaldce version, with which Eusebius and 
Jerome agree, this is the same place that was subsequently called 

Colonel Rawlinson has however, by the aid of those important 
paleographic researches which prf)mise to throw an entirely new 
light on Assyro-Babylonian and Chaldean history and geography, 
discovered the ideograph for Calneh among the inscribed bricks 
of a place called Niiler. (Ann. Report of the Royal Asiatic Society 
vol. XV. p. xix.) He had previously (Jour, of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vo.. 
X. p. 22) identified, as he also said from the evidence of the bricks, 
the same primeval site with the Chaldean ruins of Kalwadha near 


Ar.(bia. — Cyrus advanced from the Khabur through Arabia, 
naving the Euphrates on his right, five days' march through the 
desert, a distance of five parasangs. 

Rawlinson remarks that in tlie cuneiform inscriptions the name 
of Arabia (Arabaya) is sometimes introduced between those of 
Babylon and Assyria, sometimes between Assyria and Egypt; and 
he adds, "I think, therefore, we may suppose' the title to apply to 
"he Mesopotamian Desert, and the basin of the Euphrates, which 
iiave always been inhabited by Arab tribes, rather than to the vast 
Southern Peninsula. The Jews, in the same way, whose geogra- 
pliidal notions were very limited, designated as' Arabia, or the 
country of the Arabs, the region immediately joining Palestine, and 
stretching southwards to the Red Sea." (Journ. of Roy. Asiatic 
Society, vol. xi. p. 38.) 

Thus it was that, in accordance with the views entertained at that 
(jpoch, we find Xenophon describing those regions of Mesopotamia 
which lie north-westward of the Khabur, as Syria; and those to 
the south, as Arabia. The Athenian historian's description of 
the desert is so concise, and so graphic, as to be familiar to every 
one, and, as a consequent penalty, has been often quoted as descrip- 
tive of regions which have little in common with the particular 
territory in question. 

River Mascas and city of Corsote. — Marching through this 
region, Xenophon relates, they came to the river Mascas, the 
brcadtii of which is a plelhrum. Here was a large deserted city, 
of which the name was Corsote, and which was entirely surround- 
ed by the Mascas. 

At a distance of sixty-three miles touching the river curves, or 
of one hundred miles and upwards by the river's winding, a con- 
siderable tract of alluvium is cut ofl' from the main-land, by a 
canal, which drawn from the river at a northerly point, empties 
itself by three different embouchures to the south. Beyond are 
cliffs of marls and gypsum, upon which traces of ruins of older 
time are still to be met. The place is called in the present day 
Irzah or Izrah, and also by corruption Werdi. 

It is not at all improbable from this site being nearly opposite 
to Al Kayim, the Agamana of Ptolemy, where the great desert 
route from Palestine to Babylon first touches the Euphrates, that 
this vvas one of the cities of bondage, where the captive Israelites 
awaited the coming of Ezra, with the glad message that was to 
enable them to return to their own country. In this case the 
Masca would correspond to the Ahava of Scripture. 

The ruins of Corsote of Xenophon would appear to have been 
on the plain, being described as entirely surrounded by the Mas- 
cas, unless we are to understand, as is more probable, that this 
description alludes to the great bend of the river at this point, 
and which is described bv Balbi, who descended the Euiihratcs in 
t -2 


1579, as keeping them from morning to noon in sight of the ruins. 
When Balbi, however, speaks of these ruins as of greater extent 
tlian the city of Cairo, and presenting nothing to view but portions 
of massy walls and lofty towers, we must conclude that he mis- 
took the cliffs and great broken masses of gypsum for fragments 
of ruin. Rauwolf, who travelled in 15/4, also described the penin- 
sula as occupying more than half a day to encompass it. 

Gates of Babylonia. — From Corsote Cyrus proceeded, tliir- 
teen days' march, through the desert, a distance of ninety para- 
sangs, still keeping the Euphrates on the right, and arrived at a 
place called the Gates. 

Colonel Chcsncy is inclined to think, that as it appears by the 
subsequent movements, that the "Gates" were about twenty-four 
miles short of the Median Wall, the pass in question may safely 
be placed about twenty-seven miles below Hit, or nearly opposite 
to the village of Jarrah, from which, by the map, there are about 
one hundred and seventy-five or one hundred and seventy-seven 
geographical miles to represent the ninety parasangs from Coi-sote 
to the Pylae, which at 1.98 each, give 1/8.2 geographical miles. 
(ii. 214.) 

The banks of the Euphrates in this part of the route, and more 
particularly in the lower portion, are exceedingly rocky and irre- 
gular, till we arrive at the level alluvial plains of Babylonia. It 
is difficult among these irregular hills to distinguish one place as 
more worthy of being designated as a pass than the other, and I 
had hence been induced by that circumstance, and by a consider- 
ation of the distance travelled, (and which, by supposing the troops 
lo have been compelled to keep to the banks of the river, I had 
given a much greater length to than Colonel Chesney,) to identify 
the Pylae with the pass or descent from the hills u^wn the plain 
of Babylonia itself. 

Rennell, it is to be observed, coincides in this view of the subject, 
as he conjectures that the term pylae refers to the shutting up of 
the river itself between the mountains, which terminate at the 
Bame place on both sides of t!ie river. This termination of the 
hilly country at the level alluvial plain of Babylonia constitutes 
indeed a very remarkable feature in the physical aspect of these 

The Rev. J. F. Macmichael,in his edition of Xenophon, (Appen- 
dix, p. 336,) suggests the conclusion that Pylae was neither city 
(as Larcher surmised) nor mountain defile, "but the ancient pass 
into Babylonia through the Median Wall, at a time when it ex- 
tended — as when entire it must have done — to the Euphrates. 
There is a great deal of plausibility in this suggestion. 

Charmande. — On this long march through the desert, the 
troops are described as passing over on rafts of skins to an opulent 
and extensive city, called Charmande, As no distances are given, 


I was inclined to identify this site with tlie most important posi- 
tion on the right bank of the Euphrates, that occurs within the inter- 
val between Corsote and the " Gates," viz. the city of Iz or Izaneso- 
polis, whose bitumen fountains were visited by Alexander, by 
Trajan, by Severus, and by Julian; but Colonel Chcsney (ii. 214) i'l 
more inclined to seek for the site at some niins, which occur on 
Uie right bank opposite to the island of Jibbah or Jubbah. Tiiis 
IS evidently, at the present moment, a position that is not satisfac- 
torily determined. 

Field of Review in Babylonia.— Cyrus is described as pro- 
ceeding tlirough Babylonia, three days' ma'rch, a distance of twelve 
narasangs ; and at the end of the third day's march, he reviewed 
his army, both Greeks and Barbarians, in' the plain, about mid- 
night ; for he expected that with the ensuing dawn the king would 
come up with his army to offer him battle. 

The spot at which this review took place would, allowing 3 
geo. miles to the parasang, be 36 miles beyond the Pvlae, 32 mTlcs 
south of the Wall of Media, 36 miles north of Cunaxa, and 72 
miles north of Babylon. If we allow only 2.5 geo. miles, or place 
the Pylaj north of the plain of Babylonia, the distances will be 
proportionately diminished. "We have, however, a means of deter- 
mining the positioning of the army of Cyrus on the plain of Baby- 
lonia a little more accurately, from the events recorded in the next 
day's march. 

Trench of Artaxerxes.— Cyrus proceeded from the field of re- 
view on the plain of Babylonia, one day's march, a distance of 
three parasangs, with all his forces, as well Greek as Barbarian, 
drawn up in order of battle; for he expected that on this day the 
king would give him battle ; as about the middle of the day's 
march, there was a deep trench dug; the breadth of it was fi"ve 
fathoms, and the width three. This ditch extended up through the 
plain, to the distance of twelve parasangs, as far as the Wall of 
Media. Here are the canals which are supplied from the river 
Tigris ; there are four of them, each a plethrum in breadth, and 
very deep; boats employed in conveying corn sail along them. 
They discharge themselves into the Euphrates, are distant from 
each other one parasang, and there are bridges over them. Near 
the Euphrates was a narrow passage between the river and the 
trench, about twenty feet in breadth. This trench the Great King 
had made to serve as a defence, when he heard that Cyrus was 
marching against him. By this passage Cjtus and his army made 
their way, and got within the trench. 

If the trench or ditch, here spoken of, had been a canal drawn 
diagonally from the river Tigris, such a canal 36 geo. miles in 
length, starting from the N. E. or Tigris end of the Median Wall, 
would just touch on the maps attached to the Expedition for the 
Survey of the Euphrates and Tigris, the Nahr Isq pr Saklawiya 

294 coMMENTAnr on 

dual at or about the ruins of Sifairali, ancient Sippara. But 
there seems no reason to suppose that it was a canal. Xenophoii 
appears to distinguish this trench or ditch from tlie four canals 
derived from the river Tigris which he describes in the same para- 
graph. Tliis, however, may be open to doubt. In such a situation 
a trench or ditch mignt naturally be supposed to be full of water. 
But whichever may be the case, it is not said that it was drawn 
from the Tigris, but merely that it extended upwards to (he Me- 
dian AVall. Now a distance of 36 geo. miles laid down on the 
Expedition map from a central portion of the Median Wall, would 
carry the trench to the Abu Gharib country, somewhere about 
where the Nahr Malka or Malik has its origin. This would place 
the field of review in the same region, some seven or eight miles to 
the northward, and would lead us to suppose, as would be most 
naturally the case, that the four canals were drawn from the great 
overflow of the Tigris near Accad, called Al Hur, and from the 
Tigris itself between that and Al Ghirarah, in the very line in fact 
of Colonel Chesney's proposed line of communication. All the com- 
mentators on Xenophon have found great difficulty in admitting 
the historian's accuracy in this point, because he differs from other 
authorities, as Herodotus, Diodorus, Arrian, Pliny, and Ammianus, 
hi making the canals flow from the Tigris ; all others describing 
them as flowing from the Euphrates. But this difficulty loses its 
force, when we consider that the alluvial plain between the two 
rivers is so level that it merely requires to alter the diagonal direc- 
tion of a canal to determine which way its waters shall flow, and 
thus the marsh of Al Hur is flooded at one season by the Tigris, 
at another by the Euphrates through the Isa canal. Thus also 
the Isa, Nahr Malik and other canals flow from the Euphrates to 
the Tigris, while the Shat al Hai flows from tka Tigris to the 
Euphrates. It is probable that, at the time of Artaxerxes, the 
usual canals may have also flowed from Euphrates to Tigris, and 
that the four canals of Xenophon described as only 2| or 3 miles 
froi!; one another, were exceptions to the Nile, and drawn from the 
marsh of Accad and the Tigris, above the canals of Babylon itself, 
which may have flowed from the Euphrates to the Tigris. 

Battle-field of Cunaxa. — As the king made no attempt at 
the trench to prevent the passage of Cyrus's army, it was thought 
both by Cyrus and the rest that he had given up the intention of 
fighting ; so that on the day following Cyrus proceeded on his 
march with less caution. This was still more the case on the next 
day's march ; when news came that the Great King was approach- 
ing, and the battle so fatal to Cyrus took place. 

We have here an account of short desultory and irregular 
marches, which would have brought the allies, according to Colo- 
nel Chesney, to at or near the mounds of IVIuhammad, 34 or 36 
miles along the river fi'OJn the Median Wall; but, according to my 


former estimate of the value of the parasang, nearer to the site 
of Imsayab or ^lussayib about 15 miles direct, but upwards ol 
20 by the bends of the river north of Babylon. It is evident 
that Cyrus deemed himself very near to Babylon, since he had 
almost given up any thoughts of resistance on the part of Artax- 

Xcnophon describes the battle fully, but docs not mention the 
name of the place where it was fought. Plutarch, in his Life of Arta- 
xerxcs, has alone preserved it, and states that it was 500 stadia from 
Babylon. This would make it fifty miles north of Babylon. 
Xcnophon, however, says that the distance from the field of battle 
to Babylon was only 3G0 stadia, or 36 miles, a distance which 
would tally best with that of the before-mentioned mounds of 

Mound, on Plain of Babylonia. — The night of the battle, the 
Greeks pursued the Persians as far as a certain village, where they 
iiallcd; for above the village was a hill, upon which the king's 
froojjs had checked their flight. The hill here alluded to appears 
to have been one of the numerous artificial mounds, topes, or tells, 
sometimes sepulchral, sometimes heaps of ruin, which abound on 
the plain of Babylonia. The word used to designate the hill is 
sufTiciently dcscri-ptive, y»j\o0of, a compound of y?;, earth, and Xofoi, 
hill, mound, or tumulus, "a heap of earth."' 

It is the more important to establish this fact, as there are no 
naturr.l hills on the plain of Babylonia ; and therefore the mention 
made by Xcnophon of a hill at this place, has led tl;e distinguished 
traveller, Baillie Fraser, to consider it as furnishing evidence of 
the battle having been fought to the north of the Median Wall. 

Babvlonian Villages. — As soon as a retreat had been decided 
npon between the Greeks and the Barbarians, and the line of route 
to be followed determined by Ariaeus, they started on a long day's 
journey to certain villages, the position of which would be in a great 
measure determined by a more satisfactory conclusion as to the 
8itc of Cunaxa. Colonel Chesney places these villages on the Abu 
Gharib or Nahr Sarsar of Abulfeda, near the extensive mounds 
and ruins of Kush or Sindiyah. 

The direction of the next march is not given, but it is staled 
that the army met with ditches and canals, so full of water, that 
tiiey could not cross without bridges; but they made crossings of 
the palm-trees which had fallen, and others which they cut down. 
There is every reason to believe from this statement that the 
(j reeks were led into the interior of Babylonia, and Clearchus ap- 
pears justly to have suspected that the ditches had been filled with 
water purposely, as it was not the season for irrigating the land. 
At last they arrived at some villages, where was plenty of corn, 
hnd wine m.ade from dates, and where it would appear they re- 
mained twenty-three or twenty-four days. 


Wall op Mkdia. — At length, after marching three days, they 
arrived at the Wall of Media, as it is called, and passed to the 
other side of it. This wall was built of burnt bricks, laid in bitu- 
men ; it was twenty feet in thickness, and a hundred in height, 
and the length of it was said to be twenty parasangs ; and it was 
not far distant from Babylon. 

" Not the least remarkable of the discoveries," says the Rev. J. 
F. Macmichael in the Appendix to his Xenophon, " which of late 
years have marked the progress of geographical inquiry in this 
most interesting — but, till of late, unexplored — region, is tlie actual 
existence at the present time of an ancient wall stretching across 
Mesopotamia at the head of the Babylonian plain. Mr. Ross, 
who tirst examined it at its eastern terminus, in 183o, describes it 
under the name of Khalu or Sidd Nimrud, (wall or embankment of 
Nimrod.) and as a straight wall 2.5 long paces thick, and from 3.5 
to 40 feet high, running S. W. a N. as far as the eye could reach, 
to two mounds called Ramelah, (Sifairah, Ainsw. p. 81-2,) on the 
Euphrates, some hours above Felujah. — The eastern extremity 
was built of the small pebbles of the country, cemented with lime 
of great tenacity; and farther inland, his Bedwin guides told him 
it was built of brick, and in some places worn down level with 
the desert, — and was built by Nimrod to keep of!" the people of 
Nineveh, with whom he had an implacable feud. (Journal of R. 
Geog. S.ix. p. 44G.) It was further examined by Captain Lynch, 
and its eastern extremity determined to be in lat. 34° 3' 30", and 
long. 21' 50" W. of Baghdad. (Ibid. p. 4/2.) 

" The identity of this wall with Xenophon's Wall of Media was 
assumed by the explorers tacitly, but with strong ground of pro- 
baljility. Of the great antiquity of the Sidd Nimrud there can be 
no question ; record of its origin there is none, except local tra- 
dition assigning it to Nimrod. On the other hand, the continued 
existence of a wall (corresponding to the Median) from Xeno- 
phon's age down to comparatively recent times, is attested by a 
chain of scattered notices in later writers. Such a wall is men- 
tioned by Eratosthenes, (in the third century b. c, quoted by 
Strabo ii. 1, and xi. 14,) as rb tiiq ^einpc'ifiiSog SiartixiTna, having its 
eastern terminus at or near Opis. Again, its western terniiiuis 
was noticed (in a state of ruin) by Amin. Marcellinus (363 a. p.) 
at Maccpracta on the Euphrates, near the head of a canal, which 
he distinguishes from the Naha Malcha, (Nahr Malik,) doubtless 
the Saklawivch, a few miles north of which is the S. W. e.^itrcmity 
of llie Sidd Nimrud." 

"Their identity is further attested by their occupying the same 
general position as a partition-line between tlie rocky desert of 
Arabia and the fertile alluvial plain of Babylonia : the'Sidd Nim- 
rud, for all practical purposes, distinguishes the Babylonian plain 
from the hilly and rocky country. (Ainsw. p. 82, note 2.) — And 


that a like position must be assigned to the Median Wall is strong- 
ly indicated by the name it bears, ro Mrjhag rtt^oc. For the 
Medes imder Cyaxares had conquered all Assyria up to Babylonia, 
a tract which, in Herodotus, includes the entire canal distinct, (i. 
19.3,) and in Xenophon commences where the desert of Arabia 
terminates — at or near a place called Pylae, (i. 5. 5,) where, accord- 
ingly, we should look for the western terminus of the Median 

From a consideration of the different circumstances detailed by 
Xenophon of the first retrograde steps taken after the battle of 
Cuoaxa, I was induced to believe that Tissaphernes, having arrived 
with his army and the guides, marched, as Xenophon expresses it, 
as if he designed to return home ; that he led the Greeks three 
days' march, or about thirty-six miles, towards Sifairah, at which 
point he turned round, and conducted them through the Wall into 
Sitaceue, thus leaving them in perplexity with regard to the rela- 
tions of that rich and fertile province to the city of Babylon. 
(Trnv. in the Track, &c., p. IOS-9.) 

Tile following is the account given by Colonel Chesney of this 
the first portion of the Katabasis, and which is so difficult to un- 
derstand. "In taking a northerly direction from the i)resumed 
position of the camp, it would be necessary to cross the Nalir 
Malka; and on account of this obstruction, as well as the i)re- 
eence of an enemy, the distance made would scarcely exceed ten 
miles. Fatigued by the march, and without sustenance, a slight 
circumstance was sufficient to cause a tumult, and almost a panic, 
among the Greeks. The panic was, however, speedily calmed by 
the ingenuity of Clearchus, and at day-break he marched with the 
intention of becoming the assailant. This bold mancx'uvre led to 
a negotiation with the king on equal terms, and guides were in 
consequence appointed to conduct the Greeks across the Nahr 
Sersar, and its affluents, which intersect this part of the country. 
These cuts appear to have been filled with water, but the difficulties 
were overcome by cutting down the palm-trees to make bridges, 
in which operation Clearchus set the example; and the army 
reached the intended halting-place in some villages probably not 
more than ten miles from the preceding station. These were 
alnuidantly provided with corn, vinegar, and wine made from dates 
After spending about twenty-three days in negotiations, having 
made engagements to be faithfully conducted homeward, and ob- 
tained supplies, the Greeks, the troops of Ariaeus, and those of 
the king under Tissaphernes, commenced what seemed a peace- 
able march, although certain circumstances attending it gave 
rise to suspicion, and some precautions were adopted in conse- 
quence by the Greeks. In three days, probably, taking, as in the 
I)receding march, a westerly direction, in order to round the marshes 
and inimdations near Akar Kuf, the armies came up to and de 


parted from the Median Wall into the interior. This wall, whose 
remains are described in Xenophon, was of bricks, and once 100 
feet high and 20 feet thick : it is still to be traced, with its towers 
and ditch, running south-westward from the Tigris, nearly opposite 
Kadisiyeh, to the Euphrates, near Felujah, a distance of forty- 
two or forty-three miles." 

This view of the subject is illustrated by the following note. 

"The translation of this passage of Xenophon, a>piKovro Trpbg ri 
M/jfiac '■<'X°C' "■^^ TTaprjXOov aurou ficrw, (Anabasis, lib. ii. cap. iv.,) has 
been much discussed and variously rendered. In Allpress's Xeno- 
phon. p. 80, the army is made to arrive at, and pass along within, 
the ^ledian Wall ; which translation is also given in the Anabasis 
of Xeuoiihon, by Charles Anthon, L.L. D. William Tegg and Co. 
Llieapside (By passing within this wall, Dr. Anthon does not 
appear to understand keeping to the south side of it, but passing 
ihrou:/h it, for he says in a note, (p. 157 of the 1st edition,) Ains- 
worth thinks that llns going ihrovyli the Median Wall, &c. W. F.A.) ; 
by tlie Rev. Dr. Butcher, Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin ; as 
well as by Schneider, who, in a note on this passage, condemns 
Ilalbkardt for translating it, ' Kamen sie zur Medischen Mauer, 
nnd setzcn -nuw jc7ise it derselbcn ihren Marsch fort.'" 

Viger, in his Greek Idioms, also quotes an instance from Xeno- 
phon, where the verb occun-ing in the jiassage in question joined 
with a substantive in the genitive case, signifies "departure from" 
or deflection; and Donncgan's Creek Lexicon gives tltrw as an ad- 
verb, with the signification of " in the interior," *' inside," or with- 
in, which renderings of the passage are in conformity with the 
relative gcogi'aphical positions of the Median Wall and Sitace, 
On the other hand, Hutchinson, in his edition of Xenophon, p. 139, 
(Hutchinson's translation is " intraqiie einn ingrcssi sunt" p. 145, 
Oxford edition, 1745. W.F.A.,) and Milford, 'History of Greece, 
vol. iv. p. 189, state that the Greeks came up to and passed through 
the Median Wall ; and this interpretation has been followed by 
Bishop ThirUvall, in his History of Greece, vol. iv. p. 335, ed. Loii 
don, 1847, since he conceives, in accordance with Passow, in hi& 
(ireek Lexicon, tiiat wiien joined with a verb of motion, tiffw must 
bear the signification of to the inside, not on the inside. The bishop 
of St. David's considers that Schneider's condemnation of Hall> 
kardt arises solely from the great difficulty of reconciling his trans 
lation with the geographical position of Sitace, but that the philo» 
logical difficulty thus raised by Schneider, is quite as great as the 
geographical difficulty of the ether. The same opinion appears to 
be held by other Grecian scholars; the Right Rev. Dr. Wilson, 
Lord Bishop of Cork and Cloyne, and the Rev. Dr. Mac-Donnell, 
Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin, among the number." 
(Vol. ii. p. 219etseq.) 
To this array of authorities I may add that of tlie Rev. J. F. 


Macmich;iel, Head-master of the Grammar School, Bm-(on on Trent, 
who says, " We gather from the narrative, tliat they commenced 
the retreat (after joining Ariaeus) in a northerhj direction, (ii. 2. 8,) 
and continued it with Tissaphernes — who was journeying home- 
ivai'ds (wf tiQ otKov aTTiiov, iv. 8) — far enough in tliis direction to 
pass out of 13abylonia ; for on the sixth day of the retreat, they 
passed icithin the Median Wall {TrupiikQov tlau) avruv, iv. 12) — an 
expression which can only signify an entry UtroiKjh it into I3aby- 
lonia. (Cf. 1. iv. 4, 5 — vii, IG.) The line of route suggested by 
Mr. Ainsworth, viz. back by Pylac, and then for some distance on 
the,N. side of the Wall, is apparently the only one consistent with 
the data, geographical and historical, of the i)roblem." P. 339. 

Apart, however, from the respect due to Colonel Chesncy's views 
of !he mr.tter — it reninins quite an open question, whether a north- 
westerly route, to avoid the Hur or marshes of Akka Kuf, would 
not have taken the Greeks to a position so near to the Median 
Wall as to be described by them as xcHMn that wall, before they 
turned to the eastward towards Sitace. 

SiTACE. — From the Wall of Media they proccr iled, in two days' 
march, the distance of eight parasangs; crossing two canals, the 
one by a permanent bridge, the other by a temporary one, formed 
of seven boats. These canals were supplied from ihe river Tigris ; 
and from one to the other of them were cut ditches across the 
country, the first of considerable size, and the next smaller ; and 
at last diminutive drains, such as are cut in Greece through the 
panic fields. They then arrived at the Tigris ; near which there 
was a large and populous city, called Sitace, distant from the 
banks of the river only fifteen stadia. 

Xenophon, by repeating the circumstance here, that the canals 
ncre derived from the Tigris, lends additional weight to his prior 
statement, that at that time the northerly part of the plain of 
Babylonia was watered from the Tigris. The Arabs of Balad in- 
formed Captain Lynch, that there were anciently two canals, which 
ran across from the Tigris to the Euphrates— one from Istabalat, 
called Jalihi-i-Darb, near where the Dujail, "Little Tigris," leaves 
the Tigris, and one that ran from the Dujail itself, called Bu Khai- 
niah. (Journal of R. G. S., vol. ix. p. 4/4.) 

There are also in the same district the remains of several canals 
which were drawn in olden time from the river Tigris to flow back 
into the same river. Among the most remarkable are the Dujail, or 
Dijail, or Little Tigris ; the Shat Aidha and the Ishakli. Akbara, 
& favourite residence of the Khalifs, was on the Shat Aidha. 

Mr. Ross sought for Sitace at Shiriat al Baidha, or the White 
River, where there are extensive ruins, consisting of mounds and 
embankments, and the dry ditch of a canal extending northwards 
some miles, and westwards almost to the colossal ruin of Akka Kuf 
or Accad — the only remaining exan^l'le of an Assyrian or Baby- 


Ionian ruin not converted by the lapse of time and iisinfcgration 
of materials into a tcl or mound. 

Having been led to reject the identification of the river Physcus 
with the modern Athaim, as surmised by Mr. Ross and Captain 
Lynch, upon the grounds advanced by Colonel Rawlinson, that if 
the Katur or Nahrawan canals existed in the time of Xenophon, 
they would represent the Physcus and not the Athaim, I was 
further induced, by considering the incompatibility of the distance 
between Shiriat al Baidha and Opis at the confluence of the 
Athaim, with that reported by Xenophon, to seek for the ruins of 
Sitace at or near the site of Akbara. Colonel Chesney has, by 

E lacing Opis at or a little above Kayim or Kaim, and close to the 
ead of a second or lower branch of the Nahr-wan, called the 
Nahr al Risas, and which he identifies with the Physcus, got over 
this difficulty. 

" In taking the distance backward," says Colonel Chesney, vol. 
ii. p. 221, " at the average rate of the march through Asia Minor, 
or 2.(508 geographical miles per parasang along the Upper Tigi-is, 
(at the favourable season of the year,) from the known point of the 
river Zab, there would be 130 geographical miles for the fifty 
parasangs to Opis, which places that city a little above Kaim, and 
close to the head of the Nahrawan, instead of being, as before sup- 
posed, some miles lower down near the river Athaim. Twenty 
parasangs, or fifty-two geographical miles, from the latter, the anci- 
ent bed of the Tigris, would place Sitace about ten miles north- 
west of Baghdad, near Sheriat el Beidha, the presumed site of the 
Sitace of Xenophon." 

This identification, it will be observed, establishes the correspond- 
ence of the old bed of the river Tigris — the Shat Aidha — with the 
Tigris of Xenophon. 

Opis. — From the Tigris, the Greeks are described as proceeding 
in four days' march, a distance of twenty parasangs, to the river 
Physcus, which was a plethrum in breadth, and over which was a 
bridge. Here was situate a large town, called Opis. 

The discussion of the true positioning of Sitace involved, it has 
flccn seen, a knowledge of the site of Opis, which was situated at 
the issue of the Katur, or Nahrawan, from the Tigris.* The Rev. 
Mr. Macmichael remarks upon this identification of a river with a 
canal, that it is not improbably the third instance in the work of 
Xenophon. " Ainswovth," he says in the Appendix, (p. 339,) "fol- 
lowing Colonel Rawlinson, who is inclined to identify the Physcus 
with the ancient canal, Katur or Nahrawan, (compare the case of 
the Daradax and Masca, called Troranci, 1. iv. 10, n,, and v. 4j the 

• Colonel Chesney's Al Kayim is situated, it lias been observed, on th« 
Nahr al Risas, a tributarj' to the Katur or Nahrawan; the ruins of Dura, an^ 
those called now Q)A Baghdad, are upon the Katur or Nahrawan proper- 


breadth also, (a pletlirum,) which is uiiifurmly that of canals, (v. 1 ; 
vii. 15,) somewhat favour the supposition." 

Opis was a city of considerable commercial importance at one 
time, having, according to the learned Dr. Vincent, risen into enii • 
nence upon the decline of the Assyrian cities on the Tigris, and 
then again decayed in its turn, as Seleucia, and Apamca, the crea- 
tion of the Seleucidae, became conspicuous ; hence its positioning 
is of great interest to comparative geography generally. 

Villages of Parysatis. — From Opis the Greeks proceeded 
through Media, six days' march through a desert country, a dis- 
tanqe of thirty parasangs, when they arrived at the villages of 
Parysatis, the mother of Cyrus and the king. 

At 2.608 geographical miles for each of the thirty parasangs, or 
78.24 geographical miles, the villages in question would have been 
Bituated, according to Colonel Chesney, (ii. 222,) about three miles 
beyond the Lesser Zab — a river concerning the existence of 
which Xcnophon is as silent as he was regarding the Lake of 
Antioch and its tributaries. 

The position of these villages, according to the distance stated in 
the text, would, says Dr. Anthon,(note to Xenophon.p. 163,) both 
in Lynch's and in Rich's maps, fall pretty nearly at the position 
marked Tel Kunus in the first, and Tel Gcloos in the second. 
This is the same identification as in the " Travels in the Track." 
It is however over-estimated, being laid down in the maps, in- 
stead of as in other cases corrected for the difficulties of road, 
which in most cases render my estimate of 3 geo. miles equal to 
not more than 2.5 on the map, making them really of the same 
value as accorded by Rennell, Colonel Chesney, Hamilton, and 

Caenae. — From the villages of Parysatis the Greeks advanced 
in a march of five days more through the desert, a distance of 
twenty parasangs, having the Tigris on their left. At the end of 
the first day's march, there was situate on the opposite bank of the 
river, a large and opulent city, called Caenae, whence the Barba- 
rians brought over, on rafts made of hide, a supply of bread, cheese, 
and wine. 

Captain Lynch having found some ruins with a canal called 
Senn, not far from the embouchure of the Great Zab on the oppo- 
site side of the Tigris, I was induced to identify the ( !aenae of the 
Greeks with that spot, puzzled however at the same time to iden- 
tify this site with the Scena of Strabo, and which acording to the 
Amasian geographer was a remarkable city — the ca^'tal of the 
Scenite Arabs — eighteen schaeni or one hundred and ei^ht milej 
from Seleucia, and with a canal which was carried thence ,*o the 
confines of Babylonia. 

Notwithstanding the difficulty of gt:i;ing a canal through tho 
hilly ranges south of Kalah Shirgat, still, considering the correo 


tion given to the distances by Colonel Chcsney, I am inclined to 
suppose that the site must be the same as the ruins at the last- 
mentioned place, and not exactly, as Colonel Chcsney has it, at the 
ruins of the Ur of the Persians, which he says are three or four 
miles below Shirkat — or Toprak Kalahsi. (ii. p. 222.) 

Kalah Shirgat, since the time when I first visited it in company 
with Layard, in 1840, has been the scene of many most remark- 
able and interesting discoveries in Assyrian Archaeology, made by 
that most successful explorer. 

Among other monuments of olden time, a cylinder, a splendid 
relic, containing 800 lines of beautiful writing, at least 100 years 
older than the oldest monument hitherto discovered in Assyria, 
was found here. It was, when found, broken into a hundred frag- 
ments, and in some parts even reduced to powder; but the whole 
has been carefully joined together, and barely a dozen lines lost. 

Colonel Rawlinson states (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 
XV. p. xvi. et scq.) that it contains the bulletins of Tiglath Pile- 
ser ]., a king who is mentioned in the annals of Assur-akh-pal, 
as a remote ancestor; and as Divan uras, the builder of Calah, must, 
Colonel Rawlinson thinks, intervene between the connected series 
and this king, and as there is no mention on the cylinder either of 
Calah or Nineveh ; the Colonel is led to believe that tiie capital of 
the empire at that early period, that is, before the building of 
Nineveh, was Kileh Shirgat, as he spells it, itself, and which is 
everywhere on the cylinder named Assur, as it is also in the well- 
known sitting figure obtained from the same place by Layard, and 
now in the British Museum. 

This ancient and pre-Ninevite capital of the Assyrian empire 
being then named Assur, was also, accordiug to Colonel Rawlinson, 
tlie Allasar of Genesis, of which Arioch was the king. It is also 
tile Tel Assur of the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Rescn; 
and instead, therefore, of Resen being between Nineveh and Ctilah, 
it should be Calah, which was between Nineveh and Resen. " I 
consider," adds the Colonel, "these three sites to be now determin- 
atcly fixed — Nineveh at Nebbi Yunus, Calah at Nimrud, and 
Resen at Shirgat." 

Notwithstanding such high authority, I cannot help feeling 
tliat there will yet be found no reason for thus forcing the reading 
of the Mosaic record. Tiie term Assur has been found at Nimrud 
as well as at Shirgat.* And it is very likely to apply to the coun- 

• Ross (Jour. R. G. S. vol. ix. p. 4.51) calls it Kalah Sherkat.' Rich, 
(vol. ii. p. 138,) Toprak Kalaa and Kalar.t ul Shirgath. Layard, (Nineveh 
and its Remains, i. 4 ; ii. 45, and 51, and Uiscovcj'ics in the Ruins of Nineveh 
and Babylon, p. 581,) Kalah Sherghat. Chcsney, (vol. ii. 222,) Sherkat or 
Toprak Kalahsi. Myself, Kalch Sherkat and Kalah Shirgat. We have aU 
looked upon it as a modern name, signifying the same, in Turkish, Toprak 
Kalah, and in Arabic, Kalah Shirgat, "castle of earth." 


try rather than to the oily. If, as I suspect it will still turn out 
to be the case, Nimrud is ever identified by satisfactory paleogra- 
phic research with Roiicn, and Kalah Shirgat with "Calah, the 
JJiblical expression will be found to be correct. Colonel Rawlinson 
has himself been induced to change his opinions with progressive 
inquiry, he having in 1839 identified Calah with Holwan near Sar 
Puli Zohab (Journ. 'of Roy. Geo. Soc. ix. p. 35 et seq.) ; and in 
1849 or 50, identified the same place with Nimrud. (Journ. of Roy. 
Asiat. Soc. xii. p. 41/.) 

In the " Memoir on Cuneiform Inscriptions," published in the 
eleventh volume of the Jour. Roj'. Asiat. Soc, Colonel Rawlinson 
speaks of Athur-a and Athur-aya as the cuneiform expression for 
our Assyria. He then adds in a note, the Arabic geographers 
iiluays give the title of Athur to the great ruined capital near the 
moutii of the Upjjer Zab. If so, that place is just as likely to be 
the Tel Assur of the Targiuns as Kfilah Shirgat, and consequentlv, 
as far as any identification founded on such data will go — (lie 
same as Resen. 

Rivi:r Zadatiis. Soon after, (hey u-rived at the river Zabadis, 
tlie breadth of which was four i)lethra. The river Zab is too well 
known lo detain us long. It is in the present day called Zab Ala. 
Tiieveuot and Tavernier called it Zarb and Zarbe. It is ihe Lycus 
of the older geograpliers, with the exception of Pliny, who calls it 
Zerbis, and Alarcellinus, who mispells it Diaba. The' Zab is one of 
the principal confiuents of the Tigris, and at certain seasons of 
the year brings down a larger body of water than the main 

There are many tels or mounds of ruin on the south side of tlie 
Zab near its confiuence with the Tigris, in the plain of Shumanuk, 
or Shomanok, now tenanted by the Tai Arabs, some of which the 
indefatigable Layard caused to be excavated by the Jehesh Arabs 
under his pay. Among the most remarkable of these is tlie lofty 
mound of Kashaf or Keshaf, an artificial platform of earth and 
unbaked bricks resting upon limestone rock, and crowned by the 
remains of a deserted fort, — tlie mounds and ruins called Muk- 
hamur or Mokhamour, in the pastoral plains between the Kara- 
juk hills and the Tigris— the mound of Abu Jerdah— that of Abu 
Shitlia or Abou Sheetha,.and eight others enumerated by Layard, 
all indicative of a large and prosperous population in olden times. 

Speaking more particularly of the mound called Abu-Shitha, 
Layard says, (p. 225,) " Near this ruin, perhaps at its very foot, 
must have taken place an event which led to one of the most cele- 
brated episodes of ancient history. Here were treacherously 
seized Clearchus, Proxenus, Menou, Agias, and Socrates; and 
Xenophon, elected to the command of the Greek Auxiliaries, com- 
menced the ever-memorable retreat of the Ten Thousand. The camp 


of Tissaphcnics, dappled with its many-coloured tents, and gliltcr- 
ing with golden arms and silken standards, the gorgeous display of 
Persian pomp, probably stood on the Kordereh, (Kur Darah, valley 
of Cyrus?) between Abou Sheetha and the Kasr. The Greeks 
having taken the lower road to the west of the Karachok range, 
through a plain even then as now a desert, turned to the east, and 
crossed the spur of the mountain, where we had recently seen the 
tents of the Howar, in order to reach the fords of the Zab." 

Pass of the Zabatus. — Misfortunes awaited the Greeks at 
this point, and active hostilities ensuing upon the passage of the 
Zab, that passage was deferred for a short time. The Persians 
having been described by Xenophon as taking up a position at 
the ford over the Zab, I was induced to identify the place of pass- 
age, notwithstanding its distance from the confluence of the Zab 
ftnd Tigris, with the ford at Kulak Kupar, which is beyond the 
ferry calle-J Kulak Izidi, or the pass of the Yezidees. 

" The fact of their leaving the Tigris," says the Rev. Mr. Mac- 
michael in the Appendix to the Xenophon, (p. 340,) "and marcii- 
ing up the Zab before crossing it, though not expressly stated, :a 
suHiciently indicated by the remark that they arrived at the Tigris 
near Larissa (iii. 4. G) after two marches from the ford. It is 
also to be added to this, that it seems probable that they crossed 
Above the junction of the Khazir su or Bumadus, as they are de- 
scribed as passing on their way to Larissa, a valley formed by a 

Colonel Chesney makes the Greeks cross the Zab near its con- 
fluence, " probably in boats," (ii. 222). Layard, who has examined 
the country about the confluence of the two rivers with great care, 
says, "the ford by which the Greeks crossed the great Zab 
(Zabates) may, I think, be accurately determined. It is still the 
principal ford in this part of the river, and must, from the nature 
of the bed of the stream, have been so from the earliest periods. 
It is about twenty-five miles from the confluence of the Zab and 
Tigris. A march of twenty-five stadia, or nearly three miles, in 
the direction of Larissa, would have brought them to the Ghazcr 
or Burmadus ; and this stream was, I have little doubt, the deep 
valley formed by the torrent where Mithridates, venturing to 
attack the retreating army, was signally defeated." (Discov. in the 
Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon, j). 60.) 

Layard is wrong in saying that " Mr. Ainsworth would take 
the Greeks up to the modern ferry, where there could never have 
been a ford." I said distinctfy (Trav. in the Track, &c., p. 119) 
the actual ferry is at Kelek Izcdi, (or Kulak Izidi,) but beyond 
this, at Kelek Gopar, (Kulak Kupar,) the river is said to be ford- 
able at favourable seasons. This Mr. Rassam and myself ascer- 
tained on the spot. As it appears, nowever, that there is a ford 


lower down ihe river, and yet above the confluence of ihe Uliazir- 
6u, it is evidently useless to go higher up the river in search of a 
spot for the passage of the Greeks. 

Larissa. — Having crossed the Zabatus, the Greeks were only 
enabled, owing to the hostile front presented by Mithridates, the 
satrap of the new district they had entered upon, to advance some 
five and twenty stadia to some villages on the plain. The next 
morning they started earlier than usual on account of the ravine, 
but the Persians did not attack them till they had crossed the 
torrent, and being driven back, the Greeks travelled the rest of the 
day without molestation, arriving at the river Tigris, where was a 
large deserted city, the name of which was Larissa, and which the 
Medes had formerly inhabited. 

The identity of the Larissa of Xenophon with the ruins of Nim- 
rud, the scene of Layard's most remarkable discoveries, appearing 
to be undisputed by those who have written since the publication 
of the " Travels in the Track," it only remains to notice some facts 
that have sprung out of more recent researches. 

The learned Eochart first advanced the supposition that this 
Assyrian city was the same as the primeval city, called Resen in the 
Bible, and that the Greeks having asked its name, were answered. 
Al Resen, the article being prefixed, and from whence they made 
Larissa, in an easy transposition. I adopted this presumed identity 
as extremely probable, and Colonel Chesney (ii. '223) has done the 
game — not as an established fact, but as a presumed identity. 

Layard was satisfied with looking upon Nimrud as a quarter of 
Nineveh. "That the ruins at Nimroud were within the precincts 
of Nineveh," he says in Nineveh and its Remains, (vol. ii. p. 24.0,) 
" if they do not alone mark its site, appears to be proved by Strabo, 
and by Ptolemy's statement, that the city was on the Lycus, cor- 
roborated by the tradition preserved by the earliest Arab geogra- 
phers. Yakut, and others, mention the ruins of Athur, near Sela- 
miyah, which gave the name of Assyria to the province ; and Ibn 
Said expressly states, that they were those of the city of the As- 
syrian kings who destroyed Jerusalem. They arc still called, as it 
has been shown, both Athur and Nimroud." 

Certain cuneiform characters represented in Layard's Nineveh 
and its Remains, (vol. ii. p. 22S, 229,) were, from their frequent 
recurrence both in the sculptures and the bricks, supposed to re- 
present the name of Asshur. Dr. Hincks deemed them to repre^ 
sent either the name, or an abbreviation of the name, of Athur, 
the country of Assyria. " It is possible," Layard remarks upon 
this, "that Nineveh, or Athur, may be indiscriminately used in 
speaking of the country." 

Athor, or Athyr, has also been read by Dr. Kincks as the name 
of the presiding divinity on the monuments of Assyria, somewhat, 

VOL. I. * 

306 commextary ox 

we siijipose, in the same way, only with more religious feeling 
irJxed up with it, that Britannia represents Great Britain. 

In 1846, Colonel Rawlinson, speaking of Nimrud, noticed it as 
probably the Rehoboth of Scripture, but he added in a note, " I 
have no reason for identifying it with Rehoboth, beyond its evident 
antiquity, and the attribution of ilescn and Calah to other sites. 
(Journal of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. x. p. 26.) At this time Colonel 
Rawlinson identified Calah with Holwan or Sir Pul-i-Zohab, and 
iiesen, or Dasen, with Yasin Teppeh in the plain of Shahrizur in 
Kurdistan. (See note to p. 23 op. cit.) 

In 1849, (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xi. p. 10,) Colonel 
Kawlinson said, " The Arabic geographers always give the title of 
Athur to the great ruined capital near the mouth of the Upper 
Zab. The ruins are now usually known by the name of Nimrud 
It would seem highly probable that they represent the Calah of 
Genesis, for the Samaritan Pentateuch names this city Lachisa, 
which is evidently the same title as the Aapiaun of Xenophon, the 
Persian r being very usually replaced both in Median and Baby- 
lonian by a guttural." 

In 1850, (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xii.,) Colonel Rawlin- 
son added the discovery of a cuneiform inscription bearing the 
litle Levekh, which he reads Halukh. " Nimrud," says the distin- 
guished palacographist, " the great treasure-house which has 
furnished us with all the most remarkable specimens of Assyrian 
sculpture, although very probably forming one of that group of 
cities, which, in the time of the prophet Jonas, wore known by the 
common name of Nineveh, has no claim itself, I think, to that 
particular appellation. The title by which it is designated on the 
bricks and slabs that form its buildings, I read doubtfully as Le- 
vekh, and I suspect this to be the ori<jinal form of the name which 
appears as Calah in Genesis, and Halah in Kings and Chron- 
icles, and which indeed, as the capital of Calachene, must needs 
have occupied some site in the immediate vicinity." 

Lastly, in 1853, (Journ. of Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. xv. p. vi. et seq.,) 
Colonel Rawlinson describes the remarkable cylinder before al- 
luded to as found at Kilah Shirgat, which establishes that site to 
have been the most ancient capital of the Assyrian empire, and to 
have been called Assur as well as Nimrud and Nineveh Proper. 
This Assur, wij have seen, he identifies with the I'el Assur of the 
Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Resen ; and instead, there- 
fore, of Resen being between Nineveh and Calah, it should be Ca- 
lah, which was between Ninevch and Resen. 

But, notwithstanding such very high authority, the conclusion 
thus arrived at does not appear to be perfectly satisfactory. The 
discovery of the expression Levekh, and its analogy in the Samari- 
Un Lachisa and the Greek Larissa, is very curious and very 


romarkiible, but not conclusive. The name Assur, or Athur, 
occurs just as frequently in connexion with Nimrud as with t>hir- 
gat, and therefore the same argument of its being the Tel Assur of 
the Targums, which is used for the Mosaic Rcsen, would apply to 
the one as well as to the other. It is possible to imagine two cities 
like Nineveh and Resen to have been within some twenty miles of 
one another, but it is not so easy to imagine that in after times 
one was in the province of Adiabene, the other in that of Cala- 
chcnc. This part of tlie subject will be found discussed at length 
in the " Papers of the Syro-Egyptian Society," (vol. i. part ii.). 

The whole question indeed regarding Nineveh and Assur ap- 
pears to be involved in a great deal of philological confusion. It 
is evident that the name of the country came from Assuror Athur, 
and we cannot therefore feel surprised at finding the name at Ki- 
lah Shirgat, afterwards transposed to Nimrud and to Nineveh, 
just as we find the Chaldean priests using it in the present day in 
their bibles at Musul or Mausil. It does not appear, tliercfore, 
that anj correct data will be derived for naming any of the Assyrian 
cities from the presence of this epithet. 

Then again, with regard to Nineveh, it may at one time have 
designated one place, at another time another place, according to 
where the king took up his abode : and again, it may, in the time 
of Jonah, have embraced the whole group of cities, as Colonel 
Rawlinson remarks, in Assyria Proper. Layard does not disjiute 
that tile difi'erent portions of Nineveh, thus comprehensively viewed, 
may have had difi'erent names. Much light has already been 
thrown upon the history of the difltrent Assyrian cities and edi- 
fices, as well as upon the dwellers therein, and that is quite suf- 
ficient to show that we are as yet only upon the threshold of what 
will be eliminated by the labours of our truly zealous and laborious 
paleographers and archaeologists. 

Since the above was written, a letter from Colonel Rawlinson 
appears in the Athemeum, No. 1381, making mention of the dis- 
covery in the S. E. palace at Nimrud, of a perfect statue of the 
god Nebo, with an inscription on the, stating that the figure 
in question was executed by a certain sculptor of Lakisa or Calah, 
and dedicated by him to the Lord Phal-lukha, king of Assyria, anc? 
to his Lady, Sammuramit, Queen of the Palace. In the same in- 
scription the territorial name of Sutgan is mentioned in conjunc- 
tion with that of the city of Calah, being. Colonel Rawlinson says, 
the title given by the Samaritan interpreter for the Hebrew of Re- 
hoboth Ir. The Colonel identifies the king and queen here no- 
ticed together with the Belochus and Semiramis of the Greek As- 
syrian lists. He believes Semiramis to have been the daughter of 
the king of Medo-Armenia, to have married Phal-lukha, the king 
of Armenia, when she changed her name from Atossa to Serai« 


ramis, and to have reigned with her husband as jonit moKarch of 
Nineveh in the eighth century before Christ. 

Mespila. — From Larissa the Greeks are described as proceed- 
ing, in one day's journey, six parasangs, to a large unoccupied for- 
tress, situated near a city, the name of which was Mespila. Upon 
the data here given, I identified the fortress with the ruins at 
Yarumjah, and Mespila with Nineveh. Colonel Chcsney appears 
to coincide in this view of the subject. " That Larissa and Mcs- 
»)ila are represented by the ruins of Nimroud and Kouyunjik," 
Layard says, (Nineveh and Babylon, p. Gl,) "no one c:;n reason- 
ably doubt." 

Colonel Rawlinson however says, (Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc. vol. 
xii. p. 419,) " It seems to me very possible, that Xenophon's name 
of Mespila may denote Mosul, and not Nineveh." The term Mes- 
pila or Meso-pulai, "middle pass or gates," would certainly appear 
to apply to the pass of the river between Musul and Kuyunjik or 
Nabbi Yunus, and there may have been ruins on both banks, for 
a great mound still exists in Musul, not far from the river, but 
there is no evidence of such extensive ruins, as are described by 
Xenophon as being at Mespila, having existed on the right bank 
of the river, whilst we know they do occur on the left. Renncll 
has, however, also conjectured Musul to be derived from Mesulae, 
H corruption of Meso-pulai. 1 1 does not matter much. Xenophon's 
name, no doubt, applied to the pass of the Tigris, and therefore to 
Musul and Nineveh, and his description of ruins to the latter. 

Villages beyond Mespila. — The Greeks proceeded from the 
I-ass of the Tigris, one day's journey, a distance of four parasangs, 
to some villages where there was plenty of corn. Fertility is the 
characteristic of the plain of Nineveh to the present day, and there 
are no want of villages. From the data here given, I identified 
the particular villages at which the Greeks encamped with Tel 
Kaif, an Assyrian mound with a village or small town at its foot. 
Colonel Chesney joins me in this identification. Layard, however, 
says, " they probably halted near the modern village of Batnai, 
between Tel Kef and" Tel I^skof, an ancient site exactly four hours, 
bv the usual caravan road, from Kouyunjik." There is no doubt 
that Tel Kaif is not above nine geog. miles from Kuyunjik, and Bat- 
nai is twelve. But this is allowing the full three geog. miles to the 
parasang, and that when the Greeks were harassed throughout the 
journey by Tissaphernes. Tel Kaif is evidently also an old A»- 
Byrian site, which is not so certain with respect to Batnai, and I 
therefore, considering all the circumstances of the site, prefer the 
first identification. 

Palace and villages. — The Greeks remained at the village/i 
on the Assyrian plain the ensuing day, after which they proceeded 
through the open country, five days' march, till they came to hills, 
beyond which was a kind of palace and several villages round it 


The first hills that are met with in proceeding northwards from 
Assyria to Karduchia, are those which constitute the triple range, 
designated as the Jibal Abyad by l>e Arabs, and Cha Spi by the 
Kurds, both signifying "white hil\c.." and immediately beyond 
them is the castle of Zakhu, with viilsges around it, like a feudal 
castle of olden times. In no part of the journey do the circum- 
stances of the case more closely correspond with Xenophon's de- 
scriptions, especially of the difficulties met with in passing the 
hilly range, and the unforeseen opposition they met with in the 
now wooded valleys between the ranges. 

Cwlonel Chesney (ii. 22-4) and Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, 
p. 61) both agree with me in this identification. It is remarkable 
that Xcnophon does not mention the Khabuv, which Dr. Grant 
confounded with the Chebar of Scripture — the Khabur of Meso- 
potamia — although he must have crossed that viver either by a 
ford or bridge. 

Village in the plain. — There being plenty of provisions at 
Zakhu, the Greeks remained there three days, and on the fourtli 
lhe7 went down into the plain, Xenophon neglects here to notice 
cilhev the Khabur or its tributary the Ilazil, both of which the 
army iM ^st apparently have crossed. They are reported as having 
cncamjvu Ht the first village they came to, which I have supposed 
might coi.-espond with Tel Kubbin, where a mound of ruin marks 
an ancient site, but Layard docs not think they got beyond the 
Hazil su. Th-; first village in the plain in the present day is Bidari, 
inliabited by Chaldeans. 

Foot of the mountains. — The Greeks evidently continued 
their march across the plain of Zakhu — the Romaion Ager of 
Procopiiis — till they reachfti the foot of the hills soutli of Jizirah. 
A superior knowledge of the country had, however, been turned 
to account by the Pe.'sians in the mean time, and the Greeks, to 
their astonishment, fou'vid the enemy in possession of the heights 
over wnich they necessarily must pass, whilst the troops of Ariaeus 
and Tissapherncs presseO. upon the rear. 

The scene of this secvnid conflict in the outlying mountains 
of Kurdistan I have identified with the low hills which con- 
stitute that spur of the Jibal Judi which advances immediately 
beyond the plain of Zakhu down to the banks of the Tigris, and 
where is the now ruinous castle of Rabahi — the Rabdium of the 
Low Empire, Tur Abdin of Al Wakidis' History of the Conquest 
of Mesopotamia by the Saracens, and Tur Rabdin of the Jihau 
Numa. Colonel Chesney agrees with me in this explanation of mat- 
ters, but Layard takes the Greeks (p. G2) all the way to Fynyk or 
Finik, a view of the subject that will meet with very little support 
from those who will be at the pains to consider the details carefully 

Kurdish plain with villages. — The Greeks having driven 
the enemy from the commanding position which they held, they 


descended into a jilniii, in which were many vilhigcs, stored with 
excellent provisions, lying along the river Tigris. This plain ex- 
ists precisely in the position indicated, between the Rabahi spur 
of the Jibal Judi and the low eminences which again block up the 
plain opposite to Jizirah ibn Umar, the Zozarta of the Chaldeans, 
and Bczabde of the llomans, and at the farther or nortiiern end 
of which is the Chaldean village of Mansuriyah. There was 
formerly a bridge over the Tigris in this plain, the ruins of which 
still exist. 

The Greeks are described as being much perplexed, for on one 
side of them were exceeding high mountains, and on the other a 
river of such depth, that when they sounded it, their spears did not 
rise above the water. 

They were also obliged to retrace their steps to a certain extent. 
The Persians having set fire to some of the villages before them, 
they had to return in search of jirovisions to some that were un- 
btu-nt. These villages may have been at the westerly end of the 
plain of Zakhu, where are in the present day Kalah Salahsani 
or Sayid Bay's castle, Nahrwan, Girgi Pedro's or Mar Yiorgio, 
(Church of St. George,) Zibarra, Wasit, Perishabur, and other 
villages mostly Chaldean. I prefer this view of the case to the 
one I first entertained, that they went up the valley of Mar Yu- 
hannah. The whole district, however, as Colonel Chesney (ii. 
225) justly remarks, included the tract round Jizirah ibn Umar. 

Layard (Nineveh and Babylon, p. G2) identifies the villages in 
question with those still found around Funduk, but it appears 
evident from what follows in chapter i. of the lOth book of the 
Katabnsis, that the Greeks had not j-et fought their way through 
the chief pass of the Tigris, and which is met with immediately 
beyond Jizirah ibn Umar and the valley of Mar Yuhannah, 
or the Dargilah of Layard — Fynyk, ancient Phocnica, command- 
ing the pass in question from above. I cannot but attribute 
the great discrepancy that occurs here between my identifi- 
c;itions and those admitted by Layard, to the circumstances of 
his having travelled from the north, I from the south. Coming 
in the first direction, Layard first saw the plains of Assyria 
through the gap made by the river stretching before him, as it were 
at his feet, from the heights of Funduk, and all other passes were 
from that moment looked at as insignificant ; coming, on the con- 
trary, from the south, the great range of the Jibal Judi seems to 
hem in the Tigris immediately beyond Jizirah, like a mighty 
wall of rock. There is no mistaking this great physical feature in 
.he configuration of the country. The pass of the Tigris, where 
the Greeks stopped awe-struck at the formidable aspect of the 
country before them, was at or near the Bezabde of the Romans. 
That town has been from time immemorial the fortress which has 
commanded the g-reat iJass of the Tigris. 


Pass of the Tigris. — The Greeks are described in the next book 
as having amved at a spot where the Tigris was quite impassable 
from its depth and width, and where there was no passage along 
its banks, as the Karduchian mountains hung steep over the 
stream, and hence their further progress became a matter of seri- 
ous and anxious discussions. 

This is the great pass of the Tigris I have just alluded to imme- 
diately beyond Jizirah ibn Umar. There cannot be a moment's 
question upon the subject. It was a point of such great import- 
ance in the retreat, that it is made the scene of discussion of all 
the principal routes that presented themselves to get out of the 
country, and Xenophon begins another book with the account of 
the passage of this remarkable pass, which the Greeks effected 
with their characteristic gallantry and expedition, arriving beyond 
the summit in certain villages of Karduchians that lay dispersed 
in the valleys and recesses of the mountains. It is perhaps scarcely 
necessary to say that Colonel Chesney quite coincides with this 
view of the matter. 

Villages of Karduchians. — The pass of the Tigris will be 
found minutely described in the Travels in the Track, p. 154. After 
the summit of the pass is gained, the Hne of hills and cliffs gradually 
recede from the river, till suddenly, from having a nearly horizontal 
stratification, additional beds of rock make their appearance in front 
of the cliffs, dipping nearly vertically to the west, and rising in rude 
irregular conical sunmiits, in front of what had been hitherto one 
contmuous wall of rock. The recesses thus left between the hills 
are in the present day the seat of villages, as they were in the 
time of Xenophon, and the crags in front and in the rear bristle 
with the small and rude rock-forts of the Kurds. This place cor- 
responds to the Phoenica of Amm. Marcellinus, of the existence 
of which Mr. Rich obtained some intelligence; but as I was, I be- 
lieve, the first traveller to visit it in modern times, I cannot refrain 
from quoting the description given of this remarkable spot in the 
Trav. in the Track, &c. p. 154 et seq. 

" My surprise and pleasure may be well imagined (after crossing 
the before-mentioned wild rocky pass) at finding extending before 
me a considerable expanse of well-wooded gardens, which stretch- 
ed from the hills down to the water-side, and for about two miles 
up the river-course. Nothing could exceed the rich luxuriance of 
these groves and orchards; there were open spaces here and 
there for maize, melon, gourd, and cucumber, but otherwise the 
groves of plum, apricot, and peach appeared almost inaccessible, 
from the dense lower growth of fig-trees and pomegranates, them 
selves again half hid beneath clustering vines. Overlooking thig 
scene of vegetative splendour, and upon the side of the hill, were 
the ruins of a castellated building, the battlemented wall and irre- 
gularly dispersed towers of which still remain. This building 


covered a considerable space, being six hundred yards in depth, by 
eleven hundred in length. Traces of out-works, and of buildings 
connected \\ith it, were also quite evident, stretching downward tc 
the gardens. 

" On two mounds, not far distant from each other, and close to 
the river, are the ruins of two smaller castles of similar character to 
the large one, only with double battlements, and consequently 
rising more loftily trom the deep green groves, in the midst of 
which they are situated. 

" In a deep and rocky glen at the head of these gardens is situated 
the village of Giili or Kuli Shirafi, (so called from its being in a 
narrow strait or pass,) many of the houses of which are hewn out 
of rock, and some of them out of fallen masses, which often stand 
erect at the foot of the clifTs, like great obelisks with a door-way in 
front: on the cliffs around are also numerous sepulchral grots, and 
the remains of aqueducts. 

" To the north of this glen is another of greater dimensions, in 
which is the modern village of Fynyk, containing about one hun- 
dred houses, many of them excavated. The village is defended by 
several Kurd forts, two of which were on the opposite hill-tops, 
while other small ones succeeded to one another along the crest 
and acclivities down to the village. This pass of the Tigris was. 
rendered quite impracticable to strangers by the Kurds of these 
villages till the time of Rashid Pasha." 

It is manifest that it is these villages to which Xenophon al- 
ludes when he speaks of such being in rocky recesses. Layard 
however looks for these villages at Funduk (p. 62). 

Whilst resting during the heat of day in the gardens down by 
the river Tigris, Layard was lucky enougli to have had informa- 
tion brought; to him of the existence of sculptures in one of these 
ravines — the description appears to apply rather to that of Kuli 
Shirafi than to that of Finik or Fynyk proper. *' We rode," he says, 
(p. 54,) " up a narrow and shady ravine, through which leapt a 
brawling torrent, watering fruit trees and melon beds. The rocks 
on both sides were honey-combed with tombs. The bas-relief is 
somewhat above the line of cultivation, and is surrounded by ex- 
cavated chambers. It consists of two figures, dressed in "loose 
vests and trousers, one apparently resting his hand on the 
shoulder of the other. There are the remains of an inscription, 
but too much weather-worn to be copied with any accuracy. The 
costume of the figures, and the forms of the characters as far as 
they can be distinguished, pruve that the tablet belongs to the 
Parthian period, ft closely resembles monuments of the same 
epocli existing in the mountains of Persia." 

AVhat further satisfies me that the glen or ravine which my 
informants told me was called Kuli Shirafi is the same as that in 
which Layard found the bfts-reliefs, is that J.riyard adds, " Beneath 


tliem ((he figures) is a long cutting, and tunnel in the rock, pro- 
bably an ancient watercourse for irrigation, to record the construc- 
tion of which the tablets may have been sculptured." 

I^ayard also discovered some sculptures of a similar character in 
the valley which leads from Jizirah to Darghilah, the former 
stronghold of Badir Khan Bay, or as I have called it from a Chal- 
dean church, and the seat of a Chaldean episcopacy, the valley of 
Mar Yuhannah. These sculptures were about two miles from the 
high road, near a small fort built by Mir Saif-ad-din, the hereditary 
chief of Buhtan, in whose name Badir Khan Bay exercised his 
authority. There were two tablets, one above the other; the upper 
contained a warrior on horseback, the lower a simple figure. Al- 
though no traces of inscription remain, the bas-relief may confi- 
dently be assigned to the same period, Lavard savs, as that of 

Pass of Scrutiny. — Bej-ond Finik, or Fynyk, the hills and the 
river recede from one another, the latter being closed np amidst 
precipitous cliffs, and to avoid this long precipitous bend, the road 
is carried over the hills by the village of Finduk or Funduk. As 
the Greeks did not start from Finik till after breakfast, more than 
seven to eight geographical miles cannot be allowed to the first 
day's march thence, which would carry them to the slope of those 
heights where are now the remains of Kunakti and other castles, 
which defended the approach to Finduk. There is only one pass 
in th" line of road thus traversed, adapted for the purposes men- 
tioned by Xenophon, of examining the men in a file, and scrutini/.- 
ing their baggage or impedimenta, and that is the ravine of the 
rivulet of Zawiyah, which is deep and narrow, and to which there 
is only one descent on either side, the remainder being vertical 
cliffs in which are here and there a sepulchral grotto. 

Pass of Finduk. — On the next day a great storm arose in tha 
rery place to expect such, on the ascent of the highlands of Fin- 
duk ; but they were obliged to go on, for their provisions failed 
them. Beyond the castle of Kunakti, the road enters a narrow 
glen, and winds round along similar passes, till turning the face of 
a lofty precipice, it advances upon more open and cultivated high- 
lands by the village or town of Finduk, down again into the valley 
of the Tigris, whcye are the villages of Kuwarru, Baravan, and 
others, inhabited in the present day by Syrian Christians. 

Layard gives an amusing account of his passage through Fin- 
duk, whose inhabitants, he says, during the rule of Badir Khan Bay 
were notorious amongst even the savage tribes of Buhtan, for 
their hatred and insolence to Christians. At the time of my visit 
Badir Khan had not been subdued, and the dangers of the road 
were proportionably greater, but the only annoyance the savage 
old chieftain Rasul gave me, (if it can be even so termed,) was to 
ask me contemptuously if I was a Christian. 


Tlie Greeks were subjected to much annoyance by the Kurdi 
on this passage, and Xenophon was irritated at Cheirisoplius 
hastening, as he deemed, too rashly forward; but the rival leader 
pointed to the river pass and mountains before him, and urged the 
necessity of having hurried forward to secure the position they 
were in. That this was on the banks of the Tigris i'^ evidenced 
by a prisoner they had taken, ])romising, under fear of death, to 
lead them over the hills, instead of by the river-banks, which are 
indeed at this point impassable, except when the waters are low, 
besides being commanded by the neighbouring hills. 

Pass of KuL.iK. — At the point where they had now arrived 
then, that is, where the Tigris is hemmed in by the mountains, and 
yet tliere is no short cut over the latter, as at Finduk; the Greeks 
were obliged to detach a party to take possession of the heights 
before they could attempt to force the passage below. Notwith- 
standing these precautions, the Kurds rolled down great stone> 
upon the Greeks and entailed considerable delay. 

The scene of this event appears to have been at the entrance of 
the pass, where is a ferry and villages on each side of the river 
known as Kulak, as is also the ferry on the Zab — pronounced by 
(I'.e Kurds, Kelek or Chelek, At this point a rivulet of clear water 
flows into the Tigi'is, by a narrow ravine, which is hemmed in, as 
the Tigris is also from this point northwards, by perpendicular 
n)cks. A road, carried up in part by steps cut in the rock, leads 
up the clilT to the ruins of a castle that once commanded this im- 
portant position. 

To gain this pass, the Greeks had to fight three separate con- 
flicts, on as many distinct eminences; after which they arrived at 
a number of good houses, and in the midst of abimdance of pro- 
visions. "Wine was so abundant, that they kept it in excavations 
under ground, which were plastered over. 

On emerging from the hills that hem in the river below Kulak, 
there are at the present day no villages close to the river, but there 
arc several in the interior, and a little farther on the ruins of a 
large village, and of a Khan built of stone. Kulak, with its tall 
Kurdish castle, stands on the right bank o-f the river, a little far- 
ther on. The plastered cisterns noticed by Xenophon are still to 
be met with in Kurdistan, Armenia, and Syria. 

The Centrites. — The next day the Greeks pursued their way 
one party as usual ascending the mountains from behind to drive 
the enemy away, and leave the passage below free to their com- 
rades. By these means they w"re enabled to force another wooded 
and i)icturesque pass, that is met with north of Kulak, and to 
reach the more open country where the Buhtan chai or Centrites 
joins the Tigris. 

The army did not encamp on the banks of the Centrites, but, as 
is described by Xenophon, above the p.lain, where are some village* 


of Chaldeans in the present day. At ihe point of junction of the 
Tigris and Centrites is the ancient Ar.;ienian site of Til, or Till, 
(written by Layard, Tilleh,) which was celebrated in history as fa- 
voured bv Tigranes, and as the burial-place of several of the early 
Armenian pontifis. 

Layard having got the Greeks on their first day's march over 
the Karduchian hills, as far as Finduk, he says, " There now re- 
mained about ten parasangs to the plain through which flows the 
eastern branch of the Tigris; but the country was difficult, and at 
this time of the year (nearly mid-winter) the lower road along the 
river was impassable. The Greeks had therefore to force their 
way over a series of difficult passes, all stoutly defended by warlike 
tril;cs. They were consequently four days in reaching the Cen- 
trites, or eastern Tigris, tlie united waters of the rivers of Bitlis, 
Sert, and Bohtan." 

Ford of the Centrites. — The passage of the river was op- 
posed by an united army of Armenians, Alardians, or, as it was 
previously read, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. These mcrc-enaries 
were drawn up on high banks, three or four hundred feet from the 
river; and the only road that was visible, was one that led up- 
ward, apparently a work of art, and the Greeks attempted to cross 
I lie river at this point, but without success. They in consequence 
retreated, and when they had encamped on the banks of the river, 
tliey found their previous station occupied by the Kurds. 

That day, therefore, and the following night they remained where 
they were in great perplexity. But the next morning two young 
men came to Xenophon, when he was at breakfast, and told him 
they had found a ford. This ford was at a distance of about four 
stadia, and the Greeks effected the passage by a series of ingenious 
manoeuvres which are described in the text. 

Layard, who forded the Buhtan chai in the month of September 
I believe, (he disembarked at Trebizond on the 31st of August,) 
says, " We crossed the lower or eastern ford, which we found wide 
and exceedingly rapid, the water, however, not reaching above the 
saddle-girths. The villagers raised the luggage, and supported the 
liorses against the current, which rushing over loose and slippery 
stones, affording an uncertain footing, threatened to sweep the 
animals down the stream. * * The spot at which we crossed was 
one of peculiar interest. It teas here that the Ten T/tousaiid in their 
meworable retreat forded this river, called, hij Xenophon, the Centrites 
(p. 49). The next paragraph but one he says, " The ford was 
deep, and its passage disputed by a formidable force of Armenians, 
Mygdonians, (Mardians?) and Chaldeans, drawn up on an emi- 
nence 300 or 400 feet from the river. In this strait Xenophon 
dreamt that he was in chains, and that suddenly his fetters burst 
asunder of their own accord. His dream was fulfilled when two 
Youths casually found a more practicable ford, by which the army 


after a skilful stratagem on the part ot their commander, safely 
reached the opposite bank. 

These two paragraphs contradict one another. Layard also 
says at page 63, " The stream was rapid, the water reaching 
to the breast, and the ford, owing to the uncvcnness of the bot- 
tom and the loose slippery stones, exceeding difficult; such, it 
will be remembered, we found to be the case near Tilleh. The 
opposite banks were, moreover, defended by the combined forces of 
the Armenians, Mygdonians, and Chaldeans. It was impossible to 
cross the river at tins spot in the face of the enemy. At length a 
ford was discovered higlwr vp, and Xenophon, by skilful strategy, 
effected the passage. This must have been at a short distance 
from Tilleh, as the river, narrowed between rocky banks, is no 
longer fordable higher up." 

This latter statement is founded in error, for Mr. Rassam and 
myself forded it a few miles higher up, m the month of September, 
Alien the water was in its deepest part not above three feet, but 
generally two. 

Supposing the Greeks to have first attempted the ford at Til, it 
is evident, according to Layard's own showing, that they crossed 
ultimately higher up the river. But the fact is that the point at 
which the Greeks passed must be determined by where they first 
reached the river-banks. On reaching the plain of the Centrites, 
(he Tigris makes a great bend to the westward before receiving 
the Centrites, and as the course of the Greeks lay northward, 
conceive it very unlikely that they would have turned unneces 
sarily out of their way towards the junction of the two rivers. 
Again, at the point where they approached the river, the enemy is 
described as occupying high banks from 300 to 400 feet from the 
river. This description would correspond with that ])art of the valley 
where the Buhtan chai is first hemmed in by low hills, now called 
Janiminiyah. About four miles beyond this there are in the pre- 
sent day the ruins of a bridge, over which lay formerly the road 
to Radwan. Beyond this again is an artificial causeway carried 
up the face of a limestone rock, partly by steps cut out of the rock 
tself, and partly by a causeway paved with large blocks of stone. 
This is the high-way to Sa'art, and appears to be of remote anti- 
quitv. Here is also a ford, but as the river is fordable at its em- 
bouchure, it is evident there may be many fords between the two. 
It is not necessary to presume then that the higher ford was 
crossed, although the reference to the artificial causeway carried 
up the face of the cliffs, and w hich remains to the present day, is 
very curious ; but as it appears almost certain that they did not 
approach the river till where it is hemmed in by low hills, and 
which is precisely what they would be expected to do from the 
route taken and "the configuration of the valley, and as they 
crossed about four stadia above that point, the j^lace where 


the Greeks forded the river was manifestly beyond the said lov 

Palace of Armenian Satrap, — Having forced the passage d 
the Centrites, the Greeks are described as proceeding through 
Armenia, over plains and gently sloping hills, a distance of nut 
less than five parasangs, arriving ultimately at a village of con- 
siderable size, which contained a palace for the satrap ; upon most 
of the houses there were towers, and provisions in great jilenty. 
This spot, by the distance given, would appear to correspond with 
the town now called Sa'art or Se'ert. 

The Teleboas. — The Greeks are described as advancing fro.ii 
the palace of the Armenian satrap, two days' journey, a distance oJ' 
ten parasangs, until they passed beyond the sources of the river 
Tigris. From hence they advanced, three days' journey, fifteen 
parasangs, to the river Teleboas, a stream not large, indeed, but of 
much beauty; and there were many villages on its banks. This 
part of the country was called AVestern Armenia. 

There is a difficulty about the identification of the Teleboas, 
■which has been revived by Mr. Layard's going back to the old 
view of the case. My ideas, as propounded from an imbiassed 
consideration of the facts of the case, are given in the " Travels in 
the Track, &c.," in the following words. 

"Had the Greeks marched by the great road from Sa'art to 
Bitlis, the distance here given at the onset would take them to 
tlie difficult pass called the Darah i Tasul, when they would leave 
behind them the minor tributaries to the Kharzan su, (anc. Arsa- 
nius,) but only to arrive, after another ascent and descent, at the 
river Bakiyah or of Bitlis, the greatest of the easterly tributaries 
to the Tigris. So that Xenophon could hardly be expected to 
have made the mistake regarding the passing the sources of the 
Tigris, besides that the distance given from his passing the head- 
waters of the Tigris, to the river Teleboas, much exceeds the 
distance of the Darah-i-Tasul from the Bakiyah river. Lastly, 
the Teleboas was a small river with many villages on its banks, 
the Bakiyah is not large, but is so goodly a stream, that the his- 
torian would not have gone out of his way to describe it as small, 
nor is it a district in which (except at Bitlis) many villages pro- 
bably ever existed. All these circumstances taken into consider- 
ation leave no doubt that the Greeks ascended directly towards 
the great chain of the Ali Tagh, the ancient Niphatcs, in a direc- 
tion nearly north; by which proceeding, a journey of thirty miles 
would have carried them beyond the head-waters of the tributaries 
to the Tigris, in those districts, and another forty-five miles would 
have brought them into the valley of the Kara-su, recognised by 
many as the Teleboas of our author, and situate in the district of 
Moxocnc, the present Mush,— apparently from the most remote 
times the seat of numerous towns and villages, and having a large 
population. That this is the only version that can be given to this 


portion of the r.anvUivc, is further corroborated by the fact that 
from the Teleboas they proceeded through a plain which would 
not apply itself to the river Bakiych, (nor to the river of Bitlis,) 
botli of which are enclosed in deep and wooded mountain valleys." 

Colonel Clicsncy's view of the subject is as follows. " It is con- 
sidered to be a journey of thirty-eight hours from Se'rt to Mush 
by the shortest route, (see Colonel Shell's Journey from Tabriz 
through Kiu-distan, Jour, of Roy. Geo. Soc. vol. viii. p. 77,) but 
as the Greeks approached the source of the Tigris, theirs must 
liave been rather longer. About twenty hours would be consumed 
on their march to the high ground in question; and about twenty 
hours more in reaching the supposed Teleboas or Kara-su at the 
village of Arisban near Mush." 

This is the most satisfactory explanation of all, because by 
crossing the Niphafes to Mush instead of to the valley of the Ka- 
ra su at the foot of the Nimrud Tagh, the Greeks would have had tlie 
advantage of the high-way from Hazu to Mush. It may also be 
observed here, that had the Greeks intended keeping to the country 
of the Karduchians, and passing the mountains by Bitlis, they 
need not have fought their way over the Centrites ; and Xenophon, 
when he speaks of passing above Tigris, was, there is every reason 
to believe, well enough aware that he was crossing the great water- 
shed. The historian also distinguishes the country they liad ad- 
vanced into as a different region of Armenia, under its own satrap. 

In the face of all these facts, Layard savs, "Six marches, of five 
parasangs each, brought them to the small river Teleboas. 1 am 
convinced that this river cannot be identified with the Kara su, 
which would be at least between forty and fifty parasangs, or from 
eight to ten days' march, from Tilleh, supposing Xenophon to have 
made the smallest possible deviation to the west." (This is sup- 
posing the Greeks to have started from Tilleh, which is not pro- 
bable, and then to have travelled to the Kara su by way of Bitlis, 
which is left out of the consideration.) " I believe," continues 
Layard, " the Teleboas to have been the river of Bitlis. After cross- 
ing the low country of Kharzan, well described by Xenophon as 
'a plain varied by hills of an easy ascent,' the Greeks must neces- 
sarily have turned slightly to the eastward to reach the Bitlis val- 
ley, as inaccessible mountains stopped all further progress." Tiiis 
is not the case; Colonel Sheil, as before quoted, describes a road 
from Sa'art of thirty-eiglit hours to Mush direct, which does not 
pass through Bitlis : and the Colonel adds, " tliis must be the road 
which Macdonald Kinneir supposes the Ten Thousand to have 
taken after they crossed the river, which he calls the Khabur, at 
Se'rt." (Op. cit. p. 77.) Viscount Pollington passed through the 
Niphates on his journey from Erzrum to Aleppo in 183^S: and Mr 
Consul Brant did the same on his journey from Kharput by Mush 
to Bitlis. Tliis was by the valley of the'Kolb s'j, (Handle water,) 
but Mr, Brant says there was another road crossing the 


Immediately soutli of Mush. (Sec Journ. of Roy. Geog. Soc. 
n. p. 445 et seq. and p. 352 et sen.) Either of these roads wc 

p. 445 et seq. and p. 352 et seq.) Either of these roads would 
have been preferable to the mountain route through Kurdistan b} 
Bitlis, to the Greeks. 

Mr, Layard remarks, that the text of Xenophon describes the 
Greeks as coming to, not crossing, the Teleboas. Tliis would ap- 
ply itself alike to the origin of tlie Kara-su at the foot of the Nim- 
rud Tagh — to the rivulet of Mush or Ak su — the White Water — a 
tributary to the Kara-su, or to the rivulet at Kizil Aghaz on the 
north side of the Kolb Tagh. It would scarcely apply to the rivcl 
of Bitlis, with which they would have had to keep company some 
time. Beyond either of the above rivers there are plains, not so 
at the head of the Bitlis river, and all tliese rivers are beyond the 
water-shed of the Tigris, which is not the case with the river of 

Palacf. of Tiribazus. — The Greeks proceeded from the Tele- 
boas three days' march, a distance of five parasangs, through a 
plain, till they came to a palace, with several villages around it, 
stored with abundance of provisions. Tlie direction followed by 
I he Greeks, after reaching the plains of Armenia, must be chiefly 
judged of by the time spent before they crossed the Euphrates. 
Had they pursued a direct northerly course, they could have 
reached the river in a day's march, but at a point where it is scarcc- 
'y fordable. Probably they were informed of this fact, and hence 
led to pursue a north-easterly course to where the river was suf- 
ficiently fordable, and which was not attained till the sources of 
the river are described as being not far off. 

The palace of Tiribazus and surrounding villages may, from the 
distance given, be at or near the sites of Perak or Lis, nortli of 
Lake Nazuk, but this, in the absence of corroborative information, 
is naturally a merely speculative suggestion. 

The plain of Mush attains an average elevation, from my own 
observations, of 4200 ft. above the sea, which is some' 1800 
ft. below that of Arzrum, vulgo Erzrum, Erzerum, and Erzeroom.* 
But between the two, or the valleys of the western Euphrates and 
that of the Murad su, the generality of the valleys and uplands 
which attain their culminating point in the Bin giil Tagh — the 
mountain of a thousand lakes — the Abus of the Romans — and on 
v.-l;ich are patches of perpetual snow, art much higher. 

The knowledge which we now possess of the great elevation of 
these Armenian uplands explains the extreme severity of the win- 
ters, which has been the subject of much controversy; so much so, 
that Toumefort, the traveller and botanist, suggested that it might 
ie owing to so unnatural a cause as the impregnation of the soil 

• Oriental manuscripts leave no doubt as to the name of the present 
'Cai)ital of Amienia being Arzrum, vulgarly pronounced Erzerum. The im- 
iportancc of the prefix justify us in writing the word aa it is spelt, uot as it 
is proaouncecL 

320 cojimentary om 

with sal-ammoniac. Positive elevation, in which the immediate re- 
sults of a lower temperature are increased by a continental climate, 
and a long continuity of open woodless tracts, appear to be the 
main causes of the phenomena in question. 

The Hon. Mr. Curzon, who spent the winter of 1842-43 at Ar- 
zrum, speaking of the intense cold experienced at that city, the 
present capital of Armenia, says, " During great part of the year, 
and naturally in the winter, the cold was so severe that any one 
standing still for even a very short time, was frozen to death. 
Dead frozen bodies were frequently brought into the city; and it is 
common in the summer, on the melting of the snow, to find nu- 
merous corpses of men and bodies of horses, who had perished in the 
preceding winter. So usual an event is this, that there is a custom, 
or law, in the mountains of Armenia, that every summer the vil- 
lagers go out to the more dangerous passes and bury the dead 
whom they are sure to find." (Armenia, &:c. p. 162.) This will 
give some idea of what the Greeks had to suALt during a winter 
journey across the uplands of Armenia. 

Ford of the Euphrates. — From these villages an attack was 
made ujion Tiiibazus, who held a pass that lay on their way, after 
which the whole body set forward through deep snow, and tra- 
velled three days' journey, through a desert tract of country, a dis- 
tance of fifteen parasangs, to the river Euphrates, which they 
passed without being wet higher than the middle. •' The sources 
of the river were said to be not far ofi"." 

Rennell and Kinneir had both remarked that this distance is 
too great for troops marching through deep snow. All the proba- 
bilities of the case are, however, that the Greeks crossed the Murad 
su above its confluence with the Char Buhar su, and the river of 
Khanus or Kalah su, as beyond those points there would be so 
much the less water. 

Layard having taken the Greeks through Karduchia to Bitlis, 
says, " the high road from Bitlis to Northern Armenia would lead 
in exactly thirty hours, or six marches, to the Euphrates, which it 
crosses near Karaghal. I believe, therefore, that, after issuing 
from the valley of Bitlis, Xenophon turned to the westward, leav- 
ing the lake of Wan a little to the right, though completely con- 
cealed from him by a range of low liills. Skirting the western 
foot of the Nimroud Dagh range, he passed through a plain thickly 
inhabited, abounding in well-provisioned villages, and crossed here 
by ranges of hills. The country still tallies precisely with Xeno- 
phon's description." The uppjr valley of the Kara-su here alluded 
to, certainly abounds in villages, but I saw no ranges of hills actu- 
ally crossing it. It is, however, commanded by low hills where it 
takes a westerly turn. 

Colonel Chesney (ii. 229) says, " Agreeably to the intention of 
fording the great rivers towards their sources, (previously expressed, 
^nab. iv. 1,) the Greeks would necessarily proceed from the Tele 


boas in a north-eastern direction, through a very mountainous 
tract, till they could cross the Murad Chai : this could not have 
been the case before they reached 39° 10' north latitude, or some- 
where about seventy miles from the Kara su, which, under existing 
circumstances, would require the seven marches given by Xeno- 

This would identify the place where the Greeks forded the Mu- 
rad su with a position not far beyond the junction of the river of 
Khanus or the Kalah-su; as would indeed be deduced from the 
general facts of the case. 

Tributaries to the Euphrates. — From the Euphrates they 
advanced three days' march, through much snow and a level plain, 
a distance of fifteen parasangs : the third day's march was ex- 
tremely troublesome, as the north wind blew full in their faces. 
The depth of the snow w^as a fathom ; so that many of the bag- 
gage-cattle and slaves perished, with about thirty of the soldiers. 
There was plenty of wood at the encampment, which would indi- 
cate that they had reached the banks of a river, as it is almost 
only in such situations that wood is found in this part of Armenia. 
The valley most probably of one of the tributaries to the river of 
Khanus, or, if farther east, a tributary to the Murad su, on the 
plain of Arishkart. If in a westerly direction, the distances would 
load them to the upper valley of the Kalah su or river of Khanus. 
In all these instances a northerly wind would still have blown 
more or less in their faces. 

Villages ix Khanus district. — From thence they made one 
day's irregular march through the snow, the men affected with 
bulimia, snow-blindness, and mortification of the toes. Five or 
six geographic miles are as much as can be allowed for such a 
inarch : and at dark they arrived at a village with a rampart. 
The satrap residing a parasang off, very possibly at Khanus Ka- 
lahsi, which is apart from the villages. A Thermal spring, it is 
to be noted, was met with on this day's march. Xcnophon with 
the rear did not get up to the villages till the next day. The de- 
scription of the houses of the Armenians corresponds with what is 
observed in the present day, they are in part subterranean, and 
the live stock herd with the people during these severe winters. 
As these Armenians had laid in their stores for the winter, the 
Greeks found plenty of provisions, including barley-wine, and even 
grape-wine, in these villages. 

Professor Maiden rather sharply criticises this identification of 
Khanus with the villages in question, adopted by,Rennell also long 
previously, but on different grounds. "There is absolutely nothing," 
he says, " according to Mr. Ainsworth's notion of the route, but 
the existence of villages round the modern castle of Khanus, to 
identify that district with the group of villages where the Greeks 
rested a week ; for Mr. Ainsworth goes beyond his author, when 

VOL. I. Y 


he speaks of ' the palace of the satrap,' and would fain suppose the 
modern castle to be on the same site." — The impression I received 
and still retain, however, is that the women and girls at the foun- 
tain, when the Greeks told them that they wei'e going to the satrap, 
answered by informing them, that he was about a parasang oil", 
meaning thereby, not that he and his army were hovering at that 
distance, but that his residence was there ; and having read of the 
palace of the satrap Orontes and of that of Tiribazus a few pages 
before, I pictured to myself a palace or castle for the satrap of the 
Khanus district, more especially since the chief of that district 
dwells in a feudal castle to the present day. 

In identifications like these, the traveller often differs from the 
cabinet geographer or scholar, inasmuch as his identifications ark 
not only founded upon what exists, but that he has also in his 
mind at the same time what he does not enter into at length, a 
mass of negative matter as to what does not exist. The mere 
bare results thus presented often do not satisfy the critic upon the 
grounds given. When he doubts or condemns an identification, 
however, upon such grounds he does not take sufficiently into 
consideration, that the territory perhaps presents no other re- 
sources. Thus, for example, in the present instance, it is quite 
[jossible that the Greeks held on a due northerly course. I by no 
means wish to insist upon the point that they did not do so, as 
the north wind blew in their faces, and they would, in such a case, 
reach the upper and watered valleys of the Tag Tagh. 

But what lias been omitted to "be explained in the " Travels in 
the Track," is that these upper valleys of the Bin Gul Tagh, and 
Tag Tagh, are utterly unproductive, except of a little short grass, 
and a narrow fringe or belt of low wood on the banks of the rivu- 
lets. They are neither cultivated nor inhabited. 

It seems much more likely, therefore, that the Greeks found 
villages and cultivation, and heard of a satrap's residence, where 
there are in the present day villages and a chieftain's residence, 
than that they found such higher up the countiy, where there are 
none such nor traces of such to be met with, nor a possible culti- 
vation to induce the natives to settle at such a point. 

The Aras. — After stopping eight days at these villages, the 
Greeks started under guidance of a native, who, leading them three 
days' marches without coming to any villages, so irritated Cheiri- 
sophus that he struck him, which was the occasion of his running 
away in the night. From what follows in the account of their 
journey, it appears that during 'hese three days the Greeks turned 
the Tag Tagh, an easterly spur of the Bin Gul Tagh, and reached 
the tributaries of the Aras. This they would do travelling froir 
fifteen to twenty geographic miles in the three days. .The Bin 
Gill Tagh, one of the remarkable mountains of Central Armenia, 
gives birth (o the south, to tributaries to the Murad su, to the west 


and noi'th-wcst, to the tributaries to the Western Eupluates, and 
to the north and north-east, to tributaries to the Aras. 

River Phasin or Araxes. — After losing the guide, the Greeks 
are descriljed as proceeding seven days' journey, five parasangs 
each da.y, alo?if/ the river Phasis, I am indebted for tliis important 
correction of all previous versions to Professor Maiden, who has 
published it in the 7th number of the Classical Museum, April, 
18-^5, p. 36 et seq. There is, the Professor states, no real ambiguity 
in the meaning of the word -n-apd in such a context. The meaning 
is the same as in v. 10. 1, trrXsov t'lfitpac Si'o -rrapa Tt]v yijj/, " they 
sailed two days along the coast." 

This being admitted, then, it will be observed that Xenophon, 
who mistook the Aras for the Colchian Phasis, describes it as only 
a plethrum, or a hundred feet, broad, where they joined it. This 
would show that it was not far from its sources. With such an 
indefinite point to start from, and a very uncertain value of the 
])arasang in a journey through snow, it is difi^icult to measure o(T 
3.) parasangs on the map. Allowing, however, two geog. miles to 
the parasang, the utmost that can be (lone under the circumstances, 
70 miles laid down on the map to illustrate the routes by ]\Ir. Ains- 
worth, Mr. Suter, Mr. Brant, and Lord PoUington, published in 
I he 10th volume of the Journ. of the Roy. Geog. Soc., would carry 
tile Greeks to the junction of the Karu su, or river of Oran, with 
the Aras. 

Professor Maiden has conjectured, that having mistaken the 
Araxes for the Phasis, they followed the course of the stream, in 
tlie hope that it would lead them towards the Euxine, till, seeing 
that it continued to flow eastward, they resolved to try a somewhat 
more direct line. Now, nothing would have so aroused the Greeks 
to a sense of the mistake they were labouring under so much as 
coming to a large river llowing into the Aras from the north, at 
the very same time that the supposed Phasis took a bend rather 
to the south of east. Nothing would be left for them in their de- 
spair but (having crossed the Aras at its head) to turn away from 
it and follow the course of the new river they had come to north- 
wards towards its sources. The distances granted are, however, 
very great, and the very same refiections may have forced them- 
selves upon them at the very first stream they came to which 
Howcd from the north— the river of Hassan Kalah. This would 
give a distance of fifty miles direct, and upwards of seventy miles 
by river fi-om the point at which Mr. Brant and myself crossed the 
Aras. That river is already at that point fifty to sixty yards in 
width, the current rapid, the water reaching above the horse's 
girtlis. See Brant's Journal (Journ. of Roy. Geog. Soc. vol. x. p 
344). If the Greeks passed it to the westward of this, then (which 
16 not likely, as the Bin Giil Tagh presented an impediment to so 


doing) ilie chances of their not having got beyond the junction o( 
tlie Hassan Kalah tributary, is still further increased. 

Colonel Chesney's view of this portion of the retreat is as fol- 
lows (ii. 229) : 

" From hence, (the Murad sn,) in a north-western direction, to 
a point where the river Aras, or Phasis of Xenophon, is generally 
fordable, namely, at the junction of the Hassan Kalah su and the 
I3in Gul su, near Kupri Kiui, (Bridge village,) it cannot be less 
than from seventy to eighty miles; since the shorter distance from 
the latter point to the upper part of the Murad su, ne<ir Kara Ki- 
lisa, (Black or ruined Church,) is sixty-six miles." 

"It has just been seen, that the distance in question occupied 
thirteen marches, or, including four days not particularly men- 
tioned, about sixty-nine parasangs. But, as it is to be observed 
that these were intended to be road distances answering to one 
hour, it may fairly be presumed, that an army could not accom- 
plish much more than about one mile in each, especially through 
snow so deep that the whole of the specified time must have been 
consumed between the rivers Euphrates and Araxes; even the 
])rcssing marches through Mesopotamia were less than two miles 
per hour. We are told, that it even became necessary to tie bags 
stuffed with hay to the horses' feet to prevent their sinking." Jt 
is obvious, that if we admit such a judicious estimate of the value 
of the parasang, under the described circumstances, that the diffi- 
culties of explaining the marches between the Euphrates and the 
Black Sea will be considerably diminished, and that the Greeks, 
notwithstanding their seven days' journey along the Aras, as estab- 
lished by Professor Maiden, may in reality have only travelled 
some thirty-five miles along that river, and not beyond the first 
westerly— not northerly — affluent, the river of Hassan Kalahsi. 
The point at which that river joins the Aras is thirty miles by map 
from where Mr. Brant and myself crossed the Aras, but it wouC 
bo a gooil thirty-five or more by the river. 

Pass of the Taochi. — Quitting, it is to be supposed, the Aras, 
the Greeks advanced two days' journey, ten parasangs; when on 
the pass that led over the mountains into the plain, the Chalybes, 
Taochi, and Phasians were drawn up to oppose their progress.* 
As soon as they had gained this pass, and had sacrificed and erect- 
ed a trophy, they went down into the plain before th'^m, and 
arrived at a number of villages stored with abundance of ej'cellent 
provisions. These villages would apparently be situated in the 
valley of Kara Oran or Kara Osman, which is watered by the 

* It is to be supposed that these ten miles were performed over the rocky 
districts between Kupri Kiui and Khorasan. Hamilton describes the ros.i 
a! , after leaving Kupri Kiui, being soon confined to a narrow pass betwc*** 

high liills on the left and the river on tlie ri<,'ht. (i. p. 185.) 


Kara su. Kara Oran ought possibly to be read Kara "Wiran, "Black 

Mountain strong-hold of the Taochians. — From hence 
they marched five days' journey, thirty parasangs, to the countrj' 
of "the Taochi, where provisions beginning to fail them, they at- 
tacked one of the fastnesses, which is described as containing no 
houses, but defended by high rocks, down which the Taochians 
JbWed great stones. 

Supposing the country of the Taochians to correspond to that 
which is in part occupied by the Suwanli or Sughanli Tagh, if the 
parasang did not amount to more than a mile, in a ditficult and 
hostile country, this journey would have only conducted the 
(ireeks to the head waters of the river of Bardes. The forest range 
of the Suwanli Tagh is described by Hamilton as constituting an 
important and interesting feature in the geography of that part of 
the country, being the only district in which forests of any extent 
are to be found for many miles round, and its passage by Bardes 
and Gushlah is full of natural obstacles. 

It is to be observed that traces of the name of Taochi are sup- 
posed to be found in the Tauk or Taok of the Turks, and Tuchi or 
Taoutchie of the Georgian districts. These people and those of 
the little Kabarda are said by Captain Stoltzman, as quoted by 
Colonel Chesney, to still retire occasionally into wattled enclo- 

Country of the Chalybes. — Hence they advanced, seven 
days' journey, a distance of fifty parasangs, through the country of 
the Chalybes, who had their dwellings in strong places, in which 
they had" also laid up their provisions, so that the Greeks could 
get nothing from that country, but lived upon the cattle which 
they had taken from the Taochi. 

The distance from the head waters of the river of TBardes to the 
main tributary to the Arpa chai, is as the crow Hies some forty 
miles, but by following the road to Kars, as the great road docs in 
the present day, and crossing the mountains from Kars to the 
Arpa chai at Kizil Chak Chak, it would be upwards of fifty miles 
— a fair allowance for the fifty parasangs under the circumstances 
described in the text. 

River Harpasus. — The Greeks next arrived at the river Har- 
pasus, the breadth of which was four plethra. Supposing the 
modern Arpa chai to represent the Harpasus, we have shown, that 
the point where the Greeks would be expected to touch that river, 
by the distances given, would be at or where the present high road 
from Arzrum and Kars to Ardahan and Ahkiskah crosses it at 
Kizil Chak Chak. It must be already a goodly river at such a 
place, but there are no data for giving it a width of four hundred 
feet. So much obscurity indeed pervades this part of the route, 
that I am much inclined to doubt the correctness of the identifier- 


tion of the Harp.-isus of Xcnophon with the modern Arpa chwi, 
and with Colonel Chesney and Layard to consider that the histo- 
rian applied tliat name to the river now called the Juruk su or 
Tchoruk su, and which w^as called in later times the Apsarns and 
Acampsis. The Juruk in the lower part of its course would pre- 
sent a width fully of four hundred feet. 

Country of the Scythini. — Hence they proceeded through 
the territory of the Scythini, four days' journey, making twenty 
parasangs, over a level tract, until they came to some villages, in 
which they halted three days, and collected provisions. 

The distance here given, allowing about U mile for the para- 
sang, would carry the Greeks up the valley of the Arpa chai across 
the watershed of that river, and down the valley of the river of 
Olti, a tributary to the Juruk su, to about the site of Olti itself. 
Or it is possible that they may have crossed the country that in- 
tervenes between the river of Olti and the Araxes in a more direct 
line to the Juruk su, nearly touching Hamilton's route, at the head 
waters of the rivers of Narman, Lie?gaff, Turtum, and Yani Kiui, 
a line of country which Hamilton's, and still more lately Mr. 
Curzon's, descriptions show to be wooded, rocky, precipitous, and 
most difficult. 

City of Gymnias. — From this place they advanced four days' 
journey, twenty parasangs, to a large, rich, and populous city, called 
Gymnias, from which the governor of the country sent the Greeks 
a guide, to conduct them through a region at war M'ith the people. 

The distance given of twenty parasangs, allowing H mile per 
parasang, would carry the Greeks along the valley of the Olti river 
and up that of the Juruk su to Ispir or Ispira, a town of great 
antiquity, described at length by Hamilton in his Researches (vol. 
i. p. 219 et seq.). 

it is to be observed also, that supposing Mount Thcches to cor- 
respond to Tekiya Tagh, it is about sixty miles thence to Ispir, 
following the valley of the Juruk su; this in five days would give 
an average of twelve miles a day, which the Greeks may well be 
supposed to have got over in a route that did not present so many 
difficulties as usual. 

It is evident, however, that it will require further corroborative 
testimony before Gymnias ciin be admitted to be the same as the 
modern Ispir. 

Mount Theches. — On the fifth day from Gymnias, distances 
not given, they came to a mountain, the name of which was The- 
ches, and whence, to their great delight, the Greeks saw the sea. 

The distance allowed between Mount Theches and the country 
of the Macrones, which in such a country did not much exceed 
twenty miles, places Mount Theches between the Juruk su, the 
river of Baiburt, and the Kurash Tagh. It is in the present day 
called Takiya Tagh, which may be a corruption of Theches. o: 


Tlieches of it, or it may simply mean the mountain of the monas^ 
tery. This is the nam'e also given to it by Hamilton, wTio adds a 
sketch of a remarkable mountain castle near Takiya. Mr. Vivien 
de St. Martin calls the mountain in his map Hak Mesdjidy Tagh. 
This name, like that of Takiya, refers to some holy edifice ex- 
isting at the spot, and indicates that tradition has preserved the 
character imputed to the mountain by Xenophon down to existing 

Country of the Macrones. — From Mount Theches the 
Greeks advanced three days' journey, a distance of ten parasangs, 
thrpugh the country of the Macrones. On the first day they came 
to a river which divided the territory of tlie Macrones from that of 
the Scythini. On their right they had an eminence extremely 
difficult of access, and on their left another river, into which the 
boundary river which they had to cross emptied itself. 

Allowing U gco. miles to the parasang in this difficult coimtry, 
the country of the Macrones would correspond to the mountain 
land that hes between Gumush Khana or the silver mines, and the 
Kara Darah su, the Hyssus of Arrian's Periplus. This mountain 
is called Korash Tagh in Brant's map of 18.'3G. The river to which 
they came would appear to correspond with the river beyond 
Kalah Kiui, or castle village, one of the head tributaries of the 
Kharshut river, or river of Gumush Khana, into which the river of 
Kalah Kiui itself flows from the left. As the Greeks crossed the 
boundary river above its junction w'ith the river to the left, this 
very fact of its being in such a direction shows that it must have 
been a stream flowing westward, and not eastward. Had it had 
an easterly flow, and yet been to the left hand, it must have joined 
the boundary river before the Greeks crossed it. 

Country of the Colchians. — The Macrones conducted the 
Greeks through their country for three days, until they brought 
them to the confines of the Colchians. At this point there was a 
range of hills high, but accessible, and upon them the Colchians 
were drawn up in array. Having passed the summit, the Greeks 
encamped in a number of villages containing abundance of pro- 

These villages, from the distance travelled the next day to Trebi- 
zond, manifestly correspond with the Greek villages which occupy 
at the present day the head of the valley, whence a very precipitous 
road leads down from the Kohat or Kolat Tagh (qutcre Kulak 
Tagh, mountain of the pass) of Brant's map, (Journ. of Roy. Geo 
Soc. vol. vi.,) and the Kara Kaban of Hamilton, and which appeari 
to have been the range on which the Colchians had posted them 

The rivulet in question is called Surmel in Hamilton's map, 
where one of the villages is marked as Jivislik. (Kara Kapan and 
Djevisak of St. Martin's map.) It is recorded in my own notes 


as Muhurji— wooded valley with Greek villages, and a bridge over 
rivulet, at the foot of the Kara Kapan. 

Trebizond. — From the villages of the Colchians, the Greeks 
proceeded two days' march, seven parasangs, and arrived at Trebi- 
zond, a Greek city of large population, on the Euxine Sea; a 
colony of Sinope, but lying in the territory of the Colchians. 
Here they stayed thirty days, encamping in the villages of the 

It is obvious that, in sketching out a possible line of travel 
through the countries of the Taochians, Chalybes, Scythians, Ma- 
cronians, and Colchians, a region as yet little investigated, that 
other explanations might be admitted. One of these is, that the 
Greeks took a more central line, between the Aras and the Juruk 
su. This is not at all improbable. Hamilton explored this country 
from Bardes to Ispira, and found it so mountainous and difficult, 
as to fully account for a very great lapse of time in traversing it 
in almost a direct line. The difficulty that would remain to ac- 
count for here, would be the account given of the Greeks having 
arrived at the Harpasus where it was four plethra in breadth. 
But may not this have been the Bardes su or the river of Narman, 
or some obher river, not yet correctly delineated on the maps in the 
interval between the Juruk su, the Aras, the Olti ri'ver, and the 
river of Kars ? Colonel Chesney is with a still greater degree of 
probability inclined to identify the Harpasus with the Juruk su 
or Tchoruk su — variously designated as the Apsarus and Acampsis 
by the Romans. 

Upon the subject of the prolonged marches made by the Greeks 
between the Aras and the Euxine, Colonel Chesney oJBTers the fol- 
lowing general explanations. 

" On the second day after crossing the latter river, (the Araxes,) 
which Colonel Chesney supposes to have been crossed, as previously 
observed, near Kupri Kiui, the Greeks discovered the inhabitants of 
the surrounding countries, namely, the Chalybeans, the Taochians, 
and the Phasians, assembled to dispute their passage, and occupy- 
ing strong ground, probably between the territory of the two 

Here, as when difficulties of the same kind previously occurred, 
the eminences were gained by an attack made in the flank by 
volunteers; and the disheartened defenders having fled with loss, 
the Greeks got possession of some well-stored villages in advance. 

During the succeeding five marches of thirty parasangs, made 
through the territory of the Taochians, provisions were scarce, it 
being the custom of the country people to place their supplies in 
secret fastnesses, probably wattled enclosures, such as those still in 
use in the Little Kabarda, and district of Tuchi. One of these in- 
trenchments, containing a number of oxen, asses, and sheep, was, 
however, taken after a prolonged resistance; during which the 


women chose to perish rather than fall into the power of tiie 

The latter now proceeded a distance of fifty parasangs through 
the territory of the Chalybeans to the river Harpasus, which they 
accomplished in seven marches ; notwithstanding the difhc ilties 
caused by the most warlike and the most troublesome peoj)Ie 
hitherto encountered. The system of hostilities pursued chietly 
consisted in constantly harass'ing the rear; but when pressed iu 
turn, they retreated to fastnesses in which their provisions were 
secured: so that the Greeks would have been starved by their 
systematic and persevering opposition, had it not been for the 
supply of cattle taken from the Taochians. 

The difficulties experienced by Rennell, Ainsworth, and other 
commentators in following this part of the retreat of the Ten Thou- 
sand, will be greatly lessened if it be borne in mind, that the daily 
marches, through deep snow in January, the army being also 
harassed by the Chalybeans, must have "been very short. From 
the supposed crossing-place on the Aras, keeping a little way 
northward of the direct line, it is about 110 miles to the Tchoruk 
su (Juruk su) or Acampsis, near Kara Aghatch, which would 
coincide with the fourteen marches given by Xenophon, as docs 
also the position of the river in question with the Harpasus; the 
last seven marches being, as we are informed, through the country 
of the Chalybeans, the Chaldeans of Strabo (xii. 549). 

This probably was the southern part of the district of Tchildir ; 
for the Chaldeans, as a separate people, occupied a tract next to 
the Colchians, which was, however, afterwards extended to Pontus, 
and formed a considerable kingdom under Mithridates. 

Quitting the river Harpasus, twenty parasangs, made in four 
marches, brought the Greeks to a halting-place at some villages, 
possibly near the present town of Baiburt, in which they remained 
three days to obtain provisions. From hence, apparently proceed- 
ing towards the western pass through the great northern chain, 
they made twenty parasangs in three additional marches, to the 
rich and well-inhabited city of Gymnias. Possibly this place may 
now be represented by the small town of Gemeri on the Kara su, 
an aftluent of the river Frat ; in which case the distance thither, 
being about 60 miles, would occupy seven or eight marches along 
the slope of the Paryadres, a branch of the Taurus, or, as it is 
stated, through the country of the Scythinians. This appears to be 
tlie only trace of that ephemeral power, which commenced with 
the Sacae or Scythians, on the banks of the Araxes ; from whence 
the people extended their name and authority over Imiretia, Col- 
chis, Georgia, the Caucasus, Media, Persia, and even Palestine; 
according to Herodotus, the same people ruled Asia during twenty- 
eight years. 

On leaving Gymnias, the guide fiu-nishcd by the satrap of tiic 


district delighted the Greeks by saying that he would forfeit his 
head if he did not show them the sea in five marches ; and ac- 
cordingly on the fifth day, in ascending the holy mountain of The- 
chcs, the Greeks gave a tremendous shout of sur]:)rise and delight, 
on finding his promise realized. The mountain alluded to may be 
the present Gaur Tagh ; (from the summit of which Colonel Ches- 
ney saw the sea in 1831 ;) and from thence to Tarabuzun, although 
the direct distance is not great, the journey occupied five days with 
good horses. This was owing to the necessity of passing along 
what in reality is moi-e a winding chasm than a mountain valley 
in the ordinary acceptation of the word; and it is scarcely necessary 
to observe, that the marches through the mountains of Kurdistan 
and Armenia often must have presented difficulties and caused 
delays susceptible of the same kind of explanation. 

Gaur Tagh is not, however, the only mountain in this part of the 
country from which the Euxine may be seen, for the guide inform- 
ed the author that it was visible from three other peaks, namely, 
the Zigani mountain, two hours N. W. of Godol; again, with a 
more extensive view, from Fililein, two hours on the other side of 
Godol towards Gumish Khanah ; and, lastly, at the higher peak of 
Karagul, three hours southward of the latter. 

The name of the first, " Infidel mountain," and its position with 
respect to Tarabazun, claim for it the honour of representing the 
holy Thechcs; the localities also appear to correspond to the de- 
scription. Xenophon tells us that in the first day they came to a 
river separating the Macronians from the Scythinians ; and on this, 
which disembogued into another river, the Macronians were drawn 
up to dispute the passage. A negotiation, followed by a treaty, 
produced, however, friendship with that people. 

Eleven or twelve miles N. N. W. of (laur Tagh (visible from 
tlience) is the village of Damajula, which is situated near the 
meeting of four valleys and two rivers. One of the latter coming 
from the N. W. has remarkably steep banks, rising fifteen or 
twenty feet, with hills above, of difficult ascent on the eastern side, 
and a chain of more accessible shoulders on the opposite; both are 
covered with firs, and silver poplars of small size. This valley 
would have been met during the first day's march from Gaur 
Tagh, and troops posted on the opposite sides would be with- 
in speaking distance, although they must have been complete- 
ly separated by the difficult nature of the ravine. Peace being 
concluded, the Greeks were conducted by this people during the 
succeeding three marches through the remainder of their territory; 
no doubt following the valleys of Damoulee and Godol, till at the 
termination of the latter, and about thirty-one miles from Dama- 
jula, they entered that of Gumush Khanah, a little northward of 
the town of this name. 

The great and deep valley in rjucstion runs northward from 


chcnce along the foot of the Colchian mountains for about twelve 
miles, where an abutment of the latter, called Karakaban, crosses 
it near Zigani, at an elevation of 5300 feet, and the pass thus 
formed was occupied in force by the Colchians. 

Being in a state of hostility with the latter, the Macronians re- 
turned to their own country, a distance of about forty-three miles, 
which would correspond with the three marches made in a more 
favourable season (February) than the preceding part of the march. 
It is difficult to imagine a stronger barrier or a more formidable 
position than that which here presented itself, to exercise the ta- 
lent and display the unshaken intrepidity of the Grecian chief. 
Owing to the nature of the ground, as well as the numbers by 
which it was occupied, the Greeks, even could they have passed 
tlie latter unbroken, would have been out-flanked had they attack- 
ed in line. But Xenophon, without hesitation, turned this circum- 
stance to his own advantage, by a master-piece of tactics hitherto 

The Greeks were formed in eleven columns, three of which, 
each consisting of GOO targeteers and archers, occupied the flanks 
and centre ; these ascended the hill at such distances from one 
another that Xenophon not only outstretched the flanks of the 
Colchians, bur was also prepared to attack them in rear, if, con- 
trary to expectation, they had stood the shock and maintained 
their ground. At first the Colchians advanced, but before they 
closed with the Greek columns, they opened right and left, and 
eventually fled in disorder, abandoning the well-stored villages in 
their rear. 

After three days' halt, suffering from the quantity and nature of 
the honey, which, from the abundance of the azalea pontica, the 
rhododendron ponticuni, and the hellebore, in this fine country, 
affects the brain for a time, the Greeks, in two marches of seven 
parasangs, reached the villages near Tarabuzun (Trebizond). 
vVol. ii. p. 230 et seq.) 

Colonel Chesney's explanation gains a manifest advantage m 
simplicity of detail over mine, by his not taking the Greeks out 
f, the way to reach the Arpa cliai, Hamilton's Harpasus, but it 
/oses it again by going out of the way to the westward to the 
Gaur Tagil, because the Colonel saw the sea from that point. It 
is evident that there must be many heights of the mountains east 
as well as west of the river of Gumush Khanah, from whence the 
sea can be discerned. In this part of the retreat, where probably 
the i)oints will never be all definitively settled, that explanation 
which presents the greatest degree of simplicity, and at the same 
time meets most closely all the exigencies of the case, will be the 
one which will ultimately meet with the most general acceptance. 

M. "Vivien de Saint Martin, in his admirable Histoire des Decou- 
verics Gcociraphiqiies, (tome ii. p. 324,) after identifying Gymnias 


with a village called Djinnis, situated near the left bank of the Eu- 
phrates, about six leagues from Arzrum to the westward, says : 

" The body of the Greeks having left Gymnias or Djinnis, on 
the Upper Euphrates, must have ascended the Kop Tagh, de- 
scended the Massa Deressi (Marsah Darahsi) or river of Baiburt, 
then re-ascended up the course of the river of Balakhor (Balak 
Hur, "Fish stream?") to the Takiya Tagh, where the name of 
Theches is still preserved. From thence they descended to the 
upper valley of the Balak Hur, which led them to the precipitous 
chain of the Kolat Tagh, evidently the same <is the mountain ot 
the Colchians of Xenophon ; this'chain separates the two water- 
sheds, which pour their waters to the south in the Upper Tchoruk 
or river of Ispir, to the north directly to the Black Sea, towards 
the coast of Trebizond. The divers circumstances of the narrative 
do not appear to us to leave the least doubt upon this itinerary, of 
which nature has marked the features in an ineffaceable manner 
in this country of deeply contrasted configurations." 

It is scarcely necessary, but for fear of misconception it may be 
as well to remark that this identification of the Kolat Tagh with 
the mountain of the Colchians, upon the strength of the name, will 
not be received by scholars in this country. 

Professor Maiden, after recurring to the mistake made by Major 
Rennell, Kinneir, and myself, in supposing that the Greeks marched 
seven days after the guide ran away from them before they reached 
the Phas'is ; adds, 

" Rennell, however, has probably fallen into a further mistake 
in thinking that the Greeks did not cross the Harpasus ; for this 
seems to be his opinion. He supposes that they came to the river 
Ijetwcen its conflux with the Araxcs and the conflux of the river of 
Kars with the other streams that form it, and then turned back 
from it towards the west ; so that their subsequent marches for 
four days were still between the Harpasus and the Phasis or 
A raxes ; and he is inclined to identify the city of Gymnias with a 
modern town on the latter river. Xenophon certainly does not 
say distinctly that they crossed the Harpasus, but his language 
implies it. He says, 'After this the Greeks arrived at the river 
Harpasus, which "was four hundred feet broad. Thence they 
marched through the country of the Scythini,' &c. (iv. 7- 18). He 
does not say that they did not cross it, and the notice of the breadth 
of the river is not much to the purpose unless they did t-ross it; 
and besides, he uses the very same language with respect to rivers 
which were certainly crossed. (See i. 4, §§ 9 and 19 ; and iv. 4, §§ 
3 and 7.) 

" But, if they crossed it, it was probably the branch called the 
river of Kars which they crossed, not the stream below the junc- 
tion of this branch with those to the east of it ; otherwise, we 
should have them still persevering in their mistaken easterly course; 


and they would have had to cross the eastern branch on their way 
back towards the west. In crossing the river of Kars they Avould 
be going northward ; and if they then turned westward, they would 
fall in with no considerable river till they came to the Apsarus or 
Shoruk, (Juruk,) which accords with Xenophon's narrative; the 
Shoruk being identified with the river of the Macrones, 

'• After examining all the circumstances of the story, if we sup- 
pose the Greeks to have crossed the Phasis at the point which 
Kennell indicates, near the modern bridge of Koban Kupri, (same 
as Kupri Kiui,) or perhaps even nearer to its source ; and then, 
in consequence of their confusion between the two rivers Phasis, 
to have turned eastward, and marched seven days along its north- 
ern bank, and even when they left the river to have inclined but 
little towards the north, and to have reached the Harpasus about 
the junction of the river of Kars with the other branches, thus 
traversing the diagonal of the space between the Araxes and 
the Arpa-su, we assign them a march, which in winter, through 
an unknown country, and in the presence of an active enemy, 
might well occupy the time given for it. The time is twenty-one 
days ; and the distance from point to point in a straight Hne, if the 
Greeks had not kept to the river-side for the first seven days, would 
be about 120 miles. If we admit, therefore, a very reasonable ac- 
count of deviation from the direct course, and allow that the length 
of the days' marches has either been over-rated l)y Xenophon, or 
exaggerated by errors of the transcribers, the difficulties seem to 
be removed. 

" Tile problem which remains is to fix the position of the city of 
Gymnias north of the river of Kars." (The Classical Museum, 
No. vii. p. 41 et seq.) 

The most superficial glance at the map published by the Roy. 
oeog. Soc. to illustrate routes of Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Brant, Mr. 
Safer, and Lord Pollington, in the tenth volume of their Journal, 
would satisfy Professor Maiden that it was along the Bin Glil su 
or Upper Aras, that the Greeks would have performed their seven 
days' journey, and not on the Kalah su, which they joined at Ku- 
pri Kiui, where I suppose them to have terminated their seven 
days' march, having Professor Maiden's correction in mind. I 
quite agree, however, with the Professor, that the correct determin- 
ation of the position of Gymnias will do much towards elucidating 
this most abstruse part of the narrative, and the determination 
may yet be expected, from the constant progress that geographical 
and archteological research are making in the East. 

The question has, indeed, been much narrowed /n its cOmpass 
already, from the day when Rennell conceived that the Greeks, 
having lost their way, wandered up and down after crossing the 
Araxes. A more intimate acquaintance with the physical charac- 


ters of northern Armenia has shown it to be a country pecuharly 
difficult to travel in — a constant succession of liills and valleys- 
precipices and ravines — rocky ledges and foaming torrents, 

Mr. Curzon, who has given a very picturesque account of some 
of the difficulties to be met with in travelling from Arzrum to 
Trebizond, in his little work on Armenia, mentions having met 
a rich Persian merchant on the 2nd of January, at a hovel called 
Khaderach Khan, who had been eighteen days on the road from 
Trebizond, which was thirty-two hours of Tartar posting. At the 
pass of IIusha-Bunar he also came upon a party of Persians, seated 
on the ledge of a precipice, looking despairingly at a number of 
their baggage-horses which had tumbled over, and were wallowing 
in the snow many hundred feet below. At the Zigana Tagh, a 
whole caravan had been overwhelmed in an avalanche. "When 
these difficulties come to be better appreciated, it will be easy to 
understand how the Greeks should, in the depth of winter and the 
natives in open hostility to them, have spent so much time in this 
part of the country. 

" "We have not," says Layard, " I conceive, sufficient data in 
Xenophon's narrative "to identify with any degree of certainty his 
route after crossing (he Euphrates. We know that about twenty 
parasangs from that river, the Greeks encamped near a hot spring, 
and this spring might be recognised in one of the many which 
aJjound in the country. It is most probable that the Greeks took 
the road still used by caravans through the plains of Hinnis (Kha- 
nus) and Hassan-Kalah, as offering the fewest difficulties. But 
what rivers are we to identify with the Phasis and Harpasus, the 
distance between the Eupln-ates and Phasis being seventy para- 
sangs, and between the Phasis and Harpasus ninety-five, and the 
Harpasus being the larger of the two rivers ? I cannot admit that 
the Greeks turned to the west and passed near the site of the mo- 
dern Erzeroom. There are no livers in that direction to answer 
the description of Xenophon. Moreover, the Greeks came to the 
high mountain, and beheld the sea for the first time, at the dis- 
tance of thirty-two parasangs from Trebizond. Had they taken 
either of the three modern roads from Erzeroom to the coast, and 
there are no others, they must have seen the Euxine in the im- 
mediate vicinity of Trebizond, certainly not moi'e than six or eight 
parasangs from that city. I am, on the whole, inclined tc believe, 
that either the Greeks took a very tortuous course after leaving the 
Euphrates, making daily but little actual progress towards the 
great end of their arduous journey, the sea-coast, or that there is 
a considerable error in the amount of parasangs given by Xeno- 
phon; that the Harpasus must be the Tcherouk, (Juruk,) and the 
Phasis, either the Araxes or the Kur; and that Mount Theches, 
the holy mountain, from which the Greeks beheld the seaj was be* 


tween Batun and Trebizond, the army having followed the valley 
of the Tcherouk, but leaving it before reaching the site of the mo- 
dern port on the Black Sea." (Nineveh and Babylon, p, 65.) 

This is, at all events, an uncompromising statement of the ob- 
scurities that envelope this part of the retreat, if it is not a lucid re- 
cord of the details. Colonel Chesney having seen the sea with his 
own eyes from the Gaur or Jawur Tagh, is an answer to one objec- 
tion — that it could certainly not be seen at a greater distance than 
six or seven parasangs from Trebizond. With regard to other difii- 
culties, Layard would throw the whole subject back again to the 
dark .period that preceded the investigations of Rennell and Kin- 
neir. I have endeavoured to show what has been added to those 
able and conscientious researches, and the patience and zeal of 
future inquirers will, most assuredly, sift what is good from all 
these statements, will expunge that which will not stand the test 
of time, and will arrive ultimately at some clear and satisfactory 
conclusions regarding these very remarkable Armenian wanderings. 

Cerasus. — The Greeks recruited themselves at Trebizond, till 
the supplies furnished by the surrounding country were nearly ex- 
hausted, and then, only a portion of the necessary shipping having 
been obtained, they embarked their women and children, with the 
sick and the aged, under the two oldest generals, Philesius and 
Sophaenetus, while the remainder proceeded by land ; and in three 
marches they reached the Greek city Cerasus, or, more correctly, 
Kerasus. Hamilton has shown that the ancient Kerasus does not 
correspond with the modern Kirasunt, but that the site must be 
sought for at the rivulet of Kirasun Darah su, about eight miles 
from Cape Yurus, and not quite forty from Trebizond. Consider- 
ing the difRcultics of the country, it is not likely, Colonel Ches- 
ney remarks, that a greater distance could have been accomplished 
in three days. 

The Mossynoeci. — The territory of the Mossynoeci or Moschi, 
in which the Greeks became engaged in a struggle that had nearly 
been disastrous to them, appears to have stretched from a little dis- 
tance westward of Trebizond, to the district of Pharnacia, or up- 
wards of seventy miles along the coast. The fort or citadel of 
these fierce people appears to have been in the neighbourhood of 
Cerasus. These Mossynoeci — the Mossyni of Pliny and of Pom- 
ponius Mela — and who are said to derive their name from the 
wooden turrets or the trees they dwelt in, are described as being 
the most barbarous people the Greeks met with during the whole 
of their journey. 

The Chaly'bes. — The Greeks were eight days travelling through 
the territory of the Mossynoeci, after which they came to that of 
the Chalybes. These were subject to the Mossynoecians, and far 
from being numerous, they lived by the manufacture of iron, and 
were mixed with the Tibarenians. Hamilton found the poor na- 


tivcR of the coast occupied in the present day in extracting iron 
from the superficial soil, not exactly at this spot, but to the west 
of Cotyora, and between the ruins of Polemonium and the Ther- 
modon, directly south of Uniyah Kalah, ancient Oenoe, 

CoTYonA. — Marching through the country of the Tibareni, 
which is described as being more campaign, and the towns near 
the sea not so strong, the Greeks came to Cotyora, a Greek city, 
and a colony of Sinopians, situated in the territory of the Tibare- 
nians. Cotyora was replaced by Pharnacia, which was built, ac- 
cording to Strabo, out of its spoils, and hence, in the time of Ar- 
rian, was already a mere village. 

Hamilton has identified the site with a place called Ordu or 
Urdu, where are some remains of an ancient port, and Colonel 
Chesney has accepted the identification. There are some difii- 
culties in the way of this identification with the distances given by 
Arrian in the Pcriplus of the Euxine Sea, which led me to prefer 
the site of Parshambah. It is, however, by no means a point to 
be insisted upon. 

SiKOPE. — After discussing the question of forming a Greek set- 
tlement on the Euxine, as well as the relative advantages of a 
homeward voyage by sea, and a march thither by land, the Greeks 
adopted the former course ; and the Cotyorians having provided 
the necessary ship])ing to get rid of their uninvited guests, a fair 
ftind carried the Greeks rapidly along the coast of Paphlagonia, 
when passing in succession the rivers Thermodon (Thirmah su), 
Iris (Yashil Irmak), and Halys ( Irmak), they landed at 
Harmene or Armene, a port five miles from the flourishing city of 
Sinope, once a Milesian colony. The site of this port and city is 
too well known to require further illustration. 

Heraclea. — After electing Cheirisophus commander-in-chief, 
the Greeks sailed from Sinope along the coast of Paphlagonia and 
Bithvnia, to Heraclea, where the army disembarked at the close of 
the second day's sail. Xenophon makes the Greeks pass the rivers 
Thermodon and Halys on this journey, by mistake; instead of on 
that from Cotyora to Sinope. 

The Greeks came to an anchor near to the peninsula of the 
Aclicrusians — the site of one of Hercules' fabled exploits. The 
modern town of Harakli occupies onlj- the south-west corner of the 
space covered by the ancient city. The I^ycus noticed by Xeno- 
phon is called the Kilij su or Sword river, significative of the same 
thing — its sudden wolf-like or destructive risings. 

Calpe. — The Greeks, in their apparent great anxiety for booty 
— an anxiety which attained its acme as they were getting near 
home, divided into three bodies. The Arcadians and the Achae- 
ans, mustering about 4500 heavy-armed men, proceeded by sea to 
Calpe. while the other heavy-armed men and the Thracian targe- 
V.ers,who amounted to about 2 100 men under Cheirisophus, marched 


along the coast to Thrace ; Xenophon himself, at the head of 1700 
heavy-armed men, 300 targeteers, and 40 horsemen, marching, ac- 
cording to Colonel Chesney, towards Calpe in a direct line. I 
read it, however, through the middle of the country, a phrase which 
is twice repeated in the account of the journey, and as the district 
that lies between the shore and the plains of Tuz-cha and Saban- 
cha, is occupied by the Yailah Tagh, a densely wooded ranf^e of hills, 
totally impassable to a body of troops, there remained no alternative 
but to keep to the shore or to take to the middle of the coiuitry. 
My idea, as expressed in the " Travels in the Track," and which I 
am still inclined to hold by, is, tlmt Xenophon, in t-he pursuit of 
booty.crossed the Yailah Tagh— ancient Mons Hypius,and descend- 
ed upon the fertile plain of Trusa ad Hypium, but on Hearing of the 
the straits in which his comrades were placed at Calpe, he re- 
turned thither through the westerly prolongation of the same hills. 
Tlie promontory of Calpe enjoyed in those times the same name as 
that of Gibraltar. It is now called Kirpah or Kafkan Adasi. — After a long stay and no small disasters entailed 
by the restlessness of the Greeks at Calpe, they started from that 
place, marching through Bithynia, or Asiatic Thrace, as it was also 
called, six days' march, to Chrysopohs— the Golden cit>', the mo- 
dern Uskudar or Scutari, opposite to Constantinople. The dis- 
tance travelled upon this occasion by road of some eighty miles in 
six days, gives an average of thirteen miles a day, showing that 
eight; ten, and twelve were as often assumed ordinary day's jour- 
neys, under circumstances of greater difficulties, according to the 
exigencies of the case, and may indeed have been still less. The 
retreat of the Ten Thousand may in reality be said to end at this 
point, for the kind of business which they became engaged in after 
crossing the Bosphorus, has nothing to do with that on which they 
were originally taken from their homes by the ambition of Cyrus. 

The Ten Thousand in European Thrace. — From Chrysopolis 
the Greeks crossed over to Byzantium, where they were but scur- 
vily treated by the Lacedaemonian admiral Anaxibius, and hence 
obliged to quarter in some Thracian villages. Xenophon sailed in 
tlie mean time to Cyzicus, (now Baal Kiz,) from whence he re- 
turned to his comrades, and led them all, except such as remained 
with Neon and such as liad disbanded on finding themselves in 
Europe, to Perinthus, now Harakli. From this point they were 
induced by large promises to assist Seuthes, son of Maesades, to 
recover his patrimony as one of the independent kings of Thrace. 
In execution of this compact they marched into the country called 
the Delta of the Thracians, above Byzantium, that of the Melino- 
phagi, who dwelt in the eastern part of the Kutchuk Balkhan, 
(Little Balkhan,) and they arrived at Sahnydissus or Kalmydissus, 
now Midiyah, on the Euxiue, After tluy had subdued the in- 

VOL. I. « 


habitiints, who lived chiefly by the plunder of wrecks, they re- 
turned and encamped on a plain above Selymbria. 

The Greeks arrive at Pergamus. — At this point the Greeks 
parted from Seuthes, who had failed to fulfil his promises made to 
them, and crossing the Propontis, they repaired to Lampsacus, a 
well-known port on the Hellespont, now called Lamsaki. From 
hence they marched through Troas, and passing over the celebrated 
Mount Ida, they came fust to Antandrus, now Antandros, neai 
Adramiti. Hence they continued their march along the coast of 
the Lydian sea, to the plain of Thebes. It is known, from Herod- 
otus and Livy, that the plain of Adramyttium was so called. 
Thence they passed through Adramyttium or Atraniyttium Cer 
tonium, which is believed to be the Karene of Herodotus, and 
Atarne, an Aeolian city — the Atarneus of Strabo, from whence 
they reached Pergamus, where the narrative of the historian finally 

The whole of the way, both of the Expedition and of the Re- 
treat, is said to have comprised two hundred and fifteen days' 
march, of eleven hundred and fifty-five parasangs, and of thirty 
thousand six hundred and fifty stadia: and the time employed in 
I oth. was a year and three months. 



Any mis, i. 1. 9. A city of Mysia on flie, nearly op- 
posite Sestus on the European shore. Aidos or Avklo, a modern 
viUage on the Hellespont, may be the site of Abydus, though the 
conclusion from a name alone is not admitted by some critics. 

Acherusian Chersonese, vi. 2. 2 : the scene, as it is said, of Hcr- 
cules's twelfrii labour, to bring up the dog Cerberus from Acheron. 
It ran out into the Black Sea, near Heraclea, now Harakli. Ainsw. 
p. 215. 

TEolia, V. 6. 24. A district on the west coast of Asia Minor, 
which is included by Strabo in the larger division of Mysia. 

Antandrus, vii. 8. 7. A city on the coast of Troas, now Antan- 

Apollonia, vii. 8. 1/5. A town of Mysia, on an eminence east of 
Pergamus, on the way to Sardis. Strabo, xiii. p. 625. It seems to 
have been near the borders of Lydia. The exact site does not ap- 
pear to be determined. 

Arabia, i. 5. 1 ; vii. 8. 25. The term Arabia is used by Xenophon 
to designate those parts of Mesopotamia which lie south of the river 
Khabur, the same as are described by Strabo, (i. 2, p. Go ; xvi. 1, p. 
351,) as inhabited by the Arabes Scenitae or Nomade Arabs, and 
which are in the present day chiefly occupied by the Shamar 

Araxes, i. 4. 19. There is every reason to believe that what 
Xenophon calls the Araxes, (a river of Meso|)otaniia running into 
the Euphrates,) is the same river that is called Chaboras by Ptolemy 
and Pliny, Aborras by Strabo, Zosimus, Ammianus Marcellinns, 
and otiier writers : and by the Arabs, the Khabur. A contributor 
to the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, art. Chaboras^ 
has however thought fit to question this identification. 

Armenia, Orontes the satrap of, iii. 5. 17 ; contains the sources 
of the Tigris and Euphrates, iv. 1. 3; divided by the river Centrites 
from the country of the Carduchi, iv. 3. 1 ; its mountains, iv. 3. 20; 
traversed by the Greeks, iv. 4. 1 ; Western Armenia, Tiribazus sa- 
trap of, iv. 4. 4; their boys act as cui>bearers, iv. 5. 33 ; their horses 
described, iv. 5. 36- 

Z 2 


Atarneus, a city of Mysia, opposite to Lesbos, and a strong place. 
Tlie site is generally fixed at Uikheli or Dikhali Kiiii. Cramer's Asia 
Minor, vol. i. p. 133. 

Atramyttium or Adramyttium, a town situated at the head of the 
bay, called from it Sinus Adramyttenus, on the river Caicus, in My- 
^a, on the road from the Hellespont to Pergamus. Now Adra- 
hytti. Ainsw. p. 230, 21'8. 

Babylon, its distance from Cunaxa, where the battle was fought, 
ii. 2. 6 ; its distance from Cotyora in Pontus, v. 5. 4. 

Babylonia, i. 7- 1 ; ii. 2. 13. 

Bisanthe, vii. 2. 38 ; .5.8; a city on the Propontis, north-west of 
Pcrinthus. At a later period its name was changed into Rhaedestum 
or Rhaedestus, whence its present name, liodosto. Kriiger ad vii. 2. 38. 

Bithynia, Pharnabazus satrap of it, vii. 8. 25. 

Byzantium, on the Bosporus, now Coyistantinople ; the Greeks force 
an entrance into it, vii. 1. 1(5 ; belonged to the Athenians before the 
Peloponnesian war, vii. 1. 27. 

Caenae, ii. 4. 28. A large city of Mesopotamia on the Tigris. 
Supposed by Mannert, Rennell, and others to be represented by the 
ruins at Senn, but determined by Colonel Chesney and Colonel Raw- 
linson to be represented by the ruins at or near Kalah Shirgat or 
Kileh Shirgat. 

Caicus, Plain of,- vii. 8. 8, 18. The Caicus is a river of Mysia and 
Lydia, flowing past Pergamus into the sea opposite Lesbos; it is 
now called the Krimakli. Ainsw. p. 230. 

Calpe, Harbour of, in Bithynia, described, vi. 4. 1, 2. See also \\. 
2- 13, 17; vi. 3. 2. It is now called Kirpah Liman, and the moiuitain 
Kaifkan Tagh, the chief headland or promontory Kaijkan Adasi, and 
a lesser promontory Yalanji Kaifkan, or the lying or deceitful Kaif- 

Cappadocia, i. 2. 20 ; vii. 8. 25. 

Carduchi or Karduchi, now the Kurds. A people inhabiting 
the mountains of Kurdistan, the ancient Gordene or Gordiaeus 
Mons, the banks of the Tigris, and more particularly the country bor- 
dering on Armenia and Assyria: independent, hardy, and warlike 
mountaineers, iii. 5. 16; v. 5. 17; vii. 8. 25 ; the Greeks ascend their 
hills, iii. 5. 17; iv. 1. 2; attempt in vain to be friendly with them, 
iv. 1. 8, 9 ; are haras^sed by them, iv. i. IC; 3. 7. 

Carsus or Karsus, Cersus or Kersus, a river of Cilicia, i. 4. 4. The 
Andricus of Pliny, now Markatz su, at the Gates of Cilicia and 
Sj'ria, i. 4. 4. Ainsw. p. 58. 

■Castolus, Plain of, i. 1. 2; !). 7. Stephamis says that Castolus 
was a city of Lydia. See note on i. 1. 2. 

Caystrus, Plain of, i. 2. 11. Supposed to be the plain o{ Bulavadin, 
in the lower part of which is the lake called Ibar Gill. Hamilton 
thinks at or near the village called Chai Kiui or " river village." It 
has been placed higher up, near Surmanah. Koch and Long have 
dissented from the latter identification. See Kiihner ad i. 2. 11. 

Celaenac, a large city of Phrygia^-i. 27. Xerxes built its citadel, 


i. 2. 9. Cyrus had a palace there. Tlic site is now cillcd Dinair or 
Deenair. Leake's Tour, p. 158. Cramer, vol. ii. p. 50. Hamilton, 
vol. i. p. 499, 505. 

Centrites, a river dividing the country of the Carduchi from Ar- 
menia, iv. 3. 1 ; ihe Greeks cross it, iv. 3. 15. Now the Buhtan Chai. 
Ains. Travels, vol. ii. p. 35C. Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, p 
49, 63. 

Ceramon Agora, or Ceramorum Forum, i. 2. 10. This place 
appears to be represented by the modern Ushak, still a place of con- 
siderable traffic and commerce. Hamilton, ii. 204. Hutchinson 
supposes it to be the same with Ceranse, mentioned by Plin. H N. 
V. 41. 

Cerasus, a Greek city on the coast of Colchis, founded by the 
people of Sinope, v. 3. 2; 5. 10; 7. 13. The site of this place was 
not at the modern Kirasunt, but in a valley bearing the same name 
of Kirasxm Darah su, or river of the valley of Kerasus. Hamilton, i. 
250. Eustathius, ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 4;57, says that the place was 
so named from the abundance of Ki^aaoi, cherry trees, that grew 
there. Hence it is supposed Lucullus first introduced the cherry 
tree into Europe. Plin. II. N. xv. 5. 3 ; 5. 10; 7. 13. 

Ccrsus, see Carsus. 

Certonium, a city of Mysia, vii. 8. 8. It is not mentioned in any 
other author: see Cramer, Asia Minor, vol. i. p. 133, who favours 
the suggestion of Hutchinson, that we should perhaps read Kapivtic 
tiie name of a town mentioned by Herodotus. It has been conjec- 
tured that it may be the Cytonium of Theopompus (Steph. s. v. 
Kktwi'iov) : there being now a place named Kidonia, near the suj)- 

Eosed situation of Certonium. But Cytonium was between Mysia and 
.ydia; and Xenophon's Certonium is in Mysia. Carine orCarene 
may have stood on the river Caresos, mentioned by Homer, 11. xii. 

Chalccdon, on the Bosporus, opposite Byzantium, vii. 1. 20; 2. 
24, 26. Now KuiH Kiui. Ains. i. 14. 

Clialcedonia, vi. 6. 38. 

Chaldaeans, iv. 3. 4; v. 5. 17 ; vii. 8. 25. Now Khaldis and Nc*- 
torian mountaineers. 

Chains, a river of Syria, i. 4. 9. Identified by Colonel Chesney 
with the Baluklu su, or Fish river, a tributary to the Sajnr, but move 
probably the Chalib or Kuwait, the river of Aleppo. Ainsw. p. 03. 

Chalybes, a people on the shore of the Euxine, bordering on Ar- 
menia, iv. 5. 34; vii. 8. 25; serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4. 18 ; meet 
the Greeks, iv. (J. 5; their bravery, and armour, vi. 7. 15; subject 
to the Mossynoeci, v. 5. 1. Strabo makes the Chalybes the same 
as the Chaldaei. Ainsw. p. 184. 

Charmanda, a large city on the Euphrates, i. 5. 10. Formerly 
identified with Hit, but Colonel Chesney thinks that the site is re- 
presented by ruins opposite to the island of Jibhah or Jubbah. (Ex- 
ped. to survey the rivers Euph. and Tigris, vol. ii. p. 214.) 

Chersonesus opposite Abydus, or the Tliracian Chersonesiis, i. 1. 
9 ; ii. 6. 2, 24 ; its beauty and fertility, v. 6. 25 ; vii. 1. 13. 

Chersonesus, Acherusiaii. See Acherusian Chersonesus. 


Cluysopolis, a city near Chalccdon, vi. 1. 1 ; 6. 38. Now Uskudat 
or Scutari. Ainsw. p. 222. 

Cilicia, difficulty of entering it, i. 2. 21 ; situation and nature of tlie 
country, i. 2. 22 ; its Gates, i. 4. 4. 

Coetae, vii. 8. 25. Perhaps a corruption of Taochi: see Dindorf 
ad loc. 

Colchians, iv. 8. 23 ; vii. 8. 25 ; oppose the Greeks, but are de- 
feated, iv. 8. 9, 18 ; Greeks suffer from the Colchian honey, iv. 8. 
20 ; their deputies stoned, v. 7. 2. 

Colossac, a Large city of Phrygia Major, i. 2. 6. Supposed hy 
Arundel (ii. 159) to be represented by ruins at the modern Chonos 
or Khonos, but identified by Hamilton with ruins about three miles 
north of that site (i. 508.) 

Comania, vii. 8. 15. It seems to have been a fortress not far 
from Pergamus. Zcune ad loc. 

Corsote, a deserted city on the /iver, or canal, Mascas, i. 5. 4. 
Supposed to be represented by ruins at a site now called Irzah or 
Wetdi. Ainsw, p. 79. 

Cotyora, a Greek city, and colony of the Sinopians, situated on 
the Euxine in the territory of the Tibareni, v. 5. 3, 4. Cramer (i. 
278) places it at Bityuk Kalah, " Great Castle," near Cape Vona or 
Bona. Kinneir and Hamilton think it lay nearer to Urdu or 

Cyduus, flows through the midst of Tarsus, i. 2. 23. Now called 
Tarsus chai. 

Cyzicus, a city of Mysia on the Propontis, vii. 2. 5. This ccle- 
bi-ated city is now represented by the ruins of lial Kiz, of which a 
description is given by Hamilton, (ii. 103,) and Leake, p. 271. 

Dana, a city ef Cappadocia, i. 2. 20. The same as the Tyana of 
Strabo, xiii. p. 371- Now represented by the ruins oi Kiz Ilissar. 

Dardes, a river described as a plethrinn in breadth at its sources, 
i. 4. 10. In most of the old editions it is called the Daradax. Iden- 
tified formerly with the canal at Balis, but supposed by Colonel 
Clicsiiey to be the same as the fountain of Al Bab, near the source 
of tlie stream called Dhahah or Dabb (ii. 213). 

Delta of Thrace, was between Byzantium and Salmydessus, vii. 1. 
S3; 5. 1. Gryllus e?e Bosporo Thracio (see Schneider ad vii. 5. 1) 
places it at the angular point Dcrkon, m which opinion D'Anville 
agrees with him. Rcnnell, p. 2G8, thinks it the angular space run- 
ning out into the Euxine near Byzantium. 

Dolopes, of Epirus, i. 2. G. 

Drilae, v. 2. 1. Arrian, Peripl. p. 123, ed. Blanc, suggests that 
this people may have been a tribe of the Sanni or Macrones. Sec 
Ainsw. p. 189, and Cramer, Asia Min. i. p. 287, who refers to Staph. 
Byz. v. ApuXfu. 

Ecbatana, the capital of Media, ii. 4. 25; iii. 5. 15. The Ecb.i 
tana or Agbatana, "Treasure city," of Media is supposed to be re 
presented by Ilamadan, t'ne Ecbatana of Assyria by A^nadiyah, tlie 
Ecbatana of Babylonia by Kirkuk, and the Ecbatana of Atropatciie 


by Tukhti Suldman. There were also Ecbatanas at Pcrsepolis and 
on Mount Carniel. 

Ephesus, ii. 2. 6. The ruins of Ephesus have been described by 
Spon and Wlieler, Chishull and Chandler, Arundel, Hamilton, ref- 
lows, and others. The site of these ruins is now called Ayasaluk. 

Euphrates, its breadth, i. 4. 11. Cyrus crosses it, i. 4. 17, 18. llio 
Greeks re-cross it, not far from its source, iv. 5. 2. 

Ganus, a city of Thrace, on the Propontis, to the south of BIsanthe, 
vii. 5. 8. 

(Jates of Cilicia and Syria, i. 4. 4. See note ad loc. 

Gates, Babylonian, i. 5. 5 ; placed by Colonel Chesiicy 21- iiiih'S 
sn6rt of the Median Wall, nearly ojjposite the village of Jarrah (ii. 
214) ; by others at the termination of the hilly country on the j)lain3 
of Babylonia. See note ad loc. 

Gymiiias, a large city of the Scythini, iv. 7- 19. Identified former- 
ly conjecturally with Arzrum, now with hpir or Ispira. Identified by 
Colonel Chesney with the little town of Gemeri on the Kara su, (ii. 
]). 230) ; by M. Vivien de Saint Martin, Hist, des Decouverlcs Gcot/ni- 
phiques, (tome ii. p. 324,) with DJinnis, a village on the left bank of 
the Upper Euphrates, about six leagues from Arzrum. 

Halisarne, a town near Pergamus, vii. 8. 17. It is mentioned by 
Xen. Hell. iii. 1.4; Plin. H. N. v. 32; and Steph. Byz. 

Ilalys, river of Paphlagonia, v. 6. 9; vi. 2. 1. Now called tlio 
Kizil Irmak, or Red River. See Jasonian Shore. 

Harniene, a port near Sinope, vi. 1. 15. Strabo, xii. p. 545 ; Ar- 
rian, Peripl. p. 127. 

Harpasus, river so called, iv. 7. 18. Rennell (p. 225) and Hamil- 
ton (i. 197) have identified this river with the Arpa chat, a brancii 
or tributary to the Aras or Araxes, but Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) 
and Layard (Nin. and Baby. p. (i.3) have identified it with the 
Juruk or Tchoruk ni, he Apsarus of the Romans. 

Heraclea, a Greek citj' of Pontus, originally a colony from Mc- 
gara, in the territory of the Mariandyni, vi. 2. 1 ; its distance from 
Byzantium, vi. 4. 2; much frequented by ships, v. 6. 10. It is now 
called Harakli. (.Vins. Trav. i. 38.) For its history, see Justin, B. xvi. 

Heracleotis, the territory of Heraclea, vi. 2. 19. 

Hesperitae, vii. 8. 2j. 

Hyrcanians, vii. 8. 15. 

[conium, an ancient city of Phrygia, i. 2. 19. Now Koniytih, th« 
capital of Karaman, seat of a pasha and of a Greek metropolitan. 

Ida, mountain of Troas, vii. 8. 7- l>iovf Karajah Tagh. 

Iris, a river of Paphlagonia, v. 6. 9 ; vi. 2. 1. Now the Yashil 
Irmak, or Green River. 

Issi, or Issus, a large city on the coast of Cilicia, i. 2. 24; 4. 1. 
Has been identified with ruuis on the Dali chai,"miid or swift river," 
supptf^ed to be the Piuarus. It was in later times called Nicopoli*. 
See Steph. Byz., and Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. ii. p. 359 

Isthmus of Corinth, ii. 6. 3. 


.)asoniari Shore, vi. 2. 1. Kviiger supposes the passage in whicu 
this is mentioned, from iranaTrXkovi tg to tovtov Si, to be an interpo- 
hifion, because tlie rivers named in connexion with it, the Ther- 
modon. Iris, and Ilalys, do not run into the Euxinc on thai side of 
Sinope, but on the other, to the east of it. Koch thinks it is a mis- 
take of Xenophon himself: see Kiihner ad loc. See Ainsw. p. 213 ; 
llennell, p. 2(il. 

Lampsacus, vii. 8. 1, G. A city of Mysia, on the Hellespont, now 
Lamsaki. Cramer's Asia Minor, vol. i. p. ()5. 

Larissa, a large city on the Tigris, iii. 4. 7. Identified by most 
recent inquirers, as in the Trav. in the Track, by Colonel Chesney, 
Colonel Rawlinson, and Layard, with the great Assyrian ruin now 
called Nimrud or Athur. Koch, it ajipears, differs from this view of 
tiie subject ; see Kiihner ad loc. Bochart thought it the same as the 
Resen of Gen. x. 12. 

Lotophagi, iii. 2. 25. 

Lycaonia, a country of Asia INIinor, laid waste by Cyrus, i. 2. 19. 
Not subject to the king of Persia, iii. 2. 23. Mithridates satrap of 
it, vii. 8. 25. 

Lyceum, at Athens, vii. 8. 1. See note ad loc. 

Lycus, a river running into the Black Sea near Heraclea, vi. 2. 

3. It is now called Kilij su, or Sword river. See Cramer's Asia 
Min. vol. i. p. 203. 

Lydia, vii. 8. 20. 

Macrones, a people at the extremity of Cappadocia, on the con- 
fines of Colchis and Armenia, iv. 8. 1 ; v. 5. 18 ; vii. 8. 25. In later 
times they were called Sanni or Tsani, according to Eustath. ad 
Dionys. v. 766. See also Strabo, xii. p. 825. Yet Pliny, H. N. vi. 

4, keeps the Macrones and Sanni distinct. Ainsw. p. 189. 
Maeander, in Lydia, i. 2. 5, 6. Now Mandamh or Mendereh su. 
Mardi, a people on the borders of Media, iv. 4. 3. Some read 


_ Mariandyni, a people of Bithynia or Paphlagonia, in whose ter- 
ritory Heraclea stood, vi. 2. 1. 

Marsyas, a river of Lydia, running into the Maeander, i. 2. 8. 

Mascas, a river or canal of Mesopotamia, joining the Euphrates, 
i. 5. 4. 

Media, Greeks return through it, ii. 4. 27 ; iii. 5. 15. Beauty of 
the women of Media, iii. 2. 25. Sovereignty over the country ob- 
tained by the Persians, iii. 4. 8, 11. 

Media, Wall of, i. 7. 15. ii. 4. 12. It appears to have stretched 
across the narrow space between the Tigris and Euphrates, from 
the site of the ancient Opis to the Sipphara of Ptolemy, the ruins of 
which are now called Sifairah. Ainsw. p. 107, seqq. 

iMelanditie, a people of Thrace, vii. 2. 32. 

Melinopliagi, a people of Thrace near Salmydessus, vii. 5. 12. 

Mcspila, or Meso-pulai, middle gates or pass, a city of Media 
taken by the Peisians, iii. 4. 10 — 12. Identified by Rennell with 
Nineveh, by Colonel Rawlinson with Musul or Mausil. It may have 


comprised both or portions of both, that is tosay.somuch of each city 
as lay near the river pass, and which at all times have been parts 
of the same city, as Soxitliwark to London or London to South wark. 
The fortress or castle, which Xenophon mentions as being near it, is 
now called Yarum-Jah, 

Miletus, in Ionia, near the mouth of the Maeander; besieged, i- 
1.7; -1. 2. Why it did not revolt to Cyrus, i. 9. 9. 

Mountain, Sacred, iv. 7. 21. 

— _ — another, vii. 1. 14; 3. 3. 

Mossynoeci, a people on the shores of the Euxine, near Ccrasus, 
between the Tibareni and Drila;, v. 4. 2; v. 5. 1. NVere not subject 
to the Persians, vii. 8. 25. 

Myriandrus, a city near tlic sea, inliabited by Phoenicians, i. 4. (J. 
It was a ])lace of trade and a harbour, not far from the present port 
of Iskandanm or Alexandretta, nearer to and more in front of the 
))ass of Bailan between Amanus and Rhosus, but the actual site has 
not been determined. 

Mysia, vii. 8. 8. The Mysians ravage the province of Cyrus, i. 
G. 7; Cyrus makes war upon them, i. 9. 14; not subject to the king 
of Persia, iii. 2. 23. Dance of a Mysian, vi. 1. 9 ; stratagem of a 
Mysian, v. 2. 29. 

Neontichos, a town and harboiu" of Thrace, between (lanus and 
Selybria. Scylax, Peripl. p. 28, ed. lluds. 

Odrysae, a people of European Thrace, vii. 2. 32; 3. IG; 4. 21 ; 
5. 1, 15. 

Olympia, v. 3. 7; v. 3. 11. 

Olynthians, i. 2. 6. 

Ophrynium, a town of Troas, near Dardanus, vii. 8. 5. 

Opis, a large city on the river Physcus, ii. 4. 25. Formerly sup- 
posed to be represented by ruins at the embouchure of the river 
Athaim or Adhcm into the Tigris, now with the ruins oi Aski Baghdad 
or Old Baghdad, where the ancient canal called Katur or Nahncan 
takes its departure from the Tigris, or, according to Colonel Ches- 
ney, with ruins at Kayim or Kaim on the Nahr al Risas, a southerly 
cross-cut to the Nahncan. 

Pajddagonia described, v. 6. G ; Corylas satrap of it, vii. 8. 25 ; 
Paphlagonian helmets, v. 2. 22; 4. 13. 

Parium, a town on the Propontis, between Cyzicus and the Hel- 
lespont, vii. 2. 7; 2. 25 ; 3. 20; 3. IG. 

Parthenium, a town'of Mysia near Pergamus, vii. 8. 15, 21. Plin, 
II. N. v. 30. 

Peltae, a town of Plirygia, i. 2. 10. The plain near Peltae on which 
Cyrus reviewed his troops may either be represented by the Baklan 
Ucah on the great plain to the south o{ Ishakli, or at the foot of the 
mountains two miles on the road from Ishakli to Dinair. (Hamil- 
ton, ii. 1G3 and 203.) 

Pergamus, a celebrated city of Mysia, near the Caicus, vii. 8. 8, 
23. Now called Bergma,9x Bergamo. Cramer's Asia Minor, i. p. 136. 


Periiithus, a city of Tlirace on the Propontis, west of Byzanliuiu. 
ii. G. 2 ; vii. 2. 8, 11, 28; 4. 2. In later times it was called Ilera- 
cloa, and is now Ilarakli. 

Persians, the beauty of their women, iii. 2. 25 ; their bows large, 
iii. 4. 17; their cavalry of little use in the night, iii. 4. 35 ; Persian 
dance, vi. 1. 10. 

Phasis, iv. G. 4. Not the Phasis of Colchis, which runs into the 
Euxine, but a river of Armenia, flowing into tl>e Caspian, called by 
other writers the Araxes. Rennell, p. 230. " Xenophon seems to 
have confounded this river with tlie Phasis of Colchis." Kiihner, 
ad loc. The plain through which the upper portion of the Aras or 
Araxes flows, is still called Pasin. (See map to illustrate routes (jf 
Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Brant, Mr. Suter, and Lord PoUington, in the 
loth volume of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society.) 

Phoenicia, vii. 8. 25. 

Pholoe, V. 3. 10, a woody mountain range between Arcadia and 
El is, now Mauro Boicni. Cramer's Ancient Greece, iii. p. 92. 

Phrygia, v. G. 24; vii. 8. 25. 

Physcus, a river or canal connected with the Tigris, ii. 4. 25. 
Identified by Captain Lynch and Mr. Ross with the river Aihaim or 
Adhcm. (Journ. R. G. S. vol. ix. 472, 448.) By Colonel Rawlinson, 
with the Katur or Kahrwan. (Journ. R. G. S. vol. x. 93— y7.) By 
Colonel Chesney, (ii. 221,) with the Nahr al lUsas, a tributary to the 

Pisidians, the inhabitants of a mountainous district to the north 
of Pamphylia, perpetual enemies to the Persians, ii. 5. 13; iii. 2. 23. 
Cyrus pretends that he is going to attack them, i. 2. 1 ; had formerly 
been at war with them, i. 9. 14. 

Pontus, the country on the shores of the Euxine, v. 6. 15, 16. 

Pontus Euxinus, iv. 8. 22. 

Psarus, or Sarus, a considerable river of Cilicia, running into the 
Mediterranean, i. 4. 1. It is now called the Sihun or Saihun. Ainsw. 

Pyramus, a large river of Cilicia, flowing into the Sinus Issicus, 
1. 4. 1. Now the Jihun or Jaihun. Ainsw p. 52. 

Sacred Mountain. See Mountain. 

Salmydessus, a city of Thrace on the Euxine, vii. 5. 12. It is now 
called Midiyah. Rennell, p. 2(;7. 

Sardi-s, or Sardes, the chief city of Lydia, and of Cyrus's govern- 
ment, i. 2. 2; iii. 1. 8.^ 

Scillus, a town of Elis, not far from Olympia, assigned by the 
Laceda-monians to Xenophon for a residence during his exile, v. 3. 
7. See Kriiger de Xen. Vita, p. 20 ; Schneider, Epimetrum de 
Scllluntio Agro. 

Scythini, a people near the Euxine, bordering on the Macrones, 
iv. 7. 18. Rennell, p. 243; Ainsw. p. 228. 

Selinus. Xenophon speaks of two rivers of this name, one flow- 
ing by the temple of Diana at Ephesus, another near Olympia, o:i 
whicli he erected a temple to Diana, v. 3. 8. 

Selybria, or Selymbria, a city of Thrace on the Propontis, betwcej 


Dyzantium and Perinthus, vii. 2. 8; 5. 15. Now called Silitii, Aiiisw. 
p. 227. 

Sinope, a Greek city in Paphlagonia, on the Eiixine, originally a 
colony from Miletus, vi. 1.15; a deputy from it to the Greeks, v. 5. 
12. Now called Situib. Ainsw. p. 211. 

Sittace, a large city of Babylonia on the Tigris, iii. 4. 13. Form- 
erly identified with the ruins of Akbara, a city of the Khalifs ; but 
since witli those at Shiriat al Baida. 

Soli, a city on the coast of Cilicia, i. 2. 24. Afterwards Pompei- 
opolis. Poni])on. i. xiii. ; Ptol. v. viii. ; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 18. 
Now Asia S/tahir, "old city," near Mazatlu. 

Susa, the winter residence of the Persian kings, on the river 
Choaspes, ii. 4. 25 ; iii. 5. 15. Now Sius on the Kirkliah or Choaspes. 
The Sliushan of Scripture is now Sttsati on the Karun or Eulaeus. 
Rawlinson, Journ. 11. G. S. (vol. ix. p. 85); Long, ditto (iii. 257); 
Layard, ditto (xii. 102). 

Syria, i. 4. 0" ; Syrians regard certain fish, and doves, as gods, 
i. 4. 9. 

Syrian Gates. See Gates. 

Taochi, a people between Armenia and the Euxine ; some of them 
serve under Tiribazus, iv. 4, 18; they opj)ose the passage of the 
Greeks, iv. 6. 5 ; tlie Greeks take one of their fortresses, iv. 7. 2; 
tlicy are not subject to the king of Persia, v. 5. 17. 

'larsus, a large and rich city of Cilicia on the river Cydnus, i. 2. 
2;3 ; plundered by the soldiers of Menon, i. 2. 26. It still retains 
its ancient name. 

Teleboas, a small river in Western Armenia, iv. 4. 3. Identified 
by Layard (Nin and Baby. p. G4) with the river of BitUs; by most 
other recent commentators, with the head-waters of the Kara su, in 
Hash or Moxoene. 

Teuthrania, a town and district in Mysia, ii. 1. 3 ; vii. 8. 17. 

Tiiapsacus, a city of Syria on the Euphrates, at wliich Cyrus 
crosses that river, i. 4.11. Afterwards Am])liipolis (I'liny, 11. N. 
V. 21); also Turmeda (.Stcnh. Byz.) ; Tiphsali (1 Kings iv. 21). 
Now designated as the ford of the Badawin at Al Ilammam near 
Suriyah, ancient Sura or Sure of Ptolemy. Sura in Pliny, and 
Ura (ih.). 

Tbebe, plain of, in Lydia, according to the common reading in 
vii. 8. 7. But some copies have 'Aaiaq : Kriiger. Kuhner would 
read ^Ivaiag. The Thebe meant is probably that at the foot of 
Mount Placos in Mysia, and hence called Hypoplacia. See Cra- 
mer's Asia Minor, i. p. 129. 

Theches, the mountain from which the Greeks had their first 
view of the Euxine, iv. 7. 21. Colonel Chesney (ii. 230) iderti/ies 
Tiicches with th.e Gaur or Jawur Tagh, "Infidel Mountain." It 
lias been more generally identified with the Takiyah Tagh or " Monas- 
tery Mountain," the llak Masjldi 'I'arjh of Vivien de St. Martin. 

Therniodon, a river of Paphlagonia, running into the Euxine, v 
6. t); vi. 2. 1. See Jasonian Shore. 


Thrace, Asiatic, vi. 4. 1. The people of it attack the Arcadian*, 
vi. 3. 4. 

Thrace, European, vii.l. 5; a Thracian dance, vi. 1.5; banquet, 
vii. 3. 16; dress, vii. 4. 4; Thracian mountaineers, vii. 4. 11; theii 
mode of flight, vii. 4. 17. 

Thracian Area or Square, a place in Byzantium, vii. 1. 24. Pro- 
bably the At Maidan. 

Thymbrium, a town of Phrygia, i. 2. 13. Probably represented in 
the present day by Ak Shahir, " the white city," if not situated be- 
tween that town and Ulu Bunar, the supposed fountain of Midas ; 
but this is unlikely-. 

Thvnians, or Bithynians, a people of European Thrace, vii. 2 
22; vii. 4. 1, 14,18. 

Tibai-eni, a people of Asia, bordering on the Chalybes, v. 5. 2 ; 
vii. 8. 25. 

Tigris, canals from it comminiicating with the Euphrates, i.7. 15 ; 
ii, 4. 13; the Greeks cross it by a bridge, ii. 4. 24 ; they recross it 
near its source, iv. 4. 3. 

Tralles, a fortified town of Lydia on the Maeander, i. 4. 8. Some 
ruins of it still remain. Ainsw. p. (Jl. 

'J'ranipsac, a people of Thrace, vii. 2. 32. 

Trapezus, Trebisond, on the Pontus, a Greek city in the territorj 
of the Colchians, iv. 8. 22. It paid tribute to Sinope, of which ii 
was a colony, v. 5. 10. 

Troas, v. (j. 24 ; vii. 8. 7. 

TyriiBum, a town of Phrygia, i. 2. 14. Formerly identified with 
Arkiit Khan, but most probably represented by Ilghun. Hamilton 
(ii. 200). Colonel Chesney (ii. 208). 

Zabatus, or Zapatas, a river of Assyria, running into the Tigris, 
ii. 5. 1 ; iii. 3. (). Zerab of the Chaldeans and Hebrews, corrupted 
iiild Zarl) and Zab. The Lycus of Herodotus, Polybius, Strabo, 
%i\A I'toliiiiy. Diabs of Amni. Marcellinus. Now Zab ala. 



Ihc two charges on which Socrates was condemned to death by the Athe 
iiians, sect. 1. The first charge refuted by several arguments: for Si>. 
crates used to sacrifice to the gods, 2; he practised divination, and hit 
dcemon was no new god, 2 — 5; he recommended that the gods should be 
consulted by man in perplcxiog circumstances, 6—9 ; he was guilty of no 
impiety, he avoided vain speculations respecting the gods, and said lliat 
the business of philosophy was the study of virtue, 10 — 17; his life was 
in accordance with the precepts of morality, 18 — 20. 

1. I HAVE often wondered by wliat arguments the accusera' 
of Socrates persuaded the Atlienians that he deserved death 
from the state ; for the indictment against him was to this 
effect : Socrates offends against the laws in not 


2 In the first place, that he did not respect the gods whom 

' Plato, m his Apology of Socrates, mentions his accusers by 
name : MeleUi.i, a bad author of tragedies and songs (see Aristoph. 
Ran. 1302, and the Sclioliast) ; Anytna, who was a tanner or currier, 
as appears from Xcn. Apol. sect. 2f), ilhistratcd by the industry of 
Boruemann, p. 72, ed. 182'4', and p. 350, ed. 1829; and Lyco, an ora- 
tor, to whom allusion seems to be made in Aristoph. Vesp. 1301. 

' Ob ro/u'^di)'.] Nojui^f tv Stoi'C is (Jeos tnore publico (rip vofjiif)) receptoa 
colere. • » * Hence oi vivofnai^avoi Biol are the gods publicly ac- 

coeere. ~ • - iieuce ot vivo/i 
knowlcdged and worshipped. 



tJie cih/ respects, what proof did they bring ? For he Avas 
seen frequently sacrificing at home, and frequently on the 
public altars of the city ; nor was it unknown that he used 
divination ; as it was a common subject of talk, that " Socrates 
used to say tliat the divinity instructed him;" and it was 
from this circumstance, indeed, tliat they seem chiefly to have 
derived the charge of introducing new deities. 3. He how- 
ever introduced nothing newer than those who, practising 
divination, consult auguries, voices,' omens, and sacrifices ; for 
they do not imagine tliat birds, or people who meet them, 
know what is advantageous for those seeking presages, but 
that the gods, by their means, signify what will be so ; and 
such was the opinion that Socrates entertained. 4. Most 
people say that tliey arc diverted from an object, or prompted 
to it, by birds, or by the people who meet them ; but Socrates 
spoke as he thought, for he said it was the divinity that was 
his monitor. He also told many of his friends to do certain 
things, and not to do others, intimating that the divinity had 
forewarned him ; and advantage attended those who obey- 
ed his suggestions, but repentance, those who disregarded 

5. Yet who would not acknowledge that Socrates wished to 
appear to his friends uoither a fool nor a boaster? But he 
would have seemed to be both, if, after saying that intima- 
tions were given him by a god, he had then been proved 
guilty of falsehood. It is manifest, therefore, that he would 
have uttered no predictions, if he had not trusted that they 
Avould prove true. But who, in such matters, would trust to 
any one but a god ? And how could he, who trusted the gods, 
think that there were no gods ? ^ 

• *///ia((;.] <!'/;/()}, an omcii taken from tlio voices of men. See 
Cicero dc Div. i. 4.5. 102; wlicr,e it is said that the Pythaj^orcans ob- 
served not only the voices of tlie f,'ods, but also those of men, and 
called the signs from them omina. See luistath. ad II. k, p. 709; 
Xen. Apol. 12; Bornemann ad Apol. IS, p. 51, ed. 1824; Herbst 
on Sympos. iv. 48, and on tliis passage. Kilhner. 

" n(7)c ovK dvai ^eovQ ii'o/dSfi/ ;] Xenophon here goes out of his 
line of avgtuiient, and introduces a new point, which is not given 
in the charge against Socrates as it stands in sect. 1. He there says 
that Socrates was accused of introducing new gods, not of denying 
that there were gods. Plato, in his Apology, p. 36, C, has ma"de a 
far more accurate distinction between these two points of accusa- 
tion. KxUm^r. li is ub.scrvable, that \i ilvai were omitted, the ques- 


6. He also acted towards his friends according to his con- 
victions, for he recommended them to perform affairs of ne- 
cessary consequence' in such a manner as he thought that 
they would be best managed ; but concerning those of wliich 
it was doubtful how they would terminate, he sent them to 
fake auguries whether they should be done or not. 7. Those 
who would govern families or cities well, he said, had need of 
divination ; for to become skilful in architecture, or working in 
brass, or agriculture, or in commanding men, or to become a 
critic in any such arts,- or a good reasoner, or a skilful regu- 
lator of a household, or a well-qualified general, he considered 
as wholly matters of learning, and left to the choice of tlie 
liuman understanding ; s. but he said that the gods reserved 
to themselves the most important particulars attending such 
matters, of which nothing was apparent to men ; for neither 
was it certain to him who had sown his field well, who should 
reap the fruit of it ; nor certain to him who had built a house 
well, who should inhabit it ; nor certain to him who was skilled 
in generalship, whether it would be for his advantage to act 
as a general ; nor certain to him who was versed in political 
affairs, whether it would be for his profit to be at the head of 
the state ; nor certain to him who had married a beautiful wife 
in hopes of happiness, whether he should not incur niisery by 
her means ; nor certain to him who had acquired powerful 
connexions in the state, whether he might not be banished by 
(hem : 9. and those who thought that none of these things 
depended on the gods, but that all were dependent on the 
human understanding, he pronounced to be insane ; as he also 
pronounced those to be insane who had recourse to omens re- 
specting matters which the gods had granted to men to dis 
cover by the exercise of their faculties ; as if, for instance, a 
man should inquire whether it would be better to take for the 
driver of his chariot, one who knows how to drive, or one 
who does not know ; or whether it would be better to place 

tion Avould he in accordance with the accusation : " How could he, 
wlio trusted in the gods, not pay respect to the gods? " 

' Td avayKa'ta.'j Things of which the event is certain, because 
necessary, as Ernesti interprets. Schneider. 

' Tiov ToiovTujv fpyaiv iKiTciaTiKov.^ 'E^iraariKog appears to signify 
one wlio can point out the merits and defects in works, though he 
himself could not execute anything better than what he criticise' ; 
a uiuu of theory, not of practice. Weiske. 


over liis ship one who knows how to steer it, or one who does 
not know; or if men should ask respecting matters which 
llicy may learn by counting, or measuring, or weighing; for 
those who inquired of the gods concerning such matters he 
thought guilty of impiety, and said that it was the duty of 
men to learn whatever the gods had enabled them to do by 
learning, and to try to ascertain from the gods by augury 
whatever was obscure to men ; as the gods always afford in- 
formation to those to whom they are rendered propitious. 

10. He was constantly in public, for he went in the morning 
to the places for walking and the gymnasia; at the time when 
the market was full ' he was to be seen there ; and the rest of 
the day he was where he Avas likely to meet the greatest 
number of people; he was generally engaged in discourse, 
and all who pleased were at liberty to Iiear him; ii. yet no 
one ever either saw Socrates doing, or heard him saying, any- 
thing impious or profane ; for he did not dis|)ute about the 
nature of things as most other philosophers disputed,^ specu- 
lating how that which is called by sopliists tlie world was 
produced, and by what necessary laws everything in the hea- 
vens is effected, but endeavoured to show that those who chose 
sucli objects of contemplation Avere foolish; 12. and used in 
the first place to inquire of them whether tliey thought that 
they already knew sufficient of human alFairs, and therefore 
proceeded to such subjects of meditation, or whether, when 
tlicy neglected human affairs entirely, and speculated on celes- 
tial matters, they thonght that they were doing what became 
them. 13. He wondered, too, that it was not apparent to 
them that it is impossible for man to satisfy himself on such 
points, since even those who pride themselves most on dis- 
cussing them, do not hold the same opinions one with another, 

' nX>;-5oi'fTf;r oyonot,-] See note on Anal), i. 8. 1. 

* Tliat Socrates used at times to discuss pli3^sical subjects, appears 
from Xenoplion himself, (see c.4. and Synip. vi. 6,) as well as from 
Plato's Apology and Pliredo, c. 46, and Diog. Laert. ii. 45; but he 
pursued u different method from that of other philosophers in such 
niscussions; for, abstaining from subtle and useless inquiries as to 
tlie origin of things, the courses of the heavenly bodies, and other 
Dbscure topics, he directed his inquiries to the consideration of the 
divine power, the nature of man, the connexion of the lunuan with 
the divine nature, and the government of the world by divine 
int'ucncc. Kuhner. 

CH. 1.] OX Tilt rii:i,o5ornEK3. 333 

but arc, compared with each other, like madmen ; u. fur of mad- 
men some have no fear of what is to be feared, and others fear 
what is not to be feared ; some think it no shame to say or do 
anything whatever before men, and others think that tliey 
ought not to go among men at all ; some pay no respect to 
temple, or altar, or anything dedicated to the gods, and others 
worship stones, and common stocks, and beasts : so of those 
who speculate on the nature of the universe, some imagine 
that all that exists is one, others that there are worlds infinite 
in number; some that all things are in perpetual motion, 
others that nothing is ever moved ; some that all things are 
generated and decay, and others that nothing is cither gener- 
ated or decays. 

13. He would ask, also, concerning such philosophers, 
whether, as those who have learned arts practised by men, 
expect that they will be able to carry into effect what they 
have learned, either for themselves, or for any one else whom 
they may wish, so those v.'ho inquire into celestial things, 
imagine that, when they have discovered by what laws every- 
thing is effected, they will be able to produce, whenever they 
please, wind, rain, changes of the seasons, and whatever else 
of that sort they may desire, or whether they have no such 
expectation, but are content merely to know how everything 
of that nature is generated, ir.. Such were the observations 
which he made about those who busied themselves in such 
speculations ; but for himself, he would hold discourse, from 
time to time, on what concerned mankind, considering what 
was pious, what impious ; what was becoming, Avhat unbe- 
coming; what was just, what unjust; what was sanity, 
what insanity ; what was fortitude, what cowardice ; what a 
state was, and what the character of a statesman ; what was 
tlie nature of government over men, and the qualities of one 
Bkilled in governing them ; and touching on other subjects, 
with which he thought that those who were acquainted were 
men of worth and estimation, but that those who were ignor- 
ant of them might justly be deemed no better than slaves. 

n. As to those matters, then, on which Socrates gave no 
intimation what his sentiments were, it is not at all wonderful 
that his judges should have decided erroneously concerning 
him ; but is it not wond-^.rful that they should have taken no 
account of such things \s all men knew? is. For when h« 

VOL 1. 2 a 


was a member of the senate, and had taken the senator's oath, 
in which it was expressed that lie would vote in accordance 
with the laws, he, being president in the assembly of the 
people when they wore eager to put to death Thrasyllus, 
Erasinides, and all the nine generals, by a single vote con- 
trary to the law, refused,' though the multitude were en- 
raged at him, and many of those in power uttered threats 
against him, to put the question to the vote, but considered it 
of more importance to observe his oath than to gratify the 
people contrary to what was right, or to seek safety against 
those who menaced him ; 19. for he thought that the gods 
paid regard to men, not in the way in which some people 
suppose, who imagine that the gods know some things and do 
not know others, but he considered that the gods know all 
things, both what is said, what is done, and what is medi- 
tated in silence, and are present everywhere, and give ad- 
monitions to men concerning everything human. 

20. I wonder, therefore, how the Athenians were ever per- 
suaded that Socrates had not right sentiments concerning the 
gods ; a man who never said or did anything impious towards 
the gods, but spoke and acted in such a manner with respect 
to them, that any other who had spoken and acted in the same 
manner, would have been, and have been considered, emi- 
nently pious. 


Reply to the other charge against Socrates. He did not corniiit the youth, for 
his whole teaching dissuaded them from vice, and encouraged them to tem- 
perance and virtue of every kind, sect. 1 — 8. He exhorted them to ohcj 
the laws, 9 — 11. If Critias and Alcibiadcs, who listened to his discourses, 
became coirupt, the fault was not his, 12—28 ; he endeavoured to reclaim 
them, till they deserted him ; and others, who resigned themselves wholly 
to his instructions, became virtuous and honourable men, 28 — 48. Other 
frivolous assertions refuted, 49— CO. His benevolence, disinterestedness, 
and general merits, 61 — CI. 

1. It also seems wonderful to me, that any should hav« 
been persuaded that Socrates corrupted the youth ; Socrates, 
who, in addition to what has been said of him, was not only 
' See Xcn. Hell. i. 7, '^specially sect. 14, 


the most rigid of a\\ men in the government of lu's passions 
and appetites, but also most able to withstand cold, heat, and 
every kind of labour ; and, besides, so inured to frugality, that, 
though he possessed very little, he very easily made it a suili- 
ciency. 2. How, then, being of such a character himself, 
could he have rendered others impious, or lawless, or luxuri- 
ous, or incontinent, or too eifeminate to endure labour ? On 
the contrary, he resti-ained many of them from such vices, 
leading them to love virtue, and giving them hopes, that if 
they would take care of themselves, they would become hon- 
ourable and worthy characters. 3. Not indeed that he evoi 
professed to be an instructor in that way, but, by showing 
tliat he was himself such a character, he made those in his 
society hope that, by imitating him, they would become such 
as he was. 

4. Of the body he was not neglectful, nor did he commend 
those who were. He did not approve that a person should 
eat to excess, and then use innnoderate exercise, but recom- 
mended that he should work off, by a proper degree of exer- 
cise, as much as the appetite received with pleasure ; for such a 
habit, he said, was ijcculiarly conducive to health, and did not 
prevent attention to the mind, 5. lie was not, however, fine 
or ostentatious in his clothes or sandals, or in any of his 
habits of life ; yet he did not make those about him lovers tf 
money,' for he checked them in this as well as other passions, 
and asked no remuneration from those who desired his com- 
pany. 6. By refraining from such demand, he thought that 
he consulted his liberty, and called those who took money for 
their discourses their own enslavers, since they must of neces- 
sity hold discussions with those fi'om whom they received 
pay, 7. lie expressed wonder, too, that any one who pro- 
fessed to teach virtue, should demand money, and not tliiiik 
that he gained the greatest profit in securing a good friend, 
but fear that he whom he had made an honourable and 
worthy character would not retain the greatest gratitude 
towards his greatest benefactor. 8. Socrates, indeed, never 
expressed so much to any one ; yet he believed that those of 
his associates who imbibed what he approved, would be always 
good friends both to himself and to each other. How then 

' Though he was net extravagant, he was not avaricious ; nri 
had his conversation a tendency to make others avaricious. 
2 A 2 

So(3 MEMORABILIA O^ SOCtlAtES. [b. t. 

could a man of such a character corrupt the jOullg, unless, 
indeed, the study of virtue be corruption ? 

9. "But assuredly," said the accuser, "he caused those who 
conversed with him to despise the established laws, by saying 
how foolish it was to elect the magistrates of a state by beans,' 
when nobody would be willing to take a pilot elected by 
beans, or an architect, or a fllute-player,^ or a person in any 
other profession, which, if erroneously exercised, would cause 
far less harm than errors in the administration of a state;" 
and declared that " such remarks excited the young to con- 
temn the established form of government, and disposed them 
to acts of violence." lo. But I think that young men who 
exercise their understanding, and expect to become capable 
of teaching their fellow-citizens what is for their interest, 
grow by no means addicted to violence, knowing that on 
violence attend enmity and danger, but that, by persuasion, 
the same results are attained without peril, and with good- 
will ; for those who are compelled by us, hate us as if despoiled 
of something, while those who are persuaded by us, love us 
as if they had received a favour. It is not the part, there- 
fore, of those who cultivate the intellect to use violence ; for 
to adopt such a course belongs to those who possess brute 
force without intellect, ii. Besides, he who would venture 
to use force, had need of no small number of allies, but he 
who can succeed with persuasion, has need of none, for, 
though left alone, he would think himself still able to persuade ; 
and it by no means belongs to such men to shed blood, for 
who would wish to put another man to death rather than to 
have him as a living subject persuaded to obey? 

12. "But," said the accuser, "Critias and Alcibiades, after 
having been associates of Socrates, inflicted a great number 
of evils on the state ; for Critias was the most avaricious and 
violent of all that composed the oligarchy, and Alcibiades 
was the most intemperate, insolent, and turbulent of all those 
in the democracy." 13. For whatever evil they did the state, 
I shall make no apology ; but as to their intimacy with 

' 'Atto Kva/iov.'] Black and white beans were used in voting for 
the magistrates at Athens. 

* MrjS' avXrjTy.] These words, which occur in the texts of Weiskc, 
Schneider, and all otliers that I have seen, are omitted by Kiihner; 
perhaps inadvertently. 

311. 2.] CltlTIAS AND ALCIBIADES. 357 

Socrates, I will state how it took place, u. These two men 
were by nature the most ambitious of all the Athenians, and 
wislied that everything should be done by their means, and that 
lliey themselves should become the most celebrated of all men. 
But they knew that Socrates lived Avith the utmost content- 
ment on very small means, that he >vas most abstinent from 
every kind of pleasure, and that he swayed those with Avhom 
he conversed just as he pleased by his arguments; is. and, 
seeing such to be the case, and being such characters as they 
have just been stated to be, Avhether will any one say that 
they sought his society from a desire to lead such a life as 
Socrates led, and to practise such temperance as he i)ractised, 
or from an expectation that, if they associated with him, they 
would become eminently able to speak and act? ifi. I myself, 
indeed, am o-f opinion, that if a god had given them their 
choice, whether they would live their wliole lives as they 
saw Socrates living, or die, they would have chosen rather to 
die ; and they showed this disposition by Avhat they did ; for 
as soon as they considered themselves superior to their asso- 
ciates, they at once started away from Socrates, and engaged 
in political life, to qualify themselves for which they had 
sought the society of Socrates. 

17. Perhaps some one may observe on this point, tliat 
Socrates should not have tauglit his followers polities before 
he taught them self-control. To this remark I make no reply 
at present;' but I see that all teachers make themselves 
examples to their pupils how far they practise what they 
teach, and stimulate them by precepts; is. and I know that 
Socrates made himself an example to those who associated 
with him a-s a man of honourable and excellent character, 
and that he discoursed admirably concerning virtue and other 
tilings that concern mankind. I know, too, that those men 
ycercised self-control as long as they conversed with Socrates, 
not from fear lest they should be fined or beaten by him, but 
from a persuasion at the time that it was best to observe such 

10. Perhaps, however, many of those who profess to be 

l-hilosophcrs, may say that a man once just, can never become 

unjust, or once modest, immodest; and that, with regard to 

' Xenophon leaves this point for the present, intending to reply 

to it in iv. .1. Kii/iner. 


any other qualification, (among such as can be taught,) he 
Avlio has once learned it can never become ignorant of it. 
Rut regarding such points I am not of that opinion ; for I sec 
that as those who do not the body, cannot perform 
wliat is proper to the body, so those who do not exercise tho 
mind, cannot perform what is proper to the mind; for they 
can neither do that which they ouglit to do, nor refrain from 
that from wliich they ought to refrain. 20. For whicli reason 
fathers keep their sons, though tliey be of a virtuous disposi- 
tion, from the society of bad men, in tlie belief that associa- 
tion with the good is an exercise of virtue, but that association 
witli the bad is the destruction of it. One of the poets also 
bears testimony to this truth, who says, 

'E(f6\wv fiiv yap dir laQXa hcd^fai' i]V li KUKolai 
Zii/i/ii'fjyj/f, aiToKCiQ Kal -bv iovra I'ooa'. 
From good men you will learn what is good; hut if you associate 
with tlie bad, you will lose tiie understanding which is in you.' 

And anotlier, who observes, 

AiTflp avijp ayaQhg tote jiiv kukoq, aXKori 5' taOXog. 
A good man is at one time good, and at another bad. 

21. I also concur with them; for I see that as people forget 
metrical compositions when they do not practise the repetition 
of lliem, so forgetfulncss of precepts of instruction is produced 
in those who neglect them. But where a person forgets 
moral admonitions, he forgets also what the mind felt when it 
liad a desire for self-government; and, when he forgets this, 
ii is not at all Avonderful that lie forgets self-government also. 

22. I see, too, that those who arc given up to a fondness for 
di inking, and those who have fallen in love, are less able to 
attend to what they ought to do, and to refrain from what 
lliey ouglit not to do; ibr many, who can be frugal in tlieir 
expenses before they fall in love, are, after falling in love, 
unable to continue so; and, when they have exhausted their 
re.sourees, they no longer abstain from means of gain from 
wliicii tlicy previously shrunk a,s tliinking them dishonourable. 
2!. How is it impossible, then, that he who has once had a 

' This distich is taken from Theognis, v. 35, 36. That Socrates 
was fond of quoting it, appears also from Xen. Symp. ii. 4, and 
Plato, Menon, p. 95, D. Whence the following verse is taken is 
unknown. Kiihner. 


control over himself, may afterwaixls cease to maintain it, and 
that he who was once able to observe justice, may subsequently 
become unable ? To me everything honourable and good 
seems to be maintained by exercise, and self-control not the 
least ; for sensual desires, generated in the same body with 
the soul, are constantly exciting it to abandon self-control, 
and to gratify themselves and tlie body as soon as possible. 

21. Critias and Alcibiades, then, as long as they associated 
with Socrates, were able, with the assistance of his example, to 
maintain a mastery over tlieir immoral inclinations; but, 
when they were separated from liim, Critias, fleeing to Thcs- 
saly, formed connexions there with men who practised dis- 
honesty rather than justice ; and Alcibiades also, being sought 
by many women, even of high rank, for his beauty, and being 
corrupted by many men, who were well able to seduce him by 
their flattery, on account of his influence in the city and 
among the allies, and being also lionourcd by the people, and 
easily obtaining the pre-eminence among them, became like 
the wrestlers in the gymnastic games, who, when they are 
fairly superior to others, neglect their exercise ; so he grew 
neglectful of self-control. 2:1. When such was their for- 
tune, and when they were proud of their birth, elated witli 
iheir wealth, pufled up with their power, corrupted by many 
associates, demoralized by all these means, and long absent 
from Socrates, what wonder is it if they became headstrong? 
20. And tlien, if they did anything wrong, does the accuser 
blame Socrates for it? and does Socrates seem to the accuser 
deserving of no praise, for having, when they were young, and 
when it is likely that they were most inconsiderate and in- 
tractable, rendered them discreet? 27. Yet other affairs are 
not judged of in such a way ; for what flute-player, or what 
teacher of the harp, or what other instructor, if he produces 
competent pupils, and if they, attaching themselves to other 
masters, become less skilful, is blamed for their deterioration ? 
Or what father, if his son, while he associated with one man, 
should be virtuous, but afterwards, on uniting himself to 
some other person, should become vicious, would blame the 
former of the two ? would he not rather, the more corrupt 
liis son became with the second, bestow the greater praise on 
the first ? Not even parents themselves, when they have their 
wns in their society, are blamed if their sons do anything 


wrong, provided thej themselves are correct in their conduct- 
as. In the same manner it wouki be right to judge of Socrates ; 
if he had done anything immoral, he would justly be thought 
to be a bad man ; but if he constantly observed morality, how 
can he reasonably bear the blame of vice which was not in 
him ? 

29. Or even if he himself did nothing wrong, but com- 
mended others when he saw them doing wrong, he would 
justly be censured. AVhen he perceived, however, that Critias 
was enamoured of Euthydemus, and was seeking to have the 
enjoyment of his society, like those who abuse the persons of 
others for licentious purposes, he dissuaded him from his in- 
tention, by saying that it was illiberal, and unbecoming a man 
of honour and proper feeling, to offer supplications to the ob- 
ject of his affections, with whom he wished to be held in high 
esteem, beseeching and entreating him, like a beggar, to grant 
a favour, especially Avhen such favour was for no good end. 
30. But as Critias paid no regard to such remonstrances, and 
was not diverted from his pursuit, it is said that Socrates, in 
tlie presence of many others as well as of Euthydemus, observed 
tliat " Critias seemed to him to have some feeling like that of 
a pig, as he wished to rub against Euthydemus as swine 
against stones." 3i. Critias, in consequence, conceived such 
a hatred to Socrates, that when he was one of the Thirty 
Tyrants, and was appointed a law-maker ^ with Charicles, he 
remembered the circumstance to his disadvantage, and insert- 
ed in his laws that " none should teach the art of disputa- 
tion," intending an insult to Socrates, yet not knowing how 
to affect him in particular, but laying to his cliarge what Avas 
imputed to the philosophers by the multitude,^ and calumni- 
ating him to the people ; at least such is my opinion ; for I 
myself never heard this from Socrates, nor do I remember 
having known any one say that he heard it from him. 32. 

' See Hellen. ii. 3. 2. Of the Thirty, Charicles alone is here 
named, besides Critias the chief of them, because, by conspiring 
witli Critias and a few of tlie others, lie afterwards acquired great 
authority and power in the state. K'dhner. Tlie law here mentioned 
was abrogated after the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants. See 
Potter's Antiquities of Greece, vol. i. c. 25. 

° The common charge brought by the multitude against the phi- 
losophers and sophists, was, that they endeavoured to "make the 
ttorsc appear the better reason : " rbv fy'rin \6yov kouttw ttqiCiv- 


^ut Critias showed that such was the case ; for when tho 
Thirty had put to death many of the citizens, and those not 
of the inferior class, and had encouraged many to acts of injus- 
tice,' Socrates happened to observe, that "it seemed surprisinjr 
to him if a man, becoming herdsman of a number of cattle, and 
rendering the cattle fewer and in worse condition, should not 
confess that he was a bad herdsman, and still more surprising 
if a man, becoming governor of a city, and rendering the peo- 
ple fewer and in worse condition, should not feel ashamed, and 
be conscious of being a bad governor of the city." 33. This 
remark being repeated to the Thirty, Critias and Cliaricles 
summoned Socrates before them, showed him the law, and 
forbade him to hold discourse with the youth. Socrates in- 
quired of them, if he might be permitted to ask a question as to 
any point in the prohibitions that miglit not be understood by 
him. They gave him peimission. 34. " Then," said he, " I am 
prepared to obey the laws ; but that I may not unconsciously 
transgress through ignorance, I wish to ascertain exactly 
from you, 'whether it is because you think that the art of 
reasoning is an auxiliary to what is rightly spoken,^ or to 
what ir- not rightly spoken, that you give command to abstain 
from it; for if it be an adjunct to what is rightly spoken, it 
is plain that we have to abstain from speaking lightly ; but if 
to what is not rightly spoken, it is plain that we ought to en- 
deavour to speak rightly.' " 35. Charicles, falling into a 
passion with him, said, " Since, Socrates, you are ignorant of 
this particular, we give you an order more easy to be under- 
stood, not to discourse at all ivith the ijoitng." " That it may 
not be doubtful, then," said Socrates, " whether I do anything 
contrary to what is enjoined, dehne for me till what age I 
must consider men to be young." " As long," replied Chari- 
cles, " as they are not allowed to fill the office of senator, as 
not being yet come to maturity of understanding ; and do not 

' See Plato's Apology of Socrates, c. 20 : Ola it) icai dWoig iKtlvot 
iroWolq TToXXd irpoatTarTov, /3ot;\o/x£j'ot log TrXiiarovg di/aTrXi/rrai atruov. 

• ^vv To~Q on^ioQ \eyoi.uroig 'tlvac.'] That is, " that tlie art of 
speaking supports what is riglitly said ; " for (tvv nvi ilvai signifies 
aliciii auxilio esse. See my Gr. dr. vol. ii. § GOl. Kulmer. Schncide' 
took avv for iv, giving tlie passage the meaning of inter ilia qui 
rede dlcuntur, whicli is, as Weiske says, a forced sense of aiv, but 
wliicli, it must be confessed, suits very well with the sequel « f the 
question put by Socrates. 


discourse with such as arc under thirty years of age." 3C. "And 
if I -wish to buy anything," said Socrates, " and a person under 
thirty years of age has it for sale, may I not ask him at wliat 
price he sells it ? " " Yes, such questions as these," replied 
Charicles, " but you are accustomed to ask most of your ques- 
tions about things, when you know very well bow they stand ; 
such questions, tlierefore, do not ask." " If then any young 
man," said he, " should ask me such a question as ' where docs 
Cliaricles live?' or 'where is Critias?' may I not answer 
him, if I know ?" " Yes, you may answer such questions," 
said Charicles. 37. " But," added Critias, "it will be necessary 
for you to abstain from speaking of those shoemakers,^ and 
carpenters, and smiths ; indeed I think that they must now be 
worn out, from being so often in your mouth." " I must 
therefore," said Socrates, " abstain from the illustrations that 
I attach to the mention of those people, illustrations on jus- 
tice, piety, and other such subjects." " Yes, by Jupiter," 
retorted Charicles, " and you must abstain from illustrations 
#aken from herdsmen ; for, if you do not, take care lest you 
yourself make the cattle fewer." ^ 38. Hence it w;is evident 
that they were angry with Socrates on account of liis remark 
about the cattle having been reported to tliem. 

What sort of intercourse Critias had with Socrates, and 
flow they stood towards each other, has now been stated, so. 
But I would say that no regular training is derived by any 
one from a teaclier who does not please him ; and Critias and 
Alcibiades did not associate with Socrates, while their associ- 
ation with him lasted, as being an instructor' that pleased them, 
but they were, from the very first, eager to be at the head of 
tlie state, for, while they still attended Socrates, they sought 
to converse with none more than witli those who were most 

' 'Anixio^ai—Twv aKiiTfioi'^ k. t. X.] A brief mode of expression 
for "to nl)stain from drawing ilhi.strations from tliose sliocinakers,'" 
&c. Socrates, in his conversation, was accustomed to illustrate 
or support his precepts and opinions by examples taken from full- 
ers, Icallicr-cutters, pollers, and other artisans; a mode of lectur- 
ing quite the reverse of tliat of tlie sophists, wlio sought to dazzle 
or dcliglit the minds of their hearers, by the splendour and magnifi- 
cence of their illustrations, and the grandiloquence of their speeches 
and derided the method of Socrates as common, trite, and mean 
Bee b. iv. 4. 5; Plato, Symp. p. 221, E ; Gorg. 401, A. K'ihner. 

' By losing your own life. 

en. 2.] WHAT A LAW 18. 3(13 

engaged in affairs of government. . 40. Alcibiades, it is said, 
before he was twenty years of age, held the following dis- 
course with Pericles, who was his guardian, and chief ruler of 
the state, about laws. 4i. " Tell me," said he, "Pericles, can 
you teach me what a law is." " Certainly," replied Pericles. 
" Teach me then, in the name of the gods," said Alcibiades, 
" for I, hearing some persons praised as being obedient to the 
laws, consider that no one can fairly obtain such praise who 
docs not know what a law is." 42. " You desire no very 
dilficult matter, Alcibiades," said Pericles, "when you wish 
to know what a law is ; for all those regulations are laws, 
which the people, on meeting together and approving them, 
have enacted, directing what we should do and what we should 
not do," " And whether do they direct that we should do good 
things, or that we should do bad things ? " " Good, by Jupiter, 
my child," said he, "but bad by no means." 4'?. " And if it 
should not be the whole people, but a few, as where there is 
an oligarchy, that should meet together, and enact what we 
are to do, what are such enactments ?" " Everything," replied 
Pericles, " wliich tlie supreme power in the state, on determin- 
ing what the people ought to do, has enacted, is called a law." 
" And if a tyrant, holding rule over the state, prescribes to 
the citizens what they must do, is such prescription called a 
law." " Whatever a tyrant in authority prescribes," returned 
Pericles, "is also called a law." 44. "What then, Pericles," 
asked Alcibiades, " is force and lawlessness ? Is it not when 
the stronger obliges the weaker, not by persuasion, but by 
compulsion, to do what he pleases ? " " So it appears to me," 
i-eplied Pericles, " Whatever then a tyrant compels tlic 
people to do, by enacting it without gaining their consent, is 
tliat an act of lawlessness ? " " Yes," said Pericles, " it a]»pear3 
to me that it is, for I retract "^y admission ' that what a tyrant 
prescribes to the people without persuading them, is a law." 
f-. " But what tlie few enact, not from gaining the consent of 
the many, but from having superior power, should we say that 
tliat is force, or that it is not ?" " Everything," said Peri- 
cles, " which one man obliges another to do without gaining 

' 'Avari3ifiai.] A metaphorical expression from the game of 
wiTToi or calculi, in which ava^i'trai Trtrrovg is to replace or re- 
arrange the calculi, after discovering that one or more of them are 
niisphiccd. Kuhner See Suidas sub voce dvaStdJat. 


liis consent, whether he enact it in writing or not, seems to 
nie to be force rather than law." " Whatever, then, the whole 
])eople, when they are stronger than the wealthier class, enact 
without their consent, would be an act of foi'ce rather than a 
law?" 46. "Certainly, Alcibiades," said Pericles ; " and I, 
when I was of your age, was very acute at such disquisitions ; 
for we used to meditate and argue about such subjects as 
you now appear to meditate." " Would therefore," said Alci- 
biades, " that I had conversed with you, Pericles, at the time 
when you were most acute in discussing such topics ! " 47. 
Wlien Alcibiades and Critias, therefore, began to think them- 
selves superior to those who were then governing the state, 
they no longer attended Socrates, (for he was not agreeable 
to tlicm in other respects, and they were offended, if they 
went to him at all, at being reproved for any error that they 
had committed,) but devoted themselves to political employ- 
ments, with a view to which they had at first associated with 
Socrates. 48. But Crito was also an attendant on Socrates, 
as well as Chajrephon, Chajrecrates, Hermo-crates, Simmias, 
Cebes, and Phajdondes, who, with others that attended him, 
did not seek his society that they might be fitted for popular 
orators or forensic pleaders, but that, becoming honourable 
and good men, they might conduct themselves irreproachably 
towards their families, connexions, dependants, and friends, 
as well as towai-ds their country and their fellow-citizens; 
and no one of all these, whether in youth or at a more 
advanced age, either was guilty, or was accused, of any 

49, "But Socrates," said the accuser, "taught children to 
show contempt for' their parents, persuading his followers that 
he rendered them wiser tlian tlieir fatliers, and observing that a 
son was allowed by the law to confine his father on convicting 
him of being deranged, using that circumstance as an argu- 
ment that it was lawful for the more ignorant to be confined 
by the wiser." 50. But what Socrates said was, thot he 

' rr()07r»;\aiciTH)'.] Sec Apoloc:- sect. 20, and Aristoph. Nub. 1 107, 
wlicrc Pliidi])])i(]es is introcuiced, as a disciple of Socrates, beating' 
his father with a stick, and proving tliat lie was riylit in doing so. 
YlrtoTTtiXaKiKii-v is properly 5ie;-co»-e aliquem inquinare ; treatment to 
which they were subjected who were ])uiiislied with a-iftia : but it 
was at length applied to every kind of insult. See Rrenii ad 
Dcmosth. de Cor. p. 22!). KiihiUr. 

Cll. 2.J tits CONDUCT TOWARDS tUE YOUtll. 36j 

tliouglit»he who confined another for ignorance, might justly 
be himself confined by those who knew what he did not know ; 
and, with a view to such cases, he used to consider in what 
respect ignorance differed from madness, and expressed his 
opinion that madmen might be confined with advantage lo 
themselves and their friends, but that those who did not know 
what they ought to know, might reasonably learn from those 
•who did know. 

51. "But Socrates," proceeded the accuser, "not only 
caused parents, but other relations, to be held in contempt by 
his followers, saying that relatives, as relatives, were of no 
profit to people who were sick, or to people going to law, but 
that physicians aided the one, and lawyers the other." ryz. 
The accuser asserted, too, that Socrates said concerning 
friends that " it was of no profit that they were well-disposed, 
unless they were able also to assist ; and that he insisted that 
those only were deserving of honour Avho knew what was for 
the advantage of others and could make it intelligible to 
tliem ; and that by thus persuading the young that he himself 
was the wisest of mankind, and most capable of making others 
wise, he so disposed his pupils towards him, that other people 
were of no account with them in comparison with himself." 
r>3. I am aware, indeed, that he did express himself concern- 
ing parents and other relatives, and concerning friends, in 
such a manner as this ; and used to say, besides, that when 
the soul has departed, in which alone intelligence exists, men 
take away the body of their dearest friend, and put it out of 
sight as soon as possible. 54. He was accustomed to say, also, 
that every man, while he is alive, removes of himself from 
his own body, which he loves most of all things, and allows 
others to remove from it, everything that is useless and un- 
profitable ; since men themselves take off portions of their nails, 
and hair, and callous parts, and resign themselves to surgeons 
to cut and burn them with labour and pain, and think it tlieir 
duty even to pay them money for their operations ; and the 
saliva from the mouth, he said, men spit away as far as pos- 
sible, because, while it is in the mouth, it profits them nothing, 
but is far more likely to harm them. 55. But such observa- 
tions Socrates uttered, not to teach any one of his followers 
to bury his father alive, or to cut himself to pieces, but, by 
showing that what is senseless is worthless, he exhorted each to 


study to become as intelligent and useful as possible, so that, 
whether he wished to be honoured by his father, by his 
brother, or by ajiy one else, he might not be neglectful of 
himself through trusting to his relationship, but might endea- 
vour to be serviceable to those by whom he desired to be 

5fi. T!ie accuser also said that Socrates, selecting the worst 
passages of the most celebrated poets, and using them as 
arguments, tauglit those who kept him company to be un- 
principled and tyrannical. The verse of Hesiod, for example, 

'Epyoj/ ovSiv ovtiSoQ, dtpyltj di ui'iiSoQ, 

"Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace,' 

'-hey say that he used to explain as intimating that the poet 
bids us abstain from no kind of work, dishonest or dishonour- 
able, but to do such work for the sake of profit. r>i. But 
when Socrates maintained that to be busy was useful and 
beneficial for a man, and that to be unemployed was noxious 
and ill for him, that to work was a good, and to be idle an 
evil, he at the same time observed that those only who do 
something good really work, and are useful workmen,- but 
those who gamble, or do anything bad and pernicious, he 
called idle ; and in this view the sentiment of the poet will 
bo unobjectionable, 

Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace. 
r>3. Tliat passage of Homer, too, the accuser staled that he 
often used to quote, in which it is said that Ulysses, 

Whatever king or eminent hero he found. 

Stood beside him, and detained liim witli gentle words . 

"Illustrious chief, it is not fit that you should shrink back as a 

coward ; 
Sit down yom-self, and make the rest of the people sit down." 
But whatever man of the people he noticed, and found clamouring, 
He struck him with his statf, and rebuked him witli words : 
" Wortliless fellow, sit down in peace, and hear the exhortations 

of others, 

' Not toil, but sloth, shall ignominious be. — Elton. 
The enemies of Socrates insinuated tliat Ive joined ouoiv, not with 
its jiropcr substantive oi'itSog, but with tpyoy, making the sense to 
be " no work is disgraceful." 
' Compare Hi. 9. 9^ 

3n. 2.] uis paiiLAXTiiaotT. 367 

Who are much better than you ; for you are unwarlike an J power- 
Neither to be numbered in the field nor in the council." ' 

59. And he said that he used to explain it as if the poot re- 
commended that plebeians and poor people should be beaten. 
Socrates, however, said no such thing, (for he would thus 
liave given an opinion that he himself ought to be beaten,) 
but what he did say was, that those who benefited others 
neither by word nor deed, and who were incapable of serving 
the array, or the state, or the common people, if they should 
ever be called upon to serve, should, especially if, in addition 
to their incapacity, they were of an insolent spirit, be curbed 
in every way, even though they might be ever so rich. ci». 
But, contrary to the charge of the accuser, Socrates was 
evidently a friend to the common people, and of a liberal dis- 
position ; for though he received numbers of persons desirous 
to hear him discourse, as well citizens as foreigners, he never 
required payment for his communications from any one, but 
imparted to every one in abundance from his stores, of which 
some- receiving fragments from him for nothing, sold them 
at a great price to others, and were not, like him, friends to 
the common people, for they declined to converse with such as 
had not money to give them. 6i. But Socrates, in the eyes of 
other men, conferred glory on the city, far more than Lichas, 
who was celebrated in tliis respect, on that of the Laceda?- 
monians ; for Lichas indeed entertained the strangers that 
visited Lacedasmon at the Gymnopaidite,^ but Socrates, through 

• II. ii. 188, seqq. 

Each prince of name, or chief in arms approv'd, 
He fir d with praise, or with persuasion mov'd ; 
Warriors like you, with strength and wisdom blest, 
By brave examples should confirm the rest. 
l?ut if a clamorous, vile plebeian rose, 
Ilim with reproof he check'd, or tam'd with blows : 
Be still, thou slave, and to thy betters yield, 
Unknown alike in council and in field. — Pope. 
' Xenophon alhidcs to other hearers of Socrates, but especially 
ft) Aristippus, who was the first of the Socratic philosophers that 
t.iught for litre. Ruhnken. See Diog. Laert. ii. 65. 

' A festival at Sparta, which lasted for several days during the 
month of IlecatombEeon, and in which dances were performed by 
youths in honour of Apollo, Diana, and Latona. It was partly in- 
teiuled to celebrate the victory of the Spartans over the Argives at 

363 MEMor.AlilLlA OK 30CRATi:S. [ii. L 

the whole course of his life, freely iinpurted whatevei* he had 
to bestow, and thus benefited in tlie highest degree all who 
were willing to receive from him, making those who asso- 
ciated with him better before he let them go. 

,C2. To me, therefore, Socrates, being a man of such a 
character, appeared to be worthy of honour rather than of 
death ; and any one, considering his case according to the 
laws, would find such to be the fact ; for, by the laws, death 
is the punishment for a man if he be found stealing, or strip- 
ping people of their clotlies, or cutting purses, or house- 
breaking, or kidnapping, or sacrilege, of which crimes So- 
crates was the most innocent of all men. 63. Nor was he ever 
the cause of any war ending unfortunately for the state, or 
of any sedition or treachery ; nor did he ever, in his private 
transactions, either deprive any man of what w\is for his good, 
or involve him in evil ; nor did he ever lie under suspicior 
of any of the crimes which I have mentioned. 

04. How then could he have been guilty of the charges 
brought against him ? a man who, instead of not acknowledg- 
ing the gods, as was stated in the indictment, evidently paid 
lospect to the gods more than other men ; and instead of cor- 
rupting the youth, as the accuser laid to his charge, plainly 
led such of his associates as had vicious inclinations, to cease 
from indulging them, and exhorted them to cherish a love of 
that most honourable and excellent virtue, by which men 
successfully govern states and families. How then, pursuing 
such a course of conduct, was he not deserving of great 
honour from the city ? 


Confirmation of the character of Socrates given in the preceding chapters. 
He worshipped the gods, and exhorted others to worship them, sect. 1. 
His notions how the gods were to be supplicated, 2. His judgment as to 
what was acceptable to them in a sacrifice, 3. His regard for omens, 4. 
His observance of temperance, and recommendation of it to others, 5 — 15 

J. But to show how he appeared to improve those whc 
associated with him, partly by showing them what his 

Thyrea. See Smith's Dictionary of Gr. and Rom. Ant. ait 

Cu. 3.1 ii!3 nt:st*£ct for the gods. SOD 

character '»vas, and j)arlly by Lis conversation, 1 shall record 
whatever 1 can remember of him relating to these points. 

As to what had reference to the gods, then, he evidently 
acted and spoke in conformity with the answer which the 
priestess of Apollo gives to those who inquire how they ought 
to proceed with regard to a sacrifice, to the Avorship of their 
ancestors, or to any such matter ; for the priestess replies that 
theij will act piouslt/, if tliey act in agreement tvith the km of 
their countrf/; and Socrates both acted in this manner him- 
self, and exhorted others to act simihirly ; and such as acted 
in any other way he regarded as doing what was not to the 
purpose,' and guilty of folly. 

2. To the gods he simply prayed that they would give him 
good things, as believing that the gods knew best what things 
are good ; and those who prayed for gold, or silver, or 
dominion, or anything of that kind, he considered to utter 
no other sort of requests than if they were to pray that they 
might play at dice, or fight, or do anything else of which it 
is quite uncertain what the result will be. 

3. When he offered small sacrifices from his small means, 
he thought that he was not at all inferior in merit to those 
wiio offered numerous and great sacrifices from ample and 
abundant means; for he said that it would not become the 
gods to delight in large rather than in small sacrifices ; since, 
if such were the case, the offerings of the bad would often- 
times be more acceptable to them than those of the good ; nor 
would life be of any account in the eyes of men, if oblations 
from the bad were better received by the gods than oblations 
from the good ; but he thought that the gods had most plea- 
sure in the offerings of the most pious. lie also used to quote, 
with approbation, the verse, 

Ka<5' Suva[itv £' tpSeiv 'Up' a^avdroKTi -JtoTiri, 
Perforin sacrifices to the gods according to your ability, 
and used to say that it was a good exhortation to men, with 
regard to friends, and guests, and all other relations of life, 
to perform according to their ahditij. 

4. If anything appeared to be intimated to him from the 
gods, he could no more have been persuaded to act contrary 

' ITfpjfpyovc.] Doing what was superfluous ; not adhering, ai 
Wiey ouglit, to what was prescribed by law. 
VOL. 1. 2 n 


to sucli iutinuUiun, than any one could have persuaded him 
to tal<e for his guide on a journey a blind man, or one wlio 
did not know the way, instead of one who could sec, and did 
know it ; and lie condemned the folly of others, who act con- 
trary to what is signified by the gods, through anxiety to 
avoid the ill opinion of men. As for himself, he undervalued 
everything human, in comparison with counsel from the 

5. He disciplined his mind and body by such a course of 
life, that he who should adopt a similar one, would, if no 
supernatural influence prevented, live in good spirits and un- 
interrupted health ; nor would he ever be in want of the 
necessary expenses for it. So frugal was he, that I do not 
know whether any one could earn so little by the labour of 
his hands, as not to procure sufficient to have satisfied So- 
crates. He took only so much food as he could eat wit!» a 
keen relish ; and, to this end, he came to his meals ^ so dis- 
posed that the appetite for his meat was the sauce to it. 
Every kind of drink was agreeable to him, because he never 
drank unless he was thirsty. C If he ever complied with an 
invitation to go to a feast, he very easily guarded, what is 
extremely difficult to most men, against loading his stomach 
to excess. Those who were unable to do so, he advised to bo 
cautious of taking anything that would stimulate them to eat 
when they were not hungry, and to drink when they were 
not thirsty ; for ho said that those were the things that dis- 
ordered the stomach, the head, and the mind ; 7. and he used 
to say, in jest, that he thought Circe transformed men into 
swine, by entertaining them with abundance of such luxuries, 
but that Ulysses, through the admonition of Mercury, and 
through being himself temperate, and forbearing to partake of 
such delicacies to excess, was in consequence not changed into 
a swine. 

' Schneider thinks that some clause is wanting liere, to connect 
tliis paragraph with what follows. Kuhncr supposes that Xeno- 
])hon, ill passing from the duties of men towards the gods to their 
i^uties towards themselves and their fellow-creatures, hardly thought 
any connecting observation necessary. 

* 'EttI TovT(j} o'vTu) TTctpfCFKivaffixivo^ j/H.] Kuhncr prcfei'S IttI rovrift, 
"on tliis account, with this view," understanding ivl airov with yn. 
Schneider has liri toutov. from a conjecture of Rciske. 'Et' tovti^ 
is supported by almost all the manuscripts 


8, Such jests lie would utter on these subjects, but with an 
earnest meaning. As to love, his counsel was to abstain 
rigidly from familiarity with beautiful persons ; for he ob- 
served that it was not easy to be in communication with such 
persons, and observe continence. Hearing, on one occasion, 
that Critobuhis, the son of Criton, had kissed the son of Alci- 
biades,' a handsome youth, he asked Xenophon, in the pre- 
Bencc of Critobuhis, saying, " Tell me, Xenophon, did you not 
think that Critobuhis was one of the modest rather than the 
forward, one of the thoughtful rather than of the thoughtless 
and inconsiderate?" o. " Certainly," replied Xenophon. "You 
must now, then, think him extremely headstrong and daring ; 
one who would even spring upon drawn swords, and leap into 
the fire." lo. "And what," said Xenophon, "have you seen him 
doing, that you form so unfavourable an opinion of him ? " 
" Why, has he not dared," rejoined Socrates, "to kiss the son 
of Alcibiadcs, a youth extremely handsome, and in tlie flower 
of his age ? " " If such a deed," returned Xenophon, " is one 
of daring and peril, I think that even I could undergo such 
peril." II." Unhappy man ! " exclaimed Socrates, " and what 
do you think that you incur by kissing a handsome person ? 
Do you not expect to become at once a slave instead of a free- 
man ? To spend much money upon hurtful pleasures ? To 
have too much occupation to attend to anything honourable 
and profitable ? And to be compelled to pursue what not 
even a madman would pursue ? " 12. "By Hercules," said 
Xenophon, "what extraordinary power you represent to bo 
in a kiss ! " " l)o you wonder at this ? " rejoined Socrates ; 
" are you not aware that the Tarantula,^ an insect not as large 

' The various opinions of critics on this passage have been con- 
sidered by Cobet, Prosop. p. 59 — G9, who conjectures tliat we 
should read ruv tov 'A^ioxov v'lo}'," the sou of Axiochus," named 
Clinias. Kiihner. 

• <l>aXayyin.] Insects similar in form to scorpions or spiders, of 
which the most venomous and destructive are found in Italy, an<l 
are called Tarantula;, from Tarcntvnn. Concerning the madness said 
to be caused by their bite, sensible men enlertain doubts in the 
l)resent day. Weiske. The comparison of it to the half obohis 
shows at once the shape and smallness of the insect. Scjnieider. 
Ivircher, in his Musurgia, Sir Thomas Brown, V%ilg. Err. b. iii. c. 2.-i, 
and Boyle, in his treatise on Languid and Unheeded Motions, express 
belief in tlie eflecfs ascribed to the bite of the Tarantula. Opiniuiis 
unfavourable to the truth of tlie accounts respecting it, may be 
'2 a 2 

372 llKMoUAtilLIA OP SOCRATES. [R. 1. 

as half an oLolus, by just touching a part of the body with its 
mouth, wears men down with pain, and deprives them of 
their senses ? " " Yes, indeed," said Xenophon, " but the 
Tarantula infuses something at the bitten part ? " 13. " And do 
you not think, foolish man," rejoinetl Socrates, *' that beauti- 
ful persons infuse something when they kiss, something which 
you do not see ? Do you not know that the animal, which 
they call a handsome and heautifid object, is so much more 
formidable than the Tarantula, as those insects instil something 
when they touch the body, but this creature, without even 
touching, but if a person only looks at it, though from a very 
great distance, instils something of such potency, as to drive 
people mad ? Perhaps indeed Cupids are called arcliers for 
no other reason but because the beautiful wound from a dis- 
tance. But I advise you, Xenophon, whenever you see any 
handsome person, to flee without looking behind you ; and I 
recommend to you, Critobulus, to absent yourself from hence 
for a year, for perhaps you may in that time, though hardly 
indeed, Ix; cured of your wound." 

14, Thus he thought that those should act with regard to 
objects of love who were not secure against the attractions of 
such objects ; objects of such a nature, that if the body did not 
at all desire them, the mind would not contemplate them, 
and which, if the body did desire them, should cause us no 
trouble. For himself, he was evidently so disciplined with 
respect to such matters, that he could more easily keep aloof 
from the fairest and most blooming objects than others from 
the most deformed and unattractive. 

15. Such was the state of his feelings in regard to eating, 
drinking, and amorous gratiiication ; and he believed that he 
himself, with self-restraint, would have no less pleasure from 
them, than those who took great trouble to pursue such grati- 
fications, and that he would sufier far less anxiety. 

found in the Philosophical Transactions for 1672 and 1770, and in 
Swinburne's Travels in the Two Sicilies. The popular opinion re- 
garding it is now generally supposed to have arisen from impostures 
of the lower class of people; no instance of any respectable person 
having died of the bite of the insect, or having been made to dance 
by it, being known 



ioorates not only exhorted men to practise virtue, but led them to the prac- 
tice of it; his dialogue with Aristodemus, sect. 1, 2. Things formed for 
a purpose, must be the production, not of chance, but of reason, 3, 4. The 
human frame is a structure of great excellence, and admirably fitted for 
its purposes ; and we must therefore suppose that man is the object o/ 
divine forethought, 5—7. The order of things throughout the universe 
shows that it is under the providence of a superior nature, 8, 9. The supe- 
riority of man over the inferior animals proves that he is more immedi- 
ately under the care of the higher powers, 10 — 14. The gods also give 
instruction to man as to his conduct, lo. That they care for man both in- 
dividually and cullcctivcly is evident from various considerations, 15, 1(5. 
As the mind governs the body, so the providence of the gods governs 
the world, 17. If men therefore worship the gods rightly, they may feel 
persuaded that the gods will be ready to aid them, 18, 19. 

1. But if any suppose that Socrates, as some write and 
speak of liini on conjecture,^ was excellently qualified to ex- 
hort men to virtue, but incapable of leading them forward in 
it, let them consider not only what he said in refutation, by 
questioning, of those who thought that they knew everything, 
(refutations intended to check the progress of those disput- 
ants,)- but what he used to say in his daily intercourse with 
his associates, and then form an opinion whether he was capa- 
ble of making those who conversed with him better. 2. I 
will first mention what I myself once heard him advance in a 
dialogue with Aristodemus, surnamed The Little,' concerning 
the gods ; for having heard that Aristodemus neither sacri- 
ficed to the gods, nor prayed to them, nor attended to augu- 
ries, but ridiculed those who regarded such matters, he said 
to liim, " Tell me, Aristodemus, do you admire any men 
for their genius?" "I do," replied he. "Tell us their 
names, then," said Socrates. 3. " In epic poetry I most admire 

' Tiicfiaipofitvoi.'] Forming conjectures from those men, who, after 
beinpr under the instruction of Socrates, fell into vice. Weiske. 

2 KoXaffr/jpi'ot; 'ivtKn.'] I have been obliged to paraphrase this ex- 
pression. KoXa^w was often used in the signification of "to restrain, 
check, or keep within boimds," like the Latin castigate, as Liddell 
and Scott observe. " Xenoplion seems to allude to the lidXoyot 
ipiariKoi of Plato and the other disciples of Socrates, in which So- 
crates refutes the subtleties of the sophists." Schneider. 

' An Athenian whom Plato names in his Symposium, a constant 
nulitor of Socrates, and a man of n^iich austerity. SchneicUr. 


Homer, in ilitliyrambic jNIclanippi'es,' in tragedy Sophocles, 
in statuary Polycletus, in painting Zeuxis." 4, " And whether 
do those who form images without sense and motion, or those 
who form animals endowed with sense and vital energy, ap- 
pear to you the more worthy of admiration ? " " Those who 
form animals, by Jupiter, for they are not produced by chance, 
but by understanding." " And regarding things of which it 
is uncertain for what purpose they exist, and those evidently 
■jxisting for some useful purpose, which of the two Avould you 
say were tlie productions of chance, and which of intelli- 
gence ? " " Doubtless those which exist for some useful pur- 
pose must be the productions of intelligence." 5. " Docs not 
he, then," proceeded Socrates, " Avho made men at first, ap- 
pear to you to have given them, for some useful purpose, those 
parts by Avhich they perceive different objects, the eyes to see 
what is to be seen, the ears to hear what is to be heard ? 
What would be the use of smells, if no nostrils had been as- 
signed us ? What perception would there have been of sweet 
and sour, and of all that is pleasant to the mouth, if a tongue 
had not been formed in it to have a sense of them ? 6. In ad- 
dition to these things, does it not seem to you like the work 
of forethought, to guard the eye, since it is tender, with eye- 
lids, like doors, which, when it is necessary to use the sight, 
are set open, but in sleep are closed ? To make the eyelashes 
grow as a screen, that Avinds may not injure it ? To make a cop- 
ing on the parts above the eyes with the eye-brows, that the 
perspiration from the head may not annoy them ? To provide 
that the ears may receive all kinds of sounds, yet never be ob- 
structed ? and that the front teeth in all animals may be 
adapted to cut, and the back teeth to receive food from them 
and grind it ? To place the mouth, through which animals 
take in what they desire, near the eyes and the nose? and 
since what passes off from the stomach is offensive, to turn the 
channels of it away, and remove them as far as possible from 
the senses? — can you doubt whether such a disposition of 
things, made thus apparently with attention, is the result of 
chance or of intelligence ? " 7. " No, indeed," replied Aris- 
todcmus, " but to one who looks at those matters in this light, 

' He flourished about d. c. 520. Another Melanippidea, hi« 
grandson, lived about sixty years later, at the court of Perdiccas II. 
of Macedonia. 


they appear like the work of some wise maker who studied 
the welfare of animals ?" "And to have engendered in them 
a love of having offspring, and in mothers a desire to rear 
their progen}--, and to have implanted in the young that are 
reared a desire of life, and the greatest dr^'ad of death?" 
" Assuredly these appear to be the contrivances of some one 
who designed that animals should continue to exist." 

8. " And do you think that you yourself have any portion 
of intelligence?" "Question me, at least, and I will answer."' 
" And can you suppose that nothing intelligent exists any- 
where else? When you know that you have in your body 
but a smnll portion of the earth, which is vast, and a small 
portion of the water, which is vast, and that your frame is 
constituted for you to receive only a small portion of each of 
other things, that are vast, do j'ou think that you have 
seized for yourself, by some extraordinary good fortune, in- 
telligence alone which exists nowhere else, and that this 
assemblage of vast bodies, countless in number, is maintained 
in order by something void of reason ?" o, " By Jupiter, I can 
hardhj suppose lliat (here is any ruling intelligence among that 
assemblage of bodies^' for I do not see the directors, as I see 
the agents of things Avhich are done here." " Nor do you 

' 'V.Quyra yovv Kat ctirnKpivoT'i.iat.'] These words are wanting in 
many editions, thouj^h found, as Kiihner says, who has replaced 
them, in all the manuscripts. "As modesty prevented Aristodemus 
from expressly affirming, and a regard for truth kept him from 
exactly denying, that he had any intelhgcnce, he answers guardedly 
and ingeniously, 'Question me and 1 will answer;' and, when i 
?nswer, you will understand that I have in me some portion of in- 
.clligence." Lange. " Lange, therefore, thinks that Aristodemus 
did not wish his possession of intelligence to be concluded from the 
matter of his answer or answers, but from the mere fact of his 
answering; intimating that he who could give an answer to a 
(luestion, must necessarily be possessed of intellect." Kiihner. 
Zeune gives this sense to the passage : " Question me as to other 
things which necessarily follow from hence, and which you are 
accustomed to infer from premise* of this, and you will find 
me prepared to answer you." The true oeiise, liowever, seems to 
be, " Question me, and judge from my answers whether I onarht to 
bo considered as possessed of intellect or not." 

* The words in italics are supplied according to the sense given 
fo the passage by Kiihner, who observes that the expression " By 
Jupiter," iM" Ain, has refercr-;e to the first part of the qucs-tion ot 
Socrates, "can you suppose tVat nothing iutelliijent exists anywhere 


see your own soul, which is the director of your body ; so that, 
by like reasoning, you may say that you yourscli' do nothing 
with understanding, but everything by chance." 

10. "However, Socrates," said Aristodemus, "I do not 
despise the gods, but consider them as too exalted to need my 
attention." "But," said Socrates, "the more exalted they 
are, while they deign to attend to you, the moi-e ought you to 
honour them." 1 1. " Be assured," replied Aristodemus, " that if 
I believed the gods took any tliought for men, I would not 
neglect them." " Do you not, then, believe tliat the gods 
take thought for men? the gods who, in the first place, have 
-n:idc man alone, of all animals, upriglit, (which uprightness 

«bles him to look forward to a greater distance, and to con- 
template better what is above, and renders those parts less 
liable to injury in which' the gods have placed the eyes, and 
ears, and mouth ;) and, in the next place, have given to otlier 
animals only feet, which merely give them the capacity of 
walking, while to men they have added hands, which execute 
most of those things tlirough which we are better otf than 
they. 12. And though all animals have tongues, they have 
made that of man alone of such a nature, as, by toucliing 
sometimes one part of the mouth, and sometimes another, to 
express articulate sounds, and to signify everything that we 
wish to communicate one to anotlier. Do you not see, too, that to 
other animals they liave so given the pleasures of sexual in- 
tercourse as to limit them to a certain season of the year, but 
that they allow them to us uninterruptedly till extreme old 
age? 13, Nor did it satisfy the gods to take care of the body 
merely, but, what is most important of all, they implanted 
in him the soul, his most excellent part. For what other 
animal has a soul to understand, first of all, that the gods, 
who liave arranged such a vast and noble order of things, 
exist? What other species of animal, besides man, offers 
•^vorship to the gods? What other animal has a mind better 
fitted than that of man, to guard against hunger or thirst, or 
fold or heat, or to relieve disease, or to acquire strength by 
exercise, or to labour to attain knowledge ; or more capable 
of remembering whatever it has heard, or seen, or learned ? 
14. Is it not clearly evident to you, that, in comparison with 

' Tills passage admitted of no satisfactory interpretation till 

KiiliiKT substituted oJc Cor icai. 


odicr animals, men live like gods, excelling them by nature, 
both in body and mind ? For an animal, having the body of 
an ox, and the understanding of a man, would be unable to 
execute what it might meditate; and animals which have 
liands,' but are without reason, have no advantage over others ; 
and do you, who share both these excellent endowments, think 
\hat the gods take no tliought for you ? What then must they 
io, before you will think that they take thought for you?"' 
1"). "I will think so," observed Aristodcmus, "when they 
send me, as you say tliat they send to you, monitors, to show 
what 1 ought, and wliat I ought not, to do." " But when 
they send admonitions to the Athenians, on consulting them 
by divination, do you not think that they admonish you also? 
Or when they give warnings to the Greeks by sending por- 
tents, or when they give them to the whole human race, 
do tlicy except you alone from the whole, and utterly neglect 
you ? 10. Do you suppose, too, that the gods Avould have en- 
gendered a persuasion in men that they are able to benefit or 
injure them, unless they were really able to do so, and that 
men, if they had been thus perpetually deluded, would not 
have become sensible of the delusion ? Do you not see that 
the oldest and wisest of human communities, the oldest and 
wisest cities and nations, are the most respectful to the gods, 
and that the wisest age of man is the most observant of their 
worsliip? 17. Consider also, my good youth," continued 
Socrates, " that your mind, existing within your body, directs 
your body as it pleases ; and it becomes you therefore to 
believe that the intelligence pervading all things directs all 
things as may be agreeable to it, and not to think that Avhile 
your eye can extend its sight over many furlongs, that of 
tlie divinity^ is unable to see all things at once, or that while 
your mind can think of things here, or things in iEgypt or 
Sicily, the mind of the deity is incapable of regarding cvery- 

• Apes have hands resembling those of "len, but are not on that 
account equal to men in ability. i>chncider. _ ,y. t ,< n 

•^ 'AXX', oral' Ti TTOn'iaioai, vo/iitlc auT0i% aou ippovriceiv ;] but 
when tliey have done what, will you think that they care for you? " 

3 ToO Seofi.] Xenophon sometimes makes Socrates use the 
aiii'ndar, 6 Sfibg, in speaking of the gods. But it is not hctice to be 
inftTred that he insinuated that there was only one god ; for the 
Greeks frequently used the singular when they might h^ve been 
ejtpcctcd to use the pUtral. Compare iv. 3. H- 


thing at the same time. is. If, however, as you discover, 
by paying court to men, those who are wilhng to pay court 
to you in return, and, by doing Hxvours to men, those who are 
wilHng to return your favours, and as, by asking counsel of 
mf'.n, you discover who are wise, you should, in like manner, 
make trial of the gods by offering worship to them, whether 
they will advise you concerning matters liidden from man, 
you will then find that the divinity is of such power, and of 
such a nature, as to see all things and hear all things at once, 
to be present everywhere, and to have a care for all things at 
the same time." 

lii. By delivering such sentiments, Socrates seems to me to 
have led his associates to refrain from what was impious, or 
unjust, or dishonourable, not merely when they wore seen by 
men, but when they were in solitude, since they would con- 
ceive that nothing that they did would escape the knowledge 
of the £ods. 


Temperance au:l sclf-coutrol recommended : lie that is destitute of tem- 
perance can be profitable or agreeable neither to himself nor ollicrs, sect. 
1 — 4. Without temperance nothing can be learned or done with due 
cfTect, 5. Socrates not only encouraged to temperance by precepts, bu* 
by his example, 6. 

1. If temperance, moreover, be an honourable and valuable 
quality in a man, let us consider whether he at all promoted 
its observance by reflections of the following kind concern- 
ing it. "If, my friends, when a war was coming upon us, 
we should wish to choose a man by wliose exertions we might 
ourselves be preserved, and might gain the mastery over our 
enemies, should we select one whom we knew to be unable 
to resist gluttony, or wine, or sensuality, or fatigue, or sleep ? 
How could we think that such a man would cither serve us, 
or conquer our adversaries ? 2. Or if, being at the close of 
life, we should wish to commit to any one the guardianship 
of our sons, or the care of our unmarried daughters, or tlia 
preservation of our property, should we think an intemperatf 
man worthy of confulence for such purposes? Should we in- 

en. 5.] VALUE OF TEMrERANCK. 379 

trust to an intemperate slave our herds, our granaries, or the 
superintendence of our agriculture ? Should we be willing to 
accept such a slave as an agent, or purveyor, even for nothing ? 
3. But if we would not even accept an intemperate slave, how 
can it be otherwise than important for every man to take care 
that he himself does not become such a character ? For the 
intemperate man is not injurious to liis neighbour and pro- 
fitable to himself, (like the avaricious, who, by despoiling 
others of their property, seem to enrich themselves,) but, 
while lie is mischievous to others, is still more mischievous to 
himself, for it is, indeed, mischievous in the highest degree, 
to ruin not only his family, but his body and mind. 4. In 
society, too, who could find pleasure in tlie company of such a 
man, avIio, he would be aware, felt more delight in eating and 
drinking than in intercourse with his friends, and preferred 
the company of harlots to that of his fellows ? Is it not the 
duty of every man to consider that temperance is the founda- 
tion of every virtue, and to establisli the observance of it in 
his mind before all things ? 5. For who, without it, can either 
learn anything good, or sufficiently practise it ? 'Who, that is 
a slave to pleasure, is not in an ill condition botli as to his 
body and his mind ? It appears to me, by Juno,' that a free- 
man ought to pray that he may never meet with a slave of 
such a character, and that he who is a slave to pleasure should 
pray to the gods that he may find well-disposed masters ; for 
by such means only can a man of that sort be saved." 

0. While such were the remarks that he made, he proved 
himself more a friend to temperance by his life than by his 
words ; for he was not only superior to all corporeal pleasures, 
but also to those attendant on the acquisition of money ; 
thinking that he who received money from any one,^ set up a 
master over himself, and submitted to a slavery as disgrace- 
ful as any that could be. 

' N/) rijv"Hpav.] This mode of swearing, wliich Avas commonly 
used by women, was very frequently adoj)ted by Socrates. See 
below, ill. 10. 9; 11. 5 ; iv. 2. 9 ; *. 8 ; (Econ. x. 1 ; Plato, Phccdr. 
p. 230, B. KUhner. 

' Ttapa Tov TvxovTOQ.'] From any one that happened to present 
himself; from any one in'Uscriminatcly. 



Three dialogues of Socrates with Antipho. I. Antipho ridicules the poyertj 
and frugality of Socrates, and his forbearance to receive pay for his in- 
structions, sect. 1—3 ; Socrates replies that, by not receiving remunera- 
tion, he is more at liberty to choose his audience, 4, 5 ; that there are 
various advantages attendant on plainness of diet and dress, 6, 7 ; that 
the frugal man has the advantage over the man of pleasure in facilities 
for self-improvement, for doing his duty to his country, and for securing 
general happiness, 8—10. II. Antipho asserts that Socrates might be a 
just man, but was by no means wise, in accepting no payment, 11, 12 ; 
Socratee replies that to sell wisdom is to degrade it, and that more good 
is gained by the acquisition of friends than of money, 13, U. III. An- 
tiplio asks Socrates why, when he trained others to manage public affliirs, 
he took no part in public afl'airs himself; Socrates replies that he was of 
more service to his country by training many to govern it, than he could 
have been by giving his single aid in tlic government of it, 1-5. 

1. It is clue to Socnitcs, also, not to omit the dialogues 
wliicli he held witli Antipho the sophist. Antipho, on one 
occasion, wishing to draw away his associates from him, came 
up to Socrates, when they were present, and said, 2. " I 
thought, Socrates, that those who studied philosophy were tc 
become happier than other men ; but you seem to have reaped 
from pliilosophy fruits of an opposite kind; at least you live 
in a way in which no slave would continue to live with his 
master; you eat food, and drink drink, of the worst kind; 
you wear a dress, not only bad, but the same both summer 
and winter, and you continue shoeless and coatless.' s. Money, 
which cheers men when they receive it, and enables those 
who possess it to live more generously and pleasantly, you do 
not take; and if, therefore, as teachers in other professions 
make their pupils imitate themselves, you also shall produce a 
similar effect on your followers, you must consider yourself 
but a teacher of wretchedness." 4. Socrates, in reply to tliese 

' ' AvvTTm^nTi'iQ Tt Km ax'iVwi'.] On the oi'('7roci?;fT(^ of Socrates, sea 
Fovstcr on Plato Phanlon. p. (Jt, I).; and the commentators on 
Aristoph. Nub. 103, o(J2, and on Plato Phiedr. p. 229, A. Kiikner.-- 
Vi\ ax'iTwv is not to be understood that Socrates had covered his 
bare body only with his cloak, but liiat he wore only the inner 
tunic, inr(i'(^uTt]c, not having the upper, iniv^vTriQ, which they called 
tlio tunic Kar t^oxni', terming those who were without it ax«V«""iC 
as Sahnasius has fully sliown, and TortuUian, dc Pallio, p. 70, »sy 
and too, seq. Erncsti, 

en. fi.J Ills ABSTltlfeKCE AND INDErENDENCE. 38l 

remarks, said, " You seem to me, Aiitiplio, to have conceived 
a notion that I live so wretchedly, that I feel persuaded you 
yourself would rather choose to die than pass your life as I 
pass mine. Let us then consider Avhat it is that you find dis- 
agreeable in my mode of life. 5. Is it that Avhile others, Avho 
receive money, must perform the service for which they re- 
ceive it, while I, who receive none, am under no necessity to 
discourse with any one that I do not like ? Or do you despise 
my way of living, on the supposition that I eat less whole- 
some or less strengthening food than yourself? Or is it that 
my diet is more difficult to procure tlian yours, as being more 
rare and expensive ? Or is it that what you procure for 
yourself is more agreeable to you than what I provide for 
myself is to me? Do you not know that he who cats with 
the most pleasure h he who least requires sauce, and that he 
who drinks with the greatest pleasure is he who least desires 
other drink than that which he has ? 6. You know that those 
who change their clothes, change them because of cold and 
heat, and that men put on sandals that they may not be pre- 
vented from walking through annoyances to the feet ; but 
have you ever observed me remaining at home, on account of 
cold, more than any other man, or fighting with any one for 
shade because of heat, or not walking Avherever I please be- 
cause my feet suffer ? 7. Do you not know that those who 
are by nature the weakest, become, by exercising their bodies, 
stronger in those things in whicli they exercise them, than 
those who neglect them, and bear the fatigue of exercise with 
greater ease ? And do you not think that I, who am con- 
stantly preparing my body by exercise to endure whatever 
may happen to it, bear everything more easily than you who 
take no exercise ? 8. And to prevent me from being a slave 
to gluttony, or sleep, or other animal gratifications, can you 
imagine any cause more efficient than having other objects of 
attention more attractive than they, which not only afford 
pleasure in the moment of enjoying them, but give hopes that 
they will benefit me perpetually ? You are aware of this also, 
that those who think themselves successful in nothing, are far 
from being cheerful, but that those who regard their agricul- 
ture, their seamanship, or whatever other occupation they 
pursue, as going on favourably for them, are delighted as with 
present success ? 9. But do you think that from all these 


gratifications so much pleasure can arise as from the consci- 
ousness that you are growing better yourself, and are acquir- 
ing more valuable friends ? Such is the consciousness, then, 
which I continue to enjoy. 

" But if there should be occasion to assist our friends or our 
country, Avhich of the two would have most leisure to attend 
to such objects, he who lives as I live now, or he who lives, 
as you think, in happiness? Which of the two would most 
readily seek the field of battle, he who cannot exist without 
expensive dishes, or he who is content with whatever comes 
before him ? Which of the two would sooner be reduced by 
a siege, he who requires what is most difficult to be found, or 
he who is fully content with what is easiest to be met with ? 
10. You, Antipho, seem to think that happiness consists in 
luxury and extravagance ; but I think that to want nothing 
is to resemble the gods, and that to want as little as possible 
is to make the nearest approach to the gods ; that the Divine 
nature is perfection, and that to be nearest to the Divine nature 
is to be nearest to perfection." 

11. On another occasion, Antiplio, in a conversation with 
Socrates, said, '-'I consider you indeed to be a just man, So- 
crates, but by no means a wise one ; and you appear to me 
yourself to be conscious of this ; for you ask money from no 
one for the privilege of associating with you ; although, if you 
considered a garment of yours, or a house, or any other thing 
that you possess, to be worth money, you would not only not 
give it to anybody for nothing, but you would not take les3 
than its full value for it. 12. It is evident, therefore, that if 
you thought your conversation to be worth anything, you 
would demand for it no less remuneration than it is worth. 
You may, accordingly, be a just man, because you deceive 
nobody from covetousness, but wise you cannot be, as you 
have no knowledge that is of any value." 13. Socrates, in 
reply, said, "It is believed among us, Antipho, that it is 
possible to dispose of beauty, or of wisdom, alike honourably 
or dishonourably ; • for if a person sells his beauty for money 

' No/ii^£rat 7IJV iJpav Kai ti)v co(piav 6fioiu>r fiiv koKov, bjioiiDQ li 
alaxpov ctari^ta^ai tivat.] The sense seems to be, that it is alike 
honourable or dishonourable to dispose of beauty (in a certain way ) 
and to dispose of wisdom fin a certain way) : i. e. that there is a 
certain way of disposing of beauty honourably, and a certain way 


to any oue that wishes to purchase, men call him a male pros- 
titute ; but if any one makes a friend of a person whom he 
knows to be an honourable and worthy admirer, we regard 
him as prudent: and, in like manner, those who sell their 
wisdom for money, to any that will buy, men call sophists, 
or, as it were, prostituters of wisdom ; but whoever makes a 
friend of a person whom he knows to be deserving, by teach- 
ing him all the good that he knows, we consider him to act the 
j)art which becomes an honourable and good citizen. 14. 
As any otlier man, therefore, Antipho, takes delight in a good 
horse, or dog, or bird, so I, to a still greater degree, take de- 
light in valuable friends ; and, if I know anything good, I 
communicate it to them, and recommend them, also, to any 
other teachers by whom I conceive that they will be at all 
advanced in virtue. The treasures, too, of the wise men of 
old, which they have left written in books, 1 turn over and 
l)eruse in company with my friends, and if we find anything 
good in them, we remark it, and think it a great gain if we 
thus become more attnclicd' to one another." To me, who 
heard him utter tliese sentiments, Socrates appeared to be 
both happy himself, and to lead those that listened to him 
to lionour and virtue. 

15. Again, when Antipho asked him how he imagined that 
he could make men skilful statesmen, when he himself took 
no part in state affairs, if indeed he knew anything of them, 
"In which of tlie two ways," said lie, "Antipho, should I 
better promote the management of affairs ; if I myself engage 
in them alone, or if I make it my care that as many as possi- 
ble may be qualified to engage in them?" 

of disposing of it dishonourablj', and tliat tlie same is tlie case with 
regard to wisdom, or talent. My translation is much the same v.i 
tlie Latin of Schneider: Apud aos existimatur eodctn tnodo pos^e 
aliquem et forma et sapioitid vel honcsic vel iurpiicr uti. 

' 4>iXot yiyr(l}).u^a.'] For ^I'Xoi Eniesti substituted from one manu- 
script cj<lii\ifioi, which Kiihner stigmatizes as " apertum glossema," 
and restores the old (piXoi, with the comment, " Si nos jam antca 
amicitiaj vinculis constricti, etiam horum studiorum communione 
cari ac ddecti fiamus." I have rendered ^I'Xoi by the comparative 
'ifgico, but think Erucati's correction far more eligible. 

384 MtliOKAlilLIA OF SOCRATE?, L^- 


Dissuasions from ostentation. He that desires to be distinguished, should 
endeavour to be what he would wish to seem. He that pretends to be 
what he is not, exposes himself to great inconvenience and ridicule, and 
may bring disgrace and detriment on his country. 

1. Let us consider also, whether, by dissuading his fol- 
lowers from ostentation, lie excited them to pursue virtue. He 
always used to say that there was no better road to honour- 
able distinction, than that by which a person should become 
excellent in that in which he wished to appear excellent. 

2. That he said what was just, he used to prove by the fol- 
lowing arguments. " Let us consider," lie would say, " what 
a person must do, if, not being a good flute-player, he should 
wish to appear so ? I\Iust he not imitate good flute-players 
in the adjuncts of their art ? In the first place, as flute-players 
procure fine dresses, and go about with a great number of 
attendants, he must act in a similar manner ; and as many 
people applaud them, he must get many to applaud him ; j-et 
he must never attempt to play, or he will at once be shown to 
1)6 ridiculous, and not only a bad flute-player, but a vain 
boaster. Thus, after having been at great expense without 
the least benefit, and having, in addition, incurred evil repute, 
how will he live otherwise than in uneasiness, unprofitable- 
ness, and derision ? 

3. "In like manner, if any one should wish to be thought a 
good general, or a good steersman of a ship, without being so, 
let us reflect what would be his success. If, when he longed 
to seem capable of performing the duties of those characters, 
he should be unable to persuade others of his capability, 
would not this be a trouble to him? and, if he should per- 
suade them of it, would it not be still more unfortunate for 
him ? For it is evident that he who is appointed to steer a 
vessel, or to lead an army, without having the necessary 
knowledge, would be likely to destroy those ' whom he would 
not wish to destroy, and would come off himself with disgrace 
»nd suffering." 

4. By similar examples he showed that it was of no profil 

' His fi-Icnds, and such as he would wi'ih to applaud him. 


for a man to appear rich, or valiant, or strong, without being 
so ; for he said that demands were made upon such persons 
too great for their abiHty, and that, not being able to compl_y 
with them, when they seemed to be able, they met with no 

5. He called him, also, no small impostor, who, obtaining 
money or furniture from his neighbour by persuasion, should 
defraud him ; but pronounced him the greatest of all impostors, 
who, possessed of no valuable qualifications, sliould deceive 
men by representing himself capable of governing his country. 
To me he appearetl, by discoursing in this manner, to deter 
his associates from vain boastimr. 


Bocratcs, suspecting that Aristippus, a man of pleasure, was aspiring to a 
place in the government, admonishes him that temperance is an essential 
(jualifioation in a statesman, sect. 1 — 7. But as Aristippus says that ho 
looked only to a life of leisure and tranquil enjoyment, Socrates intro- 
duces the question, whether those who govern, or those who are 
governed, live the happier life, 8 — 10. Aristippus signifies that he wished 
neither to govern nor to be governed, but to enjoy liberty; and Socrates 
shows that such liberty as he desired is inconsistent with the nature of 
human society, 11—13. Aristippus still adhering to his own views, and 
declaring his intention not to remain in any one country, but to visit and 
sojourn in many, Socrates shows him the dangers of such a mode of life, 
14 — 16. But as Aristippus proceeds to accuse those of folly who prefer 
a life of toil in the affairs of government to a life of case, Socrates shows 
the difference between those who labour voluntarily, and those whd 
labour from compulsion, and observes that nothing good is given to mor- 
tals without labour, 17 — 20; in illustration of which remark he relates 
the fable of Prodicus, The Choice of Hehcules, 21 — 31. 

1. He appeared also to me, by such discourses as the fol- 
lowmg, to exhort his hearers to practise temperance in their 
desires for food, drink, sensual gratification, and sleep, and 
endurance of cold, heat, and labour.^ But finding that one of 
his associates was too intemperately disposed with regard to 
such matters, he said to him, " Tell me, Aristippus,' if it were 

' Aristippus of Cyrene, the founder of the Cyrenaic sect of philo- 

VOL. I. 2 


rcquucd of yoii to take two of ouv youths anrl educate tlicm, 
the one in such a iiianncr that he would be quaUfied to 
trovern, and the other in such a manner that he would never 
seek to govern, how would you train them respectively? 
Will you allow us to consider the matter by commencing with 
their food, as with the first principles?" "Food, indeed," re- 
jilicd Arislippus, "appears to me one of the first principles ; 
for a person could not even live if he were not to take food." 
2. "It will be natural for them both, then," said Socrates, 
" to desire to partake of food when a certain hour comes." 
" It will be natural," said Arislippus. "And which of the 
two, then," said Socrates, " should we accustom to prefer the 
discharge of any urgent business to the gratification of his 
appetite?" "The one undoubtedly," rejoined Aristippu.% 
" who is trained to rule, that the business of the state may 
not be neglected during his administration." " And on the 
same person," continued Socrates, " we must, when they 
desire to drink, impose the duty of being able to endure 
thirst?" "Assuredly," replied Aristippus. 3. "And on 
wliicli of the two should we lay the necessity of being tem- 
perate in sleep, so as to be able to go to rest late, to rise early, 
or to remain awake if it should be necessary?" "Upon the 
same, doubtless." "And on which of the two should we im- 
pose the obligation to control his sensual appetites, that he 
may not be hindered by their influence from discharging 
whatever duty may be required of him ?" " Upon the same." 
" And on which of the two should we enjoin the duty of not 
shrinking from labour, but willingly submitting to it ? " " This 
also is to be enjoined on him who is trained to rule." "And 
to which of the two would it more properly belong to acquire 
whatever knowledge would assist him to secure the mastery 
over his rivals?" "Far more, doubtless, to him who is 
trained to govern, for v.ithout such sort of acquirements there 
would be no profit in any of his other qualifications." 4. "A 
man, then, who is thus instructed, would appear to you less 
liable to be surprised by his enemies than other animals, of 
which some, we know, are caught by their greediness ; and 
others, though very shy, are yet attracted to the bait by their 
desire to swallow it, and consequently taken ; while others 

sophers, who thought pleasure the greatest good, and pain the 
yeaU-ot evil. See b. iii. ch. 8. 


al.?o are entrapped by drink." " Indispiihiblv," replied Aris- 
tippus. " Are not others, too, caught through. /.>.eir salacious- 
noss, as quails and partridges, which, being attracted to the 
call of the female by desire and hope of enjoyment, and losing 
all consideration of danger, fall into traps?" To this Aris- 
tippus expressed his assent. ■''.. " Docs it not then," proceeded 
Socrates, " ajjpear to you shameful for a man to yield to the 
same influence as the most senseless of animals ; as adulterers, 
for instance, knowing that the adulterer is in danger of suffer- 
ing what the law threatens, and of being Avatchcd, and dis- 
graced if caught, yet enter into closets ; and, though there 
are such dangers and dishonours hanging over the intriguer, 
and so many occupations that will free him from the desire of 
sensual gratification, does it not seem to you the part of one 
tormented Avith an evil genius, to run, nevertheless, into im- 
minent, peril?" "It does seem so to me." said Aristippus. 
c. " And since the greater part of the most necessary employ- 
ments of life, such as those of war and agriculture, and not a 
few others, are to be carried on in the open air, does it not 
appear to you to show great negligence, that the majority of 
mankind should be wholly unexercised to bear cold and heat ? " 
Aristippus replied in the affirmative. "Does it not then 
appear to you that we ought to train him who is intended to 
rule, to bear these inconveniences also without difficulty?" 
" Doubtless," answered Aristippus. 7. " If, thercfcn-e, we class 
those capable of enduring these things among those who are 
qualified to govern, shall we not class such as are incapable 
of enduring them among those who will not even aspire to 
govern?" Aristippus expressed his assent. "In conclusion, 
then, since you know the position of each of these classes of 
men, have you ever considered in which of them you can 
reasonably place yourself?" 8. "I have indeed," said Aris- 
tippus, "and I by no means place myself in the class of 
those desiring to rule ; for it appears to me that, when it is a 
task of great difficulty to procure necessaries for one's self, it 
is the mark of a very foolish man not to be satisfied with that 
occupation,' but to add to it the labour of procuring for his 
fellow-countrymen whatever they need. And is it not the 

' Ml) aoKuv] Tliat is, tuvto f.if) cipKtlv avTifi, "that tli-at 
occupation should not be suflicient for him; " shoiilvl not content 

2 c 2 


greatest folly in liiin, that while many things which he desires 
are out of his reach, he shoukl, by setting himself at the head 
of the state, subject himself, if he does not accomplish all that 
the people desire, to be punished for his failure? 9. P^or tho 
people think it right to use their governors as I use my 
slaves ; for I require my slaves to supply me with the neces- 
saries of life in abundance, but to take no part of them them- 
selves ; and the pcoi)le think it the duty of their governors 
to supply them with as many enjoyments as possible, but 
themselves to abstain from all of tlicin. Those, therefore, 
who wish to have much trouble themselves, and to give 
trouble to others,' I would train in this manner, and rank 
among those qualified to govern ; but myself I would number 
with those who wish to pass their lives in the greatest pos- 
sible ease and pleasure." 

10. Socrates then said, " Will you allow us to consider this 
point also, whether the governors or the governed live with 
the greater pleasure?" " Uy all means," said Aristippus. 
"In the first place, then, of the nations of which we have any 
knowledge, the Persians bear rule in Asia, and the Syrians, 
Phrygians, and Lydians are under subjection ; the Scythian? 
govern in Europe, and the ]\I;\^otians- are held in subjection; 
the Carthaginians rule in Africa, and the Libyans are under 
subjection. Wiiich of these do you regard as living with the 
greater pleasure? Or among the Greeks, of whom you your- 
self are, whicli of the two appear to you to live more happily, 
those who rule, or those who are iu subjection ?" ii. " Yet, 
on tlie other liand,"^ said Aristippus, "I do not consign 
myself to slavery ; but there appears to me to be a certain 
middle path between the two, in which I endeavour to pro- 

' He that holds t^ie reins of government, must not only undergo 
much toil and trouble liiniself, but must also enjoin many tasks and 
duties on others, and incite them to exertion and industry. * • * 
With this passage oi" Xenophon may aiitly be compared wliat the 
Corinthians say of the Atlienians in Thucydides, i. 70 : " If any 
one should say, in a word, that they are formed by nature neither 
to enjoy quiet themselves, nor t