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An analysis of religious
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AN
ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF
Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive
in 2008 with funding from
IVIicrosoft Corporation
Iittp://www.arcliive.org/details/analysisofreligi02ambe
AN ANALYSIS
OF
RELIGIOUS BELIEF
VISCOUNT AMBERLEY
A
Ye shall know the Truth, and the Truth shall make you Free.
VOL. IL
LONDON
TRUBNER & CO., LUDGATE HILL
1S77
\^All rights reserved \
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
BOOK I.
(Continued).
MEANS OF COMMUNICATION DOWNWARDS.
CHAP.
I. Holy Books, or Bibles , .
Sect. i. The Thirteen King
Subdivision i. The Lun Yu
„ 2. The Ta Heo
„ 3. The Chung Yung
„ 4. The Works of Mang-tsze
„ 5. The Shoo King .
„ 6. The She King .
„ 7. The Ch'un Ts'ew
„ 2. The Tao-te-King .
Appendix. — Translations of the Tao-te-King,
Chapter XXV.
„ 3. The Veda ....
Subdivision i. The SanhitS,
„ 2. The Brahnianas .
PAOE
I
30
33
34
36
39
48
54
57
62
75
77
84
100
vi CONTENTS.
CHAP. PAQB
I. Holy Books, or Bibles — continued.
Sect. 4. The Tripitaka ..... 109
Subdivision I. The Vinaya-Pitaka . . 112
„ 2. The SUtra-Pitaka . . 133
„ 3. The Abhidharma-Pitaka . 141
„ 4. Theology and Ethics of the Tripitaka 145
„ 5. The Zend-Avesta . . . . -155
Subdivision i. The Five G^thas . . 157
„ 2. Tlie Yagna of Seven Chapters . 162
„ 3. YaQna, Chapter XII. . . 165
„ 4. The Younger Ya^na, and Vispered 166
„ 5. Vendidad . . .172
„ 6. The Khorda - Avesta, with the
Homa Yaslit . . 180
„ 6. The Koran . . , . . igi
„ 7. Tlie Okl Testament .... 202
Subdivision i. The Historical Books . . 219
„ 2. Job, Psalms, Proverbs, and Eccle-
siastes . . . . 264
„ 3. The Song of Solomon . . 272
„ 4. The Prophets . . . 273
„ 5. The God of Israel . . 303
„ 8. The New Testament . . . .323
Subdivision i. The Acts of the Apostles . 323
„ 2. The Epistles . . .341
„ 3. The Apocalypse . . . 366
„ 4. The God of Cliristendom . 368
CONTENTS. vii
BOOK 11.
THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENT ITSELF.
mAP. PAOE
I. The Ultimate Elements ..... 379
II. The Objective Element . . . . . 387
III. The Subjective Element .... 437
IV. The Relation of the Objective and Subjective
Elements , . . . . -453
INDEX 497
AN
ANALYSIS OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF.
CHAPTER 1.
HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Vast, and even immeasurable, as the influence has
been, which has been exercised on the course of
human development by the great men of whom we
have spoken, it has been equalled, if not surpassed, by
the influence of the peculiar class of writings which
we have grouped together under the designation of
Holy Books. Of this, the last manifestation of the
Religious Idea, it will be necessary to speak in con-
siderable detail ; both on account of its intrinsic
importance, and because it is a branch of the subject
which has not hitherto received the attention it de-
serves.
We have been far too much accustomed in Europe
to treat the Bible as a book standing altogether by
itself ; to be admired, reverenced and loved, or, it may
be, to be criticised, objected to and rejected, not as
one of a class, but as something altogether peculiar
and unparalleled in the literary history of the world.
VOL. II. ' A
2 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
And, uudoubtedly, if we compare it with ordinary
literature of whatever description, whatever age, and
whatever nation, this opinion is just. Neither in the
poetry, the history, or tlie philosophy of any other
nation do we find any work that at all resembles it.
Nevertheless it would be a very rash conclusion to
arrive at, that because in the whole field of Greek
or Eoman, Italian or French, Teutonic or Celtic
literature, there is nothing that admits of being put in
the same category with the Bible, therefore the Bible
cannot be placed in any category at all. It is one of
a numerous class ; a class marked by certain distinct
characteristics ; a class of which some specimen is
held in honour from the furthest East of Asia, to the
extreme West of America, or, in other words, through-
out every portion of the surface of the earth which is
inhabited by any race with the smallest pretence to
civilisation and to culture. Wherever there is litera-
ture at all, there are Sacred Books. If in some isolated
cases it is not so, these cases are exceptions too trifling
in extent to invalidate the rule. Speaking generally
we may say, that every people which has risen above
the conditions of savage life ; every nation which
possesses an organised administration, a settled do-
mestic life, a religion with developed and complex
dogmas, possesses also its Sacred Books. If this truth
has been too generally forgotten ; if the Bible has
been too commonly treated as something exceptional
and peculiar which it was the glory of Christianity to
possess, this omission is probaljly in great part due to
the fact that the attention of scholars has been too
much confined to the literature, the religion, and the
ijeneral culture of the Greeks and Romans. From
THEIR CLASSIFICATION. 3
special circumstances these nations had no Sacred
writings among them. Their religion was independent
of any such authorities ; and our notions of pagan
religion have been largely drawn from the religions of
Greece and of Rome. But the Greeks and Romans were
only an insignificant fraction of the Aryan race; and
other far more numerous branches of that race had
their recognised and authoritative Scriptures, contain-
ing in some portions those most ancient traditions of
the original stock which entered into the intellectual
property of the Hellenic family, in the form of mytho-
loojical tales and current stories of their oods. We
must not therefore be led by the example of classical
antiquity to ignore the existence of these writings, or
to overlook their importance.^
We may classify the Sacred Books to which refer-
ence will be made in this chapter as follows, proceed-
ing (as in the case of prophets) from East to West : — •
1. The Thirteen King, or Canon of the Confucians.
2. The Ta(3-t^-king, or Canon of the Ta6-se.
3. The Veda, or Canon of the Hindus.
4. The Tripitaka, or Canon of the Buddhists.
5. The Zend Avesta, or Canon of the Parsees.
6. The Koran, or Canon of the Moslems.
7. The Old Testament, or Canon of the Jews.
8. The New Testament, or Canon of the Christians.
The works included in the above list, — which are
more numerous than might at first appear, o wing-
to the vast collections comprised under the titles
^ See on tliis sul)ject the truly admirable remarks of Karl Otfried
^liiller, in liis Prolegomena zu einer Wissensohaftlichen Mythologie
(Gotlingen, 1825), pp. 282-284.
4 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
" Vedas," and " Tripitaka," — are distinguished, as has
been already stated, by certain common character-
istics. It would be an exaggeration to say that all of
these characteristics apply to each one of the writings
accepted by any portion of mankind as canonical.
This cannot be so, any more than the peculiar quali-
ties which may happen to distinguish any given race
of men can ever belong in equal measure to all its
members. Hence there will necessarily be some
exceptions to our rules, but on the whole I believe we
may say with confidence that canonical or sacred
books have the following distinctive marks : —
A. There are certain external marks, the presence of
which is essential to constitute them sacred at all.
I. They must be accepted by the sectaries of the
religion to which they belong as being either inspired,
or, if the nature of the faith precludes this idea, as
containing the highest wisdom to which it is possible
for man to attain, and indeed a much higher wisdom
than can be reached by ordinary men. Nor do those
who accept these books ever expect to attain it.
They regard the authors, or supposed authors, as
enlightened to a degree which is beyond the reach of
their disciples, and receive their words as utterances
of an unquestionable authority. But wherever a
divine being is acknowledged, these books are regarded
as emanating from him. Either they have fallen
direct from heaven and been merely "seen" by their
human editors, as was the case with the Vedic hymns ;
or their contents have been communicated in collo-
quies to holy men by the Deity himself, as happened
with the Avesta ; or an angel has revealed them to
tlie prophet while in a fit or a state of ecstasy, as
CLAIMS TO INSPIRATION. 5
IMahomet was made acquainted with the Suras of the
Koran ; or lastly, as is held to have been the case with
the Jewdsh and Christian Scriptures, the mind of the
writer has been at least so guided and informed by
the Spirit of God, that in the words traced by his pen
it was impossible he should err.
Such a conviction is expressly stated in the Second
Epistle to Timothy, where it is said that " all Scripture
is given by inspiration of God." And a claim to even
more than inspiration is put forward in the Apocalypse,
whose author first calls his work "the Revelation of
Jesus Christ," which he says God sent to him by an
angel deputed for the purpose, and then proceeds to
describe voices heard, and visions perceived ; thus
resting his prophetic knowledge not on supernatural
information communicated to the mind, but on the
direct testimony of his senses.
2. AVith this theory of insjnration, or of a more than
human knowledge and wisdom, is closely connected
an idea of merit to be obtained by reading such books,
or hearing them read. With tedious iteration is this
notion asserted in the later Avorks of the Buddhist
Canon. These indeed represent the degeneracy of the
idea. One of them is so filled with the panegyrics
pronounced upon itself by the Buddha or his hearers,
and with the recital of the advantages to be obtained
by him who reads it, that the student searches in vain
under this mass of laudations for the substance of the
book itself.^ A Sutra translated by Schlagintweit
from the Thibetan, and bearing the marks (according
to its translator) of having been written at a period
of "mystic modification of Buddhism," promises that,
1 H. B. I., p. 536.
6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BJBLES.
at a future period of iutense and general distress this
Sutra " will be an ablution for every kind of sin which
has been committed in the meantime : all animated
beings shall read it, and on account of it all sins shall
be wiped away." ^ In another Sutra, termed the
Karanda vyuha, a great saint is introduced as exhort-
ing his hearers to study this treatise, the efficacious-
ness of which he highly exalts.^ Another speaker
recites in several stanzas the advantages which will
accrue to him who either reads the Karanda vyuha or
hears it read.^ Such was the force of the idea that
the mere mechanical reading or copying of the sacred
texts was in itself meritorious, that, by a still further
separation of the outward action from its rational
signification, the j^nrely unintelligent process of turn-
ing a cylinder on which sentences of Scripture were
printed came to be regarded as equally efficacious.
An author who has given an interesting account of
these cylinders observes that, as few men in Thibet
knew how to read, and those who did had not time
to exercise their powers, " the Lamas cast about for
an expedient to enable the ignorant and the much-
occupied man also to obtain the spiritual advantages "
(namely, purification from sin and exemption from
metempsychosis) "attached to an observance of the
practice mentioned ; they taught that the mere turn-
ing of a rolled manuscript might be considered an
efficacious substitute for reading it." So completely
does the one process take the place of the other that
" each revolution of the cylinder is considered to be
equal to the reading of as many sacred sentences or
treatises as are enclosed in it, provided that the turn-
1 B. T., p. 139. 2 H. B. I., p. 222. 3 Ibid., p. 226.
MERIT OF READING THEM. 7
ing of the cylinder is done slowly and from right to
left ; " the slowness being a sign of a devout mind,
and the direction of turnincr beino^ a curious remnant
of the original practice of reading, in which, as the
letters run from left to right, the eye must move over
them in that direction.^ Similar sentiments, though
not pushed to the same extra-ragance, prevail among
the Hindus. One of the Brahmanas, or treatises
appended to the metrical portion of the Vedas, lays
down the principle that " of all the modes of exertion,
which are known between heaven and earth, study of
the Veda occupies the highest rank (in the case of
him) who, knowing this, studies it." ^ Manu, one of
the highest of Indian authorities, observes that "a
Brahman who should destroy these three worlds, and
eat food received from any quarter whatever, would
incur no guilt if he retained in his memory the Rig-
Veda. Repeating thrice with intent mind the Sanhita
of the Rik, or the Yajush, or the Saman, with the
Upanishads, he is freed from all his sins. Just as a
clod thrown into a great lake is dissolved when it
touches the water, so does all sin sink in the triple
Veda."^ Reading the Holy Scriptures is with the
Parsees a positive duty. And these works, read in
the proper spirit, are thought to exert upon earth an
influence somewhat similar to that of the primaeval
Word at the origin of created beings.* It is jjeedless
to speak of the importance attached among Jews and
Christians to the readinor and re-readino; of their
Bibles, or of the spiritual benefits supposed to result
therefrom. It is worth remarkinsf, however, that
^ B. T., pp. 230, 231. 3 Ibid., vol. iii. p. 25.
'^ 0. S. T., vol. iii. p. 22. * Z. A. Q., p. 595.
8 HOL V BOOR'S, OR BIBLES.
this constant perusal of Holy Writ is altogether a
different operation from that of studying it for the
sake of knowing its contents. People read continu-
ally what they are already perfectly familiar with,
and they neither gain, nor expect to gain, any fresh
information from the performance. And this is a
species of reading to which among Christian nations
the Bible alone is subjected.
The genesis of this notion is not difficult to follow.
Once let a given work be accepted as containing infor-
mation on religious questions which man's unaided
faculties could not have attained, and it is evident
that there is no better way of qualifying himself for
the performance of his obligations towards heaven
than by studying that work. Its perusal and re-per-
usal will increase his knowledge of divine things, and
render him more and more fit, the oftener he repeats
it, to put that knowledge into 23ractice. But if it is
thus advantageous to the devout man to be familiar
with the sacred writings of his faith, it is plain that
the attention he ogives to them must be in the hiohest
degree agreeable to the divinity from whom they
emanate. For, to put it on the lowest ground, it is a
sign of respect. It renders it evident that he is not
indifferent to the communication which his God has
been pleased to make. It evinces a jiious and reve-
rential disposition. Hence not only is the reader
benefited by such a study, but the Deity is pleased by
it. Or if the books are not conceived as inspired by
any deity, yet a careful attention to them shows a
desire for wisdom, and a humble regard for the
instructions of more highly-gifted men who in these
religions stand in the place of gods. Thus the action
UNINTELLIGENT RE VERENCE FOR THEM. 9
of reading these works, and becoming thoroughly
familiar with their contents, is for natural reasons
regarded as meritorious. But this is not all. An act
which at first is meritorious as a means, tends inevi-
tably to become meritorious as an end. Moreover,
actions frequently repeated for some definite reason
come to be repeated when that reason is absent. Thus,
the reading of Sacred Books, originally a profitable
exercise to the mind of the reader, is soon undertaken
for its own sake, whether the mind of the reader be
concerned in it or not. And the action, having
become habitual, is stereotyped as a religious custom,
and therefore a religious obligation. The words of
the holy books are read aloud to a congregation,
without effort or intelligence on their part, perhaps
in a tongue which they do not comprehend. Even if
the vernacular be employed, there is not the pretence
of an effort to penetrate the sense of difficult passages.
Holy Writ has become a charm, to be mechanically read
and as mechanically heard, and the notion of merit —
arising in the first instance from the high importance
of understanding its meaning with a view to practis-
ing its precepts — now attaches to the mere repetition
of the consecrated words.
3. The exact converse of this unintelligent rever-
ence for the sacred writings is the excessive and over-
subtle exercise of intelligence upon them. It is the
common fate of such works to be made the subject of
the most minute, most careful, and most constant
scrutiny to which any of the productions of the
human mind can be subjected. The pious and the
learned alike submit them to an unceasing study.
No phrase, no word, no letter, passes unobserved.
lo HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
The result of tins devout investigation naturally is,
that much which in reality belongs to the mind of the
reader is attributed to that of the writer. Approached
with the fixed prepossession that they contain vast
stores of superhuman wisdom, that which is so
eagerly sought from them is certain to be found.
Hence the natural and simple meaning of the words is
set aside, or is relegated to a secondary place. All
sorts of forced interpretations are put upon them with
a view of compelling them to harmonise with that
which it is supposed they ought to mean. Statements,
doctrines, and allusions are discovered in them which
not only have no existence in their pages, but which
are absolutely foreigrj to the epoch at which they were
written. This process of false interpretation is greatly
favoured by distance of time. When an ancient book
is approached by those who know but little of the
external circumstances, or of the intellectual and spiri-
tual atmosphere, of the age in which it was composed,
much that was simple and plain enough to the con-
temporaries of the writer will be dubious and obscure
to them. And when they are determined to find
in the venerable classic nothing but perfect truth, the
result of such conditions is an inevitable confusion.
Their own actual notions of truth must at all hazards
be discovered in the sacred pages. The assumption
cannot be surrendered ; all that does not agree with
it must therefore be suitably explained.
Are proceedings or actions which shock the im-
})roved morality of a later age spoken of with appro-
l)ation in the canonical books ? Some evasion must be
discovered which will reconcile ethics with belief. Are
doctrines which the religion of a later age rejects
SUBTLETY OF INTERPRETATION. it
plainly enunciated, or statements of facts, which
later investigation has shown to be impossible,
■unequivocally made ? The inconvenient passages
must be shown to bear another construction. Are
there portions whose character appears too trivial or
too mundane to be consistent with the dignity of
works given for the instruction of mankind ? These
portions must be shown to possess a mystical signi-
ficance ; a spirit hidden beneath the letter ; profound
instruction veiled under ordinary phrases. Are the
dogmas cherished as of su^Dreme importance by subse-
quent generations unhappily not to be found in the
text of Kevelation ? These dogmas must be read out
of them by putting a strain upon words which appar-
ently refer to some other sul)ject. Perhaps, if they
are not contained in them totidem verbis, they may be
totidem syllahis ; or if not even totidem syllabis, at
least totidem Uteris. And the absence of a letter (like
the k in shoulder-knots) can always be got over some-
how. Lastly, are there palpable contradictions ? At
whatever cost they must be explained away, for
Holy Writ, being inspired, can never contradict
itself.
Let us consider a few of the most striking examples
of these methods of treatment. China, usually so
matter of f^ct, has manifested in this field a subtlety
of interpretation not altogether unworthy of the more
mystical India. The Ch'un Ts'ew, one of the books
of the Chinese Canon, is a historical compilation
attributed to Confucius himself, and is therefore of
more than ordinary authority even for a Sacred Book.
Concerning one of the years of which it contains a
record, the following- statements are made : —
12 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
*' In the ninth month, on Kang-seuh, the first day
of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
*' In winter, in the tenth month, on Kang-shin, the
first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed." ^
Two eclipses in such close proximity were of course
an impossibility. Chinese scholars were fully aware
of this, and knew, moreover, that the second eclipse
mentioned did not take place. A similar mistake
occurred in another cha^oter, so that there were two
unquestionable blunders to be got over. No wonder
then that " the critics," as Dr Legge says, " have
vexed themselves with the question in vain." But one
of them proposes an explanation. " In this year," he
remarks, "and in the 24th year, we have the record of
eclipses in successive months. According to modern
chronologists such a thing could not be ; but perhaps
it did occur in ancient times ! " ^ Dr Legge has itali-
cised the concluding words, and put an exclamation
after them, as if they embodied a surprising absurdity.
But his experience of Biblical criticism must have
presented him with abundant instances of similar in-
terpretations of the glaring contradictions to modern
science found in Scripture. Is it more ridiculous to
suppose that two eclipses might have occurred in two
months than to believe that the sun stood still, in
other words, that the revolution of the earth on its
axis ceased for a space of time ? or that an ass could
be endowed with human speech ? or that a man,
instead of dying, could rise from earth to heaven? And
if these and similar strauge occurrences be explained
as miracles, then such miracles "did occur in ancient
1 C. C, vol. V. p. 489.— Ch'un Ts'ew, b. 9. ch. xxi. p. 5, 6.
''' Ibid., vol. V. p. 491.
FORCED INTERPRETATIONS. 13
times," and do not now. Or if it be attempted, as it
is by interpreters of the rationalistic school, to get
over the difficulty by siipjDosing a natural event as
the foundation of the story — as one writer suggests
that the descent of the Holy Ghost at Pentecost was
a strong blast of wind — then European critics, like
those of China, " vex themselves in vain."
No country, however, has done more than India,
possibly none has done so much, in the peculiar
exercise of ingenuity by which all sorts of senses are
deduced from sacred texts. The Veda formed in that
highly religious land the common basis on which each
variety of philosophy was founded, and by which each
was thought to be justified. Dr Muir has collected a
number of facts in proof of the diverse interpretations
that found defenders among the champions of the
several schools. In these facts, according to him,
"we find another illustration (1) of the tendency
common to all dogmatic theologians to interpret in
strict conformity to their own opinions the unsyste-
matic and not always consistent texts of an earlier
age "udiich have been handed down by tradition as
sacred and infallible, and to represent them as
containing, or as necessarily implying, fixed and
consistent systems of doctrine ; as well as (2) of the
diversity of view which so generally prevails in regard
to the sense of such texts amono^ writers of difi"erent
schools, who adduce them with equal positiveness of
assertion as establishing tenets and princij)les which
are mutually contradictory or inconsistent."^
Exactly the same methods were applied to the
sacred books of Buddhism. " It is in general," says
* O. S. T,, vol. iii. p. XX.
14 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Buruouf, "the same texts that serve as a foundation
for all doctrines ; only the explanation of these texts
marks the naturalistic, theistic, moral or intellectual
tendency."^ To meet the case of contradictions
occurring in the Buddhistic Sutras a theory of a
double meaning has been invented. The various
schools that had arisen in the course of time did not
venture to reject the Sutras that failed to harmonise
with their own opinions, as not having emanated
from Buddha, but maintained he had not expressed
them in the form of absolute truth. He had often,
they thought, adapted himself to the conceptions of
his hearers, and uttered what was directly contradic-
tory to his veritable ideas. Hence his words must
be taken in two senses ; the palpable and the hidden
sense.^ As it has been with the Chinese Classics,
with the Veda, and with the Tripitaka, so it has been
with the Zend Avesta. Speaking of the progress of
scholarship in deciphering the sense of that ancient
work, Professor Max Muller justly observes that
"greater violence is done by successive interpreters
to sacred writings than to any other relics of ancient
literature. Ideas grow and change, yet each genera-
tion tries to find its own ideas reflected in the sacred
pages of their early prophets, and in addition to the
ordinary influences which blur and obscure the sharp
features of old words, artificial influences are here at
work distorting the natural expression of words which
have been invested with a sacred authority. Passages
in the Veda or Zend Avesta which do not bear on
religious or philosophical doctrines, are generally
explained simply and naturally, even by the latest of
' H. B. I., p. 444. - Wassilj('-\v, pp. 105, 329.
FORCED INTERPRETATIONS. 15
native commentators. But as soon as any word or
sentence can be so turned as to support a doctrine,
however modern, or a precept, however irrational,
the simplest phrases are tortured and mangled till at
last they are made to yield their assent to ideas the
most foreign to the minds of the authors of the Veda
and Zend Avesta."^
It is remarkable that almost identical expressions
are employed by a Eoman Catholic writer in reference
to the efforts that have been made by theologians to
discover the doctrine of the Trinity in the pages of
the Hebrew Bible. I am glad to be able to quote an
authority so unexceptionable as that of M. Didron for
the proposition, that the poverty of the Old Testament
in texts relating to the Trinity has caused the com-
mentators to torture the sense of the words and the
signification of facts. He adds the interestino- infor-
mation that artists, pushed on by the commentators,
have represented the signs of the Trinity in scenes
which did not admit of them. Thus, commentators
and artists have united to find a revelation of the
three persons of the Godhead in the three angels
whom Abraham met in the plain of Mamre ; in the
three companions of Daniel who were thrown into the
fiery furnace, and in other passages of equal relevance.
No w^onder, when such are the texts relied upon to
prove the presence of this cardinal dogma, that M.
Didron should observe that the Old Testament contains
very few texts that are clear and precise upon the
subject, and that in this portion of the Sacred Books
we do not see a sufficient number of real and un-
questionable manifestations of the Holy Trinity.^
1 Chips, vol. i. p. 134. •^ Ic. Ph.. pp. 514-517.
1 6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Perhaps, however, the most conspicuous instance of
the power of preconceptions in deciding the sense of
Holy Writ is the traditional interpretation of the Song
of Solomon. In this little book, which is altoo-ether
secular in its subject and its nature, the love of a
young damsel to her swain is described in peculiarly
plain and sensuous language. But precisely because
it was so plain was it necessary to find allegorical
allusions under its rather glowing phrases. Hence
such expressions as "let him kiss me with a kiss of
his mouth : thy caresses are softer than wdne," are
held to refer to "the Church's love unto Christ," and
an enthusiastic encomium passed by the Shulamite
upon the physical perfections of her lover is called *' a
description of Christ by his graces." So, when another
speaker, in this case a man, flatters a woman by
enumerating the beauties of her form, the feet, the
joints of her thighs, the navel, the belly, and the two
breasts so passionately praised by her admirer, are
thought in some mystic way to signify the graces of
the Church. A passage referring to a young girl not
yet fully developed is made out to be a foreshadowing
of " the calling of the Gentiles," and the natural and
simple appeal to a lover to make haste to come is
" the Church praying for Christ's coming."
Equal, or nearly equal, absurdities are found in the
Chinese interpretations of certain Odes contained in
their classics. These Odes are, like the Song of Songs,
mere expressions of human love. But the critics find
in them profound historical allusions ; history being
the staple of the Chinese sacred books, as theology is
of the Hebrew ones. Now it happened in China, as
it has happened in Europe, that there was a traditional
EXEGESIS AAWA'G THE CHINESE. 17
meaning attached to this portion of the sacred books ;
aud the traditional meaning was embodied in a Preface
which was generally supposed to have descended from
very ancient times, which came to be incorporated
with the Odes, and tliiis appeared to rest on the same
authority as the text itself. But a Chinese scholar,
named Choo He, who examined the preface in a freer
spirit tlian was usual among the commentators, formed
a very diiferent opinion as to its age and its authority.
He believed it to be of much more recent date than
was commonly supposed, and by no means to form an
integral portion of the Odes. The prevailing theory
was that the Preface had existed as a separate docu-
ment in the time of a scholar named Maou, " and that
he broke it up, prefixing to each Ode the portion
belonixino' to it. The natural Conclusion," observes
Choo He, " is that the Preface had come down from
a remote period, and that Hwang" (a scholar who, in
one account, is said to have written the Preface)
"merely added to it and rounded it ofi". In accord-
ance with this, scholars generally hold that the first
sentences in the introductory notices formed the
original Preface which Maou distributed, and that
the following portions were' subsequently added. This
view may appear reasonable, but when we examine
those first sentences themselves, we find some of them
which do not agree with the obvious meaning of the
Odes to which they are prefixed, and give merely
the rash and baseless expositions of the writers." Choo
He adds, that after the prefatory notices were pub-
lished as a portion of the text, "they appeared as
if they were the production of the poets themselves,
and the Odes seemed to be made from them as so
VOL. II. li
1 8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
many themes. Scholars handed down a faith in them
from one to another, and no one ventured to express
a doubt of their authority. The text was twisted
and chiselled to bring it into accordance with them,
and nobody would undertake to say plainly that they
were the work of the scholars of the Han dynasty." ^
Ample confirmation of the justice of Choo He's
opinion will be found on turning to the Odes and
comparing them with the notices in the Preface, which
bear a family likeness to the headings of the chapters
in the Song of Songs. Here, for example, is an Ode : — ■
" If yon, Sir, think kindly of nie,
I will hold njj my lower garments, and cross the Tsin.
If you do not think of me,
Is there no other person [to do so ?]
You foolish, foolish fellow ! " ^
The second stanza is identical, with this exception,
that the name of the river is changed. Now this
young lady's coquettish appeal to her lover is said in
the Preface to be an expression "of the desire of the
people of Ch'ing to have the condition of the State
rectified." ' Another Ode runs thus : — ■
1. " The sun is in the east,
And that lovely girl
Is in my chamber.
She is in my chamber ;
She treads in my footsteps, and comes to me.
2. " The moon is in the east,
And that lovely girl
Is inside my door.
She is inside my door ;
She treads in my footsteps, and hastens away,
"4
^ C. C, vol. iv. Proleg., p. 33.
*'' C. C, vol. iv. p. 140. — She King, pt. i. b. 7, ode 13.
' C. C, vol. iv. Proleg., p. 51.
* C. C, vol. iv. p. T53. — She King, pt. i. b. 8, ode 4.
A CHINESE SONG OF SONGS. 19
This simple poem is supposed by the Preface to be
"directed against the decay [of the times]." Observe
the theory that anything appearing in a sacred book
must have a moral purpose. " The relation of ruler
and minister was neglected. Men and women sought
each other in lewd fashion ; and there was no ability
to alter the customs by the rules of propriety." ^ A
commentator, studious to discover the hidden moral,
urges that the incongruous fact of the young woman's
coming at sunrise and going at moonrise " should
satisfy us that, under the figuration of these lovers, is
intended a representation of Ts'e, with bright or with
gloomy relations between its ruler and officers."^ In
another Ode a lady laments her husband's absence,
pathetically saying that while she does not see him,
her heart cannot forget its grief :
" How is it, how is it,
That he forgets me so very much 1 "
is the burden of every stanza. This piece, according
to the Preface, was directed against a duke, " who
slighted the men of worth whom his father had collected
around him, leaving the State without those who were
its ornament and strength." ^
With such methods as these there is no marvel
which may not be accomplished. And when, by the
lapse of many centuries, the very language of the
sacred records has been forgotten, — as the Sanscrit of
the Vedas was forgotten by the Hindus, the Zend by
the Parsees, and the Hebrew by the Jews — the process
of perversion is still further favoured. The original
^ C. C, vol. iv. Proleg., p. 52.
^ C. C, vol. iv, p. 153, note.
^ C. C, vol. iv. p. 200, and the note. — She King, pt. i. b. 11, ode 7.
20 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
works are theu accessible but to a few ; and when
these few undertake to explain them in the ordinary
tongue, they will do so with a gloss suggested by their
own imperfect comprehension of the thoughts and
language of the past.
These, then, may be accepted as the external marks
of Sacred Books : i. The unusual veneration accorded
to them by the adherents of each religion, on the
ground that they contain truths beyond the reach of
human intelligence when not specially enlightened; or
in other words, the theory of their inspiration. 2.
The notion of religious merit attached to reading them.
3. The application to them of forced interpretation,
in order to brinsf them into accordance with the
assumptions made regarding them.
B. Passing now to the internal marks by which
writings of this class are distinguished, we shall find
several which, taken together, constitute them alto-
gether a peculiar branch of literature.
I. Their subjects are generally confined within a
certain definite range, but in the limits of that range
there is a considerable portion which has the peculi-
arity that their investigation transcends the unaided
powers of the human intellect. Almost the whole of
the vast field of theoloQ;ical doo;ma comes under this
head. The sublimer subjects usually dealt with, and
not only dealt with, but emphatically dwelt upon, in
the Sacred Books are, the nature of the Deity and his
mode of action towards mankind ; the creation of the
world and its various constituent parts, including man
himself; the motives of the Deity in these exercises
of his power ; the dogmas to be believed in reference
to the Deity himself and in reference to other super-
SUBJECT-MATTER OF SACRED BOOKS. 21
liumau powers or agencies, whether good or bad ;
and the condition of the soul after death with the
rewards and the punishments of vicious conduct.
Coming down to matters of a h\ss purely celestial
character, but still beyond the reach of the uninspired
faculties of ordinary minds, they treat of tlie primitive
condition of mankind when first placed upon the
earth ; of his earliest history ; of the rites' by which the
divine being is to be worshipped ; of the sacrifices
which are to be ofi'ered to him ; of the ceremonies by
which his favour is to be won. Here we move in a
region which is at least intelligible and free from
mysteries, though ib is plain that we could not arrive
at any certain conclusions on such things as these
without divine assistance and superhuman illumina-
tion. Lastly, the Sacred Books of all nations profess
to give information on a subject the nature of which
is altogether mundane, and with regard to which
truth is accessible to all, inspired or uninspired ; — the
rules of moral conduct. These are, I believe, the
main subjects which will be found treated of in the
various books that lay claim to the title of Sacred.
These subjects may be briefly classified as, i. Meta-
physical speculations as to the nature of the Deity.
2. Doctrines as to the past or future existence of the
soul. 3. Accounts of the creation. 4. Lives of
prophets or collections of their sayings. 5. Theories
as to the origin of evil. 6. Prescriptions as to ritual. 7.
Ethics. That this does not pretend to be an exhaus-
tive classification, I need hardly say ; other topics
are treated in some of them to which no allusion is
made, and all of these topics themselves are not
treated in all. But they are those with which the
2 2 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Sacred Books are principally concerned ; and more
than this, they are those in the treatment of which
these books are especially peculiar. One important
feature both of the Chinese and the Jewish Canon is
passed over, namely, their historical records. If these
records were not exceptional appearances in sacred
works, or if, though exceptional, they presented some
essential singularity marking them off from all
ordinary history, they should be included in the list
of subjects. But as the Chinese Shoo King are
perfectly commonplace annals of matters of fact ; and
as the Books of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles are
not otherwise distinguished from secular history than
by their theological theories — in respect of which they
are included under the previous heads — I see no
reason to include history among the matters generally
treated in Sacred Books. It is right, however, to
note in passing that in these two instances it is found
in them.
2. Since, however, it will be obvious to all that
these great topics are discussed in many other works
which have no pretension to be thought sacred, w^e
must seek for some further and more definite criterion
by which to separate them from general literature.
And we shall find it in the manner in which the
.above-named subjects are treated. The great distinc-
tion between sacred and non-sacred writings in their
manner of dealing with these great questions is the
tone of authority, and if the expression may be used,
of finality, assumed by the former. There is no
appeal beyond them to a higher authority than their
own. Having God as their author and inspirer, or
being the product of the supreme elevation of reason,
THEIR ABSOLUTE AUTH0RI7ATIVENESS. 23
they take for granted that human beings will not
question or cavil at their statements. While other
writers, when seeking to enforce the doctrines of any
positive religion, invariably rest their contentions,
implicitly or explicitly, on some superior authority,
referring their readers or hearers either to the Vedas,
the Koran, the Bible, the Church, or some other recog-
nised standard of belief, and would think it in the
last degree presumptuous to claim assent except to
what can be found in or deduced from that standard ;
while those teachers who are not the exponents of any
positive, revealed religion, endeavour to prove their
conclusions from the common intuitions or the common
reasoning faculties of mankind ; the writers of these
books do neither. They seem to speak with a full
confidence that their words need no confirmation
either from authority or from reason. If they tell us
the story of the creation of the w^orld, they do not
think it needful to inform us from what sources the
narrative is derived. If they reveal the character of
God, it is wdthout explaining the means by which their
insight has been obtained, If they lay down the rules
of religious or moral conduct, it is not done with the
modesty of fallible teachers, but with the voice of
unqualified command emanating from the plenitude
of power. Of their decisions there can be no discus-
sion ; from their sentences there is no appeal.
3. It corresponds with this character that Sacred
Books should very generally be anonymous ; or more
strictly speaking, impersonal ; that is, that they should
]iot be put forward in the name of an individual, and
that no individual should take credit for their author-
ship. Understanding the expression in this some-
24 noL y BOOKS, or bibles.
what wider sense, we may say that anonymity is a
general characteristic of this class of writings. Their
authors do not desire to invite attention to their own
personality, or to claim assent on the ground of respect
or consideration towards themselves. On the contrary,
they withdraw entirely from observation ; they appear
to be thoroughly engrossed in the greatness of the
subject ; and to write not from any deliberate design
or with any artistic plan, but simply from the fulness
of the inspiration by which they are controlled.
Hence not only are the names of the authors in most
cases completely lost to us, but they have left us not
a hint or an indication by which we could discover
what manner of men they were. Even where the
name of a writer has been preserved to us, it is often
rather b}^ some accident altogether independent of the
book, and which i^ no way alters its anonymous
character. We happen to know, on what seems to be
good authority, that La5-ts(^ composed the Ta5-te-
king, but assuredly there is not a syllable in the work
itself which indicates its author. We happen to know
beyond a doubt that Mahomet composed the Koran ;
but the theory of the book is, that it had no human
author at all, and it was put forth, not as the prophet s
composition, but as the literal reproduction of revela-
tions made to him from heaven. The most note-
worthy exceptions are the prpphets of the Old Testa-
ment and the Pauline, Petrine apd Jpha^uine Epistles
of the NeAv. But of the prophets, t;hough their names
are indeed given, the great majority are little more
than a mere name to us ; while large portions of the
prophecies, attributed in the Jewish Canon to some
celebrated prophet, are in reality the work of unknown
THEIR ANONYMITY. 25
writers. This is notoriously the case with the whole
of the latter part of our Isaiah ; it is the case with
j^arts of Jeremiah ; it is the case with Malachi (whose
real name is not preserved) ; it is the case with Daniel.
The Pauline Epistles offer indeed a marked excep-
tion to the rule ; and some of them are of doubtful
authenticity. The Epistles of Peter, of John, of
James and Jude, even if their authorship be correctly
assigned, are of too limited extent to constitute an
exception of any importance. The rest of the Chris-
tian Bible follows the rule. Like the Vedic hymns,
like the Sutras of Buddhism, like the records of the
life and doctrines of Khung-tse, like the Avesta, all
the larger books of the Bible — except the prophets —
are anonymous. The whole of the historical portion
of the Old Testament, the four Gospels, the Acts of
the Apostles, the Epistle to the Hebrews, are — what-
ever names tradition may have associated with them
— strictly the production of unknown authors. This
characteristic is one of very high importance, because
it indicates — along with another which I am about to
mention — the spirit in which these works were written.
They were written as it were unconsciously and
undesignedly ; not of course w^ithout a knowledge on
the writer's part of what he was about, but without
that conscious and distinct intention of composing a
literary work with which ordinary men sit down to
write a book. Flowing from the depths of religious
feeling, they were the reflection of the age that
brought them forth. Generations jiast and present,
nations, communities, brotherhoods of believers, spoke
in them and through them. They were not only the
work of him Avho first uttered them or wrote them ;
26 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
others worked witli him, thought with him, spoke
with him ; they were not merely the voice of an
individual, but the voice of an epoch and of a people.
Hence the utter absence of any apparent and palpable
authorship, the disappearance of the individual in the
grandeur of the subject. This phenomenon is not
indeed quite peculiar to Sacred Books. It belongs
also to those great national epics which likewise
express the feelings of whole races and communities
of men ; to the Mahabharata, to the Ramayana, to
the Iliad and the Odyssey, to the Volsungen and
Nibelungen Sagas, to the Eddas, to the legends of
King Arthur and his knights. These poems, or these
poetical tales, are anonymous, and they occupy in
the veneration of the people a rank which is second
only to that of books actually sacred. In some other
respects they bear a resemblance to Sacred Books, but
these books differ from them in one important par-
ticular, which of itself suffices to place them in a dif-
ferent category. What that particular is must now
be explained.
4. If I were to describe it by a single word, I
should call it their formlessness. The term is an
awkward one, but I know of no other which so
exactly describes tlus most peculiar feature of Sacred
Books. Like the earth in its chaotic condition before
creation, they are "without form." That artistic
finish, that construction, combination of parts into a
well-defined edifi.ce, that arrangement of the whole
work upon an apparent plan, subservient to a distinct
object, which marks every other class of the produc-
tions of the human mind, is entirely wanting to them.
They read not unfrequently as if they had been
THEIR FORMLESSNESS. 27
carelessly jotted down without the smallest regard to
order, or the least attention to the effect to be
produced on the mind of the reader. Sometimes
they may even be said to have neither beginning,
middle, nor end. We might open them anywhere
and close them anywhere without material difference.
Sometimes there is a distinct progress in the narra-
tive, but it is nevertheless wholly without methodical
combination of the separate parts into a well-ordered
whole. Herein they differ also from those poetical
Epics which we have found agreeing with them in
being virtually anonymous. Nothing can exceed the
grace, the finish, the perfection of style, of those
immortal poems which are known as Homeric. The
northern Epics are indeed simpler, ruder, far more
destitute of literary merit. The first part, for
instance, of the Edda Saemundar (which perhaps
ought not to be called an Epic at all) is to the last
degree uncouth and barbarous, But then the subject-
matter of this portion of the Edda is such as belongs
properly to Sacred Books, and had it ever been
actually current among the Scandinavians as a canon-
ical work — of which we have no evidence — it would
be entitled to a place among them. When we come
to the second or heroic portion of this Edda, the case
is different. The mode of treatment is still rude and
unattractive, but if, unrepellcd by the outward form,
we study the longest of the narratives w^hich this
division contains — the Saga of the Volsungs — we
shall discover in it a tale, which for the exquisite
pathos of its sentiments, for the deep and tragic
interest which centres round the principal characters,
for the vivid delineation by a few brief touches of the
2 8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
intensest suffering, is scarcely surpassed even by the
far more finished productions of Hellenic genius. No
doubt the foundation of the story is mythological,
and this throws over many of its incidents a gro-
tesqueness which goes far in modern eyes to mar the
eflfect. But the mythological incidents of the Iliad
and the Odyssey are grotesque also, and it requires
all the genius of the poet to render them tolerable.
Apart from this groundwork, the Volsunga-Saga
treats its personages as human, and claims from
its readers a purely human interest in tlieir various
adventures. It relates these adventures in a con-
nected form, it depicts the feelings of the several
actors with all the sympathy of the dramatist, and
(IraW'S no moral, teaches no lesson. In the w^hole
range of sacred literature I recollect nothing like this.
Stories are doubtless told in it, but we are made to
feel that they are subservient to an ulterior purpose.
In the Old Testament and in the New, they serve to
enforce the theological doctrines of the writers ; in
the works of the Buddhists they generally impress
on the hearers some useful lesson as to the reward
of merit, and the punishment of demerit, in a future
existence. Of the genuine and simple relation of a
rather elaborate romance, terminating in itself, there
is i^robably no instance. Such stories as are related
are moral tales, and not romances ; and they are
generally too short to absorb, in any considerable
degree, the interest of the reader.
While this is the difference betw^een secular and
Sacred Books in respect of their narrative portions,
the sacred are ns a whole even more decidedly below
the secular in all that belongs to style and composi-
DISREGARD OF LITERARY EXCELLENCE. 2y
tion. The dullest historian generally contrives to
render liis chronicle more lucid, and therefore more
readable, than the authors of canonical Ijooks. In
these last there is the most absolute disreg'ard of
artistic or literary excellence. Hence they are, with
scarcely an exception, very tedious reading. M.
Eenan observes of the Koran that its continuous
perusal is almost intolerable. Burnouf hesitates to
inflict upon his readers the tedium he himself has
sufiered from the study of certain Tantras. The
inconceivable tediousness of the Buddhistic Sutras —
excepting the earlier and simpler ones — is well known
to those who have read or attempted to read such
works, as, for instance, the Saddharma Pundarika.
The Chinese Classics are less repulsive, but few
readers would care to study them for long together.
The Vedic hymns, though full of mythological
interest, are yet difficult and unpleasant reading,
both from their monotony and the looseness of the
connection between each verse and sentence. The
Brahmanas are barely readable. The Avesta is far
from attractive. The Bible, though vastly superior
in this respect to all the rest of its class, is yet not
easy to read for any length of time without fatigue.
Doubtless, if taken as a special study, with a view to
something which we desire to ascertain from it, we
may without difficulty read large portions at a time ;
yet we see that Christians, who read it for edification,
invariably choose in their public assemblies to confine
themselves to very moderate sections of it indeed,
while they will listen to sermons of many times the
length. There can be little doubt that a similar
practice is pursued in private devotion. Single
30 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
chapters, or at most a few chapters, are selected ;
these are perused, and perhaps made the object of
meditation ; but even the most fervent admirers of
the Bible would probably find it difficult to read
through its longer books without pausing. They do
not, so to speak, " carry us on." It was essential to
dwell on this tediousness of Sacred Books, because it
forms one of their most marked characteristics. Nor
does it arise, as is often the case, from indifference
or aversion on the part of the reader. Other books
repel us because we have no interest in the subjects
with which they deal. In these, the keenest interest
in the subjects with which they deal will not suffice
to render their presentation tolerable.
Section I. — The Thirteen King.^
Sacred Books in general are in China termed King,
But as the Chinese Buddhists have their own sacred
literature, and as Taou-ists are in possession of a
sacred work of their founder, Lab-tse, I call the Books
^ In treating of the Sacred Books of the Confucian School in China,
I rely entirely upon the admirable and (so far as it has yet gone) com-
plete work of the Rev. Dr James Legge. Although I have consulted
other publications, I have not drawn my information from them,
because it was at once evident that Dr Legge's " Chinese Classics" was
immeasurably superior to all that had preceded it on the same subject.
Unfortunately, the very thoroughness of the work renders it volu-
minous ; and it thus happens that tlie author has not fulfilled more
than a portion of the promise held out at its commencement. It must
be the earnest hope of all who are interested in these studies that the
learned missionary will live to complete his design ; meantime, we are
obliged to confine ourselves to a notice of that portion of the Classics
which he has translated. For Pauthier's French translation of the
Chinese Classics (in the Pantheon Litteraire : " Les Livres Sacres de
rOrient") embraces only tliat portion of the King which is to be found
in the hitherto-pu&lished volumes of Dr Legge.
SACRED BOOKS OF THE CHINESE. 31
of the State religion, that is, of the followers of Con-
fucius, ilie King 'par excellence. For Confucianism
is the official creed of the Government of China, and
the Confucian Canon forms the subject of the Civil
Service examinations which qualify for office. Accord-
ing to a competent authority, " a complete knowledge
of the whole of them, as well as of the standard notes
and criticisms by which they are elucidated, is an
indispensable condition towards the attainment of the
higher grades of literary and official rank.''^
The writings now recognised as especially sacred in
China are " the five Kino;," and " the four Shoo," ^
King is a term of which the proper signification is
*' the warp, the chain of a web ; thence that which
progresses equally, that which constitutes a funda-
mental law, the normal. Applied to books, it indicates
those that are regarded as canonical ; as an absolute
standard, either in general or with reference to some
definite object."^ In the words of another Sinologue,
it is " the Rule, the Law, a book of canonical authority,
a classical book."* The word seems therefore on the
whole to correspond most nearly to what we mean
by a "canonical book." Shoo means "Writings or
Books." The four Shoo, of which I shall speak first,
are these : — A i. The Lun Yu, or Digested Conver-
sations (of Confucius). A 2. The Ta Heo, or Great
Learning. A 3. The Chung Yung, or Doctrine of the
Mean. A 4. The "Works of MS,ng-tsze, or Mencius.
The five King are these : — B i . The Yih, or Book of
' Chinese, vol. ii. p. 48.
2 Of which an English translation by David Collie, entitled " The
Chinese Classical Work, commonly called the Four Books," was pub-
lished at Malacca in 1828.
' T. T. K., p. Ixviii. ♦ L. T., p. ix.
32 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Obauges.^ B 2. The Shoo, or Book of History. B 3.
The She, or Book of Poetry. B 4. The Le Ke, or
Record of Rites. B 5. Tlie Ch'im Ts'ew, or Spring
and Autumn, a chronicle of events from B.C. 721-
B.c. 480. The oldest enumerations specified only the
five King, to wliich the Yoke, or Record of Music
(now in the Le Ke), was sometimes added, making six.
There was also a division into nine King ; and in the
compilation made by order of Tae-Tsuug (who reigned
in the 7th century a.d.) there are specified thirteen
King, which consist of : ^ — 1-7. The five King, includ-
ing three editions of the Ch'un Ts'ew. 8. The Lun
Yu (A I.) 9. Mang-tsze (A 4.) 10. The Chow Le,
or Ritual of Chow. 1 1 , The E Le, or Ceremonial
Usages. 1 2. The Urh Ya, a sort of ancient dictionary.
13. The Heaou King, or Classic of Filial Piety. The
apparent omission of the Ta Heo (A 2) and the
Chung Yung (A 3) is accounted for by the fact that
both are included in the Le Ke (B 4). The only
works which it is at present in my power to speak of
in detail are those classified as A i to A 4, and as
B 2.
The authenticity of these works is considered to be
above reasonable suspicion ; for though an emperor
who reigned in the third century B.C., did indeed
order (B.C. 212) that they should all be destroyed, yet
this emperor died not long after the issue of his edict,
which was formally abrogated after twenty-two years;
and subsequent dynasties took pains to preserve and
recover the missing volumes. As it is of course
^ Noticed in Pauthier, p. 137.
2 Sir J. Davis (The Chinese ii. 48) reckons only nine King, those enu-
merated above. I presume that the remaining four enjoy an inferior
degree of veneration.
CONTENTS OF THE L UN YU. 7,1
improbable that every individual would obey the
frantic order of the emperor who enjoined their
destruction, there appears to be sufficient ground for
Dr Legge's conclusion, that we possess the actual
works which were already extant in the time of
Confucius, or (in so far as they referred to him)
were compiled by his disciples or their immediate
successors.
Subdivision i. — The Lun Yn,.
I. The first of the four Books is the Lun Yu, or
" Digested Conversations." From internal evidence
it seems to have been compiled in its actual form, not
by the immediate disciples of Confucius, but by their
disciples. Its date would be " about the end of the
fourth, or beginning of the fifth, century before Christ ; "
that is, about 400 B.C. It bears a nearer resemblance to
the Christian Gospels than any other book contained in
the Chinese Classics, being in fact a minute account, by
admiring hands, of the behaviour, character, and doc-
trine, of the great Master, Confucius. Since, however, it
contains no notice of the events of his life in chrono-
logical order, it answers much more accurately to the
description given by Papias of the ," Xoyta " com-
posed by Matthew in the Hebrew dialect than to that
of any of our canonical Gospels.
Biographical materials may indeed be discovered in
it ; but they occur only as incidental allusions, subser-
vient to the main object of preserving a record of his
sayings. In the minute and painstaking mode in
which this task is performed there is even a resem-
blance to Bos well's " Johnson : ' as in that celebrated
work, we have as it were a photographic picture of
VOL. 11. c
34 IJOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the great man's conversation, taken by a reverent and
humble follower. And as there is a total absence of
that fondness for the marvellous and that tendency to
exaggerate the Master's powers which so generally
characterise traditional accounts of relio-ious teachers,
we may fairly infer that we have here a trustworthy,
and, in the main, accurate representation of Confucius'
personality and of his teaching. As I have largely
drawn upon this work in writing the Life of that
prophet, I need not now detain the reader with any
further quotations.
Subdivision 2.— The Ta He6.
Passing to the Ta Heo, or Great Learning, we find
ourselves occupied with a book which bears the same
kind of relationship to the Lun Yu as the Epistle to
the Hebrews does to the Gospels. This work is
altogether of a doctrinal character ; and as in the
Epistle, the exposition of the doctrines is by no
means so clear and simple as in the oral instructions
of the founder of the school. The Ta Heo is attributed
by Chinese tradition to K'ung Keih, the grandson of
Confucius ; but its authorship is in fact, like that of
the Epistle, unknown. It was added to the Le Ke, or
Kecord of Rites, in the second century a.d.
It begins with certain paragraphs which are attri-
buted, apparently without authority, to Confucius;
and all that follows is sujDposed to be a commentary
on this original text. The text begins thus : —
I. " What the Great Learning teaches, is — to
illustrate illustrious virtue; to renovate the people ;
and to rest in tlie hiohcst excellence
WHAT THE TA Hl^d TEACHES. 35
4. '' The ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious
virtue throughout the Empire, first ordered well their
own States. AVishing to order well their States, they
first regulated their families. AVishing to regulate
their families, they first cultivated their persons.
Wishing to cultivate their persons, they first rectified
their hearts. Wishing to rectify their hearts, they
first sought to be sincere in their thoughts. Wishing
to be sincere in their tlioughts, they first extended to
the utmost their knowledge. Such extension of
knowledge lav in the investiofation of thino^s."
After a few more verses of textj we come to the
" Commentary of the philosopher TsS-ng," which is
mainly occupied with what purports to be an explana-
tion of the process described in the foregoing verses.
For instance, the 6tli chapter " explains making the
thoughts sincere," the seventh, " rectifying the mind
and cultivating the person ; " until at last we arrive at
the right manner of conducting "the government of the
State, and the making of the Empire peaceful and
happy." The object of the treatise is therefore
practical, and the subject a favourite one with the
Chinese Classics, that of Government. Great stress
is laid on the influence of a good example on the part
of the ruler; and those model sovereigns, "Yaou and
Shun," are appealed to as illustrations of its good
effect in such hands as theirs. In the course of the
exposition of these principles, we meet with dry
maxims of political economy, worthy of modern times,
such as this : —
"There is a great course also for the production of
v\ealth. Let the producers be many and the con-
36 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
sumers few. Let there be activity iii the production,
and economy in the expenditure. Then the wealth
will always be sufficient." ^
Subdivision 3. — The Chung Tung.
The composition of the Chung Yung, or "Doctrine
of the Mean," is universally attributed in China to
K'ung Keih, or Tsze-sze, the grandson of Confucius.
The external evidence of his authorship is, in Dr
Legge's opinion, sufficient ; though if that which he
has produced be all that is extant, it does not seem to
be at all conclusive. Some quotations from it have
already been made in the notice of Confucius, many
of whose utterances are contained in it.
Its principal object is, or seems to be, to inculcate
the excellence of what is called "the Mean," but the
explanation of what is intended by the Mean is far
from clear. The course of the Mean, however, is that
taken by the sage ; the virtue which is according to
the Mean is perfect ; the superior man embodies it in
his practice ; ordinary men cannot keep to it ; mean
men act contrary to it ; and Shun, a model emperor,
" determined the Mean " between the bad and good
elements in men, "and employed it in his government
of the people." The Mean, from the attributes thus
assigned to it, would appear to be a state of complete
and hardly attainable moral perfection, of which they
who have oflfered an example in their conduct have (at
least in modern times) been rare indeed. In the be-
ainninof of the treatise we learn that : —
» Ta Heo.
DOCTRINES OF CHUNG YUNG. 37
I. " What Heaven has conferred is called the
NATURE ; an accordance with this nature is called the
PATH of duty ; the regulation of this path is called
Instruction."
4. " While there are no stirriugs of pleasure, anger,
sorrow, or joy, the mind may be said to be in the
state of Equilibrium. AVheu those feelings have
been stirred, and they act in their due degree, there
ensues what may be called the state of Harmony.
This Equilibrium is the great voot from which grov)
all the human actings in the world, and this Har-
mony is the universal path ivhich they all should
2^ursue}
5. " Let the states of equilibrium and harmony
exist in perfection, and a happy order will prevail
throughout heaven and earth, and all things will be
nourished and flourish." ^
In another part of the work, " the path" is described
as not being " far from the common indications of
consciousness ; " and the following rule is laid down
with regard to it : —
"When one cultivates to the utmost the principles
of his nature, and exercises them on the principle of
reciprocity, he is not far from the path. What you
do not like, when done to yourself, do not do to
others." ^
A large and important portion of the goodness
required of those who would walk in the path is
sincerity. Sincerity is declared to be the " way of
Heaven,"* and it is laid down that "it is only he who
is possessed of the most complete sincerity that can
' The italics, here and in future quotation!^, are in Legge.
^ Chung Yung. ^ Ibid., xiii. 3. * Il>id., xx. \^
38 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
exist under Heaven, who can give its full develop-
ment to his nature." Having this power, he is said to
be able to give development to the natures of other
men, animals, and things, and even "to assist the
transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and
Earth," so that " he may with Heaven and Earth form
a ternion."^
The doctrine of "Heaven" as a protecting power
holds no inconsiderable place in this short treatise.
Thus it is stated that " Heaven, in the production of
things, is surely bountiful to them, according to their
qualities."^ "In order to know men" the sovereign
"may not dispense with a knowledge of Heaven."^
" The way of Heaven and Earth may be completely
declared in one sentence. They are without any
doubleness, and so they produce things in a manner
that is unfathomable.
" The way of Heaven and Earth is large and sub-
stantial, high and brilliant, far reaching and long en-
during." *
And in a very high-flown passage on the character of
the sage — said to refer to the author's grandfather —
he is spoken of as " the equal of Heaven."^
Heaven, however, is not the only superhuman
power that is mentioned in the Chung Yung. In
one of its chapters we are told tliat Confucius thus
expressed himself : —
" How abundantly do spiritual beings display the
j)Owers that belong to them !
"We look for them, but do not see them; we listen
^ Cluing Yung, xx. 7. ^ Ibid., xxii.
2 Ibid., xvii. 3. * Ibid., xxvi. 7, Z,
* Ibid., xxxi. 3.
THE WORKS OF MANG. 39
to, but do not liear them ; yet they enter into all
things, and there is nothing without them.
" They cause all the people in the Empire to fast
and purify themselves, and array themselves in their
richest dresses, in order to attend at their sacrifices.
Then, like overflowing water, they seem to be over
the heads, and on the right and left of their ivor-
shippers. " ^
This positive expression of opinion is scarcely
consistent with the habitual reserve of Kung-tse on
subjects of this kind,^ and were it not that it rests
apparently on adequate authority, we might he
tempted to reject it as apocryphal.
Subdivision 4. — I'he works of Mdng-tsze.
The next place in the Chinese Scriptures is occupied
by the works of MSng-tsze, the philosopher MSng, or
as he is frequently called, Mencius. M^ng lived
nearly 200 years later than Confucius, having been
born about 371, and having died in 288 B.C. He was
not an original teacher asserting independent authority,
and has no claim to the title of prophet. On the
contrary, he was an avowed disciple of Confucius, to
whose dicta he paid implicit reverence, and whom he
quoted with the respect due to the exalted character
which the sage had already acquired in the eyes of
his school.
The so-called " Works of MSng " are not original
compositions of this philosopher, but collections of his
sayings, resembling the Lun Yu, or Confucian Analects.
Whether he compiled them, or took any part in their
1 Chung Yung, xvi. 1-3. ^ Lun Yu, vii. 20.
40 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
compilation himself, is uncertain. But, considering
their character, the more probable hypothesis seems
to be that they were committed to writing by his
friends, or disciples, either during his own life, or
immediately after his deatli.
The evidence of their antiquity and authenticity
must be very briefly touched, upon. The earliest
notice of MSng is antecedent to the Ts'in dynasty
(255-206 B.C.), that is, within thirty-three years after
his death. We are indebted, for it to Seun K'ing, who
"several times makes mention of" MSng, and who in
one chapter of his works, " quotes his arguments, and
endeavours to set them aside." In the next place,
Ave have accounts of him, and references to his writ-
ings, in K'ung Foo, prior to the Han dynasty,
that is, before 206 B.C. Thirdly, he is quoted by
writers from 186-178 B.C., under the Han dynasty.
About 100 B.C. occurs the earliest mention now known
of Ming's works. It emanates from Sze-ma Tseen,
who attributes to MS-ng himself the composition of
" seven books." While in a cataloofue of the date
A.D. I, the works of M3,ng are entered as being "in
eleven books ; " a discrepancy which has given rise
to perplexities among Chinese scholars, with which
we need not concern ourselves. Suffice it to say, that
Mftng's works, as we now possess them, consist only
of seven books, and are not known to have ever
consisted of more.
This evidence would appear to be sufficient to prove
the antiquity of the collection, though not its Mencian
authorship. Whoever may have been its author, it
was not admitted among the Sacred Books till many
centuries after it had been received among scholars
DOCTRINES OF MANG. 41
as a valuable, though not classical, work. Under the
Sung dynasty, which began to reign about a.d. 960-
970, the works of MS,ng were at length placed on a
level with the Lun Yu, as part of the great Bible of
China.
On the whole, Ming's writings are of little interest
for European readers, and I shall not trouble mine
with any elaborate account of them. They are mainly
occupied with the question of the good government of
the Empire. What constitutes a good ruler ? on what
principles should the administration of public affairs
be carried on ? how can the people be rendered happy
and the whole Empire prosperous ? these are the sort
of inquiries that chiefly engaged the attention of
Ma,ng, and to which he sought to furnish satisfactory
replies. At the courts of the monarchs who received
him, he inculcated benevolent conduct towards their
subjects, with a paternal regard for their welfare, and
sometimes boldly reproved unjust or negligent rulers.
Holding, in common with the rest of his school, the
doctrine of a superintendence of human affairs by a
power named Heaven, he asserted in uncompromising
terms the theory that Heaven expresses its will through
the instrumentality of the people at large. "Vox
populi, vox Dei," is the sentiment that animates the
following passage, which contains one of the most
courageous assertions of popular rights to be found in
the productions of any age or country : —
" Wan Chang said, ' Was it the case that Yaou
gave the empire to Shun ? ' ^ Mencius said, ' No.
The emperor cannot give the empire to another.'
* Yaou and Shun are the ideal Chinese emperors, and belong tn a
mythical age. Shun Mas not tJie legitimate successor of Yaou, wlio
42 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
" ' Yes ; — but Shun had the empire. Who gave
it to him ? '
" ' Heaven gave it to him,' was the answer.
"'Heaven gave it to him: — did Heaven confer
its appointment on liim with specific injunctions V
" Mencius replied, 'No. Heaven does not speak.
It simply showed its will by his personal conduct,
and his conduct of affairs.'
" ' It showed its will by his personal conduct and
his conduct of affairs : — how was this ? ' Mencius'
answer was, ' The empire [? emperor] can present a
man to Heaven, but he cannot make Heaven give
that man the empire. A prince can present a man
to the emperor, but he cannot cause the emperor to
make that man a prince. A great officer can present
a man to his prince, but he cannot cause the prince
to make that man a great officer. Yaou presented
Shun to Heaven, and the people accepted him.
Therefore I say, Heaven does not speak. It simply
indicated its will by his personal conduct and his
conduct of affiiirs.'
" Chang said, ' I presume to ask how it was that
Yaou presented Shun to Heaven, and Heaven
accepted him ; and that he exhibited him to the
people, and the people accepted him.' Mencius
replied, ' He caused him to preside over the sacrifices,
and all the spirits were well pleased with them ; —
thus Heaven accepted him. He caused him to
preside over the conduct of affairs, and affairs were
well administered, so that the people reposed under
had raised him from poverty, and given him his two daughters in
marriage. On Yaou's death, his son at first succeeded him, and Shun
withdrew ; but the latter was soon called to the tlirone by the general
desire.
MANG'S ASSERTION OF POPULAR RIGHTS. 43
him ; — thus the people accepted him. Heaven gave
the empire to him. The people gave it to him.
Therefore I said, The emperor cannot give the
empire to another.
" ' Shun assisted Yaou in the government for twenty
and eight years ; — this was more than man could
Lave done, and was from Heaven. After the death
of Yaou, when the three years' mourning was
completed, Shun withdrew from the son of Yaou to
the south of South river. The princes of the empire,
however, repairing to court, went not to the son of
Yaou, but they went to Shun. Singers sang not the
son of Yaou, but they sang Shun. Therefore I said,
Heaven gave him the empire. It was after these
things that he went to the Middle kingdom, and
occupied the emperor's seat. If he had, before these
thhigs, taken up his residence in the palace of Yaou,
and had applied pressure to the son of Yaou, it would
have been an act of usurpation, and not the gift of
Heaven.
" ' This sentiment is expressed in the words of
The great Declaration, — Heaven sees according as
my 2^€,ople see; Heaven hears according as Tiiy people
hear.'"^
Mang's notion of what a really good government
should do is fully explained at the end of the first
part of the first book, in an exhortation to the
king of Ts'e. His Majesty, he observed, should
"institute a government whose action shall all be
benevolent," for then his kingdom will be resorted
to by officers of the court, farmers, merchants, and
persons who are aggrieved by their own rulers. The
^ The Italics are mine. — Mang-tsze, b. 5, pt. i. ch. v.
44 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
king must take care '*to regulate the livelihood of
the people," in order that all may have enough for
parents, wives, and children ; for "they are only men
of education, who without a certain livelihood, are
able to maintain a fixed heart. As to the people,
if they have not a certain livelihood, it follows
that they will not have a fixed heart. And if
they have not a fixed heart, there is nothing which
they will not do, in the way of self-abandonment,
of moral deflection, of depravity, and of wild licence.
When they have thus been involved in crime, to
follow them up and punish them, — this is to entrap
the people. How can such a thing as entrapping
the people be done under the rule of a benevolent
man ? " With a view then to their material and
moral well-being, mulberry trees should be planted,
the breeding seasons of domestic animals be carefully
attended to, the labour necessary to cultivate farms
not be interfered with, and "careful attention paid
to education in schools." And it has never been
known that the ruler in whose State these things
were duly performed " did not attain to the Imperial
dignity."^ The only virtue required for "the attain-
ment of Imperial sway "is " the love and protection
of the people ; with this there is no power which can
prevent a ruler from attaining it."^ In accordance
with his decided opinions as to the right of the people
to be consulted in the appointment of their rulers, he
advised the same king to be guided entirely by
popular feeling in assuming, or not assuming, the
government of a neighbouring territory which he
* MSng-tsze, b. i, pt. i. ch. vii. pp. 18-24..
- Ibid., b. I, pt. i. ch. vii. p. 3.
3rAXG A POLITICAL ECONOMIST. 45
liad conquered. " If the people of Yen will l»e
pleased with your taking possession of it, then do
so. . . . If the people of Yen will not be pleased
with your taking possession of it, then do not do so."^
Ma,ng was something of a political economist as
well as a statesman. There is in his writings a just
and striking defence of the division of labour, in
opposition to the primitive simplicity recommended
by a man named Heu Hing, who wished the rulers to
cultivate the soil with their own hands. M^nsf's
o
answer to Heu Ring's disciple is in the form of an
ad hominem argument, showing that, as Heu Hing
himself does not manufacture his own clothes or
make his own pots and pans, but obtains them in
exchange for grain, in order that all his time may be
devoted to agriculture, it is absurd to suppose that
government is the only business which can advan-
tageously be pursued along with husbandry, as Heu
Hing desired.'*
It was not enough, however, in MSng's eyes that
a sovereign should conduct the government of his
country in accordance with the great etliical and
economical maxims he laid down ; he must also pay
strict attention to the rules of Chinese etiquette.
On some occasions M2,ng insisted even haughtily
on the observance towards himself of these rules
by the princes who wished to see him, even though
one of his own disciples plainly told him that in
refusing to visit them because of their supposed
failure to attend to such minutise he seemed to
him to be "standing on a small point. "^ In fact
' MSnrr-tsze, b. i, pt. ii. ch. x. p. 3. '^ Ibid., b. 3, pt. i. ch. iv.
•^ Ibid., b. 3, pt. ii. ch. i. p. i.
46 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the " rules of propriety " held in his estimation
no less a place than in that of his Master and
predecessor. It is gratifying, however, to find him
admitting that cases may arise where their operation
should be suspended. Indecorous as it is for males
and females to " allow their hands to touch in orivinof
or receiving anything," yet when "a man's sister-
in-law" is drowning he is permitted, and indeed
bound to, "rescue her with the hand." Nay, M3,ng
in his liberality goes further, and emphatically
observes, that "he who would not so rescue a
drowninsf woman is a wolf." ^
The most important doctrine of a moral character
dwelt upon by M3,ng is that of the essential goodness
of human nature, on which he lays considerable
stress. According to him, "the tendency of man's
nature to good is like the tendency of w^ater to flow
downwards," and it is shared by all, as all water flows
downwards. You may indeed force water to go
upwards by striking it, but the movement is un-
natural, and it is equally contrary to the nature
of man to be "made to do what is not good."^
Yaou and Shun were indeed great men, but all
may be Yaous and Shuns, if only they will make
the necessary effort.^ " Mens mouths agree in having
the same relishes ; their ears agree in enjoying the
same sounds ; their eyes agree in recognising the
same beauty : — shall their minds alone be without
that which they similarly approve ? What is it then
of which they similarly approve ? It is, I say. the
^ MSng-tsze, b, 4, pt. i. cli. xvii. p. i.
- Ibid., b. 6, pt. i. ch. ii. pp. 2, 3.
■* Ibid., b. 6, pt. ii. ch. ii. \\\\. 1-5.
MA JVC'S VIEWS OF HUMAN NATURE. 47
principles of our nature, and the determinations of
righteousness. The sages only apprehended before
me that of which my mind approves along with
other men. Therefore the principles of our nature
and the determinations of righteousness are agreeable
to my mind, just as the flesh of grass [?-fed] and
grain- fed animals is agreeable to my mouth." ^ It
ought not to be said that any man's mind is without
benevolence and righteousness. But men lose their
goodness as "the trees are denuded by axes and
bills." The mind, *'hewn down day after day,"
cannot "retain its beauty." But "the calm air of
the morninor" is favourable to the natural feelinofs of
O O
humanity, though they are destroyed again by the
influences men come under during the day. "This
fettering takes place again and again," and as "the
restorative influence of the night" is insufficient to
preserve the native hue, "the nature becomes not
much different from that of the irrational animals,"
and then people suppose it never had these original
powers of goodness. "But does this condition,"
continues MSng, "represent the feelings proper to
humanity?"^ What some of these feelings are he
has plainly told us. Commiseration, shame, and
dislike, modesty and complaisance, approbation and
disapprobation, are according to him four principles
which men have just as they have their four limbs.
The important point for all men to attend to is their
development, for if they are but completely developed,
" they will sufiice to love and protect all within the
four seas."^ And in another place he insists on the
* Mungtsze, b. 6, pt. i. cli. vii. p. 8. ^ Ibid., b. 6, pt. i. cli. viii. p. 2.
* Ibid., b. 2, pt. 1. cli. vi, pp. 5-7.
48 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
importance of studying and cultivating the nature
which he asserts to be thus instinctively virtuous.
"He who has exhausted all his mental constitution
knows his nature. Knowing his nature, he knows
Heaven.
" To preserve one's mental constitution, and nourisli
one's nature, is the way to serve Heaven." ^
The moral tone of Ming's writings is exalted and
unbending, and evinces a man whose character will
bear comparison with those of the greatest philo-
sophers or most eminent Christians of the western
world.
Subdivision 5. — The Shoo King.
In this work are contained the historical memorials
of the Chinese Empire. The authentic history of
China extends, as is well known, to an earlier date
than that of any extant nation. It possesses records
of events that occurred more than 2000 years before
the Christian era, althouofh these events are intermixed
with fabulous incidents. "From the time of T'ans"
the Successful, however," Dr Legge informs us,
"commonly placed in the i8th century before Christ,
we seem to be able to tread the field of history with a
somewhat confident step."^ The exact dates, how-
ever, cannot be fixed with certainty till the year 775
B c. " Twenty centuries before our era the Chinese
nation ajDpears, beginning to be."^
Without entering into the history of the text of the
Shoo King, it may be stated that its fifty-eight books
may probably be accepted as " substantially the same
' Mang-tsze, b. 7, pt. i. ch. i. pp. 1, 2. - C. C, vol. iii. Proleg., p. 4.8.
" Ibid., p. 90.
THE SHOO KING ON ROYAL DUTIES. 49
with those which were known to Seun-tsze, Mencius,
Mih-tsze, Confucius himself, and others."^
Its earliest books — which must be regarded as in
great part legendary — contain accounts of three
Chinese Emperors — Yaou, Shun, and Yu — whose
conduct is held up as a model to future ages, and
who represent the heau ideal of a ruler to the Chinese
mind.
These admirable sovereigns were succeeded by men
of very inferior virtue. T'ae-k'ang (b.c. 2187), the
grandson of Yu, "pursued his pleasure and wander-
ings without any restraint." An insurrection against
his authority took place, and his five brothers took
occasion to admonish him by repeating "the cautions
of the great Yu in the form of songs." The first of
these songs may be quoted as a good specimen of the
doctrine of the Shoo King with reference to the
inperial duties : —
" It was the lesson of our great ancestor : —
The people should be cherished ;
They should not be down-trodden :
The people are the root of a country ;
The root firm, the country is tranquil.
When I look throughout the empire,
Of the simple men and simple women,
Any one may surpass me,
If I, the one man, err repeatedly: —
Should dissatisfaction be waited for till it appears'/
Before it is seen, it should be guarded against.
In my relation to the millions of the people,
I should feel as much anxiety as if I were driving six horses with
rotten reins.
The ruler of men —
How can he be but reverent of his duhj ? " ^
1 C. C, vol. iii. Proleg., p. 48.
* Shoo King, b. 3, pt. iii. ch. i. pp. 6. 7.
VOL. ir.
50 HOLY BOOKS, OR bibles;.
Many successive dynasties, comprising sovereigns
of very various characters, succeed these original
Emperors. Throughout the Shoo King we find great
stress laid on the doctrine, that the rulers of the land
enjoy the protection of Heaven only so long as their
government is good. Should the prince become
tyrannical, dissolute, or neglectful of his exalted duties,
the favour of the Divine Power is withdrawn from
him and conferred upon another, who is thus enabled
to drive him from the throne he is no longer worthy
to fill. The emphatic and reiterated assertion of this
revolutionary theory is very remarkable. Thus, a
king who has himself just effected the overthrow of
an incompetent dynasty, is represented as addressing
this discourse to the " myriad regions : " —
*'Ah! ye multitudes of the myriad regions, listen
clearly to the announcement of me, the one man.
The great God has conferred even on the inferior
people a moral sense, compliance with which would
show their nature invariably right. ^ But to cause
them tranquilly to pursue the course which it would
indicate, is the work of the sovereign.
"The kin«^ of Hea^ extinguished his virtue and
played the tyrant, extending his oppression over you,
the people of the myriad regions. Suffering from his
cruel injuries, and unable to endure the wormwood
and poison, you protested with one accord your
innocence to the spirits of heaven and earth. The
way of Heaven is to bless the good and to punish the
bad. It sent down calamities on the House of Hea, to
make manifest its crimes.
' The Pimie doctrine insisted on by Maiig.
^ The monai-ch Avhom tlie speaker had Bupersetled
THE CHINESE SAGES REBUKING KINGS. 51
*' Therefore I, the little child, charged witli the decree
of Heaven and its bright terrors, did not dare to for-
give the criminal. I presumed to use a dark-coloured
victim, and making clear announcement to the spiri-
tual Sovereign of the higli heavens, requested leave to
deal with the ruler of Hea as a criminal. Then I
sought for the great sage, with whom I might unite
inv strength, to request the favour of Heaven on behalf
of you, my multitudes. High Heaven truly showed
its favour to the inferior people, and the criminal has
been degraded and subjected." ^
It is true that this speech, proceeding from an
interested party naturally anxious to set his own
conduct in the fairest light, is liable to suspicion.
But there is abundant evidence in the pages of the
Shoo King that the views expressed above were
participated in by its writers, who constantly hold the
fate that befalls wicked Emperors as a punishment
from Heaven, and laud those who effect their downfall
as Heaven's agents. They also frequently introduce
sage advisers who reprove the reigning Emperor for
his faults, and admonish him to walk in the ways of
virtue in a spirit of the utmost frankness. One of
these monarchs candidly confesses the benefit he has
derived from the instructions of such a counsellor,
whose lessons have led him to effect a complete refor-
mation of his character.^ Another charged his minister
to be constantly presenting instructions to aid his
virtue, and to act towards him as medicine which
should cure his sickness.^ H, however, a dynasty
persisted in its evil courses, in spite of all the waru-
' shoo King, iv. 3. 2. ^ Ibid., iv. 5. pt. ii,
2 Ibid, iv. 8. pt. i. 5-8.
52 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
iugs it might receive, it was doomed to perish. Losing
the attachment of the people, it fell undefended and
unregretted. Such was the case with the House of
Yin. The Viscount of Wei, who is stated by old
authorities to liaA^e been a brother of the Emperor,
thus described its career : —
"The Viscount of Wei spoke to the following
effect : — ' Grand Tutor and Junior Tutor, the House of
Yin, we may conclude, can no longer exercise rule
over the four quarters of the empire. The great
deeds of our founder were displayed in former ages,
but by our being lost and maddened with wine, we
have destroyed the effects of his virtue, in these after
times. The people of Yin, small and great, are given
to highway robberies, villanies, and treachery. The
nobles and officers imitate one another in. violating
the laws ; and for criminals there is no certainty
that they will be apprehended. The lesser people
consequently rise up, and make violent outrages on
one another. The dynasty of Yin is now sinking in
ruin; — its condition is like that of one crossing a
large stream, who can find neither ford nor bank.
That Yin should be hurrying to ruin at the present
pace ! ' —
" He added, ' Grand Tutor and Junior Tutor, we
are manifesting insanity. The venerable of our
families have withdrawn to the wilds ; and now you
indicate nothing, but tell me of the impending
ruin ; — what is to be done ? '
"The Grand Tutor made about the following
reply : — ' King's son. Heaven in anger is sending
down calamities, and wasting the country of Yin.' "
And after mentioning the crimes of the Emperor,
DOCTRINES OF THE SHOO KING. 53
he proceeds: — *' 'When ruin overtakes Shang, I will
not be the servant of another dynasty. But I tell
you, 0 king's son, to go away as being the course
for you. . . . Let us rest quietly in our several
parts, and present ourselves to the former kings. I
do not think of making my escape.' " ^
In another portion of the Shoo the causes which
lead to the preservation or loss of Heaven's favour
are thus described by "The Duke of Chow:" — "The
favour of Heaven is not easily preserved. Heaven is
hard to be depended on. Men lose its favouring
appointment because they cannot pursue and carry
out the reverence and brilliant virtue of their fore-
fathers." Ao-ain : — "Heaven is not to be trusted.
Our course is simply to seek the prolongation of the
virtue of the Tranquillising king, and Heaven will
not find occasion to remove its favouring decree
which Kinor Wan received."^
The paramount importance to the national welfare
of a wise selection of ministers and officials receives
its full share of attention in the Chinese Bible. The
Duke of Ts'in, another province of the Empire, is
represented as speaking thus : —
"I have deeply thought and concluded; — Let me
have but one resolute minister, plain and sincere,
without other abilities, but having a simple, complacent
mind, and possessed of generosity, regarding the
talents of others, as if he himself possessed them : and
when he finds accomplished and sage-like men, loving
them in his heart more than his mouth expresses,
really showing himself able to bear them : — such a
minister would be able to preserve my descendants
^ Shoo Kill", iv. II. '^ Ibid., v. 16. i.
54 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
and my people, and would indeed be a giver of
benefits. ' ^
These extracts, without giving an adequate notion
of the very miscellaneous contents of the Shoo King,
a work which could not be accomplished without an
undue extension of the subdivision referring to it,
will serve to show that its moral tone on matters
relatinsf to the ofovernment of a nation is not inferior
to that of any of the productions of classical or
Hebrew antiquity.
Subdivision 6. — The She King.
Whatever sanctity or authority may attach to the
She King in the minds of the Chinese, must belong to
it solely on account of its antiquity, for there is cer-
tainly nothing in the character of its contents that
should entitle it to a place in the consecrated litera-
ture of a nation. Similar phenomena, however, are
not unknown among more devout races than the
Chinese. Thus the Hebrews admitted into their
Canon the Books of Euth and Esther, and the Song of
Solomon, which contain but little of an edifying
nature, though full of human interest. The same
may be said of the She King. The play of human
emotions is vividly represented in it, but there is not
much in which moral or religious lessons are to be
found, except by doing violence to the text.
The She King is a collection of ancient poems.
Tradition attributes the arrancjement and selection of
the Odes now contained in it to Confucius, who is
supposed to have selected them in accordance with
' Slioo King, V. 30. See also v. IQ. 2.
THE POEMS OF THE SHE KING. 55
some wise design from a much larger number. Tlie
present translator, however, assigns reasons for reject-
insf this tradition, and for believinoj that the She Kino^
was current in China long before his time in a form
not very different from that in which we now possess
it. At the present day, its songs have not lost their
ancient popularity, for it is stated that they are " the
favourite study of the better informed at the present
remote period. Every well-educated Chinese has the
most celebrated pieces by heart, and there are constant
allusions to them in modern poetry and writings of all
kinds." ^
The poems, which were collected from many different
provinces, relate to a great variety of subjects. Some
are political, some domestic ; some sacrificial, others
festive. We have rulers addressing the princes of
their kingdom in laudatory terms, and princes in
their turn extolling the ruler ; complaints of unem-
])loyed politicians, and groans from oppressed subjects ;
husbands deploring their absence from their wives on
military service ; forlorn wives longing for the return
of absent husbands ; stanzas written by lovers to their
mistresses, and maidens' invocations of their lovers ;
along with a few allusions to amatory transactions of
a more questionable character. All these miscel-
laneous matters are treated in short, simple, and rather
monotonous poems, which, if they have any beauty in
the original, have completely lost it in the process of
translation. There is sometimes pathos in the feelings
uttered ; but the expressions are of the most direct and
unoruamental kind, and the whole book partakes
largely of that artlessness which we have noted as onn
of the ordinary marks of Sacred Books.
' Davis' Chinese, ii. 60.
56 HOLY BOOKS, OR BJBLES.
A few specimens will suffice. Here is the "protest
of a widow against being urged to marry again : " —
1. " It floats about, that boat of cypress wood,
There in the middle of the Ho.
With his two tufts of hair falling over his forehead ;
He was my mate ;
And I swear that till death I will have no other.
O mother, O Heaven,
Why will you not understand me ?
2. " It floats about, that boat of cypress wood.
There by the side of the Ho.
With his two tufts of hair falling over his forehead ;
He was my only one ;
And I swear that till death I will not do the evil thing.
O mother, 0 Heaven,
Why will you not understand m.e 1 " ^
In the following lines a young lady begs her lover
to be more cautious in his advances, and that in a
tone which may remind us of Nausikaa's request to
Odysseus to walk at some distance behind her, lest
the busybodies of the town should take occasion to
gossip : —
1. "I pray you, I\[r Chung,
Do not come leaping into my hamlet ;
Do not break my willow-trees.
Do I care for thgrn ?
But I fear my parents.
You, 0 Chung, are to be loved,
But the words of my parents
Are also to be feared.
2. " I pray you, Mr Chung,
Do not come leaping over my wall ;
Do not break my mulberry-trees.
Do I care for them ?
But I fear the words of my brothers.
You, O Chung, are to be loved,
But the words of my brothers
Are also to be feared.
^ She King, i. 4. i.
SPECIMEN ODES FROM THE SHE KING. 57
3. "I pray you, Mr Cliuiig,
Do not come leaping into my garden ;
Do not break my sandal-trees.
Do I care for tliem ?
But I dread the talk of people.
You, O Chung, are to be loved,
But the talk of people
Is also to be feared." ^
The following Ode, conceived in a different spirit,
will serve to illustrate one of the most prominent
features of Chinese character as depicted in these
ancient books, — its filial piety. It is supposed to be
the composition of a young monarch who has just
succeeded to the government of his kingdom : —
" Alas for me, who am [as] a little child,
Ou whom has devolved the unsettled State 1
Solitary am I and full of distress.
Oh my great Father,
All thy life long, thou wast filial.
" Thou didst think of my great grandfather,
[Seeing him, as it were] ascending and descending in the court,
I, the little child,2
Day and night will be so reverent.
" Oh ye great kings,
As your successor, I will strive not to forget you."^
Subdivision -j.—The Ch'im Ts'ew.
According to Chinese tradition, the Ch'un Ts'ew,
or Spring and Autumn, was the production of
Confucius himself; not indeed his original com-
position, but a compilation made by him from
^ She King, i. 7. 2.
2 Not literally a child. " Little child " is the usual style of Chinese
rulers when designing to express feelings of modesty and religious
reverence.
^ She King, iv. i. [iii,] i.
58 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
pre-existing sources. The title of Ch'un Ts e\v was
not of his own^'making. It was the name already
in use for the annals of the several States. The
annals were arranged under the four seasons of each
year, and then two of the seasons — Spring and
Autumn — were used as an abbreviated term for all
the four. And so strictly is this principle of
parcelling out the annals of each year under the
several seasons adhered to in the work, that even
when there is no event to be recorded we have such
entries as these: "It was summer, the fourth
month." "It was winter, the tenth month."
The classical Ch'un Ts'ew was compiled from the
Ch'un Ts'ew of the State of Loo. It is even doubtful
whether Confucius did anything more than copy what
he found in the annals of that country. Dr Legge
evidently inclines to the belief that he altered
nothing. At any rate, the work can only be regarded
as very partially his own. More than this, it is
questionable whether the text we have at present is
that of the original Ch'un Ts'ew at all. This classic
is indeed said to have been recovered in the Han
dynasty after the destruction of the books. But
there are circumstances which may well make us
hesitate before we accept the Chinese account of this
recovery as a fact. MSng, who had the best
opportunities of knowing what his master was
believed to have written, if not what he actually
had written, speaks of the Ch'un Ts'ew in terms
wholly inapplicable to the work before us. He
asserts expressly that it was composed by him
because right principles had dwindled away, because
unsceml}^ language and unrighteous deeds were
GENUINENESS OF CirUN TS'EW CRITICISED. 59
common, and he attributes to its completion the
result that "rebellious ministers and villanous sons
were struck with terror." Now we may allow what
limits we please for the exaggeration natural to a
disciple when speaking of the labours of a revered
master. But can we believe that MSng, a man
whose own teaching proves him to have been a
moderate and sensible thinker, would have spoken
thus of a compilation which from beginning to end
contains absolutely no moral principles whatever ?
Yet such is the case with the " Spring and iVutumn "
as we possess it. There is not in it the faintest
glimmer of an ethical judgment on the historical
events which it records. A birth, an eclipse, a fall
of snow, a plague of insects, a murder, a battle, the
death of a ruler, are all chronicled in the same dry,
lifeless, unvarying style. Nowhere would it be
possible for an unprejudiced critic to detect the
opinions of the compiler, or to gather from his words
that he viewed a virtuous action with more favour
than an abominable crime. Such being the case, I
hesitate, notwithstanding the high authority of Dr
Legge, to accept the genuineness of this work as be-
yond cavil.
It has in fact been questioned in China, not indeed
on very valid grounds, by a scholar whose letter he
has translated in his Prolegomena, and he himself
candidly acknowledges the extreme difficulty of
reconciling the character of our present text with
the statement of Mang. But he considers the
external testimony to the recovery of the book
sufficiently weighty to dispose of this and otlier
difficulties. Yet, without disputing the strength of
6o HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the grounds on wliicli this conclusion rests, we mav
still permit ourselves to entertain a modest doubt
whether this compilation was really the handiwork
of such a man as we know Confucius to have been,
and that doubt will be strengthened when we recall
the common tendency of the popular mind to connect
the authorship of standard works with names of high
repute. And the bare existence of such a doubt
will compel us to suspend our judgment on the very
serious charges of misrepresentation and falsehood
Avhich Dr Legge has brought against Confucius in his
capacity of historian. If the actual Ch'un Ts'ew be
shown to be identical with that edited by Confucius,
and if he simply adopted, without alteration, or with
very trivial alteration, the labours of his predecessors,
the gravity of these charges will be very considerably
diminished. For we know not but what some feelinof
of respect for that which he found already recorded
may have stayed his hand from revision and im-
provement.
Passing to the work itself, we shall find little in it
worthy of attention, unless by those who may be
desirous of studying the history of China. Chinese
commentators have indeed discovered all kinds of
recondite meanings in it, as is usually the case with
the commentators on Sacred Books, but these are of
no more value than the similar discoveries of types
and mystic foreshadowings in the Hebrew Scriptures.
In itself, the text is profoundly uninteresting. Here
is one of the shortest chapters as a specimen. The
title of the Book from which it is taken is "Duke
Chwang : "- -
SUBJECT-MATTER OF CH' UN TS'EW. 6i
XXVI. I. "In his twenty-sixtli year, in spring, the duke
invaded the Jung,
2. "In summer, the duke arrived from the invasion of the
Jung.
3. " Ts'aou put to death one of its great officers.
4. " In autumn, the duke joined an officer of Sung and an
officer of Ts'e in invading Seu.
5. "In w^inter, in the twelfth month, on Kwei-hae, the first
(lay of the moon, the sun was eclipsed." *
The events noted in these annals refer to various
States — for it appears that the several States were
in the habit of communicating remarkable oc-
currences to each other — but they are of a very
limited class, and are invariably recorded in the brief
manner of the chapter that has just been quoted.
Eclipses of the sun are duly registered, and the
record thus acquires a chronological value of high
importance in historical researches. Among the
other facts commonly mentioned are sacrifices for
rain, which occur very frequently ; wars, with the
results of great battles ; the marriages or deaths of
rulers and important persons; their journeys; oc-
casionally their murder ; meetings of rulers for the
purpose of common action in matters of State ;
diplomatic missions, invasions of locusts or other
troublesome insects ; and lastly, peculiarities of
various kinds in the state of the weather. It is plain
that annals of this kind have no religious sio-nificance
beyond that which they derive from the mere fact of
being reputed sacred. And in this aspect the Ch'un
Ts'ew is certainly curious. Having been assigned —
rightly or wrongly — to the pen of the prophet of
' C'a'un Ts'tiw, iii. 26.
62 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
China, it seems to liave become a poiut of honour
with Chinese scholars to extract from it, by hook or
by crook, the profoundest lessons on politics and
morals.
Section II. — The Tao-te-K!ng.^
There are in China three recognised sects or
"religiones licitse:" — Confucianism, Buddhism, and
Tao-ism. We have examined the Sacred Books of
the first ; those of the second will come under review
in another section. There remains the comparatively
small and unimportant sect of the Ta5-ss^, or
" Doctors of Keason," who derive tKeir origin from
La5-tse, and who possess as their classic the single
written composition which emanated from their
founder.^ It is entitled the Tao-te-Kiug.
1 By far the best European work on the Tao-le-King is that of Victor
von Strauss, and I have followed his translation, though not without
consulting those of others. I am fully sensible of the inconvenience of
a double translation, and I should have preferred to follow Chalmers'
English rendering of Lao-tse, had not the obscurity of his version been
so great as to render it almost unintelligible to the general reader.
Eeinhold von Planckner's translation errs on the other side by excess of
clearness. It is a palpable attempt to force upon the ancient Chinaman
a connected system professedly unravelled from the text by the ingenuity
of the modern German. It should be used only with extreme caution,
or not at all.
2 It deserves to be noted, as a peculiarity of the Chinese prophets —
Confucius and Lao-tse — that they alone among their peers have left
authentic written compositions. The Koran can scarcely be said to
have been written by Mahomet, in the sense in which we talk of
writing a book. And neither Zarathustra, Jesus, nor the Buddha, were
authors. The calmer Chinese temperament permitted, in the case of
these two great teachers, a mode of conveying instruction which is
repugnant, as a rule, to the fervid prophetic nature. Observe that of
the Jewish (so-called) prophets, those who committed their prophecies
to writing, generally belonged to a comparatively late age, in which oral
prophecy was no longer in vogue, and the state of feeling that had
inspired it no longer j)revalent.
THE TAO-TR-K'ING—ITS GENUINENESS. 63
Ancient as tins book is (probably about B.C. 520),
there is no reason to doubt its authenticity. This is
sufficiently guaranteed by quotations from it which
are found in authors belonging to the fourth century
B.C., and by the fact that a scholar who wrote in B.C.
163 made it the subject of a commentary, which
accompanies it sentence by sentence. Nor does
Chinese tradition state that it perished in the Burning
of the Books (b.c. 212-209), which was a measure
levelled against the Confucian school, and took place
under an Emperor who was fsivourable to the Ta5-sse.
AVe may safely conclude that we are in possession of
the genuine composition of the ancient philosopher.^
Of the three words which compose its title. King
has already been explained,^ The full meaning of
Tab will appear in the sequel : we may here term it
the Absolute. T8 means Virtue ; and the title would
thus imply either that this Canonical Book deals with
the Absolute and with Virtue, or with that kind of
virtue which emanates from, and is founded upon, a
belief in and a spiritual union with the Absolute.^
Whatever the signification of its name, its principal
subjects undoubtedly are Tab and Te : the Supreme
Principle and human Virtue. Let us see w^hat is
La6-tse's description of Tab, the great fundamental
Being on whom his whole system rests. "Tab, if it
can be pronounced, is not the eternal Tab. The
Name, if it can be named, is not the eternal Name.
The Nameless One is the foundation of Heaven and
Earth; he who has a Name is the Mother of all
1 T. T. K., Ixxiii., Ixxiv. 2 Supra, p. 30.
^ The former view is tliat of Stan. Julien ; the hitter that of von
Planckner.
64 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
beings." ^ These enigmatical sentences open the Ta5
philosophy. The idea that Ta6 is unnameable is a
prominent one in the author's mind, although he
seems also to recognise a subordinate creative prin-
ciple— like the Gnostic ^ons — which is nameable.
Thus we read : " Tab, the Eternal, has no Name. . . .
He who begins to create, has a Name."^ Again:
"For ever and ever it is unnameable, and returns
into non-existence." Or : "I know not its Name ; if
I describe it, I call it Tab." ^ We are reminded of
Faust's reply in Goethe : —
" Ich habe keinen Namen
Dafiir ! Gefiihl ist alles ;
Name ist Scliall und Raucli
Umnebelnd Himmelsglutli."
Nor is Tub only without a Name ; it is sometimes
described as if devoid of all intellisfible attributes.
Thus, in one chapter, we learn that it is eternally
without action, and yet without non-action.^ Nay,
the entire absence of all activity is not unfrequently
predicated of Tab, whose great merit is stated to be
complete quiescence. Tab is moreover incompre-
hensible, inconceivable, undiscoverable, obscure.^ Its
upper part is not clear, its lower part not obscure. It
returns into non-existence. It is the form of the
Formless ; the image of the Imageless.^ Mysterious
as this Being is, yet in other places attributes are
ascribed to it which go far to elucidate the author s
conception of its nature. Productive energy, for
instance, is plainly attributed to Tab, for it is stated
that Tab produces one, one two, and two three, while
1 Oh. I. 3 ch. 25. « Ch. 21.
^ Ch. 32. ■* Ch. 37. « Ch. 14.
DESCRIPTION OF TAO. 65
tliree jDroduce all creatures/ The following account
is less mystical : " Ta5 produces them [creatures],
its Might preserves them, its essence forms them, its
power perfects them : therefore of all beings there is
none that does not adore Tab, and honour its Might.
The adoration of Tab, the honouring of its Might, is
commanded by no one and is always spontaneous.
For Tab produces them, preserves them, brings them
up, fashions them, perfects them, ripens them,
cherishes them, protects them. To produce and not
possess, to act and not expect, to bring up and not
control, this is called sublime Virtue." ^ In addition
to these creative and preservative qualities, it has
moral attributes of the highest 'order. Thus, its Spirit
is supremely trustworthy. In it is faithfulness.^ All
beinofs trust to it in order to live. When a work is
completed, it does not call it its own. Loving and
nourishing all beings, it still does not lord it over
them. It is eternally without desire. All beings
turn to it, yet it does not lord it over them.* It is
eminently straightforward. It dwells only with those
who are not occupied with the luxuries of this world.^
Nay, it is altogether perfect.^ The last assertion is
found in a chapter which, as it is probably the most
important in the book for the purpose of under-
standing the theology of the author, deserves to be
translated in full : — " There existed a Being, incon-
ceivably perfect, before Heaven and Earth arose. So
still ! so supersensible ! It alone remains and does
not change. It pervades all and is not endangered.
; ch., 42.
^ Ch., 51. I have borrowed some expressions from Chalmers, O. P.
3 Ch., 21. 4 Ch., 34. 3 Ch., 53. « Ch., 25.
VOL. II. K
66 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
It may be regarded as the Mother of the World. I
know not its name ; if I describe it, I call it Tab.
Concerned to give it a Name, I call it Great ; as
great, I call it Immense ; as immense, I call it
Distant ; as distant, I call it Eeturning. For Tab is
great ; Heaven is great ; the Earth is great ; the
King is also great. In the world there are many
kinds of greatness, and the King remains one of
them. The measure of Man is the earth ; the
measure of earth, Heaven ; the measure of Heaven,
Tab ; Tab's measure itself." ^
Such is the picture of Tab ; but the Tab-t8-king is
much more than a treatise on theology; it is even
more conspicuously a treatise on morals. Tab is
indeed the transcendental foundation on which the
ethical superstructure is raised ; but the superstructure
occupies a much more considerable space than the
foundation, and seems to have been the main practical
end for which the latter was laid down. Intermingled
with the image of Tab we find the image of the good
man, or, as we may call him, in Scriptural phraseology,
the righteous man ; an ideal of perfect virtue, whom
the author holds uj), not as an actual person, but as
an imaginary model for the guidance of human con-
duct. By putting together the scattered traits of his
character, we may arrive at a tolerable comprehension
of the author's conception of perfect goodness. In
the first place, the righteous man is in harmony in his
actions with Tab ; he becomes one with Tab, and Tab
rejoices to receive him.^ He places himself in the
^ Ch., 25. For the sake of enabling the reader to compare the
interpretations of this important chapter given by various Sinologues,
I subjoin in an. appendix four other translations.
2 Ch., 23.
I
LAO-TSE ON THE RIGHTEOUS MAN. 67
background, and by that very means is brought
forward.^ He does not regard himself, and therefore
shines ; lie is not just to himself, and is therefore dis-
tinguished ; does not praise himself, and is therefore
meritorious; does not exalt himself, and is therefore
j)re-eminent. As he does not dispute, none can
dispute with him.^ If he acts, he sets no store by his
action ; for he does not wish to render his wisdom
conspicuous.^ He knows himself, but does not regard
himself; loves himself, but does not set a high price
on himself/ Unwilling lightly to promise great
things, he is thereby able to accomplish the more ; by
treating things as difficult, he finds nothing too difficult
during his whole life.^ Inaccessible alike to friendship
and enmity, uninfluenced by personal advantage or
injury, by honour or dishonour, he is honoured by all
the world. ^ He is characterised by quiet earnestness ;
should he possess splendid palaces, he inhabits them
or quits them with equal calm.'' He clothes himself
in wool (a very coarse material in China), and hides
his jewels.* He is ever ready to help others ; for the
good man is the educator of the bad, the bad man
the treasure of the orood.® " The riohteous man does
not accumulate. The more he spends on others, the
more he has ; the more he gives to others, the richer
he is." ^" "He who knows others is clever ; he who
knows himself is enlightened." ^^ Thus the sage, like
Socrates, makes '^vwQi aeavrov a main principle of his
conduct. Should he be called to the administration
of the realm, he adopts a policy of laisser faire, for
^ Ch., 7. " Ch., 72. 7 ch., 26. 1" Ch., 81.
'"■ Ch., 22. 5 Ch., 63. 8 Ch., 70. " Ch., 33.
3 Ch., 77. « Ch., 56. 'J Ch., 27.
68 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
he has observed the evils produced by over-legislation.
It is his belief that if he be inactive, the people will
improve by themselves ; if he be quiet, they will be-
come honourable ; if he abstain from intermeddling,
they will become rich ; if he be free from desires, they
will become simple/ Compelled to engage in war, he
will not make use of conquest to triumph or exalt
himself, neither will he take violent measures.^
Mercy is a quality that must not be despised ; the
merciful will conquer in battle.^ Endowed with these
characteristics, the good man need fear nothing. Like
Horace's
" Integer vitce scelerisque purus,"
he is preserved from danger. The horn of the rhino-
ceros, the claws of the tiger, the blade of the sword,
cannot hurt him.* He is like a new-bom child :
serpents do not sting it, nor wild beasts seize it, nor
birds of prey attack it/
A few features, which do not directly enter into the
delineation of the character of the sage, must still be
added to complete that image. And first, a prominent
place must be assigned to a quality which is a large
ingredient in La5-tse's conception of goodness, both
human and divine. It is that of gentleness, or, as he
would call it, weakness. It is a favourite principle of
his that the weak thinas of the earth overcome the
strong, and that they overcome in virtue of that very
weakness. He has an aversion to all conspicuous
exercise of force. The deity of his philosophy is one
who is indeed all-powerful, but who never displays
1 Ch., 57. '' Ch., 30. 3 cii., 67. " Ch., 50.
^ Ch., 55. Von Strauss explains this to mean that lie is like the
child in its unconscionsness of danger from these sources.
LAO-TSE ON THE DIVINITY OF GENTLENESS. 69
liis power. Tlie method of Heaven — and it should also
be that of man — is apparent yielding, leading to real
supremacy. " It strives not, yet is able to overcome.
It speaks not, yet is able to obtain an answer. It
summons not, yet men come to it of their own accord ;
is long-suffering, yet is able to succeed in its designs."^
The superiority of the weak — or the seeming weak —
to the strong, is further illustrated by Lao-tse in
several parallels. We enter life soft and feeble ; we
quit it hard and strong. Therefore softness and
feebleness are the companions of life; hardness and
strength of death.^ And does not the wife overcome
her husband by her quietness ? ^ Is not water the
softest and weakest of all things in the world, yet is
there anything which ever attacks the hard and strong
that is able to surpass it ? * Thus, the most yield-
ing of all substances overcomes the most inflexible.
Hence is manifest the advantage of inactivity and of
silence.^ It is fully in accordance with these notions
that Lab-tse should distinctly deprecate warfare, and
should assert that the most competent general will not
be warlike. Calmly conscious of his power, he is not
quarrelsome or eager for battle, and thus possessing
the virtue of peaceable and patient strength, he be-
comes the peer of Heaven.^ War is altogether to be
condemned, as pregnant with calamity to the state. ^
"The most beauteous weapons are instruments of
misfortune ; all creatures abhor them ; therefore he
who has Ta6 does not employ them." They are not
the instruments of the wise man. If he must needs
' Ch., 72.
^ Ch., 61.
' Ch., 43,
« Ch., 76.
* Cli., 78.
^ Ch., 30.
« Ch., 68.
70 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
resort to them, yet lie still values peace and quietness
as the highest aims. He conquers with reluctance.
" He who has killed many men, let him weep for them
with grief and compassion. He who has conquered
in battle, let him stand as at a funeral pomj?." ^
Another striking characteristic of Lao-tse's moral
system is his dislike of luxury, and his earnest injunc-
tion to all men to be contented with modest circum-
stances. We have seen that the sage is depicted as
wearing coarse clothing, and Lab-tse considers that
the very j^resence of considerable riches indicates the
absence of Tao from the minds of their possessors.
As we should express it, the devotion to worldly
wealth is inconsistent with a spiritual life. " To
wear fine clothes, to carry sharp swords, to be filled
v/ith drink and victuals, to have a superfluity of
costly gems, this is to make a parade of robbery ; "^
truly not to have Tao."^ Moreover, the very pomp
of the palace leads to uncultivated jSelds and empty
barns.* Lao-tse therefore warns every one not to
consider his abode too narrow or his lifp too confined.
If we do not think it too confined, it will not be so.^
Nay, he goes further, and asserts that the world is
best known by staying at home. The further a man
goes, the less he knows.® A truly virtuous and well-
governed people will never care to travel beyond its
own limits. To such a people its food will be so
sweet, its clothing so beautiful, its dwellings so
comfortable, and its customs so dear, that it will
never visit the territory of its neighbours, even though
» Ch.,3i.
2 Or, this is "magnificent robbery," O. P., p. 41.
3 Ch., 53. "5 Ch., 72.
« Ibid. 6 Ch., 47.
THREE CARDINAL VIRTUES OF LAO-TSE. 71
that territory should lie so close that the cackling of
the hens and the barking of the dogs may be heard
across the boundary.^
It results from the above exposition of his ethical
principles that Lao-tse insists mainly upon three
virtues : Modesty, Benevolence, and Contentment.
"For my part," he says himself, "I have three
treasures; I guard them and greatly prize them'.
The first is called Mercy,^ the second is called Frugal-
ity, the third is called Not daring to be first in the
kingdom, Mercy — therefore I can be brave ; Frugal-
ity— therefore I can give away ; Not daring to be
first in the kins^dom — therefore I can become the first
of the gifted ones."^
Of all sacred books, the Tao-te-king is the most
philosophical. It stands, indeed, on the borderland
between a revelation and a system of philosophy, par-
taking to some extent of the nature of both. Since,
however, it forms the fundamental classic of a reli-
gious sect, and since it has engaged in its interpreta-
tion a multitude of commentators,* it appears to be
fully entitled to a place among Scriptures. Not in-
deed that the Chinese regard it as a revelation in the
same sense in which nations of a more theological cast
of mind apply that term to the books composing their
1 Ch., 80.
^ Or Compassion ateness. Chalmers translates " compassion," but this
term denotes the sentiment rather than the virtue.
3 Ch., 67.
** See their names in Le Livre de la Voie et de la Vertu (hereafter
abbreviated thus — L. V. V.) . Compose dans le VI® Siecle avant I'ere
chretienne par le Philosophe Lao-Tseu, Traduit en Frangais et publie
avec le teste chinois par Stanislas Julien. 8vo. Paris, 1872. P.
xxxvi.
^2 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Cnnon. But I see no reason to doubt tliat tlie Tuo-sse,
however little tliey attend to its precepts, yet treat it
as a work of unapproachable perfection and unquestion-
able truth. Indeed, the writer of a fabulous life of
La(j-tse, who lived many centuries after his death,
expressly ascribes to it those peculiar qualities which,
as we have seen, are the special attributes of sacred
books. ^
To the European reader who approaches it for the
first time it will probably appear a jDerplexing study.
Participating largely in that disorder and confused-
ness which characterises the class of literature to
which it belongs, it presents, in addition, considerable
difficulties peculiarly its own. The correct translation
of many j^assages is doubtful. The sense of still more
is ambiguous and obscure. La6-tse is fond of para-
dox, and his constant employment of paradoxical
antitheses seems specially designed to puzzle the reader.
If his doctrine was understood by few, it must be
confessed that this was partly his own fault. More-
over, the reverence with which he speaks of Tao, and
the care with which he insists that Ta5 does nothing,
seem at first sight inconsistent. We feel ourselves in
an atmosphere of hopeless mysticism. Nevertheless,
these superficial troubles vanish, or at least retire into
the background, after repeated perusals of the work.
There are few books that gain more on continued
acquaintance. Every successive study reveals more
and more of a wisdom and a beauty which we miss at
first in the obscurity and strangeness of the style.
And first, Ta5 itself turns out to be a less incompre-
hensible and contradictory being than we originally
' L. V. v., pp. xxxi., xxxii.
LAO-TSE'S CONCEPTIONS OF DEITY. 73
supposed. For althougli he may sometimes Le spoken
of as doing nothing, or even as destitute of all distinct
qualities, yet other attributes expressly exclude the
notion of absolute inaction. A being which creates,
cherishes, and loves, and in which all the world
implicitly trusts, is not the kind of nonentity that can
be described as wholly devoid of " action, thought,
judgment, and intelligence." ^ Moreover, it is to be
borne in mind that the sage is to imitate Ta5 in the
quality — for which he is highly lauded — of doing
nothing. The two pictures, that of Ta5 and his
follower, must be held side by side in order to be
correctly understood. Now what is the peculiar
beauty, from a philosophical point of view, of the
order of Nature ? It is that all its parts harmoniously
perform their several offices, without any violent or
conspicuous intrusion of the presiding principle which
guides them all.
Other teachers, indeed, have seen God mainly in
violent and convulsive manifestations, and have ap-
pealed to miraculous suspensions of natural order as
the best proofs of his existence. Not so La5-tse.
He sees him in the quiet, unobtrusive, unapparent
guidance of the world ; in the unseen, yet irresistible
power to which mankind unresistingly submit, pre-
cisely because it is never thrust offensively upon them.
The Deity of Lao-tse is free from those gross and un-
lovely elements which degrade his cjiaracter in so many
other religions. He rules by gentleness and love, not
^ Such is the description of M. Julien, derived from the most ancient
Chinese commentators. I am at a loss to reconcile it even with his
own translation, though it would be presumjituous in me to deny that
the learned Sinologue may have reasons for it of which I am not
aware. — See L. V. V., p. xiii.
74 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
by vindictiveness and anger. So sliould it be with
the holy man who takes him for his model. Assur-
edly we are not to understand those passages which en-
join quiescence so earnestly upon him as meaning that he
is to lead a life of absolute indolence. Like Tao, he
is to guide his fellow-creatures rather by the beauty
of his conduct than by positive commands laid im-
peratively upon them. Let him but be a shining
example ; they will be drawn towards him. The
activity from which a wise ruler is to abstain is the
vexatious multiplication of laws and edicts, which
do harm rather than good. But neither ruler nor
philosojiher is told to do nothing ; for benevolence,
love, and the requital of good for evil, to say nothing
of other positive virtues, are most strictly enjoined
on all. Lab-tse himself no doubt lived, and loved, a
retired, contemplative life. This is the kind of exis-
tence which he evidently considered the most perfect
and the most godlike. He counsels his followers to
be wholly unambitious, and to abstain from all active
pursuit of political honours. Such counsel might
possibly be well adapted to the time in which he lived.
But none the less does he lay down rules for the guid-
ance of kings, statesmen, and warriors, in their
several spheres. Nor is the book wanting in pithy
apophthegms applicable to all, and remarkable alike
for the wisdom of their substance and the neatness of
their form. Whether, in short, we look to the sim-
plicity and grandeur of its speculative doctrine, or to
the unimpeachable excellence of its moral teaching,
we shall find few among the great productions of the
human mind that evince, from beginning to end, so
lofty a spirit and so pure a strain.
(75 )
APPENDIX TO SECTION II.
Translations of the Tao-te-Klng, ch. 25.
Abel Remusat. — " Avant le chaos qui a pr^c^d6 la naissance
du ciel et de la terre, un seul etre existait, immense et silencieux,
immuable et toujours agissant sans jamais s'alt^rer. On pent le
regarder comme la mere de I'univers. J'ignore son nom, mais je
le d^signe par le mot de raison.
Forc^ de lui donner un nom, je I'appelle grandeur, ^progression,
eloignement, opposition. II y a dans le monde quatre grandeurs :
celle de la raison, celle du ciel, celle de la terre, celle du roi, qui
est aussi une des quatre. L'homme a son type et son modele dans
la terre, la terre dans le ciel, le ciel dans la raison, la raison en
elle-meme." ^
Stanislas Julien. — "II est un 6tre confus qui existait avant
le ciel et la terre.
0 qu'il est calme ! 0 qu'il est immat^riel I
II subsiste seul et ne change point.
II circule partout et ne p6riclite point.
II pent etre regards comme la mere de I'univers.
Moi, je ne sais pas son nom.
Pour lui donner un titre, je I'appelle Voie (Tao).
En m'efforQant de lui faire un nom, je I'appelle grand.
De grand, je I'appelle /^/(^acc.
'Def^igace, je I'appelle eloigne.
D^eluigne, je I'appelle (I'etre) qui revient.
C'est pourquoi le Tao est grand, le ciel est grand, la terre est
grande, le roi aussi est grand.
Dans le monde, il y a quatre grandes choses, et le roi en est
'.me.
L'homme imite la terre ; la terre imite le ciel ; le ciel imite le
Tao ; le Tao imite sa nature." -
^ Memoire sur la Vie et les Opinions de Lao-tseu, par M. Abel Remusat
Paris, 1823, p. 27. 2 L. V. V,, p. 35,
76 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
John Chalmers. — " There was something chaotic in nature
which existed before heaven and earth. It was still. It was
void. It stood alone and was not changed. It pervaded every-
where and was not endangered. It may be regarded as the
Mother of the Universe. I know not its name, but give it the
title of Tau. If I am forced to make a name for it, I say it is
Great; being great, I say that it 'passes away ; passing away, I say
that it is/ar off ; being far off, I say that it returns.
Now Tau is great ; Heaven is great ; Earth is great ; a king is
great. In the universe there are four greatnesses, and a king is
one of them. Man takes his law from the Earth ; the Earth takes
its law from Heaven ; Heaven takes its law from Tau ; and Tau
takes its law from what is in itself." ^
Eeinhold VOnPlanckner. — "EsexistirteindasAllerfiillendes,
durchaus vollkommenes Wesen, das friiher war denn der Himmel
und die Erde. Es existirt da in erhabener Stille, es ist ewig
und unveranderlich, und ohne Anstoss dringt es iiberall hin,
iiberall da.
Man mochte es als den Schopfer der Welt ansehen. Seinen
Namen weiss ich nicht, ich nenne es am liebsten das Tao ; soil
ich diesem eine bezeichnende Eigenschaft beilegen, so wiirde es
die der hochsten Erhabenheit sein,
Ja, erhaben ist das Wesen, um das sich das All und Alles im All
bewegt, als solches muss es ewig sein, und wie es ewig ist, ist es
folglich auch allgegenwartig.
Ja das Tao ist erhaben, erhaben ist auch der Himmel, erhaben
die Erde, erhaben ist auch das Ideal des Menschen. So sind denn
vier erhabene Wesen im Universum, und das Ideal des Menschen
ist ohne Zweifel eins derselben.
Denn der Mensch stammt von der Erde, die Erde stammt vom
Himmel, der Himmel stammt vom Tao. — Und das Tao stammt
ohne Frage allein aus sich selbst." ^
1 0. P.,p. i8. * L. T., p. 113.
( 77 )
Section III. — The Veda.^
The word Veda is explained by Sanskrit scholars as
meaning knowing or knowledge, and as being related
to the Greek olha. The works comprised under this
designation are manifold, and appertain to widely
different epochs. In the first place they fall into two
main classes, the Sanhitd and the Brdhmcma. The
Sanhita portion of the Veda consists of hymns or
metrical compositions addressed to the several deities
worshipped by their authors, and expressing religious
sentiment; the Brahmana portion, of theological
treatises in prose of an expository, ritualistic, and
didactic character. Across this subdivision into two
classes there runs another of the whole Veda into four
^ The literature of the Veda is now copious. To mention only a few
works, H, H. Wilson published a translation of the first five Ashtakas
of the Rig-Veda-Sanhita, but I have forborne to make use of it, from a
conviction that the advance of Vedic scholarship has to a great degree,
if not wliolly, superseded the methods of interpretation employed by
him. Benfey has translated the whole of the Sama-Veda-Sanhita into
(lerman, and I liave studied his translation, but have preferred to rely
mainly on the labours of Englisli scholars, both because the inherent
obscurity of these ancient hymns might be increased by the process of
re-translation, and also because I might possiljly fail to catch the exact
shades of meaning of the German words. His work should, however, be
consulted by those who desire to acquaint themselves with the style of
the Veda. Max Miiller has unhappily published but one volume of his
translation of the Rig-Veda-Sanhita, which is doubtless destined (if
completed) to become the standard English version of that portion of
the text. The same eminent scholar has translated many of the hymns
in his "Ancient Sanskrit Literature.'' Another source from wliicli I
have derived valuable assistance is Dr flair's laborious work entitled
"Original S.inskrit Texts." Such are the principal autliorities on the
liymns. Of the Brahmanas, the whole of the Aitareya Brahmana lias
been translated by Hang, and portions of others by Roer and by Rajcn-
dralal Mitra.
78 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
so-called Vedas, the Eig-Veda, the Yajur-Veda, the
Sama-Veda, and the Atharva-Veda. Each of these
has its own Sauhitas, and its own Brahmanas ; but
the Sanhit^, or hymns, of the three other Vedas are
not materially different from those of the Rig-Veda.
On the Kig-Veda they are all founded ; this is the
fundamental Veda, or great Veda ; and in knowing
this one we should know all. The other three, accord-
ing to Max Miiller, contain " chiefly extracts from the
Rig- Veda, together with sacrificial formulas, charms,
and incantations." ^ It must not therefore be imagined
that we have in these four Vedas four different collec-
tions of hymns. They are rather four different versions
of the same collection, the Sama-Veda, for instance,
containing but seventy-one verses which are wanting
in the Rig-Veda,^ and being otherwise "little more
than a repetition of the Soma Mandala of the Rich," ^
or of that book of the Rig- Veda which is devoted to
the god Soma. The Atharva-Veda-Sanhita is indeed
to a certain extent an exception ; belonging to a later
age, it has some hymns altogether peculiar to itself,
and its 15th book "has something of the nature of a
Brahmana." ^ It must be noted, moreover, that of the
Yajur-Veda there are two different versions, the Black
and the White Yajur-Veda,- said to have descended
from two rival schools. The hymns of the first are
termed the Taittiriya-Sanhita, those of the second the
Vajasaneyi-Sanhita.
The origin of these four distinct, yet not different
Vedas, is thus explained. In certam sacrifices,
formerly celebrated in India, four classes of priests
^ Chips, vol. i. p. 9. •'' Wilson, vol. i. p. xxxvii.
^ S. v., p. xxviii. •* O. S. T., vol i. p. 2.
THE FOUR VEDAS. 79
were required, eacli class being destined for the
performance of distinct offices. To each of these
classes was assigned one of the Vedas, which con-
tained the hymns required by that class. Thus the
Sania-Veda was the prayer-book of the Udg4tri
priests, or choristers, who chant the hymns. The
Yajur-Veda was the prayer-book of the Adhvaryu
priests, or attendant ministers, who prepare the
ground, slay the victims, and so forth. The Atharva-
Veda was said to be intended for the Brahman
who was, according to one of the Brahmanas, the
" physician of the sacrifice ; " the general superin-
tendent who was to tell if any mistake had been
committed in it.^ For the fourth class, the Hotri
priests, or reciters of hymns, no special collection was
made in the form of a liturgy. They used the Big-
Veda, a collection of the hymns in general without
any special object, and they were supposed to know
the sacred poetry without the help of a prayer-
book.'
Originally preserved by scattered individuals (for
the Mantra part of the Vedas [or their Sanhit4] was
composed in an age when writing was not in use),
the hymns were subsequently collected and arranged
in their present form : a task which Indian tradition
assigns to Vyasa, the Arranger, but which was pro-
bably the work of many different scholars, possibly
during many generations. The same tradition asserts
that each Veda was collected, under Vyasa's superin-
tendence, by a different editor ; and that the collec-
tions, transmitted from these primary compilers to
1 A. B., 5. 5.— vol. ii. p. 376.
* A. S. L., pp. 175, 473. and Chips, vol. i. p. 9.
8o HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
their disciples, were, in the course of transmission,
rearranged in various ways, until the number of
Sanhitas of each Veda in circulation was very-
considerable. Each school had its own version, but
the differences are supposed by Wilson to have
concerned only the order, not the matter of the
Sliktas.
The extreme antiquity of our extant Veda is
guaranteed by the amplest testimony. In the indexes
compiled by native scholars 500 or 600 years before
Christ, " we find every hymn, every verse, every
word and syllable of the Veda accurately counted."^
Before this was done, not only was the whole vast
collection complete, but it was ancient ; for had it
been a recent composition it would not have enjoyed
the pre-eminent sanctity which rendered it the object
of this minute attention. And not only is the Veda
ancient, but it has been shown that, from the variety
of its component strata, it must have been the growth
of no small period of time, its earliest elements being
of an almost unfathomable antiquity. Max Miiller,
who has elaborately treated this question, divides the
Vaidik acre — the ao^e durino; which the Veda was in
process of formation — into four great epochs. The
most primitive hymns of the Rig- Veda he attributes
to what he terms the Chhandas period (from
Chhandas, or metre), the limits of which cannot be
fixed in the ascending direction, but which descends
no later than 1000 B.C. And he thinks that " we
cannot well assign a date more recent than 1 200 to
1500 before our era"" for the composition of these
hymns. The ten books of the Rig- Veda, however,
1 Chips, vol. i, p. 1 1. - Ibid., vol. i. p. 13.
THE EPOCHS OP' THE VA/DIK AGE. 8r
comprise the poetry of two different ages. Some of
the hymns betray a more recent origin, and must be
assigned to the second, or Mantra period. These
comparatively modern compositions belong to a time
which may have extended from about looo to about
800 B.C. After this we enter on the BrdhmaiM
pei'iod, in which the Rig-Veda-Sanhita not only
existed, but had reached the stage of being misin-
terpreted, its original sense having been forgotten.
During this period — which we may place from B.C.
800 to 600 — the national thought took the form of
prose, and the Brahmanas were written. Here the
age of actually-inspired literature terminates, and we
arrive at the Sutra 'period, which may have lasted
till 200 B.C. Works of high authority, but not in
the strict sense revealed works, were produced during
these four hundred years. ^ An equal, or greater
antiquity is usually claimed by other Sanskritists for
these several classes of sacred literature. Wilson
would place Manu (who belongs to the Stitra period)
not lower than the fifth or sixth century ; the
Brahmana literature in the seventh or eighth ; and
would allow at least four or five centuries before this
for the composition and currency of the hymns, thus
reaching the date of 1200 or 1300 before the Chris-
tian era.^
Haug, who believes that " a strict distinction
between a Chhandas and Mantra period is hardly
admissible," and that certain sacrificial formulas,
considered by Max ]\I tiller to be more recent, are in
fact some centuries older than the finished hymns
ascribed by that scholar to the Chhandas age, carries
^ A. S. h., passim. ^ Wilson, vol. i. p. xlvii.
VOL. II. V
82 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
back the composition of both Sauhita and Brahman a
to a much earlier date. "The bulk of the Brahmanas"
he assigns to B.C. 1400- 1200; and "the bulk of the
Sanhitas " to B.C. 2000-1400; while "the oldest
hymns and sacrificial formulas may be a few hundred
years more ancient still," and thus " the very com-
mencement of Vedic literature" might be between
B.C. 2400 and 2000.^ While Benfey, considering
that the Pratisakhyas (a branch of the Sutras) must
have been composed from B.C. 800 to 600, observes
that the text of the Sama-Veda must extend beyond
this epoch. ^
Of the several Sanhitas, that of the Kig-Veda
(whose name is derived from a word ricli^ praise) is
usually considered the most ancient, though Benfey
expresses the opinion that the text of the S^ma-Veda
may possibly be borrowed from an older version of
the Rig- Veda than that before us.^ Max Miiller, on
the other hand, conceives the Sama and Yajur-Vedas
to have been probably the production of the Brahmana
period.^ He even denies to any but the Rich the
right to be called Veda at all.^ Whatever claim, or
want of claim, they may possess to the honour, it is
certain that they have for more than 2000 years
invariably received it at the hands of the Hindus
themselves. So far from admitting the pre-eminence
of the Rich, the ancient Hindus, according to one of
their descendants, held the Sama in the highest vene-
ration.^ If a doubt can exist as to the canonicity of
any one of them, it can only apply to the Atharva .
1 A. B., vol. i. jjp. 47, 48. '' A. S, L., 1). 457.
''' S. v., p. xxix. * Chips, vol. i. p. 9.
** Ibid., p. xxi.x.' _ " Chhtind. Up., inUodnction, p. i.
THE VEDA ALONE INSPIRED. 83
Veda ; for in certain texts we find mention made of
three Vedas only, the Atharva, from its comparatively
late origin, having apparently been long denied the
privilege of admission to an equal rank with its
compeers.
Whatever their antiquity, the sanctity of these
works in Indian opinion is of the highest order.
Never has the theory of inspiration been pushed to
such an extreme. The Veda was the direct creation
of Brahma ; and the Kishis, or Sages, who are the
nominal authors of the hymns, did not compose them,
but simply "saw" them. Although, therefore, the
name of one of these seers is coupled with each hymn,
it must not be suj^posed that he did more than perceive
the divine poem which was revealed to his privileged
vision. And the Veda is distinguished as Sruti,
Kevelation, from the Smriti, Tradition, under which
term is included a great variety of works enjoying a
high, but not an independent, authority. They are to
be accepted, in theory at least, only when they agree
with the Veda, and to be set aside if they happen to
differ from it ; while no such thing as a contradiction
within the body of the Veda is for a moment to be
thought of as possible, apparent inconsistencies being
only due to our imperfect interpretations. The Sruti
class comprises only the Mantra of each Veda and its
Brahmanas ; the Smriti consists of the great national
epics, namely the Ramayana and Mahabharata ; the
M4nava-Dharma-Sastra, or Menu ; the Puranas ; the
Sutras, or aphorisms ; and the so-called six Vedangas,
a term indicating six branches of study carried oh by the
help of treatises on the pronunciation, grammar, metre,
explanation of words, astronomv, and ceremonial uf
84 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the Veda. How thorougiily the Veda was analysed,
how minutely every word of it was investigated, is
shown by the fact that these Vedangas all have direct
reference to it, and were intended to assist in its com-
prehension. And in ancient times it was the duty of
Brahmans to be well acquainted both with the Stiktas
(hymns), and with their application to ritual. A
Brahman, indeed, who w^anted to marry was not
obliged to devote more than twelve years to learning
the Veda, but an unmarrying Brahman might spend
forty- eight years upon it.^
Subdivision i. — The SanMtd,
Passino; now to a more detailed consideration of the
Mantra division, we find that the Rig-Veda-Sanhita —
the most comprehensive specimen of this division — ■
comprises more than a thousand-short poems, of which
the vast majority are addressed to one or more of the
Indian gods. A few only, and those believed to be of
later origin, are of a different character. This collection
is divided in two ways ; into ten Mandalas, or eight
Ashtakas, the two divisions being quite independent
of one another. Under each of these greater heads
are several lesser ones, which it is needless to enume-
rate. The deities to whom the hymns are devoted are
exceedingly various and numerous, but as this is not
an essay specially intended to elucidate the Veda, but
aiming only at a general comparison of this with other
sacred books, it would be going beyond our scope to
attempt a full account of their several names, attri-
butes, and honours. A few only of the more con-
spicuous gods need be noticed.
1 A. s. L., p. 503.
PRAISES OF AG NT, THE FIRE- GOD. 85
Of these, Agiii, as the one with whose praises tlie
Rig- Veda opens, and who, next to Indra, is the prin-
cipal character in the Vedic hymnology, cLaims our
attention first. He is the god of fire, or more liter-
ally, he is the fire itself, and a god at the same time.
His name is almost identical with the Latin Ignis.
He is frequently spoken of as generated by the rub-
bing of sticks, for in this manner did the Rishis kindle
the fire required for their sacrifices. The sudden
birth of the fiery element in consequence of this pro-
cess must have impressed them as profoundly mys-
terious. They allude to it under various images.
Thus, the upper stick is said to impregnate the lower,
which brings forth Agni. He is the bearer of human
sacrifices to the gods ; a kind of telegraph from earth
to heaven. Many are the blessings asked of him.
But let the Rishis speak for themselves. Here is the
first Siikta of the Rig-Veda-Sanhita : —
I. " I praise Agni, the liousehold priest, the divine offerer of
the sacrifice, the inviter who keeps all treasures. 2. Agni, worthy
of the praises of the ancient Rishis, and also of ours, do thou
bring hither the gods. 3. By Agni, the sacrificer enjoys wealth,
that grows from day to day, confers renown, and surrounds him
with heroes. 4. Agni, the sacrifice which thou keepest from all
sides uninvaded, approaches surely the gods. 5. Agni, inviter,
performer of gracious deeds, thou who art truthful, and who
shinest with various glories, come thou, 0 God, with the gods.
6. The prosperity, which thou, 0 Agni, bestowest upon the wor-
shipper, will be in truth a prosperity to thee, 0 Angiras. 7. We
approach thee in our minds, 0 Agni, day after day, by night and
(lay, to offer thee our adoration. 8. Thee the radiant guardian
of the meet reivard of the sacrifices, who is resplendent and
increasing in his sacred hou8e. 9. Be thou, 0 Agni, accessilde
to us, as a father is to the son ; be near us for our welfare." ^
' lloer, pi.
86 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Even more imjDortant than Agni is Indra, the great
national god of the Hindus. He is above all things
a combative o-od. His streiioth is immense, and his
worshippers implore him to give them victory and
power. He slays the demon Vrittra, a myth symbol-
ising the dispersion of clouds by the sun. Above all,
he loves the juice of the Soma plant {Asclepias acida),
which is poured out to him abundantly in sacrifice,
which he consumes with avidity, and from which he
derives renewed force and energy. These two stanzas,
taken from the Sama-Veda, express some of his
attributes : —
" Thou, 0 Indra, art glorious, thou art victorious, thou art the
lord of strength ; thou conquerest the strong enemies singly and
alone, thou unconquered refuge of men. To thee, living One, we
pray ; to thee now the very Avise, for treasures, as for our share ;
may thy blessing be granted us." ^
The following hymn brings into especial prominence
the more warlike functions of Indra, and may be
regarded as a prayer " in the time of war and
tumults : " —
8. " May Indra be the leader of these (our armies) ; may Brihas-
pati, Largess, Sacrifice and Soma march in front ; may the host
of Maruts precede the crushing, victorious armies of the gods.
May the fierce host of the vigorous Indra, of King Varuna, of
the Adityas, and the Maruts (go before us) ; the shout of the great-
souled, conquering, world-shaking gods, has ascended. ... lo.
Rouse, 0 opulent god, the weapons, rouse the souls of our Avarriors,
stimulate the power of the mighty men ; may shouts arise from
the conquering chariots, ii. May Indra be ours Avhen the
.standards clash ; may our arrows be victorious ; may our strong
men gain the upperhand ; preserve us, O gods, in the fray. 1 2.
' S. v.. ii. 6. 2. 12.
INDRA AND THE SOMA. 87
Bewildering the hearts of our enemies, O Apva,^ take possession
of their limbs and pass onward ; come near, burn them with fires
in their hearts ; may our enemies fall into blind darkness." ^
Inclra's Soma-drinking propensities are not par-
ticularly alluded to in these verses : elsewhere they
form the ever-recurring burden of the chants of which
he is the hero. Thus, to take but one specimen,
which, by its resemblance to others, may fitly stand
for all, he is thus lauded : —
I. "May the Somas delight thee! bestow grace, 0 hurler of
lightning ! destroy him who hates the priest. 2. Thou who art
praiseworthy, drink our drink ! thou art sprinkled with streams
of honey ! from thee, 0 Indra, glory is derived 4. The
Indus ^ stream into thee, like rivers, Indra ! into the sea, and
never overfill thee." *
Indra is, in fact, the Zeus of Indian mythology ;
the thunderer, the god of the sky, the all-powerful
protector of men and destroyer of the demons of
darkness. His functions are easily understood, but
it is curious that the Soma, which is offered to him
in sacrifice, and which he drinks with all the avidity
of a confirmed toper, is itself celebrated as a god of
very considerable powers. Soma appears to be re-
garded as a sort of mediator between the greatest
gods and men, especially between man and Indra.
He is repeatedly entreated to go to Indra, to flow
around him, and thus to conciliate and deliofht him.
But Soma can confer benefits independently. One
poet implores him to stream forth blessing " on the
ox, the man, and the horse ; and, 0 king, blessing
^ Apva is explained as a disease or fear.
* O. S. T., vol. V. p. 1 10.— Rig- Veda, x. 103.
3 The Somas. * S. V., i. 3. i. i.
88 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
on plants."^ In tlie liynins devoted to him lie is
raised to an exalted station among the celestial
beings, while the sacrifice in which he is drunk by
the priests is the capital rite in the Brahmanical
liturgy.^ The most eminent virtues are inherent in
this divine beverage, when taken with all the cere-
monies prescribed by traditional law. The Soma
juice has, in the opinion of Hindu theologians "the
power of uniting the sacrificer on this earth with the
celestial King Soma," and making him " an associate
of the oods, and an inhabitant of tlie celestial world." ^
Such was the excellence of this juice, that none but
Brahmans were permitted to imbibe it. Kings, at
their inaugural ceremonies, received a goblet which
was nominally Soma, but on account of their inferior
caste they were in fact put off with some kind of
spirituous liquor which was supposed, by a mystical
transformation, to receive the properties of that most
holy divinity.'^ Agreeably to this theory of Soma's
extensive powers, he is invoked in such terms, for
instance, as these : —
7. " Place me, 0 purified god, in that everlasting and imperish-
able world where tliere is eternal light and glory. 0 Indu (Soma),
tiow for Indra. 8. Make me immortal in the world where king
Vaivasvata (Yama, the son of Vivasvat) lives, where is the inner-
most sphere of the sky, Avhere those great waters flow." &
Singular as it may seem that the juice of the Soma-
plant should be at once an object sacrificed on the
altar to other gods and a god himself, such a con-
fusion of attributes will be less surprising to those who
1 S. v., ii. I. I. I. ^ IbiiL, vol. i. pp. 40, 80.
'■^ A. B., vol. i. p. 59. " Ibid., vol. ii. p. 522.
s 0. S. T.. vol. t. p. -66.— Eig-Veda, ix. 113.
THE MA RUTS, OR TEMPEST-GODS. S9
are familiar with the Christian theory of the Atone-
ment, in which the same God is at once the person
who decrees the sacrifice, the person who accepts it,
and the victim. At least the double function of Soma
is less perplexing than the triple function of Christ.
Considerable among Vedic deities are the Maruts,
or gods of tempest. They are in intimate alliance
with Indra, to whom their violent nature is closely
akin. Their attributes are simple. A notion of
them may perhaps be gained from these verses : —
I " What then now % When will you take (us) as a dear father
takes his son by both hands, 0 ye gods, for whom the sacred
grass has been trimmed ? 2. Whither now % On what errand of
yours are you going, in heaven, not on earth % Where are your
cows sporting ? 3. Where are your newest favours, O Maruts ^
Where the blessings ? Where all delights ? .... 6. Let not
one sin after another, difficult to be conquered, overcome us ;
may it depart together with lust. 7. Truly they are furious and
powerful j even to the desert the liudriyas bring rain that is
i.ever dried up. 8. The lightning lows like a cow, it follows as
a mother follows after her young, that the shower (of the Maruts)
may be let loose. 9. Even by day the ]\Iaruts create darkness
with the water-bearing cloud, when they drench the earth. 10.
From the shout of the Maruts over the whole space of the earth,
11! en reeled forward. 11. Maruts on your strong-hoofed steeds
go on easy roads after those bright ones (the clouds) which are
still locked up. 1 2. May your felloes be strong, the chariots, and
their horses ; may your reins be well fashioned. 13. Speak out
for ever with thy voice to praise the Lord of prayer, Agni, who
is like a friend, the bright one. 14. Fashion a hymn in thy
mouth ! Expand like a cloud ! Sing a song of praise. 15. Wor-
ship the host of the Maruts, the brisk, the praiseworthy, the
singers. May the strong ones stay here among us." ^
The most charming member of the Vedic pantheon,
and the one who seems to have called forth from the
1 11. V. S., vol. i. p. 65.— Riy-Veda, i. 38.
Qo HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Risliis the deepest poetical feeling, is Uslias ('.E&i?),
tlie Dawn. Her continual reappearance, or birth,
morning after morning, seems to have filled them
with delight and tenderness. The hymn now to be
quoted — too long to be extracted in full — gives
expression to the feelings with which they gazed
upon this ever-recurring mystery : —
2. "The fair and bright Ushas, with her bright child (the Sun),
has arrived ; to her the dark (night) has relinquished her abodes ;
kindred to one another, immortal, alternating Day and Night go
on changing colour. 3. The same is the never-ending path of
the two sisters, which they travel, commanded by the gods. They
strive not, they rest not, the prolific Night and Dawn, concordant,
though unlike. 4. The shining Ushas, leader of joyful voices (or
hymns) has been perceived \ she has opened for us the doors (of
the sky); setting in motion all moving things, she has revealed to
us riches. Ushas has awakened all creatures. ... 6. (Arousing)
one to seek royal power, another to follow after fame, another for
grand efforts, another to pursue as it were his particular object, —
Ushas awakes all creatures to consider their different modes of
life. 7. She, the daughter of the sky, has been beheld breaking
forth, youthful, clad in shining attire : mistress of all earthly
treasures. Auspicious Ushas, shine here to-day. 8. Ushas follows
the track of the Dawns that are past, and is the first of the un-
numbered Dawns that are to come, breaking forth, arousing life
and awaking every one that was dead. ... 10. How great is the
interval that lies between the Dawns which have arisen, and those
which are yet to arise ! Ushas yearns longingly after the former
Dawns, and gladly goes on shining with the others (that are to
come). II. Those mortals are gone who saw the earliest Ushas
dawning ; we shall gaze upon her now ; and the men are coming
who are to behold her on future morns. ... 13. PeriJetually in
former days did the divine Ushas dawn ; and now to-day the
magnificent goddess beams upon this world : undecaying, immortal,
she marches on by her own will." ^
' 0. S. T., vol. V. p. 188.— lliy- Vela, i. 113.
VARUNA, THE GOD OF NIGHT. 91
Hardly a trace of a moral element is to be found in
those productions of the Eishis which have hitherto
})oen quoted. And such as these are is the general
character of the Eig-Veda-Sanhita. It consists in
petitions for purely material advantages, coupled with
unbounded celebrations of the power of thegod invoked,
often under the coarsest anthropomorphic images. But
Avhile it must be admitted that the sentiment ex-
pressed is rarely of a high order, it must not be sup-
posed that the old Hindu gods are altogether destitute
of ethical attributes. Marked exceptions to the general
tenor of the supplications offered to them certainly
occur. There are passages which betray a decided
consciousness of sin, a desire to be forgiven, and a
conviction that certain kinds of conduct entail divine
disapprobation, while other kinds bring divine
approbation. Thus, in the hymns addressed to the
Adityas, a class of gods generally reckoned as twelve
in number, and to Mitra and Varuna, two of these
Adityas, such feelings are plainly expressed.^ Of
these two, Mitra is sometimes explained as the Sun, or
the god of Day, Varuna as the god of Night. Varuna
— whose name corresponds to that of Ouranos — is a
very great and powerful divinity, who is endowed by
his adorers with the very highest attributes. He is
said to have meted out heaven and earth, and to
dwell in all worlds as their sovereim, embracins: them
within him.^ He is said to witness sin, and is
entreated to have mercy on sinners. One penitent
poet implores Varuna to tell him for what offence he
seeks to kill his worshipper and friend, for all the
sages tell him that it is Varuna who is angry with
1 O. S. T., vol. V. p. 56 «'. - Ibid., vol. V. p. 61.
02 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
him. And lie pleadingly contends that he was not an
intentional culprit ; he has been seduced by " wine,
anger, dice, or thoughtlessness." Another begs the
god that, in whatever way mortals may have broken
his laws, he will be gracious. A third admits that he,
who was Varuna's friend, has offended against him,
but asks that they who are guilty may not reap the
fruits of their sin ; concluding with this amicable
hint : " Do thou, a wise god, grant protection to him
who praises thee." ^ *' The attributes and functions
ascribed to Varuna," observes Dr Muir, "impart to
his character a moral elevation and sanctity far sur-
passing that attributed to any other Vedic deity." ^
And while even in the earlier portion of the Kig-
Veda — from which the above expressions have been
collected by Dr Muir — such qualities are ascribed to
Varuna, we shall find a still higher conception of his
character in a later work, the Atharva-Veda. Here
is the description of the Lord of Heaven from the
mouth of the Indian Psalmist :—
T. "'The great lord of these worlds sees as if ho were near.
If a man thinks he is walking by stealth, the gods know it all.
2. If a man stands or walks or hides, if he goes to lie down or
to get up, what two people sitting together whisper, King Varuna
knows it, he is there as the third. 3. This earth, too, belongs to
Varuna, the king, and this wide sky with its ends far apart. The
two seas (the sky and the ocean) are Varuna's loins ; he is also
contained in this small drop of water. 4. He who should flee
far beyond the sky, even he would not be rid of Varuna, the
king. His spies proceed from heaven towards this world ; with
thousand eyes they overlook this earth. 5. King Varuna sees all
this that is between heaven and earth, and what is beyond. He
has counted the twinklings of the eyes of men. As a player
• O. S. T., vol. v pp. 66, 67. ^ Ibid., vol. v. p. 66.
INCIPIENT SENSE OF THE DIVINE UNITY. 93
throws the dice, he settles all things. 6. May all thy fatal nooses,
which stand spread out seven by seven and threefold, catch
the man who tells a lie ; may they pass by him who tells the
truth." 1
A consciousness of the unity of Deity, under what-
ever form he may be worshipped, adumbrated here and
there in earlier hymns, becomes very prominent in the
later portions of the Veda. From the most ancient
times, possibly, occasional sages may have attained
the conception so familiar to the Hindu thinkers of a
later age, that a single mysterious essence of divinity
pervaded the universe. And in the tenth book of
the Eig-Veda, which is generally admitted to belong-
to a more recent age than the other nine books, as
also in the Atharva-Veda, this essence is celebrated
under various names ; as Purusha, as Brahma, as
Prajapati (Lord), or Skambha (Support). The hymns
in which this consciousness appears are extremely
mystical, but a notice of the Veda, however slight,
would be very imperfect without a due recognition
of their presence. They form the speculative element
partly in the midst of, partly succeeding to, the
simple, practical, naked j)resentation of the common-
place daily wants and physical desires of the early
Rishis. Take the following texts from the first book
of the Rig- Veda. They give utterance to an incipient
sentiment of divine unity. The first celebrates a
goddess Aditi : "Aditi is the sky, Aditi is the air,
Aditi is the mother and father and son. Aditi is all the
gods and the five classes of men. Aditi is whatever
has been born. Aditi is whatever shall be born." ^
^ A. S. L. — Atharvii-Veda, iv. 16.
^ O. S. T., vol. V. p. 354.— Ui--Vea:i, i. 89. 10.
94 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Alore remarkable than this — for we may suspect here a
sectarian desire to glorify a favourite goddess — is this
assertion : " They call him Indra, Mitra, Varuna,
Agni ; and he is the celestial (well- winged) Garutmat.
Sages name variously that which is but one : they
call it Agni, Yama, Matarisvan." ^ In the tenth book
of the Rig- Veda, the presence of the speculative
element in the theology of the Rishis, — their longing
to find a universal Being whom they could adore, — is
much more marked. Thus do they express this
sentiment : — " Wise poets make the beautiful-winged,
though he is one, manifold by words." ^ Or more
elaborately thus : —
I. "In the beginning there arose the golden Child — He was
the one born lord of all that is. He stablished the earth and
this sky ; — Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice ]
2. He who gives life, He who gives strength ; whose command
all the bright gods revere ; whose shadow is immortality, whose
shadow is death ; — Who is the God to whom we shall ofter our
sacrifice % 3. He who through his power is the one King of the
breathing and awakening world ; He who governs all, man and
beast ; Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice %
4. He whose greatness these snowy mountains, whose greatness
the sea proclaims, with the distant river — He whose these regions
are, as it were, His two arms ; — AVho is the God to whom we
shall offer our sacrifice ? 5. He through whom the sky is bright
and the earth firm — He through whom the heaven was stablished,
— nay, the highest heaven ; — He who measured out the light in the
air ; — Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice ? 6, He
to whom heaven and earth, standing firm by His will, took up,
trembling inwardly — He over whom the rising sun shines forth ;
— Who is the God to whom Ave shall offer our sacrifice % 7. Where-
ever the mighty water-clouds went, where they placed the seed
and lit the fire, thence arose He who is the sole life of the bright
^ O. S. T., vol. V. p. 353. — Eig-Veda, i. 164. 46.
* Chijis, vol. i. p. 29. — Rig- Veda, x. 114. 5.
rilE PURUSHA SUKTA. 95
gods \ — Who is the God to whom we shall offer our sacrifice ?
8. He Avho by his might looked even over the water-clouds, the
clouds which gave strength and lit the sacrifice ; He who alone
is God above all gods ; — Who is the God to whom Ave shall offer
our sacrifice ? 9. May He not destroy us — He the creator of the
earth J or He, the righteous, who created the heaven j He also
created the bright and mighty waters ; — Who is the God to whom
we shall offer our sacrifice ? " ^
The same book contains a very important hymn,
entitled the Purusha Stikta. In it we find ourselves
transported from the transparent elemental worship
of the ancient Aryas into the misty region of Brah-
manical subtleties. Purusha appears to be conceived
as the universal essence of the world, all existences
being but one quarter of him. The theory of sacrifice
occupies, as in the later Indian literature generally, a
prominent position. Purusha's sacrifice involved the
mDmentous consequences of the creation of the several
Vedas and of living creatures. The four castes
sprang from different parts of his person, the parts
corresponding to their relative dignity. The purj)ose
of this portion is obvious, namely, to give greater
sanctity to the system of caste, a system to which the
earlier hymns make no allusion, and which we may
suppose to have grown up subsequently to the era of
their composition. Tedious as it is, the Purusha Sukta
is too weighty to be quite passed over.
I. " Purusha has a thousand heads, a thousand eyes, a thousand
feet. On every side enveloping the earth, he overpassed (it) by a
space of ten fingers. 2. Purusha himself is this whole (universe),
whatever has been and whatever shall be. He is also the lord of
immortality, since (or Avhen) by food he expands. 3. Such is his
greatness, and Purusha is superior to this. All existences are a
' Cliips, vol. i. p. 29, or A. S. I^., p. 569. — Rig- Veda, x. 121.
96 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
quarter of him ; and three-fourths of him are that which is immortal
in the sky. 4. With three-quarters Purusha mounted upwards.
A quarter of him was again produced here. He was then dif-
fused everywhere over things which eat and things which do not
eat. 5. From him was born Viraj, and from Viraj, Purusha.
When born, lie extended beyond the earth, both behind and
before. 6. When the gods performed a sacrifice with Purusha as
the oblation, the spring was its butter, the summer its fuel, and
the autumn its (accompanying) offering. 7. This victim, Purusha,
born in the beginning, they immolated on the sacrificial grass.
With him the gods, the Sadhyas, and the Eishis sacrificed. 8.
From that universal sacrifice sprang the rich and saman verses,
the metnes and the yajush, 10. From it sprang horses, and all
animals with two rows of teeth ; kine sprang from it ; from it
goats and sheep. 11. When (the gods) divided Purusha, into
how many parts did they cut him up ? what was his mouth ?
what arms (had he) ? what (two objects) are said (to have been)
his thighs and feetl 12. The Brahman was his mouth; the
Rajanya was made his arms ; the being (called) the Vaisya, he
was his thighs ; the Sudra sprang from his feet. 13. The moon
sprang from his soul (manas), the sun from his eye, ludra and
Agni from his mouth, and Vayu from his breath. 14, From his
navel arose the air, from his head the sky, from his feet the earth,
from his ear the (four) quarters ; in this manner (the gods) formed
the worlds. 15. When the gods, performing sacrifice, bound
Purusha as a victim, there were seven sticks (stuck up) for it
(around the fire), and thrice seven pieces of fuel were made,
16. With sacrifice the gods performed the sacrifice. These
were the earliest rites. These great powers have sought the sky,
where are the former Sadhyas, gods." ^
The wide interval which separates theological
theories of this kind from the primitive hymns to the
old polytheistic gods, is also marked by a tendency
to personify abstract intellectual conceptions, and to
confer exalted attributes upon them. Skambha, or
Support, mentioned above ; Kala, Time, celebrated iu
' O. S. T, vol. i. p. 9.— Rig-Veila, x. 90.
HYMN TO U7SD0M. 97
tlie AtLarva-Veda ; Speech, endowed with personal
jiowers in the tenth book of the Rig- Veda ; Wisdom,
to whom prayer is offered in the Atharva-Veda, are
instances of this generalising tendency. As a speci-
men, the hymn to Wisdom may be taken, and readers
may console themselves with the reflection that it
is our last quotation from the Mantra part of the
Veda:—
I. "Come to us, wisdom, the first, with cows and horses;
(come) tliou with the rays of the sun ; thou art to us an object of
worship. 2. To (ol)tain) the succour of the gods, I invoke
wisdom the first, full of prayer, inspired by prayer, praised by
rishis, imbibed by Brahmacharins. 3. We introduce within me
that wisdom which Ribhus know, that wisdom which divine
beings (asurah) know, that excellent wisdom which rishis know.
4. Make me, 0 Agni, wise to-day with that wisdom which the
wise rishis — the makers of things existing — know. 5. We intro-
duce wisdom in the evening, wisdom in the morning, wisdom at
noon, wisdom Avith the rays of the sun, and with speech." ^
Interestino^ as the Mantra of the Vedas is from the
fact of its being the oldest Bible of the Aryan race,
it is impossible for modern readers to feel much
enthusiasm for its contents. The patient labour of
those scholars who have en2:afred in translations of
some parts of it for the benefit of European readers
is highly commendable, but it is probable that few
who have read any considerable number of these
hymns will be desirous of a further acquaintance
with them, unless for the purpose of some special
researches. Indeed, it may be said that the devoted
industry of Benfey, Muir, Max Miiller, and others,
has placed more than a sufficient number of thenr
within reach of the general public to enable us all
1 0. S. T., vol. i. p. 255 note,— Atliarva-Yeda, vi. ic8.
VOL. II. G
q8 holy books, or BIBLES.
to judge of their literary value and their religions
teaching. With regard to the former, it would be
difficult to concede to them anything but a very
modest place. In beauty of style, expression, or
ideas, they appear to me to be almost totally deficient.
Assuming, as we are entitled to do, that all the best
specimens have been already culled by scholars eager
to find something attractive in the Veda, it must be
confessed that the general run of the hymns is singu-
larly monotonous, and their language by no means
conspicuous for poetical colouring. No doubt, poetry
always loses in translation ; but Isaiah and Homer
are still beautiful in a German or English dress ; the
Suktas of the Kig-Veda are not. A few exceptions
no doubt occur, as in the stanzas to Uslias, or Dawn,
quoted above, but the ordinary level is not a high one.
Although, however, the literary merit of the Veda
cannot be ranked high, its value to the religious
history of humanity at large, and of our race in
particular, can hardly be overrated. To the compara-
tive mythologist, above all, it possesses illimitable
interest, fi'om the new light it sheds upon the origin
and significance of many of those world-wide tales
which, in their metamorphosed Hellenic shape, could
not be effectually brought under the process of dis-
section by which their primitive elements have now
been laid bare. Mythology is beyond the province
of this work, and therefore I purposely refrain from
entering upon any explanation of the physical mean-
ing of the old Aryan gods, or of the stories in which
they figure.^ All that I have to do with here is the
^ All tills wiU be found admirably treated in Mr Cox's " Mythology
of the Aryan Nations."
FTRSr CRUDE CONCEPTIONS OF DEITY. 99
grade attained in the development of religious feeling
among those who worshipped them. And this, it is
plain, was at first a very elementary one. The more
striking phenomena of nature — the sun, the moon,
the sky, the storms, the dawn, the fire — at first
attracted their attention, and absorbed their adora-
tion. To these personal beings, as they seemed to
the awe-struck Eishis, petitions of the rudest type
Avere confidently addressed. Very little allusion, if
any, was made to the necessities of the moral nature ;
the craving for spiritual knowledge was scarcely felt ;
but great stress was laid on temporal prosperity.
Boons of the most material kind were looked for at
the hands of the gods. Plenty of offspring, plenty
of physical strength, plenty of property, especially
in cattle, and victory over enemies ; such are the
requests most commonly poured into the ears of
Indra, or Agni, or the Maruts. These gods are
regarded as the sympathising friends of men, and if
they should fail to do what may reasonably be ex-
pected of a god, are almost upbraided for their negli-
gence. The conception of their power is a high one,
though that of their moral nature; is still rudimentary.
Their greatness and their glory, their victories, their
splendour, are described in vigorous and high-sound-
ing phrases. The changes are rung upon their peculiar
attributes or their famous exploits. Each god in his
turn is a great god ; but all are separate individuals ;
there appears in the crude Aryan mind to be as yet
no dawning of the perplexing questions on the unity
of the Divine which troubled its later development.
For as it progresses, the Hindu religion gradually
changes. External calm, succeeding the wars of the
loo HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
first settlers, promotes internal activity. The great
problem of the Universe is no longer solved, five or
six centuries after the older Risliis had passed away,
in the simple fashion which satisfied their curiosity.
Multiplicity is now resolved into unity ; mystical ab-
stractions take the place of the elementary powers of
nature. Speech is a goddess ; the Vedas themselves
— as in the Purusha hymn — acquire a quasi-divinity ';
the Brahmacharin, or student of theology, is endowed
with supernatural attributes, due to the sacred char-
acter of his pursuits. Sacrifice, fixed and regulated
down to the smallest minutiae, has a peculiar efiicacy,
and becomes something of far deeper meaning than a
merely acceptable present to the gods. Every posture,
every word, every tone acquires importance. There
are charms, there are curses, there are incantations
for good and evil purposes, for the acquisition of
wealth or the destruction of an enemy. It is by its
collection of such magical formulae that the Atharva-
Veda is distinguished from its three predecessors.
It forms the last stone laid upon the edifice of the
genuine Veda, an edifice built up by the labour of
many centuries, and including the whole of that
original revelation to which the centuries that suc-
ceeded it bowed down in reverence and in faith.
Subdivision 2. — The Brdhmanas.
Attached to this edifice as an outgrowth rather than
an integral part, the treatises known as Brahmanas
took their place as appendages of the Sanhita.
Although they are reckoned by the Hindus as belong-
in<T[ to the Sruti, although their nominal rank is thus
HIND U FAITH GROWN SELF- C ONS CIO US. i o i
not inferior to that of the true Veda, yet it must have
taken them many generations to acquire a position of
honour to which nothing but tradition could possibly
entitle them. For any gleams of poetical inspiration,
of imaginative religious feeling, of naturalness or
simple earnestness that had shone athwart the minds
of devout authors in preceding ages, had apparently
passed away when the Br^hmanas were composed.
They are the elaborate disquisitions of scholars, not
the outpourings of men of feeling. Religion was cut
and dried when they were written ; every part of it
has become a matter of definition, of theory, of
classification. If in the Vedic hymns w^e are placed
before a stage where religious ftiith is a living body,
whose movements, perhaps uncouth, are still energetic
and genuine, the Brahmanas, on the other hand, take
us into the dissecting room, where the constituent
elements of its corpse are exposed to our observation.
Not indeed that a true or deep faith had ceased in the
Brahmana period ; such an assertion would no doubt
be extravao-ant : but the Brahmanas themselves are
the products of minds more given to analysis than to
sentiment, and of an age in which the predominant
tendency, at least among cultivated Brahmans, was
not so much to feel religion as to think about it. It
is so everywhere. The Hebrew Bible, once fixed and
completed, gives rise to the Mishnah. The Apostles
and Fathers of the Christian Church are followed by
a race of schoolmen. The simple Sutras of Buddhism,
replete with plain, world-wide lessons of moral truth,
give place to the abstruse developments of incompre-
hensible theology. Thus the Brahmanas mark the
c})och when the Veda had finally ceased to grow, and
I02 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
its every word and letter had become the object of an
unquestioning adoration as the immediate emanation
of God.
But among a people so subtle and so inquisitive in
all matters of religious belief as the Hindus, opinion
could not rest unmoved upon the original foundation.
Their minds did not, like those of the Jews, stop
short for ever in their intellectual progression,
chained to the unshakeable rock of a god-given
Eevelation. Ever active, ever attracted to the
enigmas of life, the Brahmans pushed their specula-
tions into new regions of thought, pondered upon
new problems, and invented new solutions. Not that
we are to expect to find in the literature of this
period any valuable discoveries or any very striking
j)liilosophy. The true philosophical systems came
later. But still we do find a restless spirit of inquiry,
ever prompting fresh efforts to conceive the signi-
ficance of the gods or to penetrate the mysteries of
nature, though the questions discussed are often
trifling, and the results arrived at frivolous.
Every Veda has, as already stated, its own
Brahman a or Brahmanas. Thus, two of these
treatises appertain to the Eig-Veda; three to the
Sama-Veda, one to the Black and one to the AVhite
Yajur-Veda, and one to the Atharva-Veda.^ Ap-
pended to the Brahmanas, and forming, according
to Dr Muir, their "most recent portions," are the
Aranyakas and Upanishads, a kind of supplementary
works devoted to the elucidation of the highest points
of theology. The Brahmanas present an example of
Ritualism in all its glory. They fix the exact nature
1 O. S. T., vol. i. p, 5
RITUALISM IN ALL ITS GLORY. 103
of every part of every ceremony; describe minutely
the mode in which each sacrifice is to be offered;
mention the Mantras to be recited on each occasion ;
declare the benefits to be expected from the several
rites, and explain the reasons — drawn from the
history of the gods — why they are all to be performed
in this particular way and order, and in no other.
They are in fact liturgies, accompanied by exposition.
Hence they are totally unfit for quotation in a general
work, for they would be incomprehensible without an
accompanying essay on the Vedic sacrifices, entering
into details which would interest none but professional
students of the subject.
Thus, the Aitareya Brahmana occupies itself en-
tirely with the duties of the Hotri priests ; for the
recitation of the Eig-Veda, to which this Brahmana
belonged, was their province. Occasionally, however,
the Brahmanas, Upanishads, and Aranyakas are
enlivened by the introduction of apologues, intended
to illustrate the point of theological dogma to which
the author is addressing himself. Some of these
apologues are curious, though the style in which
they are related is generally so prolix as to preclude
extraction. A notion of them may be gathered from
condensed statements. Thus, in the Brihad Aranyaka
Upanishad a story is told of a dispute among the
vital organs as to which of them w^as " best founded,"
I.e., most essential to life. To obtain the decision of
this controversy they repaired to Brahma, who said,
"He amongst you is best founded by whose departure
the body is found to suff'er most." Hereupon Speech
departed, and returning after a year's absence, inquired
how the others had lived without it. "They said,
ro4 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
*As dumb people who do not speak by speech,
l)reathing by the vital breath, seeing by the eye,
hearing by the ear, thinking by the mind, and
begetting children, so have we lived.'" The eye,
the ear, the mind, the organ of generation, each
departed for a year, and, mutatis mutandis, with
similar results ; blindness, deafness, idiocy, impotence,
were all compatible with life. Lastly, " the vital
breath being about to depart, as a great, noble horse
from the Sindhu country raises its hoofs, so it shook
those vital organs from their places. They said, ' Do
not depart, 0 Venerable. We cannot live without
thee.' 'If I am such, then offer sacrifice to me.'
(They answered) — 'Be it so.'" All the other organs
liereuj)on admitted that their own existence depended
on that of the vital breath.^
Several narratives in various Brahmanas point to
tlie fact that theoloo^ical knowled^-e was not in these
early days confined to the single caste by which it
was afterwards monopolised, for they speak of well-
read kings by whom Brahmans were instructed.
In the Chhandogya Upanishad, for example, five
members of the Brahmanical caste engaged in a
debate upon the question "Which is our soul and
which is Brahma ? " Unable to satisfy themselves,
they repaired, accompanied by another theologian who
had been unable to answer them, to a monarch named
As'vapati, and declining his proffered gifts, requested
him to impart to them the knowledge he possessed of
the Universal Soul. He accordingly asked each of
them in turn which soul he adored. The first replied
that he adored the heaven ; the second, the sun ; the
' B. A. U,, ch. vi. \). 259.
CONCEPTION OF A UNIVERSAL SOUL. 105
third, the winds ; the fourth, the sky ; the fifth, water ;
the sixth, the earth. To each of them in turn the
king admitted that it was indeed a partial manifesta-
tion of the Universal Soul which he worshipped, and
that its adoration would confer some advantages.
But, he finally added, "You consume food, knowing
the Universal Soul to be many ; but he who adoreth
that Universal Soul w^hich pervadeth the heaven and
the earth, and is the principal object indicated by (the
pronoun) /, consumeth food everywhere and in all
regions, in every form and in every faculty." Of
that all-pervading Soul the several phenomena of the
visible Universe w^orshipped by the Brahmans in
their ignorance are but parts.^ Other Brahmanas
tell similar stories of the occasional pre-eminence of
the Kshattriya caste in the rivalry of learning. Thus,
tbe Satapatha Brahmana, the Brihad Aranyaka
Upanishad, and the Kaushltaki Brahmana Upau-
ishad, all refer to a certain king Ajatasatru, who
proved himself superior in theological disputation
to a Brahman named Balaki, "renowned as a man
well-read in the Veda." Let us take the version of
the last-named Upanishad. Balaki proposed to
" declare divine knowledge " to the king, who offered
to give him a thousand cows for his tuition. But
after he had propounded his views on the Deity, and
had been put to shame by the king's answers, the
latter said, " Thou hast vainly projDosed to me ; let me
teach thee divine knowledge. He, son of Balaka, who
is the maker of these souls, whose work that is, — he
is the object of knowledge." Convinced of his ignor-
ance, Balaki proposed to become the king's pupd.
* Chluiiul, Up., cli. V. sectiun 11- 18, p. 92-97.
io6 HOI. V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
"The king replied, 'I regard it as an inversion of the
proper rule that a Kshattriya should initiate a Brah-
man. But come, I will instruct thee.' " ^
Both these stories illustrate the striving towards
conceptions of the unity of the divine essence which
is characteristic of this speculative age. The next,
from the Satapatha Br^hmana, has reference to
another important point, — the future of the soul. A
young Brahman, called Svetaketu, came to a monarch
who inquired whether he had received a suitable
education from his father. The youth replied that
he had. Hereupon the king proceeded to put him
through an examination, in which he completely
l)roke down. One of the questions Avas this : — " Dost
thou know the means of attaining the path which
leads to the gods, or that which leads to the Pitris ; ^
by what act the one or the other is gained ? " In
other words, did he know the way to heaven ? The
student did not. Vexed at his failure, the young
man hastened to his father, reproached him with
having declared that he was instructed, and com-
plained that the Kajanya had asked him five ques-
tions, of which he knew not even one. Gautama
inquired what they were, and on hearing them,
assured his son that he had taught him all he him-
self knew. " But come, let us proceed thither, and
become his pupils." Eeceiving his guests with due
respect, the king offered Gautama a boon. Gautama
begged for an explanation of the five questions.
" That," said the king, " is one of the divine boons ;
ask one of those that are human." But Gautama
protested that he had wealth enough of all kinds, and
1 0. S, T., vol. i. p. 431. 2 Ancestors (patres).
THE MERIT OF PATIENCE. 107
added, "Be not illiberal towards us in respect to that
which is immense, infinite, boundless." The king
accordingly accepted them as his pupils, saying,
*' Do not attach any blame to me, as your ancestors
(did not). This knowledge has never heretofore
dwelt in any Brahman ; but I shall declare it to thee.
For who should refuse thee when thou so speakest ?" ^
Unhistorical as they probably are in their details,
these traditions are curious both as illustrating the
predominant inclination to speculative inquiries, and
the fact that in those inquiries the priestly caste was
sometimes outshone by their more secular rivals.
The following quotation bears upon another doctrine,
the transcendent merit of patience under trials, even
of the severest kind. Manu, the typical ancestor of
mankind, is represented as resigning his most precious
possessions to enable impious priests to perform a
sacrifice : —
" Manu had a bull. Into it an Asura-slaying, enemy-slaying
voice had entered. In consequence of this (bull's) snorting and
bellowing, Asuras and Eaksliasas ^ were continually destroyed.
Then the Asuras said, 'This bull, alas! does us mischief; how
shall we overcome him % ' Now there were two priests of the
Asuras called Kilata and Akuli. They said, ' Manu is a devout
believer : let us make trial of him.' They went and said to him,
* Let us sacrifice for thee.' ' With what victim ? ' he asked.
' With this bull,' they replied. ' Be it so,' he answered. When it
had been slaughtered, the voice departed out of it, and entered
into Manu's wife Manavi. Wherever they hear her speaking, the
Asuras and Rakshasas continue to be destroyed in consequence
of her voice. The Asuras said, ' She does us yet more mischief ,
for the human voice speaks more.' Kilata and Akuli said, * Manu
is a devout believer .: let us make trial of him.' They came and
0. S. T., vol. i. p. 434. ^ These are species of demons.
io8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
said to him, ' Manu, let us sacrifice for thee.' ' With what victim % '
he asked. ' With this (thy) wife,' they replied. * Be it so,' he
answered." ^
Sometimes, though not often, the Brahmanas con-
tain references to moral conduct. A very theological
definition of Duty is given in the Chhandogya
Upanishad, where it is stated, " Threefold is the
division of Duty. Sacrifice, study, and chority con-
stitute the first ; penance is the second ; and residence
by a Brahmacharin^ exclusively in the house of a
tutor is the third. All those [who attend to these
duties] attain virtuous regions ; the believer in
Brahma alone attains to immortality." ^ In another
Brahmana it is asserted that "the marriage of Faith
and Truth is a most happy one. For by Faiih and
Truth joined they conquer the celestial world." * And
the story of ^unahsepa, which contains an emphatic
repudiation of human sacrifice, has a moral bearing.
As a rule, however, the Brahmanas do not concern
themselves with ethical questions. The rules of sac-
rifice, and the doctrines of a complicated theology,
are their main business ; and the topics they are thus
led to debate in elaborate detail must frequently
impress the European reader as not only uninterest-
ing, but unmeaning.
1 0. S. T., vol. i. p. 188. 3 A. B., vii. 2. 10.
2 A student of theology. * Chhand, Up., ch. ii. sec. 23.
THE TRIPITAKA. 109
Section IV.— The Tripitaka.*
When the master-mind who, by oral and personal
instruction, has led his disciples to the knowledge of
new and invaluable truths passes away — when the
lips that taught them are closed for ever, and the
intellect that solved the problems of human life is at
rest, when the soul that met the spiritual cravings of
their souls is no more near them — a necessity at once
arises for the collection of the sayings, the apologues,
or the parables which can now be heard no more, and
which only live in the memories of those who heard
them. The precious possession must not be lost. The
light must not be suffered to die out. Either the
words of the Departed One must be transmitted orally
from disciple to disciple, from generation to generation
(as happens in countries where writing is uncommon
or unknown), or they must be rendered imperishable
by being once for all recorded in books.
Such was the course of events upon the death of
^ No complete translation of the Tripitaka exists, or is ever likely to
exist, in any European language. Its vast extent, and the comparative
worthlessness of many of its parts, would preclude its publication as a
whole. But complete treatises, or portions of treatises, have been trans-
lated by Burnouf, in his " Histoire du Buddhisme Indien," and " Lotus
de la Bonne Loi ;" by Beal, in his "Chinese Buddhist Scriptures ;" by
Schmidt, in " Der Weise und der Thor ;" by Hardy, in his " Manual of
Buddhism," and by Alabaster, in his " Modern Buddhist." An exact
analysis of the contents of the hundred volumes of the great collection
called the Kah-gyur is supjjlied by Csoma Kdrosi in the 20th vol. of
the "Asiatic Researches." The leading features of the books, and parts
of books thus translated, are so well marked and uniform, that nothing
fi'.rther is needed to enable us to estimate the general character of each
division of the whole Tripitaka.
no HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Gautama Buddha. Tradition tells us that immediately
after that great Teacher had entered into Nirvana, his
disciples assembled in council to collect his Xo'yta, and
to fix the Canon of the Faith. This Canon consisted
of three portions, and is therefore called the Tripitaka,
or Three Baskets. Of these baskets, his disciple Upali
was appointed to recall to memory, and edit, the one
termed Vinaya, or the Buddha's instructions on dis-
cipline ; Ananda (the intimate friend of Gautama),
the Sutras, or practical teachings ; and Kasyapa, the
Abhiddharma, or metaphysical lectures. Into these
three classes the Buddhist Canon remains still divided.
But the text, as thus established, did not escape the
necessity of further revision. One hundred and ten
years after Sakyamuni's decease, certain monks brought
considerable scandal on the Church by disregarding his
precepts. To meet the difficulty, a council was held
under the Buddhist king Asoka, the orthodox faith was
determined, and a new edition of the Canonical Works
compiled by 700 " accomplished priests." Divisions
and heresies, however, could not be prevented. In
Kanishka's reign, 400 years after Buddha, the Church
was split up into eighteen sects, and a third council
had to issue a third Revision of the Sacred Texts. ^
All this is not to be taken as literally true. Especi-
ally is it impossible to accept the story that a Text of
the Buddha's precepts and lectures was formed imme-
diately after his death. It is probable that not even
the earliest parts of the Tripitaka were committed to
writing till long after that event, and it is quite cer-
tain that its later elements could not have been added
1 Southern Buddhists fix the dates of these General Councils some-
what differently.
THE BUDDHIST CANOJSr. rri
till some centuries after it. Nevertheless, there may
be, and indeed it is almost beyond doubt that there
are, some works in this Canon which were already
current as the Word of Buddha in the time of Asoka,
who reigned in the third century B.C. In an inscrip-
tion quoted by Burnouf, and indisputably emanating
from that monarch, it is stated that the law embraces
the following topics : — " The limits marked by the
Vinaya, the supernatural faculties of the Ariyas, the
dangers of the future, the stanzas of the hermit, the
Sutra of the hermit, the speculation of Upatisa (Sari-
puttra) only, the instruction of Laghula (Rahula),
rejecting false doctrines. This," adds the proclamation,
"is what has been said by the blessed Buddha."^
In this enumeration we recognise, as Burnouf has
observed, the classes Vinaya and Sutra, which still form
two out of the three baskets, and we find also that
certain texts were accepted by the Church as contain-
ino: the o^enuine teach ino^ of the Buddha. We must
suppose, therefore, that at the ej)och of the Council
held under Asoka in B.C. 246, there were already
many unquestioned works in circulation. Nor is
there any reason to doubt that some of these have
descended to our times. Burnouf divides the Sutras
(in the more general sense of instructions or sermons)
into two kinds : simple, and developed Sutras, of
which the simple ones bear marks of antiquity and of
fairly representing primitive Buddhism, while the
developed Sutras contain the fanciful speculations of
a later age.
Two most fortunate discoveries, the one made by
Mr Hodgson in Nepaul, the other by Csoma Korosi
' Lotuf, p. 735.
1 1 2 HOL Y BO OKS, OR BIBLES.
ill Thibet, liave placed tlie vast collection forming the
Canon of Buddhism within the reach of European
scholars. Brian Houohton HodQ:son was the British.
Resident in Nepaul in the early part of the present
century, and he there succeeded in obtaining a large
number of volumes in Sanskrit which he presented
to the Asiatic Societies of London and Paris. To
the latter he presented first twenty-four works,
and subsequently sixty -four MSS., being copies
of works he had sent to the Asiatic Society in
London. These books happily fell into the hands of
one of the greatest of Sanskrit scholars, Eugene
Burnouf, who, in his " History of Lidian Buddhism,"
translated a sufficient number of them to serve
as specimens. About the same time a zealous
Hungarian, Csoma Korosi, undertook an adventur-
ous journey into the heart of Asia, with a view of
discoverinor the orifjinal stock of the Huno^arian race.
Failing in this object, he achieved another of greater
value, that of unearthing the whole of the sacred
books known in Thibet under the name of the Kah-
gyur, or Kan-gyur (properly hkah-hgyur), which is
the Thibetan translation, in one hundred volumes,
of the very works of which Hodgson in Nepaul had
discovered the Sanskrit originals. Such is the nature
of our guarantees for the authenticity of the text.
Subdivision i. — The Vinaya-Pitaka.
Let us proceed to consider in detail the division
which stands first in the Buddhist classification, the
Vinaya-Pitaka, or basketful of works on Discipline.
These, according to Burnouf, are of very difierent
THE LEGEND OF PURNA. 113
ages, some beiug, from the details tliey furnish with
reference to Siikyamuni, his institutions and his sur-
roundings, of very ancient date, and others, which
relate events that did not occur till two hundred
years or more after his death, belonging to a more
recent period. One of the most instructive of the
legends which form the staple of the works on Dis-
cipline, is that of Piirna. Only a brief abstract of it
can be attempted here.
Bhagavat (that is, the Lord, or Buddha) was at
Sravasti, in the garden of Anathapindika. (Anatha-
pindika was a householder who had embraced the reli-
gion of the Buddha, and in whose iijarden he was ac-
customed to preach.) There resided at this time in the
town of Surparaka a very wealthy householder, named
Bliava. This Bhava had three sons by his legiti-
mate wife, w4io w^ere christened respectively Bhavila,
Bhavatrata, and Bhavanandin. After some years he
fell into an illness which led to his usiuo; lani>uaoe of
extraordinary violence. His wife with her three sons
deserted him in consequence, but a young female
slave, reflecting that he had immense wealth, and
that it would not be suitable for her to desert him,
remained in the house and nursed him throughout
his malady. Seeing that he owed her his life, Bhava
on his recovery told her that he would give her a
reward. The young woman begged that if satisfied
she might be admitted to her master's bed. Bhava
endeavoured to get off", promising a handsome sum
of money and her liberty instead, but the girl was
determined, and obtained her wish. The result was
that "after eight or nine months" she gave birth to
a beautiful boy, to whom the name of Purna (the
VOL. II. H
114 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Accomplished) was given. Tiie infant Puma was
confidecl to eight nurses, and subsequently received
a first-rate education. In due time, the three elder
sons were married by their father's desire, but the
father, seeing them absorbed in mere uxoriousness,
reproved their indolence, telling them that he had
not been married until he had amassed a lac (100,000)
of Suvarnas (a Suvarna representing about twenty-
eight shillings). Struck by this reproof, the three
sons went to sea on a mercantile expedition, and
returned after having each made a lac of Suvarnas.
But Piirna, who had remained at home to manage
the shop, was found to have gained an equal sum in
the same time. Bhava, perceiving Piirna's talents,
impressed on his sons the importance of union, and
the duty of disregarding what was said by their
wives, women being the destroyers of family peace.
He illustrated his remarks by a striking expedient.
Having desired his sons to bring some wood, and to
kindle it, he then ordered them all to withdraw the
brands. This being done, the fire went out, and the
moral was at once understood by the four young men.
United, the fuel burns ; and thus the union of brothers
makes their strength. Bhavila in particular was
w^arned by his father never to abandon Ptirna. In
course of time Bhava died, and the three legitimate sons
undertook another voyage. During their absence, the
wives of the two younger sons fancied themselves ill-
treated by Purna, Avho, in the midst of his business in
the shop, did not supply their maids fast enough with
all they sent for. On the return of their husbands,
these two complained to them that they were treated
as happens to those in whose family the son of a slave
THE LEGEND OF TURN A. 115
exercises the command. The two brothers merely
reflected that women sowed division in families.
Unhappily, however, some trifling incidents, in which
Bhavila's child appeared to have been treated by
Ptirna with undue partiality, gave the sisters-in-
law a more plausible pretext for their com-
plaints. Such was the efi'ect of their jealousy, that
the younger brothers determined to demand a division
of the property, in which PArna (as a slave) was to
form one of the lots. Bhavila, as eldest brother, had
first choice, and remembering his father's advice, chose
P^lrna. One of the other brothers took the house
and land, and ejected Bhavila's wife ; the other took
the shop and the property in foreign parts, and ejected
Ptirna. Bhavila, his wife, and Purna, retired penniless
to the house of a relative. The wife in distress sent
out Pilrna with nothinsf but a brass coin, which had
been attached to her dress, to buy provisions. Ptirna
met a man who had picked up some stranded sandal-
wood on the sea-shore, and buying it of him (on credit)
for 500 Karshapanas, sold a portion of it again for
1000. With this sum he first paid the man who
had sold the wood, and then obtained provisions for
the household. He had still in his possession some
pieces of the sandal-wood, which was of a very valu-
able species called Gosirsha. Shortly after this, the
king fell ill, and his doctors having prescribed an
unguent of this very wood, it was found that no one
but Piirna had any in his possession. Piirna sold a
piece of it to the Government at 1000 Karshapanas,
and the king recovered. Hereupon he reflected that
he was but a poor sort of king who had no Gosirsha
sandal-wood in his establishment, and sent for Piirna.
ii6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Purna, guessing liis object, approached him with one
piece in his hand, and three in his robe. The king,
after ascertaining that the price of the one piece would
be a hxc of Suvarnas, inquired if there was more.
PArna then showed him the three other pieces, and
the king would have given him four lacs of Suvarnas.
The wily merchant, however, offered to present him
with one piece, and when the grateful monarch offered
him a boon, requested that he might henceforth be
protected against all insults, which was at once
accorded.
iVbout this time five hundred merchants arrived at
Surparaka with a cargo of goods. The Merchants'
Company passed a resolution that none of them
should act independently of the rest in buying any
of these goods ; in short, that there should be no com-
petition. Any one dealing with the merchants alone
was to pay a fine. Piirna, however, at once went to
the vessel and bought the whole cargo at the price de-
manded, eighteen lacs of Suvarnas, paying the three
lacs he had received as security. The Merchants' Com-
pany, finding themselves anticipated, seized Plirna and
exposed him to the sun to force him to pay the fine.
No sooner was the king informed of this than he sent
for the Merchants' Company to learn the cause of
their proceedings. They told him ; but being obliged
to confess that they had never informed Ptirna or his
brother of the resolution passed, they had to release
him with shame. Fortune still favoured him. Soon
after this, the king happened to require the very
articles which Piirna had purchased, and desired the
Merchants' Company to purchase them. Ptirna here-
upon sold them at double the price he had paid. His
THE LEGEND OF FURNA. 117
next stcjj was to undertake a sea- voyage for com-
mercial purposes, and the first having been successful,
it was followed by five others, all equally so. His
seventh was undertaken at the instance of some
Buddhist merchants from- Sravasti, where Gautama
was teaching. During the voyage he was profoundly
impressed with their religious demeanour. " These
merchants, at night and at dawn, read aloud the hymns,
the prayers which lead to the other shore, the texts
which disclose the truth, the verses of the Sthaviras,
those relating^ to the several sciences, and those of
the hermits, as well as the Sutras containing sections
about temporal interests. Ptirna, who heard them,
said to them, ' GentlemcD, what is that fine poetry
which you sing V * It is not poetry, 0 prince of mer-
chants ; it is the very words of the Buddha.' Ptirna,
who had never till now heard this name of Buddha
mentioned, and who felt his hair stand up all over his
body, inquired with deep respect, ' Gentlemen, who
is he whom you call Buddha?' The merchants replied,
' The Sramana Gautama, descended from the S4kya
family, w^ho having shaven his hair and beard, having
put on garments of yellow hue, left his house with
perfect faith to enter upon a religious life, and who
has reached the supreme condition of an all- perfect
Buddha ; it is he, 0 prince of merchants, who is
called the Buddha.' ' In what place, gentlemen, does
he now reside V * At Sravasti, 0 prince of merchants,
in the wood of Jetavana, in the garden of Anatha-
pindika.' " The result of this conversation was that
Purna, on his return, announced to his brother his
intention of becoming a monk, and advised him
never to go to sea, and never to live with his two
ii8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
brothers. After this he went straight to Aiiatha-
pindika, and was Ly him presented to the Buddha,
who received him with the remark that the most
agreeable present he coukl have was a man to convert.
Purna then received the investiture and tonsure by
miracle, and was instructed in the law (in an abridged
version) by his master. A beautiful, and very
characteristic conversation follows the reception of
the new doctrine. The Buddha inquired of Puma
where he would now reside, and the latter (who
intended to lead an ascetic life) replied that he would
reside "in the land of the Sronaparantakas.^ '0
Ptirna,' says Gautama, * they are violent, these men
of Sronaparanta : they are passionate, cruel, aiigry,
furious, and insolent. When the men of Sronaparanta,
0 Ptirna, shall address thee to thy face in wicked,
coarse, and insulting language, when they shall
become enraged against thee and rail at thee, what
wilt thou think of that?' *If the men of Srona-
paranta, 0 Lord, address me to my face in wicked,
coarse, and insulting language, if they become en-
raged against me and rail at me, this is what I shall
think of that : They are certainly good men, these
Sronaparantakas, they are gentle, mild men, they who
address me to my face, in wicked, coarse and insulting
language, they who become enraged against me and
rail at me, but who neither strike me with the hand
nor stone me.'" The rest must be oiven in an
abridged form. "But if they do strike thee with the
hand or stone thee ? " "I shall think them good and
gentle for not striking me with swords or sticks."
' Api)iirent]y a people living beyond the frontiers (of the civilised
norld). See H. B. I., p. 252, n.
THE LEGEND OF PURNA. 119
" And if they do that ? " "I shall think them good and
gentle for not depriving me entirely of life." "And
if they do that?" ^ "If the men of Sronaj)aranta, 0
Lord, deprive me entirely of life, this is what I shall
think : There are hearers of Bhagavat [the Lord] who
hy reason of this body full of ordure, are tormented,
covered with confusion, desj)ised, struck with swords,
who take poison, who die of hanging, who are thrown
down precipices. They are certainly good people,
these Sronaparantakas, they are gentle people, they
who deliver me with so little pain from this body full
of ordure." " Good, good, Piirna ; thou canst, with
tlie perfection of patience with which thou art en-
dowed, yes, thou canst live, thou canst take up thy
abode in the land of the Sronaparantakas. Go, Purna ;
delivered thyself, deliver ; arrived thyself at the other
shore, cause others to arrive there; consoled thyself,
console ; having come thyself to complete Nirvana,
cause others to arrive there."
Hereupon Purna took his way to Sronaparanta,
where he converted a huntsman who had intended to
kill him, and obtained five hundred novices composed
of both sexes.
After a time, Bhavila, his brother, was requested
by Bhavatrata and Bhavanandin to enter into part-
nership with them ; and his repugnance to the pro-
posal was overcome by the reproaches of his younger
brothers, who said that he would never have dared
to go to sea as Piirna had done. Stung by this
taunt, he engaged with them in a sea-voyage. The
vessel was attacked by a furious storm, raised by a
demon in consequence of the merchants having cut
^ Wliat follows is literal
120 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
some saudiil-wood which was under this demon'a
protection. Bhavila stood dumbfounded ; and when
the passengers inquired the reason, informed them
that he was thinking of his brother's advice never
to oo to sea. It turned out that the merchants on
board knew of Purna's great sanctity, and they
addressed their prayers to him. He came through
the air, after the manner of Buddhist ascetics, ap-
peared sitting cross-legged over the vessel, and
allayed the tempest. The vessel, loaded with sau-
dal-wood, was brought safely back to Surparaka.
The sandal-wood Piirna took possession of in order
to make a palace for the Buddha, and desired his
brothers to invite that personage and his disciples
to a repast. The invitation was miraculously con-
veyed to the Buddha (who was a long way off, at
Sravasti), and he told his followers to prepare to
ar,cept it. Purna returned suddenly to the Assembly
(around Buddlin) and performed a miracle. The
king of Surparaka, on his side, made preparations
on the grandest scale for the reception of the
Buddhist hierarchy, which came to his city by all
kinds of supernatural means. Purna, standing by
liim, explained the various prodigies as they occurred.
Omitting some marvellous conversions wrought l)y
the Buddha on his way, it may be mentioned
that he descended into the middle of the town of
Surparaka from the air, and there taught the law,
by which liundreds of thousands of living beings
attained the several deorrees of knowledsfe which
lead, sooner or later, to salvation.
Passing over a passage in which two royal Nagas
(or serpent-kings) make their appearance to receive
THE LEGEND OF PURNA. 121
the law, and another in which Gautama proceeds to
another universe to instruct the mother of his dis-
ciple Maudgalyayaua, we arrive at the moral which
always forms the conclusion of these Buddhist tales.
The monks surrounding the Buddha inquired what
actions P{irna had performed in order, first, to be
l)orn in a rich family ; secondly, to be the son of a
slave ; and lastly, " when he had entered on a re-
li.o-ious life, to behold the condition of an Arhat ^ face
to face, after having annihilated all the corruptions
of evil ? " Buddha replied, that in the very age in
which we live, but at a period of it when men lived
20,000 years, there was a venerable Tathagata, or
Buddha, named Kasyapa, who resided near Benares.
Piirna, who had adopted a religious life under him,
" fulfilled among the members of the Church ^ the
duties of servant of the law." The servant of a
certain Arhat set himself to sweep the monastery,
but the wind blowing the dirt from side to side, he
gave up the attempt, intending to proceed when the
wind should have abated. The servant of the law
coming in, and finding the monastery unswept,
allowed himself to be carried away by rage, and to
utter these off'eiisive words : " This is the servant of
some slave's son." When he had had time to re-
cover his calmness, the Arhat's servant presented
himself, and asked if he knew him. The servant of
^ The state of an "Arhat" is the highest of four degrees which the
liearers of the Buddha used to attain ; i.e., the one which led most
directly to Nirvana. The other three degrees were those of Srot-
apatti, of Sakriddgamin, and Anagamin, The Arhat was not born
again ; each of the other three had a smaller or greater number of
existences to undergo before Nirvana.
^ I translate " I'Assemblee" by this phrase, which appears to render
its meaning more precisely than a mure literal translation.
122 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the law replied that he did, and that they both had
entered into a religious life under the Buddha Kas-
yapa. The other rejoined that while he had fulfilled
all his duties, the servant of the law had been guilty
of a fault in giving way to his temper, and exhorted
him to diminish that fault by confession. The latter
repented, and was thereby saved from re-birth in hell ;
but he was doomed to be re-born for five hundred
generations in the womb of a slave. In this last
existence he Avas still the ofispring of a slave ; but
because he had formerly served the members of the
Church, he was born in a rich and prosperous family ;
and because he had formerly read and studied
Buddhist theology, he now became an Arhat under
Gautama Buddha, after annihilating evil.^
Such is a favourable specimen of a vast number of
legends contained in the Buddhist Canon. The fol-
lowing fragment is of a rather difi'erent kind. It
illustrates the extravagant adoration paid to the
person of Buddha some generations after his
death. A king named Kudrayana had sent to
another, named Bimbisara, an armour of marvel-
lous properties and priceless value. Bimbisara, at a
loss what present he could send back which would
be a fitting return for such a gift, determined to seek
out Buddha and consult him on the point : —
" King Bimbisara addressed him thus : — ' In the town of
Ronika, Lord, there lives a king called Rudrayana; he is my
friend ; though I have never seen him, he has sent me a present of
an armour composed of five pieces. What present shall I give
him in return % ' ' Have the representation of the Tathagata traced
on a bit of stuff,' answered Bhagavat, 'and send it him as a
present.'
1 H. B. I., p. 235 ff.
PAINTING THE PICTURE OF BUDDHA. 123
" Bimbisara sent for some i)aiiiters, and said — ' Paint on a bit of
stuff the image of the Tathagata.' The blessed Buddhas are not
very easy to get at, which is the reason why the painters could
find no opportunity of [painting] Bliagavat, So they said to
Bimbisara — * If the king would give a feast to Bhagavat in the
interior of his palace, it would be possible for us to seize the
occasion of [painting] the blessed one. King BimbisS,ra having
accordingly invited Bhagavat to his palace, gave him a feast.
The blessed Buddhas are beings that people are ncA'er weary of
looking at. Whichever limb of Bhagavat the painters looked at
they could not leave off contemplating it. So they could not
seize the moment to paint him. Bhagavat then said to the king
— * The painters will have trouble, 0 great king ; it is impossible
for them to seize the moment to [paint the] Tathagata, but bring
the canvass.' The king having brought it, Bhagavat projected
his shadow on it, and said to the painters — ' Fill that outline with
colours : and then write over it the formulas of refuge as well as
the precepts of instruction ; you will have to trace both in the
direct order, and in the inverse order the production of the
[successive] causes [of existence], which is composed of twelve
terms ; and on it will be written these two verses :
" ' Begin, go out [of the house] ; apply yourself to the law of
Buddha ; annihilate the army of death, as an elephant upsets a
hut of reeds.
" ' He who shall walk without distraction under the discipline of
this law, escaping birth and the revolution of the world, will put
an end to sorrow.^
" ' If any one asks what these verses are, you must answer : The
first is the introduction ; the second, the instruction ; the third,
the revolution of the world ; and the fourth, the effort.'" 2
Bimbisara, acting under Bhagavat's dictation, then
wrote to Rudrayana that he was about to send him
the most precious object in the three worlds, and that
lie must adorn the way by which it woukl arrive
for two and a half yojanas. Rudrayana was rather
' These two verses are a standing foriimla by which the Buddha of
the Canon sunuuons the world to receive his hiw.
^ H.B.L,p. 341.
124 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
irritated by this message, and proposed immediate
war, but was dissuaded by his ministers. The pic-
ture therefore was received with all honour, and not
uncovered till after it had been didy adored. Certain
foreign merchants who happened to be on the spot,
on seeing the portrait, cried out altogether : *' Ador-
ation to Buddha." At this name the kinsj felt his
hair stand on end, and inquired who Buddha was.
His position, and the meaning of the inscription, w^as
explained to him by the merchants. The consequence,
as may be supposed, was his conversion to Buddhism.
He reflected on the causes of existence, and attained
the degree of Srot4patti.^
Very little allusion is made in these legends to the
immediate subject of the Vinaya-pitaka, namely. Dis-
cipline. But a reference to Csoma's Analysis of the
Dulva (the Tibetan title for the Vinaya) will show
that it is in fact largely occupied in laying down rules
tor the guidance of monks and nuns, these rules being
frequently supposed to have arisen out of particular
events, while "moral tales" are freely intermingled
with the treatment of the main business. The hap-
hazard manner in which the regulations needful for
the government of the Church were framed — according
to the theory of the Scriptures — may be illustrated
by a few specimens. Thus, two persons in debt had
taken orders. "Shakya (Sakyamuni) prohibits the
admission into the relifyious order of anv one who is
in debt." ^ This rule entirely agrees with the general
spirit of Gautama's proceedings, as narrated in the
]3uddhist books, and we are warranted in supposing
that statements so harmonious rest on a historical
1 H. B. I., p. ^ As. Re., vol. xx. p. 53.
B UDDHIST MONASTIC R ULES. 1 25
foundation. Thus, lie is said to have refused to admit
young people without the consent of their parents, or
servants of a king without their royal master's sanction.
Regulations like these may well have been made by
Buddha from a cautious anxiety to avoid all conflict
with established authorities. Further on in the same
volume of the Dulva the reception of hermaphrodites
is likewise prohibited.^ On another occasion, leave is
given to learn swimming. " Indecencies," are then
" committed in the Ajirapati river. They are prohi-
bited from touching any woman ; — they may not save
even one that has fallen into the river." ^ Elsewhere
we are told of a pious lady who provided the infant
community with cloth to make bathing clothes, since
she had heard that both monks and nuns bathed with-
out any garments.^ A little further on, the dress of the
priesthood is prescribed. Some of the disciples wished
to wear one thing, and some another; others to go
naked. " Shakya tells them the impropriety and
indecency of the latter, and prohibits it absolutely;
and rebuking them, adds that such a garb, or to go
naked, is the characteristic sign of a Mu-stegs-clian
{Sansk. Tirthika)."'^ Here again we seem to have a
historical trait, for it was one of the distinctive fea-
tures of Buddhism that its votaries were never naked,
like the Tirthikas, or heretical ascetics, but always
wore the yellow robe. In other p»laces there are rules
on lodging, on bedding, on the treatment of quarrel-
some priests, the use of fragrant substances, and many
other trivial points of ecclesiastical discipline. The
volumes containing all these instructions are followed
^ As. Re., vol. XX. p. 55. ^ Ibid., vol. xx. p. 70.
'^ Ibid., vol. XX, p. 59. * Ibid., vol xx. p. 71,
126 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Ly one in wliich the same stories are told, and the
same morals deduced from them, concerning the nuns.
Then there are some injunctions apparently peculiar
to this sex, as, for instance, the restraint imposed
on their possession of a multiplicity of garments.
Another prohibition was called forth by the following
conduct of a nun. A king had sent a piece of fine
linen cloth as a present to a brother king. " It comes
afterwards into the hands of ^'tsug-Z^gah-Mo (a lewd
or wicked priestess) ; she puts it on, appears in public,
but from its thin texture, seems to be naked. The
priestesses are prohibited from accepting or wearing
such thin clothes."^
It will be observed from these few quotations that
according to the Canon the Buddha's usual mode of
proceeding was to lay down rules as occasion required.
Some instructive anecdote is related, and the new
order follows as a natural consequence of the event.
]\Iore probably the rules were in fact made first, and
the anecdotes subsequently composed to account for
them. However this may be, there exist in the
Canon some undoubtedly ancient ordinances not
called forth by any special circumstances, conformity
to which was required of the monks, if not by their
founder himself, at least by the rulers of \\\& Church
in its most primitive condition. Such, for example,
are "the thirteen rides by which sin is shaken,"
reported by Burnouf, which are also found, with the
exception of a single one, in a Chinese work entitled
" the sacred book of the twelve observances." ^ These
rules belong, according to Burnouf, to an epoch when
the organisation of the monks under a powerful
^ As. Re., vol. XX. p. 85. ^ H. B. I., p. 304.
B VDDIHST MONA STIC R ULES. 1 2 7
liierarchy, and their residence in settled monasteries,
liad scarcely begun. Some of them are even incon-
siRtent with the institution of such monasteries, or
Viharas, which are nevertheless very ancient. The
fact that the above-named Chinese treatise, the penta-
glot Buddhist Vocabulary,^ and a list current among
the Singhalese, all contain these articles of discipline
(though with slight variations) proves, moreover, that
they appertain to that common fund on which
Northern and Southern Buddhists drew alike. The
first article (following the order in the Vocabulary)
sio^nifies " wearino; rao-s found in the dust," and refers
to an injunction addressed to the monks to wear vest-
ments composed of rags picked up in heaps of ordure,
in cemeteries, and such places. The second, " he who
has three garments," corresponds to an order found
in the Chinese book forbidding monks to have more
than three garments. Of the third article, which is
corrupt, Burnouf can give no satisfactory explanation ;
and the fourth means " he who lives by alms," a
practice at all times imposed on the monastic orders.
Fifthly, the ascetic is described as "he who has but
one seat ; " sixthly, as '' one who eats no sweatmeats
after his meal," all eating for the day having to be
finished by noon. Seventhly, he " lives in the forest,"
that is, in lonely places ; and eighthly, he is " near a
tree," the Chinese injunction requiring him to sit near
a tree, and to seek no other shelter. The ninth order
obliges them to sit on the ground, that is, to live in
the open air ; the tenth, to dwell among tombs, which
' This Vocabulary is a Chinese compilation, forming one of a class of
catalogues drawn up in ancient times by Buddhist preachers. Such
catalogues are found in the midst of canonical books, and are of high
authority among Buddhists.
128 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the Singhalese interpret as an order to visit cemeteries
and meditate on the instability of human affairs ; the
eleventh, to sit, and not to lie down. Of the meaning
of the twelfth there is some doubt ; it may signify
that the monk is to remain where he is, or that he
is not to change the position of his mat when once
laid down. To these twelve the Singhalese add a
thirteenth article, that the monk is to live by begging
from house to house.
Not less remarkable are the ten commandments of
Buddhism, which are doubtless also of considerable
antiquity. Burnouf states that he has found them
in the sequel of the Pratimoksha Sutra in the Pali-
Burman copy of that most important work (to which
reference will shortly be made). These arc the ten
commandments as given in that authority :—
1. Not to kill any living creature.
2. Not to steal.
3. Not to break the vow of chastity.
4. Not to lie.
5. Not to drink intoxicating liquors.
6. Not to take a meal except at the appointed time.
7. Not to visit dances, performances of vocal or instrumental
music, or dramatic representations.
8. Not to wear garlands, or use perfumes and unguents.
9. Not to sleep on a high or large bed.
10. Not to accept gold or silver.^
Of these commandments, some are evidently gene-
ral, being founded on the fundamental principles of
ethics ; others are addressed only to those in orders.
Such is the case with the last five, all of which bear
reference to certain disciplinary laws imposed upon
the monks and nuns. Their object is to ])rohibit
' Lotus, p. 444.
BUDDHIST MONASTIC RULES. 129
luxury of various kinds, such as the use of a hirge bed,
and to restrain the love of sensual enjoyments, such
as plays, music, and dancing. Another list of offences,
after enumerating; the first five of those contained in
the preceding list, adds five more, namely : —
1. Blasphemy of the Buddha.
2. Blasphemy of the Law.
3. Blasphemy of the Church.
4. Heresy.
5. Violation of a nun.^
Such are the leading points of monastic discipline
among the primitive Buddhists. A more elaborate
and formal treatise on the subject of the sins to be
avoided, and the pe^jialties to be imposed on their
commission, is the Pratimoksha Sutra, or Sutra on
Emancipation. It is the standard work on this
subject, and should be recited before the assembled
Vihara twice in each month, any guilty brother con-
fessing any transgression of its precepts of which
he might be conscious. Its antiquity is undoubted,
for in a Sutra known to have been brought to China
from India in a.d. 70 (and therefore already of
established repute) the Pratimoksha is referred to as
the " 250 rules." ^ It does, in fact, contain 250 rules
in its Chinese form, while the Thibetan version
contains 253, and the Pali version but 227.^ While
the Pratimoksha Sutra now to be quoted is destined
for monks, or Bhikshus, it is to be noted that there
exists likewise a " Bhikshunt Pratimoksha Sutra," or
Treatise on Emancipation for Nuus.^ The rules are,
mutatis mutandis, the same for both sexes.
^ Lotus, p. 445. ^ H. B. I., p. 303.
2 C. B. S., p. 189. ■» As. Re, vol. .XX. pp. 79, 84.
VOL. n. I
I30 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
It will be interesting to glance rapidly at the
nature of the faults and crimes the confession of
which is here imposed on Bhikshus and Bhikslmnis.^
The Sutra opens with certain stanzas designed to
celebrate the Buddhist Trinity, — the Buddha, the
Law, and the Church. Then follow some "prepara-
tory questions : " —
" Are the priests assembled ? (They are.) Are all things
arranged? (seats, water, sweeping, &c.) (They are.) Let all
depart who are not ordained. (If any, let them go ; if none are
present, let one say so.) Does any Bhikshu here present ask for
absolution? (Let him answer accordingly.) Exhortation must
be given to the priestesses (but if there are none present, let one
say so). Are we agreed what our present business is ? It is to
repeat the jjrecepts in this lawful asserr^ly.
" Venerable brethren, attend now ! On this .... day of the
month .... let the assembled priests listen attentively and
l)atiently, whilst the precepts are distinctly recited.
COMMENCEMENT.
" Brethren ! I desire to go through the Pnitimoksha. Bhikshus !
assembled thus, let all consider and devoutly reflect on these
precepts. If any have transgressed, let him repent ! If none
have transgressed, then stand silent ! silent ! Thus, brethren, it
shall be known that ye are guiltless.
" Now if a stranger ask one of us a question we are bound to
reply truthfully : so, also, Bhikshus, we who reside in community,
if we know that we have done wrong, and yet decline to acknow-
ledge it, we are guilty of prevarication. But Buddha has declared
that prevarication efi'ectually prevents our religious advancement.
That brother, therefore, who is conscious of transgression, and
desires absolution, ought at once to declare his fault, and after
proper penance he shall have rest and peace.
"Brethren ! having repeated this preface, I demand of you all
^ The translation of this Sutra is due to Mr Beal, to whose most
Ujiofiil labours on Buddhism I am much indebted. — C. B. S., p. 206.
B UDDIIIST MONASTIC R ULES. 1 3 t
• — Is this assembly pure or not? (Repeat this three times.)
Brethren ! this assembly is pure ; silent ! silent ! ye stand ! So
let it be ! Brethren, I now proceed to recite the four parajika
laws, ordered to be recited twice every month."
These four Laws are then repeated, and the penalty
of excommunication, which attaches to a breach of
any one of them, is enunciated. The first of the four
prohibits impure conduct ; the second, theft. The
third runs as follows : —
" If a Bhikshu cause a man's death, or hold a weapon and give
it a man (for the purpose), or if he speak of the advantages of
death, or if he ceaselessly exhort one to meet death (saying),
' Tush, you are a In-ave man,' or use such wicked speech as this,
' It is far better to die and not to live,' using such considerations
as these, bringing every sort of expedient into use, praising
death, exhorting to death : this Bhikshu ought to be excluded
and cut off."
The fourtli rule is against pretending to a perfect
knowledge of the Truth which the Bhikshu does not
in fact possess.
At the end of the recitation of these four rules it is
declared that a brother who has transgressed any one
of them "has acquired the guilt which demands
exclusion, and ought not to live as a member of the
priesthood." The question as to the purity of the
Assembly is then again put, and the priest (after
declaring it pure) proceeds to thirteen rules, the
breach of which is punished by sus]3ension. The first
restrains a monk from pampering lustful thoughts,
the second from bringing any part of his body into
contact with that of a woman, the third from lewd
talk with a woman, the fourth from obtainiiiix a
woman to minister to him. For a violation of this
1 3 2 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
last injunction the highest penance, as well as suspen-
sion, is appointed. There follow rules against building
a residence of illegal size, or without due consecration,
or on an inconvenient site ; against building a Vihara
on an inconvenient site ; against slander of a Bhikshu
(two rules), against causing disunion in a community,
against forming a cabal for mutual protection against
just censure, against disorderly conduct when living
in a house, against a refusal to listen to expostulation
or reproof. Solitary confinement, and six days of
penance, are the penalties imposed on these offences ;
after the infliction of the sentence absolution is to be
given. Next we have two rules "not capable of exact
definition," but relating to licentious talk with " a
faithful lay woman." Thirty rules relating to priests'
robes and the like matters are now recited. They
seem to be aimed at covetousness in receiving or
asking gifts. After the usual inquiry as to the purity
of the brethren, ninety rules against ofiences requiring
*' confession and absolution " are to be read. Some of
these seem to be repetitions of previous ones belonging
to a more serious category, as the first two, on lying
and slander, and the eighth, against pretended know-
ledge. Then the Pratimoksha proceeds to say that if
a Bhikshu use hypocritical language, if he occupy the
same lodging as a woman, or the same as a man not
yet ordained above two nights, if he chant prayers
with a man not yet ordained, if he rail at a priest,
if he use water containing insects (so as to destroy
life), if he give clothes to a Bhikshuni, or nun, if he go
with a Bhikshuni in any boat except a ferry-boat, if
he a«rree to walk with a Bhikshuni alono^ tlie road, if
he gambol in the water while bathing, if he drink
THE SUTRAS. 133
clistilleJ or fermented liquor, or commit any of the
many other faults, partly against morality in general,
partly against conventual rule, he is guilty of a trans-
gression of this class. Four rules follow against re-
ceiving food from a nun, against allowing a nun in
a layman's house to point out certain dishes, and have
them given to certain monks ; against going to
dinner uninvited ; against the omission on the part
(^f a monk residing in a dangerous place to warn those
who may bring him victuals of the risk they run. A
hundred rules, mostly trifling, are now entered on.
They arc such as these : " Not to enter a layman's
house in a bouncing manner." "Not to munch or
make a munching noise in eating rice," and likewise,
"not to make a lapping noise." "Not to clean the
teeth under a pagoda ; " with many other minute regu-
lations on a multitude of trivial points. The seven
concluding laws refer simply to the mode of decidino-
ca?es.
Subdivision 7.~-The SMra-Pitaka.
We have thus concluded our notice of the Prati-
nioksha Stitra, and may pass on to the S<itra-pitaka,
the second of the three baskets into which the Canon
is divided. Stitra is a term signifying a discourse,
or lecture, and the SAtras of Buddhism are frequently
moral stories, supposed to emanate from Gautama
Buddha himself, and embodying the great features of
his gospel, as the Sermon on the Mount and the
Parables do those of the gospel of Jesus. A very
interestinpr collection of such stories belonoinsr to the
Stitra-pitaka is contained in a work translated from
the Thibetan by a Eussian scholar, and forming,
134 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
under the title of the iZclsangs-Z^hiu, or the Wise Mim
and the Fool, a portion of the 28th volume of the
ilido, or Sutra-pitaka. From Csoma's Analysis it
appears that many other narratives of a similar
nature are embodied in this section of the Canon,
though much of it also consists of more direct
dogmatic instruction. From " The Wise Man and the
Fool " I select a chapter which affords a good illus-
tration of the boundless charity which Buddhism
inculcates.
The victoriously-perfect One was living at Sravasti.
When the time came to receive alms, he set out with
his disciple Ananda, alms-bowl in hand, along the
road. It so happened that he met two men who had
been condemned to death for repeated robberies, and
were being led to execution. Their mother, seeing
the Buddha, thus addressed him : — " 0 chief of gods,
think of us with mercy, and vouchsafe to take under
thy protection these my sons who are going to execu-
tion." Buddha accordingly interceded with the king,
who gave them a free pardon. Touched with grati-
tude, the two men asked leave to become monks, and
on Buddha's consenting to receive them, their hair at
once fell off from head and face, and their garments
assumed the yellow hue of the order.^ Both mother
and sons attained high spiritual grades. Ananda
marvelled what good deed these three could have ]Der-
formed to meet with the victoriously-perfect One,
to be saved from such great evils, and to obtain the
prospect of Nirvana. Buddha thereupon informed
him that this was not tlie first occasion on which he
had saved their lives, and on Ananda's request for a
' This is a standing miracle on the reception of novices by Buddha.
THE PRINCE AND THE TIGRESS. 135
fiuther explanation, related the following circum-
stances. Countless ages ago, there lived in Jambud-
■\vipa (India) a certain king who had three sons. The
youngest son was mild and merciful from his childhood
upwards. One day, when the king, with his ministers,
wives and sons, was at a picnic outside the town, the
three sons went into a wood, where they found a
tigress, with young recently littered, so nearly starved
that she w^as almost on the j^oint of devouring her own
brood. The youngest asked his brothers what food a
tigress would eat. "Newly-killed meat and warm
blood." " Is there any one who would support its life
with his own body?" "No one," replied the elder
brothers; "that would be too difficult."^ Then the
youngest prince thought within himself : " For a
long time I have been driven about in the circle of
births, and have thrown away my body and my life
innumerable times ; often have I sacrificed it for the
passion of the desires, often for that of rage, often
too for folly and ignoratice ; what value then has
this body, which has not one single time trodden the
field of meritorious actions for the sake of religion 1 "
Meantime, all three had w^alked on ; but the youngest,
pleading some business of his own, desired them to
go on, leaving him to follow. Having returned to
the cave of the tigress, he laid himself down beside
her, but found her too weak to open her mouth.
Hereupon the prince contrived to bleed himself with
a sharp splinter of wood, and the tigress, after lick-
ing the blood that flowed from him, w\as suflaciently
refreshed to consume him altogether. The two elder
^ I give only the substance of this colloq^ny.
136 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
brothers, wondering at his long ahsenfc, returned to
the tiger's hole, where, on finding his remains, they
rolled upon the ground and fainted, overcome with
grief. The queen, who had had an alarming dream,
questioned them anxiously on their return as to their
brother, and she too on learning the sad event, which
their choking voices for some time prevented them
from telling, fell senseless to the ground. Soon after,
both king and queen visited the den, but could find
nothing but bones. Meantime, the prince had been
born again in the Tushita heaven. Looking about to
discover what good action of his had brought him to
this place, he saw the bones of his former body in the
tigress's den, and his parents sighing and groaning
around them. He returned from his heavenly abode
to give them some consolation and some good advice.
They were at length somewhat comforted, and collect-
ing his bones, buried them in a costly sarcophagus.
Buddha then turns to Ananda and asks him whom
he supposes the actors in this tragedy to have been.
He tells him, without waiting for an answer, that the
king was his present father, the queen his present
mother, the elder princes certain personages named
Maitreya and Vasumitra, and the youngest prince
no other than himself. The young tigers were, it
need hardly be said, the condemned felons whom he
had now again delivered from death.
While this anecdote inculcates charity in its fullest
extent, the one which is now to be quoted illus-
trates another most conspicuous point in the ethics
of Buddhism, — the regard paid by it to personal
purity and the deadening influence it exercised on the
UP A GUPTA AND VASAVADAITA. 137
senses. The translation of this curious legend is clue
to Burnouf : —
" There was at IMathura a courtesan called Vasavadatta. Her
maid went one day to TJpagupta to buy her some perfumes.
V&savadattii said to her on her return : ' It seems, my dear,
that this perfumer pleases you, as you always buy from him.'
The maid answered her : ' Daughter of my master, Upagupta,
the son of the merchant, who is gifted with beauty, with talent,
and with gentleness, passes his life in the observance of the law.'
On hearing these words Vasavadatta conceived an affection fur
Upagupta, and at last she sent her mai<l to say to him : ' My
intention is to go and find you ; I wisli to enjoy myself with you.'
The maid delivered her message to Upagupta ; but the young
man told her to answer her mistress : ' My sister, it is not yet
time for you to see me.' Now it was necessary in order to obtain
the favours of Vasavadatta to give five hundred Puranas, Thus
the courtesan imagined that [if he refused her, it was because]
he could not give the five hundred Puranas. For this reason,
she sent her maid to him again to say, ' I do not ask a single
K&rchapana from the son of my master ; I only wish to enjoy
myself with him.' The maid again delivered this new message,
and Upagupta answered her in the same way : ' My sister, it is
not time yet for you to see me.'
" However, the son of a master-workman had come to settle with
Vasavadatta, when a merchant, Avho was bringing from the north
five hundred horses which he wished to sell, came to the town of
Mathura, and asked who was the most beautiful courtesan. He
was answered that Vasavadatta was. Immediately, taking 500
Puranas and a great number of presents, he went to the courtesan.
Then Vasavadatta, urged by covetousness, assassinated the son of
the master-workman, who was at her house, threw liis body into
the middle of the filth of the town, and gave herself up to the
merchant. After some days, the young man was extricated from
the filth by his parents, who denounced the murder. The king
at once gave orders to the executioners to go and cut off V^sava-
datta's hands, feet, ears, and nose, and to leave her in the cemetery.
Tlie executioners carried out the orders of the king, and left the
courtesan in the place named.
" Now Upagupta heard of the punifchment that had been inflicted
1 3 8 HOL Y BO OKS, OR BIBLES.
on Vasavadatta, and at once this idea came into his mind : 'Some
time ago, this woman wished to see me for a sensnal object, and
I did not consent that she should see me. But now that her
hands and feet, ears and nose, have been cut off, it is time she
should see me,' and he pronounced these verses :
" ' When her body was covered with beautiful attire, when she
shone with ornaments of different sorts, the best thing for those
who aspired to deliverance and Avho wished to escape the law of
renewed birth was not to go and see this woman.
" ' To-day, when she has lost her pride, her love and her joy,
when she has been mutilated by the edge of the knife, when her
body is reduced to its true nature, it is time to see her.'
" Then sheltered by a parasol carried b}^ a young man who
accompanied him as a servant, he went to the cemetery with a
measured step. Vasavadatta's maid had stayed with her mistress
out of gratitude for her past kindness, and she prevented the
crows from approaching her body. [Seeing Upagupta] she said
to her : ' Daughter of my master, he to whom you sent me several
times, Upagupta, is coming this way. No doubt he comes attracted
by the desire for pleasure.' But VS.savadatta, hearing these words,
answered :
'"When he sees me deprived of beauty, racked with grief, lying
on the ground all covered with blood, how can he feel love of
jileasure ? '
" Then she said to her maid : ' Friend, pick up the limbs that
have been severed from my body.' The maid picked them up
at once, and hid them under a bit of linen. At this moment
Upagupta arrived, and he stood up before Vasavadatta. The
courtesan, seeing him standing up before her, said to him : ' Son
of my master, when my body was whole, when it was made for
enjoyment, I several times sent my maid to you, and you answered
me : " My sister, it is not time for you to see me." To-day, when
the knife has carried off my hands and feet, my ears and nose,
when I am thrown in the dirt and in blood, why do you come?'
And she uttered the following verses :
" ' When my body Mas soft like the lotus-flower, when it was
adorned with ornaments and rich clothes, when it had all which
attracted the eye, I was so unhappy as not to see you.
'•'To-day why do you come to contemj^late a body, the sight of
THE SUTRAS, SIMPLE AND DEVELOPED. 139
whiclx the eyes cannot bear, which games, pleasure, joy, and
beauty have abandoned, which inspires horror, and is stained
with blood and dirt ? '
" Upagupta answered her : ' I have not come to you, my sister,
attracted by the love of pleasure ; but I am come to see the real
nature of the miserable objects of the enjoyments of man.' " ^
Such is the character of the more ancient portions
of the Stitra-pitaka. It consists largely of tales, most
of which have much the same outward form, the de-
tails only being varied ; and all of which are intended
to impress some kind of moral upon their hearers.
But the Sutra collection is composed of two dif-
ferent classes of works, the one class being named by
Burnouf simple Sutras, tlie other developed Stitras.
The developed Strtras belong, according to the same
authority, to a much later period, and are marked
off from the simple Sutras by certain well-defined
characters. They are indeed of a kind which abso-
lutely precludes the notion that they can emanate
in any way whatever from Sakyamuni, or that they
could have been composed during the modest begin-
nings of his Church, when his followers were rather
iutent on practical goodness than on pompous and
high-flown descriptions of their Master's magnificence.
Not that all the Siitras classed by Burnouf as simple
must needs belong to a very early age ; but that
the developed Sutras certainly could not have been
written until some centuries after Sakyamuni's death,
when his disciples, instead of using their voices in
actual conversation, enjoyed the leisure and the means
to employ their pens in attempted fine writing.
Burnouf has given the public a single specimen of a
^ II, B. I., p. 14611'.
I40 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Slitra of this class, and they must be very devoted
students of Oriental literature who wish for another.
Here is a sample of its style : —
" Then the Bodhisattva Mah^sattva Akshayamati
having risen from his seat, after throwing his upper
garment over his shoulder, and placing his right knee
on the ground, directing his joined hands, in token of
respect, to the quarter where Bhagavat was, addressed
him in these words : ' Why, 0 Bhagavat, does the
Bodhisattva Mahasattva Avalokitesvara bear that
name ? ' This having been said, Bhagavat spoke thus
to the Bodhisattva Akshayamati : ' 0 son of a family,
all the hundreds of thousands of myriads of creatures
existing in the world who suffer pains, have but to
hear the name of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to
be delivered from this mass of pains.' " ^
The extraordinary diffuseness of this kind of com-
position is scarcely credible. Not only is every
doctrine elaborated in the utmost number of words
j)ossible, but its exposition in prose is regularly
followed by a second exj^osition in verse. Add to
this peculiar feature of developed Stitras another,
namely, that innumerable crowds of supernatural
auditors (especially Bodhisattvus, or future Buddhas)
are present at their delivery by the Buddha, and take
part in the dialogue, or demand explanations on knotty
points, and some conception may be formed of their
wholly unreal and unnatural character. Thus, the
Lotus concludes with the statement that innumerable
Tathagatas (Buddhas) come from other universes,
seated on thrones near diamond trees, innumerable
Bodhisattvas, and the whole of the four assemblies of
1 Lotus, p. 261.
BUDDHIST METAPHYSICS. 141
tlie universe, with Devas (gods), men, Asuras, and
Gandharvas, transported with joy, praised what
Bhagavat had said. Although the simple SAtras
mention the presence of gods at the Buddha's teach-
ing, yet they do not (so far as I am aware) introduce
these hosts of Bodhisattvas and Buddhas belonging
to other worlds than ours. Their horizon had not
extended itself to such vast limits, and they confined
themselves to the universe in which w^e live.
Subdivision 3. — TJie A bhidharma-pita'ka.
A third section of the Canon remains, the Abhi-
dharma, or Metaphysics. Buddhist metaphysics are
so absolutely mystical that it would be a w^aste of
time to enlarge upon them in a work not specially
consecrated to Oriental subjects. The subtleties of
the Indian mind would require far more space to
explain than would be consistent with the objects
in view here, even if the writer were competent to
explain tliem. The impression left on the mind by
the perusal of the Abhidharma is that we delude
ourselves if we believe in the reality of anything
whatever. There is no material world ; all we see,
hear, feel, or believe, is illusion ; our thoughts them-
selves are no-thoughts : this doctrine is that of wis-
dom and truth, but there is no wisdom and no truth.
The Buddha arrives by his meditations at this sublime
knowledge ; but there is no meditation and no know-
ledge. He conducts living creatures to Nirvana ; but
there are neither creatures to be conducted, nor a Buddha
to conduct them. All is nothinmess, and nothina^ness
is all. That this nihilism is common to all the schools
142 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
into which Buddliists are divided, I do not mean to
assert. There are in Nepaul certain schools which hold
a peculiar modification of theism, and they probably
may not embrace these strange and unintelligible
systems. But the views — if views they can be called
— which have just been described, do mark the
canonical books of the Abhidharma with which I
am acquainted ; such as the so-called PradjnA, Para-
mit4, or Perfection of Wisdom. There is, however,
one metaphysical theory which is not a mere series
of contradictions, and which, from its close connec-
tion with the deepest roots of the Buddhistic faith,
deserves more than a mere cursory mention. It is
the dogma known as that of the twelve Nidanas,
or successive causes of existence.
It has already been explained that the original
aim of Buddhism — the salvation offered by Sakya-
muni— was deliverance from this painful existence.
The four truths which formed the foundation of his
system have also been spoken of. It may be well
to remind the reader that they are these : — i. The
existence of Pain ; 2. The production of Pain ; 3.
The annihilation of Pain ; 4. The way to the anni-
hilation of Pain. Now if existence was, as the
Buddhists believed, the source of pain, it was im-
portant to discover the source of existence. This the
theory of the Nidanas professes to do. It is there-
fore not only intimately related to the four great
truths, but forms an essential supplement to them.
A very ancient formula, discovered not only in books
but on images, declares that, " Of all things proceed-
ing from cause, the cause of their procession hath the
Tathagata explained. The great Sramana has like-
B UDDHIST ME TA PHYSICS. 1 43
wise declared the cause of tlie extinction of all
tliinjrs." Whether this formula refers to the four
truths, or to the Nidanas, it is impossible to say. The
Nidanas, however, might well be referred to in these
terms. They are described in a passage which
Burnouf has quoted from the Lalitavistara, in which
the Bodhisattva (afterwards Buddha) is stated to have
risen through prolonged meditation from the know-
ledge of each successive consequent to that of its ante-
cedent. The Bodhisattva, we are told, collected his
thou oh ts, and fixed his intelli^'ence in the last watch
of night, just before the dawn appeared. " Then this
thought came into his mind : The existence of this
world, which is born, grows old, dies, falls, and is
born again, is certainly an evil. But he could not
recognise the means of quitting this world, which is
nothing but a great accumulation of sorrows, which
is composed but of decrepitude, illnesses, death, and
other miseries, which is altogether formed of them.
"This reflection brousfht the followino^ thouo;htinto
his mind : What is the thing the existence of which
leads to decrepitude and death, and what cause have
decrepitude and death ? This reflection came into his
mind : Birth existing, decrepitude and death exist ;
for decrepitude and death have birth as their cause."
A similar process of reasoning led him to see that
the cause of birth was existence ; that of existence,
conception ; that of conception, desire; that of desire,
sensation ; that of sensation, contact ; that of contact,
the six seats of sensible qualities ; that of the six
seats, name and form ; that of name and form, know-
ledge ; that of knowledge, the concepts ; that of the
concepts, ignorance. " It is thus," exclaims the
144 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Bodliisattva when this great light had. burst upon
him, "it is thus that the production of this world,
which is but a mass of sorrows, takes place." And by
an inverse process he went on to reflect that if ignor-
ance did not exist, neither would the concepts, and so
on, through every link of the chain. Until at length,
" from the annihilation of birth results the annihilation
of decrepitude, of death, of sufferings, of lamentations,
of sorrow, of regret, of despair. It is thus that the
annihilation of this world, which is but a mass of
sorrows, takes place." ^
This speculation is by no means easy to understand.
Apparently it means that ignorance, in the sense of a
mistaken notion of the reality of the material world,
leads to a whole series of blunders, ending inevitably
in birth. From this fundamental error of belief in
the existence of sensible objects spring certain other
false conceptions. Knowledge, which next ensues,
may mean not merely cognition, but consciousness,
knowledge of our existence ; and in this sense, or
in something like it, it must be taken in order to
explain the apparent paradox of a deduction of the
pedigree of knowledge directly from ignorance. Hence
name and form, a still further distinction of the
individual — a specialisation of the vague knowledge
of himself which the last stage brought him to. The
next step carries us on to the six seats of sensible
qualities; a phrase expressing the organs by which
sensible qualities are perceived — the five senses, and
Manas, the heart, which the Indians considered as a
sixth sense. It appears also from Burnouf's remarks
that the Sanskrit term includes alono- with the organs
1 n. B. I., p. 487.
B UDDHIST ME TA PHYSICS. 145
tlie qualities they perceive, the Law being assigned to
tlie heart or internal sense as the object of its percep-
tion. The six seats being given, contact follows ;
contact implies sensation, and sensation naturally leads
to desire. Conception is represented as the effect
of desire, but another translation of this term by
attachment, fondness for material things, renders the
sequence easier to understand. Attachment to any-
thing but the three gems — the Buddha, the Law, and
the Church — is, however, a fatal error, and leads to
the melancholy result of existence. Evidently, how-
ever, the being whose downward progress has been
thus described must have existed before, and the
event here alluded to must probably be the passage
into the definite condition of the human embryo.
And this is rather confirmed by the fact that the next
step is that of birth, followed, as a matter of course,
by the miseries of human life, terminating in death.^
And death, unless every remnant of attachment to, and
desire for, all worldly things has been purged away,
unless every trace of sinful tendencies has been oblite-
rated, is but a fresh beginning of the same weary round.
Subdivision /^.—Theology and Ethics of the Tripitala.
Thus we have examined in succession the three great
divisions of the Buddhist Canon. We may pass over
a comparatively late and spurious addition to it, the
Tantras— full of the worship of strange gods and
goddesses, and of magical formularies — to consider
the general features of these sacred works in reference
^ I do not pretend to any certainty that the above interpretation is
correct, but I have in the main followed a trustworthy guide, Burnouf.
*^ee n. B. I., p. 491-507.
VOL. II. jr
146 IIGL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
to their theological teaching and to their moral ten-
dency. Theology is perhaps a term that will be held
to be misplaced in sjDeaking of a system which acknow-
ledges no God. Yet Buddhism is so full of super-
natural creatures, and the Buddha himself occupies a
position so nearly divine, that it would be hard to find
a more appropriate word. Buddha himself is the
central figure of the whole of his system, far more
completely than Christ is the central figure of Chris-
tianity, or Mahomet of Islam. There is no Deity
above him ; he stands out alone, unrivalled, unequalled,
and unapproachable. The gods of the Hindu pantheon
are by no means annihilated in the Buddhist Scriptures.
On the contrary, they play a certain part in them,
as when some of the greatest among their number
assist at the delivery of Mayd. But the part assigned
to them is always a subordinate one ; they are j)rac-
tically set aside, not by the sceptical process of ques-
tioning their existence, but by the more subtle one of
introducing them as humbly seated at the Buddha's
footstool, and devout recipients of his instructions.
Hostility to Gautama Buddha there may be, but not
from them. It proceeds from heretical Brahmans —
rivals in trade — and from those whom they may for a
time deceive. The gods are among the most docile of
his pupils, and display a praiseworthy eagerness to
acquire the knowledge he may condescend to imjiart.
Infinitely above gods and men, because possessing
infinitely deeper knowledge and infinitely higher
virtue, stands the Tathagata, the man w^ho walks in
the footsteps of his predecessors. His position is the
greatest to which any mortal creature can attain.
But it has been attained by many before, and will be
SUCCESSIVE INCARNATIONS OF BUDDHA. 147
by many hereafter. Far away into ages separated
from ours by millions of millions of years stretches th(5
long list of Bucldhas, for every age has received a
similar light to lighten up its darkness. All have led
lives marked by the same incidents, and have taught
the same truths. But by and by the darkness has
returned; the doctrines of the former Buddha have
been forgotten, and a new one has been needed.
Then in due season he has appeared, and has again
opened to mankind the path of salvation. Thus
K4syapa Buddha preceded Gautama Buddha, and
Maitreya (now a Bodhisattva) will succeed him. The
Buddha is an ol^ject of the most devout adoration.
Prayers are addressed to him ; his relics are enshrined
in Sttipas, or buildings erected by the piety of believers
to cover them ; his footprints are viewed with rever-
ential awe, and his tooth, preserved in Ceylon, receives
the constant liomage of that pious population. Thus
his position is not unlike that of a true Deity, though
the theory of Buddhism would recjuire us to suppose
that he is non-existent, and therefore wholly unable
to aid his worshippers. But this theory is not acted
upon, and is probably not held in all its strictness ;
for Buddha — though to some extent superseded in
Northern Buddhism by other divinities — is the object
of a decided worship in both its elements of prayer
and praise.
But the pre-eminent station occupied by a Buddha
is not reziched without a long and painful education.
Through ages, the length of which is scarcely to be
expressed by numbers, they are qualifyiiig themselves
for their glorious task. During this period they are
termed Bodhisattvas, that is, beings who have taken
148 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
a solemn resolution to become Budcllias, and are
practising the necessary virtues. The very fact of
taking this resolution is an exercise of exalted bene-
volence, for their excellence is such that they might,
if they pleased, enter at once into Nirvana. But such
is their love for the human race, that they prefer to be
born again and again in a world of woe, in order to
throw open Nirvana to others besides themselves.
To attain their end, they must make an offering to
some actual Buddha, wishing at the same time that by
virtue of this act they may become Buddhas them-
selves ; and they must receive an assurance from the
object of their gift that this wish will be fulfilled.
Thus Gautama, who happened at the time to be a
prince, presented a golden vessel full of oil to a Buddha
named Purana Dipankara, with the wish alluded to,
and was assured by him that he would in a future age
become a supreme Buddha.^ The tales of the pains
endured, the sacrifices made, the virtues practised by
Gautama during this ^probationary period are numerous
and varied. He himself, by virtue of his faculty of
knowing the past, related them to his disciples. He
had sacrificed wife, children, property, even his own
person, for the good of other living creatures ; he had
endured all kinds of sufferings ; he had shown himself
capable of the rarest unselfishness, tlie most j^erfect
purity, the most unswerving rectitude. The tale of
his endurances might move compassion, had it not
been crowned at last with the his^hest reward to which
a mortal can aspire.
A\niile the Buddha occupies the first rank among
human and superhuman beings, and a Bodhisattva
' ■\r. B., p. 92.
DIVERSITY OF SPIRITUAL GRADES. 149
the second, the Scriptures introduce us to others hold-
ing very conspicuous places among the spiritual no-
bility. Such, for instance, are the Pratyeka Buddhas.
These are persons of very high intelligence and very
extraordinary merit. But they are unable to commu-
nicate their knowledge to others. They can save
themselves ; others' they cannot save. Herein lies
their inferiority to supreme Buddhas, — that while
their spiritual attainments are sufficient to ensure their
entry into Nirvana, they are inadequate to enable
them to obtain the same privilege for any other
person.
In addition to these not very interesting Buddhas,
the legends speak of certain grades of intelligence
attained by Gautama's hearers. Thus, we are often
told that many of the audience — perhaps hundreds or
thousands — after hearing a sermon from him, became
Arhats ; others are said to have become Anagamin,
Sakridagximin, or Srot^panna. These degrees are based
upon the reception of the four truths. According to
the manner in which a man received these truths, he
entered one of eight paths, each of the four degrees
having two classes, a higher and a lower one. Some-
times these paths are called " fruits ; " a disciple is
said to obtain the fruits of such and such a state. An
Arhat is a person of very high station indeed.
Excepting a Buddha, none is equal to him, either in
knowdedge or miraculous powders, both of which he
possesses to a pre-eminent extent. The Arhat after
his death enters at once into Nirvana. The Anagamin
enters the third path (from the bottom), and is exempt
from re-birth except in the world of Devas, or gods.
He who obtains or " sees " the fruit of the second path
I50 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
is born once more in tlie world of go<ls or in that of
men. Finally, the Srotapanna undergoes re-birth
either among gods or men seven times, and is then
delivered from the stream of existence.^
Below the fortunate travellers along the paths stands
the mass of ordinary believers. All of these, of course,
aim ultimately — or should aim — at that perfection of
knowledge and of character which ensures Nirvana ;
but in popular Buddhism at the present day this
distant goal appeal's to be well-nigh forgotten, and to
have given place to some heaven, or place of enjoyment,
above which the general hope does not rise.
Believers in general are divided into two classes,
Bhikshus and Bhikshunis, or monks and nuns ; and
Uj)asakas, lay disciples. The distinction between these
classes is well illustrated by the following extract
from a sacred book, the consideration of which will
lead us from the domain of theology into that of
morality: — "What is to be done in the condition of a
mendicant ? — The rules of chastity must Ije observed
^ The authorities do not entirely agree in the accounts they give of
the speed with which these paths lead to Nirvana. The above state-
ment appears to me unquestionably the oldest and most authentic. It
is in agreement with Eitel, Sanskrit-Chinese Dictionary, suh vocihiis
(Sakrid^gamin, however, is omitted), and with Hardy, E. M., p. 280.
Eitel indeed adds that an Arhat, if he does not enter Nirvana, may
become a Buddha, but this is probably a Northern perversion of the
original notion. In the genuine authorities, a Bodhisattva is quite
distinct from an Arhat. The account derived by Burnouf (H B. I,
pp. 291 ff.) from Northern sources is palj>ably a corruption of the older
doctrine, proceeding from that unbounded love of exaggerated numbers
which is the besetting sin of Buddliist writers. According to this ver-
sion, the Srotapanna must pass through 80,000 ages before his seven
births ; tlie Sakridagamin, after 60,000 ages, is to be born once as a man
and once as a god ; tlie Anagamin, after 40,000 ages, is exempted from
re-birth in tlie world of desire, and arrives at supreme knowledge ;
■which the Arhat reaches after 20,000 ages. Poor comfort this to souls
longing for their eternal rest. Cf. Kojjpen, R. B., vol. i. p. 498,
B UDDHIST MORALITY. 1 5 1
during the wliole of life. — That is not possible ; are
there no other means ? — There are others, friend ;
namely, to be a devotee (Upasaka). — What is to be
done in this condition ? — It is necessary during the
whole of one's life to abstain from murder, theft,
pleasure, lying, and the use of intoxicating liquors."
The injunctions thus stated to be binding on the laity
are in fact the first five of the ten commandments,
pleasure being simply a designation of unchastity,
which the layman as well as the monk is here ordered
to eschew. The first five commandments are in fact
general, referring to universal ethical obligations, not
merely to monastic discipline, like the other five.
But Buddhist morality is by no means merely negative.
It enjoins not only abstinence from such definite sins
as these, but the practice of positive virtues in their
most exalted forms. In no system is benevolence, or,
as it is termed in the English New Testament, charity,
more emphatically inculcated. Exhibited, as we have
seen it is, in the highest degree by Buddha himself,
it should be illustrated to the extent of their capa-
bilities by all his followers. Chastity is the subject
of almost equal praise. And the other virtues come
in for their share of recognition, the general object of
the examples held up to admiration being to exhort
the faithful to a life spotless in all its parts, like that
of their master. With this aim the legends related
generally fall into some such form as this : Characters
appear who undergo some sufi'ering, but receive also
some great reward, such as meeting with Buddha, and
embracing his religion. It is then explained by
Buddha that the sufierings were the result of some
bad action done in a former life, and the benefit
152 HOLY BOOKS. OR BIBLES.
received the result of some good action ; while he will
probably add that he himself in that bygone age
stood in the relation of a benefactor to the recipient
of his faith. Or a number of persons are introduced
playing various parts, good and evil, and receiving
blessings or misfortunes. One of these is conspicuous
by the excellence of his conduct. Then, at the end
of the story, the discij^les are told not to imagine tliat
this model of virtue is any other than Sakyamuni
himself, while the other characters are translated,
according to their special peculiarities, each into some
individual living at the time, and forming either
one of Buddha's retinue, or connected with him by
ties of kindred, or (if wicked) marked by hostility
to his person or doctrine. Thus, the bad parts in
these dramas are often allotted to his cousin Deva-
datta, who figures in these Scriptures as his typical
opponent.
The essential doctrine of all these moral fictions —
the corner-stone of Buddhist ethics — is that every
single act of virtue receives its reward, every single
transgression its punishment. The consequences of
our good deeds or misdeeds, mystically embodied in
our Karma, follow us from life to life, from earth to
heaven, from earth to hell, and from heaven or hell
to earth again. Karma expresses an idea by no
means easily seized. Perhaps it may be defined as
the sum total of our moral actions, good and bad,
conceived as a kind of entity endowed with the force
of destiny. It is our Karma that determines the
character of our successive existences. It is our
Karma that determines whether our next birth shall
l)e in heaven or hell, in a happy or miserable condi-
THE CORNER-STONE OE BUDDHIST ETHICS. 153
tion liere below. And as Karma is but the result
of our own actions, each of which must bear its
proper fruit, the balance, either on the credit or debit
side of our account, must always be paid ; to us or
by us, as the case may be.
Let us illustrate this by an instance or two. A
certain prince, named Kunala, remarkaljle for his
personal beauty, had been deprived of his eyes
through an intrigue in his father's harem. S4kya-
muni, in pointing the moral, informs his disciples
that Kunala had formerly been a huntsman, who
finding 500 gazelles in a cave, had put out their eyes
in order to preclude their escape. For this cruelty
he had sufiered the pains of hell for hundreds of
thousands of years, and had then had his eyes put
out in 500 human existences. But Kunala also
enjoyed great advantages. He was the son of a
king, he possessed an attractive person, and, above
all, he had embraced the truths of Buddhism.
Why -was this ? Because he had once caused a
Stupa of a former Buddha, which an unbelieving
monarch had suffered to be pulled to pieces, to be
rebuilt, and had likewise restored a statue of this
same Buddha which had been spoilt.^ The truly
Buddhistic spirit of this young prince is evinced by
the circumstance that he interceded earnestly with
his father for the pardon of the step-mother who had
caused him to be so cruelly mutilated.
In another case, a poor old woman, who had led a
miserable existence as the slave of an unfeeling master
and mistress, was re-born in one of the heavens, known
as that of the three-and-thirty gods. Five hundred
1 II. B. I., p. 414,
154 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
goddesses descended to the cemetery, where she had
beeu heedlessly thrown into the ground, strewed flowers
on her bones, and offered them spices. The reason of
all this honour was, that on the previous day she had
met with K4tyayana, an apostle of Buddhism, had
drawn water and presented it to him in his bowl, and
had consequently received a blessing from him, with
an exhortation to enter her mistress's room after she
had gone to sleep, and sitting on a heap of hay, to fix
her mind exclusively upon Buddha. This advice she
had attended to, and had consequently received the
above-named reward.^
Good and evil, under this elaborate sytem, are thus
the seeds which, by an invariable law, produce their
appropriate fruits in a future state. The doctrine
may in fact be best described in the words attributed
to its author: — "A previous action does not die ; be
it good or evil, it does not die ; the society of the
virtuous is not lost ; that which is done, that which
is said, for the Aryas,^ for these grateful persons,
never dies. A good action well done, a bad action
wickedly done, when they have arrived at their
maturity, equally bear an inevitable fruit." ^
^ W.u. T.,p. 153.
2 Aryas is a term comprehending the several classes of believers.
•" H. B. I., p. 98.
2^HE ZEND-AVESTA. 155
Section V. — The Zend-Avesta.*
Persica was once a great power in the world ; the
Persian religion, a conquering and encroaching faith.
The Persian Empire threatened to destroy the inde-
pendence of Greece. It held the Jews in actual sub-
jection, and its religious views profoundly influenced
the development of theirs. Through the Jews, its
ideas have penetrated the Christian world, and
leavened Europe. It once possessed an extensive and
remarkable sacred literature, but a few scattered
fragments of which have descended to us. These
fragments, recovered and first translated by Anquetil
du Perron, have been but imperfectly elucidated as
1 There is a complete translation of the Zend-Avesta by Spiegel. It
contains useful intio.ductory essays ; but in the present state of Zend
scholarship the translation cannot be regarded as final. Dr Haug, in
a German treatise, has elucidated as well as translated a small, but
very important, portion of the Zend-Avesta, termed the five Gathas.
The same scholar has also published a volume of Essays on the Parsee
language and religion, which contains some translated passages, and
may be consulted with advantage, though Dr Hang's English stands in
great need of revision. Burnouf has translated but a very small part
of the Zend-Avesta, in a work entitled " Le Yagna." Unfortunately
Dr Haug and Dr Spiegel — both verj' eminent Zend scholars — are
entirely at variance as to the proper method of translating these
ancient documents ; and pending the settlement of this question, any
interpretation proposed must be regarded by the uninstructed reader
as inicertain. 1 cannot refrain from adding an expression of regret
that Dr Haug, to whose labours in the interpretation of these obscure
fragments of antiquity we owe so much, should have so far forgotten
himself as to fall foul of Dr Spiegel in a tone wholly unbecoming a
sc'holar and inappropriate to the subject. It is not by this kind of
learned Billingsgate that the superiority of his translation to that of
his rival, as he evidently considers him, or his fellow-labourer, as I
should prefer to call him, can be established.
156 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
yet by European scholars ; and there can be no doubt
that much more b'ght remains to be cast upon them
by philology as it progresses, ouch as they are, how-
ever, I shall make use of the translations already
before us to give my leaders an imperfect account
of the character of the Parsee Scriptures.
These compositions are the productions of several
centuries, and are widely separated from one another
in the character of their thought, and in the objects of
worship proposed to the faithful follower of Zarathus-
tra. The oldest among them, which may belong to
the time of the prophet himself, are considered by
Haug to be as ancient as B.C. 1200, while the youngest
were very likely as recent as B.C. 500.
Haug considers the Avesta to be the most ancient
text, while the Zend was a kind of commentary upon
this already sacred book.
Taking the several portions of the Zend-Avesta in
their chronological order (as far as this can be ascer-
tained), we shall begin with the five Gathas, which
are pronounced by their translator to be "by far the
oldest, weightiest, and most important pieces of the
Zend-Avesta."^ Some portions of these venerable
hymns are even attributed by him to Zarathustra him-
self; but this — except where the prophet is in some
way named as the author — must be considered only
as an individual opinion, which can carry no positive
conviction to other minds until it is supported by
stronger evidence than any at present accessible.
Meantime, we may rest assured that we possess among
these hymns some undoubted productions of the
Zarathustrian age.
1 F. G., xiii.
THE FIVE GATHAS. 157
Subdivision i. — The Five GdtMs.
Proceeding to the individual Gathas, we find tbnt
the first, which begins with the 28th chapter of the
Yacna, bears the following heading : " The revealed
Thought, the revealed Word, the revealed Deed of the
truthful Zarathustra. — The immortal saints chanted
the hymns." ^
The Gatha Ahunavaiti — such is its title — then
proceeds : —
1. "Adoration to you, ye truthful hymns !
2. " I raise aloft my hands in devotion, and worship first all
true works of the wise and holy Spirit, and the Understanding of
the pious Disposition, in order to participate in this happiness.
3. " I will draw near to you with a pious disposition, O AVise
One ! 0 Living One ! with the request that you will grant me
the mundane and the spiritual life. By truth are these posses-
sions to be obtained, which he who is self-illuminated bestows on
those who strive for them." ^
The most important portion of this Gath^ is the
30th chapter, because in it we have a vivid picture of
the conflict in which the religion of Ahura-Mazda was
born. Philological inquiry has rendered it clear
beyond dispute, that Parseeism took its rise in a
religious schism between two sections of the great
Aryan race, at a period so remote that the occupation
of Hindostan by an offshoot of that race had not yet
occurred. The common ancestors of Hindus and
^ Throughout the Gathas I follow Haug ; and I need make no
apology for neglecting Spiegel's translatiim, because that scholar him-
self admits, with creditable candour, that even his indefatigable per-
severance was baffled by the ditficulties of this portion of the Ya9na. — ■
A v., 2. xi.
■■' F. G., vol. i. p. 34. — Ya9na, xxviii, 1-3.
158 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Persians still dwelt together iu Central Asia, when the
great Parsee Eeformation disturbed their harmony ;
the one section adopting, or adhering to, the Vedic
polytheism which they subsequently carried to India;
the other embracing the more monotheistic creed
which afterwards became the national relig-ion of
Persia.
The following hymn of the reformers carries us into
the very midst of the strife : —
1. "I will now tell you who are assembled here, the wise say-
ings of the most wise, the praises of the living God, and the
songs of the good spirit, the sublime truth which I see arising
out of these sacred flames.
2. " You shall, therefore, hearken to the soul of nature {i.e.,
plough and cultivate the earth) ; ^ contemplate the beams of fire
with a most pious mind ! Every one, both men and women,
ought to-day to choose his creed (between the Deva and the
Ahura religion). Ye ofispring of renowned ancestors, awake to
agree with us {i.e., to apjDrove of my lore, to be delivered to you
at this moment) ! "
(The prophet begins to deliver the words, revealed
to him through the sacred flames.)
3. " In the beginning there was a pair of twins, two spirits,
each of a peculiar activity ; these are the good and the base, in
thought, word, and deed. Choose one of these two spirits ! Be
good, not base !
4. "And these two spirits united created the first (material
things) ; the one, the reality, the other, the non-reality. To the
liars (the worshippers of the devas, i.e., gods) existence will
become bad, whilst the believer in the true God enjoys pros-
perity.
1 The sentences enclosed in brackets are Ilaug's explanations of the
sense of the text.
HYMN OF THE PARSER REFORMATION. 159
5. " Of these two spirits you must choose one, either the evil,
the originator of the worst actions, or the true holy spirit. Some
may wish to have the hardest lot (^'.e., those who will not leave
the polytheistic deva-religion), others adoi'e Ahura-Mazda by
means of sincere actions.
6. " You cannot belong to both of them {i.e., you cannot be
worshippers of the one true God and of many gods at the same
time). One of the devas, against whom we are fighting, might
overtake you, when in deliberation (what faith you are to em-
brace), whispering you to choose the no-mind. Then the devas
flock together to assault the two lives (the life of the body, and
that of the soul), praised by the prophets." ^
In another portion of this Gatha it is interesting
to observe the spirit of religious zeal breaking out,
as it so generally does, into the language of perse-
cution : —
xxxi. 18. " Do not listen to the sayings and precepts of the
wicked tlie evil spirit), because he has given to destruction
house, village, district, and province. Therefore kill them (the
wicked) with the sword ! " '
The wicked, as appears from the context, are those
who did not accept the Zarathustrian revelation.
In the second GAth4, or Gath4 Ustavaiti, there are
some very curious passages. A few have been quoted
in the notice of Zarathustra. The folio wino^ verses
indicate the nature of the worship addressed to
Ahura-Mazda in the most ancient period of the Parsee
reliojion : —
o
xliii. 2. " I believe thee to be the best being of all, the source
of light for the world. Everybody shall choose thee (believe in
thee) as the source of light, thee, thee, holiest spirit Mazda !
^ Parsees, pp. 141, 142. — Yasna, 30.
i6o HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Thou Greatest all good true things by means of the power of tliy
good mind at any time, and promisest us (who believe in thee) a
long life.
4. " I will believe thee to be the powerful, holy (god) Mazda !
For thou givest with thy hand, filled with helps, good to the
pious man, as well as to the impious, by means of the warmtli
of the fire strengthening the good things. For this reason the
vigour of the good mind has fallen to my lot.
5. " Thus I believed in thee as the holy God, thou living
Wise One ! Because I beheld thee to be the primeval cause of
life in the creation. For thou hast made (instituted) holy cus-
toms and words, thou hast given a bad fortune (emptiness) to the
base, and a good one to the good man. I will believe in thee,
thou glorious God ! in the last (future) period of creation." 1
xliv. 3. " That which I shall ask thee, tell it me right, thou
living God ! Who was in the beginning the father and creator
of truth % Who made the way for the sun and stars % Wlio
causes the moon to increase and wane, if not thou 1 This I wish
to know besides what I already know.
4. " That I will ask thee, tell it me right, thou living God !
Who is holding the earth and the skies above it ? Who made
the waters and the trees of the field % Who is in the winds and
storms that they so quickly run % Who is the creator of the
good-minded beings, thou Wise One %
5. " That I will ask thee, tell it me right, thou living God !
Who made the lights of good efi"ect and the darkness 1 Who
made the sleep of good effect and the activity % Who made
morning, noon and night, always reminding the priest of his
duties r' 2
xlvi. 7. " Who is appointed protector of my property, Wise
One ! when the wicked endeavour to hurt me ? Who else, if
not thy fire, and thy mind, through which thou hast created the
existence (good beings), thou living God ! Tell me the power
necessary for holding up the religion." ^
The tliird Gatlia is termed Qpenta-Mainyus. It
begins with praise of Ahura-Mazda as the giver of the
two forces of perfection and immortality. From this
1 Parsees, p. 149. - Ibid., p. 150. ^ Ibid., p. 156.
PARSEE HYMNS. i6i
holiest spirit proceeds all the good contained in the
words uttered by the good mind. He is the father of
all truth. Of such a spirit is he who created this
earth with the fire resting in its lap. Ahura-Mazda
j)laced the gift of fire in the sticks that are rubbed
together by the duality of truth and piety. The
following verse refers to Mazda's prophet, Zara-
thustra : —
xlviii. 4. " He who created, by means of his wisdom, the good
and the no-mind in thinking, words, and deeds, rewards his
obedient followers with prosperity. Art thou (Mazda) not he
in whom the last cause of both intellects (good and evil) is
Uddm ? " 1
The concluding chapter of this Gath^ is a hymn of
praise supposed to emanate from the Spirit of Earth
and to be addressed to the highest genii. It is not
without beauty and sublimity, but I forbear to make
quotations from it, as some of its most interesting
verses are noticed elsewhere.
The fourth and fifth Gathas are much shorter,
and are considered by Haug as an appendix. The
following verses may serve as a specimen of the
former : —
lii. 20. "May you all together grant us this your help, truth
through the good mind, and the good word in which piety
consists. Be lauded and praised. The Wise One bestows
happiness.
21. "Has not the Holy One, the living Wise One, created the
radiant truth, and possession with the good mind by means of
the wise sayings of Armaiti, by her actions and her faith 1
22. " The living Wise One knows what is always the best for
* Parsees, p. 159.
VOL. II.
i62 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
me in the adoration of those who existed and still exist. These
I will invoke with mention of their names, and I will approach
them as their panegyrist." ^
Of tlie first three verses of the fifth Gatha I have
spoken above.^ The fourth and fifth run thus : —
liii. 4. " I will zealously confess this your faith, which the
blessed one destined to the landlord for the country people, to
the truthful householder for the truthful people, ever extending
the glory and the beauty of the good mind, which the living Wise
One has bestowed on the good faith for ever and ever.
5. "I proclaim formulae of blessing to girls about to be married :
Attend ! attend to them ! You possess by means of those
formulae the life of the good mind. Let one receive the other
with upright heai't ; for thus only will you prosper." ^
Subdivision 2. — Yat^na 35-41, or the Yapia of seven chapters.
The Ya9na of seven chapters, which in the present
arrangement of the text is inserted between the first
and second Gathas, is of more recent date than the
Gathas, but more ancient than the rest of the Zend-
Avesta. " It appears to be the work of one of the
earliest successors of the prophet, called in ancient
times Zaratliustra or Zarathustivtema, who, deviat-
ing somewhat from the high and pure monotheistic
principles of C^pitama, made some concessions to the
adherents of the ante-Zoroastrian religion by address-
ing prayers to other beings than Ahura-Mazda."*
The seven chapters may be most accurately described
as Psalms of praise, in which a great variety of
objects, spiritual and natural, receive a tribute of pious
^ F. G., vol. ii. p. 56. 3 F. G., vol, ii. p. 57,
2 Vol. i. p. 229. * Parsees, p. 2iq.
OBJECTS OF PARSER WORSHIP, 163
reverence from the worshipper. They are not, how-
ever, on that account to be considered as gods, or as
in any way the equals of Ahura- Mazda, v/ho is still
supreme. The beings thus addressed are portions of
the " good creation," or of tlie things created by the
good power, Ahura-Mazda; and they are either subjects
in his spiritual kingdom, such as the Amesha-9pentas
(seven very important spirits), or they are simply por-
tions of the material universe treated as semi-divine,
and exalted to objects of religious worship. Thus
in the last chapter of this section, the author directs
his laudations to the following, among other, genii
and powers : the dwelling of the waters, the parting
of the ways, mountains, the wind, the earth, the pure
ass in Lake Vouru-Kasha, this lake itself, the Soma,
the flowing of the waters, the flying of the birds. It
is plain from this enumeration that we are already a
step beyond the simple adoration of Ahura-Mazda so
conspicuous in the Gath4s, and that the door is opened
to the multitude of spirits and divinities that make
their appearance in other parts of the Parsee ritual.
This section of the Yagna opens, however, with a
striking address to Ahura-Mnzda : ^ —
XXXV. I. " We worship Ahura-Mazda the pure, the master of
purity. We worship the Amesha-9pentas (the archangels), the
possessors of good, the givers of good. We worship the whole
creation of the true spirit, both the spiritual and terrestrial, all
that supports (raises) the welfare of the good creation, and the
spread of the good Mazdaya9na religion.
2. " We praise all good thoughts, all good words, all good
deeds, which are and will be (which are being done and which
' It is a satisfaction to find that Spiegel's translation does not differ
BO widely from Hang's after we leave the territory of the Gathas. As
a SDscimen, I quote the following verses from his Avesta, vol. ii. p. 135,
i64 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
have been done), and we likewise keep clean and pure all that
is good.
3. " 0 Ahura-Mazda, thou true happy being ! we strive to think,
to speak, and to do only those of all actions which might be
best fitted to promote the two lives (that of the body and of the
soul).
4. " We beseech the spirit of earth by means of these best works
(agriculture) to grant us beautiful and fertile fields, to the believer
as well as to the unbeliever, to him who has riches as well as to
him who has no possession." ^
The following invocation of fire deserves to be men-
tioned before we quit this portion of the Yacna : —
xxxvi. 4. " Happy is the man to whom thou comest in power,
0 Fire, Son of Ahura-Mazda.
5. " Friendlier than the friendliest, more deserving of adora-
tion than the most adorable.
6. " Mayest thou come to us helpfully to the greatest of trans-
actions. ...
9. "0 Fire, Son of Ahura-Mazda, we approach thee
10. "with a good spirit, with good purity." -
which the reader may compare witli the Euglish rendering of the same
passage in the text :• —
Yagna Haptaghditi.
XXXV. I.
I. " (Ragpi). Den Ahura-Mazda, «leii reinen Herrn des Reinen,
preisen wir. Die Amesha-Qpenta, die guten Herrscher, die weisen,
preisen wir. 2. Die ganze Welt des Reinen preisen wir, die hiuimlische
wie die irdische, 3. mit Verlangen nach der guten Reinheit, niit
Verlangen nach dem giiten mazdayagnischen Gesetze. 4. (Zaota.)
Der guten Gedanken, Worte und Werke, die liier und anderswo 5.
gethan worden sind oder noch gethan werden, 6. Lobpreiser und
Verbreiter sind wir, damit wir zu den Guten gehoren mogen. 7, Das
glauben wir, Ahura-Mazda, Reiner, Schoner, 8. Das wollen wir
denken, sagen und tlnm : 9. was das Beste ist unter den Handlungen
der Menschen fiir beide Welten. 10. Durch diese Thaten nun erbitten
wir, dass fur das Vieh 11. Annehmlichkeit und Futter gespendet
werden moge 12. den Gelehrten wie den Ungelehrten, den Miichtigen
wie den Unniiichtigen."
^ Parsees, p. 163. '■' A v., ii. 137.
A PARSEE CONFESSION OF FAITH. 165
Subdivision 3. — Ya<^na, Chapter XII.
This chapter is stated by Haug to be written in tlie
Gath4 dialect ; it is therefore extremely ancient, and
as it contains the Confession of Faith made by Zara-
thustrian converts on their abandonment of idolatry,
or worship of the Devas, it is of sufficient importance
to be quoted at length : —
xii. I. "I cease to be a T)e.\z, worshipijer. I profess to be a
Zoroastrian Mazdaya^na (worshipper of Ahura- Mazda), an enemy
of the Devas, and a devotee to Ahura, a praiser of the immortal
saints (Araesha-9pentas), a worshipper of the immortal saints. I
ascribe all good things to Ahura-Mazda, who is good, and has
good, who is true, lucid, shining, who is the originator of all the
best things, of the spirit in nature (gaus), of the growth in nature,
of the luminaries and the self-shining brightness which is in the
luminaries,
2. "I choose (follow, profess) the holy Armaiti, the good;
may she be mine ! I abominate all fraud and injury committed
on the spirit of earth, and all damage and destruction of the
quarters of the Mazdayapnas.
3. " I allow the good spirits who reside on this earth in the
good animals (as cows, sheep, &c.), to go and roam about free
according to their pleasure. I praise, besides, all that is offered
with prayer to promote the growth of life. I shall cause neither
damage nor destruction to the quarters of the Mazdaya^nas,
neither with my body nor my soul.
4. " I forsake the Devas, the wicked, bad, false, untrue, tho
originators of mischief, who are most baneful, destructive, the
basest of all beings. I forsake the Devas and those who are
Devas-like, the witches and their like, and any being whatever
of such a kind. I forsake them with thoughts, words and deeds ;
I forsake them hereby publicly, and declare that every lie and
falsehood is to be done away with.
5. 6. " In the same way as Zarathustra at the time when
Ahura-Mazda was holding conversations and meetings with him,
i66 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
and both were conversing with each other, forsook the Devas ;
so do I forsake the Devas, as the holy Zarathustra did.
7. " To that party to which the waters belong, to whatever
party the trees, and the animating spirit of nature, to that party
to which Ahura- Mazda belongs, who has created this spirit and
the pure man ; to that party of which Zarathustra, and Kava
VistaQpa and Frashaostra and Jama9pa were, of that party of
which all the ancient fire-priests (Soshyanto) were, the pious, who
were spreading the truth : of the same party and creed am I.
8. " I am a Mazdayagna, a Zoroastrian Mazdayagna. I profess
this religion by praising and preferring it to others (the Deva
religion). I praise the thought which is good, I jjraise the word
which is good, I praise the work which is good.
9. " I praise the Mazdayagna religion, and the pure brother-
hood which it establishes and defends against enemies, the
Zoroastrian Ahura religion, which is the greatest, best, and
most prosperous of all that are, and that will be. I ascribe all
good to Ahura-Mazda. This shall be the praise (profession) of the
Mazdayagna religion."
Subdivision 4. — The Yoxmger Ya(^na, and Vispered.
While tlie Gathas and the confession just quoted
represent the most ancient phase of the Mazdayacna
faith, we enter, in the remaining portion of the Ya9na,
on a much later stage of the growing creed. So njany
new divinities, or at any rate, objects of reverential
addresses, now enter upon the scene, that we almost
lose sight of Ahura-Mazda in the throno; of his attend-
ants. We seem to be some ages away from the days
when Zarathustra bade his hearers choose between
the one true God and the multitude of fjxlse gods
worshipped by his enemies. Ahura-Mazda is safely
enthroned, and Zarathustra shines out gloriously as
his prophet ; but Zarathustra's creed is overloaded
with elements of which he himself knew nothing.
LATER PARSER WORSHIP. 167
The first chapter of the Yacna, a liturgical prayer,
brings these elements conspicuously before us. It is
an invocation and celebration of a great variety of
powers belonging to what is termed the good creation,
or the world of virtuous beings and good things, as
opposed to the malicious beings and bad things who
form the realm of evil.^ Thus it opens : —
" I invoke and I celebrate the creator Ahura-Mazda, luminous,
resplendent, very great and very good, very perfect and very
energetic, very intelligent and very beautiful, eminent in purity,
who possesses the excellent knowledge, the source of pleasure ;
him who has created us, who has formed us, who has nourished
us, the most accomplished of intelligent beings." ^
Every verse, until we approach the end, commences
with the same formula ; — " I invoke and I celebrate ; "
or, as Spiegel translates it, " I inyite and announce it:"
the sole difference is in the beings invoked, Many of
these are powers of more or less eminence in the Parsee
spiritual hierarchy, but it would be going beyond our
object here to enumerate their names and specify
their attributes. To a large proportion of them the
epithets "pure, lord of purity," are added, while
some are dignified with more special titles of hon-
our. After the above homage to Ahura-Mazda, the
writer invokes and celebrates, among others : Mithra
^ I follow Burnouf's translation, because the strict accuracy of his
method is acknowledged by both Haug and Spiegel. There are con-
siderable differences in the text followed by Burnouf and Spiegel,
which I need not Aveary the reader by particularising in detail.
^ Y., p. 146. — Cf. Spiegel: i. "Ich lade ein und thiie es kund :
dem Schopfer Ahura-Mazda, dem glanzenden, majestatischen, grossten,
besten, scliiinsten, 2. dem starksten, verstandigsten, niit besteni Korper
versehenen, durch Heiligkeit hochsten. 3. Der sehr weise ist, dcr
A'eithin erfreut, 4, welcher uns schuf, welcher uns bildete, welcher
uiis erhielt, der Heiligste unter den Hinimlischen." — A v., ii. 35.
i68 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
(a very famous god), who increases oxen, who has
looo ears, and 10,000 eyes ; the fire of Ahura-Mazda ;
the water given by Ahura-Mazda ; the Fravashis
(angels or guardian spirits) of holy men and of women
who are under men's protection ; energy, with a good
constitution and an imposing figure ; victory given by
Ahura ; the months ; the new moon ; the full moon ;
the time of fecundation ; the years ; all the lords of
purity, and thirty-three genii surrounding Havani,
who are of admirable purity, whom Mazda has made
known, and Zarathustra has proclaimed ; the stars,
especially a star named Tistrya ; the moon, which
contains the germ of the ox ; the sun, the eye of
Ahura-Mazda ; trees given by Mazda ; the Word made
known by Zarathustra against the Devas ; the excel-
lent law of the Mazdayaynas ; the perfect benediction ;
the pure and excellent man ; these countries and dis-
tricts ; pastures and houses ; the earth, the sky, the
wind ; the great lord of j)urity ; days, months, and
seasons ; the Fravashis of the men of the ancient law ;
those of contemporaries and relations, and his own ;
all genii who ought to be invoked and adored. It is
manifest from this invocation, in which I have omitted
many names and many repetitions, how far we are
from the stern and earnest simplicity of the Gathas.
Regular liturgical forms have sprung up, and these
express the more developed and complicated worship
which the Parsee priesthood has now engrafted on
the Zarathustrian monotheism.
The concluding verses run as follows : —
" 0 thou who art given in this world, given against the Devas,
Zai'athustra ^ the pure, lord of purity, if I have wounded thee,
' No mention of Zarathustra here in Spiegel. — Av., ii. 44.
LATER PARSER WORSHIP, 169
either in thought, word, or deed, voluntarily or involuntarily, I
again address this praise in thine honour ; yes, I invoke thee if I
have failed against thee in this sacrifice and this invocation.
" 0 all ye very great lords, pure, masters of purity, if I have
wounded you, <fec. [as above].
"May I, a worshipper of Mazda, an adherent of Zarathusti-a,
an enemy of the Devas, an observer of the precepts of Ahura,
address my homage to him who is given here, given against the
Devas ; to Zarathustra, pure, lord of purity, for the sacrifice, for
the invocation, for the prayer that renders favourable, for the
benediction. (May I address my homage) to the lords (who are)
the days, the parts of days, &c., for the benediction ; that is to
say : (may I address my homage) to the lords (who are) the days,
the parts of days, the months, the seasons of the year (Gahanbars),
the years ; for the sacrifice, for the invocation, for the prayer that
renders favourable, for the benediction." ^
The rest of tlie Ya9na consists mainly of praises or
prayers addressed to the very numerous objects of
Parsee adoration, and most of it is of little inte-
rest. The following short section, however, deserves
remark : —
Ya(^na 12.
1. " I praise the thoughts rightly thought, the words rightly
spoken, and the deeds rightly done.
2. *' I seize upon (or resort to) all good thoughts, words, and
deeds.
3. " I forsake all bad thoughts, words, and deeds.
4. "I bring you, 0 Amesha-gpentas,
5. " Praise and adoration,
6. " With thoughts, words, and deeds, with heavenly mind,
the vital force from my own body." ^
* Y., pp. 585, 588, 592. Tlie coiiclucling stanza is simpler and more
intelligible in Spiegel. — A v., ii. 44.
^ Av., vol. ii. p. 85. — Ya(jna, 12. The ch. xii. quoted above is No. 13
in Spiegel.
170 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
In the following verses again there is some ex-
cellence : —
1. "May that man attain that which is best who teaches us
the right way to our profit in this world, both the material and
the spiritual world, the plain way that leads to the worlds where
Ahura is enthroned, and the sacrificer, resembling thee, a sage, a
saint, 0 Mazda.
2. "May there come to this dwelling contentment, blessing,
fidelity, and the wisdom of the pure."
8. "In this dwelling may ^raosha^ (obedience) put an end to
disobedience, peace to strife, liberality to avarice, wisdom to
error, truthful speech to lying, which detests purity." ^
The prominent position occupied by fire in the
Parsee faith is well known. The presence of fire is
indeed an essential part of their ritual, in which it is
treated with no less honour than the consecrated
wafer in that of Catholic Christians. Not only,
however, is it employed in their rites, but it is
addressed as an independent being, to whom worship
is due. Not that its place in the hierarchy is to be
confounded with that of Ahura-Mazda. It is not
put upon a level with the supreme being, but it is
addressed as his son, its rank being thus still more
closely assimilated to that of the host, which is in
like manner a part of the liturgical machinery and
an embodiment of the son of God. A special chapter
of the Ya9na — the 6ist — is devoted to Fire, and a
summary of its contents will help us to understand
the light in which this deity was regarded.
The sacrificer begins by vowing offerings and praise
^ ^raoslia is an important divinity in Parsee worship, who is con-
sidered by Spiegel to express the moral quality of obedience.
2 Av., ii. 1 86, 187. — Yaqna, 59.
FAR SEE EIRE- WOE SHIP. 1 7 1
and good nourisliment to "Fire, son of Ahura-
Mazda." He trusts that Fire may ever be provided
with a proper supply of wood, and may always burn
brightly in this dwelling, even till the final resurrec-
tion. He beseeches Fire to give him much property,
much distinction, holiness, a ready tongue, wit and
understanding, activity, sleeplessness, and posterity.
Fire is said to await nourishment from all ; who-
ever comes, he looks at his hands, saying : *' What
does the friend bring his friend, the coming one to
him who sits alone ? " And this is the blessing he
bestows on him who brings him dry wood, picked
out for burning : " Mayest thou be surrounded with
herds of cattle, with abundance of men. May it be
with thee according to the desire of thy heart, accord-
ing to the desire of thy soul. Be joyous, live thy
life the whole time that thou shalt live." ^
The last chapter but one of the Yagna is a hymn
in universal praise of the good creation. All the
objects belonging to that creation — that is, made by
Ahura-Mazda, and standing in contrast with the bad
creation of Agra-Mainyus — are enumerated, and as
a catalogue of these the hymn is interesting. Ahura-
Mazda himself is named first ; then Zarathustra ;
after this follows the Fravashi (angel) of Zarathustra,
the Amesha-9pentas, the Fravashis of the pure, and
so forth, through a long list of animate and inanimate
beings. Each is named with the formula " we praise "
following the title, as : " The whole earth we
praise."^
So close is the resemblance between the Vispercd
* Av., vol. ii. p, 191. — Ya^na, 61. This blessing is repeated, Khonla-
A vesta, II. 2 _^y_^ ^qI jj^ p^ 202.— Ya9iia, 70.
172 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
and that portion of the Ya9na which we have just
examined, that it will be needless to dwell upon the
contents of the former. AVe may therefore at once
pass on to a very important section, for theological
purposes, of the Zend-Avesta, namely —
Subdivision 5. — Vendidad.
Totally unlike either the Ya9na, the Vispered, or
the Yashts, the Vendidad is a legislative code — dealing
indeed largely with religious questions, but not con-
fining itself exclusively to them. It differs from the
remainder of the sacred volume much as Leviticus
differs from the Psalms, or as the Institutes of Menu
differ from the hymns of the Rig- Veda. It is re-
garded as equally holy with the rest of the Avesta,
and is recited in divine service along with Vispered
and Yagna, the three together forming Avhat is
termed the Vendidad-Sade.^ Its abrupt termination
indicates that the code is not before us in its en-
tirety ; the portion which has been preserved, how-
ever, does not appear to have suffered great mutila-
tion. Let us briefly summarise its contents, first
premising that the form they assume (with trifling
exceptions) is that of conversations between Ahura-
Mazda and his prophet.
The first Fargard (or chapter) is an enumeration
of. the good countries or places created by Ahura-
Mazda, and of the evils — such as the serpent, the wasp,
and various moral offences, including that of doubt —
created in opposition to him in each case by tlie
* Av., ii. Ixzv.
PARSER REGARD FOR AGRICULTURE. 173
president of the bad creation, Agra-Main y us. Tlie
second Fargard is a long narrative of the proceedings
of a mythological hero named Yima (the Indian
Yama), to whom Ahura-Mazda is stated to have once
committed the government of the world, or of some
part of it. Thus far we have not entered on the
proper subject-matter of the Vendidad. The third
Fargard, while still introductory, approaches more
nearly to the subsequent chapters, alike in its form
and its contents. In it Zarathustra lays certain
queries before Ahura-Mazda, and the replies given by
that deity are of high importance for the compre-
hension of both the social and moral status of the
Parsees at the time when this dialogue was written.
The stress laid upon the virtue of cultivating the soil
is especially to be noticed. Similar sentiments are
frequently repeated in the Vendidad, and indicate
a people among whom agriculture was still in its
infancy, the transition from the pastoral state to the
more settled condition of tillers of the soil being still
incomplete. The compilers of this code evidently
felt strongly the extreme value to their youthful
community of agricultural pursuits, and therefore en-
couraged them at every convenient opportunity by
representing them as peculiarly meritorious in the
sight of God.
Zarathustra begins his inquiries by asking what is
in the first place most agreeable to this earth, and
successively ascertains what are the five things which
give it most satisfaction, and what the five which
cause it the most displeasure. Ahura-Mazda answers
that, in the first place, a holy man with objects of sacri-
fice is the most agreeable ; then a holy man making
174 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
his dwelling-place, aud storiug it with all that pertains
to a happy and righteous life ; then the production of
grain and of fruit-trees, the irrigation of thirsty land,
or the drainage of moist land ; fourthly, the breeding
of live-stock and draught-cattle ; fifthly, a special in-
cident connected with the presence of such animals
on the land. The five displeasing things are, the
meetings of Daevas and Drujas (evil spirits), the
interment of men or dogs (which was contrary to the
law), the accumulation of Dakhmas, or places where
the bodies of the dead were left exposed, the dens
of animals made by Agra-Mainyus, and lastly, unbe-
coming conduct on the part of the wife or son of a
holy man. Further questions are then put as to the
mode of conduct which wins the approbation of the
earth, and it is stated to consist in actions which tend
to counteract the evils above enumerated. In the
course of these replies occasion is again taken to
eulogise the man who vigorously cultivates the soil,
and to censure him who idly leaves it uncultivated.
Certain penalties are then imposed on those who
bury dogs or men, but the sin of leaving them under-
ground for two years is declared to be inexpiable,
except by the Mazdayacna Law, which can purify the
worst offenders : —
"For it (the Law) will take away these (sins) from those who
praise the Mazclaya9na Law, if they do not again commit Avicked
actions. For this Mazdaya<;na Law, 0 holy Zarathustra, takes
away the bonds of the man who praises it. It takes away deceit.
It takes away the niiu'der of a pure man. It takes away the
burial of the dead. It takes away inexpiable actions. It takes
away accumulated guilt. It takes away all sins which men
commit." ^
^ Av., vol. i. p. 87, 88. — Vendidad, iii. 140-1^8.
MEDICAL TRAINING AMONG THE PARSERS. 175
"We see from this that the power of the Law to
deliver sinners from the burden of their offences was
in no way inferior to that of the Atonement of Christ.
It is unnecessary to dwell upon the fourth Fargard,
which deals with the penalties — consisting mainly of
corporal punishment — for breach of contract and other
offences. The fifth and sixth, being concerned with
the regulations to be observed in case of impurity
arising from the presence of dead bodies, are of little
interest. A large part of the seventh is occupied with
the same subject, but its course is interrupted by
certain precautions to be attended to in the gradua-
tion of students of medicine, which may be commended
to the notice of other religious communities. Should
a Mazdaya9na desire to become a physician, on whom,
inquires Zarathustra, shall he first try his hand, the
Mazdayacnas (orthodox Parsees), or the Daevayacnas
(adherents of a false creed) ? Ahura-Mazda replies
that the Daevaya9nas are to be his first patients. If
he has performed three surgical operations on these
heretics, and his three patients have died, he is to be
held unfit for the medical profession^ and must on no
account presume to operate on the adherents of the
Law. If, however, he is successful with the Daeva-
yagnas, he is to receive his degree, and may proceed
to practise on the more valuable bodies of faithful
Parsees. So careful a contrivance to ensure that none
but infidels shall fall victims to the knife of the
unskilful surgeon evinces no little ingenuity.
The eighth Fargard relates chiefly to the treatment
of dead bodies, while the ninth proceeds to narrate
the rites for the purification of those who have come
in contact with them. A terrible penalty — that of
176 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
decapitation — is enacted against the man wlio ven-
tures to perform this rite without having learnt the
law from a priest competent to purify. The tenth
Fargard prescribes the prayers by which the DrukJis,
or impure spirit supposed to attach itself to corpses,
and to come from them upon the living, is to be driven
away ; and the subject is continued in the eleventh,
which contains formularies for the purification of
dwellings, fires, and other objects. Along with
injunctions as to the purification of houses where a
death has occurred, the twelfth Fargard informs its
hearers how many prayers they are to ofi'er up for
deceased relatives. The number varies both accord-
ing to their relationship, being highest for those that
are nearest akin, and according to their purity or
sinfulness, double as many being required for the
sinful as for the pure. After a short introduction
expounding the merit of killing a certain species of
animal and the demerit of killing another (what they
are is uncertain), the thirteenth Fargard proceeds to
enumerate in detail the various kinds of off"ences
against dogs, and the corresponding penalties. Dogs
were evidently of the utmost importance to the
community, and their persons are guarded with
scarcely less care than those of human beings. They
are held to have souls, which migrate after their
decease to a canine Paradise. It seems, too, that
shades of departed dogs are appointed to watch the
dangerous bridge over which men's souls must travel
on the road to felicity, and which the wicked cannot
pass ; for we are informed of the soul of a man who
has killed a watchdog, that " the deceased dogs who
guard against crime and watch the bridge do not
PARSER RESPECT FOR THE DOG. 177
make friends with it on account of its abominabJe
and horrible nature;"^ while a man who has killed
a water-dog is required to make " offerings for its
pious soul for three days and three nights." ^ The
place to which the souls of these animals repair is
termed " the water-dwelling," and it is stated that
two water-dogs meet them on their arrival, apparently
to welcome them to their aqueous heaven.^ Not only
killing dogs, but wounding them or giving them bad
food, are crimes to be severely punished ; and even in
case of madness the dog's life is on no account to be
taken. On the contrary, the utmost care is to be
taken, by fastening him so as to prevent escape, that
he should do himself no injury, for if he should
happen in his madness to fall into water and die, the
community will have incurred sin by the accident.''
The following verses convey an interesting notion of
the esteem in which the dog was held among the
early Parsees. The speaker is Ahura-Mazda : —
" I have created the dog, 0 Zarathustra, with his own clothes
and his own shoes ; with a sharp nose and sharp teeth ; attached
to mankind, for the protection of the herds. Then I created the
dog, even I Ahura-Mazda, with a body capable of biting enemies.
When he is in good health, when he is with the herds, when he
is in good voice, 0 holy Zarathustra, there comes not to his
village either thief or wolf to carry off property unperceived from
the villages. " *
' Av., vol. i. p. 192. — Vendidad, xiii. 25.
^ Av., vol. i. p. 201. — Vendidad, xiii. 173.
^ Av., vol. 1. p. 200. — Vendidad, xiii. 167.
■* There is, indeed, a passage which permits the mutilation of a mad
dog by cutting off an ear, or a foot, or ihe tail ; Spiegel, however, regards
it as interpolated, and it is palpably at variance with the remainder of
tlie chapter.
* Av., vol. i. p. 197. — Vendidad, xiii. 106- 113.
VOL. II. M
178 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
In the fourteenth Fargard, water-dogs are further
protected against wounds ; while in the fifteenth, the
preservation of the canine species at large is ensured
bv elaborate enactments. To give a dooj bones which
it cannot gnaw, or food so hot as to burn its tongue,
is a sin ; to frighten a bitch in pup, as by clapping
the hands, is likewise to incur guilt ; and they are
gravely criminal who suffer puppies to die from inat-
tention. If born in camel-stalls, stables, or any such
places, it is incumbent on the proj^rietor to take
charge of them ; or, if the litter should be at large,
at least the nearest inhabitant is bound to become
their protector. Strangely intermingled with these
precautions are rules prohibiting cohabitation with
women in certain physical conditions, and enactments
for the prevention of abortion, and for ensuring
the support of a pregnant girl by her seducer, at
least until her child is born. The crime of abortion
is described in a manner which curiously reveals the
practices occasionally resorted to by Parsee maidens.
Should a single woman be with child, and say, " The
child was begotten by such and such a man " —
" If then this man says, ' Try to make friends with an old woman
and inquire of her ; ' if then this girl does make friends with an
old woman and inquire of her, and this old woman brings Baga,
or Shaeta, or Ghnana, or FraQpata, or any of the vegetable purga-
tives, saying, ' Try to kill this child ; ' if then the girl does try to
kill the child, then the girl, the man, and the old woman are
all equally criminal."
Neither tlie sixteenth nor the seventeenth Fargard
need detain us. They relate, the one to the above-
mentioned rules to be observed towards women, the
other to the disposal of the hair and nails, which
PARSEE RESPECT FOR CLEANLINESS. 179
are held, to pollute the emrtli. The eighteenth Fargard
begins, as if in the middle of a conversation, with an
address by Ahura-Mazda on the characteristics of
true and false priests, some, it appears, having
improperly pretended to the priesthood. After some
questions on other points of doctrine put by Zara-
thustra, we are suddenly introduced to a conversation
between the angel Qraosha and the Drukhs, or evil
spirit, in which the latter describes the several
offences that cause her to become pregnant, or, in
other words, increase her influence in the world.
After this interlude, we return to Ahura-Mazda and
Zarathustra. The prophet, having been exhorted to
put questions, inquires of his god who causes him
the greatest annoyance. Ahura-Mazda replies that
it is "he who miugles the seed of the pious and the
impious, of Daeva-worshippers and of those who do
not worship the Daevas, of sinners and non-sinners."
Such persons are "rather to be killed than poisonous
snakes." Hereupon Zarathustra proceeds to ascer-
tain what are the penalties for those who cohabit
with women at seasons when the law requires them
to be separate. At the beginning of the nine-
teenth Fargard, we have an account of the tempta-
tion of the prophet by the evil one, to which, allusion
has been made in another place. Zarathustra
seeks for information as to the means of getting
rid of impurities, and is taught by Ahura-Mazda
to praise the objects he has created. In the
latter part of the chapter we have a remarkable
account of the judgment of departed souls. In con-
clusion, we have a psalm of praise recited by the
prophet in honour of God, the earth, the stars, the
I So HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
G4tli4s, and numerous other portions of the good
creation. There is little in the twentieth Fargard
beyond the information that Thrita was the first
physician, and a formula of conjuration, apparently
intended to be used in order to drive away diseases.
In the twenty-first, we find praises of the cloud, the
sun, and other heavenly bodies. The last Fargard
of the Vendidad difi'ers widely from the rest in its
manner of representing Ahura-Mazda. It is, no
doubt, as Spiegel observes, of late origin. Ahura-
Mazda complains of the opposition he has encountered
from Agra-Mainyus, who has afllicted him with
illness (whether in his own person, or in that of
mankind, is not clear). He calls upon Manthra-
Qpenta, the Word, to heal him, but that spirit declines,
and a messenger is accordingly sent to Airyama to
summon him to the task.^ Airyama commences his
preparations on an extensive scale, but at this point
the Vendidad breaks ofi", and we are left in doubt as
to the result of his eff"orts.
Subdivision 6. — The KJm-Ja-Avesta, with the Roma Yasht.
The term Khorda- Avesta, or little Avesta, is applied,
according to Spiegel, to that part of the Zend-Avesta
which includes the Yashts, and certain prayers, some
of them of extreme sanctity, and constantly employed
in Parsee worship. He informs us that, while the
remainder of the sacred texts serve more especially
for priestly study and for public reading, the Khorda-
Avesta is mainly used in private devotion.^ Some
^ Spiegel holds that Airyama is only a certain prayer hypostatised. —
Cf. Ar., vol. iii. p. 34. ^ Av,. vol. iii p i.
PARSER PRAYERS. 18 1
of its prayers belong to a comparatively recent period,
being composed no longer in the Zend language, but
in a younger dialect ; and we meet in them with the
Persian forms of the old names — Ormazd standing
for Ahura-Mazda, Ahriman for Agra-Mainyus, and
Zerdoscht for Zarathustra. The names of the genii
have undergone corresponding alterations. We find
ourselves in these prayers, and indeed throughout the
Yashts, many centuries removed from the age of
Zarathustra and his immediate followers. Some of
the more celebrated prayers, however (not belonging
to the class of Yashts), must be of considerable
antiquity, if we may judge from the fact of their
being mentioned in the Yacna. Thus, in the 19th
chapter of the Ya^na, we find an elaborate exaltation
of the powers of the Ahuna-Vairya, which stands
second in the Khorda-Avesta. Zarathustra is repre-
sented as asking Ahura-Mazda, "What was the
speech which thou spokest to me, as existing before
the sky, before the water, before the earth, before the
ox, before the trees, before the fire, son of Ahura-
Mazda, before the pure men, before the Daevas with
perverted minds, and before men, before the whole
corporeal world, before all things created by Mazda
which have a pure origin ? " This speech, existing
prior to all created objects, is declared to have been
a part of the Ahuna-Vairya. The immense benefits
of repeating this prayer, which is stated to ensure
salvation, are then recounted to the prophet. The
20th chapter is occupied with the merits of another
of these short formularies, the Ashem-v6hti. These
prayers are in continual use, not only in the liturgy,
but among the laity. They are sometimes required
1 8 2 HOL Y BO OKS, OR BIBLES.
to recite great numbers of Aliuna-Vairyas at one
time, and at the commencement of sowing, or of any
good work, it is proper to repeat it. The Ashem-
vohti is to be said on various occasions, particularly
on waking and before going to sleep/ The higher
sanctity, as well as greater antiquity, of these prayers
is evinced by the fact that we find them constantly
introduced in the course of others, to which they form
a necessary supplement. There are often several
Ashem-vohus in a single brief prayer. The Ashem-
vohti, in fact, fulfils a function much like that of the
Lord's prayer in the liturgies of some Christian
Churches.
Let us now see what these most sacred forms of
adoration contain. The Ashem-vohti is to this
efiect : —
" Purity is the best possession.
Hail, hail to him :
Namely, to the pure man best in purity." '
It is strange that, in a formulary occupying so con-
spicuous a place in Parsee devotion, there should be no
acknowledgment of God. But this want is supplied
in the Ahuna-Vairya, or Yatha - ahti - vairyo, which
follows it.
Yatha-ahu-vairyo : —
" As it is the Lord's will, so (is he) the ruler from purity.
(We shall receive) gifts from Vohu-mano for the works (we do)
in the world for Mazda.
And (he gives) the kingdom to Ahura who protects the poor."'
' Av., vol. ii. pp. Ixxxii., Ixxxiii.
^ Av., vol. iii. p. 3. — Khorda-Avesta, i,
■^ Av., vol. iii. — Khorda-Avesta, 2.
PRAYERS TO PARTICULAR DEITIES. 183
Certainly this is not very intelligible, but the last
clause is remarkable, as implying that the way to
advance God's kingdom on earth is to confer benefits
on the poor.
Passing over a number of other prayers, we enter
upon the Yashts, which are distinguished from all
other parts of the Avesta by the fact that each of
them is written in celebration of some particular god
or genius. Ahura-Mazda, indeed, still retains his
supremacy, and every Yasht begins with a formula, of
which the first words are " In the name of the God
Ormazd," while the first Yasht is devoted exclusively
to his praise. Subject to this recognition, however,
the inferior potentates are each in turn the object of
panegyrics in that exaggerated style in which Oriental
literature delights. We need not stop to recount the
particular honours rendered to each. One Yasht,
however, is sufficiently curious to merit our attention,
the more so as we possess a translation of it by
Burnouf.^ It is termed the Homa Yasht, and is
intended to extol the brilliant qualities of the god
whose name it bears. At that period of the day which
is termed H4vani — so it begins — Homa came to find
Zarathustra, who was cleaninor his fire, and sino-inof
the Gathas. " Zarathustra asked him : ' What man art
thou who in all the existing world appearest to my
sight as the most perfect, with thy beautiful and
immortal person ? ' Then Homa, the holy one, who
^ In the " Journal Asiatique," 4me Serie, torn. 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. I have
followed it exclusively. The Homa Yasht is not formally included
in the Khorda- Avesta ; it forms the 9th chapter of the Yaqna. But the
fact that, while utterly alien to the rest of the Yaqna, it is truly a
Yasht— being in honour of a special personage— induced me to defer its
consideration till now.
1 84 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
banishes death, answered me : *I am, 0 Zarathustra,
Homa, the holy one, who banishes death. Invoke
me, 0 Qpitama,^ extract me to eat me, praise me to
celebrate me, in order that others, who desire their
good, may praise me in their turn.' Then Zarathus-
tra said : * Adoration to Homa ! Who is the mortal,
Homa, who first in the present world extracted
thee for sacrifice ? What holiness did he acquire ?
What advantage accrued to him thereby?'" Homa
replies that Vivanghat was the first to extract him
for sacrifice, and that he acquired the advantage of
becoming father to the glorious Yima, in whose reign
" there was neither cold nor (excessive) heat, nor old
age nor death, nor envy produced by the Deva.
Fathers and sons alike had the figure of men of fifteen
years of age, as long as Yima reigned." Similar ques-
tions are then put by Zarathustra regarding the
second, third, and fourth mortals who worshipped
Homa, and similar replies are given. All had dis-
tinguished sons ; but the last, Puruchaspa, was re-
warded beyond all others by the birth of Zarathustra
himself. Homa thereupon magnifies Zarathustra
in the usual style of the later parts of the Zend-
Avesta, and Zarathustra, who is not to be outdone in
the language of compliment, thus addresses him in
return : " Adoration to Homa ! Homa, the good, has
been well made ; he has been made just ; made good ;
he bestows health ; he has a beautiful person ; he does
good ; he is victorious ; of the colour of gold ; his
branches are inclined to be eaten; he is excellent; and
^ The term Qpitama, xisually coupled with the name of Zarathustra, is
translated by Spiegel " holy," but is treated by Haug and Burnouf as a
l)roper name. There are indications that it may have been the family
name of the prophet. See Av., vol. iii. p. 219, n.
PRAYERS TO HOMA. 185
he is the most celestial way for the soul. 0 thou
who art of the colour of gold, I ask thee for prudence,
energy, victory, beauty, the force that penetrates the
whole body, greatness which is spread over the whole
figure;" and so forth, through several other by no
means modest petitions. In a more formal manner
Zarathustra then demands of Homa the following
favours : ist, the excellent abode of the saints ; 2dly,
the duration of his body ; 3dly, a long life ; 4thly
and 5thly, to be able to annihilate hatred and strike
down the cruel man ; 6thly, that they (the faithful ?)
may see robbers, assassins, and wolves before being
seen by them. After this, Homa is praised generally.
He gives many good gifts, among them posterity
to sterile mothers, and husbands to spinsters of ad-
vanced years. He is finally requested, if there should
be in the village or^ the province a man who is
hurtful to others, to take from him the power of
walking, to darken his intelligence, and to break his
heart. ^
The Yashts are succeeded by various pieces, of which
one relates to Parsee eschatology, and the others,
celebrating numerous supernatural objects of worship,
do not call for any special remark. After these we
come to the so-called Patets, which belong to the
most recent portions of the book, and indicate a highly
developed consciousness of sin, and of the need of
divine forgiveness. They correspond in tone and
character to the General Confession which has been
placed by the Church of England in the forefront of
her Liturgy, except that they contain long enumera-
tions of the several classes of ofiences for which pardon
1 For anotlier Yasht, see Book i, pt. i, ch. i.
i86 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
is to be entreated. One of them, after such a cata-
logue, thus addresses the Deity : —
" Whatever was the wish of the Creator Ormazd, and I ought
to have thought and did not think, whatever I ought to have
said and did not say, whatever I ought to have done and did
not do, — I repent of these sins, with thoughts, words, and works,
both the corporeal and the spiritual, the earthly and the heavenly
sins, with the three words.^ Forgive, 0 Lord ; I repent of the
sin.
" Whatever was the wish of Ahriman, and I ought not to have
thought and yet did think, whatever I ought not to have said
and yet did say, whatever I ought not to have done and yet did,
— I repent of these sins with thoughts, words, and works, both
the corporeal and the spiritual, the earthly and the heavenly sins,
with the three words. Forgive, 0 Lord ; I repent of the sin." ^
Another of these Patets contains the following
comprehensive formula : —
" In whatever way I may have sinned, against whomsoever I
may have sinned, howsoever I may have sinned, I repent of it
with thoughts, words, and works ; forgive ! " ^
The same Patet contains a confession of faith,
which, as it alludes to the several dogmas that were
held to be of first-rate importance in the creed of the
true disciple of Zarathustra, may be worth quoting
before we quit the subject : —
"I believe in the existence, the purity, and the indubitable
truth of the good Mazdaya9na faith, and in the Creator Ormazd
and the Amschaspands, in the exaction of an account, and in the
resurrection and the new body. I remain in this faith, and
^ That is, with thoughts, words, and works.
^ Av., vol. iii. p. 21 1. — Khorda-Avesta, xlv. 8, 9.
^ At., voL iii. p. 216. — Khorda-Avesta, xlvi. i.
THE PA JETS AND CONFESSION. 187
confess that it is net to be doubted, as Ormazd imparted it to
Zertuscht, Zertusclit to Fraschaostra and Jamagp, as Aderbat, the
son of Mahresfand, ordered and purified it, as the just Paoiryo-
tkaeshas and the Degttirs in family succession have brought it to
us, and I thence am acquainted with it." ^
In more than one respect this confession is interest-
ing. First, it asserts the excellence and the unques-
tionable infallibility of the traditional faith in terms
which a Catholic could hardly improve upon.
Secondly, it brings before us in succinct form the
leading points included in that faith — the Creator, at
the head of all the created world ; the seven Amshas-
pands or Amesha-Qpentas, heavenly powers of whom
Ormazd himself was chief; the judgment to be
expected after death, and the strict account then to
be required ; lastly, the general resurrection with its
new body. Proceeding next to the manner in which
this faith had been handed down from generation to
generation, we have first the cardinal doctrine that
God himself was the direct teacher of his prophet ;
after that, a statement that the prophet communicated
it to others, from whom it descended to still later
followers, one of whom is declared to have " ordered
and purified it." Thus the consciousness of subse-
quent additions to the original law is betrayed. Thus
amended, the priests, or De§turs, are said to have
transmitted it to the time of the speaker, the authority
of the ecclesiastical order in the interpretation of the
sacred records being thus carefully maintained.
How many generations had elapsed before the
transmission of the law could thus become the subject
of deliberate incorporation among recognised dogmas,
' Av., vol. ill. p. 218. — Khorda-Avesta. xlvi. 28.
1 88 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
it is impossible to say. Undoubtedly, however, we
stand a long way oflf — not only in actual time, but in
modes of thought and forms of w^orship — from the
ancient Iranian prophet. The change from the faith
of Peter to that of St Augustine is not greater than
that from the faith of Zarathustra's rude disciples to
that of the subtle, self-conscious priests who composed
these later formularies, or the laity who accepted
them. Still, after all has been said, after it has been
freely admitted that subsequent speculation, or
imagination, or the influence of neighbouring creeds,
introduced a host of minor spirits or quasi-gods, of
whom Zarathustra knew nothing, it must also be
emphatically asserted that the God of Zarathustra
never loses, among the multitude of his associates,
either his supremacy or his unique and transcendent
attributes. While in the Gathas Ahura-Mazda alone
is worshipped ; wdiile in the later chapters of the
Yagna many other personages receive a more or less
limited homage along with him ; while in the Yaslits
these personages are singled out one after another for
w^hat appears unbounded adoration, — the original God
invariably maintains his rank as the Creator ; the one
Supreme Lord of mankind, as of all his other creatures ;
the instructor of Zarathustra ; the Being compared to
whom all others stand related as the thing made
towards its Maker. Theism does not in the Avesta
pass into polytheism. Strictly speaking, its spirit is
monotheistic throughout, though w^e might often be
betrayed into thinking the contrary by the extrava-
gance of its language. Nor can I discover in its
23ages the doctrine which some have held to be con-
tained in it, namely, that above Ahura-Mazda, some-
MORAL ELEMENT IN ZEND-AVESTA. 189
where in the dark background of the universe, was a
God still greater than him, the ultimate Power to
which even he must yield, Zrvana-Akarana, or Infinite
Time. The very name of this highly abstract being
appears but rarely in the Avesta, and never, so far as
I am able to discover, in the character thus assigned
to him. Ahura-Mazda remains throughout the God
of Gods ; his is the highest and most sacred name
known to his worshippers, and none can compare with
him, the Infinite Creator, in greatness, in glory, or in
power.
It is not to be expected that, in the early stage of
social progress at which a great part at least of the
Avesta was written, its moral doctrines should be
altogether faultless. Nevertheless, it may well sustain
a comparison in this respect with the codes which
have been received as authoritative by other nations.
Subject to the drawback, common to all theologically-
influenced systems of ethics, of laying as much stress
upon correct belief and. the diligent performance of
the customary rites as upon the really fundamental
duties of men, the Zend-Avesta upholds a high
standard of morality, and honestly seeks to inculcate
upon believers the immense importance of leading
an upright and virtuous life. Such a life alone is
pleasing to God ; such a life alone can insure a safe
passage over the hazardous bridge by which the soul
must pass to Paradise. Not only are the more obvious
virtues — respect for life, careful observance of promises,
industrious conduct — sedulously enjoined on the
faithful Parsee, but some others, less obvious and too
frequently overlooked, are urged upon them. The
seducer is bound to provide both for the infjint he
igo HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
has called into existence, and for its mother, at least
for a certain period. Domestic animals are not for-
gotten, and humanity towards these dependent crea-
tures is commanded in a series of precepts, the spirit
of which would do honour to any age. And, in
general, the blamelessness required in thoughts, words,
and works imposed on the devout Mazdaya9na a
comprehensive attention to the many ways in which
he might lapse from virtue, and held before him an
exalted conception of moral purity.
Yet, when all this has been said, it must still be
admitted that the Zend-Avesta hides its lio-ht, such
as it is, under a bushel. Such is the number of supra-
mundane spirits to be lauded, such the mass of
ceremonies to be attended to, so great the proportion
of space devoted to guarding against legal impurities
as compared with that consigned to preventing moral
evil, that the impression left upon the minds of un-
believing readers is on the whole far from favourable.
Morality has, in fact, got buried under theology. The
trivialities, inanities, and repetitions that abound in
the sacred text draw off the mind from the occasional
excellences of thought and expression which it
contains. Thus he who toils through the verbose
Fargards of the Vendidad, the obscure chapters of
the older and younger Ya9na, or the panegyrical
rhapsodies of the Yashts, will find but little to reward
his search. With the Gathas indeed it is otherwise.
These are full of interest, and not quite devoid of a
simple grandeur. But as a whole, the Avesta is a
mine which, among vast heaps of rubbish, discloses
but here and there a grain of gold.
THE KORAN. 191
Section VI. — The Koran.*
Alone among the Scriptures of the several great
religions, the Koran is the work of a single author.
It is, therefore, characterised by greater uniformity
of style, subject, and doctrine than the sacred col-
lections of other nations. Considerable as the differ-
ence is between its earlier and its later Suras, a
consistent line of thought is visible throughout, and
pious Moslems are free from the difficulty that has
always beset Christian theologians of " harmonising "
contradictory passages both supposed to emanate from
God. There are, indeed, earlier revelations incon-
sistent with later ones ; but in this case, the former
are held to have been abrogated by the latter.
Mediocre in the order of its thought, diffuse in style,
abundant in repetitions, there are few books more cal-
culated to task the patience of a conscientious reader.
But we must recollect, in judging it, that its author
did not write it, and very possibly never contemplated
its existence as a complete work. He published it
from time to time as occasion required, much as a
modern statesman would announce his views by
means of speeches, pamphlets, or election addresses.
When a revelation arrived, Mahomet in the first
instance dictated it to his secretary Zaid, who wrote
it on palm-leaves or skins, or tablets of any kind
^ Complete translations of the Koran into English have been made by-
Sale and by Rodwell. Considerable portions have been rendered into
German by Sprenger, " Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammed ;"
and by Gustav Weil, " Mohammed der Prophet ;" and into English by
Dr Mnir, in his " Life of Mahomet."
192 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
that might be at hand. Of the remaining Moslems,
some took copies, but many more committed the
revelations to memory; the Arab memory being
remarkably retentive. Under the reign of Abu Bekr,
the prophet's successor, Omar, finding that some
one who knew a piece of the Koran had been killed,
suggested that the whole should be collected. The
suggestion was adopted, and Abu Bekr intrusted the
work of collection to the secretary Zaid. The Koran
was then put together, not only from the leaves that
had been left by Mahomet, and thrown without any
regard to order into a chest, but also from the
fragments, either written or preserved in the memory,
that were contributed by individual believers. The
copy thus made was not published, but was committed
for safe custody to Hafsa, daughter of Omar, and one
of the widows of the prophet. She kept it during
the ten years of her father Omar's caliphate. But
as there were no official and authorised copies of this
genuine Koran, it came to pass that the various
missionaries who were sent as teachers to the newly
conquered countries repeated it differently, and that
various readings crept into the transcripts in use.
Hence serious threatenings of division and scandal
among the Moslems. The caliph Othman, foreseeing
the danger, appointed a commission, with the secretary
Zaid at its head, to copy the copy of Hafsa and
return it to her, their duty being to determine on
differences of reading, and to be careful to restore the
Meccan idiom where it had been departed from in
any of the versions. Several copies were made by
the commissioners, of which one was kept at Medina,
and the others sent to the great military stations.
SUBJECT-MATTER OF THE KORAN. 193
This was the official text, prepared about a.h. 25-30 ;
and after its establishment, all private copies or
fragments of the Koran were ordered by Othman to
be destroyed.^ The original Koran, which Mahomet
did but reproduce, is supposed by those who accept
it as divine to be preserved in heaven, in the very
presence of its original author, on an enormous
table.
In the Koran, as arranged by Zaid, there is appar-
ently no fixed principle in the order of the Suras or
chapters. In the main, the longest Suras come first,
but even this rule is not adhered to consistently.
Of chronological arrangement there is not a trace,
and it has been left to the ingenuity of European
scholars to endeavour to discover approximately the
date of the several revelations. Of some, the occa-
sions of their publication are known, but in the case
of the great majority, nothing beyond a conjectural
arrangement can be attained.
The principal themes with which the Koran is
occupied are the unity of God ; his attributes ; the
several prophets preceding Mahomet, whom he has
sent to convert unbelievers; the joys of Paradise and
terrors of hell ; and the legislative edicts promulgated
for the government of the Arabs under the new
religion. Of these several subjects, the first two
occupy a predominant place in the earliest revela-
tions. Legends of prophets, of whom Mahomet
recognised a considerable number, form one of the
standing dishes set before the faithful during all but
the very beginning of his career. He was also fond
^ L. L. M., vol. iii., Vorrede. — Sale, preliminary discourse, p. 46.—
K., p. vii.
VOL. IL N
194 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
of speakiug of the contrast between the position of
believers and sceptics in a future state ; but he seems
at first to have expected a temporal judgment on
his Meccan opponents, and afterwards to have been
contented witli awaiting the divine vengeance in
another world. Legislation, of course, belongs only
to that portion of the Koran which was revealed after
the Hegira.
A few specimens will be quite sufficient to give a
notion both of the earlier and later style of this sacred
volume. Here is a Sura revealed at Mecca during
the first struggles of the prophet's mind, when it
Avas completely possessed with the awfulness of the
new truth : —
" 0 thou enfolded in thy mantle, stand up all night, except a
small portion of it, for pi-ayer. Half; or curtail the half a little,
— or add to it : and with measured tone intone the Koran, for
we shall devolve on thee weighty words. Verily, at the coming
of night are devout ^ impressions strongest, and words are most
collected ; but in the daytime thou hast continual employ — and
commemorate the name of thy Lord, and devote thyself to him
with entire devotion Of a truth, thy Lord knoweth that
thou prayest almost two-thirds, or half, or a third of the niglit,
as do a part of thy followers." ^
This is the opening Sura of the Koran : —
" Praise be to God, Lord of the worlds ! the compassionate !
the merciful ! King on the day of reckoning ! Thee only do we
worship, and to thee do we cry for help. Guide thou us on the
straight path, the path of those to whom thou hast been gracious ;
with whom thou art not angry, and who go not astray." ^
^ Italics, here and elsewhere, in Rodwell.
* K., p. 7. — Sura, j^. ^ K., p. 11. — Sura, i.
HOW THE PROPHET CONSOLED HIMSELF. 195
In the Sura now to be quoted we find an allusion
to one of the prophets whom Mahomet regarded as
precursors — the prophet Saleh, who had been sent to
a people called Themoud to bid them worship God.
The legend associated with his name is, that he
appealed to a she-camel as a proof of his divine
mission, commanding the people to let her go at large
and do her no hurt. Some of the Themoudites
beheved ; but they were ridiculed by the sceptical
chiefs of the nation, whose wickedness went so far
as actually to hamstring the apostolic camel. Here-
upon an earthquake overtook them by night, and
they w^ere all found dead in the morning.^ Such
things were Mahomet's stock-in-trade ; and the follow-
ing Sura exemplifies the mixture of his early poetic
thoughts with the prosaic narratives which did duty
so constantly during the maturity of his apostle-
ship : —
" By the Sun and his noonday brightness ! by the Moon when
she followeth him ! by the Day when it revealeth his glory ! by
the Night when it enshroudeth him ! by the Heaven and him
who built it ! by the Earth and him who spread it forth ! by a
Soul and him who balanced it, and breathed into it its wickedness
and its piety ! blessed now is he who hath kept it pure, and
undone is he who hath corrupted it !
" Themoud in his impiety rejected the message of the Lord,
when the greatest wretch among them rushed up :— Said the
apostle of God to them,— The camel of God ! let her drink. But
they treated him as an impostor and hamstrung her. So their
Lord destroyed them for their crime, and visited all alike : nor
feared he the issue." 2
The same Sura which contains the history of Saleb,
prophet of Themoud, refers also to various other divine
* K., p. 376.-Sura, 7. 71-77. 2 k_^ p. 24.— Sura, 91.
196 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
messengers who liad fulfilled the same office of announc-
ing tlie judgments of God. Mahomet's general view
of the prophetic function seems to be expressed in
these words : —
" Every nation hath its set time. And Avhen their time is come
they shall not retard it an hour ; and they shall not advance it.
0 children of Adam ! there shall come to you Apostles from
among yourselves, rehearsing my signs to you ; and whoso shall
fear God and do good works, no fear shall be upon them, neither
shall they be put to grief. But they who charge our signs with
falsehood, and turn away from them in their pride, shall be in-
mates of the fire : for ever shall they abide therein." ^
The prophets whom he mentions in this Sura are
Noah, who was sent to warn his people of the Deluge ;
Houd, sent to Ad, an unbelieving nation whom God
cut off, with the exception of those who had accepted
Houd ; Saleh, sent to Themoud as above related ; Lot,
sent to Sodom to warn it against sin ; Shoaib, sent to
Madian, a people of which the unbelieving members
were destroyed by earthquake ; Moses, sent with signs
to Pharaoh and his nobles, as also to the Israelites, of
whom some worshipped the calf, and were overtaken
by the wrath of their Lord." In another Sura he
makes mention of other prophets besides these ; namely,
of John the Baptist, Jesus of Nazareth, Abraham,
Ishmael, and Enoch.^
His view of Jesus Christ is peculiar and interesting.
He invariably treats him with the highest respect as a
servant of God and his own precursor, but he is careful
to protest that the opinion of his divinity was not
^ K., p. 371.— Sura, 7. 32-34.
2 K., p. 375-386.— Sura, 7. 57-154.
3 K., p. 127 IF. — Sura, 19.
MAHOMET S ESTIMATE OF CHRIST. 197
held by Jesus himself, and was a baseless invention of
his followers. The notion that God could have a son
seems to him a gross profanation, and he often recurs
to it in terms of the strongest reprobation. Thus he
endeavours to claim Christ as a genuine Moslem, and
to include Christianity within the pale of the new
faith. A Christian who adopted it might continue,
indeed must continue, to believe everything in the Old
and New Testaments, except such passages as expressly
assert the incarnation and divinity of Jesus. Yet
Mahomet's own version of this prophet's conception
involves a supernatural element, and only differs
from that of Luke in not asserting the paternity
of God.
"And make mention in the Book," he says, "of
Mary, when she went apart from her family, eastward,
and took a veil to shroud herself from them, and we
sent our spirit to her, and he took before her the form
of a perfect man. She said : ' I fly for refuge from
thee to the God of Mercy ! If thou fearest him, begone
from me.' He said: ' I am only a messenger of thy
Lord, that I may bestow on thee a holy son.' She
said : 'How shall I have a son, when man hath never
touched me, and I am not unchaste.' He said : * So
shall it be. Thy Lord hath said : easy is this with
me, and we will make him a sign to mankind and a
mercy from us. For it is a thing decreed.' And she
conceived him, and retired with him to a far-off
place." ^
Her virginity is expressly asserted in another place,
where she is described as "Mary, the daughter of
^ K., p. 128. — Sura, ig. 16-22.
198 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Imran, who kept her maidenhood, and into whoso
womb we breathed of our spirit,"^
When the child was born, his mother was accused
of unchastity, but the infant j^rophet at once opened
his mouth and declared his prophetic character. From
this narrative it appears that, in Mahomet's opinion,
Jesus was neither begotten by a human father, nor
was the son of God. He finds a via media in the
doctrine that he was created, like Adam, by an express
exertion of the power of the Almighty. ^' He created
him of dust : He then said to him, ' Be,' and he
was."^ And again, in the Sura above quoted: "It
beseemeth not God to beget a son, Glory be to him !
when he decreeth a thing, he only saith to it, Be,
and it is."^
He is very indignant against those who hold the
doctrine of the incarnation, which he apparently con-
sidered as equivalent to that of physical generation
by the Deity, and which, under any aspect, is certainly
shocking to a genuine monotheist.
" They say : ' The God of Mercy hath gotten oflf-
spring.' Now have ye done a monstrous thing!
Almost might the very heavens be rent thereat, and
the earth cleave asunder, and the mountains fall down
in fragments, that they ascribe a son to the God of
Mercy, when it beseemeth not the God of Mercy to
beget a son ! " * " And they say, ' God hath a son : '
No I Praise be to him ! But his whatever is in the
heavens and the earth I All obeyeth him, sole Maker
^ K., p. 604. — Sura, 66. 12. She is called the daughter of Imran,
by a confusion between Mary, mother of Jesus, and Miriam, sister of
Moses. 2 K., p. 502. — Sura, 3. 52.
2 K., p. 130.— Sura, 19. 36. * K., p. 135. — Sura, 19. 91-93.
MAHOMET S ACCOUNT OF HIMSELF. 199
of the heavens and of the earth 1 And when he
decreeth a thing, he only saith to it, Be, and it
is,'"
Mahomet's conception of his own character is most
clearly expressed in the seventh Sura, where, after
enumerating some of the prophets who had gone
before him (as already related), he proceeds to describe
a supposed dialogue between Moses and God, in which
the Deity speaks thus : —
" My chastisement shall fall on whom I will, and my mercy
embraceth all things, and I write it down for those who shall
fear me, and pay the alms, and belieA^e in our signs, who shall
follow the Apostle, the unlettered Prophet — whom they shall
find described with tliem in the Law and Evangel. What is
right will he enjoin them, and forbid them what is wrong, and
will allow them healthful viands and prohibit the impure, and
will ease them of their burden, and of the yokes which were upon
them ; and those who shall believe in him, and strengthen him,
and help him, and follow the light which hath been sent down
with him, — these are they with whom it shall be well."
The revelation to Moses now ceases, and God con-
tinues to address Mahomet with the usual preliminary
-Say:"-
" Say to them : 0 men ! Verily I am God's apostle to you all :
whose is the kingdom of the Heavens and of the Earth ! There
is no God but he ! He maketh alive and killeth ! Therefore believe
on God and his apostle — the unlettered Prophet — who believeth
in God and his word. And follow him that ye may be guided
aright." 2
Mahomet liked to describe himself as unlettered,
and thus to obtain for the scriptural knowledge and
* K., p, 445.— Sura, 2. no, in. ^ K., p. 386.— Sura, 7. 155-158.
200 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
literary skill displayed in the Koran the credit of its
being due to inspiration.
In another place he again describes his prophetic
character in the following strain : —
" Muhammacl is not the father of any man among you, but he
is the Apostle of God and the seal of the prophets : and God
knoweth all things 0 Prophet ! we have sent thee to
be a witness, and a herald of glad tidings, and a warner ; and
one who, through his own permission, summoneth to God, and a
light-giving torch." ^
A conspicuous feature of the Koran to which allusion
has not yet been made is its frequent reference to the
pleasures of Paradise to be enjoyed by the faithful,
and the pains of hell to be sufiered by the infidels.
The day of judgment is continually held out as an
encouragement to the former, and a terror to the
latter. The 56th Sura contains a description of
heaven which is enough to make the mouth of good
Moslems water. " The people of the right hand " are
to be happy ; those of the left hand, wretched. The
former are to have " gardens of delight," with
"inwrought couches," whereon reclining, "aye-bloom-
ing youths " are to bring them " flowing wine " of
the best celestial vintage. They are to enjoy their
favourite fruits, and to eat whatever birds they long
for. " Houris with large dark eyes," and " ever
virgins," never growing old, are to supply them with
the pleasures of love, so strangely overlooked in the
Christian pictures of heavenly life. On the other
side, we have " the people of the left hand," who are
to be tormented with " pestilential winds " and
" scalding water," and are to live " in the shadow of
1 K., p. 567.— Sura, ly 40, 44, 45-
THE HEAVEN AND HELL OF THE KORAN 201
a black smoke," with the fruit of a bitter tree to eat
and boiling water to drink/ The prophet delights
in warning his enemies of their coming fate,
" Verily," says God in another place, " we have got
ready the flame for the infidels." ^ " 0 Prophet ! "
we read elsewhere, " make war on the infidels and
hypocrites, and deal rigorously with them. Hell
shall be their abode ! and wretched the passage
to it I"^ "God promiseth the hypocritical men and
women, and the unbelievers, the fire of hell — therein
shall they abide — this their sufficing portion ! " *
Some, who had declined to march with the Prophet
from Medina on account of the heat, are sternly
reminded that " a fiercer heat will be the fire of
helL"^
In contradistinction to the deplorable state of the
hypocrites and unbelievers — blind in this world and
destined to suffer eternally in the next — we have a
pleasing picture of the condition of the faithful
Moslems : —
" Muhammad is the Apostle of God ; and his comrades are
vehement against the infidels, hut full of tenderness among
themselves. Thou mayst see them bowing down, prostrating
themselves, imploring favours from God, and his acceptance.
Their tokens are on their faces, the marks of their prostrations.
This is their picture in the Law and their picture in the Evan-
gel ; they are as the seed which putteth forth its stalk ; then
strengtheneth it, and it groweth stout, and riseth upon its stem,
rejoicing the husbandman — that the infidels may be wrathful at
them. To such of them as believe and do the things that are
right, hath God promised forgiveness and a noble recompense." ®
1 K., p. 60.— Sura, 56. 4 K., p. 621.— Sura, 9. 69.
- K., p. 598.— Sura, 48. 13. » K., p. 623.— Sura, 9. ^^2.
2 K., p. 603.— Sura, 66. 9. « K., p. 601.— Sura, 48. 2g.
HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Section VII. — The Old Testament.
Before entering upon the comparative examination
of the Hebrew Canon, it is necessary to say a few-
words of the extraordinary race who were its authors.
There is probably no other book of which it may be
said, with the same depth and fuhiess of meaning,
that it is the work of a nation and the reflection of a
nation's life. The history of the Bible and the history
of the Jews are more intimately bound up together
than is that of any other nation with that of any other
book. During the period of their political existence
as a separate people they wrote the Canon. During
the long period of political annihilation Avhich has
succeeded, they have not ceased to write com-
mentaries on the Canon. This one great production
has filled the imaginations, has influenced the in-
tellect, has fed the religious ardour of each succeeding
generation of Jews. To name the Canonical Scrip-
tures, and the endless series of writings suggested by
them or based upon them, would be almost to sum up
the results of the literary activity of the Hebrew
race.
Our first historical acquaintance with the Hebrews
brings them before us as obtaining by conquest, and
then inhabiting, that narrow strip of territory border^
ing the Mediterranean Sea which is known as Pales-
tine. Their own legends, indeed, carry us back to a
still earlier period, when they lived as slaves in Egypt ;
but on these, from the character of the narrative, very
little reliance can be placed. The story, gradually
EARL Y JE WISH HISTOR Y. 203
becoming less and less mythical, tells us, what is pro-
bably true, that they overcame the native inhabitants
of Palestine in war, and seized upon their land ; that
they then passed through an anarchical period,
during which the centre of authority seems to have
been lost, and the national unity was in no small
danger of being destroyed, had not vigorous and able
leaders interposed to save it ; that, under the pressure
of these circumstances, they adopted a monarchical
constitution, by which the dangers of this time of
anarchy were at least to a large extent averted, and
the discordant elements brought into subjection to n
common centre. Thus united, the Jewish monarchy
rapidly attained a considerable height of splendour
and of power. Surrounding nations fell under its
sway, and it took rank as one of the great powers
which divided Western Asia. But this glory was not
to last long. The monarchy, broken up into two
hostile parts by the folly of Rehoboam, lost alike its
unity and its strength ; and after a long series of kings,
whom it is needless to enumerate, both its branches
fell victims, at separate times, the one to Shalmaneser,
king of the Assyrians, the other to Nebuchadnezzar,
king of the Chaldees. The latter event, while it put
an end to the very existence of the Jewish nation as
an independent political power — for it was but a
fitful independence which was recovered under the
Asmoneans — marks an epoch which severs the history
of the Jews into two periods, distinguished from one
another by the completely difi"erent character borne
by the people in each. It is customary, for theological
purposes, to represent the religious development of
the Jews as pervaded by a fundamental unity. They
204 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES,
are supposed to have known and worshipped the
true God from the beginning, to have been sharply-
marked off from the rest of the world by their strict
monotheism, and to have been unfaithful to their
inherited creed only when they refused to re-
cognise Christ and his apostles as its authorised
interpreters. Their own records tell a very different
story. According to these, the religion of the Jews,
like that of other nations, progressed, changed, im-
proved, underwent purification and alteration, and
was, in its earlier forms, not much unlike that of the
surrounding heathens. Their leaders, indeed, and all
those whom their Scriptures uphold as examples
of excellence, worshipped a national God, Jehovah,
whom they may have considered the only god who
enjoyed actual existence and possessed actual power.
But whether or not this were the case, he was, for all
practical purposes, simply the tutelary deity of the
Hebrews. In his name the conquerors of Palestine
pillaged, murdered, and inflicted cruelties on the
vanquished ; to him they looked for aid in their
belligerent undertakings ; to him they offered the
first-fruits of victory. It was under his direct leader-
ship that they professed to subdue the heathens, and
to attain national security. The ark was his dwelling,
and it could only bring destruction to the Philistines,
who were not under the protection of its inmate.
And when the Jews asked to be placed under the rule
of a monarch, they were told by the mouthpiece of
Jehovah that it was his divine government which they
were rejecting. The morality of the chiefs who con-
ducted the invasion and subjugation of Palestine was
not one whit superior to that of their enemies, nor
THE GOD OF THE HEBREWS. 205
was the god on whose power they relied of an
essentially higher nature than many other national
or local divinities who were worshipped by other na-
tions. They were the rude leaders of a rude people
worshipping a rude deity. His character was such as
we might expect the tutelary divinity of a tribe of
wandering and unsettled Bedouins to be. Having to
establish their right to a permanent home and an
organised government by force of arms, it was only
natural that they should represent their God as
favouring the exploits of those arms, and even urging
them on to the most ruthless exercise of the rights of
conquerors. It was natural that even their most
revolting acts should be placed under the especial
patronage of this approving god. It was natural, too,
that when the conquest had been at least in great
part effected, while yet the anarchical and semi-savage
condition of the victors continued (as it did more or
less until after the accession of David), and internal
strife took the place of external warfare, the national
god should become to some extent a party-god ;
should favour one section against another, and even
excite the ferocious passions of those to whose side
he inclined. The god of Moses, of Joshua, and the
Judges was thus a passionate, relentless, and cruel
partisan. No doubt the facts were not precisely such
as they are represented to us by the writers in the
Old Testament, since in the internecine conflicts
which occasionally broke forth we may assume that
each side claimed for itself the approbation of Jehovah.
But still the story of the Hebrew annals is clear
enough to show us the semi-savage character of the
people in these early days, and their utter failure to
2o6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
form that lofty conception of the Deity with which
they have been so largely credited by believers in the
supernatural inspiration of their historical records.
The primitive conception entertained at this period,
which corresponded with that generally found among
uncivilised nations, was improved and elevated to
some extent during the age of comparatively settled
government which succeeded. As the Israelites ad-
vanced in the practice of the arts, in the posses-
sion of wealth, in the cultivation of the literary or
musical attainments that refine domestic life, in the
peaceful organisation of a society that had become
more industrial and less warlike, their idea of Jehovah
underwent the modifications which these chanofes
imply. The god of Samuel is widely difi'erent from
the god of Isaiah or Jeremiah. Whether the popular
notion had risen to the height attained by these
prophets may indeed be doubted ; but this too must
have altered in order to make such prophets possible.
Yet, in spite of the comjDarative improvement, there
are abundant indications during the kingly period
that the old Hebrew deity still retained the ferocious
characteristics by which he had formerly been distin-
guished. Elijah's patron is gracious enough to his
own adherents, but the attributes of mercy or gentle-
ness towards human beings generally are uudiscover-
able in his character. And the deeds of blood which
pious monarchs from time to time were guilty of
in his honour, and which received his approbation,
show that if the process of his civilisation had begun,
it was still very far from being completed.
But the special glory of the Jewish race is supposed
to consist even more in the fact that this God, such as
JE WISH MONO THEISM. 2 o 7
he was, stood alone, than in the excellence of the
manner in which they conceived of his nature. The
constancy of their monotheism, amid the polytheism
of surrounding nations, has appeared to subsequent
generations so marvellous as to require a revelation to
account for it. The facts, however, as related to us
by the Jews themselves, do not warrant the supposi-
tion that monotheism actually was the creed of the
people until after the CajDtivity. It appears, indeed,
that that form of belief was held by those who are
depicted to us as the most eminent and the most
virtuous among tliem, and it would seem that there
was generally a considerable party who adhered to
the worship of Jehovah, and at times succeeded in
forcing it upon the nation at large. But that Jeho-
vism was the authorised and established national
religion, and that every other form and variety of faith
was an authorised innovation, is a far wider conclusion
than the facts will warrant us in drawing. This, no
doubt, and nothing less than this, is the contention of
the historical writers of the Old Testament ; but even
their own statements, made as they are under the
influence of the strongest Jehovistic bias, point with
tolerable clearness to a different conclusion. They
inform us that while the most ancient leaders of the
Israelites who conducted them to the promised land,
the distinguished Judges who from time to time arose,
and all the most virtuous kings, belonged to the
religion of Jehovah, the people, notwithstanding these
great examples, were continually guilty of relapses
into idolatry of the most flagrant kind. This tendency
manifested itself so early, and reappeared with such
persistence during the whole history of the Israelites
2o8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
of both branches up to the destruction of their
respective monarchies, that we cannot, consistently
with the admitted facts, suppose that Jehovism had
at any time taken very deep root in the mind of the
people. They seem, on the contrary, to have been
readily swayed to and fro by the example of the
reigning monarch. Whether indeed they sincerely
adopted monotheism under a monotheistic sovereign,
may perhaps be doubted ; but the emphatic denun-
ciations of the Biblical writers leave us no room to
question the perfect sincerity of their idolatry. All
therefore that we can be justified in inferring from
what they tell us is, that a succession of priests and
prophets maintained the faith of Jehovah from age to
age, and that from time to time a sovereign arose who
favoured their views, and did all in his power, some-
times by fair means and not unfrequently by foul, to
advance the interests of the Jehovistic j)arty. Indian
history acquaints us with very similar fluctuations in
the religion of a province, according as the priests of
one or the other contending sect succeeded in obtain-
ing influence over the mind of the reigning Eajah. But
although we maintain that monotheism was not, pre-
vious to the Captivity, the popular religion of the
Jews, we need not go the length of asserting that
there was no difierence in their minds between Jeho-
vah and the other deities whom they adopted from
surrounding nations. Jehovah was unquestionably
the national god, who was held to extend a peculiar
protection over the Hebrew race. Nor does it follow
that those who betook themselves to some idolatrous
cultus necessarily abandoned that of Jehovah. Both
might well have been carried on together, and there
MOI^OTHEISM NOT RADICAL TO JUDAISM. 20 )
is abuiiduiit evidence that the Jews of this period had
much of that elasticity which characterises j)olytheism,
and makes it ever ready to add new members to its
pantheon without discarding old favourites. So fixr
as there was a national worship carried on by a
national priesthood, Jehovah must have been its
object. But we are not therefore compelled to imagine
that the nation had adopted Jehovism in so solemn
and binding a manner as to render its abandonment a
gross violation of their fundamental institutions. No
doubt, according to the Scriptural writers, it was a
deliberate breach of the original constitution to for-
sake, even for a moment, the exclusive service of the
national god for that of any other deity whatsoever.
But the supernatural origin assigned by them to this
original constitution throws a doubt on their assertions,
while the facts they report serve to increase it. For
while w^e learn that Jehovah was deserted by one
generation after another in favour of more popular
rivals, much to the indignation of his priests and pro-
phets, we do not perceive any traces of a conscious-
ness on the part of the idolaters that they were guilty
of infidelity to fundamental and unchangeable laws.
They rather appear to have acted in mere levity, and
the repeated objurgations of the Jehovistic party
would tend to the conclusion that the people were not
aware of any binding obligation to adhere to the
worship of this deity to the exclusion of that of every
other. The efforts of the Jehovists may indeed show
that they believed such an obligation to exist ; but not
that their opponents were equally aware of it. More-
over, we are not without some more positive testimony
which strongly favours this view of their nmtuaJ
VOL. II.
2IO HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
relations. Under the reign of the pious, and no douLt
credulous, Josiali, a certain priest professed to have
discovered a " book of the law " mysteriously hidden
in the temple. Without discussing in this place what
book this may have been, it is plain that it inculcated
Jehovism under the penalty of curses similar to those
found in Deuteronomy, and it is plain too that its
contents caused the monarch a painful surprise, which
expressed itself by his rending his clothes and sending
a commission to " inquire of the Lord " "concerning the
words of this book that is found." Now is it possible
to suppose that the words of such a book as this could
have inflicted on Josiah so great a shock, or have
required the ap^Dointment of a special commission to
inquire concerning them, if it had been a matter of
familiar and general knowledge among the Jews that
their forefathers had solemnly adopted Jehovism as
the only lawful national creed, invoking upon them-
selves those very curses which the most devout of
monarchs was now unable to hear without astonish-
ment and alarm % And how are we to explain the
production of this book by the priests as a new dis-
covery ? If it had been merely the rediscovery of a
lost volume, would the language of the narrative have
been at all appropriate ? Must not Josiah in that case
have rejoiced at the restoration to Judah of so precious
a treasure, however much he might have regretted the
failure of the nation to observe its precepts ? The
difficulty of supposing such facts to have been forgot-
ten is equally great. It would be scarcely possible to
imagine that not only the people, but the priests, could
at any period have lost all memory of the fact that
they were bound, under the most terrible penalties, to
MONOTHEISM A DOCTRINE OF THE PRIESTS. 211
adhere to the faith of Jehovah. At least the spiritual
advisers of so religious a monarch must have been well
aware that their own creed formed an essential part
of the Jewish constitution ; and w^e cannot doubt that
they would carefully have impressed this fact on their
willing pupil, not as a startling disclosure made only
after he had been seventeen years on the throne and had
attained the age of twenty-five, but as one of his
earliest and most familiar lessons. In fact, this sudden
discovery, in some secret recess of the temple, of a
hitherto unknown volume, concerning whose claims
to authority or antiquity the writers preserve a,
mysterious silence, rather suggests the notion of
a Jehovistic coup cVetat, prepared, by the zeal of
Hilkiah the priest and Shaphan the scribe. A long
time had passed since the accession of the king. His
favourable dispositions were well known. Since the
eighth year of his reign at least he had been under the
influence of the priests, and in the twelfth he had
entered (no doubt under their directions) upon that
career of persecuting violence which was usual with
pious monarchs in Judaea.^ His mind was undoubtedly
predisposed to receive with implicit confidence any
statements they might make. Hence, if Hilkiah and
his associates had conceived, the idea of compiling, from
materials at their command, a book which, while
recapitulating some events in the ancient history of
Israel, should represent those events in a light favour-
able to their designs, they could hardly have chosen a
l)etter moment for the execution of such a scheme.
1 So in 2 Chron. xxiv. 3-7, But in 2 Kings ,xxii. i, 2, there is no
mention of the period at which " he began to seek after the God of
David."
212 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
That they actually did this, it would be going beyond
the evidence in our possession to assert. It may be
that the book was an old one ; and in any case, it is
unnecessary to suppose that it was an original com-
position of Hilkiah's, palmed off upon the king as
ancient. All that appears to me clearly to follow from
the terms of the narrative is, that the law which this
book contained (evidently the law of Jehovah) had
not hitherto been regarded as the established law of
the country, and that the production of this volume,
in which its claims to that dignity were emphatically
asserted, and its violation rej^resented as entailing the
most grievous curses, was one of the plans taken by
the priestly party to procure for it the recognition of
that supremacy which they declared it had actually en-
joyed in the days of their forefathers. But although
the history of Israel has been written by adherents of
this party, and we are unfortunately precluded from
checking their statements by any document recount-
ing the same events from the point of view of their
opponents, their records, biassed as they are, clearly
show us a nation whose favourite and ordinary creed
was not monotheism ; which was ever ready to ado2:)t
with fervour the idolatrous practices of its neighbours ;
and which was not converted to pure and exclusive
monotheism till after the terrible lesson of the Cap-
tivity in Babylon.
This great event was turned to excellent account
by the priests and prophets of Jehovah. Instead of
regarding it as a natural consequence of the political
relations of Judaea with more powerful empires, they
represented it as the fulfilment of the penalties
threatened by Jehovah for infidelity towards himself.
THE CAPTIVITY; ITS EFFECTS. 213
And us this view offered a plausible explanation of
their unparalleled misfortunes, it was naturally ac-
cepted by many as the true solution of sufferings so
difficult to reconcile with the protection supposed to
be accorded by their national god. Under these cir-
cumstances a double process went on during their
compulsory residence in heathendom. Great numbers,
who were either not Jehovists, or whose Jehovism was
but lukewarm, gradually adapted themselves to their
situation among idolaters, and became at length
indistinguishably fused, as the ten tribes liad been,
with the alien races. But a few remained ftiithful to
their God. These few it was who formed the
whole of the nation which, when return was possible,
returned to their native soil. Those who were not
inspired by a deep sense of the sanctity of their national
religion; those to whom the restoration of their national
rites was not the one object of overwhelming impor-
tance ; those whose hopes of national restoration were
of a temporal rather than a spiritual nature, had no
sufficient motive to return to their native soil.
Jerusalem could have no attractions for them which
Babylon did not possess. Thus, by a natural process,
the most ardent, the most spiritual, the most un-
bending monotlieists were weeded out from the
mass of the community, and it was they who accom-
panied Zerubbabel or Ezra on his sacred mission.
Misfortune, which had not shaken their faith, had
deepened and purified it. Not only were they
Jehovists, but they were Jehovists of the sternest
type. There was among them none of that admix-
ture of levity, and none of that facile adaptability
to foreign rites, which characterised the older Jews
214 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
From tliis time forward their monotheism has never
been broken by a single relapse.
Thus the Captivity forms the turning-point in the
character of the Jews ; for, in fact, the nation which
was conquered by Nebuchadnezzar was not the nation
which, in the days of Kyros and Artaxerxes, returned
to recolonise and rebuild Jerusalem. The conquered
people belonged to a monarchy which, if it was now
feeble and sunken, was directly descended from one
which had been glorious and mighty, and which had
aimed at preserving for Juda3a the status and dignity
of an independent power. Under its influence the
Jews had been mobile, idolatrous, deaf to the voice of
Jehovistic prophets, neglectful of Jehovistic rites ;
desirous of conquest, and, when that was impossible,
unwilling on political grounds to submit to foreign
domination ; rude if not semi- barbarous in morals,
and distracted by the contention of rival religious
parties. But this polity, of which the ruling motives
M^ere mainly political, was succeeded after the return
of the exiles by a polity of which the ruling motives
Avere exclusively religious. All were now adherents
of Jehovah ; all were zealous performers of the rites
conceived to be his due.
This chano^e must be borne in mind if we would
understand Jewish history ; for the same language
is not applicable to the Jew^s before and after the
Captivity, nor can we regard in the same light a
struggling and feeble race upholding its unanimous
faith in the midst of trials, and an independent nation
in which a party, from time to time victorious,
endeavours to imp(jse that faith by force. We may
without inconsistency censure the violence of the
RISE OF JE WISH EXCL USIVENESS. 2 1 5
Jehovistic sectaries, and admire the courage of the
Jehovistic people. But although there is much in this
change that is good, it must be admitted that it has
its had side. While becoming more conscientious,
more scrupulously true to its own principles, and more
penetrated with a sense of religion, Judaism be-
came at the same time more rigid, more formal, more
ritualistic, and more unsocial. Ewald has remarked
that the constitution established after the return from
captivity is one that lays undue stress upon the
exterior forms of religion, and may in time even
become hostile to what is truly holy. As it claims to
be in possession of something holy which temporal
governments do not possess, it cannot submit to their
dominion ; hence, he observes, Israel could never
l)ecome an independent nation again under this
constitution.^ Nor was this all. Even apart from
its tendency to magnify external forms, which was
perhaps not of its essence, the religion of Jehovah
had inherent vices. The Jews, believing their god to
be the only true one, and insisting above all on the
supreme importance of preserving the purity of his
cultus, were necessarily led to assume a haughty and
exclusive attitude towards all other nations, which
could not fail to provoke their hostility. This unlove-
able spirit was shown immediately after their return
l)y their contumelious rejection of the Samaritan
proposals to aid in building the temple — proposals
which seem to have been made in good faith ; by the
Sabbatarian legislation of Nehemiah ; and even more
l)y the excessively harsh measures taken by Ezra for
^ Ewald, Geschichte des Volkes Israel, vol. iv. — Die Heiligherr-
schaft, 3. Die bestiiumtere Gestaltung der Zeit der neuen Weiiduiig.
2i6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the j^urifi cation of the race. It was simply inevi-
table that all heathen nations who came in con-
tact with them should hate a people who acted on
such principles. Nor were the fears of the heathen
altogether without foundation. AVhen the Jews re-
covered a temporary independence under the Mac-
cabees, their intolerance, now able to vent itself in
acts of conquest, became a source of serious danger.
Thus, John Hyrcanus destroyed the temple of the
Samaritans (who also worshipped Jehovah) on Mount
Gerizim, and the Jews actually commemorated the
event by a semi-festival. Alexander Jannasus, too,
carried on ware of conquest against his neighbours.
In one of these he took the town of Gaza, and evinced
the treatment to be expected from him by letting
loose his army on the inhabitants and utterly destroy-
ing tlieir city. It was no doubt their unsocial and
proud behaviour towards all who were not Jews that
provoked the heathens to try their temper by so many
insults directed to the sensitive point — their religion.
Culpable as this was, it must be admitted that it was
in some degree the excessive scrupulosity of the Jews
in regard to things indifferent in themselves that
exposed them to so much annoyance. Had they been
content to permit the existence of Hellenic or Roman
customs side by side with theirs, they might have been
spared the miseries which they subsequently endured.
But the Scriptures, from beginning to end, breathed
a spirit of fierce and exclusive attachment to Jehovah ;
he was the only deity ; all other objects of adoration
were an abomination in h.is sio^ht. Penetrated with
this spirit, the Jews patiently submitted to the yoke
of every succeeding authority — Chaldeans, Syrians,
THE JE WS BE COME MONO THE I STIC. 2 1 7
Egyptians, Romans — until the stranger presumed to
tamper with the national religion. Then their
resistance was fierce and obstinate. The great
rebellion which broke out in the reign of Antiochus
Epiphanes, under the leadership of Mattathias, was
jtrovoked by the attempt of that monarch to force
Greek institutions on the Jewish people. The glorious
dynasty of the Asmoneans were priests as well as
kings, and the royal office, indeed, was only assumed
by them in the generation after that in which they had
borne the priestly office, and as a consequence of the
authority derived therefrom. Under the semi-foreign
family of the Herods, who supplanted the Asmoneans,
and ruled under Roman patronage, as afterwards
under the direct government of Rome, it was still
nothing but actual or suspected aggressions against the
national faith that provoked the loudest murmurs or
the most determined opposition. It was this faith
which had upheld the Jews in their heroic revolt
against Syrian innovations. It was this which
inspired them to support every offshoot of the
Asmonean family against the odious Herod. It was
this which led them to entreat of Pompey that he
would abstain from the violation of the temple ; to
implore Caligula, at the peril of their lives, not to force
his statue upon them ; to raise tumults under Cu-
manus, and finally to burst the bonds of their alle-
oiance to Rome imder Gessius Florus. It was this
which sustained the war that followed upon that out-
break— a war in which even the unconquerable power
of the Roman Empire quailed before the unrivalled
skill and courage of this indomitable race ; a war of
which I do not hesitate to say that it is probably the
2i8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
most wonderful, tlie most heroic, and the most daring
which an oppressed people has ever waged against its
tyrants.
But against such discipline as that of Rome, and
such generals as Vespasian and Titus, success, however
brilliant, could be but momentary. The Jewish
insurrection was quelled in blood, and the Jewish
nationality was extinguished — never to revive. One
more desperate effort was indeed made ; once more the
])est legions and the best commanders of the Empire
were put in requisition ; once more the hopes of the
people were inflamed, this time by the supposed
appearance of the Messiah, only to be doomed again to
a still more cruel disappointment. Jerusalem was
razed to the ground ; Aelia Capitolina took its place ;
and on the soil of Aelia Capitolina no Jew might
presume to trespass. But if the trials imposed on the
faith of this devoted race by the Romans were hard,
they were still insignificant compared to those which
it had to bear from the Christian nations who in-
herited from them the dominion of Europe. These
nations considered the misfortunes of the Jews as
proceeding from the divine vengeance on the crime
they had committed against Christ ; and lest this
vengeance should fail to take effect, they made them-
selves its willing instruments. No injustice and no
persecution could be too bad for those whom God
himself so evidently hated. Besides, the Jews had a
miserable habit of acquiring wealth ; and it was
convenient to those who did not share their ability or
their industry to plunder them from time to time.
But the Jewish race and the Jewish religion survived
it all. Tormented, tortured, robbed, put to death,
STERNNESS OF THE JE WISH FAITH. 219
liunted from clime to clime; outcasts in every land,
strangers in every refuge, the tenacity of their char-
acter was proof against every trial, and superior to
every temptation. In this unequal combat of the
strong against the weak, the synagogue has fairly
beaten the Church, and has vindicated for itself that
liberty which during centuries of suffering its enemy
refused to grant. Eighteen hundred years have
passed since the soldiers of Titus burned down the
temple, laid Jerusalem in ashes, and scattered to the
winds the remaining inhabitants of Judaea ; but the
relio-ion of the Jews is unshaken still ; it stands
unconquered and unconquerable, whether by the
bloodthirsty fury of the legions of Eome, or by the
still more bloodthirsty intolerance of the ministers of
Christ.
Subdivision i. — The Historical Books,
It is scarcely necessary to say that no complete
account of the contents of the Old Testament can be
attempted here. To accomplish anything like a full
description of its various parts, and to discuss the
numerous critical questions that must arise in connec-
tion with such a description, w^ould in itself require
a large volume. In a treatise on comparative religion,
anything of this kind would be out of place. It is
mainly in its comparative aspect that we are con-
cerned with the Bible. Hence many very interesting
topics, such, for instance, as the age or authorship
of the several books, must be passed over in silence.
Tempting as it may be to turn aside to such inquiries,
they have no immediate bearing on the subject in
hand. Whatever may be the ultimate verdict of
2 20 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Biblical Criticism respecting tliem, the conclusioDs
here reached will remain unaffected. All that I can
do is to assume without discussion the results ob-
tained by the most eminent scholars, in so far as
they appear to me likel}^ to be permanent. That the
Book of Genesis, for example, is not the work of a
single writer, but that at least two hands may be
distinguished in it ; that the Song of Solomon is, as
explained both by Renan and Ewald, a drama, and
not an effusion of piety ; that the latter part of Isaiah
is not written by the same prophet who composed
the former, — are conclusions of criticism which I
venture to think may now be taken for granted and
made the basis of further reasonino;. At the same
time I have taken for granted — not as certain, but as
likely to be an approximation to the truth — the
chronological arrangement of the prophets proposed
by Ewald in his great work on that portion of
Scripture. Further than this, I believe there are no
assumptions of a critical character in the ensuing
pages.
First, then, it is to be observed that the problems
which occupied the writers of the Book of Genesis,
and which in their own fashion they attempted to
solve, were the same as those which in all ages have
enoaoed the attention of thouohtful men, and which
have been dealt with in niany other theologies besides
that of the Hebrews. The Hebrew solution may or
may not be superior in simplicity or grandeur to the
solutions of Parsees, Hindus, and others ; but the
attempt is the same in character, even if the execution
be more successful. Tiie authors of Genesis endeavour
especially to account for : —
THE HEBRE W COSMO GO NY. 221
1. The Creation of the Universe.
2. The Origin of Man and Animals.
3. The Introduction of Evil.
4. The Diversity of Languages.
Although the fourth of these questions is, so far as
I am aware, not a common subject of consideration
in popular mythologies, the first three are the standard
subjects of primitive theological speculation. Let us
begin with the Creation.
One of the earliest inquiries that human beings
address themselves to when they arrive at the stage of
reflection is : — How did this world in which we find
ourselves come into being ? Out of what elements
was it formed ? Who made it, and in what way ?
A natural and obvious reply to such an inquiry is,
that a Being of somewhat similar nature to their own,
though larger and more powerful, took the materials
of which the world is formed and moulded them, as
a workman moulds the materials of his handicraft, into
their present shape. The mental process gone through
in reaching this conclusion is simply that of pursuing
a familiar analogy in such a manner as to bring the
unknown within the range of conceptions applicable
to the known. The solution, as will be seen shortly,
contrives to satisfy one-half of the problem only by
leaving the other half out of consideration. This
difficulty, however, does not seem to have occurred
to the ancient Hebrew writers who propounded the
following history of the Creation of the universe : —
"In the beginning," they say, "God created the
heavens and the earth. And the earth was desolate
and waste, and darkness on the face of the abyss, and
2 22 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the Spirit of God lioveriug on the face of the waters.
And God said : Let there be light, and there was
light. And God saw the light that it was good, and
God divided between the liofht and the darkness.
And God called the light Day, and the darkness he
called Night. And it was Evening, and it was
Morning : one day.
"And God said: Let there be a vault for separa-
tion of the w^aters, and let it divide between waters
and waters." Hereupon he made the vault, and
separated the waters above it from those below it.
The vault he called Heavens. This was his second
day's work. On the third, he separated the dry land
from the sea, "and saw that it was good;" besides
which he caused the earth to bring forth herbs and
fruit-trees. " And God said : Let there be lights in
the vault of the heavens to divide between the day
and between the night, and let them be for signs and
for times and for days and for years." Hereupon he
made the sun for the day, the moon for the night,
and the stars. "And God put them on the vault of
the heavens to give light to the earth, and to rule by
day and by night, and to separate between the light and
the darkness ; and God saw that it was good. And it
was evening, and it was morning : the fourth day." ^
Let us pause a moment here before passing on to
the next branch of the subject : the creation of
animals and man. The author had two questions
before him ; how the materials of the universe came
into being, and how, when in being, they assumed
their present forms and relative positions. Of the
first he says nothing, unless the first verse be taken to
' Gen. i. 1-19.
LEGENDS SIMILAR TO THE HEBREW. 223
refer to it. But this cau scarcely be ; for the expres-
sion, "God made the heavens and the earth," cannot
easily be supposed to refer to the original production
of the matter out of which the heavens and the earth
were subsequently made.^ Kather must we take it
as a short heading, referring to the creation which is
about to be described. And in any case, the manner
in which there came to be anything at all out of
which heavens and earth could be constructed is not
considered. We are left apparently to suppose that
matter is coeval with the Deity ; for the author
never faces the question of its origin, which is the
real difficulty in all such cosmogonies as his, but hastens
at once to the easier task of describing the separation
and classification of materials already in existence.
Somewhat similar to the Hebrew legend, both in
what it records and in what it omits, is the story of
creation as told by the Quiches in America : —
" This is the first word and the first speech. There were
neither men nor brutes, neither birds, fish, nor crabs, stick nor
stone, valley nor mountain, stubble nor forest, nothing but the sky ;
the face of the land was hidden. There was naught but the
silent sea and the sky. There was nothing joined, nor any sound,
nor thing that stirred ; neither any to do evil, nor to rumble in
the heavens, nor a walker on foot ; only the silent waters, only
the pacified ocean, only it in its calm. Nothing was but stillness,
and rest, and darkness, and the night ; nothing but the Maker
and Moulder, the Hurler, the Bird-Serpent." 2
Another cosmogony is derived from the Mixtecs,
also aborigines of America : —
" In the year and in the day of clouds, before ever were either
years or days, the world lay in darkness ; all things were order-
> On the meaning of J.}"!^ (to create), see Chips, vol. i. pp. 134, 135.
^ M. N. W., p. 196.— Popol Vuh, p. 7.
2 24 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
less, and a water covered the slime and the ooze that the earth
then was." ^
Two winds are in tliis myth the agents employed
to effect the subsidence of the waters, and the appear-
ance of dry land. In another account, related by
some other tribes, the muskrat is the instrument which
divides the land from the waters. These myths, as
Mr Brinton, who has collected them, truly remarks, are
"not of a construction, but a reconstruction only, and
are in that respect altogether similar to the creative
myth of the first chapter of Genesis."
In the Buddhistic history of the East Mongols, the
creation of the world is made, as in Genesis, the
starting-point of the relation. But the creative forces
in this mythology are apparently supposed to be in-
herent in primeval matter. Hence we have a Lucre-
tian account of the movements of the several parts of
the component mass without any consideration of the
question how the impulse to these movements was
originally given. " In the beginning there arose the
external reservoir from three different masses of
matter ; namely, from the creative air, from the waving
water, and from the firm, plastic earth." A strong
wind from ten quarters now brought about the blue
atmosphere. A large cloud, pouring down continu-
ous rain, formed the sea. Dry land arose by means
of grains of dust collecting on the surface of the
ocean, like cream on milk.^
1 M. N. W., p. 196.
2 Gescliichte der Ost-Mongolen und ihres Fiirstenhauses verfasst von
Ssanang Ssetsen Chungtaidschi. Aus dem Mongolischen ubersetzt vou
J. J. Schmidt, St Petersburg, 1829. 4to, p. 3.
This work will, in the following pages, always be referred to under
« G. 0. M."
PARSER AND HEBREW COSMOGONY AKIN. 225
Although the sacred writings of the Parsees con-
tain no connected account of the creation, yet this
void is fully supplied by traditions which have
acquired a religious sanction, and have entered into
the popular belief. These traditions are found in the
Bundehesh and the Shahnahmeh, works of high au-
thority in the Parsee system. According to them,
Ahura-Mazda, the good principle, induced his rival,
Agra-Mainyus, the evil principle, to enter into a truce
of 9000 years, foreseeing that by means of this inter-
val he would be able to subdue him in the end. Agra-
Mainyus, having discovered his blunder, went to the
darkest hell, and remained there 3000 years. Ahura-
Mazda took advantage of this repose to create the
material world. He produced the sky in 45 days,
the water in 60, the earth in 75, the trees in 30, the
cattle in 80, and human beings in 75 ; — 365 days
were thus occupied with the business of creation. It
will be observed that, though the time taken is longer,
the order of production is the same in the Parsee as
in the Hebrew legend. This fact tends to confirm
the supposition, which will hereafter appear still more
probable, of an intimate relation between the two.
Always prone to speculation, the Hindus were
certain to find in the dark subject of creation abun-
dant materials for their mystic theories. Various
explanations are accordingly given in the Pig- Veda.
Thus, the following account is found in the tenth
Book :—
" Let us, in chanted hymns, with praise, declare the births of
the gods, — any of us who in this latter age may behold them.
Brahmanaspati blew forth these births like a blacksmith. In
the earliest age of the gods, the existent sprang from the
VOL. II. ?
2 26 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
non-existent : thereafter the regions sprang from Uttanapad.
The earth sprang from Uttanapad, from the earth sprang the
regions : Daksha sprang from Aditi, and Aditi from Daksha.
Then the gods were born, and drew forth the sun, which was
hidden in the ocean." ^
With higher wisdom, another Vaidik Eishi declares
it impossible to know the origin of the universe : —
"There was then neither non-entity nor entity : there was no
atmospliere, nor sky above. What enveloped [all] ? Where, in
the receptacle of what, [was it contained] % Was it water, the
profound abyss % Death was not then, nor immortality ; there
was no distinction of day or night. That One breathed calmly,
self-supported ; there was nothing different from, or above, it.
In the beginning darkness existed, enveloped in darkness. All
this was undistinguishable water. That One which lay void, and
wrapped in nothingness, was developed by the power of fervour.
Desire first arose in It, which was the primal germ of mind ;
[and which] sages, searching with their intellect, have discovered
in their heart to be the bond which connects entity with non-entity.
The ray [or cord] which stretched across these [worlds], was it
below or was it above % There were there impregnating powers
and mighty forces, a self-supporting principle beneath, and energy
aloft. Who knows, who here can declare, whence has sprung,
whence, this creation ? The gods are subsequent to the develop-
ment of this [universe] ; who then knows whence it arose %
From what this creation arose, and whether [any one] made it or
not, he who in the highest heaven is its ruler, he verily knows, or
even he does not know." ^
A later narrative ascribes creation to the god
Prajapati, who, it is said, having the desire to mul-
tiply himself, underwent the requisite austerities, and
then produced earth, air, and heaven.^
We now return to Genesis, which proceeds to its
second problem : the creation of living creatures and
1 O. S. T., vol. V. p. 48.— Rig- Veda, x. 72.
« 0. S. T., vol. V. p. 356.— Rig-Veda, X. 129.
^ A. B., vol. ii. p. 372.
CREATION: TWO ACCOUNTS IN GENESIS. 227
of man. This is solved in two distinct fashions by
two different writers. The first relates that on the
fifth day God said, "Let the waters swarm with the
swarming of animals having life, and let birds fly to
and fro on the earth, on the face of the vault of the
heavens." Having thus produced the inhabitants of
ocean and air on the fifth day, he produced those of
earth on the sixth. On this day too he made man
in his own image, and created them male and female.
The whole of his work was now finished, and on the
seventh day he enjoyed repose from his creative exer-
tions, for which reason he blessed the seventh day.'^
Here the first account of creation ends ; the second
begins with a descriptive title at the fourth verse of
the second chapter. The writer of this version,
unlike his predecessor, instead of ascribing the
creation of man to the immediate fiat of Elohim,
describes the process as resembling one of manufacture,
God formed the human figure out of the dust of the
earth, and then blew life into it, a conception drawn
from the widespread notion of the identity of breath
with life. Again, the narrator of the second story
varies from the narrator of the first about the creation
of the sexes. In the first, the male and female are
made together. In the second, a deep sleep falls
upon the man, during which God takes out a rib from
his side and makes the woman out of it. Generally
speaking, it may l)e remarked that the former writer
moves in a more transcendental sphere than the latter.
He likes to conceive the origin of the world, with all
its flora and all its fauna, as arising from the simple
pow'cr of the word of God. How they arise he never
^ Geii. i. i-ii. 3. ■ : -■ ■
2 28 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBL ES.
troubles himself to say. The latter is more terrestrial.
God with him is like a powerful artist ; extremely-
skilled indeed iu dealing with his materials, but
nevertheless obliged to adapt his proceedings to
their nature and capabilities. This author delights in
the concrete and particular ; and not only does he aim
at relatincr the order of the creation, but also at
making the modus operandi more or less intelligible
to his hearers.
A somewhat different account of the origin of man
is given in the traditions of Samoa, one of the Fiji
islands. These traditions also describe an epoch
when the earth was covered with water. " Tangaloa,
the great Polynesian Jupiter," sent his daughter to
find a dry place. After a long time she found a rock.
In subsequent visits she reported that the dry land
was extending. *' He then sent her down with some
earth and a creeping plant, as all was barren rock.
She continued to visit the earth and return to the
skies. Next visit, the plant was sjDreading. Next
time, it was withered and decomposing. Next visit,
it swarmed with worms. And the next time, the
worms had become men and women ! A strange
account of man's origin ! " On which it may be
remarked, as a curious psychological phenomenon,
tending to illustrate the effects of habit, that the
missionary considers it "a strange account of man's
origin" which represents God as making him from
worms, but readily accepts another in which he is
made out of dust.
The third question dealt with in Genesis is that of
the origin of evil. This is a problem which has en-
gaged the attention and perplexed the minds of many
HEBREW MYTH GF THE ORIGIN OF EVIL. 229
inquirers besides these ancient Hebrews, aiid for which
most religions provide some kind of solution. The
manner in which it is treated here is as follows : —
When God made Adam, he placed him in a garden
full of delights, and especially distinguished by the
excellence of its fruit-trees. There was one of these
trees, however, the fruit of which he did not wish
Adam to eat. He accordingly gave him strict orders
on the subject in these words : " Of every tree of the
garden thou mayst eat ; but of the tree of knowledge
of good and evil, of that thou mayst not eat, for on
what day thou eatest thereof, thou diest the death." ^
This order we must suppose to have been imparted by
Adam to Eve, who was not produced until after it
had been given. At any rate, we find her fully
cognisant of it in the ensuing chapter, where the
serpent appears upon the scene and endeavours, only
too successfully, to induce her to eat the fruit. After
jdelding to the temptation herself, she induced her
husband to do the like ; whereupon both recognised
the hitherto unnoticed fact of their nudity, and made
themselves aprons of fig-leaves. Shortly after this
crisis in their lives God came down to enjoy the cool of
the evening in the garden ; and Adam and Eve, feeling
their guilt, I'an to hide themselves among the trees.
God called Adam, and the latter replied that he had
hidden himself because he was naked. But God at
once asked who had told him he was naked. Had he
eaten of the forbidden tree ? Of course Adam and
Eve had to confess, and God then cursed the serpent
for his gross misconduct, and punished the man by
imposing labour upon him, and tlie woman l)y rendering
^ Geii. ii. 16, 17.
2 30 HOLY BOOKS. OR BIBLES.
her liable to the pains of cliildbirtli. He also con-
descended so far as to become the first tailor, making
garments of skins for Adam and Eve. But though
he had thus far got the better of them ])y his superior
strength, he was not without apprehension that they
might outwit him still. "And God, the Everlasting,^
spoke : See, the man is become as one of us, to know
ofood and evil : and now, lest he should stretch out his
hand and take also of the tree of life, and eat and live
for ever! Therefore God, the Everlasting, sent him
out of the garden of Eden, to cultivate the ground
from which he had been taken." ^ And in order to
make quite sure that the man should not get hold of
the tree of life, a calamity which would have defeated
his intention to make him mortal, he guarded the
approach to it by means of Cherubim, posted as
sentinels with the flame of a sword that turned about.
In this way he conceived that he had secured himself
against any invasion of his privilege of immortality
on the part of the human race.
Like the myth of creation, the myth of a happier
and brighter age, when men did not sufier from any
of the evils that oppress them now, is common, if
not universal. Common too, if not equally common, is
the notion that they fell from that superior state by
contracting the stain of sin. I need scarcely refer to
the classical story of a golden age, embodied by
Hesiod in his " Works and Days," nor to the fable of
Pandora allowing the ills enclosed in the box to
escape into the world. But it may be of interest to
remark, that the conception of a Paradise was no less
1 I have followed Zunz's rendering of D''"7 ''?!? •^j'^N
* (j(;ii. iii. 22, 23.
TRADITIONS OF A GOLDEN AGE. 231
familiar to the natives of America tlian to those of
Europe. " When Christopher Columbus," observes
Brinton, "fired by the hope of discovering this terres-
trial paradise, broke the enchantment of the cloudy
sea and found a new world, it was but to light upon
the same race of men, deluding themselves with the
same hope of earthly joys, the same fiction of a long-
lost garden of their youth." ^ Elsewhere he says :
" Once again, in the legends of the Mixtecas, we hear
the old story repeated of the garden where the first
two brothers dwelt. . . . 'Many trees were there,
such as yield flowers and roses, very luscious fruits,
divers herbs, and aromatic spices.' " ^ Corresponding
to the golden age among the Greeks was the Parsee
conception of the reign of Yima, a mythological
monarch who was in immediate and friendly inter-
course with Ahura-Mazda. Yima's kingdom is thus
described in the Vendidad : "There was there neither
quarrelling nor disputing ; neither stupidity nor
violence ; neither begging nor imposture ; neither
poverty nor illness. No unduly large teeth ; no
form that passes the measure of the body; none of
the other marks, which are marks of Agra-Mainyus,
that he has made on men." ^ In another passage,
found in the Khorda-Avesta, not only is the happiness
of Yima's time depicted, but it is also distinctly
asserted that he fell through sin. " Durinsf his rule
there was no cold, no heat, no old age, no death, no
envy created by the Devas, on account of the absence
of lying, previously, before he (himself) began to love
lying, untrue speeches. Then, when he began to love
1 M. N. W., p. 87. 2 M. N. W,, p. 90.
^ Av,, vol. i. p. 76. — Vendidad, Fargard ii. 116 fl'.
232 ' HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
lying, untrue speeches, Majesty fled from him visih])-
with the body of ca bird." ^
More elaborately than in any of these systems is
the fall of man described in the mythology of Bud-
dhism. In this religion, as in that of the Jews, man is
of divine origin, though after a somewhat different
fashion. A spiritual being, or god, fell from one of
the upper spheres, to be born in the world of man.
Through the j)rogressive increase of this being arose
" the six species of living creatures in the three
worlds." The most eminent of these species, Man,
enjoyed an untold duration of life (another point in
which Buddhistic legends resemble those of the
Hebrews). Locomotion was carried on throuoh the
air; they did not consume impure terrestrial food,
but lived on celestial victuals ; and propagation,
since there was no distinction of sex, was carried on
by means of emanation. They did not require sun or
moon, for they saw by their own light. Alas I one
of these pure beings was tempted by a food called
earth-butter and ate it. The rest followed its example.
Hereupon the heavenly food vanished ; the race lost
their power of going about the sky, and ceased to
shine by their own light. This was the origin of the
evil of the darkening of the mind. As a consequence
of these deeds, sun, moon, and stars appeared. Still
greater calamities were in store for men. Another, at
another time, ate a different kind of food, an example
again followed by the rest. In consequence of this,
the distinctions of sex were established in them ;
passion arose; they began to beget childr. n. This was
the origin of the evil of sensual love. On a further
1 Av.. vol. iii. p. 175.— Khorda-Avesta, XXXV. 32, 34.
BUDDHIST MYTH OF ORIGIN OF EVIL. 233
occasion, one of them ute wild rice, and all lived for
a time on wild rice, gathered as it was needed for
immediate consumption. But when some foolish fellow
took it into his head to collect enough for the follow-
ing day, the rice ceased to grow without cultivation.
This was the origin of the evil of idle carelessness. It
Leing now necessary to cultivate rice, persons began
to appropriate and quarrel about land, and even to
kill one another. This was the origin of the evil of
ano-er. Airain, some who were better off hid their
stores from those who were not so well oj0f. This was
the oriofin of the evil of covetousness. In course of
time the age of men began to decline so as to be
expressible in numbers. It continues gradually to
decline until a turning-point arrives, at which it again
increases.^
Several points of similarity between the Hebrew
myth and that just narrated will doubtless occur to
the reader. The fall of man is due, in this, as in
Genesis, to the eating of a peculiar food by a single
person ; and this example is followed, in the one case,
by the only other inhabitant ; in the other, by all.
The calamity thus entailed does not terminate in the
loss of former pleasures, but extends to the intro-
duction of crime and sexual relations. Eve is cursed
by having to bear children ; the same misfortune
happened to the Buddhist women. Cain quarrelled
with Abel and killed him ; so did the landed proprie-
tors in the Indian legend quarrel with and kill one
another.
The fourth question which appeared to have
engaged the attention of the authors of Genesis
> G. 0. M, p. 5-9.
234 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
was that of the variety of kmguages. How was it, if
all mankind were descended from a single pair, and if
again all but the Noachian family had been drowned,
that they did not all speak the pure language in which
Adam and Eve had conversed with their Creator in
Paradise ? Embarrassed by their own theories, the
writers attempted to account for the phenomenon of
the diverse modes of speech in use among men by
an awkward myth. Men had determined to build
a town, with a tower Avhich should reach to heaven.
Jehovah, however, came down one day to see what
they were about, and was filled with apprehension that,
if they succeeded in this undertaking, he might find
it impossible to prevent them from carrying out their
wishes in other ways also, whatever those wishes
midit be. So he determined to confound their Ian-
guage, that they might not understand one another,
and by this happy contrivance put an end to the
construction of the dangerous tower.^
We have anticipated the course of the narrative in
order to consider the solutions offered in Genesis of
the four principal problems with which it attempts to
deal. We must now return to the point at which we
left the parents of the race, namely, immediately after
their expulsion from Eden. They now began to beget
children rapidly ; and Adam's eldest son, Cain, after-
wards killed his second son, Abel, for which Jehovah
cursed him as he had previously cursed his parents.
Adam and Eve had several other children, and
(though this is nowhere expressly stated, but only
implied) the brothers and sisters united in marriage
to carry on the propagation of the species. In
1 Geii. xi. 1-9.
THE NO A CHI AN DEL UGE. 235
course of time, however, the " sons of God " began
to admire the beauty of the " daughters of men," and
to take wives from among them. Jehovah, indignant
at such a scandal, fixed the limits of man's life —
which had hitherto been measured by centuries — at
120 years. At the same time there were giants on
earth. Now Jehovah saw that the human race was
extremely wicked, so much so, that he began to wish
he had never created it. To remedy this blunder,
however, he determined to destroy it ; and in order
that the improvement should be thorough, to destroy
along with it all cattle, creeping things, and birds,
who had not (so far as we are aware) entered into the
same kind of irregular alliances with other species as
men. Nevertheless, he had still a lingering fondness
for his handiwork, badly as it had turned out; and
therefore determined to preserve enough of each kind
of animal, man included, to carry on the breed with-
out the necessity of resorting a second time to crea-
tion. Acting upon this resolve, he ordered an indi-
vidual named Noah to build an ark of gopher-wood,
announcing that he would shortly destroy all flesh,
but wished to save Noah and his three sons, with
their several wives. He also desired him to take two
members of each species of beasts and birds, or,
according to another account, seven of each clean
beast and bird, and two of each unclean beast ; but
in any case taking care that each sex should be repre-
sented in the ark. When Noah had done all this, the
waters came up from below and down from above, and
there was an increasing flood for forty days. All ter-
restrial life but that which floated in the ark was
destroyed. At last the waters began to ebb, and
236 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
finally the ark rested on the 17th day of the 7th
month on Mount Ararat. After forty more days Noah
sent out a raven and a dove, of which only the dove
returned. In seven days he sent the dove again, and it
returned, bringing an olive-leaf: and after another
week, when he again sent it out, it returned no more.
It was not, however, till the 27th of the 2d month of
the ensuing year (these chroniclers being very exact
about dates) that the earth was dried, and that
Noah and his party were able to quit the ark. To
commemorate the goodness of God in drowning all
the world except himself and his family, Noah erected
an altar and offered burnt-offerings of every clean
beast and every clean fowl. The effect was instan-
taneous. So pleased was Jehovah with the *' pleasant
smell," that he resolved never to destroy all living
beings again, though still of opinion that " the imagi-
nation of man's heart is evil from his youth." ^
The myth of the deluge is very general. The
Hebrews have no exclusive property in it. Many
different races relate it in different ways. We may
easily suppose that the partial deluges to which they
must often have been witnesses suggested the notion
of a universal deluge, in which not only a few tribes
or villages perished, but all the inhabited earth was
laid under water ; or the memory of some actual
flood of unusual dimensions may have survived in
the popular mind, and been handed down with traits
of exaggeration and distortion such as are commonly
found in the narratives of events preserved by oral
tradition. I^et us examine a few instances of the
fiood-myth
1 Gen. vi. 7, 8.
FLOOD-MYTHS OF OTHER NATIONS. 237
The Fijians relate that the god " Degei was roused
every morning by the cooing of a monstrous bird," but
that two young men, his grandsons, one day acciden-
tally killed and buried it. Degei having, after some
trouble, found the dead body, determined to be
avenged. The youths "took refuge with a powerful
tribe of carpenters," who built a fence to keep out the
god. Unable to take the fence by storm, Degei brought
on heavy floods, which rose so high that his grandsons
and their friends had to escape in " large bowls that
happened to be at hand." They landed at various
places ; but it is said that two tribes became extinct.^
The Greenlanders have " a tolerably distinct tradi-
tion" of a flood. They say that all men were drowned
excepting one. This one beat with his stick upon the
ground and thereby produced a woman.^
Kamtschatka has a somewhat similar legend, except
that it admits a larger number of survivors. Very
many, according to this version, were drowned, and the
waves had sunk those who had got into boats ; but
others took refuge in rafts, binding the trees together
to make them. On these they saved themselves
Avith their provisions and all their property. When
the waters subsided, the rafts remained on the high
mountains.^
Among the North Americans " the notion of a
universal deluge " was, in the time of the Jesuit De
Charlevoix, " rather widespread." In one of their
stories, told by the Iroquois, all human beings were
drowned ; and it was necessary, in order to repopulate
the earth, to change animals into men.*
^ Viti, p. 394. ^ Kamtschatka, p. 273.
' Gronland, p. 246. * N F., vol. iii. p. 345.
238 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
The Tupis of Brazil are supposed to be named
after Tupa, the first of men, " who alone survived
the flood." ^ Again, "the Peruvians imagined that
two destructions had taken place, the first by a
famine, the second by a flood ; according to some
a few only escaping, but, after the more widely
accepted opinion, accompanied by the absolute
extirpation of the race." The present race came
from eggs dropped out of heaven.^ Several other
tribes relate in diverse forms this world-wide story.
In one of the versions, found in an old Mexican
work, a man and his wife are saved, by the direc-
tions of their god, in a hollow cypress. In another,
the earth is destroyed by water, because men " did
not think nor speak of the Creator who had created
them, and who had caused their birth." " Because
they had not thought of their Mother and Father,
the Heart of Heaven, whose name is Hurakan, there-
fore the face of the earth grew dark, and a pouring
rain commenced, raining by day, raining by night." ^
The diluvian legend appears in a very singular
form in India in the Satapatha Brahmana. There it
is stated, that in the basin which was brought to
Manu to wash his hands in, there was one mornini]:
a small fish. This fish said to him, "Preserve me,
I shall save thee." Manu inquired from what it
would save him. The fish replied that it would
be from a flood which would destroy all creatures.
It informed Manu that fishes, while small, were
exposed to the risk of being eaten by other fishes ;
he was therefore to put it first into a jar ; then
when it grew too large for that, to dig a trench
1 M. N. W., p. 185. ^ Ibid., p. 213. ^ Ibid., p. 206 ff.
INDIAN VERSION OF THE DELUGE. 239
and keep it in that ; then when it grew too large
for the trench, to carry it to the ocean. Straight-
way it became a large fish, and said : " Now in
such and such a year, then the flood will come ;
thou shalt therefore construct a ship, and resort to
me ; thou shalt embark in the ship when the flood
rises, and I shall deliver thee from it." Manu took
the fish to the sea, and in the year that had been
named, " he constructed a ship and resorted to him.
When the flood rose, Manu embarked in the ship.
The fish swam towards him. He fastened the cable
of the ship to the fish's horn. By this means he
passed over this northern mountain. The fish said,
' I have delivered thee ; fasten the ship to a tree.
But lest the water should cut thee ofl^ whilst thou
art on the mountain, as much as the water subsides,
so much shalt thou descend after it.' He accordingly
descended after it as much (as it subsided). . . .
Now the flood had swept away all these creatures;
so Manu alone was left here." ^ The story goes on
to relate that Manu, being quite alone, produced a
woman by "arduous religious rites," and that with
this woman, who called herself his daughter, " he
begot this off'spring, which is this ofispring of Manu,"
that is, the existing human race.
After the flood, the history proceeds for some
time to narrate the lives of a series of patriarchs,
the mythological ancestors of the Hebrew race. Of
these the first is Abram, afterwards called Abraham ;
to whom a solemn promise was made that he was
to be the progenitor of a great nation ; that Jehovah
would bless those who blessed him, and curse those
1 0. S. T., vol. i. p. 183.
240 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
wlio cursed him ; and that iu him all generations of
the earth should be blessed.^ When Abraham visited
Egypt, he desired his wife Sarah to call herself his
sister, fearing lest the Egyptians should kill him for
her sake. She did so, and was taken into Pharaoh's
harem in consequence of her false statement ; but
Jehovah plagued Pharaoh and his house so severely
that the truth was discovered, and Sarah was restored
to her lawful husband. It is remarkable that
Abraham is stated to have subsequently repeated
the same contemptible trick, this time alleging by
w^ay of excuse that Sarah really was his step-sister ;
and that Abraham's son, Isaac, is said to have done
the same thing in reference to Rebekah.^ Abimelech,
king of Gerar, who was twice imposed upon by these
patriarchs, must have thought it a singular custom
of the family thus to pass ojff their wdves as sisters.
Apparently, too, both of them were quite prepared
to surrender their consorts to the harems of foreion
o
monarchs rather than run the smallest risk in their
defence.
Abraham, at ninety-nine years of age, was for-
tunate in all thino's but in one : he had no legitimate
heir. But this too was to be given him. Jehovah
appeared to him, announced himself as Almighty
God, and established with Abraham a solemn cove-
nant. He promised to make him fruitful, to give
his posterity the land of Canaan, in which he then
was, and to cause Sarah to have a son. At the same
time he desired that all males should be circumcised,
an operation which was forthwith performed on
Abraham, his illegitimate son Ishmael, and all the
1 Geu. xii. 1-3. ^ Gen. xii. 10-20, xx., xxvi. 6-1 1.
STORY OF THE OFFERING UP OF ISAAC. 241
men in his house.^ In due time Sarah had a sou
whom Abraham named Isaac. But when Isaac was
a lad, and all Abraham's hopes of posterity were
centred in him as the only child of Sarah, God one
day commanded him to sacrifice him as a burnt-
offering on a mountain in Moriah. Without a
murmur, without a word of inquiry, Abraham pre-
pared to obey this extraordinary injunction, and was
only withheld from plunging the sacrificial knife into
the bosom of his son by the positive interposition of
an angel. Looking about, he perceived a ram caught
in a thicket, and offered him as a burnt-offering
instead of Isaac. For this servile and unintelligfent
submission, he was rewarded by Jehovah with further
promises as to the amazing numbers of his posterity
in future times. ^
The tradition of human sacrifice, thus preserved
in the story of Abraham and Isaac, is found also in
a curious narrative of the Aitareya Brahmana. That
sacred book also commemorates an important person-
age, in this instance a king, who had no son. Al-
though he had a hundred wives, yet none of them
bore him a male heir. He inquired of his priest,
Narad a, what were the advantages of having an son,
and learned that they were very great. *'The father
pays a debt in his son, and gains immortality," such
was one of the privileges to be obtained by means
of a son. The Eishi Narada therefore advised King
Harischandra to pray to Varuna for a son, promising
at the same time to sacrifice him as soon as he was
born. The king did so. "Then a son, Rohita by
name, was bom to him. Varuna said to him, ' A son
1 Gen. xvii. '■^ Gen. xxi. 1-8 ; xxii. 1-19.
VOL. II. Q
242 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
is born to thee, sacrifice him to me.' Harischandra
said, 'All auimal is fit for being sacrificed, when it is
more than ten days old. Let him reach this age,
then I will sacrifice him to thee.' At ten days
Varuna again demanded him, but now his father
had a fresh excuse, and so postponed the sacrifice
from asfe to a^e until Rohita had received his full
armour." Varuna having again claimed him,
Harischandra now said, "Well, my dear, to him
who gave thee unto me, I will sacrifice thee now."
But Rohita, come to man's estate, had no mind
to be sacrificed, and ran away to the wilderness.
Varuna now caused Harischandra to suffer from
dropsy. Rohita, hearing of it, left the forest, and
went to a village, where Indra, in disguise, met
him and desired him to wander. The advice was
repeated every year until Rohita had wandered six
years in the forest. This last year he met a poor
Rishi, named Ajigarta, who was starving, to whom
he ofiered one hundred cows for one of his three sons
as a ransom for himself in the sacrifice to be offered
to Varuna. The father having objected to the eldest,
and the mother to the youngest, the middle one
Sunahsepa, was agreed upon as the ransom, and
the hundred cows were paid for him. Rohita pre-
sented' to his father the boy Sunahsepa, who was
accepted by the god with the remark that a Brahman
was worth more than a Kshattriya. "Varuna then
explained to the king the rites of the Rajasuya sacri-
fice, at which on the day appointed for the inaugura-
tion he replaced the (sacrificial animal) by a man."
But at the sacrifice a strange incident occurred.
No one could be found willinof to bind the victim to
A
HUMAN SACRIFICE AND BRAHMA NISM. 243
the sacrificial post. At last his father offered to do
it for another hundred cows. Bound to the stake,
no one could be found to kill him. This act also his
father undertook to do for a third hundred. " He
then whetted his knife and went to kill his son.
Sunahsepa then got aware that they were going to
butcher him just as if he were no man (but a beast).
'Well,' said he, 'I will seek shelter with the gods.'
He applied to Prajapati, who referred him to another
god, who did the same ; and thus he was driven from
god to god through the pantheon, until he came to
Ushas, the dawn. However, as he was praising
Ushas, his fetters fell ofif, and Harischandra's belly
became smaller ; until at the last verse he was free,
and Harischandra well." Sunahsepa was now received
among the priests as one of themselves, and he sat
down by Visvamitra, an eminent Eishi. Ajigarta, his
father, requested that he might be returned to him,
but Visvamitra refused, "for," he said, "the gods
have presented him to me." From that time forward
he became Visvamitra s son. At this point, however,
Ajigarta himself entreated his son to return to his
home, and the answer of the latter -is remarkable.
"Sunahsepa answered, 'What is not found even in the
hands of a Shudra, one has seen in thy hand, the
knife (to kill thy son) ; three hundred cows thou
hast preferred to me, 0 Angiras.' Ajigarta then
answered, ' 0 my dear son ! I repent of the bad deed
I have committed ; I blot out this stain ! one
hundred of the cows shall be thine ! ' Sunahsepa
answered, ' Who once might commit such a sin, may
commit the same another time. Thou art still not free
from the brutality of a Shudra, for thou hast com-
244 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
mitted a crime for wliicli no reconciliation exists.*
'Yes, irreconcilable (is this act),' interrupted Vis-
vamitra I" ^
On the likeness of this story to the Hebrew legend
of the intended sacrifice of Isaac, and on the difference
between the two, I shall comment elsewhere. From
the days of Abraham the history proceeds through a
series of patriarchal biographies — those of Isaac and
Rebekah, of Jacob and Rachel, of Joseph and his
brothers — to the captivity of the Israelites in Egypt
under the successor of the monarch whose prime
minister Joseph had been. It is at this point that
the history of the Hebrews as a distinct nation may
be said to begin. The patriarchs belong to universal
history. But from the days of the Egyptian captivity
it is the fortunes of a peculiar tribe, and afterwards
of an independent people that are followed. We
have their deliverance from slavery, their progress
through the wilderness, their triumphant establish-
ment in their destined home, the rise, decline, and
fall of their national greatness, depicted with much
graphic power, and intermingled with episodes of the
deepest interest. It would not be consistent with the
plan or limits of this work to follow the history through
its varied details ; all we can do is to touch upon it
here and there, where the adventures, institutions, or
imaginations of the Hebrews present points of contact
with those of other nations as recorded in their
authorised writings.
It was only by the especial favour of Jehovah that
the Hebrew slaves were enabled to escape from Egypt
at all. That deity appointed a man named Moses as
1 A. B., p. 460-469.
THE DECALOGUE GIVEN ON SINAI. 245
their leader ; and, employing him as his mouthpiece,
desired Pharaoh to let them go. On Pharaoh's
refusal, he visited Egypt with a series of calamities ;
all of them inadequate to the object in view, until at
length Pharaoh and all his army were overwhelmed
in the Red Sea, which had opened to allow the
Israelites to pass. These last now escaped into the
wilderness, where, under the guidance of Moses, they
wandered for forty years, undergoing all sorts of
hardships, before they reached the promised land.
During the course of their travels, Jehovah gave
Moses ten commandments, which stand out from a
mass of other injunctions and enactments, by the
solemnity with which they were delivered, and by
the extreme importance of their subject-matter. They
are reported to have been given to Moses by Jehovah
in person on Mount Sinai, in the midst of a very
considerable amount of noise and smoke, apparently
intended to be impressive. By these laws the Israel-
ites were ordered —
1. To have no other God but Jehovah.
2. To make no image for purposes of worship.
3. Not to take Jehovah's name in vain.
4. Not to work on the Sabbath day.
5. To honour their parents.
6. Not to kill.
7. Not to commit adultery.
8. Not to steal.
9. Not to bear false witness against a neighbour.
10. Not to covet.
Concerning these commandments, it may be
observed that the acts enjoined or forbidden are of
very different characters. Some of the obligations
thus imposed are universally binding, and the
246 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
precepts relating to them form a portion of universal
ethics. Others again are of a purely special theo-
logical character, and have no application at all
except to those who hold certain theological doctrines.
Lastly, others command states of mind only, which
have no proper place in positive laws enforced under
penalties. To illustrate these remarks in detail : the
four commandments against killing, stealing, adultery,
and calumny are of universal obligation, and though
they are far from exhausting the list of actions which
a moral code should prohibit, yet properly belong
to it and are among its most important constituents.
But the first, second, third, and fourth commandments
presuppose a nation believing in Jehovah as their
God ; and even with that proviso the fourth, requir-
ing the observance of a day of rest, is purely arbi-
trary ; belonging only to ritual, not to morals. To
place it along with prohibitions of murder and theft,
is simply to confuse in the minds of hearers the all-
important distinction between special observances
and universal duties. Again, the fifth and tenth
commandments require mere emotional conditions ;
respect for parents in the one case, absence of covet-
ousness in the other. No doubt both these mental
conditions have actions and abstinences from action
as their correlatives ; but it is with these last that
law should deal, and not with the mere states of
feeling over which no commandment can exercise the
smallest control. Law may forbid us to annoy our
neighbour, or do him an injury on account of his
wife whom we love, or his estate which we desire to
possess ; but it is idle to forbid us to wish that the
wife or the estate were ours.
MORAL LA W OF BUDDHISM. 247
These errors are avoided in the five fundamental
commandments of Buddhism, which relate wholly
to matters that, if binding upon any, are binding
upon all. They are these : —
1. Not to kill
2. Not to steal.
3. Not to indulge in illicit pleasures of sex.
4. Not to lie.
5. Not to drink intoxicating liquors.^
No doubt the fifth is not of equal importance with
the rest; yet its intention is simply to put a stop to
drunkenness, and this it accomplishes, like teetotal
societies, by requiring entire abstinence. Probably
in hot climates, and with populations not capable of
much self-control, this was the wisest way. The
third commandment, as I have presented it, is some-
what vague, but this is because the form in which
it is given by the authorities is not always the same.
Sometimes it appears as a mere prohibition of all
unchastity ; but the more probable view appears to
be that of Burnouf, who interprets it as directed
against adultery, in substantial accordance with
Alabaster, who renders it as an injunction "not to
indulge the passions, so as to invade the legal or
natural rights of other men."
In the eight principal commandments of the Parsees,
the breach of which was to be punished with death,
there is the same confusion of theological and natural
duties as in the Hebrew Bible. The Parsees were
forbidden —
1. To kill a pure man (i.e., a Parsee).
2. To put out the fire Behram.
' R. B., vol. i. p. 334. — Lotus, p. 447. — Wheel, p. xliii.
248 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
3. To throw the impurity from dead bodies into fire or water.
4. To commit adulter}''.
5. To practise magic or contribute to its being practised.
6. To throw the impurity of menstruating women into fire or
water.
7. To commit sodomy with boys.
8. To commit highway-robbery or suicide.^
Besides these commandments, Jehovah gave his
people a vast mass of laws, amounting in fact to a
complete criminal code, through his mouthpiece
Moses. Among these laws were those which were
written on the two tables of stone, commonly though
erroneously supposed to have been the ten command-
ments of the 20th chapter. The express statement
of Exodus forbids such a supposition. It is there
stated that when God had finished communing with
Moses he gave him " two tables of testimony, tables
of stone, written with the finger of God." This most
valuable autograph Moses had the folly to break in
his anger at finding that the Israelites, led by his
brother Aaron, had taken to worshipping a golden
calf in his absence.^ God, however, desired him to
prepare other tables like those he had destroyed, and
kindly undertook to write upon them the very words
that had been on the first. Apparently, however,
he only dictated them to Moses, who is said to have
written upon the tables " the words of the covenant,
the ten commandments." What these words were
there can be no doubt, for he had begun his address
to Moses by saying, "Behold, I make a covenant;"
and had concluded it by the expression, "Write thou
these words : for after the tenor of these words have
^ Av., vol. ii. p. Ix. - Ex. xxxi. 18, and xxxii. IQ.
THE LA W OF THE TABLES OF STONE. 249
I made a covenant with thee and with Israel." ^ Now
the commandments thus asserted to have been written
on the tables of stone were very different from the
ten sfiven before on Mount Sinai, and resemble more
closely still the style of those quoted from the Parsee
books. Yet they were evidently deemed by the
writers of great importance, from the honour ascribed
to them of having been originally written in God's
own handwriting on stone. Their purport is: — i.
To forbid any covenant with the inhabitants of the
land to which the Israelites were going, and to enjoin
them to " destroy their altars, break their images, and
cut down their groves ; " — 2. To require the observ-
ance of the feast of unleavened bread ; — 3. To lay
claim to firstlings for Jehovah, and demand their
redemption ; — 4. To command the Sabbatical rest ; —
5. To enjoin the observance of the feast of weeks ;
6. To desire that all males should appear thrice
yearly before the Lord ; — 7. To forbid the sacrifice
of blood with leaven; — 8. To forbid leaving the
sacrifice of the feast of the passover till morning ;
— 9. To demand the first-fruits for Jehovah ; — 10. To
forbid seething a kid in its mother's milk.^
Eminent as Moses was, and high as he stood in the
favour of his God, he was not permitted to lead his
people to Canaan. Jehovah punished him for a
momentary weakness by depriving him of that
privilege, which was reserved for Joshua. Just as
the waters of the Red Sea were cleft in two to allow
the Israelites to quit Egypt, so were those of the
^ Ex. xxxiv. 1-28.
■'' My attention was drawn to the fact that these were the contents of
the tables by Goethe's interesting essay : " Zwei wichtige, bisher uneror-
leite, biblische Fragen."
250 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Jordan cleft in two to allow them to enter Canaan.
No sooner did the feet of the priests bearing the ark
touch the water, than the portion of the river below
was cut off from that above, the upper waters rising
into a heap.^ Striking as this miracle is, it is not
more so than that performed by Visvamitra, an Indian
sage. When he arrived at a river which he desired
to cross, that holy man said : " Listen, 0 sisters, to
the bard who has come to you from afar with waggon
and chariot. Sink down ; become fordable ; reach
not up to our chariot-axles with your streams. (The
rivers answer) : We shall listen to thy words, 0 bard ;
thou hast come from far with wao^gpon and chariot.
I will bow down to thee like a woman with full breast
(suckling her child), as a maid to a man will I throw
myself open to thee. (Visvamitra says) : When the
Bharatas, that war-loving tribe, sent forward, impelled
by Indra, have crossed thee, then thy headlong
current shall hold on its course. I seek the favour
of you the adorable. The war-loving Bharatas have
crossed ; the Sage has obtained the favour of the
rivers. Swell on, impetuous and fertilising ; fill your
channels ; roll rapidly." ^
So that the very same prodigy which, according to
the Book of Joshua, was wrought for the benefit of
the Hebrew people in Palestine, was, according to the
Eig-Veda, wrought for the benefit of a warlike tribe
in India.
After their arrival and settlement in Palestine the
Israelites passed through a period of great trouble
and disturbance. The government was a direct
theocracy ; men appointed by God, that is, self-
1 Josh. iii. 2 0. S. T., vol. i. p. 340.
SAMUEL AND SAUL. 251
appointed, put themselves at the head of affairs and
governed with more or less success under the inspira-
tion, and in the name of Jehovah. During this time
the people M^ere exposed to great annoyance from
their enemies the Philistines, by whom they were for
a certain space held in subjugation. The legend of
the national hero and deliverer, Samson, falls within
this period of depression under a foreign yoke.
Samson is the Jewish Herakles, and his exploits are
altogether as fabulous as those of his Hellenic
counterpart ; though it is not impossible that such a
personage as Samson may have lived and may have
led the people with some glory against their heredi-
tary enemies. Many internal disturbances contri-
buted to render the condition of the Israelites under
their theocracy far from enviable ; and at length,
under the government of Samuel, the last repre-
sentative of this state of things, the people could
l)ear their distresses no longer and united to demand
a king. The request was undoubtedly a wise one ;
for the authority of a monarch was eminently needed
to give internal peace and protection against external
attacks to the distracted nation. Samuel, however,
was naturally opposed to such a change. His feelings
and his interests were alike concerned in the mainten-
ance of the direct government of Jehovah, whose
plenipotentiary he was. But all his representations
that the proposal to elect a king was a crime in the
eyes of God, were unavailing. He was compelled to
yield, and selected, as the monarch appointed by
Jehovah himself, a young man named Saul. Before
long, however, Jehovah discovered that he had made
a mistake, and that Saul was not the kind of man
252 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
he had hoped to find him. Samuel was therefore
desired to anoint David, to supplant him. In other
words, Saul did not prove the obedient instrument
which Samuel had hoped to make of him, and he
therefore entered into a secret conspiracy to procure
his deposition. The conduct of Saul, and his
relations to David, have probably been misrepresented
by the ecclesiastical historians, who persistently
favour David. Nevertheless, they cannot wholly
diso;uise the lawless and savaoje career of this
monarch before his accession to the throne, of which
at length he obtained possession. Nor was his
conduct during his occupation of it altogether exem-
plary. He, however, promoted the views of the
priestly party, and this was enough to cover a
multitude of sins.
His son Solomon who succeeded him was the most
masfnificent of the monarchs of Israel, and the last
who ruled over the undivided kingdom. He was
especially renowned for his wisdom, which is exempli-
fied by a famous decision. Two women came before
him to dispute the ownership of an infant. One of
them stated that the other, who was alone in the
same house with her, had killed her owti child by
lying upon it during the night, and taken the living
child from its mother while that mother was asleep.
The other asserted that the living child was hers.
Having heard the two statements, the king ordered
the living child to be cut in two and half given to
each woman. Hereupon the one declared that she
would prefer to resign it altogether; but the other
professed her acquiescence in the judgment. The
king at once awarded it to her who had been willing
JEWISH PROPHETS AND KINGS. 253
to resign it rather than see it divided.^ Equal, or
perhaps even greater wisdom, was displayed by a
monarch whose history is recorded in one of the
sacred books of Buddhism. Two women were
contending before him about their right to a boy.
He desired each of them to take hold of it by one of
its hands and to pull at it; the one who succeeded
in getting it to keep it. She who was not the mother
pulled unmercifully ; whereas the true mother, though
stronger than her rival, only pulled gently in order
to avoid hurting it. The king perceived the truth,
and adjudged it to the one who had pulled it
gently.'
Rehoboam, the son and successor of Solomon,
failing to conciliate the people at his accession,
brought about the schism between Samaria and
Judsea, between the ten tribes and the two, which was
never afterwards healed. After this the government
in each kingdom may be described as absolute
monarchy tempered by prophetical admonition. The
prophets, who formed a kind of professional body of
advisers in the interest of Jehovah, made it their
business to reprove the crimes, and especially the
idolatries of the kings. They exercised the kind of
influence which a cor^s diplomatique may sometimes
exercise on a feeble court. The monarchs sometimes
attended to their advice ; sometimes rejected it ; and
they receive commendation or reproof at the hands
of the historians according to their conduct in this
respect. Two of these prophets, Elijah and Elisha,
were men of great eminence, and their actions are
recorded at length. Such was the power of Elisha
^ I Kings iii. 16-28. 2 q q. M., p. 344,
254 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
that when, on one occasion, he cursed some children
who had called him bald head, she-bears came out of
the wood and ate forty-two of them/ Kespect for
ecclesiastics or prophets is sometimes inculcated by
such decided measures as these. A young Buddhist
monk once laughed at another for the alacrity with
which he leapt over a grave, saying he was as active
as a monkey. The man whom he had ridiculed told
him that he belonged to the highest rank in the
Church ; that is, that he was an Arhat. Upon
hearing this the young monk was so alarmed that all
his hair stood on end, and he begged for forgiveness.
His repentance saved him from being born in hell ;
but because he had laughed at an Arhat he was con-
demned to be born 500 times as a monkey.^
Elisha's powers in other respects were not less
wonderful. He could cause iron to swim, could
foretell the course of events in a war, could restore the
dead to life, and could smite the king's enemies with
blindness.^ In this last accomplishment he has rivals,
as Canon Callaway has correctly noted, among the
Amazulu priests. The Amazulus have a word in
their language to describe the practice. "It is called
an umlingo" they say, if, when a chief is about to
fight with another chief, his doctors cause a darkness
to spread among his enemies, so that they are unable
to see clearly.*
The kingdom of Israel, unfaithful to the worship
of Jehovah, fell under the yoke of Shalmaneser King
of Assyria ; while Judah, though attacked and
summoned to submit, by his successor, Sennacherib
1 2 Kings ii. 23-25. ' 2 Kings vi. 7.
2 G.. 0. M., p. 351. * R. S. A , vol. iii. p. 338.
SENNACHERIB AND HEZEKTAH. 355
(or more correctly Sanlierib), remained independent
some time lonoer. The Kino^ of Judali was at this
time Hezekiah, a man thoroughly imbued with the
principles of the Jehovistic party, and therefore much
lauded by the historians. The prophet of the day
was Isaiah, one of the most eminent of those who
have filled the prophetic office. Isaiah warmly en-
couraged Hezekiah to resist the designs of conquest
cherished by Sanherib, and promised a successful
issue. The messengers of the Assyrian monarch
had insultingly reproached Jehovah with his inability
to deliver the land, alleging that none of the gods
of the territories which he had conquered had
availed them anything. But a signal confutation
of this profane belief in large armies as against
deities was about to be given, and that in a manner
which gave an equally signal triumph to Jehovah, the
god of the Jews, and Ptah, the god of the Egyptians.
Sanherib was engaged in an expedition against Egypt,
which was governed at this time by a priest-king,
resembling Hezekiah in the piety of his character.
This priest was in bad odour w^ith his army, who
refused to assist him against the invaders. During
his trouble on this account, the god whom he served
appeared to him in his sleep and promised that he
should suffer nothing, for he would send him his
divine assistance, just as Jehovah promised deliver-
ance through the mouth of Isaiah. He therefore went
with some followers to Pelusium, and when there, a
number of field-mice, pouring in upon the Assyrians,
devoured their quivers, their bows, and the handles
of their shields, so that on the next day they fled
defenceless, and many were killed. Herodotus tells us
256 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
that in his clay there was still to be seen the statue of
the king in the temple of Ptah, a mouse in his hand,
and this inscription : " Whoever looks on me, let him
revere the ofods."^ In the Hebrew version of this
catastrophe, the field-mice are converted into the
angel of the Lord, and the destruction of tlie weapons
into the slaughter by that angel of 185,000 men.
Sanherib, it is added, returned to Nineveh, where he
was assassinated by his two sons.^ But Sanherib
himself, in a deciphered inscription, declares that he
had beaten the Egyptians, subjected Judaea, carried
off many of its inhabitants, and only left Jerusalem
to the king.^ Certainly this statement is strongly
confirmed, so far as Judsea is concerned, by the
admission of the historians themselves, that Sanherib
had taken the fenced cities* of the country ; that
Hezekiah had made an unreserved submission to him,
and had even sent him, by way of tribute, not only all
the treasures in his own palace and in the temple,
but the very gold from the doors of the temple, and
from the pillars which he himself had overlaid/ So
humiliating a position went far to justify the taunts
of the Assyrian ambassadors, that the god of Judaea
was no more to be trusted as a defence against
material weapons than the gods of the subjugated
nations.
A remarkable instance of the favour of Heaven
towards Hezekiah was subsequently evinced. The
king fell dangerously ill, and was warned by Isaiah
to make the necessary arrangements in view of his
death, which was about to happen. Hezekiah did
1 Herod., ii. 141. ^ R. I., p. 328.
* 2 Kings xix, 35-37. * 2 Kings xviii, 13-16.
HEZEKIAH'S PRAYER; A PARALLEL. 257
not bear the announcement with much dignity.
He passionately implored Jehovah to remember his
piety and his good deeds, and then "wept sore."
Moved by this pitiable supplication, Jehovah sent
Isaiah back again to promise him fifteen years' morci
life. On Hezekiah's asking for a sign that he would
1)6 healed, Isaiah asked him whether he would prefer
that the shadow on the dial should advance or go
back ten degrees. Hezekiah, thinking that it was
a mere trifle for a god to cause it to advance, desired
that it might turn backwards.^
A similar grace was shown towards King Woo in
China, but in this case it was the prayer of otliers,
not his own, that effected his recovery. His brother,
the Duke of Chow, erected -four altars, put certain
symbols upon them, and addressed himself to three
departed kings. " The grand historian hy his order
wrote on tablets his prayer to the following effect : —
' A.B., your chief descendant, is suffering from a severe
and dangerous sickness ; — if you three kings have in
lieaven the charge of tcatching over him. Heavens
great son, let me, Tan, be a substitute for his person.
I have been lovingly obedient to my father ; I am
possessed of many abilities and arts which fit me to
serve spiritual beings. Your chief descendant, on the
other hand, has not so many abilities and arts as I,
and is not so capable of serving spiritual beings. And,
moreover, he was appointed in the hall of God to
extend his aid to the four quarters of the empire,
so that he might establish your descendants in this
lower world. The people of the four quarters stand
in reverent awe of him. Oh ! do not let that pre-
^ 2 Kind's XX. i-i I.
VOL, II. K
25S HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
cious heaven-conferred appointment fall to the ground,
and all our former kings will also have a perpetual
reliance and resort. I will now seek for your ordei-s
from the great tortoise."^ After this prayer, the Duke
divined with the tortoises, which gave favourable
indications. " The oracular responses " were favour-
able too. Accordingly the king recovered, but the
devoted brother, though he did not die, suffered for
some time from unjust suspicions, and retired from
court. This was after the decease of King Woo.
The discovery of the tablets by Woo's successor led to
his restoration to favour. The relation of the reigu
of Hezekiah, one of the most inglorious of Judah's
rulers, is an example of the use made of a theory
which pervades and colours the whole history of the
kings from beginning to end. That theory is, that
God favoured and protected those monarchs who
worshipped him and obeyed his prophets, while he
punished those who worshipped other gods and
neglected his orders. The deposition of Saul, the
glory of David, the destruction of the families of
Jeroboam and Baasha, the miserable fate of Ahab and
his seventy sons, the exaltation of Jehu and his
milder punishment proportioned to his mitigated
idolatry, are all examples of the prevalence of this
theory. Some of the facts indeed were rather
difficult to deal with ; such, for instance, as the pal-
pable decline of Judsea under Hezekiah, and the
continuance of its previous misfortunes under Josiah,
the most praiseworthy of the kings, who, in spite of
his unrivalled piety, was slain in a battle against a
mere pagan. But inconsistencies like these might
^ C. C, vol. iii. p. 353.— Shoo King, part 5, book 6.
THE JE WISH THE ORY OF S UCCESS. 2 5 9
be glossed over or explained away. The best kings
might meet with the greatest calamities, aud the
people of Jehovah might prove even more unfortunate
than the heathen. It mattered not. They were still
under his protection ; and if they suffered, it was
because they had not worshipped him enough, or not
worshipped him exclusively. With this elastic hypo-
thesis the key to all historical events was found.
IVaces of a similar theory are to be found in the
sacred books of China, though in one instance it is
placed in the mouth of a successful sovereign
desirous of vindicating his supersession of a former
dynasty. It is, however, precisely in such cases,
where some David or Jehu has deposed a former mon-
arch aud taken his throne, that this theory is useful,
transferring, as it does, the responsibility of the issue
to a higher power. Thus speaks the Chinese king : —
"I have heard the saying — 'God leads men to
tranquil security,' but the sovereign of Hea would
not move to such security, whereupon God sent down
corrections, indicating his mind to him. Kee,
however, would not be warned by God, but proceeded
to greater dissoluteness and sloth and excuses for
himself. Then Heaven no longer regarded nor heard
him, but disallowed his great appointment, and
inflicted extreme punishment. Hereupon it charged
your founder, T'ang the Successful, to set Hea aside,
and by means of able men to rule the empire. From
T'ang the Successful down to the Emperor Yih,
every sovereign sought to make his virtue illustrious,
and duly attended to the sacrifices. And thus it was
that while Heaven exerted a great establishing in-
fluence, preserving and regulating the house of Yiu,
26o HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
its sovereigns on their part were humbly careful not
to lose the favour of God, and strove to manifest a
good-doing corresponding to that of Heaven. But in
these times, their successor showed himself greatly
ignorant of tlie vmys of Heaven, and much less could
it be expected of him that he would be regardful of
the earnest labours of his fathers for the country.
Greatly abandoned to dissolute idleness, he paid no
regard to the bright principles of Heaven, nor the
awfulness of the people. On this account God no
longer protected him, but sent down the great ruin
which we have witnessed. Heaven was not with him
because he did not seek to illustrate his virtue.
Indeed, with regard to all states, great and small,
throughout the four quarters of the empire, in every
(iase there are reasons to be alleged for their punish-
ment. . . . The sovereigns of our Chow, from their
great goodness, were charged with the w^ork of God.
There was the charge to them. Cut off Yin. They
proceeded to perforrti it, and announced the correcting
work of God. . . . The thing was from the decree of
Heaven ; do not resist me ; I dare not have any
further change for you.' " ^
But it \vas not only by interested parties that this
doctrine was proclaimed in China. The She King,
a sacred book corresponding in character to the
Psalms, distinctly adopts it, and thus gives it the
highest sanction. This is the language of one of
the Odes : —
" Great is God,
Beholding this lower world in majesty.
He surveyed the four quarters [of the kingdom],
^ C. C, vol. iii. p. 460. — Shoo King, part 5, b. 14, ii. 1-18.
JEWISH VIEWS IN CHINA AND THIBET, 261
Seeking for some one to give settlement to the people.
Those two [earlier] dynasties
Had failed to satisfy him with their government ;
So throughout the various States
He sought and considered
For one on which he might confer the rule.
Hating all the great [States],
He turned his kind regards on the west,
And there gave a settlement [to king T'se]. . . .
God having brought about the removal thither of this In-
telligent ruler,
The Kwan hordes fled away ; . . .
God, who had raised the State, raised up a proper ruler
for it. . . ,
This King Ke
Was gifted by God with the power of judgment,
So that the fame of his virtue silently grew.
His virtue was highly intelligent.
Highly intelligent and of rare discrimination ;
Able to lead ; able to rule, —
To rule over this great country ;
Rendering a cordial submission, effecting a cordial union.
When the sway came to King Wan,
His virtue left nothing to be dissatisfied with.
He received the blessing of God,
And it was extended to his descendants."
The Ode proceeds to relate how completely victorious
this virtuous king was over his enemies, and how
perfect was the security from invasion enjoyed by the
country while he governed it.^
Feelings like those that inspired the Jewish chro-
niclers are still more clearly visible in the history of
Thibet than in that of China. Here the orthodox
compilers frequently inform us that the reign of a
king who observed the law and honoured the clergy
was distinguished in a peculiarly high degree by the
^ C. C, vol. iv. p. 448. — She King, part 3, b. I, ode 7.
262 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
prosperity of the land and the happiness of its people.
Of one, for instance, who " entered the portals of
religion " at thirty-eight years of age, it is noted
that " he founded the constitution of the whole
great nation on order, and furthered its welfare and
peace." ^ His son made the whole great nation happy
by promoting religion and the laws." ^ Another
monarch receives a still higher panegyric. " By the
unbounded lionour he showed towards the clergy, he
exalted religion, so that by the religious care which he
bestowed on the inhabitants of the snow-kingdom, the
welfare of the people of Thibet equalled that of the
Tegri " (gods or spirits). A painful contrast is pre-
sented by his successor on the throne, Lang-Dharma,
who belonged to the heretical " black religion," who
destroyed the temples of Buddhism, persecuted its
adherents, burnt its books, and deg^raded its ministers.
So impious was he, that the very names of tlie three
gems and of the four orders of clergy ceased to be
mentioned in the land. He met, however, with his
well-deserved punishment at the hands of a faithful
Buddhist, who assassinated him with a bow and arrow,
at the same time using words to the effect that, as
Buddha overcame the unbelievers, so he had killed the
wicked king.^ Another king "showed respect to the
hidden sanctuaries, whereby his power and the welfare
of the land increased." * Comparable to Josiah in his
piety and reverence for the true religion was a king
whose reign is described in glowing language by his
admiring historians. " This powerful ruler," they say,
"who regarded the religion of Buddha as the most
1 G. 0. M., p. 20I. 3 ibid^ p_ 4^,
* Ibid., p. 203. * Ibid., p. 321.
THIBETAN KING OF THE JOSIAH TYPE. 263
|)recious gem, gave great freedoms and privileges to
the clergy." He honoured temples and respected the
pious endowments of his ancestors. Not only did he
punish thieves, robbers, and similar criminals, but if
any man, of high or low position, was inimical or
ill-disposed towards the faith, he was deprived of his
property and reduced to the greatest distress. Some
of those whose heresy was visited with this severe
chastisement were so unreasonable as to grumble, and
pointed out that it was only the clergy who were
fattening on their misery and oppression. In saying
this they pointed at the spiritual men who passed by ;
whereupon the faithful king issued a decree, saying,
" It is strictly prohibited to look contemptuously at
my clergy and to point at them with the finger ; "
whoever dared to do so was to have his eyes put out
and his finger cut off. Unfortunately " these orders
of the pious king " led to the formation of a party
of malcontents, by two of whom he was strangled
in his sleep. The lamentations of the historian
at this untoward event are unmeasured. The
power and strength of the Thibetan kingdom
ran away like the stream of spring waters ; the
happiness and welfare of the people were extin-
guished like a lamp whose oil is exhausted ; the
royal power and majesty vanished like the colours
of the rainbow ; the black religion began to pre-
vail like a destructive tempest ; the inclination to
good dispositions and good deeds was forgotten
like a dream. Moreover, the translation of reli-
gious writings remained unfinished — for this king-
had also resembled Josiah in his interest in
sacred books ; — and those great men who adhered
204 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
to the true religion could only weep over its decline
and fall.'
Not less pitiable was the fate of Judaea under the
irreligious monarchs who followed upon Josiah. One
was taken prisoner by the king of Egypt ; two others
were carried off to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar ;
under the fourth, the national independence was
finally extinguished, and the people reduced to
a condition of captivity in a foreign land. This
calamity is distinctly ascribed to their neglect of
the true religion, and their contempt for the mes-
sengers of God."
Strictly speaking, the history of the Jewish nation
ends with the Captivity. But there are still three
books of a historical character in the Old Testament,
Ezra and Nehemiah, relating the fortunes of a small
number of Jews who returned to the land of their
forefathers, when a change of policy in their rulers
rendered this return possible ; and Esther, containing
the account of the reception of a Jewish woman into
the harem of a heathen king, and showing how ably
she contrived to use her influence in favour of the
interests of her race.
Subdivision 2. — Job, Psalms, Provei-bs, and Ecclesiastes.
The Book of Job, the Psalms attributed to David,
and the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes attributed to
Solomon, resemble one another in teaching religion
and morality by the method of short sentences or
maxims. They do not, like the books we have just
examined, convey their moral by means of historical
^ G. 0. M., p. 361. '^ 2 Cluon. xxxvi. 14-17.
THE STORY OP THE BOOK OF JOB. 265
narrative ; nor do they, like the prophets, impress it
in flowing and continuous rhetoric. Between the
sober and even course of the history, and the im-
passioned emotional torrents poured out by the
prophets, they occupy a medium position. They are
more introspective, more occupied with feelings and
reflections, than the first ; more heedful of external
Hature, more able to contemplate facts, apart from their
peculiar construction of those facts, than the last.
Job is the story of a wealthy landowner, concerning
whom God and Satan enter into a sort of wager ;
God, in the first instance, challenging Satan to
consider his piety and general good character, and
Satan replying that, if only his prosperity were
destroyed, he would curse God to his face. God then
gives Satan leave to put his theory to the test by
attacks directed against Job's property, desiring at
the same time that his person may be spared. Job
bears the loss of his wealth with resignation ; but at
a second colloquy Satan insinuates that his virtue
would give way if his misfortunes extended to his
person. Hereupon God gives Satan leave to attack
him in every respect so long as he spares his life.
Poor Job is accordingly covered with boils from head
to foot, and his patience, proof against poverty, breaks
down under this terrible infliction. He loudly curses
the day of his birth, and wishes he had died from the
womb. After this introduction, which, in its familiar
conversations between Jehovah and the devil, resembles
the grotesque legends of the middle ages, the bulk of
the book is occupied with the complaints of Job, the
discourses of his three friends who come to comfctrt
him, the reproaches directed against his self-righteous-
266 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
ness by a person named Eliliu, and, finally, a long ad«
dress — containing as it were the moral of the tale—
from the Almighty himself. At the close of the book
Job expresses his abhorrence of himself and his pro-
found repentance, and his former prosperity is then
not only restored but amplified to a high degree.
He has seven sons and three beautiful daughters, and
dies 140 years after the events narrated, having
seen four generations of his descendants. What was
the effect on the mind of Satan of this result, whether
he considered himself defeated, or whether he was
confirmed in his malicious opinion that Job did not
*' fear God for nought," is nowhere stated. But one
of the most curious features of this book is the
picture it gives of that person, as a being not alto-
gether bad, though fond of mischief, taking a some-
what cynical view of the motives of human conduct,
and anxious, in the interests of his theory, to try
experiments upon a subject selected for him by
his antagonist, and therefore peculiarly likely to dis-
appoint his expectations. It does not appear that
he had any desire to hurt Job further than was
necessary for his purpose, nor is there a trace of the
bad character he subsequently obtained as a mere
devil, longing to involve men's souls in eternal de-
struction.
In the Psalms we have a series of religious songs
of varying character — praising, blessing, supplicating,
complaining, lamenting, invoking good or evil upon
others, according to the mood of the several writers,
or of the same writer at different seasons. Some of
them are of considerable beauty, and express much
depth of religious feeling. Others, again, are inspired
HEBREW PSALMS OF CURSING. 267
l)y sentiments of malevolence, and merely appeal to
God in support of national or private animosities.
As examples of the latter class, take the i loth Psalm,
supposed to have been addressed to David, where it
is predicted that " the Lord at thy right hand shall
strike through kings in the day of his wrath," and
that " he shall fill the places with the dead bodies;
he shall wound the heads over many countries." In
the immediately preceding Psalm, the 109th, the writer
is still more vindictive, and his enemy is more
exclusively his own. He begins by calling him
*' wicked " and " deceitful," and says he has spoken
against him with a lying tongue. Premising that he
is altogether in the act of prayer, he prays against the
adversary in somewhat emphatic language : —
" Set thou a wicked man over him, and let the accuser stand at
his right hand. When he shall be judged, let him be found
guilty, and let his prayer become sin. Let his days be few, and
let another take his office. Let his children be fatherless, and
his wife a widow. Let his children wander about and beg, and
seek food far from their desolate places. Let the creditor catch
all that he hath, and strangers rob the fruit of his industry.
Let there be none to extend mercy to him, and let none be
merciful to his fatherless children. Let his posterity be cut off,
and in the following generation let their name be blotted out.
Let the iniquity of his fathers be remembered with the Lord, and
let not the sin of his mother be blotted out. Let them be before
the Lord continually, and let him cut off the memory of them
from the earth." ^
In the following verse the enemy is declared to
have persecuted the poor and needy, and this is put
forward as the excuse for imprecations evidently in-
spired by personal illwill. In another of these
^ Psalm cix. 1-15.
a68 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Psalms, Jehovah is entreated to persecute the enemies
of Israel with storm and tempest, as fires burn up
woods and flames set mountains on fire/ Elsewhere
the king is said to trust in the Lord, and he therefore
hopes that the Lord will find out his enemies, and
will make them as a fiery oven in the time of his
ano-er : that the fire will devour them ; and that he
will destroy their fruit from the earth and their seed
from among the children of men.^
Parallels to these Psalms of cursing may be met
with in the Veda, just as the Psalms in general
are more nearly paralleled by the Vedic hymns than
by those of any other sacred book. One poet writes
as follows : —
" Blinded shall ye be, 0 enemies, like headless snakes, and
thus plagued by Agni, may Indra always kill the best of you.
Whatever relation troubles us, whatever stranger wishes to kill
us, him may all the gods destroy ; prayer is my powerful protec-
tion, my refuge and powerful protection." ^
Kemarkably close is the similarity between the
assertion of the Hindu Rishi that prayer is his power-
ful protection, and that of the Hebrew Psalmist that
he is, or gives himself to, prayer. In another hymn
the aid of a goddess Apva (said to mean " disease
or fear") is invoked against the enemies of the
singer : —
" Bewildering the hearts of our enemies, 0 Apva, take possession
of their limbs and pass onward ; come near, burn them with fires
in their hearts ; may our enemies fall into blind darkness.* . . ,
Attack, ye heroes, and conquer ; may Indra grant you proteo-
» Psalm Ixxxiii. 14, 15. ^ s. V., p. 297.— Sama Veda, 2. 9. 3. 8.
> Psalm xxi. 8-10. < O. S. T., vol. v. p. no.
HINDU PRAYERS OF CURSING. 269
tion ; may our arm be productive of terror, that ye may be un-
conquerable. Arrow-goddess, sharpened by prayer; fly past as
when shot off ; reach the enemies ; penetrate into them ; let not
even one escape thee." ^
But these expressions of hostility, directed appar-
ently against enemies who were engaged in actual war
with the friends of the writer, make no approach
in the bitterness of their curses to the language of
the Psalmist when dealing with his personal foes. A
parallel to this more private enmity may be found in
the Atharva-Veda, where the god Kama is invoked
to bring down the severest evils upon the objects of
the imprecation : —
" With oblations of butter I worship Kama, the mighty slayer
of enemies. Do thou, when lauded, beat down my foes by thy
great might. The sleeplessness which is displeasing to my mind
and eye, which harasses and does not delight me, that sleepless-
ness I let loose upon my enemy. Having praised Kama, may I
rend him. Kama, do thou, a fierce lord, let loose sleeplessness,
misfortune, childlessness, homelessness, and want upon him who
designs us evil. . . . May breath, cattle, life, forsake them. . . .
Indra, Agni, and Kama, mounted on the same chariot, hurl ye
down my foes ; when they have fallen into the nethermost dark-
ness, do thou, Agni, burn up their dwellings. Kama, slay my
enemies ; cast them down into thick [literally, blind] darkness.
Let them all become destitute of power and vigour, and not live
a single day. . . . Let them (my enemies) float downwards like a
boat severed from its moorings. ... Do thou, Kama, drive my
enemies far from this world by that [same weapon or amulet]
wherewith the gods repelled the Asuras, and Indra hurled the
Dasyus into the nethermost darkness." ^
As corresponding to the many expressions to be
found in the Psalms of trust in God, of pious belief
in his protection, and of sensibility to his all-embrac-
1 S. v., p. 297.— Sama Veda, 2. 9. 3. 5. -J O. S. T., vol. v. p. 404.
270 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
ing knowledge, we may quote the language of a
Chinese monarch in one of the Odes of the She King,
'i^he first six lines are, it appears, held by the current
interpretation in China to contain the admonition
addressed by the ministers to the king, and the last
six the king's reply. But we may more reasonably
suppose, with Dr Legge, that the whole Ode is spoken
by the king himself : —
" Let me be reverent, let me be reverent [in attending to my
duties] ;
[The way of] Heaven is evident,
And its appointment is not easily [preserved].
Let me not say that It is high aloft above me.
It ascends and descends about our doings ;
It daily inspects us wherever we are.
I am [but as] a Httle child,
Without intelligence to be reverently [attentive to my duties] ;
But by daily progress and monthly advance,
I will learn to hold fast the gleams [of knowledge], till I arrive
at bright intelligence.
Assist me to bear the burden [of ray position],
And show me how to display a virtuous conduct." ^
We may fairly place this simple expression of the
author's desire to do his duty, and of his reveren-
tial consciousness that Heaven is ever about us and
" inspects us wherever we are," beside the words
attributed to David : —
" 0 Jehovah, thou hast searched me, and known me. Thou
knowest my down-sitting and mine uprising, thou understandest
my thought afar off. Thou winnowest my path and my lying
down, and art acquainted with all my ways." ^
^ C. C, vol. iv. p. 598. — She King, part 4, b. i [iii.] 3.
'■^ Psalm c.vxxix. i 3.
THE PROVERBS OF SOLOMON: 27 r
We need not dwell upon the Proverbs, traditionally
ascribed to Solomon, but scarcely worthy of the
renowned wisdom of that monarch. Some of them
are indeed shrewd and well expressed; others are
commonplace ; and others again display more worldly
wisdom than religion or virtue. Such is the recom-
mendation of bribery : " A gift in secret pacifieth
anger, and a reward in the bosom strong wrath ; " ^
which, if written by a king and dispenser of justice,
would be a tolerably broad hint to his loving subjects.
It is noteworthy that Christ had studied this book,
and that it had sunk deep into his mind.^ The two
concluding chapters are not by the same author, at least
if we may believe in their superscriptions. In the last
of all, a king named Lemuel repeats for the benefit of
posterity the advice given him by his mother, and no
doubt by many mothers to many sons both before
and after him, to be careful about women and not
to drink wine or spirituous liquors.
Ecclesiastes, or Koheleth, composed (according to
Ewald) in the latter end of the Persian dominion, is
the work of a cynic who has had much experience of
the world, and has found it hollow and unsatisfactory.
He is not a man of very devout mind, and can find no
comfort in the ordinary commonplaces about the good-
ness of God, or the manner in which misfortunes are
sent as punishments for sin. There is much good
sense mixed with his lamentations over the vanity of
life. He has seen all the works done under the sun,
and all are in his opinion "vanity and vexation of
spirit."
" Wisdom and knowledge do but bring more grief.
* Prov. xxi. 14. 2 j^^^ Ytov. XXV. 21, 22, and xxvii. i.
^72 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Kolieleth tried various kinds of pleasure and found
them vain too. He built, tie planted, he made pools
of water. He procured menservants and maidservants,
and (as a natural consequence) had servants born in
his house. All was equally fruitless. But whatever
a man does, he has nothing but sorrow and grief.
Even wisdom is of little use, for a dolt may inherit
the fruit of the wise man's labours. Men are no
better than animals ; they all die equally ; all return
to the dust. Who can say that man's spirit goes up-
wards, and the animal's downwards ? Just men are
often rewarded like wicked men, and wicked men
like just ones ; this is one of the many vanities on
earth. So then the best thing a man can do is to eat,
drink, and enjoy life with an agreeable wife ; for this
life is all he has. Once dead, there is no further con-
sciousness, or participation in anything that is going
on. Whatever a man's hand finds to do, let him do it
with all his might ; for there is neither action nor
knowledge in the grave. It is well to remember God
in youth before the evil days come. Words of the
wise are as goads, but bookmaking and preaching are
both of them a bore." Lastly, Koheleth concludes
with the pious advice to the young man whom he is
addressing, to fear God and keep his commandments,
for that God will judge every action, be it good or
be it bad.
SUBDFVISION 2,— The Song of Solomon.^
It is a singularly fortunate circumstance that the
Song of Songs, a little work of an altogether secular
' For information on the character and signification of this book, see
" Le Cantique des Cantiques," par Ernest Renan.
THE SONG OF SOLOMON, 273
nature and wholly unlike any other portion of the
Hebrew Scriptures, should have been admitted into
the Canon. Whatever may have been the delusion,
whether its reputed Solomonian authorship or some
other theory about it, under which it obtained this
privilege, we owe it to this mistake that the solitary
example of the Jewish drama in existence should
have been preserved for the instruction of modern
readers. I say modern readers, because it is not
until quite recently that the dramatic character of
this piece has been ascertained and established beyond
reasonable doubt. Thanks to the scholarship of
Germany and France, we are now able to read the
Song in the light of common sense. The stern theo-
logy of Judaism is for once laid aside, and we have
before us a common love-story such as might happen
among any Gentile and unbelieving race. A young
girl, called a Sulamite, who is attached to a young
man of her own rank in life, has been carried off to
the harem of Solomon against her will. She is
indifferent to the splendour of the royal palace, and
resists the amorous advances of the king. Thus she
succeeds in " keeping her vineyard ;" and is rewarded
by rejoining her shepherd lover in her native village.
The play is not without beauty, although it evinces
a somewhat primitive condition of the drama at the
time of its composition.
Subdivision 4. — The Prophets.
"We have in the prophetical books a class of writ-
ings altogether peculiar to the Hebrew Scriptures.
The prophets were men who during the whole course of
VOL. II. s
2 7 4 HOL Y BO OKS, OR BIBLES.
the Hebrew monarchy, and even long after its close,
acted as the inspired organs of the Almighty ; admon-
ishing, reproving, warning, or counselling in his
name. At first the method by which the revelations
they received were made known by them, was oral
communication. Writing was not employed by them
as an instrument of prophetic discourse until after
the earliest and most flourishius^ stag^e of the mon-
archy was past. Perhaps they were the most
powerful of the propliets who addressed their ex-
hortations directly to those for whom they were
intended in eloquent discourse or timely parable.
Such prophets were Samuel, Nathan, Elijah, and
Elisha, at the courts of the several kings in whose
days they lived. Prophecy had declined a little in
its influence on the people when its representatives
betook themselves to the calmer method of written
composition. Nevertheless, some of the prophets
who have left us their works in writing continued
at the same time to employ the older instrument of
spoken addresses. Isaiah and Jeremiah are conspicu-
ous instances of this employment of the two organs
of communication downwards. Durinsi: this same
period there were many prophets who trusted exclu-
sively to writing ; while in the latest stage of
prophetical inspiration, oral instruction was altogether
dropped, and literary means alone were employed to
make known the mind of Jehovah to his chosen
people.
The constant theme of all the propliets whose
works have come down to us is the future greatness of
the Hebrew race ; their complete triumph over all their
enemies ; the glory of their ultimate condition, and
THE B URDEN OF HEBRE W PR OPHE CY. 275
the confusion or destruction of those who have opposed
their march to this final victory. The human agent
by whom this great revolution is to be effected is the
Messiah. He is the destined weapon in the hand of
God by whom Jewish religion, Jewish institutions,
and Jewish rulers are to attain that supremacy over
heathen religion, heathen institutions, and heathen
rulers which is their natural birthright. Continual
disappointment had no effect upon these sanguine
expectations. The Messiah iniiist come, Israel Ttiust
be victorious over every other nation that came in
the way : this was the word of God, and it could not
fail to be fulfilled. Troubles of many kinds might
beset the people in the meantime ; but of the attain-
ment of the goal at last there could be no doubt.
Of course this ever-recurring burden of the prophetic
song is varied by many strains on subordinate or
outlying topics. The prophets constantly refer to the
events of the day, and use them for their own
purposes. They reprove the sins of kings and people,
endeavouring to show that these bring upon them the
misfortunes from which they suffer and which postpone
the day of their triumph over the Gentiles. They connect
special calamities with special offences. They indicate
the conduct which under existing circumstances ought
to be pursued. They draw eloquent and beautiful
pictures of the state of their own and of foreign
countries. And they endeavour to raise the popular
conceptions of the majesty of God, of his character,
and his requirements, to the level they have them-
selves attained.
Turning now to tlie individual books which have
come down to us in the Canon, and which must by
2 76 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
no means be taken as compreliending all the works
of the prophets who wrote their prophecies, we find
that the oldest of these is that of Joel, the son of
Pethuel.^ Joel is supposed by the highest authority
to have lived in the time of King Jehoash, or Joash,
who is praised for his devout obedience to Jehoiada,
the priest.^ His prophecy was occasioned by a devas-
tation of locusts. Locusts had wasted the land for
some years, and there had been drought at the same
time. On the occasion of a long drought Joel feared
a fresh invasion of locusts, and therefore summoned
his people to a festival of repentance at the temple.
This festival occurred, and rain soon followed.^ Here
the old notion of a direct connection between the
attention paid by the people to Jehovah and his care
for them is almost grotesquely manifested. Locusts
are to be averted by fasting ; rain obtained by rather
more than usual devotion to God. On the other hand,
the more spiritual view of religion to which the
prophets generally tend, is shown in the order to the
people to rend their hearts and not their garments.
After thus attendinof to immediate necessities, Joel in
stirring language exhorts the people to war, hoping
that they would thus get rid of the foreign oppressors
who had broken into the sunken kingdom of David.
He bids them beat their ploughshares into swords, and
their pruning-hooks into spears, and desires the weak
to say that they are strong. He promises his people
revenge over their enemies, and holds out the cheering
prospect of a time when, instead of their sons and
^ Throughout these descriptions of the prophetic books, I follow the
chronological arrangement of Ewald.
^ 2 Kings xii. ^ P. A. B., vol. i. p. 87 ff.
THE PROPHET AMOS. 277
daughters being sold as slaves to strangers, they will
themselves make slaves of the sons and daughters of
the heathen.
Some short passages subsequently embodied by
Isaiah in his works are considered by Ewald to belong
to the same early age as Joel. The next complete
prophet, however, in order of time, was Amos, whose
revelations applied to the northern kingdom and
threatened it with invasion by the Assyrians. Amos
in fact utters a series of threatening predictions
against various peoples, and his tone is mainly that of
reproof. While, however, he foretells the captivity of
Israel, and holds out nothing but the most depressing
prospects of ruin and misery throughout the bulk of
his book, he falls at the end into the accustomed
strain of hopeful exultation. " The tabernacle of
David " is to be raised up ; Israel is to be supreme
over the heathen ; and the Israelites are not to be
disturbed again from the land which God has given
them, where exuberant prosperity is to be their lot.
Incidentally, Amos tells us a little of his personal
history, which is not without interest. He attributes
his consecration to the prophetic office to the direct
intervention of Jehovah. He had originally no con-
nection with other prophets, but was a simple herds-
man, and was employed to gather sycamore fruit.
But Jehovah took him while he was following the
o
flock, and said, " Go, prophesy unto my people Israel."
His is thus a typical case of the belief in immediate
inspiration, and he is an example of the kind of
character which led to the existence among the
Israelites of the peculiar and powerful class who were
holy, but not consecrated. Amos also tells us of a
278 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
quarrel lie had had with Amaziah, a priest at the
court of Jeroboam. This j)riest had complained of his
dismal predictions to the king, and had bidden him
go to Judah and prophesy there. In return for this
evidence of hostility Amos informs the priest that his
wife is to become a prostitute in the town, that his
sons and his daughters are to fall by the sword, that
his land is to be divided by lot, and that he himself
is to die on polluted soil.'^ Such were the courtesies
that passed between rival teachers of religion at the
court of Jeroboam.
Hosea also tells us something of his personal affairs,
more especially of his matrimonial relations, in which
he was far from fortunate. We feel, in his opening
chapters, the soreness of a husband whose wife has
contemned his company and sought the amusement of
a troop of lovers. Gomer, in fact, was shockingly
unfaithful, and Hosea uses her as a type of the
infidelity of Israel to Jehovah. At length she deserted
him altogether, and went to another house, but he
brought her back as a slave and put her under strict
conjugal discipline. In like manner is Israel to return
to her God, whom she has deserted for a time, and
under the influence of God's love, freely bestowed
after his anger has passed away, is to enjoy a period
of great prosperity. Hosea, it will be observed,
belonged to the northern kingdom, and his book is
pre-eminently the Ephraimitic book of prophecy.
But he wrote it in Judah. He worked in the north
at two distinct epochs, first towards the close of
Jeroboam II.'s reign, afterwards in the time of Zacha-
riah, Shallum, and Menahem.^
' Amos vii. 10-17. ^ P. A. B., vol. i. p. 171 ff.
AN ANONYMO US PR OPHE T. 279
An anonymous prophet, contemporary with Isaiah,
stands next in order of time. He is the author of
Zechariah ix.-xi. inclusive, and of Zechariah chap. xiii.
ver. 7-9.^ These chapters contain the first distinct
announcement of the advent of the Messiah, who is
described in the famous prediction of a King coming
to Jerusalem on an ass, and on a colt, the foal of an
ass. Here too we find the curious allegory of the two
staves, Beauty and Bands, whereof one was broken by
the prophet in token of the breach of his covenant
with all the nations ; the other, in token of the rup-
ture of fraternal relations between Israel and Judah.
In the course of this allegory, the prophet demands
his price, thirty pieces of silver, and throws it into the
temple treasure ; a passage which, by an accidental
obscurity in the Hebrew, has been mistranslated as
referring, not to the treasure, but to "the jDottcr
in the house of Lord," and then misapplied to the
betrayal of Christ and the purchase of the potter's
field.
In the concluding words of this prophet it is
announced that two-thirds of the people will perish,
but that the remaining third will, after refining and
trial, be accepted by God as his own people.
We enter now upon the consideration of a prophet
who stands in the foremost rank of those distin-
guished leaders of opinion whose works have been
included in the Canon. There is no greater name
among the prophets of Israel than that of Isaiah.
But in speaking of Isaiah we must not fall into the
confusion of includins: under his writings the com-
positions of a prophet of far later date, which have
1 P. A. B., vol. i. p. 247 ft
28o HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
been mistakenly bound up with his. Isaiali himself
cannot receive credit for all that is published in his
name. But that which he has actually left us is
enough to entitle him to admiration as a master of
rhetoric.
Isaiah lived in the reign of Hezekiah, and enjoyed
a position of high public consideration. Some of his
prophetic sayings he wrote down soon after he had
uttered them ; others not till long after. He had
begun to come forward as a prophet in the last year
of the reign of Uzziah. When he had laboured a
long time in his vocation of teacher, he determined to
collect his sayings in a book. His oldest work was
written about the year 740 B.C., just after the acces-
sion of the young and weak Ahaz at Jerusalem, when
the Assyrians had rendered the northern kingdom
tributary but had not yet come to Judaea. His second
was written apparently in the reign of Hezekiah, in
724; and his third in the days of the same king,
when the service of Jehovah had been restored. Such
at least are the conclusions of the his^hest livinor
authority on the literature of the Hebrew race.^
The earliest stratum discernible (according to that
authority) in the Book of Isaiah is from chap. ii. 2 to
chap. V. inclusive, and chap. ix. 7-x. 4. The last
five verses of chap. v. should not be taken along with
the rest of the chapter, but should follow upon chap.
X. 4.^ These passages begin with a beautiful descrip-
tion of the happiness of the Israelites in the days of
their coming glory, when the mountain of the Lord's
house will be establiBhed on the top of the mountains,
and exalted above the hills ; and when all nations
1 P. A. B., vol. i. p. 271 ff. 2 Y^^ vol. i p. 286 ff.
THE PR0PHE7 ISAIAH. 281
will flow to it, to worship and to learn the true faith.
It is remarkable as evidence of the wide distinction
between the view of Joel and that of Isaiah, that
Isaiah exactly reverses the image of his predecessor,
declaring that swords will be beaten into plough-
shares and spears into pruning-hooks. Joel was look-
ing to the necessities of the immediate present ;
Isaiah to the prospects of the future. These chapters
also contain an amusing ironical account of the
finery of the Jerusalem ladies, which might apply
with slight alterations to the rich women of all ages
and countries. No doubt it was very ofi'ensive to
Isaiah that they should go about with necks erect and
wanton eyes, walking with a mincing gait ; but a
prophet who should threaten the women of London
or Paris with scab on the head and the exposure of their
persons on account of sins like these, would certainly
bring more reprobation on himself than on them.
But manners in Isaiah's days were not so delicate.
A time is predicted when Jehovah will wash away
the filth of Zion's daughters, and when all in
Jerusalem shall be called holy.
In the second part of his book (chap. vi. i-chap.
ix. 6, and chap. xvii. i-ii) Isaiah gives an interest-
ing, though only figurative, account of his consecra-
tion to the prophetic ofiice. In the year of King
Uzziah's death he says he saw the Lord sitting on his
throne with a train so long as to fill the temple.
When he cried out that he was undone, for that he,
a man of unclean lips, had seen the King, the Lord
of hosts, a seraph flew up to him with a live coal in
a pair of tongs, laid the coal on his mouth, and told
him that his iniquity was now taken away and his
282 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
sin purged. After this the voice of the Lord was
heard inquiring whom he should send, and Isaiah
offered to take the post of his ambassador : " Here
am I, send me." The proposal was accepted, and
he at once received his instructions from head-
quarters. The prophet began to j)reach in the
manner desired, and among much discouraging
matter he uttered the magnificent description of the
Messiah, which is familiar to all : —
" For unto us a child is born, unto us a son is given : and the
government shall be upon his shoulder : and his name shall be
called Wonderful, Counsellor, the mighty Gud, the everlasting
Father, the Prince of Peace."
Isaiah's third work (composed in the reign of
Hezekiah) begins at the first chapter of the canonical
book. It opens with a pathetic lamentation over the
infidelity of the children of Israel to their God, and
jjroceeds at chap xiv. 28 to recount a " burden " which
came in the death-year of King Aliaz. A prophecy by
a much older prophet (belonging, as is supposed, to the
time of Joel) is embodied in " the burden of Moab,"
and extends tljrough chap. xv. and chap. xvi. 7-12,
after which Isaiah, having mentioned that this was
formerly the w^ord of the Lord about Moab, proceeds
to say that his present word is that within three
years the glory of Moab shall be contemned. The
latter part of chap. xxi. (ver. i i-i 7), dealing with
Dumah and Arabia, also belongs to this period.
Further divisions are distinguishable in the writings
of Isaiah after these three parts have been separated
from the rest. Thus, we have a fourth division con-
sisting of the 2 2d and 23d chapters, and containing
THE PROPHECIES OF ISAIAH. 283
a personal attack on Shebna and a prediction of the
fall of Tyre. A fifth division, from cliap. xxviii. to
xxxii. inclusive, ends with a beautiful description of
the happier time that is to come, when the fruit of
justice wdll be peace, and the result of justice quiet-
ness and security, when the people will dwell in sure
habitations and untroubled abodes. There is another
writing, the sixth in order, which begins at chap. x.
5, and extends, in the first instance, to the end of
chap. xii. This prophecy is remarkable, even in this
eloquent book, for the marvellous eloquence with
which, in his visions of future glory, the inspired seer
depicts the government of the "rod out of the stem
of Jesse," the "Branch" that is to "grow out of his
roots," in whose reign the wild beasts will no longer
persecute their prey, nor Ephraim and Judah keep
up the memory of their ancient feud ; who will cause
his beloved people to put the Philistines to flight, to
conquer Edom and Moab, and reduce the children of
Amnion to submission. Prophecies directed against
Ethiopia and Egypt (chap. xvii. 1 2-xviii. 7, and chap.
XX.) belong to the same portion of Isaiah's collected
works. Threats against the Assyrians are contained
in additional chapters, namely, chap, xxxiii. and chap.
xxxvii. 22-35. Lastly, a seventh portion of Isaiah
consists of chap, xix., which, after holding out the
prospect of great misfortunes to Egypt, ends in a some-
what unusual strain by admitting both Egyptians and
Assyrians to be equal sharers with the Israelites in
the ultimate prosperity of the earth, and declaring
that the Lord himself will bless them all, saying,
" Blessed be Egypt my people, and Assyria the work
of my hands, and Israel mine inheritance."
284 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
It should be noted that, if Ewald's supposition be
correct, the four first sections of the work, thus decom-
posed into its several constituents, were edited by
Isaiah himself, while the fifth, sixth, and seventh
were added by subsequent compilers to the collection
he had left behind/
A very short prophecy called by Obadiah's name
follows upon the genuine writings of Isaiah in chrono-
logical order. It is in fact anonymous. In its present
form it belongs to the time of the Captivity. The
object of the unknown prophet was to reprove the
Idu means for rejoicing in and profiting by the
destruction of Jerusalem. In his writing he embodied
an older prophecy by the actual Obadiah, referring to
a calamity that had befallen Edom, when a part of its
territory had been surprised and completely plundered
by a people with whom it had just been in alliance.
The same old piece was used by Jeremiah (chap. xlix.
7) in his prophecy upon Edom.'^
Micah, the next prophet, v/as a younger contempo-
rary of Isaiah, but lived in the country. When he
wrote, the northern kingdom was approaching its end,
and he threatens Judah with chastisement and de-
struction. He foresaw the fulfilment of Messianic
hopes as arising only from the ruin of the existing
order of things. No more than the first five chapters
are by Micah himself.^ His book is remarkable for
the extremely warlike description he gives of Messianic
happiness. Many other prophets conceive it as an
important element in that happiness that the Israelites
shall be victorious over their enemies ; but few, if any,
1 P. A. B., vol. i. p. 488. ^ lb., vol. i. p. 489 ff.
3 lb., vol. i. p. 498 ff.
MICAH AND NAHUM. 285
have come up to Micah in the fervour with which he
foretells the desolation, the carnage, the utter sup-
pression of rival nations, which will accompany that
ase. The author of these scenes of blood will be the
ruler who is to come from Bethlehem-Ephratah. The
j^rophet who has added the last two chapters also looks
forward to an age when Jehovah will at length
perform his promises to Abraham and Jacob, to the
terror of the unbelieving nations.
Next after Micah stands Nahum. The occasion of
his prophecy was a hostile attack directed against
Nineveh. He must have seen the danger with his
own eyes, and he was therefore a descendant of one
of the Israelites who had been carried off to Assyria.
He evidently lived far from Palestine, and was familiar
witli Assyrian affairs. Elkosh, where the inscription
places his residence, was a little town on the Tigris.
His book may refer to the siege of Nineveh by the
Median king Phraortes about 636.^ The interest of
Nahum's prophecy is merely local ; he does not rise
beyond the politics of the hour, and we need not
therefore stop to examine his utterances in detail.
It may be noted, however, that an expression Avhich
lias become famous through its adoption by a much
later prophet, "Behold, upon the mountains the feet
of him that bringeth good tidings, that publisheth
peace," is first found in Nahum.
Zephaniah's prophecy arose out of a great movement
of nations. He lived in the reign of Josiah, but wrote
before the reformation effected by that monarch. The
movement alluded to by him must have been the
great irruption of the Scythians mentioned by
VP. A, B., vol. ii. p. I.
286 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Herodotus as having interrupted the siege of Nineveh
by Kyaxares, King of the Medes.^ These last days of
the Assyrian kingdom gave rise to long disturbances
in which the Chaldeans became conquerors.^ After
various threatenings against divers people, the prophecy
of Zephaniah ends with a beautiful vision of the age
to come, when the suppliants of Jehovah will come
from beyond the rivers of Ethiopia ; and when a
virtuous and happy remnant will be left in Israel.
When Habakkuk, the next prophet, wrote his
thoughts, and composed the public prayer or psalm
which forms his concluding chapter, the Chaldeans
were already in the land. This "bitter and hasty
nation " was quite a new phenomenon there. Habakkuk
lived after the reformation of Josiah, and therefore in
the reign of Jehoiakim.* He seems to have written to
plead with the Almighty for deliverance, and to
express unabated confidence in him ; and he hoped
that his words, set to music and sung in public wor-
ship, would induce him to abate his anger as mani-
fested in the Chaldean scourge.
An anonymous prophet* (Zechariah xii. i-xiii. 6, and
xiv.) predicts the siege and capture of Jerusalem, with
all the miserable incidents of conquest : the rifling of
her houses, the ravishing of her women, the condem-
nation to captivity of half her inhabitants. Like
other prophets, however, he looks forward in san-
guine anticipation to a day when the heathen nations
who now make war upon Jerusalem will regularly go
up there every year to worship Jehovah, and keep the
feast of tabernacles. At least if any of them do not,
' Herod., i. 103. ^ lb., vol. ii. p. 29.
2 P. A. B., vol. ii. p. 14. * lb., vol. ii. p. 52.
THE PROPHET JEREMIAH. 287
tliey will have no rain. In that glorious age the very-
pots in the Lord's house will be like the bowls for
offerings ; nay, every pot in Judah and Jerusalem will
be holy to the Lord of hosts.
We pass now to the consideration of a prophet who
stands second in eminence only to Isaiah, and to the
unknown author of the later work which in the Canon
is included in the Book of Isaiah. Jeremiah beoran to
prophesy in the thirteenth year of Josiah, and continued
to do so during the reigns of Jehoiakim and Zedekiah.
His active life, like that of Isaiah, extended over a
period of half a century.^ It is noteworthy that
Jeremiah was a priest, and therefore combined in his
person the double qualification of consecration and
of exceptional holiness : that is, he was consecrated
to Jehovah, and also appointed expressly by Jehovah.
The manner of his appointment to be a holy person
resembles the manner of the appointment of Isaiah.
The word of the Lord came to him, saying, that
before God had formed him in the belly he had
known him, and before he had come forth from the
womb he had sanctified him, and ordained him a
prophet unto the nations. Jeremiah objected that he
was but a child. But Jehovah told him not to say
he was a child, for that he was to go where he was
sent, and speak what he was commanded. He was
not to be afraid of men's faces, for he, the Lord, would
deliver him. Then he touched Jeremiah's mouth
with his hand, and said : " Behold, I put my words
in thy mouth. See, I appoint thee this day over the
nations and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to
pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to
1 P. A. B., vol. ii. p. 63 ff.
288 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
build and to plant." After this solemn dedication to
his duties Jeremiah was certainly endowed with the
fullest qualifications for the prophetic office. He
immediately began to see images ; namely, a rod of
an almond-tree and a seething pot, and it continued
afterwards to be one of his characteristics to employ
material imagery of this nature for the purpose of
illustrating the truths he had to communicate.
After this introduction, we have a long section of
the work, namely, from the second chapter to the
twenty-fourth, beginning with the prophecies of the
thirteenth year of Josiah. Among other things this
portion includes Jeremiah's bitter imprecation upon
his personal enemies, the " men of Anathoth," on
whom he begs to be permitted to witness the ven-
geance of God, and concerning whom he receives the
consoling assurance that their young men will die by
the sword, and their sons and daughters by famine,
and that there will not be a remnant left. This
section contains also the terrible prayer against those
who *' devised devices " against Jeremiah, in other
words, did not believe in his predictions. In its
intense intolerance, in its unblushing disclosure of
private malignity, in its unscrupulous enumeration
of the ills desired for these opponents of the pro-
phet, it is perhaps unrivalled in theological literature.
To do Jeremiah justice it ought to be quoted at
length : —
*' Give heed to me, 0 Jehovah, and listen to the voice of my
opponents. Shall evil be recompensed for good, that they dig a
pit for my life % Remember how I stood before thee, to speak a
good word for them, to turn away thy wrath from them. There-
fore give their sons to famine, and deliver them into the power of
THE PROPHECIES OF JEREMIAH. 289
tlie sword ; and let their wives be bereaved of their children and
widowed, and let their men be put to death ; let their young
men be slain by the sword in battle. Let a cry be heard from
their houses, when thou suddenly bringest troops upon them : for
they have digged a pit to take me, and hid snares for my feet.
Yet thou, Jehovah, knowest all their counsel against me to slay
me; and blot not out their sin from thy sight, and let them be
overthrown before thee ; deal with them in the time of thine
anger." ^
In another chapter there is a curious account of an
incident with Pashur, superintendent of the Temple,
who had caused Jeremiah to be put in the stocks for
a day. Jeremiah complains bitterly of the treatment
he meets with on account of his prophesying, and
wishes to resign the office, but the impulse proves too
strong for him. He consoles himself with a pious
hope that Jehovah will let him see his vengeance on
his enemies.^ He continues to predict misfortunes,
but intermingles with his gloomier forebodings a fine
vision of the time when God shall gather together the
remnant of his flock from the countries to which he
has driven them, and raise up " a righteous Branch "
of the house of David, who will reign and prosper,
who will execute justice and equity, in whose days
Judah will be saved, and Israel dwell secure.^
In a third section of his work (chap. xlvi. 1-12,
and chap, xlvii. 49) Jeremiah deals with foreign
nations, and then (in chap, xxv.) declares that he
has been prophesying a long time without being
able to get the Jews to listen to him, foretells their
subjugation by Nebuchadnezzar, and (rather unfor-
tunately for his own and Jehovah's reputation for
correct foresight) commits himself to the definite
^ Jer. xviii. 19-23. ^ Jer. xx. »-i2. ^ Jer. xxiii. 2-6.
VOL. II. T
290 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES,
term of seventy years as the duration of the coming
captivity. A wise prophet would have kept within
the safe reo-ion of vag-ueness, where he could not
come into collision with awkward dates, nor drive
orthodox interpreters into such pitiable straits as
those in which Ewald, for example, finds himself,
when he is compelled to say that seventy years is
a perfectly general indication of a future that cannot
be more precisely fixed, and that it merely refers to
the third generation from the writer.^ The remainder
of this section (chap, xxvi.-xxix.) relates certain en-
counters with other prophets whose predictions had
turned out false, and one of whom, as Jeremiah
exulting] y relates, died during the year, exactly as
Jeremiah had declared he would. Interesting evi-
dence is supplied by these chapters of the existence
of numerous prophets who differed from each
other, and between whose claims only the event
could decide.
In the fourth section (chap, xxx.-xxxv.) Jeremiah
prophesies the restoration of Israel, and tells his
readers how he bought a field from his cousin on
the strength of his hopes that the captivity would
have an end. A fifth part (chaps, xxxvi., xlv.)
relates to Barucli, Jeremiah's secretary ; and an
appendix (chap, xxxvii.-xliv., and chap. xlvi. 13-28)
contains historical matter, and predictions about
Egypt, but concludes with the usual promise of
the ultimate return of the Jewish nation to its
ancestral home.
The last chapter of Jeremiah is purely historical,
and, like the historical jDortions of Isaiah, need not
^ P. A. B., vol. ii. p. 23a
THE PROPHET EZEKIEL. tgt
he considered under the prophets ; but it must be
noted that chaps. 1. and li. are not by Jeremiah,
beinir the work of a much later writer, who lived
in Palestine, and who composed them to show that
the words of the genuine Jeremiah were fulfilled
in the destruction of Babylon by the Medes, which
was taking place at this time.^ The small Book
of Lamentations over the unhappy fate of Jerusalem,
ascribed to Jeremiah, is an artistic attempt to
embody the grief of the writer in a song of which
each verse begins with a new letter, in alphabetical
order.
We pass now to the prophet Ezekiel, a Jew who
was taken into captivity with Jehoiachin, and lived
at a small town of Mesopotamia. He felt 'the first
jjrophetic impulses in the fifth year of the Captivity.''
At this time the heavens were opened ; he saw
visions, and the word of the Lord came expressly
to him. Such was the nature of his consecration.
The first section of Ezekiel extends from chap. i.
to xxiv., and contains utterances about Israel before
the destruction of Jerusalem. The second section
(chap, xxv.-xxxii.) deals with foreign nations, and
the third (chap, xxxiii.-xlviii.) holds out promises of
restoration.
Ezekiel is very inferior to his great predecessors,
Isaiah and Jeremiah. He has neither the fervid,
manly oratory of the first, nor the pathetic, though
rather soft and feminine flow of the second. He
takes pleasure in rather coarse images, such as that
of the bread baked with human duno^,^ that of
Jehovah with his two concubines, who bore him
1 P. A. B., vol. iii. p. 140 ff. ^ lb., vol. ii. p, 322 flf. ^ g^ek. iv.
292 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
sons and vexed him with their hcentious conduct,*
or that of the chikl whose navel was not cut, who
grew up into a w^oman, over Avhom Jehovah spread
his skirt and covered her nakedness.^ And in
general, Ezekiel is particularly prone to teaching
by means of similes and illustrations. Sometimes
he sees visions in which God explains his meaning;
at other times he acts in a manner which is designed
to be typical of coming events. Thus, on one occa-
sion, he openly brings out his furniture for removal,
as a siofn to the rebellious house of Israel.^
As in Jeremiah, so in Ezekiel we find traces of
hostility towards rival prophets, w^hom he denounces
in no measured terms. It is interesting, too, to
observe that there were female prophets in his day,
who prophesied out of their own hearts. To them also
he conveys the reprobation of the Almighty.'* The
form in which he looks forward to the restoration
of Israel and Judah to their homes, is somewhat
different from that in which it was expected by his
predecessors. In a very singular vision, he relates
that his God took him into a valley which was full
of bones, and told him that these were the bones of
the whole house of Israel. Ezekiel is then informed
that God w^ill open the graves of the dead, and cause
these bones to live again, and will bring them to the
land of Israel. Afterwards, he is told to join two
sticks into one, this junction representing the future
union of Ephraim and Judah, who are to be gathered
from among the heathen, and are to form one nation
governed by one king. That king is to be David,
who will be their prince for ever. God will make an
1 Ezek. xxiii. ^ Ezek. xvi. 8. ^ Ezek. xii. 1-7. •* Ezek. xiii.
THE GREAT PROPHET OF ISRAEL. 293
everlasting covenaut of peace with them, and put
his sanctuary in their midst for evermore. Here
the resurrection of the dead, and the return of David,
instead of the appearance of a new king, are peculiar
features.
An anonymous prophet is supposed to have written
Isaiah xxi. i-io, and another Isaiah xiii. 2-xiv. 23,
the latter referring to Babylon, and containing the
imaginary exultation of the restored Israelites over
the fallen Babylonians. After these fragments we
have the work of one who is perhaps the greatest of
all the prophets, but who also is unknown to us by
name. As the most fitting description we may
perhaps call him the anonymous prophet. The
whole of the latter portion of Isaiah, from chap, xl,
to the end, is his work. The anonymous prophet
lived in Egypt. His j)eculiar conception was that
Israel was the servant of the Lord for the peace
and the salvation of nations, as Kyros was his servant
in war.^ Alike in beauty of language and sublimity
of thought he is supreme among the writers of the
Hebrew Bible. He is the prophet of sorrow ; yet also
the prophet of consolation. Whether by a curious
accident, or whether by virtue of a tendency (not
uncommon among truly great writers) to withdraw
his personality from observation and confine himself
wholly to the message he had to deliver, he tells us
nothing of himself. Hence he has for centuries been
hidden behind the fio-ure of Isaiah, whom nevertheless
he surpasses in the purity of his ideal. To him we
owe the beautiful passage beginning "Comfort ye,
comfort ye, my people/' with the description afterwards
1 P. A. B., vol. iii. p. 20 ff.
294 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
applied by Jesus Christ to John the Baptist. From
him also we have the most exalted conceptions of the
Messiah, the moral element in his character being
raised, as compared with the element of material
power, to a height hitherto imexampled in prophetic
vision. Take, for instance, this description of his
mildness combined with indomitable perseverance : —
"He shall not cry, nor lift up, nor cause his voice to be heard
in the street. A bruised reed shall he not break, and the
smoking flax shall he not quench : he shall bring forth judgment
unto truth. He shall not fail nor be discouraged, till he have
set judgment in the earth, and the isles shall wait for his law." ^
It is the anonymous prophet, too, who has given us
the familiar passage, "He is despised and rejected of
men ; " a passage describing the career of a great man
whose teachings involved him in persecution and
ultimately in martyrdom, but nowise applicable
to the Messiah. That a historical incident, known
to the writer, is alluded to in this touching account
of suffering goodness, admits of no reasonable doubt.
The anonymous prophet is pre-eminently the
prophet of consolation. Living in the days of
Kyros and of the restoration of the Temple, he
had the elements of soothing speech ready to his
hand ; and as his predecessors had prophesied
destruction and woe, occasionally varied with
strains of hope, so he prophesies in strains of hope,
occasionally varied with sterner language. It is
his especial mission to heal the wounds that have
been made in the spirit of Judah. God had indeed
forsaken her for a while; but he will now take
her back as a deserted wife, who had suffered her
^ Is. xlii. 2-J..
THE GREAT PROPHET OF ISRAEL. 295
pimisliment. He liad liiclden his face in a little
•wrath for a moment; but with everlasting kindness
will he now have mercy upon her.^ The concluding
chapter of the anonymous prophet contains a
magnificent description of the ultimate gathering
of all nations and tongues, when Jerusalem will
be the central point of human worship, and the
glory of God will be seen by all. The picture is not
indeed unmingled with darker shades, for great
numbers are to be destroyed by Jehovah in his
indignation. On the other hand, there is a trait
exhibiting the superiority of tliis prophet to his pre-
decessors in toleration for the Gentiles : namely,
the remarkable prediction that some of them also
are to be priests and Levites.^ The man who
could utter this sentiment had made a signal advance
upon the ordinary narrow and exclusive notions of
the prerogatives of the Jewish race.
It was mentioned that the fiftieth and fifty-first
chapters of Jeremiah were added by a later hand.
'The same hand (in Ewald's opinion) composed the
thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth chapters of Isaiah, of
which the second describes in very eloquent terms the
coming glory, when " the ransomed of the Lord shall
return, and come to Zion with songs, and everlasting
joy upon their heads : they shall obtain joy and
gladness, and sorrow and sighing shall flee away."^
Another unknown writer {Isaiah xxiv.-xxvii.) predicts
in the first place the desolation which the Lord is about
to effect, and then the happiness of the Jews who
will be brought to their own land again, to worship
Jehovah in the holy mount at Jerusalem. One of his
^ Is. liv. s-8. * Is. Ixvi. 12-24. ^ Is- XXXV, 10.
296 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
expressions, "He will swallow up death in victor}^,"
lias been adopted by St Paul ; another, " The Lord
God will wipe away tears from off all faces/' by the
author of the Apocalypse.
The interest of Haggai's prophecy is purely special :
it refers to the building of the temple at Jerusalem
in the reign of Darius. It was the unexpected
obstacles by which the building was hindered that
kindled his zeal ; he made his five speeches in three
months of the same year. Probably he had not seen
the first temple, and he left his prophetic work to his
younger contemporary Zecliariah.'^
Zechariah also lived in the time of Darius, and
dealt principally with the building of the temple.^ A
series of visions which he professes to see shows how
his mind was running upon this absorbing theme ;
and he even expects the Messiah, whom Isaiah and
Jeremiah had called a Branch of David, and whom he
more em23hatically terms tlie Branch, to aptpear at the
head of affairs and to carry the works to their comple-
tion.^ He supposes that he will then sit and rule
upon his throne ; a priest will be beside him, and
there will be a counsel of peace between these two
— the monarch and his ecclesiastical minister.*
It was probably more than half a century later that
the short book bearing the title of Malachi was
written. The true name of its author is unknown,
and that of Malachi, ""t"^;^, my messenger, was
taken by its editor from the first verse of the third
chapter.* He is not a prophet of a high calibre, as
1 P. A. B., vol. iii. p. 177 ff. 3 Zech. iii. 8, and vi. 12.
2 lb., vol. iii. p. 187 flf. 4 Zech. vi. 13.
5 P. A. B., vol. iii. p. 214. ff.
TEE BOOK OF JONAH. 297
is shown by his denunciation, already quoted, of those
among the JeM^s who offered Jehovah their least
valuable cattle. Nor is his conception of the Messianic
epoch in any way comparable to that of the great
prophets whose works he might have studied. He says
indeed that the Sun of righteousness will arise with
healing in his wings ; but it appears that this healing
is to consist in the Israelites treading down the
wicked, who will be as dust under their feet. He
concludes by announcing the return of Elijah, before
*'the great and dreadful day of the Lord," and says,
in his threatening tone, that this prophet will turn the
hearts of the fathers to the children, and of the
children to the fathers, lest God should come and
smite the earth with a curse.
The Book of Jonah, which may have been written
in the fifth or sixth century B.c.,^ is a story with a
moral rather than a prophecy. Jonah was desired by
Jehovah to preach against Nineveh, but fled from his
duty, and took passage in a ship to Tarshish, duly
paying his fare. However, when a terrible storm
arose, Jonah knew that it was sent as a penalty for
his disobedience, and told the sailors to throw him
overboard. This they did, but he was swallowed
alive by a large fish prepared for the purpose, and
remained within it three days. By this lesson he
was prepared to execute God's commands, and was
accordingly thrown up by the fish on dry land. He
preached to the people of Nineveh, as desired, the
coming destruction of their city ; but when they
repented, Jehovah changed his mind, much to the
annoyance of his prophet, who represented that his
^ P. A. B., vol. iii. p. 233 fF.
298 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
unfortunate tendency to clemency was the very
reason why he had not wished to enter his service.
But Jehovah, by causing him to regret the destruc-
tion of a gourd which had sheltered him, showed him
that there would be much more reason to spare so
large a city as Nineveh, which contained, not only a
vast population, but also a great deal of cattle.
If Malachi and Jonah stand in unfavourable con-
trast to the works composed during the golden age of
Hebrew literature, Daniel, the latest book of the Old
Testament, represents the complete degeneracy of
prophecy. It is from beginning to end artificial ;
professing to be written at one time and by an author
whose name and personality are given; in reality writ-
ten at another time, and l)y an author whose name and
personality are concealed. Hence it contains pseudo-
prophecies, which are comparatively clear, extending
from the imagined date of the supposed prophet to
the actual date of the real prophet ; and it contains
genuine prophecies which are obscure, and which
extend from the actual date into the actual future.
It contains also much that relates to the politics of
the day, and which, for obvious reasons, is cast into
an enigmatic form. Daniel was written about the
year B.C. i68, a little before the death of Antiochus
Ejiiphanes, and the allusions to that monarch are of
course made under the veil of prophecy, in a style
designed to be intelligible, without being direct. The
predictions of the eleventh chapter refer to the wars of
the Syrian and Egyptian kings, and especially to Anti-
ochus Epiphanes, who is the " vile person " mentioned
in its twenty-first verse. The purpose of the work
was to set an example of fidelity to Jehovah to the
THE PROPHET DANIEL. 299
powerful Jews wlio were connected with the Syrian
court, and especially to the younger members of great
Jewish families, who were in danger of being cor-
rupted by its seductions.^
The form chosen to effect the writer's objects is
autobiographical. In this way he was able to utter
his political views — which, directly expressed, would
have been dangerous to his safety — under the guise
of sentiments uttered by Daniel, the fictitious narrator
of the story. Daniel was taken as a captive child
along with other children of Jewish race to serve at
the court of Nebuchadnezzar, and remained at the
Chaldean court until the death of Nebuchadnezzar's
son, Belshazzar,^ and the subjugation of his empire
by the Medes and Persians. He continued to hold
an honourable position at the Persian court under
Darius and Kyros. He first rose to distinction by
relating and interpreting to Nebuchadnezzar a dream
which that king had himself forgotten. Thus, from
being a mere page he rose to be a sort of astrologer
royal. His life was not, however, free from trouble.
Among the children who had been brought with him
from Judaea he had three friends, Hananiah, Mishael,
and Azariah, whom the Chaldeans called Shadrach,
Meshech, and Abednego. When Daniel had success-
fully interpreted the king's dream, he contrived to
obtain lucrative situations in the province of Babylon
for Shadrach, Meshech, and Abednego. But these
three having refused to worship a golden image
which the king had set up in that province were by
the king's orders cast into a burning fiery furnace,
heated beyond its usual temperature. But though
1 P. A. B., vol. iii. p. 298 ff.
300 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
they fell bound into tlie midst of it, they were not
burnt, and were seen walking about at their ease in
it, accompanied by a fourth, who looked like the Son
of Man.'
It is remarkable that a precisely similar prodigy
occurred in one of the innumerable previous exist-
ences of the Buddha Sakyamuni. He was at this
time the son and heir of a great king, and to
prove his devotion to the true doctrine he literally
obeyed the instructions of a Brahman, who desired
him to fill a ditch ten yards deep with glowing coals
and jump into it. On this condition the Brahman
had consented to teach him the holy doctrine. Ee-
sisting all entreaties to preserve his life, the prince
caused the pool of fire to be prepared and leapt
into it without shrinkinor for a moment. On the
instant it was converted into a basin of flowers, and
he appeared sitting on a lotus- flower in its midst,
while the gods caused a rain of flowers, that rose
knee-deep to fall upon the assembled people.^
Nor is this the only other example of a wise
discrimination being exercised by the fiery element.
During the reign of the Indian king Asoka, who
in the early part of his career was ferocious and
irreligious, the public executioner enjoyed the singu-
lar privilege of being entitled to retain in his house
every one, whatever his position or character, who
misfht cross the threshold of his door. Now the
outside of the executioner's house was beautiful and
attractive, though within it was full of instruments
of torture, with which he inflicted on his victims the
punishments of hell. One day a lioly monk, named
1 Dan. iii. « G. O. M., p. 14.
THE STORY OF SAMUDRA. 301
Samudra, arriving at this apparently charming house,
entered it, but on discovering the nature of its
interior wished to make his exit. But it was too late.
The executioner had seen him, and told him that
he must die. After seven days' respite, he threw the
monk into an iron caldron filled with water mixed
with loathsome materials, and kindled a fire below it.
But the fire would not burn. Far from experiencing
any pain, the holy man appeared calmly seated on a
lotus. The executioner having informed Asoka of
this fact, the king arrived with a suite of thousands of
persons. Seeing this crowd, the monk darted into the
air, and there produced miraculous appearances. The
king, struck by the extraordinary sight, requested the
ascetic to say who he was, declaring that he honoured
him as a disciple. Samudra, perceiving that the
moment had arrived at which the king was to receive
the grace of instruction in the law, replied that he
was a son of Buddha, that merciful Being, and that
he was delivered from the bonds of existence. " And
thou, 0 great king, thj advent was predicted by
Bhagavat, when he said : A hundred years after I
shall have entered into complete Nirvana, there will
be in the town of Pataliputtra a king called Asoka,
a king ruling over the four quarters of the world, a
just king, who will distribute my relics," and so forth.
He proceeded to point out to Asoka the wickedness of
establishing a house of torment like that he was in,
and entreated him to give security to the beings who
implored his compassion. Hereupon the king accept-
ed the lav/ of Buddha, and determined to cover the
earth with monuments for his relics. But when the
royal party were about to leave the place, the execu-
302 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
tioner had the audacity to remind Asoka of his promise
that no one who had once entered his doors might ever
go out. " What," cried Asoka, " do you wish then to
put me also to death ? " " Yes," replied the man.
On this he was seized and thrown into the torture-
room, where he died in the flames, and his house was
destroyed.^
Daniel himself met with an adventure of the same
perilous nature as that which had befallen his three
friends, though under another government. Darius,
by the advice of some counsellors who desired to
destroy Daniel, had made an order that no one should
ask a petition of any god or man save himself for
thirty days. But Daniel of course continued to
worshiD Jehovah as before, and was sentenced in the
terms of the edict to be thrown into a lions' den.
But the lions would no more eat Daniel than the fire
would burn his co-religionists; and just as Asoka,
when he had witnessed the escape of the ascetic,
worshipped Buddha, so Darius, having discovered
Daniel uninjured in the lions' den, immediately
ordered that in all parts of his dominions people
should tremble and fear before the God of Daniel."
Of the prophecies contained in this book the most
remarkable is that concerning the Messiah, who is
announced as destined to come at a time fixed by a
mystical calculation expressed in weeks. The object
of the writer was to fix a date for the Messiah's
appearance, without expressing -himself in such unam-
biguous terms as would be universally understood.
Such is the true method of prophecy in all religions,
for a prophet who utters his forecast of the future in
^ H. B. I., p. 365-372. ^ Dan. vi.
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 30^
such a manner as to render his meaning unmistak-
able, exposes himself to the hazardous possibility that
the event in history may turn out altogether unlike
the event foretold.
Subdivision 5. — The God of Israel.
One great question has hitherto been left untreated
— that of the theology and morals of the Hebrew
Bible. Theology and morals are so intimately
blended in its pages that the one can scarcely be
discussed without involvino- the other. The char-
acter of Jehovah is the pattern of morality ; his will
is its fundamental law ; his actions its exemplifica-
tion. Hence to consider the character of Jehovah is
of necessity to consider also the Hebrew notions of
ethics ; while to inquire into the Hebrew standard of
ethics is to inquire into the commands of Jehovah.
Let us try then to ascertain what manner of deity
Jehovah is. To do so, our best course will be to
select the salient features of his history, as related by
the sacred writers.
Now, at the very outset of his proceedings we
observe that he takes up towards mankind a very
definite attitude : that of a superior entitled to
demand implicit obedience. Whether the fact that
he was man's creator justified so extensive a claim it
is needless in this place to discuss. Suffice it that he
had the power to enforce under the severest penalties
the submission he demanded. But it might have
been expected that a divine being, who assumed such
unlimited rights over a race so vastly his inferiors in
knowledge and in strength, should at least exercise
304 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
them with discretion and moderation. It might have
been expected that where he claimed obedience it
would be with a view to the wellbeing of Ids creatures J
not merely as an arbitrary exercise of his enormous
power. What, on the contrary, is the conduct he
pursued ? His very first act after he had created
Adam and Eve and placed them in Paradise was to
forbid them, under penalty of death, to eat the fruit of
a certain tree which grew in their garden. There is
not even a vestige of a pretence in the narrative that
the fruit of this tree would in itself, and apart from
the divine prohibition, have done them any harm.
Quite the contrary : the fact of eating it enlarged
their faculties ; making them like gods, who know
good and evil. And Jehovah was afraid that they
might, after eating the fruit of the tree of knowledge,
eat also that of the tree of life, after which he would
be unable to kill them. So that it was his deliberate
purpose in issuing this injunction to keep mankind
feeble, ignorant, and dependent. Nor is this by any
means the whole extent of his misconduct. One of
two charges he cannot escape. Either he knew when
he created Adam and Eve that their nature was such
that they would disobey, or he did not. In the first
case, he knowingly formed them liable to fall, know-
ingly placed them amid conditions which rendered
their fall inevitable; and then jDunished tbem for the
catastrophe he had all along foreseen as the necessary
result of the character lie had bestowed upon them.
In the second case, he was ignorant and shortsighted,
being unable to guess what would be the nature of
his own handiwork ; and should not have meddled
with tasks which were obviously beyond the scope of
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 305
his faculties. And even in this hitter case, the most
favourable one for Jehovah, he acted with unpardon-
able injustice towards the man and woman in first
creating them with a nature wliose j)owers of resist-
ance to temptation he could not tell, then placing
temptation, raised to its utmost strength by a
mysterious order, continually under their noses, then
allowing a serpent to suggest that they should yield
to it, and lastly punishing the unhappy victims of
this chain of untoward circumstances by expulsion
from their garden. A human parent who should
thus treat his children would be severely and justly
censured. It is a striking proof how rudimentary
were the Hebrew conceptions of justice, that they
should have accepted, in reference to their deity, a
story which evinces so flagrant a disregard of its
most elementary requirements.^ Just as, in the case
of Adam and Eve, he required implicit obedience to
an arbitrary command, so in the case of Abraham he
required implicit obedience to an immoral one. There
was with him no fixed system of morality. Submission
to his will was the alpha and omega of virtue. Observe
now how superior is the feeling shown in the Hindu
legend which has been quoted as a parallel to that of
the projected sacrifice of Isaac. Although i:a that
story the father was bound by a solemn promise to
sacrifice his son, yet he is never blamed for his reluc-
tance to do so, though Abraham is praised for his
willingness ; while the Brahman who is actually pre-
pared to plunge the sacrificial knife into his child's
breast is treated with scorn and reprobation for his
unfeeling behaviour. Even the service of the gods is
* Gen. ii. 8, aiul iii.
VOL. ir. u
3o6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
not made supreme over every liuman emotion. But
the conception of tlie existence of duties independent of
the divine will seems not to have entered the minds
of the Hebrew theolofjians who wrote these books.
The further proceedings of Jehovah are quite in
keeping with his beginning in the garden of Eden.
Throughout the whole course of the history he shows
the most glaring partiality. In its earlier period he
is partial to individuals ; in its later, to the Hebrew
race. Let us notice a few cases of this favouritism as
shown towards individual favourites. Immediately
after the curse upon Adam and Eve, and their banish-
ment from Eden, we have the instructive story of Cain
and Abel, so magnificently dramatised by Byron.
These two brothers, sons of the original couple, both
brought offerings to Jehovah ; Cain, the fruit of the
ground ; Abel, the firstlings of his flock. But the
Lord had respect to Abel and his ofiering, but not
to Cain and his offering. Why was this diflerence
made ? Absolutely no reason is assigned for it, and
it is not surprising, however lamentable, that it
should have excited the jealousy of the brother who
was thus ill-treated.^ Again, it has been remarked
above that Abraham and Isaac had a singular way of
passing off their wives as their sisters. Pharaoh was
once deceived in this way about Sarah ; Abimelech
of Gerar, once about Sarah, and once about Rebekah.
These two monarchs were plagued by Jehovah on
account of their innocent mistake ; the patriarchs
were not even reproved for this cowardly surrender
of their consorts to adulterous embraces.^ Jacob is
another favourite, while his brother Esau is coldly
1 Gen. iv. '-8, "^ Gen. xii. 11-20, xx., xxvi. 7-1 1-
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 307
treated. Yet the inherent meanness of Jacol/s
character, and the comparative excellence of Esau's,
?ire too obvious to escape even a careless reader.
What can be more pitiful than the conduct of Jacol)
in taking advantage of a moment of weakness in his
brother to purchase his birthriglit ? ^ AVhat more
ungenerous tlian the odious trick by which he imposed
upon his father, and cheated Esau of his blessing ? ^
What again can be more magnanimous than the long
subsequent reception by Esau of the brother whose
miserable subserviency showed his consciousness of
tlie wrong he had done him?^ Yet this is the man
whom Jehovali selects as the object of his peculiar
blessing, and whose very deceitfulness towards a
kind employer he suffers to become a means of
aggrandisement.^
The same partisanship which in these cases forms
so conspicuous a trait in the character of Jehovali
distinguishes the whole course of his proceedings in
reference to the delivery of the Israelites from Egypt
and their settlement in Palestine. Every other
nation is compelled to give way for their advantage.
Pharaoh and all the Egyptians are plagued for hold-
ing them in slavery, not in the least because Jehovah
was an abolitionist (for he never troubled himself
about slavery anywhere else), but because it was his
own peculiar pcoj^le who were thus in subjugation to
a race whom he did not equally affect. Throughout
tlie long journey from Egypt to the promised land,
Jeliovah accompanies the Israelites as a sort of com-
mander-in-chief, directing them what to do, and
' Gen. XXV. 29-34. •' Gfiii. xxxiii. 1-15,
^ Gen. xxvii. •! Gen. xxx. 41-43.
3o8 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
giving them tlie victory over tlieir enemies. As the
Red Sea was divided to enable them to escape from
their enemies on the one side, so the Jordan was
cleft in two to enable them to conquer their enemies
on the other. ^ The walls of a fortified city were
thrown down to enable them to enter.^ The sun
was arrested in his course to enable them to win
a battle.^ Hornets w^ere employed to accomplish the
expulsion of hostile tribes without trouble to the
Israelites.* Thus, as Jehovah afterwards took care
to remind them, he gave them a land for which
they did not labour, and cities which they did not
build.^
Nevertheless the lot of the race who were thus
highly favoured was far from happy. Their God was
indeed a powerful protector, but he was also an
exacting ruler. His service was at no time an easy
one, and he was liable to outbursts of passion which
rendered it peculiarly oppressive. Tolerant as he
might be towards some descriptions of immorality, he
had no mercy whatever for disloyalty towards him-
self. On one occasion he characterised himself by
the name of " Jealous," ® which w\as but too appro-
priate, and implied the possession of one of the least
admirable of human weaknesses. Now the Israelites
were unfortunately prone to lapses of this kind. Such
was the severity with Avhich these offences were treated
that it is questionable whether it would not have been
a far happier fate to be drowned in the Red Sea with
the Egyptians than preserved with the children of
' Ex. xiv. 21, 22. — Josh. iii. 7-17. ■* Josli. xxiv. 12.
^ Josh. vi. 20. ^ Josh. xxiv. 13.
^ J<jsh. X. 12-14. " ^*^^- xxxiv. 14.
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 309
Israel. A few instances of what, they had to undergo
will illustrate this remark.
Moses had impressed upon the people the impor-
tance of having no other deity Init Jehovah, and had
succeeded while he was actually among them in
restricting them to his worship alone. But no sooner
was he absent for a season than they immediately
forsook Jehovah, and took to worshipping a golden
calf. Worst of all, this new divinity was set up by
Aaron, the brother of Moses, and high priest of the
Jehovistic faith. That Jehovah should be rather
vexed at such ungrateful behaviour, after all the
trouble he had taken in plaguing and slaughtering
the Egyptians, was only natural ; but it was surely
an extraordinary want of self-control to propose to
consume the whole nation at once, reserving only
]\Ioses as the progenitor of a better race. Here, as in
other cases, Moses showed himself more merciful than
his God. He ingeniously lU'ged as a motive to
clemency that the Egyptians would say extremel}^
unpleasant things if the Israelites were destroyed ;
and after his return to the camp he contrived to
appease him by inducing the Levites to perpetrate a
fratricidal massacre, whereby three thousand people
fell. This measure was described by Moses as a con-
secration of themselves to the Lord, that he might
bestow his blessing upon them. It proved successful,
for Jehovah now contented himself with merely
plaguing the people instead of exterminating them.^
Thus, he had scarcely finished plaguing the Egyptians
l)efore he began plaguing the Israelites in their turn.
Indeed he was at this period peculiarly prone to send-
^ Ex. xxxii.
3IO HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
iiig piagues of one kind or another. Some complaints
of the Israelites in the wilderness were visited by fire
which burnt up those who were at the extremities of
the camp.^ When they began to pine for the varied
food they had enjoyed in Egypt, and to lament the
absence of flesh meat, he sent them quails indeed, but
accompanied the gift with a very great plague, of
which large numbers perished.^ When they were
dismayed by the reports brought them concerning the
inhabitants of Palestine, and complained of their God
for the position lie had brought them into, lie again
fell into a rage and proposed to destroy them all by
pestilence except Moses, But Moses a second time
appealed to him on what seems to have been liis weak
side, — his regard for his reputation among the
Egyptians. These had all heard of what he had
been doing, and would not they and the other
neialibourins: nations ascribe the destruction of the
Israelites in the wilderness to his inability to bring
them into the promised land ? Moved by this
reasoning, Jehovah consented to spare the people, but
determined at the same time to avenge himself upon
them by not permitting any of those that had come
from Egypt (except Joshua and Caleb, who had re-
ported in the proper spirit about Palestine) to set foot
within the country to which he had solemnly engaged
himself to conduct them.^ Thus, they were only
saved from the Egyptians to perish in the wilderness.
Truly, the tender mercies of the Lord were cruel.
But the miseries of these unfortunate wanderers
were by no means ended. When, oppressed by the
trou])les and weariness of the way, they dared to
' Num. xi. 1-3. ^ Num. xi. 4-J4. ■' Num. xiv. 1-39.
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 311
murmur, and inquired of Moses wliy he liad brought;
them out of Egypt to die in the wilderness, where
there was neither tolerable bread, nor water, the
resentment of Jehovah was excited by this audacity.
They ought to have been only too grateful that they
had remained alive, Jehovah had not caused the
earth to swallow them as it had done Korah, Dathan,
and Abiram, with their wives and little children,
because they had ventured to complain of the govern-
ment of Moses ; nor had he destroyed them by plague,
as he had destroyed 14,700 people because there had
been some expressions of dissatisfaction at the sudden
death of those seditious men. If then they had
hitherto escaped destruction, they were certainly
foolish in complaining of the hardships of the desert.
At any rate Jehovah soon convinced them that their
grumbling was useless. No constitutional opposition
w^as permitted in those days. Fiery serpents were
despatched to bite them, and many of them died in
consequence. Such was the extent of the calamity
that Moses, always more merciful than his God,
interceded for the people ; and was directed to set
up a brazen serpent, by looking at which the bites of
the living serpents were healed.^
The extraordinary cruelty ascribed by the Hebrews
to their national deity is shown in many other instances
besides those that have been mentioned. And it is to
be noticed that it is cruelty mingled with caprice.
No one could tell beforehand precisely what actions he
would visit with punishment, nor what would be the
punishment with which he would visit them. Every-
thing with him was uncertain. He had no fixed
' Nuiu. xxi. 1-9.
312 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
system of laws at all, and lie sometimes condemned a
criminal in virtue of ex 'post facto legislation. The
deluge is an example of all these vices combined. It
was an excessively cruel punishment ; it was inflicted
capriciously, and once in a way only, because God had
changed his mind as to the propriety of having created
man ; and it was the result of a resolution arrived at
after the off'ences it was designed to chastise had
already been committed. No human being could
possibly have guessed beforehand that his crimes
would be jDunished in that particular way. And after
the crimes of the antediluvians had been thus punished,
the survivors received a promise that no misconduct
on their part would ever be visited upon them in the
same way. So that any conceivable utility which the
deluge might have had as a warning for the future
was utterly destroyed. Equal caprice, though not
equal cruelty, was shown towards the builders of the
tower of Babel, who were suffered to begin their
labours without hindrance, but were afterwards stopped
by the confusion of their languages. AVhy it was
wrong to erect such a tower is never stated. Could
any of those engaged upoii it have guessed that, the
attempt was one deserving of punishment ? Still
worse was Jehovah's behaviour to the prophet Balaam,
for he first ordered him to go with the men who were
sent for him, and then Avas angry with him because
he went.^ Such conduct was on a level with that of
a pettish woman. Instances of barbarous severity
may be found in abundance. Nadab and Abdhu, sons
of Aaron, were devoured by "fire from the Lord,"
because they had taken their censers, and offered
^ Num. xxii. 20, 22,
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 313
strange fire before liim.^ A man who on the father's
side was Egyptian, was ordered to be stoned for
bLaspheming and cursing the name of the Lord ;
Jehovah being peculiarly eager in avenging personal
affronts,^ On this occasion no doubt a general law
was announced affixing the penalty of stoning to the
offence of blasphemy ; but the law was ex post facto
so far as the individual who suffered by its operation
was concerned. On another occasion the heads of the
people were ordered to be all hung for wlioredom with
the daughters of Moab, and for idolatry. Pliinehas,
Aaron's son, seeing an Israelite with a Midianitish
woman, ran them both through the body with a
javelin ; for which heroic exploit against an unpre-
pared man and a defenceless woman he was specially
praised ; was declared to have turned away God's
wrath from Israel, and received a " covenant of peace "
for himself and his posterity.^ At a much later period,
when David was causing the ark to be brought back
from the Philistines, an unfortunate man wlio had
jiut out his hand to touch it because the oxen shook
it, was immediately slain ; an act at which even the
pious David was displeased, and which caused him,
not unnaturally, to be "afraid before the Lord that
day." * In the reign of Jeroboam a prophet who had
only been guilty of the involuntary error of believing
another prophet who had told him a falsehood, was
killed by a lion sent expressly for his punishment,
while the man who had deceived him escaped scot-
free.* Another man suffered for refusing to obey the
word of a prophet what this one had suffered for
^ Lev. X. I, 2. ' Lev. xxiv. 10-16. ^ Num. xxv. 1-15.
* 2 Sam. vi. 6-9. ^ i Kiugs xiii. 1-32.
314 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
obeying it. Being desired by one of tlie " sons of the
prophets " to smite him so as to cause a wound, and
havinof declined the office, he was informed that for
liis disobedience to the voice of the Lord he would be
slain by a lion, which accordingly happened.^ Mercy
towards a conquered enemy was sometimes an actual
crime. Because he spared Agag, Saul was rejected
from being king over Israel, and the Lord repented that
he had appointed so weak-minded a man. Samuel,
who was made of sterner stuff, had no scruple in
carrying out the behests of his God, for he " hewed
Agag in pieces before the Lord."^ In like manner
Ahab was reproved for sparing the life of Ben-hadad,
King of Syria.^ The same monarch whose leniency
had thus brought him into trouble was afterwards the
victim of a sanguinary fraud practised upon him by
Jehovah. Tired of his reign, and eap;er to effect his
destruction, the Lord put a lying spirit into the mouth
of all his prophets, who were thus induced to prophesy
victory in an engagement which actually terminated
in his defeat and death.* Observe, that however
foolish Ahab may have been in believing the false
prophets and disbelieving Micaiah, this does not excuse
Jehovah, who according to his own chosen spokes-
man, deliberately arranged this scheme for the over-
throw of the king in the court of heaven. Other
barbarous deeds followed upon this. To gratify Eli-
jah, a hundred men who were guiltless of any crime
whatever, were consumed by fire.^ To assuage the
wounded vanity of Elisha, forty-two little children
were eaten by bears.^ To maintain the glory of the
' 1 Kings XX. 35, 36. -^ 1 Kings xx. 42, 43. '-' 2 Kings i. 9-12.
- I Sam. XV. ■" I Kings xxii. i -40. ^ 2 Kings ii. 23, 24.
THE GOD OF ISRAEL, 315
true God, Elijah slauglitered the prophets of Baal to
tiic number of many hundreds.^ To re-establish the
orthodox faith, Jehu got rid of the worshippers of
Baal, collected together by an infamous trick, in one
indiscriminate massacre ; an atrocity for which he
was specially praised and rewarded by "the Lord."^
It is needless to j)rolong the list of cruelties jDractised
upon private individuals. But the subject would be
incompletely treated, did we not observe that the
same spirit prevailed in the dealings of Jehovah with
nations. Thus, when the Israelites were about to
enter the land of Canaan, they were desired utterly
to destroy the seven nations who possessed it already.^
When they captured Jericho, they slew all its inhabi-
tants, young and old, except the household of the
prostitute with whom their messengers had lodged, and
who had shamelessly betrayed her countrymen. Her,
with her family, they saved. ^ All the inhabitants of
Ai were utterly destroyed.^ All the inhabitants of
Makkedah were utterly destroyed.^ All the inhabi-
tants of many other places were utterly destroyed.^
One city alone made peace with Israel ; all the rest
were taken in battle, and that because Jehovah had
deliberately and of set purpose hardened the hearts
of their inhabitants, tliat they might be utterly
destroyed.^
Such a 'catalogue of crimes — and the number is by
no means exhausted — would be sufficient to destroy
the character of any pagan divinity whatsoever. I
fail to perceive any reason why the Jews alone should
' I Kings xviii. 17-40. * Josh. viii. 26.
''■ 2 Kings X. 18-30. * Josh, x. 28.
•■' Deut. vii. 2. '' Josh, X. 29-43, and xi. 11, 14.
* Jnsh. vi. 1-25, « Josh, xi, 20.
3i6 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
be privileged to represent tlieir God as guilty of such
actions without suffering the inference which in other
cases would undoubtedly be drawn — namely, that
their conceptions of deity were not of a very exalted
order, nor their principles of morals of a very admir-
able kind. There is, indeed, nothing extraordinary
in the fact that, living in a barbarous age, the
ancient Hebrews should have behaved barbarously.
The reverse would rather be surprising. But the
remarkable fact is, that their savage deeds, and the
equally savage ones attributed to their God, should
have been accepted by Christendom as flowing in the
one case from the commands, in the other from the
immediate action of a just and beneficent Being.
When the Hindus relate the story of Brahma's
incest with his daughter, they add that the god was
bowed down with shame on account of his subjuga-
tion by ordinary passion.^ But while they thus
betray their feeling that even a divine being is not
superior to all the standards of morality, no such
consciousness is ever apparent in the narrators of
the passions of Jehovah. While far worse offences
are committed by him, there is no trace in his character
of the grace of shame.
Turning now to the legislation which emanated
from him, we shall find evidence of the same spirit
whicii has been seen to mark his daily dealings. It
is impossible here to examine that legislation in detail,
and it may be freely conceded that much of it was
well adapted to the circumstances under which it
was delivered. Some of the precepts given are
indeed trivial, such as the order to the Israelites
I O. S. T., vol. i. p. 112.
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 317
not to round the corners of their heads, ncr mar
the corners of their beards/ and others are [such a«
are] merely special to the Hebrew religion. But the
mass of enactments may very probably have been
wise, or, at least, not conspicuously the reverse.
Those to which tlie chief exception must be taken,
are such as demonstrate the essentially inhuman
character of the authority from whom they emanated.
Thus, death is the penalty affixed to the insignificant
offence of Sabbath-breaking.^ If the nearest relation,
or even the wife of his bosom, or the friend who is
as his own soul, secretly entice a man to go and
worship other gods, he himself is to put the tempter
to death, his own hand being the first to fling the
stones by which he is to perish.^ The Inquisition
itself could have had no more detestable law than
this. If it is a city that is guilty of such heresy, it
is to be burnt down, and all its inhabitants put to
the sword.* The mere worship of pagan divinities,
apart from any efibrt to seduce others, is likewise
punished with stoning.'' In cities not in Palestine,
taken in w^ar, all the males only are to be put to
death ; but in the cities of Palestine itself, nothing
that breathes is to be saved alive.® A "stubborn
and rebellious son" may be put to death by stoning,
and that at the instance of his parents.^ In appear-
ance this terrible process for dealing with a naughty
boy is less severe than the patria potestas of the
Romans, by which the power of life and death was
lodged in the father alone. Practically, however,
' Lev. xix. 27. ^ Dent. xiii. 6-1 1. ® Deut. xx. 13-18.
'^ Ex. XXXV. 2. ■• Dent. xiii. 12-16. ^ Deut. xxi. 18-21.
* Dent. xvii. 2-7.
3i8 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the exercise of tliis unlimited legal right was pre-
vented to a large extent, for a religious curse rested
on the father who even sold his married son, and he
could not pronounce sentence on any child till after
consulting the nearest blood-relations on both sides,
without incurrinoj the same anathema.^ No doubt
the purely legal power of the head of the family
was unaffected by these restraints. Human authority
still permitted him to expose his children at birth, to
sell them, or to sentence them to death. But the dif-
ference between Eoman and Jewish institutions was,
that in Eome, religion sought to mitigate the cruelty
of the civil law; in Palestine, religion not only did
nothing to soften, but positively sanctioned, by its
august commands, the most revolting enactments of
barbaric legislation. It is true that no instance is
known to history of the employment of this law by
Jews against their children, but this can only show that
tlieir parental morality was superior to the morality
of the divine law. At a much later time than that
at which this enactment was given, when the Israelites
returned from the Captivity, the same harsh and
intolerant spirit as we have observed in their earlier
legislation broke forth again. By a cruel measure,
enacted by Ezra the representative of Jehovah, and
taking the form of a covenant with God, the people
were forced to repudiate all their wives who were not
of pure Israelitish blood. ^ Nehemiah, who was likewise
zealous in the service of Jehovah, was no less an enemy
to " outlandish women," and took rather strong
measures against those who had married them, such
as cursing them, smiting them, plucking off their hair,
^ Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. i. p. 65. - Ezra ix. aiul £.
THE GOD OF ISRAEL. 319
<nud making tliem swear not to give their sons or
(laughters in marriage to foreisfners.^
Such beino- the moral cliaracteristics of the Hebrew
God, can it be said that the intellectual ideas of the
divine nature found in the Old Testament are of a
highly refined and sj^iritual order ? On the contrary,
as compared with the gods of other races, Jehovah is
remarkably anthropomorphic and materialistic. He
does not approach in spirituality to the higher concep-
tioijs of the Hindus, nor is he even equal to those of
less subtle and speculative nations. He is on a level
with the gods of popular mythologies, but not with
those more mysterious powers who often stand above
them. The evidence of this proposition is to be
found in the whole tenor of the historical books.
Thus, in the very beginning of Genesis, we find that
he "rested on the seventh day," ^ as if he were a
being altogether apart from the forces of nature, and
might leave the world to go on without him. A
little later he is found " walking in the garden in
the cool of the day."^ He clearly had a body re-
sembling that of man, for on one occasion Moses
was so highly favoured as to be permitted to see
his "back parts," and was covered with his hand
Avhile he was passing by. His face Moses was not
permitted to behold, as it would have caused his
death.* In order to pass by he " descended" in a
cloud, implying local habitation, and at this time
he magniloquently proclaimed his own titles and
virtues, which he might more gracefully have em-
ployed an angel to do for him. Elsewhere it is stated
^ Xeh. xiii. 23-28. * Gen. iii. 8.
^ Gen. ii. 2. * Ex. .vxxiii. 20-23.
320 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
tiiut Moses aud the elders "saw the God of Israel,"
and that he had some sort of paved work of
sapphire stone under his feet. When Moses went up
alone into the mount, " the sight of the glory of the
Lord was like devourins: fire." God was at this time
supposed to be on the mount, and there he held dis-
course with Moses.^ In the course of it he says that he
will " commune " from above the mercy-seat in the
tabernacle, again (as in so many other places) imply-
ing occupation of definite space. ^ He promises to
" dwell among the children of Israel," that is, to be a
national and local God.^ Confirmation of the view
here taken of his limited nature is found in tlic fiict
that he thought it necessary to "go down" to Sodom
and Gomorrah, to verify the reports which had
reached him concernin2: the conduct of their inhabit-
ants. And when Abraham appealed to him for mercy
for those of them who were righteous, his several
answers clearly implied that when he went to those
cities he would discover how many of them came
under that denomination. " If I find in Sodom fifty
righteous," and so forth, is the language of one who
does not know a fact, but is going to ascertain it.
And accordingly at the end of the colloquy " the Lord
went his way." * So completely anthropomorphic is the
conception of deity that, although the expression
occurs only in a parable, it is not at variance with the
mode in which he is usually spoken of when wine is
said " to cheer God and man." ^ Evidently there
was nothing shocking to the Hebrew mind in such an
expression. And when they pictured their God as
^ Ex. xxiv. 10-25. ^ Ex. XXV. 22. ^ Ex. xxix. 45, 46.
■• Gen. xviii. 20-33. '' Judg. ix. 13.
TOKENS OF A BETTER IDEAL. 321
walking, talking, indignant, angry, repenting, jealous,
sliowing himself to human beings, and generally
indulging in the passions of mortals, it was perfectly
easy to conceive that wine might exercise the same
effect on him as it did on them.
No doubt the Hebrew mythology is free from all
that class of stories in which a divine being is repre-
sented as making love to or cohabiting with women.
Or, to speak more accurately, they never represent
Jehovah himself as induloino^ in such amusements.
There is a reminiscence of this form of myth in the
statement that before the deluo^e the sons of God
intermarried with the daughters of men ; ^ but their
supreme Being was free at least from sexual passion.
So far as it goes, this is well ; but if I had to choose
between a God who was somewhat licentious in his
relations with mankind, and one who did not stick at
deeds of bloodshed of the most outrageous character,
I confess I should see no very powerful reason to
prefer the latter.
That, in spite of all these drawbacks, there are
some better elements in the Hebrew ideal 1 do not at
all deny. The poetical description of God as a " still
small voice " is both eloquent and spiritual ; and the
prayer of Solomon, with its admission that the heaven
of heavens cannot contain the Infinite Power who is
entreated to dwell in the Temple, is in many respects
beautiful and admirable. So also the views of
Jehovah attained and uttered by some of the prophets
are far loftier than those generally expressed in the
historical books. Many of the Psalms, again, are full
of beauty in the manner in which they speak of him
^ Gen. vi. 2.
VOL. II. X
322 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
to whom tliey are adtlrcsscd. In a nation so deeply
religious as the Jews, and so much given to meditation
on God, it was inevitable that the higher class of
minds should conceive him more spiritually than the
lower, and it is this class to whom we owe the
poetical and prophetic writings. It was inevitable
also that as civilisation advanced, the grosser elements
of the conception, which belonged to a barbarous
people, should be eliminated, and that the finer ones
should remain. The entire supersession of the older
God by the newer was prevented by the fact that the
Old Testament was a sacred book, and that hence
every one of its statements had to be received as
absolutely true. The inconsistency between the
wrathful monarch of ancient times and the loving
Spirit of more recent ages was sought to be sur-
mounted by those processes of interpretation which
have been shown to be invariably adopted when it is
desired to bring the infallible Scriptures of any nation
into harmony with the opinions of their readers.
But happily the language of the historical portions of
the Old Testament is singularly plain, and no ingen-
ious manipulation of the text can with the smallest
plausibility put aside the obvious meaning of the
broad assertions on which is founded the above
delineation of the God of Israel.
THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. 323
Section VI II. — The New Testament.
Since a considerable portion of the New Testament
has ah^eady been dealt with in the life of Jesus, we
have only, in the present section, to consider the
remaining works of which it is composed. These will
not require a very elaborate treatment. They con-
sist of one historical book, continuing the history of
the Christian community from the death of its founder
till the imprisonment of Paul at Rome, of a series of
letters, partly genuine, partly spurious, bearing the
names of eminent apostles as their authors, and of one
composition somewhat akin in its nature to the writ-
ings of the Hebrew prophets. Of these several parts
of the New Testament (excluding the Gospels) some
of the Epistles are probably the most ancient ; Ijut as
it would be difficult to establish any precise chrono-
logical sequence among the several books, it will be
most convenient to beijin with that which stands first
in actual order.
Subdivision i. — The Acts of the Apostles.
The author of the third gospel, having written the
life of Jesus, proceeded to compose, in addition to it, a
history of the proceedings of his apostles after his
decease. We are greatly indebted to him for having
done so, for this book is, notwithstanding some extra-
vngances, of considerable value, and is the most trust-
worthy of the five historical books in tlie New Testa-
ment. It brought the narrative of events nearer to
324 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
the date cat wliicli it was written tliaii the gospel could
do, and it dealt with events concerning which better
evidence was accessible to the writer. There was
thus not the same scope for fiction as there had been
in the life of Christ. Nevertheless the story of the
Acts of the Apostles is by no means free from legen-
dary admixture.
Beginning with the ascension, which has been
already noticed in connection with the gospel, it pro-
ceeds to rela4;e the choice of a new apostle in place of
the unfaithful Judas. The ceremony by which the
choice was made evinces a singular superstition on
the part of the apostles. Having selected two men,
Joseph and Matthias, they simply prayed that God
would show which he had chosen. They then drew
lots, and the lot fell upon Matthias.^
The next important event in the history of the
Church thus recruited, was the reception of the Holy
Ghost on the day of Pentecost. On this occasion the
Christians were all assembled, when suddenly there
was a sound like that of strong wind ; cloven
tongues appeared and sat upon them ; they were filled
with the Holy Ghost, and suddenly acquired the
power of speaking foreign languages.^ Since the
"gift of tongues" has not been unknown in certain
communities in recent times, we might perhaps form
a tolerably correct notion from the reports of modern
observers as to what the scene among the discij^les
was like. Even, however, without this modern ex-
perience, we should not be altogether in the dark
as to the character of the phenomenon of which the
author of the Acts makes so much. For althougli it
1 Acts i. 15-26. - Acts ii. 1-13.
THE GIFT OF TONGUES. 325
is indeed stated that some of tlie strangers who were
present heard each his own language spoken by the
disciples, it is added that the conviction produced
upon others was that the Christians were drunk.
It must have been a wild and singular exhibition which
could lead to the formation of such an opinion. But
if we wanted further explanation we should find it in
the words of Paul, whose strong practical judgment
led him to depreciate the value of the gift of tongues
as compared with that of preaching. Had this gift
consisted in the power of speaking their own languages
to foreign nations, there is none to whom it would
have been of greater service than the apostle of the
Gentiles. Yet it is he who tells us that at a meeting
lie w^ould rather speak five words with his understand-
ing, that he might teach others also, than ten thousand
in a tongue. So that the words spoken "in tongues"
were not spoken with the understanding ; they were
mere sounds without a meaning to him who uttered
them. Equally clear is the evidence of Paul to the
fact that they were without a meaning to him who
heard them. His reason for desiring his correspond-
ents to cultivate the gift of prophesying (or preaching)
rather than that of tongues is that " he that speaks in
a tongue speaks not to men, but to God, for nobody
understands him, l)ut in the spirit he speaks mysteries.
But he that preaches speaks to men edification, and
exhortation, and comfort. He that speaks in a tongue
edifies himself; but he that preaches edifies the
Church." ^ Tongues, he says further on, are for a sign
to unbelievers; that is, they are of use merely to
impress the senses of those whose minds cannot yet
^ I Cor. xiv. 2-4.
326 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
be a}»pealed to. But if the unbelieving or unlearned
should happen to enter a meeting where the disciples
were all speaking with tongues, they would consider
them mad : a striking testimony to the tumultuous
character of scenes like that presented by the enthusi-
astic assembly of the Christians at Pentecost. Hence
Paul desires that two, or at most three, should speak
with tongues at a time, and that there should always
be somebody to interpret, in other words, to translate
nonsense into sense. Without an interpreter, he will
not sanction any exercise of his peculiar faculty on
the part of the inspired linguist.^
To satisfy the doubts of those who attributed the
sudden attainments of the apostles to intoxicating
drinks, Peter delivered a discourse, which ended in
the addition of 3000 members to the rising sect. It
is remarkable that these new members at once became
communists, both they and all the disciples having
all things in common ; a noteworthy indication of
what Avas required by the religion of Christ as under-
stood by his immediate disciples.^ Further evidence,
if any were needed, of the communistic character of
the Church is contained at the end of the fourth
cliai:)tcr, while the fifth informs us of the tolerably
severe measures taken to enforce it. " There was one
heart and one soul among the multitude of those who
believed, nor did a single one say that any of the
things he possessed was his own ; but they had all
things common." Unhappily the one heart and one
mind did not extend to Ananias or to his wife Sapphira,
for this naughty couple "sold a possession and kept
back part of the price." But Peter was not thus to
* I Cor. xiv. 1-28. ■'' Acts ii. 14 47.
STORY OF ANANIAS AND SAPPHIRA. 327
be taken in. It does not appear from the account
that Ananias was asked whether the sum he produced
was the whole price of the land, or that he told any
falsehood reoardiuo: it. However, Peter remarked
that he might have kept either the property or its
price, had he thought proper, and charged him with
lying to God ; whereupon the poor man fell down
dead. About three hours later, Sapphira came in ;
and she distinctly stated that the sum produced by
Ananias was the full price. Peter told her that the
feet of those who had buried her husband were at the
door, and would carry her out too. She then fell
down at his feet, and expired in her turn.^
No wonder that "great fear came upon all the
Church " when they heard these things. Peter's
proceedings were indeed alarming, and could we
jbr a moment accept the account of his historian,
we should have no option but to hold him guilty
of the wilful murder of Sapphira. He knew, accord-
ino; to his own statement, what the effect of his
words upon this woman would be, and he should
have abstained from any expression that could bring
about so terrible a catastrophe. Happily, we may
reject the whole story as either a fiction or a per-
version of fact. Had it been true, it would have
called for very much sterner measures than those
taken by the Sanhedrim, who, having already desired
Peter and John to keep silence about the new religion,
now merely imprisoned the apostles, and afterwards,
on the prudent advice of Gamaliel, determined to
release them ; not indeed till after they had beaten
them and again prohibited their propagandist efforts.'^
^ Acts iv. 31-V. II. 2 ^Ycts V. 17-42.
328 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
It is interestinof to observe that Luke effects t)if;
deliverance of the apostles from prison by the inter-
vention of an angel, and that at a later period, when
Peter had been imprisoned by Herod, he again gets
him out by means of an angel who appears to him
while sleeping, and at whose presence his chains fall
off/ This is quite in accordance with the proceedings
of the same author in the gospel, where his partiality
for angels as part of his theatrical machinery has
been shown to be characteristic.
The infant community was now increasing in
numbers, and aloncf with this increase there arose
the customary consequences — dissension and mutual
distrust. We are fortunate in possessing in the Acts
an account of the very first quarrel in the Church ;
the earliest symptom of those discords and hostilities,
which, since that time, have so incessantly raged
within her limits. It was on a question of money ;
the Greeks murmurinof ao^ainst the Hebrews, because
they thought their widows were neglected in the daily
ministration. The apostles tided over the immediate
difficulty by appointing subordinate officers to attend
to matters of business. The p]an succeeded ; but
their peace was soon to be disturbed again by graver
questions.^
Among those appointed to superintend the pecu-
niary interests of the Church was one named Stephen.
This man is reported to have performed great wonders
"and miracles, but some of the Jews accused him of
blasphemy, and after an eloquent defence, which to
Jewish ears amounted to an admission of the charge,
he was sentenced to death by stoning. Foremost in
1 Acts xii. 1-19. '^ Acts vi. I-S.
CONVERSION OF PAUL. 329
the execution of the sentence was a man named Saul,
who was conspicuous at this time for the bitterness
with which he pursued the Christians, entering their
private houses, and causing them to be imprisoned/
If any proof were needed of the entire conscien-
tiousness of the Jewish persecutors of Christianity at
this time we should find it in the character of Saul.
Of the honesty of his religious zeal, of the single-
minded sense of duty from which he acted in his
an ti- Christian period, his subsequent career makes
it impossible to entertain a doubt. Men like the
apostle Paul are not made out of selfish, dishonest,
or cruel natures. He was at the martyrdom of
Stephen as honourable and fearless an upholder of
the ancient faith as he was afterwards of the new.
He himself several times refers in his writinos to
o
his persecution of the Church, and always in the
tone of a man who had nothinoj to be ashamed of
but a mistake in judgment. As touching the
righteousness which is in the law, he tells us he was
blameless.^ And although in intellectual power he
was doubtless above the average of his class, in point
of genuine devotion to his creed, he may fairly be
taken as a type of the men with whom he consented
to act.
Saul had probably been impressed by the conduct
of the Christians, whom he had so ruthlessly deliv-
ered up to justice. At any rate the subject of the
Christian religion had taken great hold upon his
mind, for on his way to Damascus he saw a vision
whicli induced him to become himself a follower of
Jesus. It is unfortunate that we have no detailed
* Acts vi. 9-viii. 3. 2 p},j^ jjj g_
330 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
account of the nature of the event which led to his
conversion from Paul himself. He often alludes to
it, but nowhere describes it.
The most important passage bearing upon the
subject is in the Second Epistle to the Corinthians,
where he thus mysteriously refers to his experience
on this occasion : "I knew a man in Christ above
fourteen years ago (whether in the body I do not
know, whether out of the body I do not know) such
an one caught up to the third heaven. And I knew
such a man (whether in the body, whether out of
the body, God knows), that he was caught up into
paradise, and heard unspeakable words, which it is
not lawful for a man to utter." ^ So far as it goes,
this account does not very well agree with that of
the Acts, since there we are told exactly what were
the words Paul heard, and what he answered. We
are left in doubt then whether the conversation
between Christ and the apostle there related rests
on the authority of Paul himself, or represents
merely the imagination of others as to what might
have passed between them. But that Paul saw some
kind of vision, which he himself believed to be a
vision of Christ, there can be no doubt.
From Luke we have two versions of this incident,
one in the form of historical narrative, the other in
that of a speech put into the mouth of Paul. Accord-
ing to these he saw a light, and heard a voice saying,
" Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ? " On inquiry,
he learnt that the voice emanated from Jesus, and he
was desired to proceed to Damascus, where further
instructions would be given him. Luke has not
^ 2 Cor. xii, 2-4.
THE CONVERSION OF CORNELIUS. 331
taken sufficient pains to make his two versions
liarmonise, for in the first we are told that his
companions heard a voice, hut saw no man ; in the
second that they saw the light, but did not hear the
voice of him tliat spoke. ^ At Damascus a man
named Ananias, directed also by a vision, went to
Saul to restore his sight, which had been destroyed
for the moment by the brilliancy of the celestial
light. After this, Saul, subsequently called Paul,
escaping from the pursuit of tlie Jews who had.
designs upon his life, began to preach in the name
of Jesus. ^
Another convert of some consideration, from his
official position and from the fact that he was a
heathen, Avas added to the community al)Out this
time. This was Cornelius, the Centurion of the Italian
baud. Cornelius was a religious man, much given
to prayer. Tired perhaps of visions, of which there
had been two in the last chapter and was to be
another in this, Luke introduces liis angel — a sort
of supernumerary ever ready to appear when wanted
— to effiict the conversion of Cornelius. The ans^el
told him to apply to Peter, now at Joppa, for further
advice as to what he should do. Meanwhile Peter
had on his part been j)repared by a vision of unclean
l)easts, which he was desired to eat, for tlie reception
of the Gentile embassy, and the admission of Gentiles
to the flock. He accordingly proceeded to Csesarea,
where Cornelius was, and baptized both him and
other heathens, upon whom, to the great astonish-
ment of the Jews, the Holy Ghost was poured out
and the gift of tongues conferred. Thus did the
' Acts ix. 7, and .\.\ii. 9. 2 ^(.[^ jj^ 1-3 1.
332 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Church of Christ begin, timidly and feeling her way
with caution, to extend her boundaries beyond the
limits of the Hebrew people.^
Some scandal was created in the congregation at
Jerusalem by Peter's violation of Jewish rules in
dining with uncircumcised people, but there was no
gainsaying a vision like that which he produced in
reply. Shortly after these events the apostle James,
one of those two brothers whose mother had peti-
tioned that they might sit on two thrones, one on
each side of Jesus, when his kingdom came, was
executed by Herod, the tetrarch; who also imprisoned
Peter, but was unable to keep him on account of the
angelic intervention mentioned above. The death
of this monarch from a painful internal disease, is
curiously perverted by the writer into a sudden
judgment of God, inflicted upon him because he
accepted divine honours at the hands of his flat-
terers.^
The history now proceeds to follow the fortunes of
Paul. It is stated that there were at Antioch certain
prophets and teachers, who were inspired by the Holy
Ghost to appoint Barnabas and Saul to the work
whereunto they were called. Having laid their
hands upon them, they sent them away. Paul no\v
began to travel from place to place, making converts
among the heathen. At Paphos he met with a
Jew^ish sorcerer named Ely mas, whom he caused to
be blind for a season, thereby inducing the Roman
proconsul Sergius Paulus to believe in Christianity,
which had thus shown itself able to produce more
powerful sorcerers than the rival creed. ^
^ Acts X. 2 Acts xi. xii. ^ Acts xiii. 1-12.
PAUL TAKEN FOR A GOD. 333
It is a striking proof of the li1)erality of the Jews
at this period that when Paul and his companions
had gone into the synagogue of Antioch in Pisidia,
the rulers of the synagogue invited them to speak ;
a freedom which even in the present day would
scarcely be granted in any Christian Church to those
who were reo-arded as heretics. Paul took advantao^e
of the proffered opportunity to deliver a speech which
ended in the conversion of some of the Jews. On the
following Sabbath great crowds came to hear Paul,
but the Jews, as was natural, opposed him and con-
tradicted him. After this they stirred up pious
women and the principal men of the city against
Paul and Barnabas, and (it is stated) expelled them
from their coasts.^ These apostles having already
determined to go,^ it was not a severe treatment that
was thus inflicted on them. They, however, left
Antioch in no very charitaljle frame of mind, for
they shook off the dust of their feet against its in-
habitants.^
The cure of an impotent man at Lystra led the
multitude of that place to adore Paul and Barnabas
as gods. Paul, as the orator, they called Hermes,
and Barnabas, Zeus. The priest of Zeus brought oxen
and garlands, and intended to sacrifice to them, an in-
tention which the people were barely prevented, by the
indignant protests of the two apostles, from carrying
into effect.* This was not the only occasion on which
Paul was taken for a god ; for when he was cast by
shipwreck on the island of Melita, his escape from
injury by a venomous reptile which had fastened ou
1 Acts xiii. 50. 3 ^ctg xiii. 14-52.
■■' Acts ziii. 46. ■« Acts xiv. 8-1 8.
334 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
liis hand was regarded by the savages of that island
as a proof of divinity.^
Extremely similar to these incidents, especially to
the first, is a circumstance recounted by Sir Francis
Drake in his voyage of circumnavigation. His vessel
having sprung a leak, while he was exploring the
coast of Nortli America, was brought to anchor to be
repaired, and the sailors landed to build tents and
make a fort for purposes of defence. The natives
approached them in companies, armed, and as if
designing an attack, but it appeared that they had
" no hostile meaning or intent ; " for when they came
near, they stood " as men ravished in their minds,
with the sight of such things as they never had seen
or heard of before that time : their errand being
rather with submission and feare to worship us as
gods, than to have any warre with us as with mortall
men. Which thing, as it did partly show itself at
that instant, so did it more and more manifest itself
afterwards, during the whole time of our abode
amongst them." The General gave them materials
for clothing, " withall signifying unto them we were
no gods, but men, and had neede of such things to
cover our own shame ; teaching them to use them for
the same ends, for which cause wee did eate and
drinke in their presence, giving them to understand
that without that wee could not live, and therefore were
but men as well as they " (" we also are men of like
passions with you."^) "Notwithstanding nothing
could persuade them, nor remove that opinion which
they had conceived of us, that wee should be gods." ^
And, as the heathens of Lystra were eager to
' Acts xxA'iii. 1-6. "'' Acts xiv. 15. ^ W. E., p. 120.
A PARALLEL CASE. 33'5
sacrifice to Barnabas and Paul, so those of this
country actually conferred this mark of divinity upon
some of the white men in the company of Drake,
nor were the utmost protests of the travellers of avail
to put a stop to what appeared to them, just as it
did to the apostles, an impious rite, derogating from
the honour due to the true God. The people had
come in a large body, accompanied by their king,
to make a formal j^rescntation of the sovereignty to
him, and the kino; had made over into his hands
the insignia of the royal office, when the scene now
described by Sir Francis took place.
"The ceremonies of this resigning and receiving of the King-
dome being thus performed," says Sir Francis, "the common sort,
both of men and women, leaving tlie king and his guard about
him, with our Generall, dispersed themselves among our people,
taking a diligent view or survey of every man ; and finding such
as pleased their fancies (which commonly were the youngest of
us), they presently enclosing them about offred their sacrifices
unto them crying out with lamentable shreekes and moanes,
weeping and scratching and tearing their very flesh off their
ftices with their nailes ; neither were it the women alone which
did this, but even old men, roaring and crying out, were as
violent as the women were.
** We groaned in spirit to see the power of Sathan so farre
prevaile in seducing these, so harmlesse- soules, and laboured by
all meanes, both by shewing our great dislike, and when that served
not, by violent withholding of their hands from that madnesse,
directing them (by our eyes and hands lift up towards heaven)
to the living God whom they ought to serve ; but so mad were
they upon their Idolatry, that forcible witMiolding them would
not prevaile (for as soon as they could get liberty to their
hands againe, they would be as violent as they were before) till
such time, as they whom they worshipped were conveyed from
them into the tents, whom yet as men besides themselves, they
would with fury and outrage seeke to have again." ^
' W. E.. 1-. 129.
336 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
We are aoain reminded of tlie Acts : " And with
these sayings scarce restrained they the people, that
they had not done sacrifice unto them." ^
An unfortunate change in the popular mind soon
occurred ; for on the arrival of some Jews who stirred
them up to hostility against the Apostles, they flew
from one extravagance to another, and stoned Paul
so severely that he was left by them for dead. But
as the disciples stood about him he rose, and was able
to continue his journey on the next day.
The Christians at Jerusalem were now required to
consider the difficult question of the circumcision of
the Gentiles ; their decision upon which has already
been discussed. After the council Paul (who had
returned to Antioch) proposed to revisit the places
where he had formerly preached, and Barnabas in-
tended to go with him. But a difference of opinion
as to whether they should take Mark with them led
to a violent quarrel between these two apostles ; as
the result of which Paul chose Silas as his compan-
ion, and left Barnabas to pursue his own course
v/ith his friend Mark.^
The writer now follows the fortunes of Paul in his
missionary work in various countries, and it is
remarkable that in the sixteenth chapter he drops the
third person, and begins to speak in the first person
plural, implying that he himself was one of the
company. The fact that from this point onwards the
book becomes practically not the Acts of the Apostles,
but the Acts of Paul, who is evidently the hero of the
story, indicates an author who belonged to the Pauline
section of the Church, and to whom Paul was the chief
livino: embodiment of the Christian faith. Who this
* Acts xiv. 1 8 ^ Acts xv.
CHRISTIANITY PASSES INTO EUROPE. 337
author was — whether Silas, or some other companion
■ — it would be hard to say, but he seems to have
written under the direct inspiration of Paul him-
self.
Increased by the addition of Timotheus, the party,
guided by a vision seen l)y Paul of a Macedonian
entreating them to come, went into Macedonia. At
Philippi they met with some success among women,
making particular friends with a purple-seller named
Lydia. But the conversion of a divining girl who
was a source of profit to her employers, led to the
imprisonment of Paul and Sihis, from which, however,
an opportune earthquake set them free.^
At Athens Paul made a speech on the Areopagos,
in which he ingeniously availed himself of an altar he
had noticed, inscribed " To an Unknown God," to
maintain that this unknown God was no other than
the Jehovah of the Jews.^ At Corinth he was allowed
to preach every Sabbath in the synagogue (as he had
done at Thessalonica, and did again at Ephesus),
another evidence of the tolerant spirit of the Jews as
compared with Christians. Not, of course, that the
Jews were not bigoted adherents of their narrow creed,
or that they had any scrujjle about supporting it by
physical force ; but they were willing to allow tliose
who had a reformation to propose to be heard in the
synagogues. The effect, as might be expected, was
to embitter those who remained orthodox against
Paul. But an attempt on their part to bring him
under the jurisdiction of the civil tribunals failed, and
after remaining a long time at Corinth, he went on to
Ephesus, and thence continued his course through
1 Acts xvi. "-^ Acts xvii. 16-34.
VOL. II. Y
33S HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Galatia autl Plirygia.^ Au eloquent and able Alexan-
drian, Apollos by name, came to Ephesiis, after Paul
had left it. He was a believer in John the Baptist,
and was received into the Church by Paul's friends,
Aquila and Priscilla, whom he had left behind.
A singular incident occurred on a subsequent visit
of Paul's to Ephesus. He found some disciples there
and asked them wdiether they had received the Holy
Ghost. They replied that they did not even know
whether there was a Holy Ghost. Such crass igno-
rance must have astonished Paul, who inquired into
what they had been baptized. They said, into John's
baptism, and the apostle accordingly bajjtized them
in the name of Jesus, with the striking result that
they immediately received the Holy Ghost and began
to speak in tongues.^ Curious incidental evidence is
thus supplied by the case of Apollos and by that of
these Ephesians of the existence of a Johannine sect
w^hich Christianity sujDcrseded and swept into oblivion ;
and it is remarkable, as afibrding a presumption that
the Baj^tist did not regard himself as the mere pre-
cursor of Christ, that these Johannists do not appear
to have been looking forward to any further develop-
ment of their principles such as the religion of Jesus
supplied.
At Ephesus Paul preached for three months in the
synagogue, and then, meeting with much opposition,
betook himself to a public room, where he disputed
daily. But after he had taught two years, a danger-
ous riot was excited by the tradesmen who dealt in
silver shrines for the Ephesian Artemis, and Paul,
after the disturbance had been quelled, determined to
' Acts xviii. 1-23. ' Acts xix. 1-7.
PAULS TROUBLES IN JERUSALEM. 339
go iuto Macedonia.^ Wliile lie was preaching at
Troas, a young man, wlio had faJlen asleep, fell from
the window at which he was sitting, and was supposed
to have been killed. Paul, however, declared that he
was still alive, and told them not to be disturbed.
This opinion proved to be correct. To this simple
incident the historian, by stating that he was
" taken up dead," has contrived to give the aspect of
a miracle. The case exactly resembles the su|)posed
miracle of Jesus, discussed above,^ and is another
illustration of the facility with which natural occur-
rences may, by the turn of a phrase, be converted into
marvels.^
No arouments were now availino- to dissuade tlie
apostle from visiting Jerusalem, where it was well
known that peril awaited him. Arrived at the centre
of Judaism, his first business was to clear himself from
the suspicions entertained of his rationalistic tenden-
cies by taking a vow according to the Mosaic ritual.
After this the Asiatic Jews raised a clamour ao-ainst
him which ended in a danoerous tumult. From the
violent death which threatened him at the hands of
the enraged multitude he was rescued by tlie Roman
troops, under cover of whose protection he made his
defence before the people.^ It naturally did not
conciliate the Jews ; and the Roman officer who had
made him prisoner, having been deterred from the
application of torture by Paul's Roman citizenship,
desired his accusers to appear in court to prefer their
charges on the following day.^ But w^hen the case
came on, Paul ingeniously contrived to set the
' Acts xix. 8-xx. I. - Supra, vtJ. i. p. 320-323. ^ Acts xx. 7-12,
* Acts xxi. 27-xxii. 21. 5 Acts xxii. 22-30.
340 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Pharisees against the Sadducees by the assertion that
he himself was a Pharisee, and that he was charo'ed
with beUeving in a future state. By this not very
candid shift he obtained the support of the Pharisaic
party, and produced among his prosecutors a scene of
clamour and discord from which it was thought expe-
dient to remove him. Defeated in the courts of law,
the more embittered of his enemies formed a scheme
of private assassination which was revealed to the
captain of the guard by Paul's nephew, and from
which he was rescued by being sent by night under a
strong military escort to the governor of the province,
a man named Felix. ^ Ananias, the high priest, and
others of the prosecutors, followed Paul to Csesarea in
five days, but the nature of their charges was such
that they made little impression upon the mind of the
governor. He nevertheless kept Paul in confinement,
perhaps hoping (as the narrator suggests) that he
would receive a bribe to set him free.^ After two
years Festus succeeded Felix, and when this governor
visited Jerusalem he was entreated by the priests to
send for Paul, which, however, he refused to do, and
required the prosecutors to come to him at Csesarea.
They went, and charged Paul with offences which it
is said they could not j)rove. When Festus asked
him whether he would go to Jerusalem to be tried by
him, Paul replied that he ought to be tried at Cgesar's
judgment-seat, as he had done the Jews no wrong,
and that he appealed to Caesar. The policy of this
appeal was questionable, for after a time Festus was
visited by King Agrippa, to whom he related the facts
of the case ; and the kincj, havinsj heard the statement
^ Acts xxiii. ^ Acts xxiv.
PAUL AT ROME. 341
of tlie prisoner himself, declared that he might have
been set at liberty had he not appealed to CsGsar.^
Paul therefore was now sent with a gang of prisoners
to Rome, on the way to which the ship he was in was
wrecked off the island of Melita, where the winter
months were accordingly passed. Here he cured
numerous inhabitants of diseases, and received high
honours in consequence. After three months an
Alexandrine vessel conveyed the shipwrecked com-
pany to the capital. Arrived at Rome, Paul summoned
the Jews to come to the house where, guarded by a
soldier, he was allowed to live, and endeavoured to
convert them. Meeting with indifferent success, he
dismissed them with insulting words drawn from
Isaiah, and roundly informed them that the salvation
of God was now sent to the Gentiles, and that these
would hear it.^ What was the ultimate fate of this
great teacher of Christianity, wdiether his case was
ever heard, and if so, how it was decided ; whether
he lived a prisoner, or was set free, or died a martyr,
we have no historical information, and it is useless, in
the absence of evidence, to attempt to conjecture.
Subdivision 2. — The Epistles.
In the epistles which have been preserved to us,
and which are no doubt but a few rescued from a
much larger correspondence, the apostolic authors en-
force uj)on their respective converts or congregations
the doctrines of Christianity as understood by them.
They explain the relation of Jesus to the Jewish law ;
they inculcate morality ; they reply to objections ;
* Acts xxv. xxvi. '^ Act« xxvii. xxviii.
342 HOL Y BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
tliey bold out the prospect of the speedy revolution
which they expect. Since their opinions on all the
topics upon which they touch cannot, within the limits
of a general treatise, be discussed in detail, all that
is necessary noAv is to glance rapidly at the more
general characteristics of the several writers.
A letter addressed to the twelve tribes scattered
abroad, and traditionally ascribed to the apostle James,
may best be taken in connection with an anonymous
epistle addressed to the Hebrews. They have these
two features in common, that they are written to
Jewish Christians, and that they discuss the relation
of faith to works. It is true that this question is
treated by their authors from opposite points of view.
Theological controversy began early in the history of
the Christian Church, and its first controversial
treatises have been embodied in the Canon of its
Sacred Books. It appears, moreover, to be highly pro-
bable, not only that the two epistles were written on
opposite sides of a disputed question, but that the
chapter in the one dealing with that question was
designed as an answer to the corresponding chapter in
the other. It may be difficult to say which was the
original statement, which the reply; but when we
find the very same examples chosen by both, the one
maintaining that Abraham and Eahab were justified
by faith, the other that they were justified by works,
it is not easy to believe that so exact a coincidence in
the mode of treating their subject was accidental.
The more argumentative tone taken by James — as of
one answering an opponent — induces me to believe
that his epistle was the later of the two. The author
of the Hebrews insists upon the paramount necessity
DISPUTE ABOUT FAITH AND WORKS. 343
of faith ; showing Ly a number of historical examples
that the conduct of the great heroes of the Hebrew
race, besides that of many inferior models of excel-
lence, was wholly due to tliis cause. The author of
James, on the contrary, strenuousl}" maintains that
faith is of no value without works, and, as if
endeavouring to set aside the force of the examples
produced on the other side, selects for his considera-
tion the history of two persons who had been held up
as illustrations of the doctrine that we are justified
by faith. Abraham, he says, was not justified by
faith only, but by works ; for he offered Isaac on the
altar, which was a very practical illustration of his
faith.^ Eahab again, who according to you was saved
from destruction with the unbelievers by faith, was in
reality justified by works, for it was a work to receive
the messengers and send them out another way."
Not that we deny the importance of faith altogether ;
but we do deny the exclusive position which you, in
your Epistle to the Hebrews, assign to it. Without
works faith is a dead, unj)roductive thing ; like a
body without its animating spirit. Indeed a man
may say to him who relies upon his faith alone, Show
me your faith without works, and I will show you
mine by my works. What is the use of a faith
unaccompanied by works ? can it save any one by it-
self? Certainly not, answers James; Certainly, says
the author of the Hebrews. The whole question turns
on those hair-splitting distinctions in which theo-
logians have ever delighted ; for while the one party
considers faith as the producing cause of good ac-
tions, the other treats good actions as the evidence of
^ James ii. 21-23. ' Jtimes ii. 25.
344 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
faith. Neitlier the one nor the other really meant to
question the necessity of either element in the com-
bination.
In other respects there is a broad difference between
the two epistles. That to the Hebrews is Judaic in
tone and spirit ; its main object beini^ to prove that
Christ is a sort of high -priest, endowed with authority
to set aside the old Jewish institutions and substitute
something better. James is more catholic and more
practical. He insists upon the necessity of not only
hearing, but doing the word ; of keeping the whole
moral law ; of bridling the tongue, and of showing no
respect to persons on account of their worldly position.
He is extremely hostile to the rich, and draws a very
unfavourable picture of their conduct.^ He encourages
the poor Christians to endure patiently till Christ
comes, which will be very soon.^ Lastly, he emphati-
cally urges the duty of proselytism ujDon his flock ;
remarking that one who converts another when
wandering from the truth, both saves the soul of the
wanderer and hides a multitude of his own sins.^
Two epistles are attributed to the apostle Peter, the
first of which, addressed to the strangers in Pontus,
Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia, purports to
be written from Babylon. He holds out to his corres-
pondents the hope of salvation which they have through
Jesus, which is a source of joy, notwithstanding their
present troubles. Among other precepts he counsels
husbands and wives as to their mutual behaviour ;
exhorting wives to be obedient, and not to care too
much for dress ; and requiring husbands to honour
^ James ii. 6, 7, and v. 1-6. ^ James v. 7, 8.
2 Jaines v. 19,. 20.
THE EPJSTLES OF ST JOHN. 345
tlieir wives as the weaker vessels.^ The Second Epistle
of Peter would appear to be by a rather late author,
for he has read the epistles of Paul. He is troubled
about "false teachers," who introduce "heresies of
destruction," and denounces them in no measured
terms.^ Having, as above described, comforted the
Christians for the long delay in the second coming of
the Saviour, he exhorts them not to be led away by
the error of the wicked, but to grow in grace and in
the knowledge of their Lord.^
Of the three epistles bearing the name of John, the
first only is of any considerable length. The style
of this epistle is extremely simple, and it reads like
the kindly talk of an old man to children. He tells
his flock not to sin, not to love the world, and to love
one another. So much does he keep to these purely
general maxims, that it would be difficult to gather
any really useful instruction from his benevolent
garrulity. It is characteristic of him to insist again
and again upon love as the cardinal virtue of a
Christian. Besides this, perhaps the most definite
advice he gives is to pray for anything desired, and
to entreat of God the forgiveness of a brother who
has committed a sin not unto death,* With great
self-complacency he calmly asserts that he and his
friends are of God, and that the whole world lies in
wickedness ; * a pleasant mode of putting those to-
wards whom it was impossible to practise the love
about which he spoke outside the pale of brotherhood.
The writer of John's second epistle, addressed to a
lady and her children, illustrates the kind of charity
1 I Pet. iii. 1-7. 22 Pet. ii. s 3 p^.^^ jij, 17, 18.
"• I John v. 14-16. , * I Joliu V. 19,
346 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
resulting fioni such views as tins, when he tells them
not to receive into their house, nor bid " farewell " to
any one who does not hold correct doctrines.^ The
third epistle, written to Gains, contains little beyond
matters of purely personal interest. The Epistle of
Jude, who calls himself brother of James, denounces
certain *' ungodly men," who have " crept in una-
w^ares," and are doing great mischief in the Church.
It is principally interesting from its reference to the
les^end of the contest of Michael the archano;el with
the devil for the body of Moses, w^iich popular
tale tlie writer seems to accept as unquestionably
authentic.^
Havino^ thus referred to the writinfjs which bear,
whether correctly or not, the names of the original
apostles of Jesus, we come to those of one who was
far greater than any of these — the apostle who was
not converted until after the death of his Master.
Paul, to whom the great majority of the epistles
preserved in the New Testament are ascribed, and by
whom many of them were undoubtedly written, is
the central figure of the apostolic age, and the one
who redeems it from the somewhat unintellectual
character it would otherwise have had, Throuo^h
him it principally was that Christianity passed from
the condition of a Jewish sect to that of a compre-
hensive relioion. What Christ himself had been
unable to do, he did. What the apostles of Christ
shrunk from attempting, he accomplished. He him-
self was not unconscious of the magnitude of his
labours. Hence there is noticeable now and then in
his writings, though veiled under respectful phrases,
^ 2 John lo. - Jude 9.
PA UrS APOSTLESHIP. 347
a sort of intellectual contempt for the older apostles,
who were not always prepared for the thoroughgoing
measures which appeared to him so obviously ex-
pedient. He is extremely anxious not to be thought
one whit inferior to them by reason of his compara-
tively late appointment to the apostleship. He
carefully rebuts the suspicion that he acted in subor-
dination to them, or even in conjunction with them,
after his conversion. His course, he is anxious to let
every one know, was taken in entire independence
of the Church at Jerusalem. Moreover, he insists
emphatically upon his personal qualifications. Was
any one a Hebrew ? so was he. Had others received
visions or revelations ? so had he. Had others been
persecuted ? so had he. He is fond of dwelling upon
his individual history in order to support his claims.
Thus he tells us that in former times he persecuted
the Church of God, and that he was more Jewish
than the Jews, being even more zealous than they of
the traditions of his fathers. It was therefore entirely
by special revelation from God, and not by any
human agency whatever, that he was consecrated to
his present work. Indeed his revelations were so
abundant that it needed a "thorn in the flesh" to
prevent him from being too jjroud of them — a work,
however, in which the thorn was not entirely success-
ful. His suflferings for the sake of the gospel afforded
him another and more legitimate cause of satisfaction.
He says of these that he received thirty-nine stripes
from the Jews on five occasions ; that he was thrice
beaten with rods ; once stoned ; thrice shipwrecked ;
a day and night in the deep (in an open boat ?) ;
often in all sorts of perils, in watchings, cold and
348 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
thirst, Imnger and nakedness. Once too lie escaped
from arrest at Damascus, which does not seem a very
serious calamity.^
Now the object of all these autobiographical state-
ments is evidently to place himself on a level with
other apostles who might seem at first to be more
highly privileged than he was. Not so, he contends :
if they are ministers of Christ, I am quite as much so ;
if they saw Christ before his death, I have seen him
after it ; if they have laboured in his cause, I have
laboured more ; if they have suflfered for his sake, I
have sufi'ered more. Hence my authority is in every
respect equal to theirs, and should there be a difier-
ence of opinion between us you must believe me,
your pastor, rather than them. Nay, even if an angel
from heaven should preach any other gospel than
that which I have preached, you must not believe
him : much more then must you disbelieve an apostle.
Besides, appearances are deceptive, and as Satan may
appear in the character of an angel of light, so the
ministers of Satan may, and do appear in the char-
acter of apostles of Christ.^ There was therefore a
section of the Church — probably the Judaic section,
under the guidance of one of the original apostles —
with whom Paul was at issue, and whom he con-
sidered it incumbent upon him to oppose by every
argument in his power. These are they whom he
refers to as " troubling " the Galatians, and perverting
the gospel of Christ.^
Such was the view taken by Paul of his function
in the rising sect. AVhatever may have been its
^ 2 Cor. xi. 22-28.— Gal. i. 11-24. ^ 2 Cor. xi. 13-15. — Gal. i. 8.
3 Gal. i. 7.
PAULS EPISTLES. 349
logical justificatiou, it was fully justified by facts.
In power of reasoning, in grasp of principles, in
comprehensiveness of view, lie was not only " not
a whit behind the chiefest apostles," but far before
them. His letters are by far the most remarkable
of the writings which the New Testament contains.
They evince a mind almost overburdened by the mass
of feelings struggling for expression. He is pro-
foundly penetrated with the new truth he has dis-
covered, or rather which Christ has discovered to him,
and he seems to have scarcely time to consider how
he may best express it. His mind, though wealthy
in ideas and fertile in applying them to practice, is
not always clear. It seems rather to struggle with
its thouiihts than to command them. Hence a
certain confusedness in style, a crowding together of
notions in a single sentence, and a want of logical
arrangement in his presentation of a suljject, which
render his epistles not altogether easy reading. It
may have been those characteristics which caused
another apostle (or one who wrote in that apostle's
name) to say that there were some things in the
writings of his beloved brother Paul that were " hard
to be understood."^
When, however, the uncouth style is surmounted, the
thoughts will be found well worthy of consideration.
Of all the writers in the New Testament Paul is the
one who presents the largest materials for intellectual
reflection. Whether or not we agree in his views,
we can scarcely refuse to consider his arguments.
And lierein he is peculiar among his associates. He
is the only one of the canonical writers who has any
* 2 Pet. iii, 16.
350 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
uotion of presenting arguments for consideration at
all. While others dogmatise, he reasons. He may
reason badly, but he has at least the merit of being
able to enter in some degree into the views of his
opponents, and of attempting to reply to them on
rational cfrounds.
Another strikino- feature of the mind of Paul is its
robustness. Brought up a Pharisee, a sect devoted
to extending the regulations of the law to the utmost
minutiae, he nevertheless rose completely above the
domination of trifles. Even matters which in most
religions are regarded as of capital importance, he
treated as of little moment in themselves. Cere-
monies, observances, outward forms of every kind
he held in slight esteem in comparison with moral
conduct. Not the mere knowledofe of the Jewish law
or the power of teaching it to others, is of any avail,
but the ob^rvance of its ethical precepts.^ Uncir-
cumcision is just as good as circumcision, provided
the uncircumcised man keep the law. The true Jew
is not he who is a Jew outwardly, nor true circum-
cision that performed upon the flesh. He is the
true Jew who is one inwardly, and that is true
circumcision which is in the heart. ^ Indeed, in the
renovated condition which is effected by Christianity,
there is neither Greek nor Jew ; neither circumcision
nor uncircumcision ; neither barbarian, Scythian,
slave, nor freeman ; but Christ is everything and
in everything.^ In the same rationalistic spirit he
lays down the admirable rule that external forms
are valuable only to those who think them so. One
man believes he may eat everything ; another eats
^ Rom. ii. 17-23. - Rom. ii. 24-29. ^ Col. iii. 11. — Gal. iii. 28.
THE ETHICS OF PAUL. 351
only herbs. One man esteems all clays alike ; another
esteems one clay above another. The freethinker
must not despise the one who holds himself bound
by such things, nor must this latter condemn the
freethinker. The really important matter is that
every one should have a complete conviction of his
own. In that case, whatever conduct he pursues in
these trivialities, being dictated by his conscience, is
religious conduct. On the one side, the more scrupu-
lous must not pass judgment on the less scrupulous,
that being the office of Christ ; but, on the other
side, the less scrupulous must endeavour not to give
offence to the more scrupulous. In illustration of
this doctrine Paul confesses that to him personally
the Jewish distinction between clean and unclean
meat is totally unmeaning ; yet if his brother were
grieved by his eating the so-called unclean meats,
he would rather give up the practice than destroy
by his meat one for whom Christ had died. All
things, indeed, are pure in themselves, yet it is not
well to eat flesh or drinli; wine if another is scandalised
thereby. We who are strong-minded, and have sur-
mounted these childish scruples of our forefathers,
must bear the infirmities of the weak rather than
please ourselves.'^
Certainly when the things are in themselves totally
indifferent, the principle of concession to the super-
stitions of minds governed by traditional beliefs may
sometimes be advantageously adopted. But the
importance of protesting against the bondage exer-
cised by such beliefs over human life is also not to
be underrated, and Paul seems scarcely to give ifc
* Rom. xiv. XV. i.
352 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
sufficient weight in the preceding argument. No
doubt on the ground of policy, and in reference to
the desirability of keeping the members of the
nascent sect from internal quarrels, Paul was right ;
but a principle which in certain cases may be ex-
pedient for a given end, is not to be set up as a
universal rule of ethics. Nor is it obvious that Paul
intended to do this. He himself, if questioned, Avould
probably have admitted that there were limits beyond
which concession ouoht not to fi-o, those limits being
fixed by the consideration that such concession, if
pushed too far, must end in the perpetual subordina-
tion of the whole of the Christian body to the
weaknesses of its least enlightened members. The
morality expressed in the lines
" Leave tliou thy sister when she praj-s
Her early heaven, her happy views,
Nor thou with shadowed hint confuse
A life that leads melodious days,''
is good morality under certain conditions, but there
is too great a tendency on the part of those who
retain their " early heaven " to press this conduct
upon those whose " faith has centre everywhere, nor
cares to fix itself to form." It ought not to be for-
gotten that but for the Christian disregard of forms,
persevered in in despite of the scandal to the Jews,
Christianity must always have remained a branch of
Judaism.
A peculiar merit to be set to Paul's account is,
that he is the only one of all the writers in the New
Testament who treats the supremely important ques-
tion of the relations of the sexes, a subject so remark-
ably overlooked by Christ himself. Whether the
PA UnS DOCTRINE OF THE SEXES. 353
gukUiiice he affords liis converts on this liead is good
guidance or not, be does at least attempt to guide them.
Let us notice first what he considers abnormal rela-
tions, and then proceed to what he lays down as a
normal one. In the first Epistle to the Corinthians he
is loud in his denunciations of a man who cohabited
with his father's wife, the father being, I presume,
deceased. Whether the son had married his step-
mother, or merely lived with her, is not altogether
clear, since, in either case, the apostle might brand
their connection with the title of fornication. How-
ever, he condemns it utterly and without reference to
any accompanying circumstances, desiring the Corin-
thian community to deliver up the man to Satan for
the destruction of the flesh, in the name and with the
power of their Lord Jesus, in order that his spirit might
be saved at the day of judgment.^ Here tlien we have
an early example of excommunication, accompanied
by the formula to be used in performing the solemnity.
Tliat the severe reproof bestowed by Paul upon
the Corinthians for permitting such conduct greatly
affected them, we gather from the tenderer language
employed in the subsequent epistle, where he admits
having at one moment repented that he had caused
them so much sorrow, though he soon saw that it had
been for their good.^ It is gratifying, also, to find
that his tone towards the unfortunate individual
who had been excommunicated at his desire is
greatly softened, and that he desires the Corintliians
to forgive him, and receive him back into their
body, lest he should be swallowed up with too much
soiTow.^ It would have been interesting had he
' I Cor. V. 2 2 Cor. vii. 8-13. ^ 2 Cor. ii. 6, 7.
VOL, II. Z
354 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
informed us wliy he considered cohabitation with t»,
stepmother so terri! le a crime, but such a recurrence
to first principles' was not to be expected. He, no
doubt, acted on a purely instinctive sentiment of re-
pugnance to such an arrangement.
A second kind of relation between the sexes wdiicli
the apostle condemns is that of prostitution. Here
he has not left us equally in the dark as to the
grounds upon which his condemnation is founded.
Not only does he prohibit prostitution to the Chris-
tians, but he tells them exactly why they ought
not to indulge in it ; and his argument upon this
subject is sufficiently curious to merit a moment's
examination. In the first place, then, he tells his
disciples that neither fornicators, nor adulterers, nor
Sodomites, nor practisers of various other vices not
of a sexual nature, will inherit the kiugdom of God.^
Fornication should not even be named among the
Christians.^ They must mortify their members upon
earth, for impure connections and sexual license
bring down the wrath of God.^ They must exclude
from their society any one who is guilty of such
irregularities.^ " The body is not for prostitution,
but for the Lord, and the Lord for the body." The
bodies of Christians are the members of Christ :
" Shall I then take the members of Christ, and make
them the members of a prostitute ? God forbid.
What ! do you not know that he who is joined to
a prostitute is one body ? for the two [he says ^] shall
be one flesh."® It was surely a very original notion
of Paul's to extend to the casual connections formed
^ I Cor. \'i. 9, lo. — Eph. v. 5. ^ Col. iii. 5, 6. ' ^^o-iV is doubtful.
' Eph. V. 3. * I Cor. V. 9-1 1, ** I Cor. vi. 13-16.
PAULS DOCTRINE OF THE SEXES. 355
by temporary passion the solemu sanction bestowed
upon the permanent union of man and wife. It is
said in Genesis that a man and his wife are to be
one flesh, and this is obviously an emphatic mode
of expressing the closeness and binding character
of the alliance into which they enter. But what
may appropriately be said of married persons cannot
of necessity be said of persons linked together only
by the most fleeting and mercenary kind of ties.
The very evil of prostitution is, that the prostitute
and her companion are not one flesh in the allegorical
sense in which husband and wife are so ; and to
condemn it on account of the presence of the very
circumstance which is conspicuously absent, is to
cut the ground from under our feet. But let us
hear the apostle further. "But he that is joined
to the Lord is one spirit. Flee prostitution. Every
sin that a man commits is outside of the body [what
can this mean ?], but the fornicator sins against his
own body. What ! do you not know that your
body is the temple of the Holy Spirit in you ?
which you have of God, and you are not your
own." ^ Now in this singular argument it is
noticeable that the ground taken up is entirely
theological. Destroy the theological foundation, and
the ethical superstructure is involved in its ruin.
Thus, if we do not believe that our bodies are the
members of Christ, nor the temples of the Holy Spirit,
Paul has no moral reason to give us against the most
unlimited indulgence in prostitution. While, even
if we admit his premises, it is not very easy to see
how his conclusion follows. For why should we
* I Cor. vi. 17-19.
356 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
not make the members of Christ those of a prosti-
tute, unless it be previously shown that it would
in any case be wrong to do so with our own
members ? It would not (according to Paul himself)
be wrono; to make the members of Christ members
of a wife ; why, then, should it be wrong to make
them members of any other woman wdiatever ?
Clearly this question could not be answered without
an attempt to prove, on independent grounds, the
evil of promiscuous indulgence of the sexual passion.
But no such attempt is made by Paul. He has there-
fore failed completely to make out a case against even
the most unbridled license. Not that his conclusion
need therefore be rejected. On the contrary, the dan-
oer of his aro-uments is not that his view of morals is
fundamentally erroneous, but that he rests an impor-
tant precept upon a dangerously narrow basis.
Pass we now to that which he considers as the
normal relation between the sexes. The subject may
be divided into three heads : that of the formation of
such relations, that of their character when formed,
and that of their disruption. Upon all of these the
apostle has advice to give.
In the first place it appears that the Corinthians
had applied to him for a solution of some question that
had been raised among them as to the propriety of
enterinor at all into the matrimonial state. In answer
O
to their inquiries he begins by informing them that it
is o-ood for a man not to touch a woman. He would
prefer it if every one were like himself, unmarried.
To unmarried people and widows he says that they
had better remain as they are. Concerning virgins of
either sex he delivers his private opinion that their
PAULS DOCTRINE OF THE SEXES. 357
couditioii is a good one for the present necessity. A
married man indeed should not endeavour to get rid
of his wife ; but neither should an unmarried man
endeavour to obtain a wife. The time is so short till
the final judgment of the world that it makes little
difi"erence ; before long both married and unmarried
will be in the same position. Meantime, however,
celibacy is the preferable state ; and that because
celibates care for the things of the Lord, how they
may please the Lord ; but married people care for one
another, and study to please one another.^ Why Paul
should suppose that married people, even while study-
ino- one another's happiness, might not also endeavour
to please the Lord, it is hard to understand. He
seems in this passage to lend his sanction to the very
dangerous doctrine that a due discharge of tbe ordinary
duties of life is incompatible Math attention to the
service of God. As if the highest type of Christian life
were not precisely that in which both were comljined
in such a manner that neither should be sacrificed to
the other. But, apart from this fundamental objection
to his theory, it is liable to the remark that the
assumptions on which it rests are untrue. Unmarried
persons, unless the whole literature of fiction, dramatic
and novelistic, utterly belies them, care at least as
much to become married as married persons care to
promote one another's comfort. Indeed, it would be
no less true to nature to say, that the unmarried in
general take more pains to please some persons of the
opposite sex than husbands take to please their wives,
or wives their husbands. Not to dwell upon the fiict
that courtship involves a greater effort, mental and
' 1 Cor. vii. 1-34.
358 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
pliysical, than the mere contiuuance of love assured of
being returned, there is the obvious consideration that
the mere outward circumstances of the unmarried are
far less favourable than those of the married to the
enjoyment of their mutual society without consider-
able sacrifice of time. Hence the estimate made by
Paul of the relative advantages of the two states is
untrue to fticts, except in the rare cases of those who
have firmly resolved upon a life of celibacy, and who,
in addition to this, have so perfect a control over their
passions, or so little passion at all, as to be untroubled
by sexual imaginations.
That these objections are w^ell founded might be
proved by reference to a picture (drawn either by
Paul himself or by some one who assumed his name)
of the conduct of young widows. Having to consider
the question what Avidows may properly be supported
by the charity of the Church, this writer refuses to
admit any of them to the number of pensioners until
they are sixty years old, apparently on the ground
that they cannot be trusted to give up flirting alto-
gether before they have reached that age. Young
widows are to be rejected, for when they have begun
to wax wanton against Christ, tliey wish to marry ; a
damnable tendency, but one which it is so hopeless to
get rid of, that the best thing they can do is to marry,
to have children, and manage their households. Other-
wise they will gad about gossiping and tale-bearing
from house to house ; not only idle, but mischie-
vous.^ So that the ideal conception of unmarried per-
sons caring only to please the Tuord had at least
no application to Christian widows.
' I 'I'ini. V. 9-55.
PA Urs PREFERENCE FOR CELFBA CY. 359
While recommending celibacy, Paul is careful not to
encourage breach of promise of marriage. If a man
thinks he is behaving unhandsomely towards his
betrothed, who is passing the flower of her age, he
may marry her : he is not doing wrong. Nevertheless
if he feel no necessity for a sexual relation, and resolve
to keep her a virgin, he does well. So then marriage
is good, but celibacy is better.^
Notwithstanding these views, Paul, or at least the
Pauline Christian who wrote the first Epistle to
Timothy, by no means contemplates a celibate clergy.
It is specially enumerated among the qualifications of
a l)ishop that he is to be a good manager of his house-
hold, keeping his children well in order ; for (it is
argued) if a man cannot rule his own house, how- will
he be al>le to take care of the Church of God ? The
only limitation placed upon the bishops is that they
are not to be polygamists. They, as well as the
deacons, are to keep to a single wife.^
Notwithstanding his general preference for celi-
bacy Paul recognises certain reasons as sufficing to
excuse the establishment of a sexual relation, and it is
important to note what, in the apostle's judgment,
these reasons are. Now it is remarkable that he seems
to perceive no consideration whatever in favour of
the matrimonial condition but its ability to satisfy the
sexual appetite. To avoid fornication a man is to
have his own wife ; if people cannot restrain them-
selves, they should marry, for it is better to marry
than to burn. Those who marry are not guilty of sin,
although they will have trouble in the flesh." Such a
view of the functions of matrimony as this is simply
* I Cor. vii. 36-3S. 2 J Yxm. iii. 1-5. ^ j q^^^ yjj^ 3^ ^^ 28.
36o HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
degrading. It treats it as exactly equivalent to
j)rostitiition in the uses it fulfils, and as differing only
in the durability of the connection. But if the whole
object of the connection is merely to gratify passion,
its greater durability is but a questionable advantage.
For exactly as marriage is recommended " to avoid
fornication," so divorce might often be recommended
to avoid adultery. A union of which the main purpose
is to give a convenient outlet to desire, had better be
broken when it ceases to fulfil that office to the satis-
faction of both the parties. It is strange that Paul
should seem to have no conception Avhatever of the
intellectual or moral advantages to be derived from
the sympathetic companionship of one of the opposite
sex. Perhaps his age presented him with scarcely
any examples of marriages in which that companion-
ship was carried into the higher fields of human
thought or action. Yet he might still have acknow-
ledjred somethinfj' more in the emotion of love
than a special condition of the human body. Chris-
tianity has done much to raise the cliara(itcr of
marriage, but not one of its achievements in that
respect can be credited to the writings of its chief
apostle.
Such beino- the o-rounds on which the matrimonial
bond was to be contracted, it was natural that when
contracted, the relation of the parties to each other
should not be one of a very exalted order. Paul has,
in fact, little of moment to recommend under the
second head (that of the character of these relations)
except the subjection of women, and on this he is
certainly emphatic enough. Wives are to submit
themselves to their own husl)ands ; husbands are
FAVL ON HUSBAND AND WIFE. 361
to love their wives.^ An extraordinary reason is
given in one epistle (possibly indeed not written by
Paul) for requiring women to learn with subjection,
and forbidding them to teach, or usurp authority
over men. It is that Adam was formed first, and
Eve after him, and that Adam was not deceived,
but Eve was.^ Scarcely less absurd than this is
the argument (and again I must note that it occurs
in an epistle of doubtful authenticity) that the
husband is the head of the wife, as Christ is of
the Church, and that just as the Church is subject
to Christ, so must wives be subject to their husbands.
And as Christ loved the Church, so are husbands to
love their wives, considering them as equivalent to
their own bodies, which they cannot hate ^ (although
it did not appear that Avhen a man became " one
body " with a prostitute he was therefore to love
her). These views of the duty of submission on
the 2:)art of wives are not indeed surprising in that
early age, for they have continued to the present
day. The writer of these epistles is only chargeable
with not being in advance of his fellow-men. It
required all the genius of Plato, whom not even
the greatest apostle could approach, to foreshadow
for women a position of equality which they are
but now beginning to attain.
Besides these rules there is another laid down by
Paul for the conduct of married parties which evinces
his strong common sense. Husbands and wive^ are
mutually to render one another their "due.'"* They
* Col. iii. 18, 19. — Eph. v. 22, 25.
'^ I Tim. ii. 1 1-14,
•" Eph. V. 22-33.
* I follow Lachmann in icadiiiis o^etXijc instead of o<^iCkojxivi]v ^womv^
ir vol. iii.
302 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
have not absolute power over tlieir own bodies. They
must not therefore defraud one another of conjugal
rights, unless for a short time with a view to fasting
and prayer, and then only with mutual consent/
Paul therefore would have given no sanction to that
very questionable form of asceticism in which hus-
bands deserted their wives, or wives their husbands,
to pursue their own salvation, regardless of the hap-
piness of their unfortunate consorts. All such persons
he would have bidden to return to the more indis-
putable duties of the marriage-bed.
Such a doctrine, however, to make it properly
applicable to practice, would require to be supple-
mented by a doctrine of divorce ; otherwise there
is no provision for the case of an invincible repug-
nance arising in one of the parties towards the other,
or in both towards each other. And this brings me
to the third head of the apostle's teaching ; his views
on the disruption of the marriage-tie. Here he has
little to say except that the wife is not to quit her
husband, or that, if she do, she must remain unmar-
ried or be reconciled to her husband ; and that the
husband is not to put away his wife. In cases where
one is a Christian and the other not, they are not
absolutely under bondage ; they may separate, though
it does not appear that they may marry again. But
the apostle strongly advises them to keep together,
in the hope that the believing member of the couple
may save the other.^ It is plain from this summary
tliat the apostle, no more than his Master, faces the
real difficulties of the question of divorce. For the
case of unhappy unions, except in the single instance
of the one party being a Christian, he has no provi-
1 I Cor. vii. 3-5. - I Cor. vii. 10-16.
PAUL ON THE RESURRECTION. ^(^^
wion whatever. It is remarkable, however, that he
several times intimates in the course of this chapter
that he is not speaking with the authority of Christ,
but simply expressing his personal opinions ; a proviso
which looks as if he himself were unwilling to invest
these views with full force of the sanction they would
otherwise have derived from his apostolical commission.
There is another subject on which the opinions
expressed by Paul are open to considerable com-
ment—the resurrection of the dead. In a chapter
which for its beauty and its eloquence is unparalleled
in the New Testament, he discusses the Christian
prospect of another life. Had he confined himself
to rhetoric, I should have been contented simply to
admire, but he has unfortunately mingled argument
Avith poetic vision in a very unsatisfactory manner.
In the first place, he attempts to deduce the resurrec-
tion of the dead from the resurrection of Christ. If,
he contends, there be no resurrection of the dead,
then Christ is not risen ; our preaching is vain, and
so also is your faith. ^ He fails to perceive that the
resurrection of Christ — a man whose whole life,
according to him, was full of prodigies — could be
no guarantee for the resurrection of any other indi-
vidual whatever. Christ had already been restored
to life in a manner in which no other person had
ever been restored. His body had been reanimated
after two days, before it had had time to suffer
decomposition, and that without the intervention of
any other person, competent, like Christ himself, to
]>erforni a miracle. How then could so unprece-
dented an occurrence warrant the expectation of tho
^ I Cor. XV. I2-20.
364 HOL V BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
reanimation of tliose who had long been dead, and
whose bodies had suffered decomposition ? Plainly
there is here a palpable non sequitur. Christ might
l)e raised without this fact involving a general resur-
rection ; and a general resurrection might happen
without Christ having been raised. Further on he
makes a still more amazing blunder. Answering a
supposed antagonist, who puts the natural question,
" With what body are the dead raised ? " he exclaims,
" Fool ! that which thou sowest is not quickened
except it die ; " ^ implying that he conceived the
change undergone by seed dropped into the ground
to resemble the death of the human body. Now it
is needless to point out that the organic processes
constituting physical life do not cease in the grain
which (as he says) grows up into wheat or some
other corn ; and that if they did cease, that " body
that shall be," which he compares to the bodies of
men in their expected resurrection, never would
appear at all. The grain, in short, would not grow.
An adversary, had he been on the alert, might have
retorted upon Paul (borrowing his own courteous
phraseology) : " Idiot ! that which thou sowest is not
quickened if it die." Such a retort would have been
completely crushing. Another very fatal mistake of
Paul's is the contention that if the dead do not rise,
we have no reason to do anything but enjoy the
passing hour. " Let us eat and drink, for to-morrow
we die." ^ Nothing can be more dangerous than
such language as this ; for if a man bases his moral
system upon the belief in a future life, the destruc-
tion of that belief will involve the destruction
' I Cor. XV. 36. ^ I Cor. xv. 32.
MURAL PRECEPTS OF PAUL. 365
of his moi'iil system. It is foiindijig the more cer-
tain upon the less so ; universal conceptions upon
special ones; that which is essential to human existence
upon the doctrines of a pai'ticular creed held only by a
portion of the human race. The argument is a favourite
one with theologians, because it enlists in favour of the
doctrine of a future state all the strong attachment by
which we cling to principles of morals. None the less
is it illegitimate, and ought it to be sternly rejected.
Next in beauty to this eloquent description of the
future state of man ma}^ be reckoned the extremely fine
chapter on brotherly love in the same epistle. Brotherly
love, according to Paul, never fails, though intellectual
gifts, such as prophecies, tongues, and knowledge, wdll
pass away. Hope, faith, and brotherly love are joined
together by him as a trinity of virtues which " now
abide ; " but the greatest of these is brotherly love.^
Scattered about in the writings of this apostle there
are also some admirable maxims of conduct, extremely
similar in tone to those of Jesus. Thus, he tells his
fellow-Christians to be kindly aifectioned one to an-
other; to bless those that persecute them — to bless
and not to curse ; to return no man evil for evil ; give
food to a hungry enemy and drink to a thirsty one ;
and generally, not to be overcome by evil, but to
overcome evil by good,^ It were much to be wished
til at he himself had remembered these beneficent rules
of conduct in the case of Alexander the coppersmith,
who he savs did him "much evil," and concerninc:
whom he utters the significant prayer that the Lord
may reward him according to his works.^
* I Cor. xiii. ^ p.f^,,^ ^jj io_2j _j xhess. v. 15.
^ 2 Tim. iv. 14.
366 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
Subdivision 3. — The Apocalypse,
The author of the Apocalypse, or Book of Eevela-
tion, who professes to have seen the vision he describes
at Patmos, gives himself the name of John ; a circum-
stance which led in former times to the belief that
the work was the composition of John the disciple of
Jesus. It is a rather late production, having been
written subsequently to the establishment by Paul
of Gentile Christian communities in various parts of
Asia. It also presupposes the existence of a sect of
heretics termed Nicolaitanes, who had arisen in some
places, and was therefore probably not written until
some time after the foundation of these churches by
the great apostle.
The author endeavours to add lustre to his work by
proclaiming at its outset that it was committed to
writing under the direct inspiration of Jesus Christ
himself, who dictated it to him, or rather showed it
to him, when he was "in the Spirit on the Lord's
day.'' Notwithstanding this exalted authorship, it is
a production of very inferior merits indeed. It is
conceived in that style of overloaded allegory of w^hicli
the art consists in concealing the thought of the
writer under images decipherable only by an initiated
few. The P>ook of Daniel is an example of the same
kind of thing. A false interest is excited by this
style from the mere difficulty of comprehending the
meaning. How widely it differs from that mode of
allegory which possess a real literary justification,
may be shown by comparing the Apocalypse with the
" Pilgrim's Progress." hi Bunyan, the thought is
I
THE APOCALYPSE. 3C7
revealed under clear and transparent images ; in John,
it is concealed under obscure and turbid ones. Hence
there have been endless interpretations of the Apoca-
Ivpse ; there has been only one of the " Pilgrim's
Progress." That characteristic which Holy Writ has
been shown to possess of calling forth a multitude
of comments and speculations upon its meaning
belongs in a pre-eminent degree to the Kevelation of
John.
After writing by the instructions of Clirist a letter
to each of the Seven Churches, the author proceeds
to describe his vision. There was a throne in
heaven, upon which God himself was seated. He had
the singular appearance of a jasper and a sardine
stone. Beasts, elders, angels, saints, and a promiscuous
company besides were around the throne, engaged in
performing the ceremonies of the celestial court.
Various works were executed according to orders by
the attendant angels. A beast then arises out of the
sea, and is worshipped by those whose names are not
in Christ's book. "Babylon the Great," under the
form of a harlot, is judged and put an end to. An
angel comes down from heaven and binds "that old
serpent, which is the Devil and Satan," for a thousand
years. During this millennium Christ reigns on earth,
and all who have been martyrs for his sake, or have
not worshipped the beast, rise from the dead to reign
with him. After the thousand years are over Satan
is unfortunately released from prison, and does a great
deal of mischief, but is ultimately recaptured again
and cast into a lake of fire and brimstone. A second
resurrection, for the unprivileged multitude, now takes
place. All the dead stand before God, and are judged
368 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
by reference to the records which have been carefully
kept in heaven in books provided for the purpose.
All who are not in the book of life are thrown into
the lake of fire, to which death and hell are consigned
also. The inspired seer is now shown a new heaven,
a new earth, and a new Jerusalem which comes down
from heaven. For a moment he rises from the
extremely commonplace level upon which he usually
moves to an eloquent picture of that happier world in
which " God shall wipe away all tears from " the eyes
of men ; wlien " there shall be no more death, neither
sorrow, nor crying, neither shall there be any more
paiii." The book concludes with a curse upon any one
who shall in any manner tamper with it, either by
way of addition or erasure, and with a promise from
Jesus that he will come quickly.
Subdivision 4. — The God of Christendom.
Although the God whom Jesus thought himself
commissioned to represent, and in whom his disciples
believed, is the historical continuation of the Jehovah
of Hebrew Scripture, yet his character is in many
important aspects widely different. No longer the
arbitrary and irascible personage who continually
interfered with the current of human affairs, rew^arding
here, punishing there ; now overthrowing a monarch,
now destroying a nation ; he exercises a calmer and
more equitable sway over the destinies of the world.
As the servile occupants of the beuch in former days
too often combined the functions of prosecutors with
those of judges, so Jehovah in the ancient times of
Israel had sometimes thrown off the judicial dignity
THE GOD OF CHRISTENDOM. 369
to act with all the animus of a party to the cause.
This was natural perhaps where the subject-matter of
the inquiry was the worship and honour to be paid to
himself. It was natural that he should take a strong
personal interest in such cases ; but as all opposition
(among the Jews at least) had passed away, and he
remained in exclusive possession of the throne, he
could afford to treat the charges with which he had
now to deal — mere infractions of morality, for example
— in a much more impartial spirit.
In addition to this cause of transformation, the
natural grow'th of religious feeling had tended to
replace the older deity by a modified conception, and
Jesus, falling in in this respect with the course of
thought already in progress, contributed to effect a
still further modification in the same direction.
Hence, although there is nowhere an absolute break
between the old and the new conceptions, the God
of the New Testament is prac-tically a very different
person from the God of the Old. We cannot conceive
him doino: the same thino;s. The worst action, in the
way of interference in mundane matters, of which
the God of the New Testament is guilty, is, perhaps,
the sudden slaughter of Ananias and Sapphira, But
what is this to such enormities as the deluge, the
destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah, or the commis-
sion of bears to devour little children who had
ridiculed the baldness of a prophet ? Horrors like
these, so consistent with the general mode of pro-
cedure of the ancient Jehovah, are wholly incompat-
ible with the characteristics so often ascribed to the
more recent God. According to the theories of the
New Testament, the crime committed by the Jews in
VOL. II. '2 X ■
370 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
executiDg Jesus was at least as gTeat as the crimes
for which the antediluvians and the Sodomites had
been so ruthlessly exterminated. Yet we cannot
imagine Jesus as even wishing for the extermination
of his contemporaries by water or by fire. The God
whose love for mankind he had been teaching could
not for a moment be thought of as consenting to such
a course. While Elijah the Tishbite is represented as
positively praying for the instant death of one hun-
dred men who came to him with a message from his
king, Jesus, on the contrary, is depicted as actually
healing the only one of his enemies who had been
in any way injured in effecting his arrest. Plainly
when the conduct of the prophets is thus dissimilar,
the deity whom they represent on earth is dissimilar
also.
Another* very marked alteration to be observed in
passing from the character of Jehovah to that of God,
is the emancipation of the object of worship from the
limits of race. Jehovah was altogether a Jew. He
kept the Sabbath-day ; he loved fasts and festivals ;
he believed strongly in the virtue of circumcision ; he
was interested not so much in the general wellbeing
of the human species, as in the success of the single
people of whom he was the true leader in battle
and the ultimate sovereign at home. What happened
to all the remainder of mankind was to him a matter
of trivial moment, although it might suit him occa-
sionally to use them as instruments either for the
chastisement or the restoration to favour of his
beloved Israel. But God in the New Testament has
largely cast off the special features of his race, and
although he sometimes betrays his Judaic origin, he
THE GOD OF CHRISTENDOM. 371
is in the main cosmopolite in his sympathies and
impartial in his l^ehavioiir. Thongh by no means
catholic in rc^ligion, but holding exclusively to a single
faith, he receives all who embrace that faith, of what-
ever nation, within the range of his fLivour. This
great and deeply important change, though begun by
Jesus, was in the main the work of Paul. If it was
Jesus who constructed the tabernacle, it was Paul
who built the temple.
While, however, there is an enormous improvement
if we compare the administration of human affairs by
Jehovah and by God, there is nevertheless a blot
upon the character of God which suffices, if rigorously
balanced ac^ainst the failino;s of Jehovah, to outweio-h
them all. It is the eternity of the punishment which
he inflicts in a future life. No amount of sophistry
can ever justify the creation of beings whose lives
are to terminate in endless suffering. But while
tlie reality of condemnation to such endless suff"ering
would be a far more gigantic crime than any of the
merely terrestrial penalties inflicted by the Hebrew
Jehovah, the belief m. such endless suflering is cpiite
consistent with a much higher general conception of
the divinity than the one that coexisted with the
belief in those terrestrial penalties. The explanation
of this apparent paradox is to be found in the fact
that the necessary injustice of eternal punishment is
not very easily perceived ; that, in ftict, it is not
understood at all in the ruder stages of social evolu-
tion, and not by every individual even in so advanced
a society as our own. Some degree of punishment
for offences is felt to be requisite ; and it is not observed
without considerable reflection that that punishment
372 HOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
in order to be just must needs be finite ; must needs,
if imposed by absolute power, aim at the ultimate
reformation of the criminal, not at his ultimate
misery. And it takes a far higher degree of mental
cultivation to feel this than it takes to feel the
injustice of the violent outbursts attributed in the Old
Testament to Jehovah. Tradition and custom alone
could have prevented Jesus and his disciples from
feeling shocked at these ; while it was intellectual
capacity which was needed to enable them to reject
eternal punishment as incompatible with justice.
Add to these considerations the very important fact
that the conduct conducing to salvation, and avoidinfr
condemnation in the future state, was supposed
to be known to all men beforehand, being fixed by
unalterable rules ; while the conduct necessary to
ensure the terrestrial rewards, and escape the terres-
trial penalties of the Old Testament, was not known
till the occasion arose ; sometimes not till after it had
arisen. Thus, Jesus lays down in his teaching both
the rules to be observed by human beings if they
would obtain the approbation of his Father, and the
exact manner in which the violation of those rules
will be visited upon them if they fail to repent and
obtain forgiveness. But Jehovah only made his rules
from time to time, and never announced beforehand
what his punishments would be. Who, for instance,
could tell what he would do to the Israelites for
worshipping the golden calf ? who could say whether
he would treat gathering sticks on the Sabbath, as to
which there was as yet no law, as a capital crime ?
still more, who could imagine that he would visit the
action of a monarch in taking a census of Israel by a
STEP TOWARDS A MILDER IDEA. 373
pestilence inflicted on the unoffending people ? Pluiniy
it was a very rude notion of deity indeed wliicli was
satisfied to suppose an arbitrary interposition in all
sucli cases. The God of the New Testamenit may
be more cruel, but he is also more consistent. If I
may venture on a homely comparison, I should say
that the Jehovah of the Israelites is like a capricious
oriental despot, whose subjects' lives are in his hand,
while the God of Christendom rather resembles a
judge administering a Draconian code in which there
should be no gradations between capital punishment
and entire acquittal. The laws may in fact demand
more bloodslied than the tyrant ; but their existence
and administration by fixed rules would undoubtedly
imply that a people bad reached a higher grade of
civilisation. Moreover, exactly as government con-
ducted by laws is capable of improvement by modi-
fication of the legislative enactments, while despotic
government is essentially vicious, so the character of
God admits of easy adaptation to the needs of a more
cultivated state, while that of Jehovah can by no
possibility be rendered consistent with a high ideal
of divinity.
Such adaptation of the Christian God has actually
taken place to a very large extent. The doctrine of
Purgatorj^, leaving only the most incorrigible offenders
to be consigned to hell, was already a considerable
step in advance of the teaching of the New Testament.
It got rid of the fundamental weakness in the con-
ception of Jesus, wherein there was no proportion of
punishment to offence ; every sin, small or great, was
either absolutely forgiven or punished to the utter-
ni(jst extent. It eflected the same beneficent change
374 irOLY BOOKS, OR BIBLES.
a-s E-omilly effected in the English hiw. Precisely n,s
our former code punished even trifling crimes with
death or not at all, so the God of Jesus punished sin
either eternally or not at all. Precisely as the
excessive severity of Eiiglish law led to the entire
acquittal of many criminals who should have received
some degree of punishment, so the excessive severity
of God led to the belief and hope that many sinners
would be entirely pardoned who should in justice
have received some measure of correction. Thus, in
both these cases, the undue harshness of the threatened
penalty tended to defeat the very object in view.
But the character of the God of Christendom admits
of a much more thorough reformation than that effected
by the Catholic Church. Tendej- spirits, offended, like
Uncle Toby, at the notion that even the worst of
beings should be damned to all eternity, have simply
refused to accept the notion of endless torture.
Thinkers, aiming at a system of abstract justice, have
sought to prove that it could not be. Theologians
have contrived all sorts of shifts to dispense with the
necessity of believing it. Modern feeling, whether
on grounds of logic or of sentiment, has gradually
come to suppress it more and more as an inconvenient
article in the nominal creed, to be, if not consciously
rejected, at least instinctively thrust as much jis
possible out of sight. There has resulted an idea of
the Deity in which the harsher elements are swept
away, and the gentler ones, such as his fatherhood,
his care, and his love, are left behind. Such writers
as Theodore Parker, Francis W. Newman, and Frances
Power Cobbe, have carried this ideal to the highest
point of perfection of which it appears to be capable.
THE LA TEST DE VEL OPMENTS. 3 7 S
Tlieir God is still the God of Cliristeudom, but refined,
purified and exalted. The work which the Jewish
prophets began, AA^hich Jesus carried on, at which
all the nations of Christendom have laboured, they
have most worthily completed. Whether the ideal
thus attained is destined to be final, whether it
really represents the ultimate possibilities of religious
thouoht that can remain as the corner-stone of a
universal faith, are questions that can be answered
only when we have undertaken the complete analysis
of those most general constituents of all theological
systems which the foregoing examination has dis-
closed. On that last analysis we are about to enter.
BOOK IT.
THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENT ITSELF.
** Ach, meiu KiiiJclien, schon als Kiiu'ue,
Als ich sass auf Mutters ISchoss,
Glaubte ich an Gott den Vater,
Der da waltet gut und gross.
" Der die schone Erd' erscbaffen,
Und die schouen Menschen d"rauf,
Der den Sonnen, Monden, Sternen,
Vorgezeichnet ihren Lauf.
** Als ich grosser wurde, Kindchen,
Noch vielmehr begriff ich schon,
Und begriff, und ward verniinftig,
Und ich glaub' auch an den Sohu ;
•' An den lieben Sohn, der liebend
Una die Liebe offenbart,
Und zum Lohne, wie gebrauchlich,
Von dem Volk gekreuzigt ward.
" Jetzo, da ich ausgewachsen,
Viel gelesen, viel gereist,
Schwillt mein Herz, nnd ganz vou Herzen
Glaub, ich an den heil'gen Geist."
— Hir.iNiE.
THE
RELIGIOUS SENTIMENT ITSELF.
CHAPTER I.
THE ULTIMATE ELEMENTS.
We have now examined and classified the various
phenomena manifested by the religious sentiment
tliroughoLit the world. We have found those pheno-
mena to have been in all ages of history, and to be
now among all races of men, fundamentally alike.
Diverse as the several creeds existing on the face
of the earth appear to a superficial observer, yet
the rites, the practices, the dogmas they contain,
admit of beino^ rano;ed under certain definite cateo-ories
and deduced from certain invariable assumptions.
The two leading ideas of consecration and of sanctity
pervade them all, and while the mode of consecra-
tion, the objects consecrated, the things, places, men,
or books regarded as sacred, diflfer in every quarter
of the globe, the feelings of the religious man remain
the same.
Let us take a rapid survey, before proceeding
38o THE ULTIMATE ELEMENTS.
further, of the ground we have already traversed.
AVherever any religion exists at all we have found
consecrated actions; that is, actions devoted to the
service of God. Such actions, it is assumed, have
some kind of validitv or force, either in brinoino-
from the deities addressed by the worshipper some
species of temj^oral blessing, or in ensuring happi-
ness in a future state, or in improving his moral
character in this. Secondly, we no sooner rise
above the very rudest forms of religion, than we
find places set apart for worship, and entirely
abstracted from all profaner uses. Thirdly, we find
that it is a universal practice to dedicate certain
objects to the special use of the divine beings received
in the country; such objects being various in their
nature, but very frequently consisting of gifts to
the accredited ministers of the God for whom they
are intended. Fourthly, we find in all the greater
religions — the Confucian possibly excepted — a number
of persons who have devoted tliemselves to a mode
of life supposed to be especially pleasing to God,
and carrying with it in their minds the notion of
superior sanctity. Lastly, we have in almost every
form of faith a special class, generally of male
persons only, who are set apart, by some distinctive
rite, to the performance of the consecrated actions
re(|uired b}^ the community to be done on their
behalf ; these actions thus acquiring a double con-
secration, derived primarily from their own nature,
and secondarily from the character of those by whom
they are performed.
Passing to the second of our main divisions, we
found the conception of sanctity applied generally
SURVEY OF THE GROUND TRAVERSED. 38 1
"wlicrc that of consecration liacl been applied, the
distinction being that while the latter was imparted
by man, the former w^as the gift of God. Thus, in
the first place, just as human beings consecrate
some of their actions to the service of God, so he,
in his turn, sanctifies certain events to the enlighten-
ment of mankind. It is the same in the second
case, that of places; for here the deity sometimes
points out a holy spot by some special mark of
his presence, sometimes (and more commonly) con-
descends to sanctify those which man has devoted
to his worship. And, thirdly, as men set apart
some of their property for him, so he imparts to
some of the objects in their possession a holy character,
which endows them with peculiar powers, either
over external nature, or over the mind and conscience
of those who see, touch, or otherwise use them.
Fourthly, he endows the class who perform the
ceremonies of religion with his peculiar grace ; a
grace commonly evinced in their power to consecrate
places, things, and men, to forgive sins, to convey
the apostolic succession, to administer sacraments,
and so forth ; but occasionally manifested in the
fhape of supernatural endowments. And fifthly, as
there are many of both sexes who give themselves
to him, so there have been a few men to whom he
may be said to have given himself, having invested
them with authority to teach infallible truth, and
found religions called after their names. Sixthly,
he has revealed himself in a way to which there is
nothing corresponding on the human side, by means
of hooks composed li)y authors whom he inspired
with the words he desired them to write.
38 J THE ULTIMATE ELEMENTS.
Viewed in the gross, as we have viewed theiu
now, these several manifestations of religious feeling
cancel one another. That feeling has indeed expressed
itself in the same general manner, but with differences
in detail which render all its expressions equally un-
important in the eyes of science. For, to take the
simplest instance, nothing can be said by a Christian,
on behalf of the inspiration of his Scriptures, which
might not be said by the Buddhist, the Confucian,
or the Mussulman on behalf of the inspiration of theirs.
If his appear to him more beautiful, more perfect,
more sublime, so do theirs to them ; and even if we
concede his claims, the difference is one of degree,
and not of kind. So it is in reference to miracles.
Christianity can point to no miracles tending to
establish its truth, which may not be matched by
others tend in o^ to establish the truth of rival creeds.
And if we find believers of every kind in every
clime, attaching the most profound importance to
the exact performance of religious rites in certain
exact ways, while, nevertheless, those ways differ
from age to age and from place to place, we cannot
but conclude that every form of worship is equally
good and equally indifferent ; and that the faith
of the Christian who drinks tlie blood of Christ on
the banks of the lliames, stands on the same intellec-
tual level with that of the Brahman who quaffs the
juice of the Soma on the banks of the Ganges.
But this line of aro^ument seems to tend to no-
thinof short of the absolute annihilation of reli-
gion. Under the touch of a comparative anatomy
of creeds, all that was imposing and magnificent
in the edifice of theology crumbles into dust. Sys-
THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENT. 383
terns of tliought piled up witli elaborate care,
philosophies evolved by centuries of toilsome pre-
paration, fall into shapeless ruins at our feet. And
all this by the simple process of putting them side
by side.
Can we, however, rest content in the assumption
that so vast a superstructure as that of religion has
no solid foundation in the mind of man ? And is
it destined, like the theologies it has evolved in the
course of its existence, to disappear entirely from
a w^orld enlightened by scientific knowledge %
Two questions must be carefully distinguished
from one another in replying to . the doubt thus
suggested. The first is whether religion, although
it may contain no objective truth, or no objective
truth ascertainable by us, nevertheless possesses, from
some circumstance in its own nature, or in the
nature of the world we live in, a hold upon the
human race, of which it cannot by any advance of
knowledge be deprived. Is there, in short, if not
an everlasting truth, yet an everlasting dream from
which there is to be no awakening, and in which
spectral shapes do duty for external realities ? An
affirmative reply would admit the existence of reli-
gious sentiment to be a necessary result of the con-
stitution of the human mind, but would not concede
the inference that conclusions reached by means of
that sentiment had any objective validity, or any
intellectual worth beyond that which they derive
from the imagination of those who believe them.
The second question is whether there are in the
fundamental composition of religious sentiment any
elements not only necessary, but true ; and if so,
384 THE ULTIMATE ELEMENTS.
v/liat those elements are, and. what is the proof of
their credibility, if proof there be.
As a preliminary to answering either of these ques-
tions, it is needful to ascertain whether in the midst of
the variety we have passed in review, there is any
fundamental unity ; in other words, whether the
varied forms of religion are all we can ever know of
it, or whether underlying those forms there is a per-
manent structure upon which they are superposed.
For only when we know whether there is in all the
creeds of the world a common element, can we pro-
(•eed to inquire whether there is an element which is
a necessary result of the constitution of our minds.
If the phenomena evinced by the several religions to
which we have referred in the previous book have no
common source in human n;iture ; if, while they differ
in every article of their theology, there is nothing
beyond theology in which they agree ; then religion
is a mere superficial product of circumstances, having
no jnore solid guarantee tlian the authority of the
particular teachers of each sj)ecial variety. There is
in fact no religion ; there are only religions. There
is no universal Faith ; there is only particular
Belief.
These, then, are the queries to which our attention
must be addressed : —
1. Are there in the several reliarions of mankind
any common elements ?
2. If so, are those common elements a necessary,
and therefore permanent, portion of our mental
furniture ?
3. If so, arc those elements the correlatives of any
actual truths, or not ?
THE ONE NECESSARY ASSUMPTION. 385
It may have been observed that all tlie phenomena
we have examined in the previous Book imply one
assumption, and cannot be understood without that
assumption. All of them imply some kind of power
or powers either behind, beyond, or external to the
material world and the hupnan beings who inhabit it,
or at least involved in and manifested through that
world and its inhabitants ; some power whose iiature
is not clear to us, but whose effects are perceptible to
our senses ; some power to which we ourselves and
the material world are equally subject. Sometimes
indeed the power which religion thus assumes is
broken up into several minor forces, and instead of a
single deity we have several deities controlling the
operations of nature. But, without dwelling now
upon the ftxct that polytheistic creeds often look above
the lesser beings whom they commonly put forward
to a more mysterious and greater God, it may be
observed that these minor forces are no more than
forms of the one great force from which they are
parted ofi' by an imaginative subdivision. To place
the ocean under one divinity, the winds under another,
and the sun under a third, is practically a mental
process of the same kind as to place them all under ;i
single divinity ; and the existence of some such cause
of material phenomena being granted, it is a mere
question of less or greater representative capacity
whether we range them under numerous chiefs or
comprehend them all under one. In either case we
assume extra-mundane and superhuman power, and
this is the essential assumption of all religion. The
least assumption a religion can make is that of a
single such power, and this (or more than this) it
VOL. II. 2 n
386 THE ULTIMATE ELEMENTS.
always must assume. For witliout this we should
remain within the boundaries of science ; we should
examine and classify phenomena, but we could never
pass beyond the phenomena themselves to their mys-
terious oriofin or their hidden cause.
But this is not the only assumption involved in
every possible religion. Every religion assumes also
that there is in human nature something equally
hyperphysical with the power which it worships,
whether we call this something soul, or mind, or
spirit. And between this human essence and the
divine power there is held to be a singular correspond-
ence, their relationship finding its concrete expression
in religious worship on the one side and theological
dogma on the other. All the practices and all the
doctrines of every positive religion are but the modes
in which men have sought to give body to their idea
of this relationship.
We have then, strictly speaking, three fundamental
postulates involved in the religious idea : —
First, that of a hyperphysical power in the universe.
Secondly, that of a hyperphysical entity in man.
Thirdly, that of a relation between the two.
The power assumed in the first postulate we may
term the objective element in religion ; the entity
assumed in the second postulate we may term the
subjective element. In the following chapter we shall
deal with the objective element in the religious idea
[ 387 ]
CHAPTER II.
THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
The general result which has thus been reached by the
decomposition of religion into its ultimate constituents
must now be rendered somewhat more specific by
illustrative examples tending to explain the character
of the power the idea of whose existence forms the
foundation of the religious sentiment, and such exam-
ples will tend to throw light upon the question whether
the admission of such a power is or is not a necessity
of thought. For the proof of necessity is twofold ;
d 2)osterion and a priori. We may show by the
first mode that certain assumptions are always made
under certain conditions as a matter of fact ; not that
they are ah\'ays made by every human being, but that
given the appropriate grade of culture, the beliefs in
question arise. And we may show by the second that
no effort of ours is able to separate certain ideas which
have become associated in our minds ; that the asso-
ciation persists under every strain we can put upon it,
and that the resulting belief is therefore a necessary
part of the constitution of the mind. Both modes of
proof must be attempted here.
Now, in the first place, it must be remarked that
few, if any, of the nations of the world are wholly
destitute of some religious creed ; and that those
388 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
which have been supposed, rightly or wrongly, to he
without it, have generally been savage tribes of the
lowest snide of culture. So slender is the evidence of
the presence of a people without some theological
conception that it may be doubled whether the
travellers who have reported such facts have not been
misled, either by inability to comprehend the language,
or unfamiliarity with the order of thought, of those
with whom they conversed.
Sometimes the absence of religion seems to be
predicated of a people which does not present an
example of the kind of belief which the European
observer has been accustomed to consider as religious.
An instance of this is afforded in Angas' account of
" Savage Life in Australia." Of the Australians he
states that "they appear to have no religious obser-
vances whatever. They acknowledge no Supreme
Being, worship no idols, and believe only in the
existence of a spirit Avhom they consider as the author
of ill, and regard with superstitious dread." So that
in the very act of denying a religion to these people
he practically ascribes one to them. They, like
Christians, appear to acknowledge a powerful spirit ;
and if they dwell upon the evil side of his works more
than upon the good side, it is to be remembered that
Christians too consider their deity " as the author of
ill " by his action in cursing Adam with all his pos-
terity ; and that they too regard him " with supersti-
tious dread " as a being who will send them to eternal
torture if they fail to \\'orship, to think, and to act
as he enjoins them. Immediately after this, the
author informs us that the Australians constantly
carry firesticks at night, to repel malignant spirits.
ANCESTOR WORSHIP. 389
aTid lluit they place great faith in sorcerers who profess
to "counteract the influence of the spirits."^ So that
their destitution of " relio-ious observances" is in like
manner merely comparative.
Very little, if any, belief in deity appears to exist
in Kamschatka. Steller, who has described the creed
of its inhabitants, states that they believe in no pro-
vidence, and hold that they have nothing to do with
God, nor he with tliem.^ Whether this amounts to a
denial of his existence I cannot say. They have,
however, another element of religion, belief in a future
state, as will afterwards appear.
In primitive religions the abstract form of Deity is
often filled up with the concrete figures of departed
relatives. Indeed this is one of the modes in w^hich
that form acquires definiteness, becoming comprehen-
sible to the savaoe mind from this limitation of its
generality. Thus in Fiji, although a supreme God
and various other gods exist, the ancestors appear to
be the most popular objects of worship. Deceased
relations of the Fijians (according to Seemann) take
their places at once among the family gods.^ Another
author confirms this testimony. In Sandwich Island,
in the Fijian group, he states that there are no idols.
"The people worship the spirits of their ancestors."*
In Savage Island again they j^ay their forefathers
similar homage, and remark that they once had an
image which they worshipped, Ijut that they broke it
in pieces during an epidemic which they ascribed to
its influence.* Among the Kafirs the spirits of the
dead are believed to possess considerable power for
* S. L, A., vol. i. p. 88. ■- Kamschatka, p. 269. ^ Viti, p. 389-3^1
•• N. Y., p. 394. s lU, p. 470.
3go THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
good and evil ; " they are elevated in fact to the rank
of deities, and (except where the Great-Great is
worsliipped concnrrently with them) they are the
oidy objects of a Kafir's adoration." ^
Similar evidence is given by Acosta in reference to
Peru. In that country there existed a highly-deve-
loped and elaborated worship of the dead. The bodies
of the Incas, or governors of Peru, were kept and
worshipped. Eegular ministers were devoted to their
service. Living lucas had images of themselves con-
structed, termed brothers, to which, both during the
lifetime of their original and after his death, as much
honour was shown as to the Incas themselves. These
images were carried in processions designed to obtain
rain, and fair weather, and in time of war. They were
also the objects of feasting and of sacrifices.^ But the
adoration of the dead was not of such exclusive
importance in Peru as in some countries of inferior
culture, and the most prominent positions in their
system were occupied by the Sun and the soul of the
world, Pachacamac, who was in fact their highest
God.'
These last examples introduce us to the more
general conception of deity which, in all religions but
the very lowest, is found along with the belief in
supernatural beings of an inferior class, and in some
of them overshadows and expels it. The Peruvians,
as just stated, assigned the first rank to him whom
they conceived to have created and to animate the
universe. The Fijians adored a supreme Being
Deo-ei or Taniraroa. Lastly, the "Great-Great,"
mentioned in the above quotation from Shooter, is a
1 K. N., p. i6i. '^ H. I., b. 5, ch, vi. ^ C. R., b. 2, ch. iii.
AFRICAN IDEAS OF GOD. 391
beiug who seems from the somewhat contradictory
evidence of travellers to have been regarded as God
hy some of the Kafirs, Liit to have been wholly
neglected by others. Thus, in a passage quoted from
a work of Captain Gardiner's by Canon Callaway, we
find a conversation of the writer's with a native, in
which the latter denies all knowledge of deity wliat-
ever, and expresses a vague notion that the things in
the world may " come of themselves." Of another
tribe the same writer asserts that " they acknow-
ledged, indeed, a traditionary account of a Supreme
Being, whom they called Ookoolukoolu (literally the
Great-Great), but knew nothing further respecting
him, than that he originally issued from the reeds,
created men and cattle, and taught them the use of
the assagai." Canon Callaw^ay is apparently of
o[)inion that the w^ord Unkulunkulu was not in use
among the natives of South Africa in the sense of
God until it w^as introduced by Captain Gardiner.^
Considerable suspicion is thus thrown upon any
statements in which this name is employed for the
Creator. If, however, we may accept a statement of
Shooter's, " the Kafirs of Natal have preserved the
tradition of a Being whom they call the Great-Great
and the First Appearer or Exister." According to
this writer "he is represented as having made all
things," but this tradition " is not universally known
among the people." A chief who was asked about
Unkulunkulu, the Great-Great, knew nothing about
him, but one of his old men, when a child, "had been
told by women stooping with age that there was a
great being above." There is also " a tribe in Natal
1 11. S. A., vol. i. pp. 54, 55.
392 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
whicli still worsliips the Great-Great, tliongli its
recollection of him is very dim." This tribe calls
upon Unkuliinkulu in the act of sacrifice and in
sickness/ While this testimony leaves it douLtful
whether Uukulunkulu is worshipped at all, except by
this single tribe, the traditions collected by Canon
Callaway in the first volume of his valuable work
j^oint to the presence of a well-marked legend of
creation in which that deity figures as the originator
of human life. True, he is also spoken of as the first
man, and in this fact we have the probable reconcilia-
tion of the view which treats him as the Su]3reme
Being, with that which denies that his name was
used with this signification. Unkulunkulu was the
primaeval ancestor of mankind, but he was also the
Creator. Ancestor-worship finds its culmination in
him. But he has been much neglected in comparison
with minor deities, and the word Unkulunkulu has
been applied to the ancestor of special tribes instead of
to the ancestor of all mankind.
The general result seems to be that some, though
not all of the Zulus, have in their minds a more or
less definite idea of a First Cause of existence, but
that this First Cause is not worshipped and is but
little spoken of. Thus, an old woman questioned by
an emissary of Canon Callaway's related this : —
" When we spoke of the origin of corn, asking,
'Whence came this?' the old people said, 'It came
from the Creator who created all things. But we do
not know him.' AVhen we asked continually, ' Where
is the Creator ? for our chiefs we see ? ' the old men
denied, saying, ' And those chiefs too whom we sec,
^ K. N., pp. 159, 160.
AFRICAN IDEAS OF GOD. 393
tliey were created by the Creator.' And wlieu we
asked, ' Where is he ? for he is not visible at all.
Where is he then ? ' we heard our fathers pointing
towards heaven and saying, * The Creator of all things
is in heaven. And there is a nation of people there
too.'"^
But while Unkiduukulu is generally considered as
the Creator by the Zulus, it would appear that a
neighbouring people, called the Amakxosa, had heard
of a "loi^ in heaven " even greater than him, whom
they called Utikxo. According to the evidence of an
old native the word Utikxo is not of foreisrn orioin.
Utikxo was appealed to when a man sneezed, and
" as regards the use of Utikxo, we used to say it when
it thundered, and we thus knew that there is a power
which is in heaven ; and at length we adopted the
custom of saying, Utikxo is he who is above all. But
it was not said that he was in a certain place in
heaven ; it was said he filled the whole heaven. No
distinction of place was made."^ In the opinion of
this authority, Utikxo had been in a manner suj)er-
seded by Unkulunkulu, who, because he was visible
while the original power was invisible, was mistaken
for the Creator and for God.^
Testimony of a similar nature is given in regard to
other regions of Africa. In Juda it is stated that
the most intellectual of the great men had a confused
idea of the existence and unity of a God.* Oldendorp
states broadly that " all negro peoples believe that
there is a God, Mdiom they represent to themselves
as very powerful and beneficent." He adds that
' R. S. A., vol. i. p. 52. 3 i\^^ yo2 j^ p_ 5-,_
'^ lb., vol. i. p. 65. ^ V. G., vol. ii. p. 160.
394 THE OBJECTIVE ELEATENT.
among all the black nations lie lias known, there is
none that has not this belief in God and that does
not regard him as the author of the world. They
call him by the same name as heaven, and it is even
doubtful whether they do not take heaven for the
supreme Being. "But perhaps," he adds, " they do
not even think so definitely." ^ So that the concep-
tion of the Highest God in the regions visited by
this missionary is still vague and indefinite, like that
we have found in Juda and in Natal.
If now we turn to another quarter of the globe
we find the peculiarly degraded and ignorant Green-
landers asserting that, although they knew nothing
of God before the arrival of the missionaries, yet
that those of them who had reflected on the subject
had perceived the necessity of creative power, and
had inferred that there must be a being far superior
to the cleverest man. They had, in fact, used the
argument from design, and thus prepared, they had
gladly believed in the God preached by the mission-
aries, for they found that it was he whom they had
in their hearts desired to know.^ A similar convic-
tion of the existence of a supreme God prevailed in
the new Avorld when it was discovered by Europeans.
Such a God was acknowledged in Mexico and Peru,
as also in the less civilised reo-ions of the North.
Speaking of the American Indians, Charlevoix
observes that nothing is more certain, yet nothing
more obscure, than the idea which these savages
have of a primaeval Being. All agree in regarding
him as the first Spirit, the Euler and the Creator of
the world ; but when further pressed, they have
1 G. (1. M., p. 318. 2 H. a, p. 240.
THE GOD OF THE ANCIENT CREEDS. 395
nothino- to offer but grotesque fancies, ill-cousidered
fables, and undigested systems. Nearly all the
Algonquin nations (he adds) call the first Spirit
the Great Hare ; some term him Michabou and
others Atahocan. He wns apparently supposed by
some to have been a kind of quadruped, and to
have created the eartli from a grain of sand drawn
from the bottom of the ocean, and men from the
dead bodies of animals/
The great relio-ions of the world have all of them
O O
(Buddhism alone excepted) acknowledged a God,
whom they pictured to their minds in various ways
according to the degree of their development and
their powers of abstract thought. Dimly shadowed
forth in the Confucian system under the title of
Heaven, plainly acknowledged, yet mystically de-
scribed by the Hindoos under many titles, whereof
Brahma is one of the most usual, celebrated in
plainer language by the classical heathens as Zeus
or Jupiter, this great being appears in the three
kindred creeds of Judaism, Islam, and Christianity,
as Jehovah, as Allah, and as God. In Buddhism,
liowever, there is no article of faith corresponding
to the belief in God. The Buddha is himself the
most exalted Ijeing in the universe, and he is neither
almighty nor eternal. The creation of matter as also
of man appears to be unaccounted for. There is no
single being who can be regarded as the ruler of all
things, and the highest object of Buddhist worship.
But it must not be supposed that Buddhism has
escaped the universal necessity of admitting spiri-
tual powers superior to human beings. In the first
1 K. F,, vol. iii. p. 343.
396 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
place it retained tlie Indian deities, such as Bialnua.,
Indra, and otliers, and tliougli, subordinating all of
them to Buddha, yet left them in possession of enor-
mous capacities. In the second place, the Bu.ddha
in fact, though not in name, assumed the rank of a
God. Practically, he is far more than human. He
himself determines the place, time, and manner of
his incarnation. He delivers infallible doctrine. He
becomes an object of adoration, receiving divine
honours from his followers. And although the reign-
ing Buddha (having entered Nirvana) is non-existent,
and cannot aid his disciples, the future Buddha, or
Boddhisattva, can do so, and he is addressed in
prayer for the same purposes for which a Christian
would invoke the intercession of his Saviour.
Thirdly, it is to be remarked that Buddhism, free
from the single idea of God, is not free from the
multitudinous idea of supernatural essences. Its
theology, so to speak, is quite full of celestial beings
of various ranks and functions, who swarm around
the terrestrial believers and perform all kinds of
wonders. To these remarks it may be added that
in Nepaul, one of the countries wdiere Buddhism
prevails, the non-theistic form has been superseded
by a theistic form, in which there are divine Buddhas
corresponding to the human Buddhas ; the highest
of these, Adi-Buddha, being equivalent to the highest
God of other creeds. And it is at least noteworthy,
that in Ceylon, where the non-theistic form prevails
in all its purity, the people have a habit of invoking
demons to their aid, and of employing the priests of
these demons, in all the more imj^ortant emergencies
of their domestic lives.
THE SUPREME GOD OF BUDDHISM. 397
It must not be imagined, however, that I wish to
undervalue the importance of the exception which
Buddhism presents to the general rule. Far from it.
It ought, in my opinion, to be always borne in mind
as a refutation of the statement that belief in a per-
sonal God is a necessary element of all religion.
Europeans are apt to carry with them throughout
the world their clear-cut notions of deity as a power-
ful being who created the world, put man into it,
goverus it in a certain manner, and assigns punish-
ments and rewards to the souls of men in a future
state. This belief appears to them so necessary and
so natural that they expect to find it universally
prevailing, ard regard it as the indispensable founda-
tion on which all religion must be built. Buddhism,
however, the creed which, after Christianity, has pro-
l)ably exerted the greatest and most widespread
influence on human affairs, knows no such article
of faith ; and our general ideas of the universal con-
stituents of reliction must needs be modified to
embrace this fact.
Some superhuman power must, ho\vever, be recog-
nised in every religion, and it is the manner in which
this superhuman power is described, the qualities
ascribed to it, its unity or plurality, its relation
towards man, and similar distinctions, which serve to
differentiate one form of religion from another. The
degree of definiteness is one of the most important
features in this difierentiation. Generally speaking,
the definiteness of this ide.T, and the development of
the religion vary inversely as one another. Tliis law,
however, is obscured by the continual tendency to
put fi^rward, to worship, and to speak about in
398 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMEN'T.
ordiuary cases, some inferior deity or deities, while
there is lurking behind the vague idea of a higher
entity who is seldom mentioned, little or never
worshipped, and who possibly has no name in the
language. So that the gods or idols who are wor-
shipped by the people must not be taken as embody-
ing the best expression of their religious thoughts.
Some instances of the occurrence of this pheno-
menon will serve as illustrations of the foregoing
statement.
On the coast of Guinea the people " have a faint
idea of the true God, and ascribe to him the attributes
Almighty and Omnipresent ; they believe he created
the universe, and therefore vastly prefer him before
their idol-gods ; but yet they do not pray to him, or
oifer any sacrifices to him ; for which they give the
following reasons. God, they say, is too highly exalted
above us and too great to condescend so much as to
trouble himself, or think of mankind : wherefore he
commits the government of the world to their idols, "^
The manner in which Utikxo, the highest god, is
thrown into the shade by the more intelligible and
human Unkulunkulu (as shown in a previous extract)
is another example of the operation of this law. And
it is especially noteworthy that the Amazulu have
also a " lord of heaven," with attributes corresponding
to those of Utikxo, for whom they have no name.
Anonymity, or if not absolute anonymity, the absence
of any name commonly employed in the popular
language is, as we shall see, one of the most usual
features of this most exalted Being. Other travellers
give similar accounts of other regions of Africa.
^ C. G., p. 34S.
AN UNSEEN GOOD GOD. 399
AVinterbottom, who was especially acquainted with
Sierra Leone and its neighbourhood, says that "the
Africans all acknowledge a supreme Being, the creator
of the universe ; but they suppose him to be endowed
with too much benevolence to do harm to mankind,
and therefore think it unnecessary to ofier him any
homage."^ Of Dahomey we learn from Winwood
Keade (a writer not likely to be partial to theism, or
to discover it where it does not exist), that the natives
erect temples to snakes, but "have also the unknown,
unseen God, whose name they seldom dare to men-
tion."^ In another country in Africa the same writer
found that the natives worshipped numerous spirits,
and believed also in an evil Genius and a good Spirit.
The former they were in the habit of propitiating by
religious service ; but the latter " they do not deem it
necessary to pray to in a regular way, because he will
not harm them. The w^ord by which they express
this supreme Being answers exactl}^ to our word
God. Like the Jehovah of the Hebrews, like that
word in masonry which is only known to masters and
never pronounced but in a whisper and in full lodge,
this word they seldom dare to speak ; and they dis-
play uneasiness if it is uttered before them." The
writer states that he only heard it on tw^o occasions ;
once when his men cried it out in a dano-erous storm,
and once when having asked a slave the name for
God, the man " raised his eyes, and pointing to heaven,
said in a soft voice, Njamhiy^ Again, in a lecture
on the Ashantees, Mr Eeade informed his hearers
that " the Oji people," although believing in a supreme
Bcii]g, do not worship him ; while they do worsliip
' S. L., vol. i. J). 222. - S. A.. i>. 4y. ^ II,., p. 250.
400 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
" a number of inferior gods or demons," to whom tliey
believe the superior God, offended with mankind, has
left the management of terrestrial affairs.
Strange to say, the peculiarity thus observed in the
old world is precisely repeated in the new. Of the
Mexicans it is stated that " they never offered sacri-
fices to " Tonacatecotle, who was " God, Lord, Creator,
Governor of the Universe," and whom " they painted
alone with a crown, as lord of all." As their explana-
tion of this conduct " they said that he did not regard
them. All the others to whom they sacrificed were
men once on a time, or demons."'^ Concerning the
Peruvians, Acosta tells us that they give their deity a
name of great excellence, Pachacamac, or Pachayachacic
(creator of heaven and earth), and Usapu (admirable).
He remarks, however, with much surprise, that they
had no proper (or perhaps general) name in their
language for God. There was nothing in the language
of Cuzco or Mexico answering to " Deus," and the
Spaniards used their own word " Dios." AVhence he
concludes, somewhat hastily, that they had but a
slight and superficial knowledge of God.^
In reference to Peru, however, we have still more
trustworthy evidence from a member of the governing
family, or lucas. From his statements it appears
that the name applied to the Highest was pronounced
only on rare occasions, and then with extremest rever-
ence. This name was Pachacamac, a word signifying
" he who animates the whole world," or the Universal
Soul, as it would be termed in Indian philosophy.
Like other creeds that of Peru had its secondary deity,
the Sun, in whose honour sacrifices were offered and
1 A. M., vol. vi. p. 107, plate i. ^ H. I., b. 5, ch. iii.
THE SUPREME GOD OF THE SABAEANS. 401
festivals held, while no temples were erected, and no
sacrifices offered to Pachacamac, although the Peru-
vians adored him in their hearts and looked upon
him as the unknown God.^
Ancient religion presents similar facts. In his
exhaustive work on Sabaeism, Chwolsohn observes
that the fundamental idea of that form of faith was
not, as is often supposed, astrolatry. To Shahrastani
(tlie Arabian scholar), and many others who followed
him, Sabaeism expressed the idea " that God is too
sublime and too great to occupy himself with the
immediate management of this world ; that he has
therefore transferred the government thereof to the
gods, and retained only the most important affairs for
himself ; that further, man is too weak to be able to
apply immediately to the Highest; that he must
therefore address his prayers and sacrifices to the
intermediate divinities, to whom the management
of the world has been intrusted by the Highest."
Further on, the author asks himself whether this con-
ception was peculiar to the Harranian Sabaeans, and
replies, " Certainly not. This fundamental idea is
tolerably old, and in later times found admission to
some extent even among the strictly monotheistic
Jews. ... In the heathen world this view was
universally shared by the cultivated classes, at least
in the first centuries of the Christian era."^
Indian theology teems with the conception of a
sublime but unknowable deity far superior to the
deities of popular adoration, who has no name and
whose greatness cannot be adequately expressed ia
human language. Indian philosophy loses itself, in a
' C. K, b, 2, ch. iii. ^ Ssabismus, vol. i. p. 725.
VOL. II. 2 C
402 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
sea of mystic terms when it endeavours to speak of
this all-pervading and pre-eminent Being. Take, for
example, the following from the Chhandogya Upanis-
had, one of the treatises appended to the Sama Veda.
A father is instructino: his son : —
" ' Dissolve this salt in water, and appear before
me to-morrow morning.' He did so. Unto him said
(the father), ' My child, find out the salt that you put
in that water last night.' The salt, having been
dissolved, could not be made out. (Unto Swetaketu
said his father), 'Child, do you taste a little from
the top of that water.' (The child did so. After a
while the father inquired), ' How tastes it ? ' ' It is
saltish' (said Swetaketu)." The same result followed
with water taken from the middle and the bottom.
" ' If so (throwing it away), wash your mouth and
grieve not.' Verily he did so (and said to his father),
' The salt that I put in the water exists for ever ;
(though I perceive it not by my eyes it is felt by my
tongue).' (Unto him) said (his father), ' Verily, such
is the case with the Truth, my child. Though you
perceive it not, it nevertheless pervades this (body).
That particle which is the soul of all this is Truth ; it
is the Universal Soul. 0 Swetaketu, Thou art
that.'"'
Similar notions of an all-pervading and infinite
Being are found in the Bhagavat-Gita, a theological
episode inserted in the great epical poem known as
•the Mahabharata. There Vishnu is not merely the
ordinary god Vishnu of Indian theology; but the
universe itself is expressed as an incarnation of that
deity who is seen in everything and himself is every-
^ Ch. Up., cli. vi. Sec. 13, p. 113.
THE UNIVERSAL SOUL OF THE HINDUS. 403
thing. " I am tlie soul, 0 Arjuna," thus he addresses
his mortal pupil, " which exists in the heart of all
beings, and I am the beginning and the middle and
also the end of existing things." ^
Again, Vishnu thus describes himself in language
which, translated into ordinary prose, would serve to
convey the idea embodied in Mr Herbert Spencer's
Unknow\able : —
" Know that that brilliance which enters the sun
and illumines the whole earth, and which is in the
moon, and \\\ fire, is of me. And I enter \X\^ ground
and support all living things by my vigour ; and I
nourish all herbs, becoming that moisture of which
the peculiar property is taste. And becoming fire, I
enter the body of the living, and being associated
with their inspiration and expiration, cause food of
the four kinds to digest. And I enter the heart of
each one, and from me come memory, knowledge, and
reason."^
Nor did the writers of the Veda and the commen-
taries thereupon omit to look above the concrete forms
of the mythological gods who people their Pantheon to
a more comprehensive and less comprehensible prim-
ordial Source. The gods were unfitted to serve as
explanations of the origin of the universe by reason
of the theory that they were not eternal, and that
they came into existence subsequently to the creation
of the world. The writer of a hymn in the tenth
book of the Rig- Veda asserted that "the One, which
in the beginning breathed calmly, self-sustained, is
developed by . . , its own inherent heat, or by
rigorous and intense abstraction." But this Rishi
' Bh. G., cb. X. p. 71. 2 lb., cb. xv. p. 100.
404 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
avowed himself unable to say anything of ereaticn, or
even to know whether there was a creator. "Even
its ruler in the highest heaven may not be in posses-
sion of the great secret." Explaining this passage, a
commentator, writing at a much later date, observes
that "the last verse of the hymn declares that the
ruler of the universe knows, or that even he does not
know, from \A'liat material cause this visible world
arose, and whether that material cause exists in any
definite form or not. That is to say, the declaration
that ' he knows,' is made from the stand-point of
that popular conception which distinguishes between
the ruler of the universe and the creatures over whom
he rules ; while the proposition that ' he does not
know' is asserted on the ground of that highest
principle which, transcending all popular conceptions,
affirms the identity of all things with the supreme
Soul, which cannot see any other existence as distinct
from itself." ^
In this sentence the commentator correctly points
out the distinction between the Unknown Cause of
philosophic thought and the gods of popular theo-
logy, the latter being limited, and having the uni-
verse outside of and objective to them, the former
comprehending it within itself, and having nothing
objective whatever. And he perceives apparently that
these are but difi'erent modes of conceiving the same
Ultimate Essence, dependent on the varying repre-
sentative capacities of those by whom they are
employed.
In India, as elsewhere, this Ultimate Essence had
no proper name. Sometimes it is spoken of as " That."
' O. S. T., vol. V. pp. 363, 364.
AN UNKNOWN ULTIMATE ESSENCE. 405
Thus, in a passage quoted by Dr Muir from the
Taittiriya Brahmana we find the following: "This
[universe] was not originally anything. There was
neither heaven, nor earth, nor atmosj^here. That
being non-existent (asat) resolved 'Let me be.' That
became fervent," and so forth. Hereupon the com-
mentator states that "the Supreme Spirit was non-
existent only in respect of name and form, but that
nevertheless it was really existing (sat)."''
Professor Max Mliller, in his essay on the Veda,
has observed that after naming the several powers of
nature, and worsliipping them as gods, the ancient
Hindu found that there was yet another power within
him and around him for which he had no name. This
he termed in the first instance " Brahman," force, will,
wish. But when Brahman too had become a person,
he called the mysterious and impersonal power
" atman," originally meaning breath or spirit, subse-
quently Self. " Atman remained always free from
myth and worship, difi'ering in this from Brahman
(neuter), who has his temples in India even now, and
is worshipped as Brahman (masculine), together with
Vishnu and Siva and other popular gods."^ Distin-
guishing these two deities, for the convenience of
English readers, as Brahm, the neuter, and Brahma,
the masculine God, it is to be observed that even the
latter, who holds in theology the function of Creator,
is but little worshipped in India, and holds no con-
spicuous place in the popular mind. Thus Wilson
says, " It is doubtful if Brahma was ever worshipped.
Indications of local adoration of him at Pushkara,
near Ajmir, are found in one Purana, the Brahma
* 0. S. T., vol. V. p. 366. 2 Chips, vol. i. \)\\ 70, 71.
4o6 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
Purana, but in no other part of India is there the
slightest vestige of his worship." ^ Elsewhere the
same most competent authority states " it might be
difficult to meet with " any Brahma-worshippers now :
" exclusive adorers of this deity, and temples dedicated
to him, do not now occur perhaps in any part of
India ; at the same time it is an error to suppose that
public homage is never paid to him." Hereupon he
mentions a few places where Brahma is particularly
reverenced. While, however, there may be discovered
some faint traces of the worship of Brahma the
Creator, and first member of the Hindu Trinity, there
does not appear to be any worship whatever of the
more impersonal and abstract Brahm. Brahm is
related to Brahma much as the Absolute or the
Unknowable of philosophy is related to the God of
the Hebrew and Christian Scriptures. In the concep-
tion of Brahm the idea of deity is pushed to the
utmost limits of which human thought is capable, and
we have a being whose very exaltation above the
mythological personages who pass for gods among the
people precludes him from receiving the adoration of
any but philosophic minds. When therefore Professor
Max Miiller speaks of temples dedicated to Brahm I
presume that he is speaking of the temples of Brahma,
the corporeal form of this unembodied idea. For
Brahm is stated to be " immaterial, invisible, unborn,
uncreated, without beginning or end ; " to be " inap-
prehensible by the under-standing, at least until that
is freed from the film of mortal blindness ; " to be
devoid of attributes, or to have only purity, and to be
*' susceptible of no interest in the acts of man or thq
1 W. W., vol. ii. p. 63.
THE JEWISH UNNAMEABLE. 407
administration of the affairs of the universe." Con-
formably to these views, adds Wilson, ''no temples
are erected, no prayers are even addressed to the
Supreme."^ Thus Brahma, the God, is but little
worshipped ; Brahra, the infinite being, and 4tman,
spirit, are not worshipped at all. Now Brahma, the
creative and formative power, corresponds to God the
Father ; while Brahm and atman, especially the latter,
bear more resemblance to the Holy Ghost ; a fact to
be especially noted in reference to the comparison
hereafter to be made between the positions occupied
by the more and the less spiritual members of the
Christian Trinity.
Thus we have this singular neglect of the Supreme
Divinity prevailing among ancient heathens, among
modern Africans, amonor Hindus of all ajjes, and
among pre-Christian Mexicans and Peruvians. Do
Judaism, and its offshoot, Christianity, offer no sign
of a similar relegation of the highest to an invisible
background ? I think they do. The evidence is not
indeed quite so simple as in the other cases. But it
is deserving of remark that the ordinary name for God
in Hebrew, Elohim (a^■^'?^^), is plural, and must
at one time have signified gods ; while the word
which is sometimes used alone, but more commonly
in combination with it (mn^), is regarded as so
sacred that the Jews in reading the Scriptures never
pronounce it, but substitute Adonai (^J■T^*), my
Lord, in its place. Owing to this ancient custom the
very sound of the word mn^ has been absolutely
forgotten, and Jehovah, by which w^e commonly render
it, has been merely constructed by supplying tlie
1 W. W., vol. ii. p. 91,
4o8 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
vowels from Adoiiai. Now the existence of a most
holy name, but rarely used, and then only with great
reverence, is a manifestation of religious feeling exactly
corresponding to that related by Reade concerning
the African name Njambi. Suppose that witli the
progress of theological dogmas and ecclesiastical
usages the use of the word Njambi should be entirely
dropped, its pronunciation might then be entirely
lost (if, as in Hebrew, its vowel sounds Avere never
written). And with the adoption of a monotheistic
creed some name, now belonging to an idol, might be
used as synonymous with Njambi. Now something
of this kind may have hapf)ened with the Hebrews.
There can be little doubt that the Elohim were origi-
nally gods accepted by the Hebrews as part of a
polytheistic system. Deep in the minds of Hebrew
thinkers lay the more abstract notion of a single God,
more powerful and more mysterious than the Elohim.
They called him Jahveh, or whatever else may have
been the name expressed by mn\ But as the
monotheistic view triumphed over the polytheistic,
the Elohim were adopted into the framework of the
new reliofion, and in a manner subordinated to Jahveh
by a process of fusion. The name of Jahveh, which
must once have been in common use, was now treated
as too holy to be ever uttered by mortal lips. The
ancient God who had stood at the head of the system
of his party, was in a certain sense withdrawn from
active life, but retained as the nominal occupant of
supreme authority. Whether this conjectural account
is probable or not, must be left to better judges to
decide, but it tends at least to bring the history of the
Jewish faith into harmony with that of other religions.
CONCRETE OBJECT OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. 409
Moreover, it is interesting to observe that a process
extremely similar to that here imagined as occurring
in the development of Judaism, was actually passed
tlirough by its younger rival. Christianity, arising in
the midst of a people who had arrived at highly
abstract views of deity, proceeded at once to do what
so many other creeds have done, to embody the
conception of divine power in a concrete object. This
concrete object was in the Christian theology a man.
And as generally happens in these cases, the more
abstract idea was overshadowed and to some extent
driven from the field by the more concrete. Christ
occupies a larger place both in authorised Christian
worship and in the popular Christian imagination than
does his Father. The creed no doubt treats them both
with equal reverence, as persons in a single God ; but
to understand what is truly felt and believed by the
people, we must look not to the letter of their creeds,
but to their actual, and above all their unconscious
practice. Doing this we find first an entire absence
of any special festival in honour of the Father.^
Look at the large place occupied by the history of
Jesus in ecclesiastical fastdays and feastdays. We
have the Annunciation, the Nativity, the forty days
of Lent, the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, the Ascen-
sion, all referring to him. But we have quite forgotten
to celebrate the creation of the human species, the
expulsion from Eden, the deluge, the destruction of
Sodom and Gomorrah, and other mighty works due to
his Father. The weekly holiday, originally a memo-
^ The remark is not mine, but is made by Didron, a devout Roman
Catholic writer, to whom I am much indebted for this and other hints. —
Ic. Ch., p. 572 n.
410 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
rial of Ins repose on the seventh day, has indeed been
retained from Judaism ; yet even here its reference
has been changed from the history of the first person
to that of the second by its transfer from the last day
of the week to the first. But this is not all. Didron
remarks that in early works of art Jesus is made to
take the place of his Father in creation and in similar
labours, just as in heathen religions an inferior divinity
does the work under a superior one. Dishonourable
and even ridiculous positions were assigned to God
the Father. The more ancient artists were reluctant
to paint the whole of the First Person, just as iVfricans,
Peruvians and Hebrews were reluctant to speak his
name. A mere hand or an arm is held sufficient to
represent him. But in the 13th and 14th centuries,
God the Father begins to manifest his figure ; at first
his bust only, and then his whole person. In the
14th century we take part in the birth and develop-
ment of the fiorure of the eternal , Father. At first
equal to his Son in age and station, he begins in
process of time to become slightly different, until,
towards 1360, the notion of paternity is attached
irrevocably to him ; he is henceforth uniformly older
than his Son, and assumes the first place in the Trinity.
The middle age may be divided (according to Didron)
into two periods. In the first, precediug the 14th cen-
tury, we have the Father in the image and similitude
of the Son. In the second, after the 13th century
until the i6th, Jesus Christ loses his iconographic
distinctness, and is conquered by his Father. He in
his turn puts on the likeness of the Father, becoming
old and wrinkled like him.^ Basing his conclusions
^ Ic. Ch,, p. 148-203.
THE SPIRIT HARDL Y RECOGNISED. 41 1
on these remarkable disclosures, Michelet, in his
"History of France," observes with considerable reason
that from the ist century until the 12th God was not
worship[)ed by Christians. Nay, even for fifteen
centuries not a temple, not an altar was erected to
him. And when he did venture to appear beside his
Son in Christian art, he remained neglected and soli-
tary. Nobody made an offering to him, or caused a
mass to be said in his honour.'^
But while the first Person of the Trinity has now
obtained, especially in Protestant countries, a degree
of recognition which he did not always enjoy, there
remains behind another Person, who is more abstract,
more spiritual, more undefinable than either the
Father or the Son. Formally included in the litur-
gies of the Church, having an ofiice established
in his honour, churches dedicated to his name,
this member of the Trinity has nevertheless been
strangely neglected by all Christian nations. No-
body practically worships the Holy Ghost ; nobody
pays him especial attention ; nobody appears to be
much concerned about his proceedings. Artists have
treated him with a degree of indifference which they
have never manifested towards Jesus Christ. Not
only have they sometimes forgotten to include the
Holy Ghost in their representations of the Godhead,
but they have omitted him even from a scene where
he had the best possible claim to figure, namely,
the reception of the Spirit by the apostles at
the feast of Pentecost. Elsewhere they have not
completely left him out, but have placed him in an
attitude of subordination and indignity, evincing
1 Michelet, " Histoire de France, " vol. vii. p. xlix.
412 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
but scant respect, as where an artist has depicted
an angel as apparently restraining the impetuosity
of the dove by holding its tail in both his hands.
While in the Catacomljs it was the Father who was
suppressed, in the Trinities of tlie 12th, 15th, and
1 6th centuries it is the Holy Ghost who is found
to be missing. "Thus," observes the Roman Catholic
author to whom I am indebted for these facts, "the
Holy Ghost has sometimes had reason to complain
of the artists." ^
"Were this Person, in fact, disposed to be punctil-
ious, it is not only artists, mere reflectors of the
general sentiment, but the whole Christian world
of whom he would have reason to complain. So
little does he occupy the ordinary thoughts of Chris-
tians, that Abailard gave the greatest offence by
naming a monastery after him, and this procedure
of the great theologian remains, I believe, a solitary
example in ecclesiastical history of such an honour
being paid to the Paraclete. Yet surely he who
bears the great office of the Comforter is deserving of
some more express recognition than he now receives !
What is the cause of this universal oblivion ? I
suspect it is that which leads to the neglect by the
Africans of their highest god, namely, his entire
innocuousness. We saw that various tribes, while
omitting to worship a benevolent deity, who will
never do them any kind of harm, address their
prayers to a class of gods who are described by
travellers as demons, or evil spirits, but whom they
no doubt regard as mixtures of good qualities with
bad ; capable of propitiation by prayer, but resentful
' Ic. Clir., p. 489-49!;.
LATER WORSHIP OF SAINTS. 413
of irreverence. Now tlie Father and the Son cor-
respond in some degree to these inferior gods. Not
that they are actively malevolent, but they have
certain characteristics of a terrifying order. God
the Father is throughout the Bible the author of
chastisements and scourges. God the Son, merciful
though he be, yet intimates that he will return to
judge the world, and that he will disavow those who
are not truly his disciples, thus consigning them to
the secular arm of God the Father, who will condemn
them to eternal punishment. But God the Spirit
has no share in these horrors. AVhenever he appears
upon the scene, he is quiet, gentle, and inoffen-
sive ; and these qualities, combined with the absence
of the more definite personality possessed by his
colleagues, have effectually ensured his comparative
insignificance in Christian worship and in Christian
thought.
While this has been the course of affairs in refer-
ence to the persons in the Trinity — who, though
dogmatically one, are popularly and practically three
— a simultaneous displacement of all its members
by still more comprehensible objects of worship has
been going on. First in rank among these stands
the Virgin Mary, so universally worshipped in Catholic
countries. After her come the mass of saints, some
of general, some of local celebrity ; but who, no
doubt, receive, each from his or her particular devotees,
a far larger share of devotional attention than the
Father or the Son themselves. For they are requested
to intercede with these more exalted potentates ; and
we naturally pay more regard to our intercessors,
show them more assiduous respect, feel towards them
414 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
more gratitude, than we do to those with whom they
intercede, and who stand too far above us to be
approached directly by us. Keightley, in his " History
of England," expresses himself as shocked by the far
larger share of the offerings of the pious received at
Canterbury by the altar of Thomas-^-Becket than
was received by tlie altars of the Virgin and of the
Son. The proportion is as follows : — In one year St
Thomas received ;^832, 12s. 3d. ; the Virgin ^63, 5s.
6d. ; Christ only ^3, 2s. 6d. Next year the martyr
had ^954, 6s. 3d. ; Mary £\, is. 8d. ; and Christ
nothing at all. This relation is perfectly natural.
Thomas-a-Becket was the local saint. He stood nearer
to the people, was more intelligible to their minds,
than the Virgin Mary ; and the latter, again, was
more intelligible to them than Jesus Christ, whose
mystic attributes she did not share. This fact does
but illustrate the common tendency of mankind to
neglect the worship of the highest deity recognised
in their formal creed, and to offer their prayers and
their sacrifices to idols of lower pretensions and more
human pro^^ortions.
That which, as the upshot of these speculations,
we are chiefly concerned to note, is that religion
everywhere contains, as its most essential ingredient,
the conception of an unknown power ; which power,
thus offered by religion to the adoration of mankind,
becomes the object of a double tendency : a tendency
on the one hand to preserve it as a dim idea, repre-
sented to the mind under highly abstract forms ; a
tendency on the other hand, to bring it down to
common comprehension by presenting it to the senses
PERMANENCY OF THE RELIGIOUS INSTINCT. 415
under concrete symbols. But under all images, how-
ever material ; under all embodiments, however gross ;
the central thought of a power hidden behind sen-
sible phenomena, unknown and unknowable, still
remains.
So far then as historical inquiry throws light upon
the answer to the second question in the previous
chapter, that answer will be in the affirmative. It
renders it at least highly probable that the common
elements of religion are, from their universal or all
but universal prevalence, "a necessary and therefore
permanent portion of our mental furniture." Nor
is this conclusion invalidated by the hypothetical
objection that there are races without a religion at
all. Granting the fact, it admits of an explanation
quite consistent with this view. For the races which
are destitute of the religious idea may be so, not
because they are superior to it, and can do without
it, but because they are inferior to it, and have not
yet perceived it. Thus, the savage nations who
cannot count beyond their fingers, prove nothing
against the necessity of numerical relations. Even
though they cannot add their 10 toes to their 10
fingers, and thus make 20, yet the moment we per-
ceive that 10+10 = 20 we perceive also that this
relation is an absolute necessity, and it remains an
unalterable fact in our intellectual treasury. No
inability on the part of the savage to understand us
can shake our conviction. Now the same thing may
hold good of the ultimate elements of religious
feeling. These also, when once the conditions are
realised in thought, may prove necessary beliefs.
Whether they are so or not is a question for philo-
41 6 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
sophy. To the examination of that question we must
now proceed.
Religion, as the foregoing analysis has shown, puts
forward as its cardinal truth the conception of a j^ower
which is neither perceptible by the senses nor definable
by the intellect. For sensible perception requires a
material object and a material organ ; and intellectual
definition requires an object which can be compared
with other objects that are like it, discriminated from
others that are unlike it, and classified according to
that likeness and that unlikeness. In either case
therefore the object must be a phenomenon having
its place among phenomena, whether those of the
sensible or those of the intelligible sphere. But if
the power accepted by religion be neither perceptible
nor definable, are we obliged to believe in the exis-
tence of so abstract an entity at all, or may we reject
it as a figment of the human brain ?
Perhaps we shall best be able to discover whether
such a belief is necessary or not by endeavouring to
do without it, and to frame a consistent conception
of the universe from which it is entirely excluded.
There are various ways in which such a conception
might be attempted. We may regard the w^orld from
the platform of Realism or from that of Idealism, and
the nature of our Realism or of our Idealism may
vary with the special school of thought to which we
may belong. Realism in the first instance admits of
two main subdivisions : into Common, or as Mr
Spencer calls it, Crude Realism, and into Metaphysical
Realism ; and these two forms of it require separate
treatment.
COMMON REALISM UNPHILOSOPHIC. 417
Common Realism is the primitive opinion of un-
educated and of unreflecting persons, and is in fact
simply the absence of any genuine opinion at all.
They, I imagine, regard the external objects by which
they are surrounded as so many actual entities, not
only having an independent existence of their own,
but an existence like that which they possess in our
consciousness. Thus, an o^gg they would take to be in
reality a white, brittle, hard thing on the outside, hav-
ing a certain shape, size, and weight, and containing
inside the shell a quantity of soft, whitish and
yellowish substance with a given taste. These quali-
ties, not excepting the taste, taken along with any
other qualities that may be disclosed by more careful
inquiry, they would conceive to constitute the whole
of the Qgg. It is the same with other objects. What
we perceive by our senses is thought by them to be a
copy of the real things as they exist in nature, much
as the retina of the eye, regarded from without, is
seen to contain a copy in miniature of the surrounding
scene. Common Realism, however, while it tacitly
takes for granted an infinite number of separate
entities, cannot account either for the origin of those
entities or for their nature. Nor has it any account to
give of the origin of life, for material things are in this
system utterly destitute of life, and indeed opposed
to it. They are precisely what our senses inform
us of, and nothing more. Hence they furnish no
answers to the questions : How did this world come
into being, and how did it reach its present shape ?
How do men come to exist in it ; for matter contains
no vitality and no power of infusing vitality into
itself % Therefore it is that the adherents of Common
VOL. II. '?. r*
4i8 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
Kealism are invariably driven back upon a superior
being, whom tliey term a Creator, and who supplies
the motive impulse which is wanting in their world.
Metaphysical Eealism professes to be the improve-
ment of scholars upon the unsifted notions of the
vulgar. It is the system to which, in its earlier and
cruder form, Berkeley a century ngo gave what once
appeared to be its death-blow, but what may perhaps
turn out to have been a wound sufficiently severe to
cause prolonged insensibility, but not al)solute extinc-
tion. It is not, however, with the purpose of complet-
ing the work of destruction, but of examining whether
it affords a possible escape from the necessity of the
religious postulate, that I refer to it here. Metaphy-
sical Eealists perceived clearly enough that the
apparent qualities of sensible objects could not be
the objects themselves. Even if they did not recog-
nise this with regard to all the apparent qualities,
they did so with regard to those termed "secondary,"
such as taste, smell, and colour. Later representa-
tives of the school, such as Kant, extended the process
by which this conclusion was reached to all apparent
qualities whatsoever. Below the apparent qualities,
however, these thinkers assumed a substance, " ^uh-
stantia," in which they inhered, and by which they
were bound together, so as to constitute the object.
And this substance — something unperceived under-
lying the qualities perceived — was their notion of
matter. Observe now the position we have arrived
at. No sooner does Realism abandon the untenable
hypothesis that the qualities of the object are the
object itself, than it is driven upon the assumption of
an utterly unknowable and inconceivable entity; a
THE METAPHYSICAL SUBSTRATA. 419
matter which is not perceptible by any of our senses,
which is below, or in addition to, phenomena con-
cerning which we can predicate nothing, and whose
relation to the qualities it is supposed to support
we cannot understand. But the necessity of some
such assumption is the very assertion implied in all
forms of religious faith. Realism, then, does not
escape the pressure of this necessity, even though
the entity it assumes is not precisely of the same
character.
But is the difference in its character one that tells
in favour of this variety of Realism, or in favour of
religion ? Assuredly substance, or matter, imagined
as the bond between apparent qualities, is not an
easier, simj^ler, or more intelligible conception than
that of a universal power as the origin, source, or
objective side of all physical phenomena. Granting
even that the latter conception cannot be represented
to the mind, a representation of the former is equally
impossible. But does it explain the facts better ?
Let us see. In the first place, we must demand an
accurate definition of what this supposed matter is.
Is it passive, inanimate, incapable of independent
action, and unable to develop out of itself the living
creatures which in some way have come to exist ?
If so, we plainly require another entity in addition to
matter, both to account for the active forces of our
universe, and to originate the phenomenon of life.
For if the qualities of body need a substratum, so
also do those of mind. If it be held that the power
from which mind emanates be the same as that which
is evinced in so-called physical forces, then we have
two distinct, if not independent, substances, beings,
420 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
or whatever we may prefer to call tliem : matter,
pervading material objects in their statical condition,
and force or life, pervading both consciousness and
material objects in their dynamical condition. Or
if the first be regarded as sufficient to account for
motion as well as matter, then we have still two
powers, one subsisting throughout the physical, the
other throughout the mental world. How are these
two substances related to one another ? Is the sub-
stance of mind supreme, governing its material
colleague ? or is that of matter at the head of affairs,
and that of mind subordinate ? or are they equal and
co-ordinate authorities, as in the Gnostic philosophy ?
Suppose we endeavour to elude these difficulties by
the assertion that there is nothing else but the unper-
ceivable substratum supporting material objects, and
that in this all modes of existence take their rise,
we are met by further and still more troublesome
questions. For if, under the manifestations of this
substance we include consciousness, then the dis-
tinction between matter and mind has vanished, and
in calling this substance matter we are simply giving
it an unmeaning name. In fact, it is a substance
supporting not only the qualities of bodies, but also
the chemical, electric, molar, molecular, and other
forces throughout the universe, as well as sensation,
thought, antl emotion. Matter in short docs every-
thing which deity can be required to do ; it originates
motion ; it produces living creatures ; it feels ; it
thinks ; it lives. Thus we have but stumbled upon
God in an unexpected quarter. Suppose, however,
that we take what is in this system the easier and
more natural hypothesis of a substance of matter, a
IDEALISM: MODERATE AND EXTREME. 421
substance of miud, and a still more hidden power
superior to both, and from which both are derived,
then we have but abandoned the perplexing questions
raised by metaphysical Eealism to take refuge in the
religious position from which it seemed to offer a
plnusible deliverance.
Does Idealism help us ? Idealism is of several
forms. That represented by Berkeley need not occupy
us here, for Berkeley not only admitted, but expressly
asserted, the existence of an all-comprehending Power,
and without this his philosoj)hy would have appeared
to himself unmeaning and incomprehensible. Nor
need we stop to examine that more recent species of
Idealism, as I hold it to be, which its illustrious
author, Mr Herbert Spencer, has christened Trans-
figured Eealism. Whatever differences may exist
between Spencer and Berkeley — and I believe them
to be more apparent then real — they are at one in
the cardinal doctrine that sensible phenomena are
but the varied manifestations of this ultimate Power.
All such Idealism as this is in harmony with religion.
But there are two forms which seem to be at variance
with it, one of which I will term Moderate, and the
other Extreme Idealism.
Moderate Idealism agrees with Berkelev in dismiss-
ing to the limbo of extinct metaphysical creatures the
substance supposed to lurk beneath the apparent
qualities of bodies. It holds that there is no such
substance, and that these qualities, and therefore
bodies themselves, exist only in consciousness. But
it differs from Berkeley in omitting to provide any
source whatever, external to ourselves, from which
422 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
these bodies can be derived. Not only are tbey in
their phenomenal aspect mere states of our own
consciousness, but they have no other aspect than the
phenomenal one, and are in themselves nothing but
phenomena. Rather inconsistently, this school of
Idealism does not push its reasoning to its natural
results, but concedes to other human beings some-
thing more than a merely phenomenal existence.
Nothing exists but states of consciousness ; but those
peculiar states of my consciousness which I term men
and women may be shown, by careful reasoning, to pos-
sess (in all probability) an existence of their own, even
apart from my seeing, hearing, or feeling them. The
process 1;y which we reach this conclusion " is exactly
parallel to that by which Newton proved that the force
which keeps the planets in their orbits is identical
with that by which an apple falls to the ground." ^
Those peculiar modifications of colour, and that
special mode of filling up empty space which I term
"my friend," do indeed seem, if we push matters to
an extreme, to come into existence only when he
enters my room, and to cease to exist the moment he
quits it. If he has any further vitality, it is only in
the shape of that state of consciousness which is
known as recollection. But Moderate Idealism escapes
from this consequence, on the ground that modifica-
tions of body and outward actions, since they are
connected with feelings in ourselves, must be con-
nected with feeling's also in the case of those other
phenomena which we term human beings, and per-
1 Mill's " Exammation of Six W. Hamilton's Philosophy," p. 2oy
(zmi eil.)
MODERATE IDEALISM UNTHINKABLE. 42.-,
haps in the case of those we term animals.^ But if
this be so, how did so extraordinary a fact as that of
consciousness arise ? Ex hypothesi, there was nothing
before it. Did it then suddenly spring into being,
full-grown like Minerva, but, unlike Minerva, with no
head of Jupiter to spring from ? Or was it a gradual
growth, and if so, from what origin ? Go back as far
as you will, you can find nothing but consciousness,
and that the consciousness of limited beings (either
men or animals) ; and it is no less difficult to con-
ceive the beofinnino;, from nothinof at all, of the least
atom of conscious life, than to conceive that of the
profoundest philosopher. Observe, there is no world
of any kind ; and in this no-world (the contradiction
is unavoidable) there suddenly arises, from no ante-
cedent, a consciousness of external objects which are
no-objects. Geology upon this theory is a myth ; so
is that branch of astronomy which treats of the forma-
tion of our planetary system from nebular matter.
Stars, suns, planets, and crust of the earth only arose
when they were perceived, and will cease to be when
there is no living creature to perceive them any
longer. Since, however, conclusions like tliese are in
reality unthinkable, whatever efforts metaphysicians
may make to think them. Moderate Idealism must of
necessity complete its fabric by the admission of a
Power from which both consciousness and the objects
of consciousness have taken their rise. Should it
persist in denying anything but a mental reality to
the objects of consciousness, it must still suppose an
^ Mr Mill, in treating the point, seems to have forgotten the animal
world, but his argument would cover it. — Mill's " Examination of Sir W.
Hamilton's Pliilosophy," p. 208, 209.
424 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
unknown source from which consciousness itself has
been derived ; otherwise it will entangle itself in two
unthinkable propositions. First, that before men (or
animals) existed there was absolute nothingness, an
idea which we cannot frame ; secondly, tliat where
there was nothing at one moment there was the next
moment something, a process which we cannot realise
without supposing a time antecedent to that some-
thing, and which we may not, without the contradic-
tion of introducing time in the midst of nothingness,
realise by supposing a time antecedent to that some-
thing.
It was no doubt the vague feeling of these perplexi-
ties that forced John Stuart Mill, the most eminent
defender of this school of thought, to denominate
matter a Permanent Possibility of Sensation. This
singular phrase well exemplifies the difficulties of his
position. For is matter an external substance, existing
independently, or not ? If it is, then what becomes
of the Berkeleyan doctrine % Mill and his followers
are simply metaphysical Kealists. But if not, what
becomes of the permanence ? It is not in us, for our
sensations are not permanent ; it is not in the matter,
for there is none. And what is there a possibility of ?
Causing sensation, or having it ? Not the former, for
there is nothing to cause it ; not the latter, for the
possibility of our having sensations is a mere fact of
our nature, and cannot serve to define matter. And
where is the sensation located ? The phraseology
would seem to imply, that matter is in the permanent
condition of possible feeling ; just as a nerve may be
in the permanent condition of possible excitation.
But this would be placing sensation in the . wrong
EXTREME IDEALISM UNTHINKABLE. 425
quarter. And if sensation be in us, we have not a
permanent possibility, but a permanent actuality of
sensation. So that unless the words be construed to
mean that there is outside of us a permanent some-
thino; which excites sensation, of which the modes
vary (for this is the sense of possibility), they have no
assignable meaning whatever. Mill, in fact, had been
compelled, without wishing it, to recognise an ultimate
power in nature ; and his perception of this truth
conflicted strangely, in his candid mind, with his
idealistic prepossessions.
A more consistent and rigorous form of Idealism is
that which has been referred to as the strict conse-
quence of ]\Ioderate Idealism. This form, which I will
term Extreme Idealism, denies the existence of per-
sons as well as things. The Extreme Idealist believes
liimself to be the only being in the universe. There
is to him no period preceding his own existence ; none
succeeding it. Past and future, except in his own life,
have no meaninjx for him. We cannot reason with
him, for all we may say is only a transient mode of
his own sensations. Obviously, to such a philosophy
there is no reply but one : it is simply unthinkable.
Were any one seriously to defend it, the very serious-
ness of his defence would prove that he did not believe
it. For airainst what or whom would he be contending?
Against a phantom of his own mind. And the more
pains he took to prove to us that he believed us to have
no existence but as a part of himself, the less credit
should we attach to his assertions.
Philosophy, therefore, is under a logical compulsion
to make the same fundamental assumption as Religion
•—that of an ultimate, unknown, and all-pervading
426 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
Power, Origin, or Cause. Science, in a variety of
ways, does the same. It does so, first, in its belief of a
past and a future in tlie history of the solar system
far transcending the past and future of humanity, or
indeed of any form of life whatever. Passing at a
dance over our brief abode on the face of the earth.
Geology pushes its researches back into a tnne preced-
ing by innumerable ages the existence of mankind,
while her elder sister Astronomy carries her vision to
a still remoter age, when even the planet we now
inhabit was but a fragment in one indistinguishable
mass. But it is not only these two sciences that assume
the continuance of nature quite independently of our
presence or absence ; every other science does the like.
The botanist, the chemist, the physicist, all believe
that the facts they assert are facts in an external
nature, the relations of Avhich as now discovered by
their several sciences held good before man existed,
and will hold good after he has ceased to exist. But
to say this, is to say in effect that there is something
more than the mere phenomena disclosed by investi-
gation ; namely, an external reality persisting through
all time in which the varied series of phenomena take
their rise.
More clearly still does Science assert some such
reality in its great modern doctrine of the Persistence
of Force. Not that this doctrine is entirely new ; for
regarded in its metaphysical rather than its physical
aspect it is but an expression in \\\^ language of the
day of a truth which has long been realised as a
necessity of thought. It is the converse of the ancient
axiom, "Nihil ex niliilo fit" for if nothing can be
made from nothing, neither can something pass into
SCIENCE: n^S ONTOLOGICAL BASIS. 427
nothing. The Persistence of Force is an expression
of the fact that every cause must have an adequate
effect ; that in nature nothing can be lost, no particle
of force pass into nonentity. Concentrated forces
may be dissipated, and dissipated forces may be
concentrated ; or one variety of force may pass into
another. But the ultimate fund of force remains
ever unchangeable ; nothing is ever created, nothing
destroyed.
Observe, then, that Science, however cautiously it
may keep within the range of the material world,
however eagerly it may repudiate all investigation of
ultimate causes as fruitless and unprofitable, cannot
take one single step towards proving the propositions
it advances without tacitly laying down an ontological
entity as the basis of its demonstration. For to speak
of its discoveries as laws of nature is simply to
predicate a constant, unvarying force, which under
like conditions always produces like results. And to
declare the uniformity of nature, is merely to say
that the methods of that force do not change — that it
is the same now as it ever was, and will be the same
throuo-liout the eternal ages.
" Thus," writes Mr Herbert Spencer, " by the
Persistence of Force, we really mean the persistence
of some Power which transcends our knowledge and
conception. The manifestations, as occurring in our-
selves or outside of us, do not persist ; but that which
persists is the Unknown Cause of these manifestations.
In other words, asserting the Persistence of Force,
is but another mode of asserting an Unconditional
liealicy, without beginning or end." ^
^ Spencer's " First Principles," § 60, p. 189.
428 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
Philosophy, or Reasoned Thought, and Science, or
Reasoned Observation, have both led us to admit, as
a fundamental principle, the necessary existence of
an unknown, inconceivable, and omnipresent Power,
whose operations are ever in progress before our eyes,
but whose nature is, and can never cease to be, an
impenetrable mystery. And this is the cardinal truth
of all religion. From all sides then, by every mode of
contemplation, we are forced upon the same irresistible
conclusion. The final question still remains, Is this
ultimate element of all religion " the correlative of
any actual truth or not ? "
But for the prevalence, in recent times, of a philo-
sophy which denies all connection between the neces-
sity of a belief and its truth, I should have regarded
such a question as scarcely worth the answering. To
say that a belief is necessary and to say that it is true,
would appear to all, but adherents of the extreme
experiential school, one and the same thing. But in
the present day this cannot be taken for granted, and
I should be the last to complain that even that which
seems most obvious should be tested by adverse criti-
cism.
Ingenious, however, as their arguments are, philo-
sophers of this school, when driven to reason out their
views, cut their own throats. They commit a logical
suicide. For what is the test of truth they liold up
to us in lieu of necessity ? Experience. But what in
the last resort does our belief in experience rest
upon ? Simply upon a mental necessity. Nol)ody
can tell us why he believes that the laws of nature
will hold good to-morrow as they do to-day. He can
indeed tell us that he has always found them constant
GROUNDED IN NECESSARY TRUTHS. 429
before, and therefore expects them to remain so. But
this is merely to state the belief, not to justify it.
Experience itself cannot be appealed to, to support
our confidence in experience. True, we habitually
say that we believe such and such results will follow
such and such antecedents because we have always
found them follow before. But our past experience is
not the whole of the fact involved in the belief. It
is our past experience, conjoined with the mental
necessity of thinking that the future will resemble
the past, that forms the convictions on Avhicli we act.
Experience alone, without that mental necessity, could
teach us nothing. If therefore our necessary beliefs
need not be true, the belief in experience falls to the
ground along with the rest, and experience cannot be
put in place of necessity as a test of truth.
In fact, every argument drawn from the past falli-
bility of the test of necessity might be retorted with
tenfold force against the test of experience. Observa-
tion has constantly misled mankind, and thousands
of alleged facts, accepted upon imagined experience,
have been disproved by more accurate examination.
Observation and reasoning combined (as they often
are) are exposed to the double danger of false pre-
mises and false inferences from true premises ; while
the addition of an element of testimony (a circum-
stance common in scientific inquiries) exposes every
conclusion to a threefold possibility of error. Human
beings are no more exempt from the possibility of
mistaken science than from that of hasty metaphysics.
But as, in matters of physical research, we do not dis-
credit the use of our eyes because their perceptions
are sometimes inaccurate, so in matters of metaphy-
430 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT
sical inquiry we need not discredit the use of our
minds because their apparent intuitions are now and
then fallacious. In the one case, as in the other, the
proper course is not to cast contempt upon the only-
instruments of discovery we have, but to apply those
instruments again and again, omitting no precaution
that may serve to correct an observation and to test
an aiguuient. But when we have done our utmost
to attam whatever certainty the nature of the subject
permits, we cannot reasonably turn round upon our-
selves and say : " True, my eyes assure me of this
fact, but human eyes have erred so often that I can-
not accept their verdict ; " or, " No doubt my mind
forces this conclusion upon me as a necessity of thought,
l)ut so many assumed necessities have turned out not
to be necessary at all that I must refuse to listen
to my mind ; " for this is not really the caution of
science, but the rashness of philosophic theory. For
we can have no higher conviction than that arising in
a necessity of thought. Nothing can surpass the
certainty of this. Grant that we may yet be wrong :
we can never know it, and we can have no reason to
think it. To oppose to a necessary belief such a train
of reasoning as this :
Necessary beliefs (so-called) have often proved false :
This is a necessary belief (so-called) :
Therefore it may prove false,
is in reality to seek to overthrow a strong conviction
by a weak one ; an intuition by a syllogism ; a pro-
position felt immediately to be true by an inference
open to discussion. Arguments like this resemble
the procedure of a man who should tell us, when we
RELIGION A NE CESSAR Y POSTULA TE. 431
meet a friend, tliat we cannot possil)lj be sure of his
identity because on some previous occasion in our
lives we mistook Jones for Thompson.
Exaggerated as this doctrine of the experiential
school is thus seen to be, yet it has done good service
by putting thinkers on their guard, not to accept as
necessary and ultimate some beliefs which are only
continefent and dissoluble. Two conditions must be
fulfilled in order to effect a presumption of necessity.
The belief must always arise under certain conditions ;
that is, it must be universal in the only sense in
which that term can fitly be applied. Having arisen,
it must be incapable of expulsion from the mind ; its
terms must adhere together so firmly that they cannot
be parted by adverse criticism, either our own or that
of others. Both these conditions are fulfilled by the
fundamental postulate of religion. Given the appro-
priate conditions — human beings raised even a little
above the lowest savagery — and it at once takes
possession of their minds. After this, it persists in
spite of every attempt to do without it, and the high-
est philosophy is compelled to give it the place of
honour in the forefront of its teaching.
Observe now, that what this philosophy accepts and
incorporates into its system is religion and not theo-
logy. These two must be broadly distinguished from
one another. Eelic^ion might be described as the soul
of which theology is the body. Religion is an ab-
stract, indefinable, pervading sentiment; theology a
concrete, well-defined, limited creed. The one is
emotional ; the other intellectual. The one is a con-
stant element of our nature ; the other fluctuates
from generation to generation, and varies from place
432 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
to place. Theology seeks to bind down religion
within immovable forms. Against these forms there
is constantly arising both an intellectual and an
emotional protest. The intellect objects to them as
untrue in the name of science (in the largest sense) ;
the emotions struggle against them as cramping
their freedom in the name of religion itself. Thus
between the human mind and dogma, between the
religious sentiment and dogma, there is going on a
perpetual warfare. Eeligious sentiment is no sooner
born than the tendency to limit and to define makes
itself felt. It is confined within a set of dogmas, and
forbidden under every species of pains and penalties
to pass over its allotted bounds. Sooner or later,
religious sentiment bursts through every restriction ;
seems for a moment to breathe the invigorating air of
freedom, but falls again into the hands of new theo-
logians, with another framework of dogmas ; to be
ao-ain broken throuoh in its turn when its fettering
influence can be no longer borne. In carrying on this
continually renovated contest — which is seen in its
highest activity in great religious reformations — the
religious sentiment seeks the alliance of intellect,
which latter supplies it with deadly weapons drawn
from the armouries of science, logic, and historical
research. Thus the overthrow of theology is in great
part an intellectual work. But it must not be for-
gotten that the very deepest hostility to theological
systems is inspired by the very emotion to which
these systems seek to give a formal and definite
expression.
The historical progress of religion is thus in some
degree a counterpart of the progress described by
THE DIVINE BECOMES FLESH AND SPIRIT. 433
Heine (in the lines heading this Book) as that of his
individual mind. First of all there arises in the
mind of man, so soon as he begins to speculate on
the world in which he lives, the idea of a Creator.
He cannot conceive the existence of the material
objects with which he is familiar without conceiving
also some being more powerful than himself who has
made them what they are. His notions of creation
may be, no doubt often are, extremely limited. He
may confine the operations of his God to that small
portion of the universe with which he is most
familiar. But that the idea of an invisible yet pre-
eminent deity arises very early in the mental develop-
ment of the human race, and remains brooding dimly
above the popular idolatry, has been abundantly
shown. This is the belief in God the Father. The
second stage, so closely interwoven with the first as
to be inseparable from it in actual history, is the
incarnation of this idea. The supreme Creator is too
lofty, too abstract, too great, to be held steadily
before the mind and worshipped in his unclouded
glory. The children of Israel cannot bear the imme-
diate presence of Jehovah, nor can even Moses meet
the brightness of his face. Hence the material shapes
in which the objects of adoration are embodied.
When divine attributes are given to idols ; when a
golden calf is taken instead of the invisible God ;
when the Father is said to assume the form of a man,
to live a human life, and die a human death, when
apostles, saints, and virgins are addressed in prayer
or celebrated in praise, an incarnation has occurred.
In the language of the traditions we have quoted, the
supreme God has gone away and left the govern-
VOL. II, 2 li
434 THE OBJECTJVE ELEMENT.
ment of the world to liis inferiors. Practically, such
incarnations belong to the earliest period of religion,
and no popular creed has ever been entirely without
them. No sooner is the religious idea conceived in
the mind, than it l)egins to be clothed in flesh and
bones. But in the order of thouoht these two stages
are separable. For idols are not worshipped until the
notion of some power which is not human, of which
the nature is not understood, has arisen in the wor-
shippers. Then a concrete expression is desired, and
we have in poetical language the belief in God the
Son.
Last of all comes the belief — more properly an
emotion than a belief — in the Holy Spirit. With
this step a far higher grade of religious sentiment is
reached. For God is now conceived, not only as
creating or as governing the world without, but as
entering into the mind of man to inspire his actions
and influence his heart. A rehxtion which up to this
point was merely external — like that of the Creator
to the created, or of superif^r to inferior — is rendered
internal and intimate. The Holy Spirit not only
speaks to our souls, but it speaks in them and
through them. We receive, not the arbitrary com-
mand of an almighty potentate, but the inspiring
force of a being who, while raising us above ourselves,
is still a part, the best part, of ourselves. This indeed,
in the deep imagination of the poet, makes all men
noble.
Yet not in such a creed as this, sublime as it is in
comparison with those that have gone before it, is
the final resting-place of religious feeling. For every
word or phrase in which we endeavour to give form
NECESSITY OF THINKING AN UNKNOWN 435
to that feeling tends to lower and to corrupt it by
the admixture of elements which are foreign to its
genuine nature. To clothe this sentiment in language
is itself an incarnation. For whether we speak of a
Force, a Power, or a Spirit, of an ultimate Cause, or
an all-pervading Essence ; of the Absolute, or of the
Reality beyond phenomena, these terms are but sym-
bols of the Supreme, not the Supreme itself.
" Name ist Schall und Rauch
Umnebelnd Himmelsgluth."
All that we can say is, that while we hioio nothing
but that which either our senses perceive, or our
minds understand, we fed that there is something
more. Both the world without and the world within,
both that which is perceived and that which perceives,
require an origin beyond themselves. Both compel
us to look, as their common source, to a Being alike
unknown and unknowable, wdiose nature is shrouded
in a mystery no eye can pierce, and no intellect can
fathom.
This is the great truth which religion has presented
to philosophy, and which philosophy, if she be truly
(as her name implies) the love of wisdom, will not
disdain to incorporate with the more recently dis-
covered treasures belonging to her peculiar sphere.
For it is not the part of wisdom to spurn as worthless
even the childish lispings prompted by the profound
idea that has inspired the faith of men, from that of
the far past to that of the present hour, from that of
the rudest African to tiiat of the most enlightened
European. Rather is it the part of wisdom to excavate
436 THE OBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
that idea from amidst the strange incrustations
under which it is hidden, to understand its signi-
ficance, and to recognise its value. Thus may we
assign to it a fitting place within the limits of a
system which does equal honour, and accords equal
rights, to the scientific faculty and to the emotional
instinct.
[ 437
CHAPTER III.
THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
"When speaking of the fundamental postulates in-
volved in the religious idea, we pointed out that,
besides the unknown cause of physical phenomena,
** every religion assumes also that there is in human
nature something equally hyperphysical with the
object which it worships, whether we call this some-
thing soul, or mind, or spirit." Let us call it soul. And
first let us examine what it is that religion says of the
soul, after which we may be in a position to consider
what degree of truth, if any, is involved in its as-
sertions.
Now the great fact which presents itself to our notice
in this inquiry is the broad line of demarcation which
religion has everywhere drawn between the mental
and corporeal functions of man, or in other words,
between his soul and his body. Generally, it expresses
this grand distinction by the assertion that the soul
continues to live after the body is dissolved. This
doctrine is very ancient and very widespread. A few
illustrations of its prevalence are all that can be given
here.^
^ See much interesting evidence in DuLaure, " Histoire Abreg6e de
differens Cultes," vol. i. clis. xxiv.-xxvii. ; and a valuable discussion of
whole the subject in Tylor's " Primitive Culture."
438 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
The rude people of Kamscliatka, wlio liad so little
notion of a providence, believed in a subterranean
life after death. The soul they thought was immortal,
and the body would at some time rejoin it, when the
two would live on together, much as they do here but
under happier conditions. Their place of abode was
to be under the earth, where there was another earth
resembling ours. Some of them objected to be bap-
tized, because they would then be compelled to
meet their enemies the Eussians, instead of living
among their own people under ground. Animals
too were all of them to live again. ^ The Tartars,
when visited by Carpin, had some notion that
after death they would enjoy another' life where
they \vould perform the same actions as in this.''
" The most intelligent Greenlanders," writes a
traveller among that people, " assert that the soul is
a spiritual being quite different from the body and
from all matter, that requires no material nourishment,
and while the body is decaying in the ground, lives
after death and needs a nourishment that is not cor-
poreal, but which they do not know." ^ The American
Indians firmly believed in the immortality of the
soul. They thought it would keep the same ten-
dencies after death as the living man had evinced ;
hence their custom — one that is widely spread — of
burying the property of the dead along with the body.
The souls were oblioed after death to take a long
journey, at the end of which they arrived at their
appropriate places of suffering and enjoyment. The
Paradise of virtuous Indians consisted in the very
^ Kamscliatka, p. 269-273. ^ Bergeron, vol. i. art. 3, p. 32.
3 H. G., p. 242.
GENERAL BELIEF IN THE SOUL. 439
definite pleasures of good hunting and fishing, eternal
spring, abundance of everything with no work, and all
the satisfixctions of the senses.^ The Kafirs, as we
have already seen, worship their ancestors, whose
" Amadhlozi," or spirits, they believe to continue in
existence after death. What they mean by Amadhlozi
they explain with tolerable clearness by saying that
they are identical with the shadow. These sj^irits are
the true objects of a Kafir's worship, being supposed
to possess great power over the affairs of their de-
scendants and relatives for weal or woe. They are
believed to reappear in the form of a certain species ot
harmless snakes, and should a man observe such a snake
on the grave of his deceased relation, he will say,
'' Oh, I have seen him to-day basking on the top of the
grave." ^ Similar reverence for the dead is shown in
other parts of Africa. In his lecture on the Ashantees,
Mr Eeade says that, " on the death of a member of
the household he is sometimes buried under the floor
of the hut, in the belief that his spirit may occa-
sionally join the circle of the living. Food also is
j^laced upon the grave, for they think that as the body
of man contains an indwelling spirit, so there exists
in the corruptible food an immaterial essence on which
the ghost of the departed will feed."
To come to races standinsf hiofher in the scale of
civilisation : the Peruvians had definite notions of a
future state, wdth an upper world in which the good
lived a quiet life, free from trouble, and a lower world
in which the bad were punished by suff'ering all the
miseries and troubles of this terrestrial condition with-
1 N. R, tome 3, p. 351-353.
2 E. S, A., pt. 2, p. 142. — K. N., pp. 161, 162.
440 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
out intermission.^ lu China the utmost respect is
paid to deceased progenitors, who are the objects of a
regular cultus. India has had from early ages its
highly-developed and subtle notions of the distinc-
tion of spirit from body, and the former is held to
prolong its existence after its separation from the latter,
both as disembodied in heavens or hells, and embodied
in animals or other men. Some schools believed in
the immortality of the soul ; others asserted that its
final destination was extinction. Buddhism ranged
itself with the latter opinion, while still maintaining
the doctrine of metempsychosis, and of rewards and
punishments both in this world and in numerous
others to which spirits went in the course of their
wanderings. Parsee souls hover about the grave a
few days ; then proceed upon a long journey. At its
conclusion they pass over a narrow bridge, which the
good traverse in safety to enter Paradise, while the
bad fall over it and go into hell. In the Mussul-
man faith there are likewise but two destinies
open to man — eternal happiness and eternal suffering.
Amonix the Jews in the time of Christ two doctrines
prevailed. Their ancient religion, while aware of the
distinction between the spirit and the body, left the
continued life of the former an open question. Hence
the Pharisees asserted, while the Sadducees denied, a
future state. Christ was in this respect a Pharisee of
the Pharisees. He, however, like Mahomet, provided
only two abodes for the souls of men ; one in heaven
with his Father, the other in hell, where the fire was
never quenched. It was felt, however, by the general
Christian world that this sharp separation of all man-
^ C. K, b. 2, cli. vii.
FAITH IN THE SOULS IMMATERIAIITY. 441
kind into black and white, goats and sheep, was quite
■untenaLle. Hence the Catholic institution of Puro-a-
o
tory, which, whatever may be said against it, is a wise
and liberal modification of the harsh doctrine of Christ,
affordino' a resource for the vast intermediate mass
who are neither wholly virtuous nor wholly wicked,
and providing an agreeable exercise for that natural
piety which prompts us to mingle the names of de-
parted friends in our devotions, whether (as in Africa)
to pray to them, or (as in Europe) to pray for them.
From this brief review of the opinions of various
races, it will be evident that some conception of a
spirit in man as distinguished from his body prevails
and always has prevailed throughout the world.
The special characteristic of this spiritual essence
has always been held to be its immateriality. All
religions conceive it as distinct from the body, most
of them evincing this view by treating it as capable
of independent existence. Many of them no doubt
invest the spirit after death with a material form,
but this is the clothinix of the idea, not the idea itself.
The form is received after the spirit has left its ter-
restrial body, and does not originally belong to it ; as
in the case of the serpents in South Africa, in which
ancestral souls are thought to dwell. This immate-
rial nature is clearly expressed — so far as such an
abstract idea can find clear expression from a rude
people — by those Kafirs who compare the soul to a
shadow. Nothing in the external world seems to have
so purely subjective a character as shadows ; things
which cannot be felt or handled, and which appear to
have no independent substance.
Immateriality then is universally asserted (or at-
442 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
tempted to be asserted) of the soul. This is of tlie
very essence of the idea. No race believes that any
portion of the body, or the body as a whole, is the
same thing as mind or spirit. But immortality is not
equally involved in the idea or inseparable from it.
Notably the Buddhistic creed — held by a consider-
able fraction of mankind — teaches its votaries to look
forward to utter extinction as the summum honum.
True, the masses of average believers may not dwell
upon the hope of Nirvana, but upon that of heaven.'^
But the authorised dogma of the Church is, that
" not enjoyment and not sorrow is our destined end " or
goal, but the absolute rest, if so it may be called, of
ceasing to exist. And that this dogma was fervently
accepted and thoroughly believed in as a genuine
"gospel," the early literature of Buddhism amply
proves. The Jews, a most religious people, had no
settled hope of immortality provided by their creed,
though the account of the creation of Adam shows
how clearly they distinguished mind from matter.
AVarburton indeed infers the authenticity of the
Hebrew Revelation from the very fact of the absence
of the doctrine of immortality ; for no author of a
popular religion, except God himself, could have
afforded to dispense with so important an article.
The more defective Judaism was, the more clearly
it was divine. Nor were the classical nations of
Greece and Rome at all more certain. AVith them also
opinions differed — some, like Plato and his followers,
asserting the immortality of the soul ; others, like
^ See some evidence bearing on this point in a paper by the autlior,
entitled "Recent Publications on Buddhism," "Theological Review,"
July 1872, p. 313.
SPIRIT AND MATTER ENTIRELY DISTINCT. 443
Epicurus and liis school, denying it. Cicero discusses
it as an open question, though himself holding to the
belief in future existence. His two possible alterna-
tives are continued life in a condition of happiness,
or utter cessation of life ; either of which he accepts
with equal calmness. The fear of hell did not torment
him : " post mortem quidem sensus aut optandus aut
nullus est." ^ Even if we are not to be immortal, as
he hopes, nevertheless it is a happy thing for man to
be extinguished at the fitting season.^ Less philo-
sophical people, however, were troubled, like Christians,
with the notion of a future world of punishment ; and
Lucretius addresses himself with all the ardour of a
man proclaiming a beneficent gospel to the dissipation
of this popular delusion : —
" Nil igitur mors est, ad nos neqiie pertinet hilum,
Qiiandoquidem natura animi mortalis habetur."^
Like other thinkers of his time, he distinguishes
between the animus and anima — spirit and soul, and
this threefold division of the nature of man subsisted
for a time in the lano;ua2:e and ideas of Christians.
But the essential point is that, whatever further sub-
divisions may have been made, all schools, ancient
and modern, pagan and Cliristian, agreed in the
fundamental distinction between the spiritual prin-
ciple and the material instruments ; between mind
and matter, or soul and body.
Such, then, is the universal voice of the religious
instinct. Let us test the truth of this second postu-
late as we did that of the first : by endeavouring to
' Cato Major, xx. 74. - Ibid., xxiii. 86.
^ De IvL'i'um Nat., iii. 830.
444 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
do without it. Then we have matter and motion of
matter; and the problem is: — Given these elements
to find the resultant, mind. Motion is merely change
of matter from place to ]»lace ; therefore the question
is, whether in any kind of matter and any changes of
matter we can discover mind. Consider the material
world statically. As known to science (and we have
no right to go beyond scientific observation now),
it contains certain properties perceptible to the senses,
such as colour, sound, taste, and smell, rouo-hness
smoothness, and other tangible qualities, with exten-
sion and resistance, discoverable by the muscular sense
and touch combined. Any further properties which
a deeper analysis may disclose will still belong to the
domain of sensible perception, the senses being the
instruments employed in their discovery. In which
of these statical conditions of matter can mind be
shown to be involved? Or what combination of
statical conditions can produce mind as a part of
the compound ? Plainly any attempt to discover it in
matter at rest would be an absurdity. Now consider
the world dynamically. Here we have matter in
motion, matter as the recipient and the transmitter of
certain quantities of force. The mode of motion may
be either molar (that of masses through space), or
molecular (that of particles within a mass). In either
case it is nothing but change of position relatively to
other objects. Now, how can change of position either
be mind, or result in mind ? Take the case of a planet
whirling through space. Does this molar motion, con-
sidered in any conceivable light, bring us one step
nearer to mental phenomena ? But all molar motion
is of the same kind, and however completely analysed.
I
NO BRIDGE BETWEEN MIND AND MATTER. 445
can lead to nothing but matter changing its position
in space. Is molecular motion in better case ? When
light is transmitted to the eye, the vibrations of the
atmosphere, which form the objective side of this
phenomenon, arriving at the optic nerve, cause corre-
sponding vibrations in it, and these transmitted to
the brain result in certain movements in its compo-
nent particles. Which of all these vibrations and
movements is sensation ? At what point does the
physical fact of changes in molecules of matter pass
into the mental fact of changes in the quantity or
quality of the light perceived ? Evidently no such
point of transition can be found. And not only can
it not be found, but the bare hypothesis of its existence
is negatived by the fact that every physical move-
ment produces an exactly equivalent amount of
physical movement ; so that there is nothing what-
ever in the resultant which is not accounted for in
the antecedents, and nothing in the antecedents
which has not its full effect in the resultant. There is
thus no room left for the passage of the objective
fact of molecular motion into the subjective fact of
feeling.
Although these considerations practically exhaust
the question, yet another aspect of it may, for the sake
of greater clearness, be briefly touched upon. If the
doctrine of abiogenesis be accepted, it may be thought
to afford some confirmation to the materialistic hypo-
thesis that mind is but a function or property of
matter. Do we not here see (it may be asked) life and
sensation arising out of non-sentient materials ? And
if a single living creature can thus arise, then, by the
doctrine of evolution, all mind whatever is affiliated
446 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
on matter. Such a conclusion, however, would be
quite unwarranted by the facts observed. In abio-
genesis unorganic matter is seen to pass into organic
matter, and this is the whole of the process known to
science. To assume that at some period in this process
the material constituents of the newly- formed creature
acquire the property of sensation is, to say the least,
a very unscientific proceeding. For, tliroughout all
their permutations, the component elements can (or
could with improved instruments) be exactly observed,
measured, and weighed ; enabling us to say that so
and so much, such and such of the inorganic elements
has become so and so much, such and such of the
organic compound. Now the factors of this compound
do not {ex hypotliesi) contain sensation. How, then,
did the compound acquire it ? Where is your warrant
for suddenly introducing a consequent sensation —
for which you have no assignable antecedent ?
Thus it is evident that between mind and matter,
between spirit and body, between internal and external
phenomena, there is a great gulf fixed, which no
scientific or metaphysical cunning can succeed in
bridging over. Matter is never sensation, and cannot
be conceived as ever becoming sensation. The chain
of material phenomena, with its several series of causes
and efiects, is never broken ; no ph3'^sical cause is
without its adequate physical effect, nor is any
physical efiect without a physical cause sufficient to
produce it. The body is to the mind an external,
material phenomenon ; closely connected indeed with
mental states, and always more or less j)i'esent to
consciousness, but no part of our true selves, no
necessary element in our conception of what we
NO SPACE-RELATIONS IN CONSCIOUSNESS. 447
actually are. Every portion of the bodily frame can
be regarded by us as an outward object, wholly
independent of ourselves, and logically, if not practi-
cally, separable from ourselves. Many portions, such
as the limbs, are actually so separable ; and all of them
are separable in thought.
Still more impassable is this chasm in nature seen
to be when we remark, that there are two all-pervading
elements in which mind and matter have their beinfr,
and that the phenomena within each element have
definite relations to other phenomena within the same
clement, but are incapable of being brought into a
like relation with those of the other element. These
two elements are Space and Time. Material particles
are related to one another in space, and in space alone.
They are nearer to, or more distant from, above or below,
to the north, south, east, or west of, the other material
particles with which we compare them. But they are
not earlier or later than other particles. The exist-
ence of concrete objects may be earlier or later than
that of other concrete objects ; but when we talk of
their existence as earlier or later, we are talking of
their relation to consciousness, not of their relation to
one another. It is the total framed and classified by
the mind that has a relation in time to some other
similar total ; each total, analysed into its ultimate
atoms, has only relations in space to the other total,
likewise analysed into its ultimate atoms. Contrari-
wise, mental objects, or states of consciousness, are
related to one another in time, and in time alone.
States of consciousness can be compared as earlier or
later, simultaneous or successive. They have no
space-relations either to one another or to the material
448 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
world. It is common indeed to consider the mind
as located in the body, but tliis is incorrect. For
absolutely nothing is meant by saying that anytliing
is in a given place except that it stands in given space-
relations to surrounding objects. My body is in a
place because it is upon the ground, in the air, heloiv
the clouds, amid a certain environment which consti-
tutes the country and locality of that country which it
is in. But my mind has no surrounding objects of
this nature at all. The thought, say, of a distant
friend can by no possibility be imagined as enclosed
within the grey matter of the brain, just to the right
of a nerve A, and in contact with a ganglion B. This
thought, and its accompanying emotion, could not be
found by any vivisection (if such were possible), though
its correlative physical condition might. Hence the
mind is not in the body, but is an independent entity
whose phenomena, successive in time, run parallel to
but never intermingle with the phenomena of body,
extended in space.
From the view here stated of the irremovable
distinction between mind and matter an important
corollary will be seen to follow.^ No physical move-
ment (it has been shown) can be conceived as passing
into a state of consciousness, for each physical move-
ment begets further physical movement, and while it
is fully spent in its physical consequent is itself fully
^ The doctrine here stated is not my own invention. It was first
pnblished (so far as I know) by Mr Shadworth Hodgson in his " Tlieory
of Practice," vol. i. p. 416-436, § 57; hut I am indebted for my
acquaintance with it to Mr D. A. Spalding, who discovered it inde-
pendently, and announced it in the Examiner, December 30, 1871 ;
September 6, 1873; March 14, 1874; and in Nature, ivuviavy 8, 1874.
See also his letter to tiie Spectator, November 21, 1874.
CONSCIOUS STATES AND PHYSICAL. 449
accounted for by its physical antecedent. The con-
verse of this doctrine must therefore l)e equally true.
That is to say, no state of consciousness can pass into
a physical movement, for, if it could, this movement
would have another than a physical antecedent. In
other words, the mind can in no way influence the
actions of the body. It cannot stand in a causal
relation to any physical fiict whatever. Hence the
doctrine of the will (not only of free will but of any
will) falls to the ground. For the current conception
of a will supposes that a chain of material events
passes at some point in its course into a state of
consciousness, and that this state of consciousness
again originates a chain of material events. Say that
I hear some one call my name, and go to the window
to ascertain who it is. Then the common explanation
would be, not only that the atmospheric undulations,
which are the material correlative of sound passing
into the brain by the auditory nerves, produced the
sensation of hearing, which is true, but that this
sensation in its turn produced those exertions of the
limbs which result in my arrival at the window,
which is erroneous. According to the view here
adopted, the atmospheric undulations stand in a direct
relation of causation to the affection of the auditory
nerve, and this affection, in a direct relation of causa-
tion, to the resulting movements. The states of con-
sciousness in like manner stand in a direct relation of
simple sequence to each other ; the sensation of sitting
in a room being followed by that of hearing my name,
this by the thought that there is some one outside
calling me, this by the sensation of motion through
VOL. II. 2 F
450 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
space, and tliis last by that of seeing the person from
whom the call emanated standing in the expected
place. But at no point can the one train of events be
converted into the other. And while the train of
external sequences does influence the train of internal
sequences, this latter has no corresponding influence
upon the former. For this would imply that at some
period in the succession physical movements lost
themselves in consciousness ; ceased to he physical
movements, and became something of an alien nature.
It would imply further that such movements originated
de novo from something of an alien nature having no
calculable or measurable relation to them. Either of
which implications would constitute an exception to
the Persistence of Force.
Man is, in short, as the adherents of this opinion
have called him, a " conscious automaton." He does
not will his own actions, nor do external manifesta-
tions, whether those of the unconscious or the con-
scious orders of existence, influence his will But
along with the set of objective facts there is always
present a parallel set of subjective facts, and the sub-
jective facts stand in an invariable relation to the
objective facts. So that where the material circum-
stances, both those of the surrounding world and
those of the body, are of a given character, the non-
material circumstance, the state of mind, is also of
a given and precisely corresponding character. Varia-
tions in the one imply variations in the other ; feel-
ings in the one change or remain fixed with changes
or fixity in the other.
Could the friends of dogmatic religion know the
MATERIALISM UNPHILOSOPHIC. 451
things belonging to their peace, they would bestow
upon this doctrine their most earnest support ; for it
deals the death-blow to that semi-scientific materi-
alism which derives a certain countenance from the
discoveries of the day, and which is — second to
religious dogmas themselves — the most dangerous
enemy of the spiritual conception of the universe and
of mankind. Not that in liftinor a voice ao-ainst
materialistic views, I mean for a moment to lend a
helping hand to the vulgar and irreverent outcry
which is so often raised aoainst matter itself as some-
thing gross and degraded, and deserving only of a
contemptuous tolerance at our hands. I should have
thought that the endless beauty of the material uni-
verse, and the varied enjoyments to be derived from
its contemplation, as also the profound instruction
to be obtained by its study, would have sufficed
to give it a higher place in the estimation of religious
minds. With such opposition to materialism as this
I can have no vestige of sympathy. The form of
materialism which I contend against, not as irre-
ligious but as unphilosophic, is that which con-
founds the two orders of phenomena — physical and
mental — under one idea, that of matter. Matter is
supposed in this philosophy to be the parent of mind.
A bridge is sought to be thrown across the great gulf
which is fixed between us and the world without.
But the moment we seek to walk over this imaginary
bridge it crashes beneath our feet, and we are hurled
into the abyss below.
Between that which feels, thinks, perceives, and
reasons on the one hand, and that which is felt.
452 THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
thought about, perceived, and reasoned on, there is no
community of nature. The distinction between these
two, though it need not be ultimate in the order of
things, is absolutely ultimate in the order of thought.
In their own undiscoverable nature these two mani-
festations may be one ; in their relation to us they
are for ever two.
[ 453 1
CHAPTER IV.
TITE RELATION OF THE OBJECTIVE TO THE SUBJECTIVE
ELEMENT.
One final postulate has been found to be involved in
all religion, namely, that between the human essence
spoken of as the subjective element, and the power
spoken of as the objective element," there is held to
be a singular correspondence, their relationship find-
ing its concrete expression in religious worship on
the one side and theological dogma on the other."
Ritual, consecration of things and places, ordination
of priests, omens, inspiration of prophets and of
books, all of them imply the supposed possibility of
such a relation. All of them, however, from their
contradictory and variable character,' prove that they
are but imperfect efforts to find utterance for the
emotion which underlies them all. But that this
emotion is incapable of an explanation consistent
with rational belief is not therefore to be taken for
granted.
Consider, first, that in order to be aware of the
existence of the ultimate and unknown power, we
must possess some faculty in our constitution by
which that power is felt. It must, so to speak, come
in contact with us at some point in our nature.
Now, no sensible perception can lead us to this
454 RELATION OF OBJECTIVE TO SUBJECTIVE.
conception as a generalisation. The whole universe,
regarded merely as a series of presentations to the
senses, contains not a single object which can pos-
sibly suggest it. Nor can any combination of such
presentations be shown to include within them any
such idea. Neither can the existence of such a power
be inferred by the exercise of the reasoning faculty.
There is no analogical case from which the inference
can be drawn. When we reason we proceed from
something known to something unknown, and con-
clude that the latter, resembling the former in one
or more of its qualities, will resemble it also in the
quality yet to be established. In exploring, for in-
stance, some deserted spot, we find traces of a build-
ing. Now, previous experience has taught us that
such buildings are only found where human builders
have made them. We conclude, therefore, that we
have stumbled upon a work of human hands. Sup-
pose we explore further and find the remains of the
building very extensive. We now draw the further
inference that it was inhabited by a wealthy man,
because we know that only the wealthy can afford to
live in magnificent houses. But if prolonged excava-
tion lead to the discovery of long rows of buildings,
of various sizes and having streets between them,
we confidently assert that we have unearthed a ruined
city ; for we are aware that no single man, however
rich or powerful, is likely to have built so much. Of
these three inferences, the first only is, strictly speak-
ing, infallibly true. But the others are rendered by
familiar analogies so highly probable as to be practi-
cally certain. Now let the thing sought be, not some
single cause of a single phenomenon, or the various
THE UNKNOWN SUBJECTIVELY WARRANTED. 455
causes of various phenomena, but the ultimate cause of
all phenomena whatever, — where is the corresponding
case on which we can proceed to argue ? Plainly there
is none. There is no otlier world or system to which
we can appeal and say, "Those stars and those planets
were made by a God, therefore our own sun and its
planets must have been made by a God also." Every
single argument we can frame to establish the exist-
ence of deity assumes in its major premiss the very
thing to be proved. It takes for granted that pheno-
menal objects require a cause, and were not the idea
of this necessity already in the mind it could not
take one single step. For if it be contended, say,
that the world could not exist without a Creator, we
have but to ask, " AVhy not ? " and our adversary can
proceed no further with his argument. All he can
ever do is to appeal to a sentiment in us corresponding
to the sentiment of which he himself is conscious.
Thus it appears that neither direct observation, nor
reasoning, which is generalised observation, supplies
the materials for an induction as to the existence of
an Unknowable Cause. Yet this idea is so persistent
in the human race as to resist every effort to do with-
out it. In one form or another it invariably creeps in.
There is but one possible explanation of such a fact :
namely, that it is one of those primary constituents of
our nature which are incapable of proof because they
are themselves the foundations on which proof must
be erected. We cannot demonstrate a single law of
nature without supposing a world external to our-
selves. And we cannot suppose a world external to
ourselves without referring explicitly or implicitly
to an unknown entity manifested in that world. The
456 RELATION OF OBJECTIVE TO SUBJECTIVE.
faculty by wliicli tLis truth is known must be con-
sidered as a kind of internal sense. It is a direct
perception. And precisely as objects of direct per-
ception by the senses appear widely dissimilar at dif-
ferent distances, to different men, and to the same man
at different times, so the object of the religious emo-
tion is variously conceived in different places and
ages, by different men, and by the same man at
different times. Moreover, as the religious sentiment
in the mind of man perceives its object, the Ultimate
Being, so that Being is conceived as making itself
known to the the mind of man through the religious
sentiment. A reciprocal relation is thus established ;
the Unknowable causing a peculiar intuition, the mind
of man receiving it. And this is the grain of fact at
the foundation of the numerous statements of religious
men, that they have felt themselves inspired by God,
that he speaks to them and speaks through them, that
they enter into communion with him in prayer, and
obey his influence during their lives. We need not
discard such feelino;s as idle delusions. In form
they are fanciful and erroneous ; in suljstance they are
genuine and true. And in a hioher sense the adhe-
rent of the universal religion may himself admit their
title to a place in his nature. To use the words of a
great philosopher, "he, like every other man, may
consider himself as one of the myriad agencies
through whom works the Unknown Cause; " "he too
may feel that when the Unknown Cause produces in
him a certain belief, he is thereby authorised to profess
and act out that belief." ^
But we may go still deeper in our examination of
^ Spencer's " First Principles," 2nd ed., § 34, p, 123.
REALISTIC AND IDEALISTIC HYPOTHESIS. 457
the nature of the relation between the Ultimate Being
and the mind of man. To do so we must briefly
recur to the philosophical questions touched upon in
the second chapter of this Book. We there discussed
four possible modes of viewing the great problem
presented by the existence of sensible objects :
Common and Metaphysical Realism, Moderate and
Complete Idealism. Let us briefly reconsider these
several systems to discover whether any one of them
afibrds a satisfactory solution.
Common Realism is excluded by the consideration
tbat it treats the qualities of external objects as exist-
ing in those objects and not in the percipient subject.
It requires but little reflection to prove that such
qualities are modes of consciousness ; not modes of
absolute being. This defect is surmounted in Meta-
physical Realism, which, however, is liable to the fatal
objection, that it takes for granted an abstract sub-
stance in material things, which substance is like
the Unknowable, utterly inconceivable, yet is not the
Unknowable, and is incapable of accounting for any
of the manifestations belono-ino: to the mental order.
So that we should have a superfluous entity brought
in to form the substance of matter, of wdiich entity
neither our senses, nor our reason, nor our emotions,
give us any information. For matter, in the abstract,
is not the matter perceived by the senses ; nor is it
the object of the religious sentiment ; nor is its exist-
ence capable of any kind of proof save that which
consists in establishing the necessity of some kind of
Permanent Reality below phenomena. And this
Reality is not only the substratum of material, but of
all phenomena whatsoever. Moderate Idealism is in
458 RELATION OF OBJECTIVE TO SUBJECTIVE.
no better case. For in denyiug all true existence
except to living creatures it fails utterly to give any
rational account of that order of events which is
universally and instinctively referred to external
causes, nor can it find any possible origin for the
living creatures in whose reality it believes. Extreme
Idealism recognises no problem to be dealt with, and
can therefore offer no solution.
Each of these systems, however, while false as a
whole, contains a j)f^i'tial truth. Extreme Idealism is
the outcome of the ordinary, unreflecting Realism ; for
if the Common Realist be convinced that aj)pearances
do not imply existence, and if he believe in no exist-
ence but appearances, the ground is cut from under
his feet, and he remains standing upon nothing. He
knows only phenomena, and the phenomena are mere
ideas of his own mind. The truth common to these
two extremes is that so emphatically asserted by
Berkeley, that the esse of material objects mpercipi;
that we exhaust the physical phenomenon when we
describe its apparent qualities, and need not introduce
besides these a material substance to which those
qualities are related as its accidents. They are not
the accidents, but the actual thing, in so far as it is
material. Metaphysical Realism and moderate Ideal-
ism are united in the recoonition of the truth that
the phenomena are not the ultimate realities, and that
the qualities of bodies, when analysed, are subjective,
not objective ; forms of the human mind, and not inde-
pendent, external existences.
Hence these various philosophies, like the various
religions of which they are in some sort metaphysical
parallels, must be considered as preparing the way for
THE UNKNOWABLE ALL-COMPREHENDING. 459
tlie admission of that all-embracing truth which is
the common ground of metaphysics and religion.
Examine a simple objective phenomenon. Then you
find that you can separate it into all its component
qualities : its colour, taste, smell, extension, and so
forth ; and that after all these qualities have been taken
into account nothing of the object remains save the
vague feeling of an unknown cause by which the
whole phenomenon is produced. All the apparent
qualities, without exception, are resolvable into modes
of consciousness, but the whole object is not so resolv-
able. For the question still remains. How did we come
to have those modes of consciousness? Thus the ana-
lysis of the commonest material object leads us straight
to an unknowable orio^in of known manifestations. And
each particular phenomenon brings us to the same result.
But are we to assume a special Unknowable for each
special object? A little consideration will show that
the division and subdivision we make of the objects of
sensible perception resembles their apparent qualities
in being purely subjective, and indeed more than
subjective, arbitrary. For I consider an object as one
or many, according to the point of view from which
I regard it. The glass which I hold in my hand is at
this moment one ; but the next moment it is shivered
into a thousand atoms, and each of these atoms is of
complex character, and resolvable into still simpler
parts. The planet we inhabit is, for the astronomer, one
object ; for the geologist a number of distinct rocks ;
for the botanist it is composed of mineral and A^ege-
tablc constituents, and of these, the latter, which alone
engage his attention, are numerous and various ; for
the chemist it consists of an infinite multitude of elo-
46o RELATION OF OB/ECTIVE TO SUBJECTIVE.
mentary atoms variously combined. Hence unity and
multiplicity are mere modes of subjective reflection ;
not ultimate modes of objective being. And the
Unknowable cannot, strictly speaking, be regarded as
either one or many, since each alike implies limitation
and separation from something else. Eather is it
all-comj)rehending ; the Universal Foundation upon
Avhich unity and multiplicity alike are built.
Material things, then, are analysable into modes of
consciousness with an unknown cause to which these
modes are due. But what is consciousness itself?
Like matter, it has its subjective and its objective
aspect. The subjective aspect consists of its various
phenomenal conditions ; the sensations which we
ascribe to outward objects as their producing causes,
and the emotions, passions, thoughts, and feelings
which we conceive as of internal origin. The objective
aspect consists of the unknown essence itself which
experiences these various states ; of the very self which
is supposed to persist through all its changes of form ;
of the actual being which is the ultimate Reality of
our mental lives. The existence of this ultimate Eofo
is known as an immediate fact of consciousness, and
cannot be called in question without impugning the
direct assurance which every one feels of his own
being as ai)art from his particular and transient
feelings. Nobody believes that he is the several sen-
sations and emotions which he experiences in life ; he
believes that he has them. And if the existence of
the Unknowable underlying material manifestations
is perceived by a direct, indubitable inference, the exist-
ence of the Unknowable underlying mental manifes-
tations is perceived without an inference at all by an
THE ONE ASSURED BY EXISTENT REALITY. 461
intuition from which there is no appeal. For no one
can even attempt to reason with me about this convic-
tion without resting his argument upon facts, and
inferences from facts, which are in themselves less cer-
tain than this primary certainty which he is seeking
to overthrow.
Existence, then, is known to us immediately in our
own case ; mediately in every other — consequently,
the only conception we can frame of existence is
derived from ourselves. Hence when we say that
anything exists, we can only mean one of two things:
either that it exists as a mode of human consciousness,
as in the case of material things ; or that it exists 'per
se, and is the very substance of consciousness itself.
And the former of these modes of existence is alto-
gether dejDendent upon a conscious subject. A mate-
rial object is a congeries of material qualities, none
of which can be conceived at all except in relation
to some percipient subject. Take away the subject,
and colour, extension, solidity, sound, smell, and every
other quality, vanish into nothing. The existence of
these qualities, and hence the existence of matter itself
in its phenomenal character, is relative and second-
ary. There remains therefore only the second of these
two modes of existence as absolute and primary.
The substance of consciousness, then, is the one real-
ity which is known to exist ; and in no other form is
existence in its purity conceivable by us. For if we
attempt to conceive a something as existent which is
neither object nor subject, neither that which is felt
nor that which feels, neither that which is thought
nor that which thinks, we must inevitably fail.
There is no tcrtiiun quid which is neither mind nor
462 RELATION OF OBJECTIVE TO SUBJECTIVE.
matter of which we can frame the most remote con-
ce23tion. We may, if we please, imagine the existence
of such a tertium quid, but the hyjDothesis is alto-
gether fanciful, and would have nothing in science,
nothing in the construction of the human mind, to
render it even plausible. Indeed, it would be making
an illegitimate use of the word "existence" to apply it
in such a sense. Existence to us means consciousness,
and never can mean anything else. We cannot by
any efibrt conceive a universe previous to the origin
of life in which there was no consciousness ; for the
moment we attempt to conceive it, we import our own
consciousness into it. We think of ourselves as see-
ing or feeling it. The effort, therefore, to frame an
idea of any existing thing without including conscious-
ness in the idea is self-defeating, and when we pre-
dicate Existence of the Unknown Cause, we predicate
its kinship to that ultimate substance of the mind from
which alone our conception of absolute existence is
derived.
Here, then, we have a second and more intimate
relationship between the objective and the subjective
elements in the religious emotion. They are found
to be of kindred nature ; or, to speak with stricter
caution, it is found that we cannot think of them but
as thus akin to one another. We must ever bear in
mind, however, that our thoughts upon such a subject
as this can be no more than partial approximations to
the truth ; tentative explorations in a dark region of
the mind rather than accurate measurements of the
ground. Thus, in the present instance, we have spoken
of the Unknowable as more or less akin to the mind
of man ; yet we cannot think of the Unknowable as
THE UNKNOWN INCLUDES CONSCIOUSNESS. 463
resemblinfr the fleetinof states which are all that we
know by direct observation of the constitution of the
mind. It is not the passing and variable modes, but
the fixed and unchangeable substratum on which those
modes are conceived to be impressed, which the Un-
knowable must be held to resemble. And this sub-
stratum itself is an absolute mystery. We can in no
way picture it to ourselves without its modes, which
nevertheless we cannot regard as appertaining to its
ultimate being. One further consideration will
establish a yet closer relationship than that of like-
ness. The Unknown Reality, which is the source of
all phenomena whatsoever, mental and physical, must
of necessity include within itself that mode of exist-
ence which is manifested in consciousness ; for other-
wise, we must imagine yet another power as the
originator of conscious life, and we should then have
two unknown entities, still requiring a higher entity
behind them both, to effect that entire harmony
which actually subsists between them. Tlie Unknow-
able is, therefore, the hidden source from which both
the great streams of being, internal and external,
take their rise. Since, then, our minds themselves
originate in that Universal Source, since it compre-
hends every form of existence within itself, we stand
to it in the relation of parts to a whole, in which and
by which those parts subsist. There is thus not only
likeness but identity of nature between ourselves and
our unknown Origin. And it is literally true that
in it "we live, and move, and have our being."
From the summit to which we have at length
attained, we may survey the ground we have already
464 RELATION OF OBJECTIVE TO SUBJECTIVE.
traversed, and compreliend, now tliat tliey lie below
us, a few of the intricacies wliicU we met with on
our way. The apparent puzzle of automatism, for
example, may be resolved into a more comprehensive
law. It was shown, at the conclusion of the preceding
chapter, that a train of physical events could in no
way impinge upon, or pass over into, a train of mental
events, nor a state of consciousness be converted into
physical movements. But it was hinted that, while
the distinction between the two great series of mani-
festations, those of mind and those of matter, was
ultimate in the order of thought, it need not be ulti-
mate in the order of things. Of this suggested pos-
sibility we have now found the confirmation ; for we
have seen that material phenomena, analysed to their
lowest terms, resolve themselves into forms of con-
sciousness, and forms of consciousness, analysed in
their turn, 23rove to be the varied modes of an unknown
subject ; and this unknown subject has its roots in
the ultimate Being in which both these great divisions
of the phenomenal universe find their foundation and
their origin. The distinction, therefore, between the
mental and the material train belono;s to these trains
in their character of phenomena alone. They are
distin2:uished in the human mind, not in the order of
nature. Thus, if we recur to the illustration used in
explaining automatism, we pointed out that in the
circumstance of hearing a call and going to the win-
dow, two series might be thus distinguished : i. The
material series, consisting of atmospheric undulations,
affections of the nerves and matter of the brain,
movements of the body ; 2. The mental series, con-
sisting of the sensations of sitting still, and hearing
CONSCIOUS CAUSE AND PHYSICAL EFFECT. 465
of the thought of a person, of the sensations of motion,
and seeing the person. Now, if we take the trouble
to observe the terms of which the first series is com-
posed, we shall see that they also express states of
consciousness, though states of a different kind from
those contained in the terms of the second series.
Undulations, nervous affections, movements, and so
forth, are only intelligible by us as modifications of
our consciousness. To conceive in any degree the
atmospheric perturbations which are the physical
correlatives of sound, we must imagine them as some-
how felt or perceived — for instance, as a faint breeze.
To conceive the cerebral changes implied in hearing,
we must imagine ourselves as dissecting and examin-
ing the interior of the brain. In other words, the
external train of events to which consciousness runs
ever parallel can only be represented in thought by
translating it into terms of consciousness ; and the
absolute harmony of both these trains, the fact that
while states of consciousness do not originate the
movements of our bodies, they yet bear so unvarying
a relation to them as to be mistaken for their causes,
finds its solution in the reflection that, when we look
below the appearances to the reality pervading both,
it is the same Universal Being which is manifested in
each alike.
Hence, too, the sense of independent power to
produce physical efiects in accordance with mental
conceptions, which forms the great obstacle to the
freneral admission of the doctrine of human automa-
tism. Eeason as we may, we still feel that we are
reservoirs of force which we give out in the shape of
material movement whenever we please and as we
VOL. II. 2 G
466 RELATION TO THE SVBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
please. And if the doctrine of the Persistence of Force
appears, by showing that every physical consequent
has a purely physical antecedent, to contradict this
feeling, we naturally give the preference to the feeling
over the doctrine. But since the Persistence of Force
is itself no less firmly seated in consciousness than the
sense of independent power — since all nature would
be a chaos without the Persistence of Force — it is
the part of true philosophy to give its due to each.
And this may be done by admitting the particle of
truth contaiued in the belief that the human will
influences the external world. We. are indeed reser-
voirs of force. But it is not our own peculiar force
that is exerted through us ; it is the Universal Force,
which is evinced no less in the actions of men than in
the movements of inanimate nature. And since those
actions are in constant unison with their wishes, there
is not, and cannot be, the sense of constraint which
is usually opposed to voluntary performance. Thus,
to take a simple illustration, the necessities of our
physical constitution absolutely compel us to support
ourselves by food ; yet no man feels that in eat-
ing his meals he is acting under external compul-
sion.
It would be a strange exception indeed to the uni-
versal prevalence of unvarying law, if human beings
were permitted to exert independent influence upon
the order of events. Not in so slovenly a manner has
the work of nature been performed. We are no more
free to disturb the harmony and beauty of the universe
than are the stars in their courses or the planets in their
orbits. Our courses and orbits are no less fixed than
theirs, and it is but the imperfection of our knowledge,
EVOLUTION-THEORY AND CONSCIOUSNESS. 467
if they have not been, and cannot yet be discovered.
But it would be a lamentable blot upon a universe,
where all things are fixed by a Power " in whom
there is no variableness nor shadow of turning," were
there permitted to exist a race of creatures ^^"llo were
a law unto themselves.
Again, the relation now established between the
human mind and the ultimate Source both of mind
and matter, serves to throw light upon that dark spot
in the hypothesis of evolution — the origin of consci-
ousness. For while in this hypothesis there is a
continual progression, of which each step is the
natural consequence of another, from the gaseous
to the solid condition of our system, from inorganic
to organic substances, from the humblest organisation
to the most complex, there is absolutely no traceable
gradation from the absence to the presence of con-
scious life. No cunnino- contrivances of science can
derive sensation from non-sentient materials, for the
difference between the two is not a difference in
degree of development, but in kind. There is a
radical unlikeness between the two, and it is un-
philosophic, as well as unscientific, to disguise the fact
that a mere process of material evolution can never
lead from the one to the other. "The moment of
a rising of consciousness," says Mr Shad worth
Hodgson, " is the most important break in the world
of phenomena or nature taken as a whole ; the pheno-
mena above and the phenomena below it can never be
reduced completely into each other ; there is a certain
heterogeneity between them. But this is not the
only instance of such a heterogeneity." ^ 1 venture to
^ Hodgson's " Theory of Practice," vol. i. p. 340.
468 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
say that it is the only instance, and that there is
nothing else in nature which can properly be com-
pared with it. The instances of similar heterogeneity
which Mr Hodgson gives appear to me less carefully
considered than might have been expected from so
careful a writer. That between Time and Space,
which is his first case, is involved in that between
mind and matter, and is only another expression of it
(see supra, p. 447); while " curves and straight lines,"
and " physical and vital forces," are not truly
heterogeneous at all, unless under " vital forces " we
include mental effort, and so again illustrate the
primary unlikeness by a case included under it.
But the last example is remarkable. " Until Mr
Darwin propounded his law of natural selection, it was
supposed also [that there was heterogeneity] between
species of living organisms in physiology." Now
it is the great triumph of the evolutional system
to have rid us of this unintelligible break, and to
have shown that the whole of the material universe,
inorganic and organic, is the result of the unchange-
able operation of laws which are no less active now
than they have ever been. In other words, evolution
dispenses with the necessity of supposing the existence,
at some point in the history of the planet, of a sjDCcial
law for the production of species brought into opera-
tion ad hoc.
But the general principles which apply to the origin
of organic products must apply also to the origin of
conscious life. This also must be figured as an
evolution. This also must take place without the aid
of a special law brought into operation ad hoc. Like
the evolution of material products, it can only be con-
i
CONSCIOUS BEING IMPIIES CAUSE. 469
ceived as taking place from a pre-existing fund,
containing potentially the whole of tlie effects which
are afterwards found in actual existence.
Let us test this by trying to conceive the process in
other ways. Consciousness might be supposed to arise
in two ways : by special creation, and by uncaused
origin, from nothing. Both possibilities are in ab-
solute contradiction to the fundamental principles
of evolution. Creation by a superior power is a
hypothesis standing on a level with that of the
creation of man out of the dust of the earth. To
realise it in thought at all we must suppose the very
thing intended to be denied, namely, the material of
mind already existing in the universe, as that of body
existed — in the earth. Otherwise, we should be
obliged to admit the unthinkable hypothesis of the
origin of something from nothing. This latter
difficulty presses with its full force upon the second
supposition. Mind would thereby be represented as
suddenly springing into being without any imaginable
antecedent. For no material antecedent can produce
it without an exception to the Persistence of Force,
which requires a material consequent. And it cannot
arise without any antecedent but by a similar excep-
tion.
Neither creation nor destruction can in fact be
represented as occurring in nature. We cannot con-
ceive a new being arising out of nothing, or passing
into nothing. As the development of the physical uni-
verse takes place by the change, composition, decom-
position, and recomposition of pre-existing constitu-
ents, so it must be with the development of mind.
We cannot suppose the origin of sensation, its advance
470 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
to more varied and complex kinds, through emotions,
passions, and reasonings to the most subtle feelings
and the profoundest thoughts, without believing
that all of these have their source in the Ultimate
Reality of nature, which comprehends not these only,
but every further perfection of which we may yet be
capable in ages to come.
Here, then, is the solution of the difficulty which
was shown (p. 446) to beset the theory of abiogenesis ;
a theory which, if ultimately accepted by science, as I
believe it will be, wall for the first time bring perfect
unity into our conceptions of the development of the
world we live in. While science will thus show that
there is no impassable break between inorganic and
organic forms of matter, philosophy will confirm it by
showinof, that there is no real distinction between the
universal life which is manifested in the (so-called)
inanimate forces and constituents of our system and
the fragmentary life which comes to light in animated
creatures. There is heterogeneity nowhere. There
are no breaks in nature. There are no unimaginable
leaps in her unbroken course.
From the point of view^ now reached we can under-
stand also— so far as understanding is possible in such
a case — the apparent riddle of our knowledge of the
existence of the Unknowable, We can explain the
universal sentiment of religious minds that there is
some direct relation between them and the object of
their worship. The sense of an intuitional perception
of that object, the sense of undefinable similarity
thereto, the sense of inspiration and of guidance
thereby, are included under and rendered intelligible
by the actual identity in their ultimate natures of the
RELATION OF THE MIND TO ITS SOURCE. 471
subject and the object of religious feeling. And the
incomprehensibility of the latter is shown to have an
obvious reason. For the part cannot comprehend the
Mdiole of which it is a part. It can but feel that there
is a whole, in some mysterious way related to itself.
But what that whole is, the conditions of its existence
render it impossible that it should even guess.
Imagine the whole of the atmosphere divided into
two great currents : a hot current continually ascend-
ing, and a cold current continually descending. And
let the hot current represent the stream of conscious
life, the cold current the stream of material things.
To complete the simile, conceive that there is a sharp
boundary between the two currents, so that atoms of
air can never cross to and fro ; while yet the conscious
atoms in the hot current are aware of the existence
of the unconscious atoms in the cold one. Now if
the atoms or particles in the conscious current
should be gifted with senses in proportion to their
size, they will see and feel an infinitely minute portion
both of the ascending current in which they them-
selves are placed, and of the descending current they
are passing by. But of the whole of the atmosphere
of which they are themselves fragmentary portions
they will be able to form no conception whatever.
Its existence they will be aware of, for it will be
needed to explain their own. But of its nature they
will have no idea, except that in some undefinable
way it is like themselves. Nor will they be able to
form any picture of the cause which is continually
carrying them upwards, and forcing their homologues
in the opposite current downwards. While, if we
suppose these opposite movements to represent the
472 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
elements of Time and Space, tliey will be conscious
of themselves only in terms of movement upwards,
and of tlie unconscious particles in terms of move-
ment downwards. They will suppose these two
movements to be of the very essence of hot and cold
particles, and will be able to conceive them only
under these terms Suppose, lastly, that at a certain
point in their jDrogress the hot particles become cold
and pass into the opposing current, losing their indi-
vidual, particular life, then their fellow-particles in
the hot current will lose sight of them at that point,
and they will be merged in the general stream of
being; to emerge again in their turn into the stream
of conscious being.
Imperfect as this simile is, and as all such similes
must be, it serves in some faint measure to express
the relation of the mind of man to its mysterious
Source. And it serves also to illustrate the leading
characteristics of Eeligion and Theology, or Faith and
Belief, the function of the first having ever been to
conceive the existence of that relation, and the func-
tion of the second to misconceive its character. Thus
there runs through the whole course of religious
history a pervading error and a general truth. In all
its special manifestations these two have been mingled
confusedly together, and the manifold forms of error
have generally obscured from sight the single form of
truth.
The relation held by Faith to Belief, by the true
elements to the false, in special creeds, may be thus
expressed : That the creeds have sought to indivi-
dualise, and thus to limit that which is essentially
general and unlimited. Thus worship, in its purest
THE ROOT-ERROR OF THE CREEDS. 473
character a mere communing of the mind with its
unknown Source, has been narrowed to the presenta-
tion of petitions to a personal deity. Particular
places and peculiar objects have been selected as
evincing, in some exceptional manner, the presence
of the infinite Being which pervades all places and
thimis alike. Certain men have been reo;arded as the
exclusive organs of the ultimate Truth ; certain books,
as its authorised expressions ; whereas the several
races of men in their different modes of life, and in
the diverse products of their art and their culture,
are all in their variety, and even in their conflict,
inspired workers in the hands of that Truth which is
manifested completely in none, partially in all.
And as it has been with the special objects upon
which Theology has fixed its gaze, so it has been with
the general object which underlies them all. This, too,
has been individualised, limited, and defined. It has
been forgotten that we are but forms of that which
we are seeking to bring within the grasj) of our
reason, and cannot therefore see around it, above it,
and below it. But this truth, which Theology is ever
forgetting. Religion must ever proclaim. The pro-
clamation of this truth is the title-deed of its accept-
ance by mankind. Without this, it would sink into
the dishonoured subject of incessant wranglings and
profitless dispute. When it begins to define the
Infinite, it ceases, in the purer sense of the Avord, to
be Religion, and can only command the assent of
reasonable beings in so far as its assertions comj)ly
with the rigorous methods of losfical demonstration.
But this condition is in fact impossible of fulfilment,
for the nature of the object concerning which we
474 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
reason, renders the exact terms of logical proposi-
tions misleading and inadequate. The Unknowable
Reality does not admit of definition, comprehension,
or description. How should we, mere fragments of
that Reality, define, comprehend, or describe the
Infinite Being wherein we have taken our rise, and
whereto we must return ?
Thus is Religion analysed, explained, and justified.
Its varied forms have been shown to be unessential
and temporary ; its uniform substance to be essential
and permanent. Belief has melted away under the
comparative method ; Faith has remained behind.
From two sides, however, objections may be raised
to the results of this analysis. Those who admit no
ultimate residuum of truth in the religious sentiment
at all, may hold that I have done it too much honour
in conceding so much ; while those who adhere to
some more positive theology than is admitted here,
will think that I have left scarcely anything worth
the havino; in concedino; so little.
To the first class of objectors I may perhaps be
permitted to point out the extreme improbability of
the presence in human nature of a universally-felt
emotion without a corresponding object. Even if
thev themselves do not realise in their own minds
■J
the force of that emotion they will at least not deny
its historical manifestations. They will scarcely
question that it has been in all ages known to his-
tory as an inspiring force, and often an overmastering
passion. They will believe the evidence of those
who affirm that they are conscious of that emotion
now, and cannot attribute it to anything but the
VALIDITY OF THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENT. 475
kind of Cause which religion postulates. The actual
presence of the emotion they will not deny, though
the explanation attempted of its origin they will.
But those who make the rather startling assertion
that a deep-seated and widespread emotion is abso-
lutely without any object resembling that which it
imagines to be its source, are bound to give some
tenable account of the genesis of that emotion. How
did it come into beino- at all ? How havincr come
into being, did it continue and extend ? How did it
come to mistake a subjective illusion for an objec-
tive reality ?
These are questions pressing for an answer from
those who ask us to believe that one of our strongest
feelings exists merely to deceive. But it will be
found, I believe, that all explanations tending to
show that this emotion is illusory in its nature
assume the very unreality they seek to prove. Should
it, for example, be contended that human beings,
conscious of a force in their own bodies, extend the
conception of this force to a superhuman being, which
extension is illegitimate, it is assumed, not proved, in
such an argument as this, that the force manifested in
the universe at large is not in some way akin to that
manifested in human beings. Again, should it be
urged that man, being aware of design in his own
works, fancies a like design in the works of nature, it
is a mere assumption that this attribution of the ideas
of his own mind to a mind greater than his is an
unwarrantable process. The argument from design
may be, and in my opinion is, open to other grave
objections; but its mere presence cannot be used as
explaining the manner in Avhich the religious emotion
476 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
lias come to exist. Eatlier is it the religious emotion
which has found expression in the argument from
design. The same criticism applies to all accounts of
this sentiment which aim at finding an origin for it
sufiicient to explain its presence without admitting
its truth. They all of them assume the very point
at issue.
But the real difficulty that is felt about religion lies
deeper than in the mere belief that a given emotion
may be deceptive. It lies in the doubt whether a
mere emotion can be taken in evidence of the j^resence
in nature of any object at aU. Emotions are by their
very nature vague, and this is of all perhaps the
vaguest. Nor are emotions vague only; they are
inexpressible in precise language, and even when we
express them as clearly as we can, they remain unin-
telligible to those who have not felt them. Now this
general and unspecific character of emotions renders
it hard for those who are wanting in any given
emotion to understand its intensity in others, and
even fully to believe in their statements about it.
Were religion a case of sensible perception they would
have no such doubt. Colour-blind persons do not
question the faculty of distinguishing colours in
others. But while the sharp definitions of the senses
compel us to believe in the existence of their objects,
the comparatively hazy outlines drawn by the emo-
tions leave us at least a physical possibility of dis-
puting the existence of theirs.
Yet the cases are in their natures identical. We
see a table, and because we see it we infer the exist-
ence of a real thing external to ourselves. The pre-
sence of the sensations is conceived to be an adequate
VALIDITY OF THE RELIGIOUS SENTIMENT. 477
warrant for asserting the presence of their cause.
Precisely in the same way, we feel the Unknowable
Being, and because we feel it we infer the existence
of a real object both external to ourselves and within
ourselves. The presence of the emotion is conceived
to be an adequate warrant for asserting the presence
of its cause. Undoubtedly, the supposed object of
the sensations and the supposed object of the emotion
might be both of them illusory. This is conceivable
in logic, though not in fact. But there can be no
reason for maintaining the unreality of the emotional,
and the reality of the sensible object. Existence is
believed in both instances on the strength of an
immediate, intuitional inference. The mental pro-
cesses are exactly parallel. And if it be contended
that sensible perception carries with it a stronger
warrant for our belief in the existence of its objects
than internal feeling, the reasons for this contention
must be exhibited before we can be asked to accept
it ; otherwise, it will again turn out to be a pure
assumption, constituting, not a reason for the rejec-
tion of religion by those who now accept it, but a
mere explanation of the conduct of those who do
not.
In fact, however, the denial of the truth of religion
is no less emotional then its affirmation. It is not
denied because those who disbelieve in it have any-
thing to produce against it, but because the inner
sense which results in religion is either absent in them,
or too faint to produce its usual consequences. For
this of course they are not to blame, and nothing can
be more irrational than to charge them with moral
delinquency or culpable blindness. If the Unknown
478 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
Cause is not perceptible to them, that surely is not u
deficiency to be laid to their charge. But when they
quit the emotional stronghold wherein they are safe
to speak of those to whom that Unknown Cause is per-
ceptible as the victims of delusion, these latter may
confidently meet them on the field which they them-
selves have chosen.
First, then, it is at least a rather startling supposi-
tion that their fellow-creatures have always been, and
are still, the victims of a universal delusion, from
which they alone enjoy the privilege of exemption.
Presumption, at all events, is against a man who asserts
that everybody but himself sees wrongly. He may
be the only person whose eyes have not deceived him,
but we should require him to give the strongest proof
of so extraordinary an assertion. And in all cases
which are in the least degree similar, this condition is
complied with without the smallest hesitation. There
are, so far as I am aware, no instances of proved uni-
versal delusions, save those arising from the misleading
suggestions of the senses. That the earth is a flat sur-
face, that the sun moves round it, that the sun and
moon are larger than the stars, that the blue sky
begins at a fixed place, are inferences which the unin-
structed observer cannot fail to draw from the most
obvious appearances. But those who have combated
these errors have not done so by merely telling the
world at large that it was mistaken ; they have
pointed out the phenomena from which the erroneous
inferences were drawn, and have shown at the same
time that other phenomena, no less evident to the
senses than these, were inconsistent with the explana-
tion given. They have then substituted an explana-
COUNTER-PROOF TO BE LED. 479
tion wliicli accounted for all the phenomena alike,
both the more obvious phenomena and the less so.
Precisely similar is the method of procedure in history
and philosophy, though the methods of proof in
these sciences are not equally rigorous. Great his-
torical delusions — such as the Popish plot — are put
to rest by showing the misinterpreted facts out of
which they have grown, exposing the misinterpreta-
tion, and substituting true interpretation. Imperfect
psychological analysis, say of an emotion, is super-
seded by showing from what facts this analysis has
been obtained, and what other facts it fails to account
for.
Observe, then, that in all these cases the appeal is
made from the first impressions of the mistaken person
to his own impressions on further examination ; not
to those of another. Considerations are laid before
him which it is supposed will cause him to change
his mind, and in all that class of cases where strict
demonstration is possible actually do so. To a man
who believes the earth to be a flat extended surface
we point out the fact that the top of a ship's mast is
the first j)art of it to appear, and that this and other
kindred phenomena imply sphericity. Our appeal is
from the senses to the senses better informed ; not
from another man's senses to our own. And we justly
assume that were all the world in jDossession of the
facts we have before us, all the world would be of
our opinion.
What, then, is the conclusion from these analogies ?
It surely is, that those who would deny the reality of
the object of religious emotion must show from what
appearances, misunderstood, the belief in that object
48o RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
has arisen, and must point out other appearances
leadino; to other emotions which are in conflict with
it. As the astronomer appeals from sensible percep-
tion to sensible perception, so they mast appeal from
emotion to emotion. But it must not be their own
emotions to which they go as forming a standard for
ours. They can demand no hearing at all until they
attempt to influence the emotions of those whom they
address.
Generality of belief need not, for the purposes of
this argument, be taken as even a presumption of
truth. AVe can grant our adversaries this advantage
which, in the parallel cases of the illusions of the
senses, was neither asked nor given. But we must
ask them in return to concede to us that, if the
generality of a belief entitles it to no weight in philo-
sophic estimation, the singularity of a belief entitles
it to none either. All mankind may be deluded : well
and good : a fortiori a few individuals among man-
kind may be deluded too. Grant that the human
faculties at large are subject to error and deception,
it follows from this that the faculties of individuals
lie under the same disability. No word can be said
as to the general liability to false beliefs, which does
not carry with it the liability to false beliefs of the
very persons who are seeking to convince us.
By whom, in fact, are we asked to admit, in the
interests of their peculiar theory, the prevalence of a
universal deception, and a deception embracing in its
grasp not only the ignorant multitude, but men of
science, thinkers and philosophers of the very highest
altitude of culture ? By whom is it that the great
mass of humankind is charged with baseless thoughts,
THE RELIGIO US POSITION NO T DISPR O VED, 48 1
illusory emotions, and untenable ideas ? By those
who, in thus denying the capacity of the whole human
race to perceive the truth, nevertheless maintain their
own capacity to see over the heads of their fellow-men
so far as to assert that they are all the victims of an
error. By those who, while bidding us distrust the
strongest feelings, nevertheless require us to trust
them so far as to banish, at their bidding, those feel-
ings from our hearts. Not from our reason to our
more instructed reason do they appeal, only from our
reason to their own. But I deny the competence of
the tribunal ; and I maintain that until not merely
disbelief, but disproof, of the position of Keligion can
be offered. Religion must remain in possession of the
field.
Yet there is one mistake which, as it may tend to
obscure the issue, it will be desirable to clear away.
It is often contended, oftener perhaps tacitly assumed,
that the burden of proof must rest on those who in
any case maintain the affirmative side of a belief, while
the negative on its side requires no proof, but can
simply claim reception until the affirmative is estab-
lished. Now this principle is true, where the negative
is simply a suspension of judgment ; the mere non-
acceptance of a fact asserted, without a counter-asser-
tion of its opposite. To understand the true applica-
tion of the rule we must distinguish between what I
will term substantial affirmations or negations, and
affirmations or negations in form. Thus, to assert that
A. B. is six feet tall, is a substantial affirmation. Out
of many possible alternatives it selects one, and
postulates that one as true, while all the rest it
discards as false. Since, however, there are numerous
VOL. II. 2 H
482 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
possibilities besides this one with regard to A. B.'s
height — since he may be either taller or shorter by
various degrees — the negative, in the absence of all
knowledge on the subject, is inherently more probable,
for it covers a larger ground. It is a suljstantial
negation. That is, it affirms nothing at all, but simply
questions the fact affirmed, leaving the field open to
countless other substantial affirmations. So, in law,
it is the prosecution which is required to prove its
case ; for the prosecution affirms that this man was at
a given place at a given time and did the criminal
action. The opposite hypothesis of this covers innu-
merable alternatives : not this man, but another, may
have been at that place ; or he may have been there
and not done the action charged, or some other man
may have done it, or the crime may not have been
committed at all, and so forth. These are cases of
substantial affirmations ; asserting one alone out of
many conceivable possibilities, and therefore needing
proof. And their opposites are substantial negations ;
questioning only the one fact affirmed, and even with
reference to that merely maintaining that in the
absence of proof there is an inherent probability in
favour of the negative side.
Widely different is the case before us. Here the
affirmation and the negation are affirmative and nega-
tive in form alone. The assertions, " An Unknowable
Being exists," and " An Unknowable Being does not
exist," are not opposed to one another as the affirma-
tive and the negative sides were opposed in the pre-
vious cases. The latter proposition does not cover a
number of possible alternatives whereof the former
selects and affirms a single one. Both propositions are
THE ALTERNATIVE IN DEBATE. 483
true and substantial affirmations. Both assert a
supposed actual fact. And the latter does not, as the
previous negative propositions did, leave the judgment
in simple suspense. It requires assent to a given
doctrine. That the one is cast in a negative form is
the mere accident of expression, and without in any
way affecting their substance, their positions in this
respect may be reversed. Thus, we may say for the
first, " The universe cannot exist without an Unknow-
able Being ; " and for the second, " The universe can
exist without an Unknowable Beino." There are not
here a multitude of alternatives, but two only, and
of these each side affirms one. Each proposition is
equally the assertion of a positive belief. Thus, the
reason which, in general, causes the greater antecedent
probability of a denial as against a positive assertion,
in no way applies to the denial of the fundamental
postulate of Religion. The statement that there is
nobody in a certain room is not in itself more probable
than the statement that there is somebody. And the
proposition : " all men are not mortal," though nega-
tive in form, is truly as affirmative as the counter-
proposition : "all men are mortal."
But this argument, inasmuch as it places the
denial of all truth in the religious emotion on a level
with its affirmation, fails to do justice to the real
strength of the case. There are not here two contend-
ing beliefs, of which the one is as probable as the
other. In conceding so much to the sceptical party we
have given them a far greater advantage than they
are entitled to demand. Generality of belief is, in the
absence of evidence or argument to the contrary, a
presumption of truth ; for, unless its origin from
484 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
some kind of fallacy can be shown, its generality is
in itself a proof that it persists in virtue of the
general laws of mind which forbid the separation of
its subject from its predicate. And it is not only
that we have here a general belief, or, more correctly
speaking, a general emotion, but we have categories
in the human mind which are not filled up or capable
of being filled up but by the objective element in the
religious idea. There is, for example, the category
of Cause. Nature presents us not with Cause, but
with causes ; and these causes are mere antecedents,
physical causation in general being nothing whatever
but invariable antecedence and invariable sequence.
But this analysis of the facts of nature by no means
satisfies the conception of causation which is rooted
in the human mind. That conception imperiously
demands a cause which is not a mere antecedent, but
a Powder. Without that, the idea would remain as a
blank form, having no reality to fill it. And how do
we come to be in the firm possession of this idea if
there be nothing in nature corres^^onding to it ?
From what phenomena could it be derived ? Akin
to our notion of Cause is our notion of Force. When
the scientific man speaks of a Force, he merely means
an unknown something w^hich efi"ects certain move-
ments. And Science cannot possibly dispense with
the metaphysical idea of Force. Yet Force is not
only unknowable ; but it is ilie, Unknowable mani-
fested in certain modes. Again, therefore, I ask,
whence do w^e derive the ineradicable feeling of the
manifestation of Force, if that feeling be a mere
illusion ? Similar remarks apply to other categories
which, like these, have no objects in actual existence
THE FOUNDATION OF RELIGIOUS FAITH. 485
if the couformity of the religious sentiment to truth
be denied. Such is the category of Reality. Ima-
gination cannot picture the world save as containing,
though in its essence unknown to us, some real and
permanent being. We know it only as a compound
of phenomena, all of them fleeting, variable, and
unsubstantial. There is nothing in the phenomena
which can satisfy our mental demand for absolute
being. As being transient, and as being relative, the
phenomena in fact are nothing. But our intellectual,
our emotional, and our moral natures demand the
TO oi/T&)9 ov — that which really is, as the necessary com-
pletion of ra ^atvo/xeva — that which only appears. And
it is precisely the unshakeable belief in an unchange-
able, though unknowable Reality ; an everlasting
Truth amid shifting forms, a Substance among
shadows, which forms the universal foundation of
relio-ious faith.
o
A ship that has been dfiven from her intended
course is drifting, with a crew who have no clear
knowledge of her whereabouts, upon an unexplored
ocean. Suddenly her captain exclaims that he sees
land in the distance. The mate, however, summoned
to verify the captain's observation, f;incies that the
black speck on the horizon is not land, but a large
vessel. The sailors and passengers take part, some
with the one, some with the other ; while many of
them form opinions of their own not agreeing with
that of either, one maintaining it to be a whale,
another a dark cloud, a third something else, and so
forth. Minor differences abound. Those who take it
to be land are at issue as to its being a plain or a
mountain, those who think it a vessel cannot agree as
486 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
to the description of the craft. One solitary passenger
sees nothing at all. Instead of drawing what would
appear to be the most obvious conclusion, that he is
either more shortsighted or less apt to discover dis-
tant objects than the rest, he infers that his vision
alone is riglit, and that of all the others, captain, pas-
sengers, and crew, defective and misleading. Obli-
vious of the fact tliat the mere failure to perceive an
object is no proof of its non-existence, he persists in
asserting not only that the speck seen in the distance,
being so variously described, probably does not
resemble any of the ideas formed of it on board the
ship, but that there is no speck at all. Even the fact
that the crews of many other ships, passing in this
direction, perceive the same dim outline on the hori-
zon, does not shake his conviction that it is a mere
" idol of the tribe." Such is the procedure of those
who deny the reality of the object of the religious
idea. Instead of drawing from the diversity of creeds
the legitimate inference that the Being of whom they
severally speak is of unknown nature, they con-
clude, from the mere absence of the idea of that Being
in their individual consciousness, that its very exist-
ence is a dream.
Lastly, a few words, and a few only, must be said
in reply to those who will think that the conception
of the Unknowable resulting from our analysis is too
vague and shadowy to form the fitting foundation for
religious feeling. They will probably object that the
Being whom that feeling requires is not an incon-
ceivable Cause or Substance of the Universe, but a
Personal God ; not an undefined something which we
can barely imagine, but a definite Some one whom
AIM OF THE PRECEDING ANALYSIS. 487
we can adore and love. There is nothing, they will
say, in such a conception as this either to satisfy the
affections or to impress the moral sentiments. And
both purposes were fulfilled by the Christian ideal of
a loving Father and a righteous Judge.
To these objections I would reply, first of all, that
I have simply attempted to analyse religion as I found
it, neither omitting what was of the essence of the
religious idea, nor inserting what was not. If this
analysis is in any respect defective, that is a matter
for criticism and discussion. But if it has been cor-
rectly performed — of which I frankly admit there is
abundant room for doubt — then I am not responsible
for not finding in the universal elements of religion
that which is not contained within them. The
expression found for the ultimate truths must em-
brace within it, if possible, the crude notions of deity
formed by the savage, and the highly abstract ideal
formed by the most eminent thinkers of modern
times. Even then, if I myself held the doctrines of
the personality and the fatherhood of God, I could
not have required from others any admission of these
views of mine as universal ingredients in religious
faith. The utmost I could have done would have
been to tack them on as supplementary developments
of the idea of the ultimate Being. And this it is still
open to any one who wishes it to do. Difficult as it is
to reconcile the ideas of Love and Justice with un-
limited Power and absolute Existence, yet if there are
some who find it possible to accomplish the reconci-
liation, it may be well for them so to do.^
1 See an ingenious attempt to maintain the personality, along with
the moral qualities of God, in Mr Sliad worth Hodgson's "Theory of
Practice," vol. i. p. 305 ff.
488 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
Undoubtedly, however, all sucli efforts do appear
to me mere hankerings after an incarnation of that
idea which, by its very nature, does not admit of
representation by incarnate forms, even though those
forms be moral perfections. And I would reply,
secondly, to the above objection, that, while we lose
something by giving up the definite personality of
God, we gain something also. If we part with the
image of a loving Father, we part also with that of a
stern monarch and an implacable judge. If we can
no longer indulge in the contemplation of perfect
virtue, embodied in an actual Person, we are free
from the problem that has perplexed theologians of
every age : how to reconcile the undoubted evil in
the world with the omnipotence of that Person. I
know that there are some who think it possible to
retain the gentler features in the popular conception
of deity, while dropping all that is harsh and repul-
sive. To them the idea of God is as free from terror
as the idea of the Unknowable, and the fi.rst of these
gains is therefore no gain to them. But the problem
of the existence of evil presses perhaps with greater
severity upon them than upon any other class of
theologians. To suppose that God could not prevent
the presence of wickedness, or could not prevent it
without some greater calamity, is to deny his omni-
potence ; to suppose that he could, and did not, is to
question his benevolence. But even admitting the
improvement made by purging from the character of
God all its severity, its vindictiveness, and its ten-
dency to excessive punishment, the fact remains that
the concejDtion thus attained is not that of the popular
creed at all, but that of a few enlightened thinkers.
And it is with the former, not with the latter, that the
AGNOSTICISM AKIN TO MYSTICISM. 489
doctrine of the Unknowable must be compared, in order
fairly to estimate its advantages or disadvantages iu
relation to the current belief in a personal God.
Moreover, it must be borne in mind that the dim
figure we have shadowed out of an inconceivable and
all-embracing ultimate Existence, if widely different
from the more ordinary theological embodiments of
the religious idea, is altogether in harmony with
mnny of its expressions by the most devoutly reli-
gious minds. If religion has always had a tendency
to run to seed in dogma, it has also always had a
tendency to revert to its fundamental mysticism.
The very best and highest minds have ccjntinually
evinced this tendency to mysticism, and it has mixed
itself up with the logical definitions of others who did
not rise to so exalted a level. So that the examina-
tion of the writings of religious men will continually
disclose that profound impression of the utterly in-
comprehensible and mysterious nature of the Supreme
Being which is now, in its complete development in
the form of Agnosticism, stigmatised as incompatible
with genuine religious faith.
That tendency to be deeply sensible of the impossi-
bility of conceiving the Absolute which Religion has
thus evinced, it is the result of Science to strengtlien
and to increase. Science shows the imperfection of all
the concrete expressions which have been found for
the Unknowable. It proves that we cannot think
of the Unknowable as entering in any peculiar sense
into special objects in nature, dwelling in special
places, or speaking through special channels. Mira-
culous phenomena, which were supposed to constitute
the peculiar sphere of its manifestations, are thrown
490 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
by Science completely out of the account. But all
phenomena whatsoever are shown to manifest the
Unknowable. Thus, while scientific inquiry tends to
diminish the intensity of religious ideas, it tends to
widen their extension. They do not any longer cling
to partial symbols. They do not attach themselves
with the same fervour to individual embodiments.
But, in becoming more abstract, they become also
more pervading. Religion is found everywhere and
in everything. All nature is the utterance of the
idea. And, as it gains in extension while losing in
intensity in reference to the external world, it goes
through a similar process in relation to human life.
No longer a force seizing on given moments of our
existence, at one moment inspiring devotional obser-
vances, at the next forgotten in the pleasures or the
business of the day ; at one time filling men with the
zeal of martyrs or crusaders, at another leaving them
to the unrestrained indulgence of gross injustice or
revolting cruelty, it becomes a calm, all-pervading
sentiment, shown (if it be shown at all) in the general
beauty and spirituality of the character, not in the
stated exercises of a rigorous piet}% or in the pas-
sionate outbursts of an enthusiastic fervour.
But these considerations would lead me on to a
subject which I had once hoped to treat within the
boundaries of the present volume, but which I am
now compelled, owing to the enlargement of the
scheme, to postpone to a future time. That subject is
the relation of religion to ethics. It may have struck
some readers as an omission that I have said nothing
of religion as a force inspiring moral conduct, which
is the principal aspect under which it is regarded by
LOSS SUSTAINED BY THE NEW FAITH. 491
some competent authorities. But the omission has
been altoaether intentional. It would take me a lonfj
o o
time to explain what in my judgment has been the
actual influence of religion upon morals in the past,
and what is likely to be its influence in the future.
Meanwhile I merely note the fact that this analysis
professes to be complete in its own kind ; that I have
endeavoured to probe the religious sentiment to the
bottom, and to discover all that it contains. Thus, if
religion be not only an emotion, but a moral force, it
must acquire this character in virtue of the relation
of its emotional elements to human character, not in
virtue of the presence of ethical elements actually
belonging to the religious emotion, and comprehended
under it by the same indefeasible title as the sense of
the Unknowable itself.
At present, however, I can attempt no answer to
the objection which will no doubt be urged, that so
abstract and cold a faith as that expounded here can
afi'ord no satisfaction to the moral sentiments. Indeed
I must to a certain extent admit the reality of the loss
which the adoption of this faith entails. There is
consolation no doubt in the thought of a Heavenly
Father who loves us ; there is strength in the idea
that he sees and helps us in our continual combat
against evil without and evil within ; there is happiness
in the hope that he will assign us in another life an
infinite reward for all the endurances of this. Above
all, there is comfort in the reflection that when we are
parted by death we are not j)arted for ever ; that our
love for tho>e whom we have cherished on earth is no
temporary bond, to be broken ere long in bitterness
and despair, but a possession never to be lost again.
492 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
a union of souls interrupted for a little while by the
separation of the body, only to be again renewed in
far greater perfection and carried on into far higher
joys than can be even imagined here. All this is
beautiful and full of fascination : why should w^e deny
it ? Candour compels us to admit that in giving it
up with the other illusions of our younger days we are
resigning a balm for the wounded spirit for which it
would be hard to find an equivalent in all the reper-
tories of Science, and in all the treasures of philosophy.
Yet it must be borne in mind that every step from a
lower to a higher creed involves a precisely similar loss.
How much more beautiful was nature (as Schiller has
shown us in his poem on the gods of Greece) when
every fountain, tree and river had its presiding genius,
when the Sun was driven by a divine charioteer, when
the deities of Olympus intervened in the affairs of men
to prevent injustice and to maintain the right. How
cold and lifeless, nay, how profoundly irreligious,
would our modern conception of the earth and the
solar system have appeared to the worshipper of
Poseidon and Apollon. And if the loss of the Christian
as compared to the Pagan is thus great, how great
also is the loss of the enlio-htened Protestant as
compared to the ignorant Catholic peasant. What
comfort must be found in the immediate intervention
of the Virgin in answer to prayer, what security
afforded by the protection of the local saint. Or
again, how great the pleasure of contributing by our
piety to the release of a friend from purgatorial
torment, and of knowing that our friends in their turn
will do us the same kindly service.
Even without contrasting such broad and conspi-
THE LOSS A GAIN.
493
cuous divisions of Christianity as tliese, we shall find
enough of the same kind of difference within the
limits of Protestantism itself. What mere intellectual
conviction of a future state can vie with the consoling
certainty offered by the Spiritualistic belief, that those
whom we have lost on earth still hover around us in
our daily course ; sometimes even appear to us in
bodily form, and converse with us in human speech.
No mere hope of meeting them again can for a moment
equal the delight of seeing their well-known shapes
and hearing their familiar tones. Hence the Spiritua-
list has undoubtedly a source of comfort in his faith
which more rational creeds can offer nothing to supply.
But who that does not share it can envy "them so
baseless a conviction, so illusory a joy ?
It is, in fact, the very condition of progress that, as
we advance in knowledge and in culture, we give uj)
something on the road. But it is also a condition that
we do not feel the need of that which we have lost.
Not only as we become men do we put away childish
things, but we can no longer realise in thought the
enjoyment which those childish things brought with
them. Other interests, new occupations, deeper affec-
tions take the place of the interests, the occupations,
and the affections of our early years. So too should
it be in religion. Men have dwelt upon the love of
God because they could not satisfy the craving of
nature for the love of their fellow-men. They have
looked forward to eternal happiness in a future life
because they could not find temporary happiness in
this. It is these reflections which point out the way
in which the void left by the removal of the religious
afiections should hereafter be supplied. The effort of
494 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
those who cannot turn for consolation to a friend in
heaven should be to strengthen the bonds of friendship
on earth, to widen the range of human sympathy and
to increase its depth. We should seek that love in
one another which we have hitherto been required to
seek in God. Above all, we should sweep away those
barriers of convention and fancied propriety which
continually hinder the free expression of affection, and
force us to turn from the restrictions of the world
to One towards whom there need be no irksome con-
formity to artificial regulation, and in speaking to
whom we are under no shadow of reserve.
Were we thus permitted to find in our fellow-
creatures that sympathy which so many mourners,
so many sufferers, so many lonely hearts, have been
compelled to find only in the idea of their heavenly
Father, I hesitate not to say that the consolations
of the new religion would far surpass in their strength
and their perfection all those that were offered by
the old. Towards such increasing and such deepen-
ing of the sympathies of humanity I believe that
we are continually tending even now. Meantime,
while we are still far from the promised land, the
adherents of the universal religion are not wdthout a
happiness of their own. Their faith is at least a faith
of perfect peace. Untroubled by the storms of con-
troversy, in which so many others are tossed about,
they can welcome all men as brothers in faith, for
all of them, even the most hostile, contribute to
supply the stones of the broad foundation upon which
their philosophy is built. Those therefore who con-
tend against them, be it even with vehemence and
passion, yield them involuntary help in bringing the
DEEPER CONSOLATIONS. 495
materials upon which their judgment is formed. No
man can truly oppose their religion, for he who seems
to be hostile to it is himself but one of the notes
struck by the Unknowable Cause, which so plays
upon the vast instrument of humanity as to bring
harmony out of jangling sounds, and to produce
the universal chords of truth from the individual dis-
cords of error. Scientific discoveries and philosophic
inquiries, so fatal to other creeds, touch not the
universal religion. They who accept it can but desire
the increase of knowledge, for even though new facts
and deeper reasoning should overthrow something of
what they have hitherto believed and taught, they
will rejoice that their mistakes should be corrected,
and their imperfections brought to light. They desire
but the Truth, and the Truth has made them free.
And as in their thoughts they can wish nothing so
much as to know and to believe that which is true, so
in their lives they will express the serenity which
that desire will inevitably bring. They are not
pained or troubled because other men see not as
they see. They have no vain hope of a unity of
thought which the very conditions of our being do
not permit. They aim not at conquering the minds
of men ; far rather would they stimulate and help
them to discover a higher Truth than they themselves
have been permitted to know. And as their action
will thus be insj^ired with the hope of contributing
their mite to the treasury of human knowledge, well-
being, and moral good, so their death will be the
expression of that peaceful faith which has sustained
their lives. Even though torn away when, in their
own judgment, they have still much to do, they will
496 RELATION TO THE SUBJECTIVE ELEMENT.
not repine at the necessity of leaving it undone, even
thougli they are well aware that their names, which
might have been illustrious in the annals of our race,
will now be buried in oblivion. For the disappear-
ance of a single life is but a ripple on the ocean of
humanity, and humanity feels it not. Hence they
will meet their end "sustained and soothed by an
unfaltering trust,"
" Like one wlio wraps the drapery of his couch
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams."
But the opposite fate, sometimes still more terrible,
that of continuing to live when the joys of life are
gone, and its purest happiness is turned iuto the
bitterest pain, will be accepted too. Thus they will
be willing, if need be, to remain in a world where
their labour is not yet ended, even though that
labour be wrought through suffering, despondency,
and sorrow ; willing also, if need be, to meet the
universal lot, — even though it strike them in the
midst of prosperity, happiness, and hope ; bowing in
either case to the verdict of fate with unmurmuring
resignation and fearless calm.
THE END.
I
I ]^ D E X.
VOL. 11,
2i
i
INDEX.
AbhidHARMA-Pitaka, its metapliysics,
ii. 141-145
Abiogenesis, the theory of, ii. 446 ; its
destined function, ii. 470
Abraham, a Hanyf, i. 247 ; story of, ii.
239-241
Acts, the book of, its value, ii. 323 : re-
view of, ii. 323-341
Atliti, the goddess, ii. 93
Africa, burial rites in, i. 84 ; divination
in, i. 137 ; ordeals in, i. 143
Africans, western, sacrifice among, i. 34 ;
drink-otferings among, i. 41
Agag hewn in pieces, ii. 314
Age, a golden, traditions of, ii. 230-232
Agni, the god, ii. 85
Agnosticism allied to mysticism, ii. 4S9
Ahab, his troubles, ii. 314
Ahuna-Vairya, the, ii. 181, 182
Ahura-Mazda and Zaratliustr.i, i. 229,
230 ; the god of the Parsees, i. 233 ;
ancient worship of, ii. 159, 100 ; praise
of, ii. 100, 161 ; rank and character, ii.
163 ; address to, ii. 163, 164 ; worship
of, ii. 165-167 ; fire and water given l)y,
ii. 168 ; questioned by Zaratlmstra, ii.
173-180 ; things which please and
things wliich displease, ii. 173, 174 ;
prescribes for medical training, ii. 175 ;
the same as Ormazd, ii. 181 ; through-
out the god of the Parsees, ii. 189;
creates the world, ii. 225
Aischylos, his conception of the commer-
cial relation between gods and men, i.
28.
Akaba, the vow of the first and second,
i. 238
Ali, sign at liis birth, i 292
Amatongo, sncritice to the, i. .32
Amazulus, sacrihce among the, i. 42;
sneezing as an omen among, i. 131
Amos, his prophecy and history, ii. 277 ;
conduct towards Amaziah, ii. 278
Anagamin, tlie, ii. 149, 150 (note)
Analysis, ultimate metapliysical, ii. 464
Ananda and the Matangi girl, i. 376 ;
and Buddha, ii. 134, 136
Ananias and his wife, story of, ii. 327
Ancestors, worsliip of, in Fiji and
among the Kafirs, ii. 389, 390 ; in
Peru, ii. 390
Angekoks, the, consecration of, i. 114,
115
Apocalypse, the, its author, ii. 366 ; its
style, ii. 366 ; compared with the "Pil-
grim's Progress," ii. 366; its visions,
ii. 367, 368 _
Apollo, worship of, i. 29 ; his sense of
gratitude appealed to, i. 29 ; oracle of
the Clarian, i. 155
Aranyakas, the, ii. 102, 103
Arhats, the, rank of, ii. 149, 150
Asceticism, various degrees of, i. 99 ; in
Mexico and Peru, i. 100-104 ; rules of
Chinese, ii. 127
Ashem-vohu, the. ii. 181, 182
Asita, the Hishi, the child and Buddha,
i. 298
Asoka, the Buddhist king, ii. 110, 111
Astrology, 1. 142
Astrologers in Thibet, i. 177
Asvagosha, a Buddhist preacher, i. 14S
Atharva-VedaSanhita, the, ii. 78, 79
Atinan, ii. 405
Atmospheric currents, an illustration, ii.
471
Atomatism, apparent puzzle of, resolved,
ii. 464, 466
Australia, burial rites in, i. 84
Babel, confusion at, ii. 312
Balaam, treatment of, ii. 312
Balaki, the Brahman, ii. 105
Banshee, the Irish, i. 130
Baptism, a general religious rite, i. 57 ;
in Fantee, i. .58; among tlie Oherokees,
Aztecs, Arc, i. 5S ; in Mexico, i. 58,
61 ; in Mongolia and Thibet, i. 61 ;
among the Parsees, i. 61, 62 ; in the
Christian Church i. 62, 63 ; meaning of
the rite, i. 63, 64
Barabbas, i. 277, 278
Barnabas, and Paul in Antioch, ii. .3.3I5 ;
taken for Zeus, ii. 333 ; separation, ii.
336
Beatitudes, tho, i. 471, 472
500
INDEX.
Beauty and Bamls, allegory of, ii. 279
Beliefs, necessary, vindication of, ii. 42S-
431 ; conditions of, iL 431 ; example, ii.
455, 456
Benfey, translation of the Sama-Veda-
Sanhita, ii. 77
Bhiksbu, a, defined, i. 106
Bhikshus and Bhikshunis, the, ii. 150
Bible, the, though above, yet among the
sacred books of the world, ii. 1, 2;
forced interpretations of, ii. 15, 16 ;
mostly anonymous, ii. 25 ; style of, ii.
28, 29
Birth, religiou.=; rites at, amorig savage
nations, i. 55, 56 ; in Mexico, i. 58-61 ;
in Mongolia and Thibet, i. 61
Bodhisattva, i. 220-226 ; in the womb,
1. 289 ; the nature of, ii._ 147, 148 ;
their sacrifice of Nirvana, ii. 148
Bogda, thauraaturgic powers of, i. 148
Books, sacred, all civilised nations nearly
have, ii. 2, 3 ; Greeks and Romans
without, ii. 3 ; list of, ii. 3 ; their exter-
nal marks— recognised inspiration, ii.
4, 5, supposed merit of reading or re-
peating them, ii. 5-9, subjection to
forced interpretations, ii. 9-20 ; inter-
nal marks— transcendentalsubject-mat-
ter, ii. 20-22, authoritativeness, ii. 22,
23, general anonymity, ii. 23-26, form-
lessness, ii. 26-29 ; of the Chinese, ii.
30-76 ; seldom written by the autliors
of the religion, ii. 62 ; of India, ii.
77-108 ; of the Buddhists, ii. 109-154 ;
necessity for, ii. 109 ; of the Parsees,
ii. 155-190 ; of the Moslems, ii. 191-
204 ; of the Jews. ii. 202-322 ; of
Christianity, ii. 323-375
Bo-tree, sanctity of, in Ceylon, i. 154 ;
Buddha under, i. 226, 227
Brahma, his incest, ii. 316 ; not wor-
shipped, ii. 405, 406; and Brahm, ii.
406, 407
Brahman, the caste, i. 183; the supreme,
ii. 405
Brahmanas, the, ii. 29, 77, 78; their
character, ii. 101, 102 ; ritualistic
appendages to the Vedas, ii. 102, 103 ;
teaching by apologue, ii 103 ; on a
universal soul, ii. 104, 105 ; on the
future of the soul, ii. 106 ; on patience,
ii. 107 ; references to moral conduct,
ii. 108
Bread and wine in the Eucharist, virtue
of, i. 164
Buddha, Gautama, a thaumaturgist, i.
147 ; the tooth of, i. 163, 164 ; prepara-
tion for his last manifestation, i. 213 ;
uncertain data to go upon for his life, i.
214 ; when he lived, i. 215 ; early asce-
ticism, i. 215, 216 ; abolishes caste, i.
216 ; his theoretic, i. 217 ; his four
truths, i. 217 ; the interpretation of
these, i. 217 ; his death, i. 218 ; his
chief disciples, i. 218 ; spread of his
religion, i. 218 ; essential principles, i.
218, 219 ; his blamelessness, i. 219 ;
the mythical twelve periods of his
life, i. 220 ; resolution to be born,
i. 220 ; choice of parents, i. 220 ;
his birth, i. 222 ; various names of,
i. 222 ; adoration by an old llishi, i.
223 ; qualifies himself for marriage, i.
223 ; enjoyment of domestic life, i.
224 ; departure from home and as-
sumption of the monastic character, i.
224 ; temptations, i. 225 ; his horse
Kantaka, i. 225 ; his penances, i. 226 ;
his triumpli over tlie devil, i. 226 ;
becomes perfect Buddha, i. 226, 227 ;
turns the Wheel of th'> L^w, i. 227 ; his
reception by kings, i. 227 ; his first
conversions, i. 227 ; founds monastic
institutions,!. 227; enters Nirvana, i.
228 ; funeral rites, i. 228 ; relics, i.
228 ; aristocratic descent, i. 284 ; ges-
tation of, i. 288, 289 ; signs at his birth,
i. 292 ; the infant, recognised Simeon-
wise by the llishi Asita, i. 298 ; his
temptation in the wilderness, i. 30S ;
and the Matangi girl, i. 376 ; compared
with Christ, i. 459^61 ; and the widow's
mite, i. 459, 460 ; and the cup of cold
water, i. 461; as a fisher of men, i. 461 ;
exalts humility and poverty, i. 462 ;
on divorce, i. 462, 463 ; and Christ, i.
487-490 ; his sayings collected, ii. 110 ;
sects in the Church of, ii. 110 ; extra-
vagant adoration of, ii. 122 ; painting
the picture of, ii. 122, 123 ; and the
two condemned felons, ii. 134-136 ;
central figure of Buddhism, ii. 146 ;
successive manifestations, ii. 147 ;
worship of, ii. 147 ; training of, ii,
147, 148, 1-52 ; disciples of, ii. 149
Buddha Sakyamuni, leaps into the fire,
ii. 300
Buddhas, the, Pratyeka, ii. 149
Buddhism, ascetic nature and rules of,
i. 105-107; fathers of, miracle-workers,
i. 147, 148 ; goal of, i. 213 ; its sacred
canon, ii. 110-112 ; ten commandments
of, ii. 128 : boundless charity of, ii.
1.34 ; regard for personal purity, ii.
136-139 ; its four truths, ii. 142 ;
Buddha its central figure, ii. 146 ; gods
of, ii. 146; grades in, ii. 148, 149 ; mor-
ality of, ii. 151-154 ; five command-
ments of, ii. 247; not witliout a god,
ii. 395-397
Buildhists, i. 105-107 ; antecedent to Bud-
dhism, i. 108 ; in India, i. 108, 109 ; of
Visvarnitra, i. 108, 109.
Bunyau's "Pilgrim's Progress" compared
with the Apocalypse, ii. 366, 367
Caaba, the, i. 238, 240
Carlyle, Thomas, forestalled by Con-
fucius, i. 209 ; his " Everlasting No,"
i. 236 ; on I^Iahomet, i. 244
I
INDEX.
501
C:iuse, the notion of, ii. 484; the Un-
known. See PowEB
Ceylon, religious observances in, i. 47 ;
festivals in, i. 50 ; nianiage in, i. 81,
82 ; burial rites in, i. 86 ; omens in, i.
134, 135 ; divination in, i. 141 ; the
Bo-tree in, i. 154
Child, myth of the dangerous, i. 293-
296
China, Emperor of, praying for rain, i.
26 ; sacrifice in, i. 35 ; divination in,
i. 140, 141 ; in the days of Confucius,
i. 197 ; official creed of, ii. 31 ; sacred
writings of, ii. 31 ; authentic history
of, remote, ii. 48; fate of the early
Emperors of, as good or bad, ii. 49-53;
its sages and kings, ii. 51-53 ; the " re-
ligiones licitfe" of, ii. 62
Chinese, the, sacred books once nearly
destroyed, ii. 32 ; their political doc-
trines, ii. 35 ; their etliics, ii. 37, 38 ;
their loyalty to heroes as heaven-ap-
pointed, ii. 42, 43
Cliiist, Jesus, conceived neces.sity of his
death, i. 44 ; his appeal to niirncles, i.
149 ; divinity of, not found in the New
Testament, i. 436, 437 ; Mahomet's
view of, ii. 196, 197 ; worship of, ii.
410. See Jesus
Christians, the early, communists, ii. 326;
first breach among, ii. 328 ; severe
discipline among, ii. 337
Cliristianity, fundamental conception of,
i. 43, 44 ; festivals of, i. 49 ; ascetic spirit
of early, i. 110 ; ascetic developments
of, i. 110, 111 ; powerless over the Jews
since the death of Christ, i. 418, 419 ;
originally Judaic, i. 446 ; its worship of
Christ, ii. 409; its treatment of the
Father and the Spirit, ii. 409-411
Christmas, a pagan festival, i. 50
Church, the, necessary infallibility of, i.
188
Choo He, his criticism of preface to
Chinese odes, ii. 17, 18
Chow, the Duke of, on the favour of
heaven, ii. 53
Ch'un Ts'ew, the, forced interpretation
applied to, ii. 11-13, 58 ; its subject-
matter and authorship, ii. .58-60 ;
opinions of Dr Legge, ii. 58-60, of
Mang, ii. 58, 59 ; extract, ii. 61 ; topics,
ii. 61
Chung Yung, the, authorship of, ii. 36 ;
its doctrine of the " Mean," ii. 3(5, 37 ;
its doctrine of virtue and heaven, ii. 37,
38
Cicero on immortality, ii. 443
Circumcision, widespread practice of,
i. 64; among the Jews, i. 65: of
women among the Suzees and IMan-
dingoes, i. 78, 79
Clement, quotation from, on second
coming, i. 452, 453
Clergy, secular and regular, i. 114
Cobbe, Frances Power, ii. 374
Coming, the second, apostolic doctrine
on, i. 447-453
Confucius, neither an ascetic recluse nor
a religious enthusia.st, i. 195, 196;
regard for ritual, i. 196, 199 ; birth
and early life, i. 196 ; as a teacher, i.
196; subject of his doctrines, i. 197;
refuses state endowments, i. 197 ;
chief magistrate of Loo, i. 197 ; resigna-
tion, i. 197 ; deatli, i. 198 ; charac'ter,
i. 198 ; wanting in the bold originality
of the other reformers of religion,
i. 198 ; charge of insincerity, i. 198 ; his
purity, i. 199 ; his courteous manners,
i. 200 ; formal deportment, i. 201 ; re-
lations with his disciples, i. 201 ; four
virtues of wliich he was master, i. 202 ;
sense of a mission, i. 202, 203 ; pain at
being misunderstood, i. 203; had no
theological beliefs, i. 203 ; lays all
stress upon terrestrial virtues, i. 204 ;
had an esoteiic doctrine, i. 205 ; sub-
jects on which he did not talk, 200 ;
minds not things too high for him, but
is silent, i. 206 ; summary of moral
duties, i. 207 ; moral perfection, i. 207 ;
<ioctrine of reciprocity, i. 208; some
of his sayings, i. 208, 209 ; Carlylcan
utterances, i. 209; Tsze-Kung's admira-
tion for him, i. 209 ; interview with and
opinion of Lao-tse, i. 210, 211 ; ante-
natal signs, i. 290 ; his teaching similar
to Christ's, i. 4.58; doctrine of recom-
l)ense, i. 475-478 ; idea of ]ierfect vir-
tue, i. 486; .and Christ, i. 487-490; on
unseen spiritual beings, ii. 38, 39 ; left
writings, ii. 62
Confucianism the official creed in China,
ii. 31
Consciousness, its rise unaccounted for
by material evolution, ii. 467 ; neces-
sarily of spiritual evolution, ii. 468,
469 ; not by creation, nor from no-
thing, ii. 409
Consecration, power of, among the Mon-
golians, i. 96 ; among the Catholics, i.
%^ ; differs from sacrifice, i. 96 ; per-
manence of, i. 97
Consecrated objects in Sierra Leone, i.
!t4 ; among the Tartars, i. 94 ; in Cey-
lon, i. 94 : value of, i. 96
Cornelius, conversion of, i. 4.38, ii. 331
Creation of the universe, Hebrew ac-
count of, ii. 221-223 : account of the
Quiches, ii. 223, of the Mixtecs, ii.
2l'3, 224, of the Buddliists, ii. 224, of
the Parsees, ii. 224, 225, of the Kig-
Yeda, ii. 225, 226 ; of animals and nian,
Helirew account, ii 22()-228, Fijiiui
account, ii. 228; inijiossible. ii. 46!'
Creeds, the eiTor of, ii. 472, 473
Cylinders, lotary, in Thibet, with sacred
texts, ii. 6, 7
502
INDEX.
Dakhmas, the, i. 87, 88
Daniel, the book of, ii. 298, 299 ; the
prophet, ii. 299, 300, 302
Darwinianism, an epoch, ii. 468
Death, rites at, in New South Wales, i.
84 ; in AVestern Africa, i. 84, 85 ; iu
Polynesia, i. 85 ; in Mexico, i. 8G ; in
Ceylon, i. 86 ; in Thibet, i. 87 ; among
Christians, i. 88, 89
Death-watch, the, in Scotland, 1. 136
Debt a disqualification in Buddhism, ii.
124
Delphi, oracle at, i. 152
Deluge, the, Hebrew account of, ii. 235,
236 ; other traditions, ii. 237, 238 ;
Indian tradition, ii. 238, 239 ; the
judgment by, ii. 312
Demoniac possession in the days of
Christ, i. 26'.), 270 ; in .Tudea, Aljyssi-
nia, Polynesia, and Ceylon, i. 318, 319
Design, argument from, ii. 475, 476
Destruction, impossible, ii. 469
Devadatta, ii. 152
Devas, the worship of, renounced by the
Parsees, ii. 165
Didron, M., on the Scripture proof of
the Trinity, ii. 15 ; on mediaeval repre-
sentations of the Father and the Son
in the Trinity, ii. 410, 411
Disciples, the, rebuked by Christ for not
casting oixt a devil, i. 317 ; and Juda-
ism, i. 438-441, 445
Disease, moral theory of, i. 173
Disease-makers in Tannn, i. 170
Divination a profession, i 137 ; in South
Africa, i. 137 ; from sticks and bones,
i. 137, 138 ; by familiar spirits, i. 138,
139; among tlie American Indians, i.
139, 140 ; among the Ostiacks, i. 140 ;
in China, i. 140, 141 ; in Ceylon, i. 141;
by the stars, i. 142
Diviners, methods of, in Sierra Leone,
i. 175 ; in Mexico, i. 175 ; among the
Jews, i. 177
Divorce, Christ's doctrine of, i. 403 ;
Paul's doctrine, ii. 362
Dogs, Parsee respect for, ii. 176-178
Drake, Sir Francis, and his men, divine
honours paid to, i. 334, 335
Dreams, presumed supernatural origin
of, i. 125; theory of, i. 126; interpre-
tation of, i. 126 ; Jewish ceremony
against bad, i. 126, 127 ; in Scripture,
1. 127-129 ; in Homer, i. 130 ; horn and
ivory gates of, i. 130
Dream, Joseph's, as a main proof of the
incarnation, i. 128
Dress, Buddhist rule for nuns, ii. 126
Duty, Chinese definition of, ii. 37
Easter, i. 52
Ebionite, the, a sect apart, i. 445 ; their
f.-vte, i. 446
Ecclesiastes, the work of a cynic, ii. 271 ;
account of, ii. 272
Eddas, the Xorse, ii. 27
Ego, consciousness of the, ii. 4C0
Elisha, an Amazulu, ii. 254
Elohim, the, ii. 407, 408
Epistles, the, of the New Testament,
general burden of, ii. 341, 342
Equilibrium of soul, Chinese definition
of, ii. 37
Essenes, the, i. 109
Essence, the ultimate, of Brahmanism,
ii. 404, 405
Evil, origin of, Hebrew account of, ii.
228, 229 ; Buddhist account, ii. 232,
233
Evolution theory, its dark spot, ii. 467 ;
its great triumph, ii. 468
Existence the source of evil, ii. 142-144 ;
at bottom, what? ii. 462
Exorcism among tlie Jews, i. 270 ;
among the disciples of Christ, i. 271
Experience as a test of truth, ii. 428,
429
Ezekiel the prophet and his prophecies,
ii. 291-293
Faith and belief distinguished, i. 6 ;
and works, Scripture controversy on,
ii. 342, 343 ; and belief, relations of,
ii. 472, 474
Fasting as a religious rite, i. 52
Festivals, idea of, i. 48; natural senson
of, i. 48 ; in Guinea, China, &c.. i. 49 ;
New-Year's day in China, i. 50 ; Christ-
mas, i. 50 ; among the Jews, i. 51 ;
three kinds of, i. 51, 52 ; of Peru-
vians, i, 53
Fetisli, idea of a, i. 160 ; power to
charm, i. 161 ; -jiriests as healers, i.
172
Fire a sacred symbol, i. 64 ; invocation
of, ii. 164 ; Parsee worship, ii. 170,
171
Force, persistence of, ii. 420-427 ; Her-
bert Spencer on, ii. 427, 466 ; the no-
tion of, ii. 4S4
Frashaostra, i. 230, 231
Fravashis, the, ii. 168
Gadarene demoniac, the, i. 316
Gatha, the fifth, i. 2-!9 ; account of the
first, ii. 157-159 ; the second, ii, 159,
160 ; third, ii. 160, 161 ; fourth and
fifth, ii. 161, 162
Gathas, the five, antiquity of, ii. 156 ;
accou)\t of, ii. 157-162
Gentleness, Lao-tse on, ii, 69
Ghost, the Holy, in Ciiristian art, ii.
411,412; generally unworshipped, ii.
413
God, personality of, not an essential
element in religious belief, ii. 487 ;
loss of personality of, a gain, ii. 488
God of Israel, the, his imperious atti-
tude, ii. 303; arbitrary conduct towards
man in I'aradise, ii. 304, 305; his
INDEX.
503
command to Abraham, ii. 305 ; a Bra-
maiiical contrast, ii. 305 ; his favourit-
ism for Abel, ii. 306, for Abraham,
Isaac, and Jacob, ii. 306, 307 ; partisan-
ship in delivering the Israelites from
Egypt, ii. 307, and giving them Ca-
naan, ii. 308 ; exacting and "jealous,"
ii. 308 ; anger at tlie calf -idolaters, ii.
309 ; treatment of the Israelites in tlie
wilderness, ii. 310, 311 ; capricious-
ness, ii. 311, 312, in tlie punishment
by deluge, ii. 312, towards the builders
of Babel, ii. 312, in regard to Balaam,
ii. 312. Nadab and Abihu, ii. 313, the
man that touched the ark, ii. 313 ; his
rejection of Saul, ii. 314 ; preference
for Samuel, ii. 314 ; treatment of
Ahab, ii. 314 ; his treatment of alien
nations, ii. 315 ; his legislation, ii.
316, in regard to the Sabbath, ii. 317,
idolatry, ii. 317, filial impiety, ii. 317 ;
anthroiiomorphic conceptions of, ii.
319, 320 ; better elements in the ideal,
ii. 321, 322.
God of Christendom, the, differs fi'om
the God of Israel, ii. 368 ; his worst
action, ii. 369 ; the change accounted
for, ii. 3(59, 370 ; no longer the God of
a race, ii. 370 ; one blot on his ch.ar-
acter, makes punishment eternal, ii.
371, 372 ; step towards a milder view.
Purgatory, ii. 373 ; recent still milder
conceptions, ii. 374
God the Father in mediaeval art, ii. 410,
411
God, belief in, as Father, ii. 433 ; as Son,
ii. 433, 434 ; as Spirit, ii. 434
God among tlie Fijians, ii. 389, 390 ;
among the Kafirs, ii. 390-393 ; the Ne-
groes, ii. 393, 394; the Greenlanders, ii.
394 ; original Americans, ii. 394, 395 ;
the great religions of the world, ii.
395 ; of Buddhism, ii. 395-397 ; inferior
and superior, ii. 397
God, the highest, recognised amidst in-
ferior, worshipped gods, in Guinea, ii.
398; among the Kafirs, ii. 398; in Sierra
Leone, ii. 399 ; in Dahomey, ii. 399 ;
among the Ashantees, ii. 399, 400 ; in
Mexico and Peru, ii. 400; in Sabaeism,
ii. 401; amongthe Hindus, ii. 401-407;
in Judaism, ii. 407, 408; in Christianity,
ii. 409-411 ; various explanations of the
idea of, ii. 416, of common realism, ii.
417, 4.57, of metaphysical realism, ii.
418, 419, 457; comparative estimate
of these theories, ii. 419-421 ; of mode-
rate idealism, ii. 421-425, 458, of ex-
treme idealism, ii. 425. 458 ; philo-
sophical conclusion, ii. 426-428
Gods appealed to as men, i. 29, 30
Goethe, quotation, ii. 64
Gopa, wife of Buddha, i. 223-225
Gospels, the, i. 255 ; criticism of the
narratives, i. 255-260 ; discrepancies in
regard to the genealogies, i. 280-284 ;
accounts of Christ's birth, i. 285, 286 ;
discrepancies regarding Christ's habi-
tation, i. 310 ; regarding the calling of
his first disciples, i. 311, 312; discre-
pancies about the sermon on the
Mount, i. 315 ; hopelessness of chrono-
logy, i. 315 ; account of Christ's entry
into Jerusalem, i. 330 ; account of the
fig-tree, i. 331 ; account of Clirist's
anointing, i. 332 ; accounts of Christ's
betrayal by Judas, i. 335, 336; accounts
of Christ's last passover, i. 337-339 ;
accounts of Christ's passion, 340, 341 ;
account of Christ's arrest, i. 341,
342, of Jesus before the Sanhedrim,
i. 343, 344, of Jesus before Pilate, i.
345-347, of the crucifixion, i. 348-352,
of the resurrection, i. 353-361; account
of Christ's lineage and birthplace, i.
390-393
Greece, gods of, ii. 492
Groves, sacred, in Africa and the South
Seas, i. 153
Habakktjk, the prophet, ii. 286
Haggai, his prophecy, ii. 296
Hanyfitea, i. 247
Haoma, the plant, i. 40, 41
Harischandra, legend of, ii. 241-244
Harmony, Chinese spiritual, ii. 37
Haug, Dr, on the ages of the Vedas, ii.
81, 82 ; his translation of the Gatlias,
ii. 155
Hea, decree against the King of, ii. 50,
51
Heaven and hell, IMahometan, ii. 200, 201
Heaven, Chinese definition of, ii. 38
Hebrews, the, its teaching, as contrasted
with that of James, ii. 342-344
Hegira, the, i. 239
Here's conception of Hephaistos, i. 287
Hermits, Indian, i. 108
Herod and the birth of Christ, i. 293-
295
Herod the Tetrarch, fate of, ii. 3.32
Heu Hing, political economy of, ii. 45
Hezekiah, and Isaiah, ii. 255 ; divine
favour to, ii. 256 ; inglorious reign of,
ii. 258
Hilkiah, and his associates, and Josiah.
ii. 210-212
Hindus, ritual among the, i. 47 ; festi-
vals among the, i. 49, 51
Hodgson, his discovery in Nepaul, ii. 112
Honia, the god, ii. 183-185
Homa-Yasht, the, ii. 183
Homer, poems of, ii. 27, 28
Horace, quotation, ii. 68
Hosea, the prophet, ii. 278
How-tseih, miraculous birth of, i. 288
Huron, prayer of a, i. 22
Hymn.s Vedic, of cursing, ii. 268, 269
Hysteria in Judiea in the days of Chri.st,
i. 269, 270
S04
INDEX.
Ibos, sacrifices among tbe. i. 34
Idealism, its forms, ii. 421 ; moderate,
as a solution, ii. 421-425; extreme,
ii. 425
Idolatry, the crime of, among the Jews,
ii. 317
Immortality of the soul, not an article
in either the Buddhist or Jewish creed,
ii.' 442 ; the Greek and Roman philo-
sophers on, ii. 442, 443
Tncas, the worship of, by images, ii. 390
Indian, Nootka, prayer of, i. 22
Indra, his praises, ii. 86 ; his soma-
drinking, ii. 87 ; the Indian Zeus, ii. 87
Infallibility of the clergy, i. 188
Inspiration of sacred books, ii. 4, 5 ;
among the Chinese, ii. 17-19
Instruction, Chinese definition of, ii. .37
Interpretation, forced, of sacred books,
ii. 9-20
Isaac, the sacrifice of, an Indian parallel
to, ii. 241-244
Isaiah quoted to prove Messiahship of
Christ, i. 393-39(3 ; 53d as a pro-
phecy of Christ, i. 396 ; his rank as a
prophet, ii. 279 ; dates of his pro-
phecies, ii. 280 ; earliest stratum of
his prophecies, ii. 280 ; contrast with
Joel, ii. 281 ; on the Jerusalem ladies,
ii. 281 ; second part, ii. 281 ; accepts
the divine call, ii. 282 ; third part,
ii. 282; fourth part, ii. 282, 283;
fifth, sixth, and seventh pants, ii. 283 ;
vision of the future, ii. 283
Jacob, his bargain with Jehovah, i. 29 ;
his conduct to Esau, ii 307
Jahveh, the boly name, ii. 408
James, the Epistle of, its teaching con-
trasted with that of the Hebrews,
ii. 342, 343
Jehovah, his praises in the Psalms, i. 28
and Adonai, ii. 407, 408
Jeremiah, the prophet, ii. 287 ; his call,
ii. 287, 288 ; denunciatory prophecies,
ii. 288, 289; and Pashur, ii. 289;
analysis of his prophecies, ii. 289,
290 ; lamentations of, ii. 291
Jesus Christ, the historical (see Christ),
difficulties in regard to materials for
his life, i. 254 ; compared with the
mythical, and the ideal, i. 255 ;
his sayings credibly reported, i.
256 ; criticism of his doings, i. 257 ;
further tests applied, i. 257-260 ; his
parents and family, i. 260-262 ; his
mother, i. 261 ; birth at Nazareth, i.
262 ; originally a carpenter, i. 2i>3 ;
influence of John the Baptist, i. 263,
264 ; comes forth a Jlessiah, i. 264 ;
boldly asserts his claim, i. 265 ; his
early disciples, the three most inti-
mate, i. 265, 266 ; female followers, i.
266 ; his own family and neighbours
unfriendly to his mission, i. 267, 268 ;
his public teaching, i. 268 ; state of
Judsea at the time, i. 268, 269; casts
out di!vils, i. 270, 271 ; his sermons
and parables, i. 272 ; authority as a
teacher, i. 272, 273 ; offends tlie Jews
by forgiving sin, i. 273 ; disregard of
Sabbatical customs, i. 273 ; claiming
Messiahship, i. 273, 274 ; abusing his
enemies, i. 274 ; violent conduct in the
Temple, i. 274 ; his betrayal and ap-
prehension, i. 275 ; accusation and
trial, i. 276 ; the witnesses and his de-
fence, i. 276, 277 ; his condemnation,
i. 277 ; before Pilate, i. 277 ; cruci-
fixion, i. 278 ; interment, i. 278
Jesus, of the Gospels, indifference to .nl-
leged lineage and birtliplace, i. 389 ;
believed to be of Nazareth, i. 391 ; mis-
applies a prophecy to himself, i. 395,
396 ; and the Jewish Sabbath, i. 399-
401 ; offence taken at the company he
kept and free living, i. 401 ; his neglect
of the tradition of the elders, i. 402 ;
views of divorce, i. 403 ; on paying tri-
bute, i. 403-405 ; and the Sadducees in
regard to the future state, i. 405-408; on
the two chief commandments, i. 408 ;
denunciation of the Scribes, i. 409, 410 ;
provokes ojiposition, i. 411 ; expulsion
of the money-changers, i. 411, 412 ; de-
fence of his conduct, i. 413, 414 ; gives
offence to the Sanhedrim, i. 415; before
the Sanhedrim, i. 415; before Pil.ate, i.
417 ; his faith in his Messiahship, i.
422 ; conscious of being son of God, i.
422, 423 ; comparative modesty of the
claim, i. 423; .asserted inferiority to
the Father, i. 424 ; his relation to the
law, i. 425, 426 ; his mission confined
to the Jews, i. 427, 428 ; his idea of
his mission his one thought, i. 42S,
435 ; his warning to his disciples to be
ready, i. 429-431 ; his ideas of his king-
dom, i. 432 ; his one qualification for
admission, i. 433 : his kingdom to be
on earth, i. 434 ; Peter's confession of,
i. 436 ; doctrine of his divinity not
found in the New Testament, i. 436 ;
not thought to have a design of sub-
verting the INIosaiclaw, i. 438 ; modern
laudation of, i. 454 ; materials for cri-
ticism, i. 454, 455 ; his fondness for
contrasts, i. 455. 456 ; his resemblance
to Lao-tse, i. 456 ; .aversion to wealth
.and wealthy men, i. 464-466 ; his doc-
trine in regard to invitations to feasts.
i. 467 ; parable of the labourers in the
vineyaid, i. 468 ; his assertion of eter-
nal punishment, i. 469 ; his false esti-
mate of the power of prayer, i. 470;
his sermon on the Mount, i. 471-487 ;
his doctrine of murder, adultery, and
perjury, i. 472, 473 ; of resisting evil
by doing good, i. 473, 474 ; his model
prayer, i. 478-481 ; on the superiority
INDEX.
505
of lieaveiily to temporal interests, i.
481-4S3; founder of scientific ethics,
1. 485 ; as a prophet, compared with
Buddha and Confucius, i. 487-490;
compared witli Socrates, i. 490-492; his
transcendent moral grandeur, i. 493 ;
as a man of sorrows, i. 493-495
Jes\is Christ, IMahomet's view of, ii.
196, 197 _
Jesus, the ideal, of St John, peculiarities
of the narrative, i. 3G5, 36G ; improba-
hilities, i. 36G ; raising; Lazarus, i. 366,
368 ; at the marriage feast, i. 368, 369 ;
heals by a word, i. 369 ; at the pool
of Bethesda, i. 369 ; interviews with
Nathanael, &c , i. 369, 370, 375; sym-
bolic teachings, i. 370-372 ; last dis-
course to Ins disciples, i. 373 ; as the
Logos, i. 373, 374 ; oneness with God,
as his fatlier, i. 374 ; last days and
moments, i. 377, 378
Jesus, the mythical, the accounts of, i.
278, 279 ; variety of these, i. 279 ; the
genealogies, i. 279-284 ; conception and
nativity, i. 285-287 ; mythological par-
allels, i. 287-291 ; mediaeval painting
of. in the womb, i. 289 ; recognition by
the shepherds, i. 291, 292 ; by the Magi,
i. 293, and Herod, i. 293, 294 ; a dan-
gerous child, i. 294-297 ; circumcision,
i. 297 ; recognised by Simeon, i. 298,
by Anna, i. 299; in the Temple. i..299,
300 ; called a Nazarene, i. 303 ; his
baptism, i. 303-305; message from John
the Baptist, i. 306 ; temptation, i. 307 ;
comes to Capernaum, i. 308 ; reasons
for leaving Nazareth, i. 308, 309; recep-
tion in Nazai-eth as a preacher, i. 309 ;
has an abode, i. 310 ; no ascetic, i. 311 ;
in comfortable circumstances, i. 311 ;
collects followers, i. 311, 312; calls
Peter, i. 312; calls Matthew, i. 313;
appoints twelve, i. 313 ; his four
select, i. 313, 314 ; works miracles, i.
314 ; sermon on the Mount, i. 314, 315 ;
heals the Gadarene demoniac, i. 316;
expels a devil, and rebukes his dis-
ciples for tlieir want of faith, i. 317 ;
heals the Syrophenician damsel, i. 317,
318 ; heals a leper, i. 319, a paralytic,
i. 320 ; raises Jaiiais' daughter, i. 320-
323: heals a woman with an issue of
blood, i. 323, the centurion's servant,
i. 323, 324 ; heals a deaf mute, i. 325 ;
heals a blind man, i. 325, ten lejiers,
i. 325 ; raises tlie widow's son, i. 326 ;
miraculously feeds a multitude, i. 326 ;
walks on the water, i. 327 ; stills the
storm, i. 327 ; his transhgijration, i.
327, 328 ; foretells his crucinxioi; and
resurrection, i. 329 ; triump'ial entry
into Jerusalem, i. 329, 330 ; blasts the
fig-tree, i. 331 ; ]nirges the te:nj)le, i.
3'!1 ; last anointing, i. 332; betrayal
by Judas, i. 335 ; keeps his last pass-
over, i. S37 ; institutes the supper, i.
339 ; washes his disciples' feet, i. 340 ;
in Gethsemane, i. 340 ; arrest, i. 341 ;
before the Sanhedrim, i. 342-344 ; be-
fore Pilate, i. 344-348 ; before Ilerod, i.
346 ; mockery, i. 348 ; crucifixion, i.
348-351 ; last words, i. 351 ; wonders
accompanying his deatli, i. 351 ; his
burial, i. 352, 353 ; resunection, i. 353-
359 ; ascension, i. 360, 361
Jews, sacrifices among the, i. 35, 37 ;
prayers, i. 46 ; festivals of, i. 49-51 ;
passover among, i. 52 ; rite of circum-
cision among, i. 65 ; historical result of
their rejection of Christ, i. 379, 380 ;
unjust treatment, i. 381 ; considera-
tions in extenuation, i. 382 ; their pro-
vocations, i. 383, 384 ; credulity of
scepticism in regard to Messianic pre-
tensions, i. 385 ; justification of their
Messianic expectations, i. 385-387 ;
excusable ignorance as to Christ's
lineage, i. 390, 391 ; and their own
prophecies, i. 392-396 ; treatment of
Christ's miracles, i. 397 ; their esteem
for the Sabbath law, i. 398, 399 ;
their offence at Christ for his disre-
gard of ceremonial observance, i. 393-
403 ; their right to interrogate Christ,
i. 402 ; question to Jesus about tri-
bute, i. 403-405 ; just offence, as nio-
notheists, at Christ, i. 416 ; and
Christianity, i. 418, 420 ; justification
of their rejection of Clirist, i. 420 ;
identified with tlieir Bible, ii. 202 ;
settlement in Judoea, ii. 202, 203;
under kings, ii. 203; in captivity, ii.
203; epoch in their history, ii. 203;
their national god, ii. 204-206 ; early
creed not monotheistic, ii. 207 ; idola-
trv, 208 ; not Jehovistic, only the
priests, ii. 209-212; effects of the cap-
tivity, ii. 212-215 ; under the Macca-
bees, ii. 216 ; their iiride and intoler-
ance, ii. 216, 217 ; under the Asino-
neans and the Herods, ii. 217 ; under
the Romans, ii. 218; in Cliristendom,
ii. 218 ; their toughness, ii. 219
Job, story of the book of, ii. 265, 266
" Jocelyn," Lamartine's, i. 118, 119
Joel, his prophecy, ii. 276; and Isaiah,
ii. 281
John Baptist, asceticism of, i. 110, 263,
264 ; baptizes Christ, i. 305 ; message
from prison to Christ, i. 306 ; Christ's
estimate of, i. 306
John, Gospel of, silence about miracu-
lous conception, i. 285; account of-
Christ's baptism, i. 305; account of
the crucifi.xion, i. 352; on Christ's
divinity, i. 436, 437 ; its value in evi-
dence, i. 437
John, the apostle, the beloved disciple,
i. .370 ; his Gospel, its fomlness foi' sym-
bolic speech, i. 370-372 ; for obscure
5o6
INDEX.
theological questions, i. 372, 373 ; doc-
trine of the Lo^os, i. 373, 374 ; his
Gospel as regards Clirist's birthplace
and lineage, i. 391, 392
John, the three epistles of, ii. 345, 346
Jonah, book and story of, ii. 297, 298
Jongleurs, the, in New France, installa-
tion of, i. 115
Jordan, crossing the, an Indian parallel,
ii. 250
Joseph, the father of Jesus, i. 2G0, 280,
285, 295, 301
Josiah, Jehovistic coup d'etat under, ii.
210-212
Judas, his betrayal of Jesus, i. 275 ;
slander against, i. 333 ; l)etra\'s Christ,
i. 345 ; myth of his utdiappy end, i.
336, 337 ; charged with liis intended
crime at the last supper, i. 338, 339;
arrest of Christ, i. 341, 342
Judaism, antagonism to asceticism, i. 109;
of John tlie Baptist, i. 110 ; tendency
of Christianity to encourage, i. 110 ;
idea of, i. Ill ; Protestant disregard of,
i. 112 ; and Christianity, i. 43S ; and the
apostle Paul, i. 441-444 ; and the early
Cliurch, i. 446
Kafirs, prayer of, i. 23 ; sacrifice among
the, i. 34, 35 ; sneezing an omen among,
i. 131 ; other omens among, i. 134
Kama, burning of, i. 52 ; invoked to
curse, ii. 209
Kiintaka, horse of Buddha, i. 225
Karma, the, of Buddhist ethics, ii. 152
Kava-Vistaspa, i. 230, 231
Keightley, data from, on saint-worship
in England, ii. 414
Khadija, tlie first wife of Mahomet, i.
235 ; her rehitions with the propliet, i.
235 ; her death, i. 238
Khorda-Avesta, the, ii. 180-190; its use,
ii. 180 ; subject-matter and date, ii.
181
King, the, meaning of the term, ii. 31 ;
the five, ii. 31, 32
Kiiigihun of heaven, Christ's idea of. i.
428-433 ; Paul's, i. 448 ; Peter's, i. 449
Koran, style of. i. 245, ii. 14. 29; the staple
of, i. 253; the single autliorship and
unity of, ii. 191 ; apology for its style,
ii. 191 ; translations, ii. 191 ; origin and
formation of, ii. 191, 192 ; original
copy, ii. 192. 193; arrangement, ii. 193 ;
themes, ii. 193, 194 ; specimens, ii. 194-
201; its paradise, ii. 200; its hell, ii.
201
Korosi, his discovery, ii. 112
Kosti, investiture with the, i. 80
Kronos, liis dread of his children, i. 295
Kunala, legend of, ii. 153
Kyros, a dangerous child, i. 296
liAiiY, a pious, ii. 125
Lao-tse, probable date of birth, i. 210;
admonition to Confucius, i. 210; nc-
count of himself, i. 211 ; resembled
Plato's philosopher, i. 212; his style
similar to Christ's, i. 456 ; the Chris-
tianity of, i. 474 ; left writings, ii. 62 ;
description of Tao, ii. 63; conception
of goodness, ii. 68 ; on gentleness, ii.
69 ; against luxury, ii. 70 ; has three
cardinal virtues, ii. 71 ; mysticism, ii.
72 ; conception of God, ii. 73, 74 ; his
character and teaching, ii. 74
Lazarus, story of, peculiar to John's
Gospel, i. 333 ; his resurrection, i. 366-
368
Lazarus and Dives, i. 462, 466, 469
Legge, Dr James, his Chinese classics, ii.
30 ; his opinion of the authorship of
Ch'un Ts'ew, i. 58
Legislation, Hebrew, ii. 316-319
Libations in sacrifice, i. 41 ; in Tartary,
Samoa, Thibet, &c., i. 41
Life, vital forces, Indian apologue, ii.
103, 104
Linga, the, worship of, i. 51
Lucretius on immortality, ii. 443
Luke, his genealogy of Jesus, i. 280-284 ;
account of miraculous conception and
birth, i. 286, 287 ; account of the shep-
herds, i. 291, 292 ; account of Christ's
infancy, i. 297; discrepancies with Mat-
thew, i. 300-303 ; his freer spirit, i. 303 ;
account of the call of Peter, i. 312 ;
version of the sermon on the Mount, i.
315 ; account of lunatic boy, i. 317 ;
his partiality for angels, ii. 328 ; ac-
companies Paul, ii. 336
Lun Yu, the, date of, ii. 33 ; subject-
matter, ii. 33; its Hoswellian minute-
ness of detail, ii. 33
Luxury, Lao-Tse on, ii. 70
Magi and the birth of Christ, i. 293-295
Mahomet, pretensions of, to the super-
natural, i. 148 ; the last of the great
prophets, i. 234 ; his religion self-de-
rived, i. 235 ; his parents and birth, i.
235 ; his original social position, i. 235 ;
marries Khadija, i. 235 ; liis first reve-
lation, i. 235; passes through the
period of the "Everlasting No," i.
236 ; Gabriel his guardian angel, i. 236 ;
first disciples, i. 236 ; his doctrines
provoke ]iersecution, i. 2.36 ; his mo-
mentary relapse into idolatry, and re-
pentance, i. 237 ; ])ersecution of his
family, i. 237 ; binds by a vow pilgrims
from Medina, i. 238 ; his flight to
Medina, i. 239 ; success there, i. 239 ;
war with Alecc.a, i. 2.J9 ; truce with the
Meccans, i. 240 ; summons crowned
heads to submit to his religion, i. 241 ;
first pilgrimage to Mecca, i. 241 ; enters
Mecca in triumph, i. 242; proclama-
tion to the inhabitants, i. 243 ; final
triumph and death, i. 244 ; his char-
INDEX.
507
eoter au open question, i. 244 ; his
sincerity, i. 'I^h-IAI ; sense of inspira-
tion, i. 245 ; time-serving witlinl, i.
245 ; inspired poetic style, i. 245 ; his
]iredecessors, i. 247 ; his sources of in-
formation, i. 247 ; takes to the sword, i.
248 ; conduct to the Jews, i. 248, 249 ;
liis weak point, i. 249, 250 ; his harem,
i. 250 ; his marriages, i. 251 ; his jeal-
ousy, i. 252 ; triumph of his religion,
i. 253, 254 ; aristocratic descent, i. 285 ;
ante-natal intimations of his greatness,
i. 291 ; the infant recognised by his
grandfather, i. 299 ; his awe under the
new revelation, ii. 194 ; his stock-in-
trade, ii. 195 ; view of his prophetic
function, ii. 196 ; prophets acknow-
ledged by, ii. 196 ; views of Christ, ii.
196-198 ; of himself, ii. 199, 200 ; ad-
dress of God to, ii. 199
Malachi on sacrifices to God, i. 38 ; pro-
phecies of, ii. 296, 297
M;in, the wise and the fool, chapter from,
ii. 134
]\Iang, on high-mindedness, his teaching
similar to Clirist's, i. 457 ; a discijde of
Confucius, ii. 39 ; his works, ii. 39, 40 ;
late introduction to the canon, ii. 40,
41 ; his democratic philosophy, ii. 41 ;
his view of how heaven makes known
its will, ii. 42, 43 ; notions of good
government, ii. 43, 44 ; a political eco-
nomist, ii. 45 ; his regard for propriety,
ii. 45, 46 ; his faitli in human nature,
ii. 46, 47 ; his moral tone, ii. 48
Manu, code of, on legal and illegal foinis
of marriage, i. 82, 83 ; the typical an-
cestor of men, ii. 107 ; and the deluge,
ii. 238, 239
Mark, Gospel of, its credibility, i. 259 ;
omits miraculous conception, 1. 285 ;
account of Christ's baptism, i. 304 ;
reference to Christ's temptation, i.
307
Marriage, rites at, peculi.ar to civilised
nations, i. 81 ; in Ceylon, i. 81 ; in Thi-
bet, i. 82 ; according to the code of
Manu, i.82 ; among Parsees, Jews, and
Chi'istians, i. 83 ; witii strangers, among
the Jews, ii. 318
Marriage-tie, the, Christ on, i. 463
Marnts, the, prayer to, i. 24, 28 ; their
nature, ii. 89
Mary, tlie mother of Jesus, i. 261, 267,
280, 2S5-287, 301, 303 ; at the cross, i.
350
Masses for the dead, i. 88
Materialism, unphilosophic, ii. 451
Matthew, his genealogy of Jesus, i. 260-
284 ; account of miraculous concejition,
and birth, i. 2S.5, 280 ; account of tlie
Mngi, i 293 ; reticence about infancy
of Christ, i. 297 ; discrepancies with
Luke, i. 300-303 ; call of, i. 313 ; ver-
sion of sermon on the Jlount, i. 315 ;
his mis.appropriation of projihecy, i.
393-395
Maya Devi, her dream, i. 221 ; her preg-
nancy, i. 221 ; delivery of a son, i. 222 ;
death thereafter, i. 222
Maya, her gestation-time, i. 289
Mean, the, Chinese doctrine of, ii. 36, 37
Mencius. See Mang
Messiah, the, the term, i. 386, 387 ; Jew-
ish ideas of, i. 386, 387 ; these ideas not
responded to by Christ, i. 387 ; pre-
sumptuous Christian interpretations, i.
388, 389 ; predictions as to lineage and
birth, i. 389-393 ; as son of David, i.
390 ; predictions of his birth from a vir-
gin, i. 393, 394 : in 53d of Isaiah, i. 396
Metaphysics, Buddhist, ii. 141, 145
Mexico, human and other sacrifices in, i.
33, 35, 36; worship in, i. 47 ; burial rites
in, 86 ; monasticism in, i. 100-102
Mexican festival for rain, i. 25
Micali, the prophecy of, ii. 285
Mill, J. S., a metaphysical realist, ii. 424
Mind, not resolvable in matter, or phy-
sical cause, ii. 444-449.
Miracles as credentials of the divine, i.
146, 147 ; of Buddlnsm, i. 147 ; among
the Mongols, i. 148 ; among the Mos-
lems, i. 148 ; of Christianity, i. 149 ;
in the early Church, i. 149, 150 ; of the
Mormons, i. 150, 151 ; insufficiency of
the evidence in the case of Christ, i.
397, 398
Mite, the widow's, i. 4.')9, 460
Mithra, the god, ii. 133, 139, 168
Mitra, ii. 91
Moments, four sacred, i. 55
Monasticism in Mexico and Peru, i. 100-
104 ; among the Buddhists, i. 105-108 ;
in Siam, i. 107 ; in Nepaul, i. 107 ; in
Christianity, i. 110, 111
Monk, Buddliist, condemned to monkey-
hood, ii. 254
Monotheism, fate of, i. 416
Montezuma and human sacrifices, i. 33
Mormons, the, claim to supernatural
gifts, i. 150, 151
Moses, a dangerous child, i. 296 ; address
of God to, ii. 199 ; the ten conmiand-
ments of, ii. 245, 246 ; commandments
of the tables of stone given to, ii. 248,
249 ; mercifulness, ii. 309 ; divine
manifestations to, ii. 320
Jloslems, prayer among the, i. 47
Muir, Dr, Sanskrit texts, ii. 77
Muiler, ]Max, translator of Eig-Veda-San-
hita, ii. 77; account of the Yedas, ii.
80, 81 ; on tlie supreme god of tlie
Hindus, ii. 405, 406
Myths, three classes of, about Jesus, i.
279 ; instance of first order, i. 284, 285,
287 ; of the dangerous child, i. 293 ; of
Perseus' birth, i. 295 ; of Oidipous, i.
295 ; of Christ's baptism, i. 305 ; illus-
tration of the growth of, i. 334
5o8
INDEX.
Nagardjuna, thaumaturgic powers of,
i. 147
Xahum, the prophet, and his prophecy,
ii. 285
Nathaiiael, i. 369, 375
Nature, Chinese definition of, ii. 37
Nrtusikaa, a Chinese, ii. 56
Nazareth Christ's reputed birthitlace,
i. 391
Nazarites, the, i. 109
Neander on the Judaism of tlie early
Church, i. 446, 447
Newman, Francis W., ii. 374
Nicodemus, i. 352, .369, 371, 373, 375
Nidanas, the twelve, ii. 142-145
Nirvana, theory of, ii. 143, 144 ; sacrifice
of, ii, 148
Obadiah, prophecy of, ii. 284
Objects, holy, in Peru, i. 161 ; trees as,
i. 162 ; animals as, i. 162; serjjents as,
i. 163 ; images as, i. 164
Odes, Cliinese, traditional interpretation
of, ii. 16-19
Offerings, religious, in Sierra Leone, i.
93 ; in Tartary, i. 94
Oidipous, i. 295
Omar, his conversion to Mahometanism,
i. 237
Omens, divine, i. 125 ; in dreams, i. 125-
130 ; in sneezing, i. 130-132 ; interpre-
tation of, i. 133 ; from flight of eagles,
133; from a horse turning back, i.
133 ; from bleating of a sheep, i. 133 ;
among the Kafirs and Chinese, i. 133,
134; in Ceylon, i. 134, 135; in the
heavens, i. 135 ; in Tacitus, i. 135,
136 ; in Ireland and Scotland. 1. 136 ;
at birth of great men, 136, 137
Ophites, the, their worship, i. 163
Oideals, as a moral test, i. 143; in
Western Africa, i. 143; among the
Hebrews, i. 144 ; among the Negroes,
i. 145 ; among the Ostiacks, i. 146
Orders, holy, in the Church of England,
i. 117, 118 ; Buddhist monastic rules,
ii. 124, 125
Ormazd. See Ahura-Mazda
Pachacamac, or the universal soul, ii.
400
Palestine, state of, m days of Christ,
i. 268, 269
Parker, Theodore, ii. 374
Parsees, sacrifices among the, i. 37 ;
prayers, i. 46 ; festivals of, i. 49 ;
baptism among, i. 61, 62 ; burial rites,
i. 87, 88
Parseeism, rise of, ii. 157 ; reformers'
hymn, ii. 158 ; religious zeal of, ii. 159 ;
objects of worship, ii. 163 ; fire-wor-
ship, ii. 164, 171 ; confession of faith,
ii. 165, 16(5; new divinities, ii. 166-
J68; re.spect for dogs, ii. 176-178;
respect for luuity, ii. 178, 179; later
times of, ii. 188, 189 ; eight command-
ments of, ii. 247, 248
Passover, the Jewish, i. 52
Patets, the Parsee, ii. 185-187
Patria Potestas, the, in Judrea and
Rome, ii. 317, 318
Paul, his independence and concession to
Jewish prejudices, i. 441, 442 ; his
views of the Mosaic law, i. 443, 444 ;
idea of the coming of Christ, i. 448,
449 ; as a persecutor, ii. 329 ; accounts
of his conversion, ii. 329-331 ; his con-
secration, ii. 332 ; at Paphos, ii. 332 ; iu
Antioch, ii. 333 ; at Lystra, taken for
Hermes, ii. 333 ; for a god, ii. 333 ;
parallel in the case of Sir Francis
Drake, ii. .334, 335 ; stoned, ii. 336 ;
parts with Barnabas, ii. 336 ; chooses
Silas, ii. 336 ; at Philippi, ii. 337 ; at
Athens, ii. 337 ; at Corinth, ii. 337 ; at
Ephesus, ii. 337, 338 ; at Troas, ii. 339 ;
at Jerusalem, ii. 339, 340 ; appeal to
Csesar, ii. 340 ; in Rome, ii. 341 ; his
equal apostleship, ii. 346-348 ; his
epistles, their style and spirit, ii. 349 :
his reasoning powers, ii. 349, 350 : his
exclusive regard for essential prin-
ciples, ii. 350, 351 ; denunciation of co-
habitation with a stepmother, ii. 3,5.3,
354 ; against prostitution, ii. 354 ;
views on matrimony, ii. 356, 358, .359,
3G2 ; rules affecting widows, ii. 358 ;
preference for celibacy, ii. 359 ; allows
bishops and deacons to mai-ry, ii. 359 ;
on divorce, ii. 362 ; on the resurrec-
tion of the dead, ii. 363-365 ; on l>ro-
tlierly love, ii. 365; other maxims, ii.
365
Perseus, myth of his birth, i. 295
Persia, power of, ii. 155
Peru, monasticism in, i. 103, 104
Peruvians, festivals of, i. 53; baptism
among, i. 58
Peter, call of, i. 312 ; his denial of
Christ, i. 344; his confession, i. 436;
his vision, i. 438 ; and Judaism, i.
440, 441; idea of kingdom of heaven, i.
449, 450 ; conduct towards Ananias
and Sapphira, ii. 326, 327 ; deliverance
by an angel, ii. 328 ; scandal caused
by, ii. 332 ; his epistles, ii. 344
Pharisee, the, and publican, i. 462
Pharisees, and Clnist, i. 398, 405 ; de-
nounced by Christ, i. 409, 410
Phinehas and the Midianitish woman, ii.
313
Pilate, as governor of Judfea, i. .344, 345 ;
treatment of Christ, i. 345-.347 ; Christ
before, i. 417
" Pilgrim's Progress," ii. 366, 367. See
BUNYAN
Places, holy, i. 90, 91 ; special haunts
of the divine, i. 152. 1.53; in Afiica
and South Seas, i. 153 ; in Ceylon (the
Bo-tree), i. 154 ; graves as, i. 154, lo-j ;
INDEX.
509
in liistoiy, i. 155 ; oracles, i. 155 ; by
cousecration, — the Temple, i. 155, 15(j ;
holy of holies, i. 158
Plato, his description of a philosopher ia
his " Theietetus," i. 212
Polynesia, burial rites in, i. 85
Positivism, weak point in, i. 194
Pourutschista, St, i. 230, 231
Power, the Unknown, not a suggestion
of sense, ii. 454, or of reason, ii. 454,
455, but of religious sentiment, ii.
455, 456; idea of, unaccounted for by
liealism, common and metaphysical,
ii. 457, moderate and extreme Idealism,
ii. 458 ; neither one nor many, but
all, ii. 459, 460 ; sense of, an intuition,
ii. 460, 461 ; of kin to mind, as in
man, ii. 462, 463 ; includes conscious-
ness, ii. 463 ; includes our nature, ii.
463 ; the universal solvent, ii. 464,
465 ; fountain of all reservoirs of
force, ii. 466 ; allows nothing to be
a law to itself, ii. 467 ; our know-
ledge of, no riddle, ii. 470 ; illustra-
tions, ii. 471, 477 ; the denial of,
an affirmation, ii. 483 ; faith in,
the foundation of religious faith, ii.
485 ; answer to charge of vagueness,
ii. 486, 487 ; not a father, not a judge,
ii. 487 ; harmony of the idea of, with
deep religious feeling, ii. 489
Praise conjoined with prayer, i. 21, 27 ;
part of worship, i. 27, 28 ; Christian
and heathen compared, i. 28
Prajapati, ii. 226
Prayer, its influence, i. 21; its concomi-
tant, praise, i. 21 ; its primitive form
and purpose, i. 22 ; specimens of pri-
mitive, i. 22 ; of Indians, preparing for
war, i. 22 ; of a Huron, i. 2:i ; of Ka-
firs, i. 23 ; of Caribbean islanders, i.
23 ; of the Samoaus, i. 23 ; Polynesian,
i. 23 ; Ve<lic, i. 24, 27 ; Solomon's, i.
24 ; special, i. 24 ; efficacy, i. 25 ; for
rain and other physical benefits, i. 25,
26 ; for Thebes, i. 28 ; s])ccimens of, i.
28-30 ; and sacrifice, i. 30 ; forms of, i.
46 ; Christ's doctrine of, i. 470 ; the
Lord's, i. 478-481
Pre-Adamites, Buddhist, ii. 125
Priests, special function of, i. 113 ;
in relation to the monastic order, i.
113, 114 ; consecration of, in Green-
land, i. 114 ; among the American
tribes, i. 115 ; among certain Negroes, i,
115 ; in Mexico, i. 116; among the Jews,
i. 116, 117 ; in the Christian Church, i.
117, 118; sanctity of, i. 165; authority
of, i. 165-167 ; grades of, i. 166 ; propb ets
versus, i. 167 ; privileges of, i. 167 ;
primitive, i. 168, 169 ; formation as a
separate class, as medical practitioners,
i. 169, 170 ; disease-making, i. 170 ; as
doctors in Australia, Africa, kc, i.
171; as healers among the Negroes, i.
171, 172 ; as mediators for the sick, i.
173 ; irregular, i. 174 ; miscellaneous
functions, i. 174 ; in North America
as soothsayers, i. 176 ; as fortune-tell-
ers, &c., in Thibet, L 177 ; claim to in-
spiration, i. 178 ; Jewish high, claims
and powers of, i. 179 ; protected liy
heaven, i. 180 ; repute of Brahmanical,
i. 180; functions of, i. 181 ; as rain-
makers, &c., i. 181; ]iower and sanctity
of, i. 182, 183 ; in Ceylon and Siam, i.
183; rewards of, i. 184; tithes to, i.
184 ; the duty and privilege of offering,
i. 185; privileges of. i. 185; herecli-
tary, i. 186 ; internally called, i. 187 ;
a demand for, i. 187 ; infallibility, i.
188
Priestesses in Guinea, i. 182, 183
Prophet, anonymous, ii 279 ; another,
ii. 286 ; iAe anonymous, his rank among
• the prophets, ii. 293 ; his prophecies,
iL 294 ; the prophet of consolation, ii.
294, 295
Prophets of the world, the, i. 190 ; their
ultimate authority, i. 191 ; mystically
invested with superhuman endcjwment,
i, 192 ; their absolute consciousness,
i. 192, 193 ; their conservative spirit,
i. 193 ; the Hebrew, civil standing, ii.
253,274; Elijah and Elisha, ii. 253;
the most powerful, ii. 274
Prophecy, Hebrew, originally oral, then
written, ii. 274 ; constant theme of,
ii. 274, 275 ; minor topics, ii. 275
Prosperity, national or royal, Jewish,
Chinese, and Thibetan theories of, ii.
259, 260
Protestantism and asceticism, i. 112
Proverbs, the, a criticism, ii. 271
Psalms, the, their character, ii. 266, 267 ;
of cursing (ex. and cix.), ii. 267 ; Vedic
parallels, ii. 268, 269
Psalmists, the, their praises of Jehovah,
i. 28
Puberty, rites of, cruel and mysterious,
i. 66, 67 ; meaning of the rites, i.
67, 68 ; Catlin's account of the rite
among the IMandans, i. 68, 70 ; School-
craft's account, i. 71 ; rite in New
South Wales, i. 71-74; and in other
parts of Australia, i. 74-76 ; of a
Phallic nature in Africa, i. 76-79 ; iu
South Seas, i. 79 ; among the Hindus,
i. 79, 80 ; among the Parsees, i. 80 ;
among Jews and Christians, i. 80
Punishment, eternal, doctrine of, i. 469;
in the Christian system, ii. 371-373
Purgatory, a merciful suggestion, ii. 373
Purua, the Christianity of, i. 475; the
legend of, ii. 113-122
Puruslia Sukta, the, a universal essence,
ii. 95, 96
11 A IN, prayers for, i. 25, 26
Kavs of Buddha, i. 135
5IO
INDEX.
Realism, coninion, in reLitiDn to Goil,
ii. 417, 418 ; metaphysical, do., ii.
418, 419 ; comparative estimate, ii.
419-421 ; and Idealism, unable to solve
the religious problem, ii. 457, 458
Reality, the one, ii. 461
Reason, the process of, ii. 454
Relations, the, of time and space to
mind and matter, ii. 447, 448
Religion, interest and importance of the
subject, i. 1, 2 ; fallacious evidences,
i. 3, 4; method of inquiry, i. 5, 6 ;
universality and varied phases, i. 5, G ;
substance and form, i. 6 ; its root-
principle, i. 13 ; craving after, i. 14 ;
twofold aspect and function, i. 15 ;
analysis of treatment of the subject
in these volumes, i. 15-18 ; two
distinct questions regarding, ii. 383,
384 ; these resolved into three, ii. 384 ;
essential assumption, ii. 385 ; three
fundamental postulates, ii. 386 ; two
kinds of proof, ii. 387 ; universal, ii.
387, 388; meagre among the Austra-
lians, ii. 388 ; in Kamtschatka, ii.
389 ; the permanent in, ii. 414, 415 ;
question suggested by, as regards God,
ii. 416 ; conclusion of science, ii. 426-
428; tendencytolimititself in theology,
ii. 431, 432 ; historical progress of, ii.
432-434 ; the great truth in, offered
to philosophy, ii. 435 ; involves a
faith in the soul, ii. 437-452 ; final
postulate, ii. 453 ; conclusion of,
neitlier from sense nor reason, but
sentiment, ii. 454 ; conclusion of,
necessary, ii. 455; a pervading error
and a general truth in, ii. 472 ; real
dilficulty about, ii. 476 ; denial of its
truth emotional as well as the affirma-
tion, ii. 477 ; objections met. ii. 474-
496 ; the one universal foundation of,
ii. 485
Religions, founders of new, i. 190 ; their
comparison, ii. 382
Resurrection, of Christ, accounts of the,
i. 353 ; the germ of these in ]\Iark, i.
353, 354 ; Matthew's, i. 354, 355 ;
Luke's, i. 355, 356 ; John's, i. 356, 357 ;
Paul's, i. 357, 358; summary of ac-
counts, i. 358, 359 ; psychological ex-
planation of the myth, i. 361-3G4 ; of
Lazarus, i. 306-368
Reverend, the title of, i. 184
Review, general, ii. 379 381
Rig- Veda, the, ii. 78, 79, 82
Rig-Veda-Sanhita, its contents, ii. 84,
91 ; its praise of Agni, ii. 85 ; of Indra
and the Soma, ii. 86-89 ; of the INIaruts,
ii. 89 ; of Ushas, the dawn, ii. 90 ; of
Varuna, ii. 91, 92 ; consciousness of one
God, ii. 93, 94 ; speculative element, ii.
94 ; on the Purusha Sukta, ii. 95, 96 ;
personification of abstractions, ii. 96,
97 ; general estimate of, ii. 97, 98 ; in-
terest to tlie mythologist, ii. 98 ; eU*
lueutary religious ideas, ii. 99, 100
Ritual, early, universal development of,
a fixed, i. 45, 46 ; in pr.ayer, i. 46 ; in
worship, i. 47 ; in Mexican and other
•worships, i. 47 ; Griggories, charms in
Sierra Leone, i. 161
Rome, Church of, and Paganism, i. 54
Rudrayana, legend of his conversion to
Buddhism, ii. 122-124
Sabaeisji, god of, ii. 401
Sabbath, the Jewish, Christ's treatment
of, i. 398-401
Sacrament, the Christian, i. 40, 41
Sacrifice, idea and origin of, i. 30, 32, 34,
35, 43; motives to and duty of, i. 31,
32 ; to the Amatongo, i. 32 ; objects
of, i. 32-38 ; in Kamtschatka, i. 33 ;
human, i. 33 ; animal, among the
Kafirs and in Western Africa, i. 34 ;
among the American Indians, i. 35 ; in
China, i. 35 ; among the Jews, i. 35,
40 ; the Ibos, i. 35 ; in South Sea
Islands, i. 36 ; among the Mexicans,
Peruvians, Incas, i. 36 ; among the
Hindus, i. 36 ; among the Parsees, i. 37 ;
Malachi on, i. 38 ; among the Bu<l-
dhists, i. 3S ; a requirement of the
religious sentiment, i. 38 ; part of , the
priests' and worshippers', i. 40; among
the Tembus, i. 40 ; by libation, i. 41 :
supposed effects on the deity, i. 42 ;
theory of, among the Hindus, i. 42 ;
idea of, fundamental to Christianity,
i. 43, 44
Sadducees, the, and Christ, i. 405-409
Saints, worship of, ii. 413, 414
Sakyamuni. See Buddha
Salch, the legend of the prophet, ii.
195
Sama-Veda, the, ii. 79-82
Samaria, tlie woman of, i. 370-376
Samoans, prayer of the, i. 23 ; drink-
offerings of, i. 41
Samson, the Jewish Hercules, ii. 251
Samudra, the legend of, ii. 300, 301
Samuel, government of, ii. 251, 252
Sanhitas, the, what ? ii. 77, 78
Satan in the book of Job, ii. 265. 266
Saturdaj', holy, in the Catholic Church,
i. 53
Scala Santa, the, i. 155
Sect, Johannine, trace of a, ii. 338
Self-consecration common to all reli-
gions, i. 98; its nature, i. 99; its ele-
ments, i. 99
Sennacherib, legend of, ii. 2.55. 2.56
Sermon on the Mount, i. 471-487
Shakers, the, i. 112
She King, the, slight religious interest of,
ii. 54 ; popularity of its songs, ii. 55 ;
varied themes of these, ii. 55; the
widow's protest, ii. 56 ; young lady's
request to her lover, ii. 56 ; ode of
INDEX.
5'i
filial piety, ii. .57 ; theory of kingly
success, ii. 2G1 ; ode similar to out; of
|)salmist David's, ii. 270
Siiip adrift, a parallel, ii. 485, 486
Shoo, the four. ii. 31
Shoo Kiug, the, its antiquity, ii. 49;
doctrine of imperial duties and rights,
ii. 49, 50 ; respect for the popular
mind, ii. 50 ; on the house of Hea, ii.
50, 51 ; on the house fif Yin, ii. 52 ;
counsels of the Duke of Chow, ii. 5o ;
of the Duke of Ts'in, ii. 53
Shun, heaven's choice of, as king, ii. 42,
43, 46, 49
Simecjn, his reco2;nition of the infant
Christ, i. 298-303
Sin, supposed physical effects of, i. 26
Sincerity, a Chinese virtue, ii. 37
Sneeze, a famous, in Xenophon, 1. 132
Sneezing, an omen, i. 130 ; exclamations
connected with, in Polynesia, Germany,
Africa, &c., i. 131; as an omen in
Germany, i. 132
Socrates, and Christ, his superior gift, i.
490-492 ; a Chinese, ii. 67
Solomon, prayer of, i. 24 ; dedication of
Temple, i. 91 ; an Indian, ii. 252
Soma, a god as well as a juice, ii. 87-89
Son, tlie, in the Trinity, ii. 433, 434
Song of Solomon, traditional interpreta-
tion of, ii. IH ; dramatic character of,
ii. 272, 273; brief account of, ii. 273
Sophokles, prayer to Apollo, i. 29
Soul, Indian conception of a universal,
ii. 104, 105 ; Indian idea of the future
of the, ii. 106 ; the universal, of the
Veda, ii. 402-404 ; faith in, involved in
every religion, ii. 437; in Kamtschatka,
Tartary, America, ii. 438 ; the Kafirs,
the Ashantees, ii. 439 ; immateriality
of, ii. 442 ; faith in its immortality
not universal, ii. 442, 443
Space and time as elements, ii. 447
Spiegel, Dr, translation of the Zend-
Avesta, ii. 155
Spirit, the, in the Trinity, ii. 434 _
Spirits, familiar, divination by, i. 138,
139
Spiritualism, ii. 493
Srama, a, defined, i. 106
Srotapanna, the, ii. 150 (note)
Suddliodana and l)is queen worthy to
produce Buddha, i. 220
Sunday, Jewish notions of, i. 400
Serpent, worship of the. i. 162, 163
Suras, showing how Maliomet was pos-
sessed by his idea, ii. 194 ; the opening
of the Koian, ii. 194; of the prophet's
maturity, ii. 195
Sutras, the Buddhistic, the interpreta-
tion of, ii. 14 ; tediousness, ii. 29 ; the
simple and developed, ii. Ill ; diffuse-
nes.s and supernatural gear, ii. 140 ;
tlie simple, ii. 141
Sutra Piatimoksha. the, monastic rules
of, i. 107 ; its subject, ii. 129 ; an-
tiquity, ii. 129 ; monastic rules of,
130-133
Sutra-Pitak.a, the, ii. 133, 134; stories
from, ii. 134-1.39; contents of, ii. 139
Svetaketu, the ill-educated young Brali-
man, ii. 106
Syrophoenicia, woman of, i. 317, 318
Swinjming, mixed, ii. 125
Tables of stone, commandments of, ii.
248, 249
T'ae-Kang, the Shoo King on, ii. 49
Ta Heo, the, its doctrinal character, ii.
34 ; the original text, ii. 34, 35 ;
Tsang's commentary, ii. 35 ; its poli-
tico-practical character, ii. 35
Talapoins, the, i. 182, 183
Tantras, the, ii. 145
Tao, description of, ii. 63-66; his char-
acter, ii. 73
Tao-te-King, book of the Tao-sse, ii. 62 ;
European translations, ii. 02 ; authen-
ticity of, ii. 63 ; meaning of the title,
ii. 63; its principal subjects, ii. 63;
on Tao, ii. 65, 66; its ideal man. ii.
66-68 ; its moral doctrines, ii. 68-70 ;
most philosophical of sacred books, ii.
71 ; a perplexing study, ii. 72 ; its con-
ception of God, ii. 73, 74 ; extract in
French and German, ii. 75, 76.
Tao-sse, the sect, ii. 62
Tartars, drink-offerings among the, i. 41
Tathagata, the, ii. 146
Temple, rudest form of, known, i. 91 ;
Solomon's, its dedication, i. 91 ; usual
splendour of such structures, i. 92 ;
the Jewish, as a holy place, i. 156 ;
Fijian, i. 156, 157 ; in Mexico and
Peru, i. 157, 158
Testament, the Old, the sum of the lite-
rary activity of the Jews, ii. 202 ; his-
torical books, ii. 219-204 ; doctrine of
creation of the universe, ii. 221, 222 ;
of animals and man, ii. 226-230: ac-
count of the deluge, ii. 2.35, 236 ; of
Abraham, ii. 240, 241 ; of the Jews in
Egypt and their deliverance, ii. 244,
245 ; of the law, ii. 245 ; of the laws of
the stone tables, ii. 249 ; of settlement
in Palestine, ii. 251 ; of the kings, ii.
251, 252 ; of the schism, ii. 253 ; of the
captivity, ii. 204
Testament, New, its contents, ii. 323
Theologians, royal, ii. 104-107
Theology and religion, ii. 4.32
Theology, misconception of, ii. 473
Therapeutae, the, i. 109
Thibet, Tnarriage in, i. 82 ; death rites
in, i. 87.
Thread, investiture witli the, among the
Hindus, i. 79, 80
Tombs, sacred, i. 154
Tongues, the gift of, at Pentecost, ii. 324,
S-J.-. ; Paul's view of, ii. 325, 320
/ 512
INDEX
Tree, tlie Runiinal, i. 135
Trees, holy, i. 154, 161, 162
Tribute, Christ on paying, i. 403-405
Trinity, Scripture proof of the doctrine,
ii. 15 ; rationally viewed, ii. 433, 434
Tripitaka, the, translations of, ii. 109 ;
its origin, ii. 110 ; its divisions and
their authorshii>, ii. 110 ; second and
third editions called for, ii. 110; real
antiquity, ii. Ill; discoverie.s connected
with. ii. 112; theology and ethics of,
ii. 145-154
Taang, commentary of, ii. 35
Ts'iu on the choice of rulers, ii. 53
Tsze-Kung, hero-worship of, i. 209
Unkdlunkulu, the Great-great of the
Kafirs, ii. 390-393
Upagupta and the courtesan, ii. 137-
139
Upauishad, the, ii. 102, 103
Upsakas, ii. 150, 151
Ushas, the Indian aurora, ii. 90
Utikxo, a greater than the Great-great,
ii. 393
Utilitarianism sanctioned by Christ, i.
485
Utshaka, his prayer for rain, i. 25
Varuna, his power and attribute.s, ii, 91-
93
Veda, the, merit of studying, ii. 7 ; forced
interpretation of, ii. 13, 14 ; its inspira-
tion, ii. 83
Vedas, the, meaning of the term, ii. 77 ;
subdivisions, literature, and versions,
ii. 77, 78 ; the Sanhita portion, ii. 77 ;
the Brahmana, ii. 77 ; origin of the
four, ii. 79 ; arrangement, ii. 79, 80 ;
antiquity, ii. 80-83; four epochs of
development, ii. 80; theories of them,
ii. 81-83 ; division into S'ruti and
Smriti, ii. 83 ; the study of, ii. 84
Vedic hymns, prayer and praise in, i. 27,
28 ; the style of, ii. 29
Vendidad, the, a legislative code, ii. 172-
180 ; on agriculture, ii. 173, 174 ; on
penalties, ii. 175 ; on surgical training,
ii. 175
Vinaya-Pitaka, the date, ii. 112. 113;
specimen legend of Purna, ii. 113-122 ;
immediate subject of, ii. 124, 125 ;
monastic rules, ii. 125-129
Virgin, the terra in Scripture, i. 393
Vishnu, a, the unknowable of Spencer,
ii. 402, 403
Visvamitra, his merits and trials as an
ascetic, i. 108, 109 ; an Indian Joshua,
ii. 250
Vocabulary, Pentaglot Buddhist, rules,
ii. 127, 128
Voice, the still small, ii. 321
Volsunga-Saga, the, ii. 27, 28
Water, holy, i. 52 ; virtues of, i. 164
Wilson, H. H., translation of first five
Ashtakas, ii. 77 ; on the age of tiie
Vedas, ii. 81
Wisdom, Indian hymn to, ii. 97
Worship, a universal necessity, i. 19 ; its
elements, i. 19 ; its grades, i. 20 ; effi-
cacy of, i. 21 ; often selti.sh, i. 27 ;
considered as pleasing to deity, i. 27 ;
matter of commerce, i. 28 ; of Zeus and
Apollo, i. 29 ; ritual in, i. 147
Woo, King, legend of, ii. 257, 258
Xenophon, encouraged by a sneeze, i,
132
Ya^NA, the, of .seven chapters, antiquity,
ii. 162 ;. theme of, ii. 162-164 ; chap-
ter xi., 165, 1()6 ; the younger, ii. 166-
172; hynm of. in praise of the good
creation, ii. 171
Yajua-Veda, the, ii. 78, 79, 82
Yaou, the Emperor, and Shun, ii, 41-
43 ; a great man, ii. 45; a model ruler,
ii. 49
Ynshts, the, ii. 180, 181 ; nature of, ii.
183
Yin, the house of, fate of, ii. 52, 53, 259,
260
Yu, the great, ii. 49
Zacharias and Elizabeth, story of, i.
286, 301, 387
Zaratliustra, absence of documents, i.
229 ; fragment of biography, i. 229 ;
his daughter a disciple and apostle of
his faith, i. 230 ; his disciples, i. 230 ;
the opponents of, i. 231 ; without
honour in his own country, i. 232 ; re-
jected and despised, i. 233; chief ar-
ticle of liis creed, 233 ; faith in Ahura-
Mazda as the one god, i. 234 ; high
descent of, i. 284 ; his temptation, i.
308 ; interrogates Ahura-Mazda, ii.
173-181 ; the favours he asks from
Homa, ii. 185
Zayd, a forerunner of Mahomet, i. 247
Zealand, preternatural birth in, i. 287,
288
Zecliariah, prophecies of, ii. 296
Zend-Avesta, the interpretation of, ii. 14,
15 ; style, ii. 29 ; translation of, ii. 155 ;
chronology of, ii. 156 ; etliics of, ii.
189 ; theology, ii. 190
Zei)haniah, the prophecy of, ii. 285, 286
Zeus, worship of, i. 28, 29
Zoroaster. See Zakathustra
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