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A Quarterly Review of County and 

Family History, Heraldry 

and Antiquities 



APRIL 1903 




THE pages of THE ANCESTOR will be open 
to correspondence dealing with matters 
within the scope of the review. 

Questions will be answered, and advice 
will be given, as far as may be possible, 
upon all points relating to the subjects 
with which THE ANCESTOR is concerned. 

While the greatest care will be taken 
of any MSS. which may be submitted for 
publication, the Editor cannot make him- 
self responsible for their accidental loss. 

All literary communications should be 
addressed to 











By J. HORACE ROUND (Illustrated) 19 




By A. VAN DE PUT (Illustrated) 67 




CENTURY (Illustrated) 1 99 



Family History in a Hurry 148 

A Scottish Family Chronicle 155 

TEN ENGLISH WILLS, 1400-1415. By G. H 159 


By S. H. SCOTT (Illustrated) 169 



THE ARMS OF THE KING-MAKER II. (Illustrated) . . . 195 



By ALEYN LYELL READE (Illustrated) 203 




The Copyright of all the Articles and Illustrations 
in this Review is strictly reserved 

1 In the notes to these pictures of English dress the Editor has had the advantage of 
the assistance of the Viscount Dillon, P.S.A. 



SIR PETER CAREW Frontispiece 











Illustrations between 101137 







AS the first illustration in this article is one of Belhus it 
will be well to give some account of the house itself, 
which, situated in the parish of Aveley formerly called 
Alvethley lies not far from the Thames towards the south- 
west corner of Essex. At one time the manor of Belhus was 
called Nortons, and in the old Court Rolls is styled the 
' Manor of Belhouse alias Nortons.' During the reign of 
Richard II. Thomas de Belhouse married Elizabeth, daughter 
and heiress of Richard de Norton of Aveley, by whom he 
obtained considerable lands in that parish, and after this alliance 
the old name of the manor was changed to that of her 
husband's family. 

The family of de Belhus 1 which was one of considerable 
importance in Essex and Norfolk during the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries, has long since been extinct in the male 
line. Their name, however, still lingers on in more than one 
manor in Norfolk, and in Essex it is brought more promi- 
nently into notice, forming as it does in the case of Ramsden 
Belhus, an integral part of the name of that village. 

One of our deeds show that in 1349 Robert Barrett was 
living at Hawkhurst in Kent, and his son John, who died in 
or before 1405, married Alice, one of the two co-heiresses of 
Thomas de Belhus, and thereupon he settled himself in 

His great grandson, who was also named John, became 
eminent at the Bar, and was the object of one of Leland's 
epigrams which begins ' Ad Johannem Barrettum Juris 
Peritum.' He added considerably to the estate he had 
inherited, and rebuilt his house ; the exact date of this re- 
building is not known, but it must have been previously to 
1526 as his death is shown by an Inquisition to have occurred 
on the 4th of October in that year. 

{-* Sir Edward Barrett, Lord Newburgh, the great-great- 
grandson of this John obtained a charter of free warren, and 

1 In ancient documents the name is variously spelt * de Belhous,' ' de 
Belhouse,' and ' de Belhus.' 


a licence to form a park, which he did, throwing several small 
farms near his house into grass, and surrounding them with a 
deer fence. Thomas Lennard, Lord Dacre, writing about 
1750, says of the house which his predecessor, John, had 
built : f This house, but much repaired and improved, still 
subsists, excepting that the Great Gate house, which had a 
large Chamber over it and several others on each side, was 
pulled down about sixty years ago as it entirely hindered the 
view of the Park and Country. And of later years for the 
same reason, the Old Gardens that surrounded the House were 
removed, which (tho' handsome in the old fashion) with their 
high Walls entirely shut out the Prospect.' The view we have 
here of Belhus shows as little as possible of ' the improve- 
ments ' which Lord Dacre referred to, and as much as possible 
of John's building. 

A person cannot be justly blamed for want of taste if he 
follows out the teachings of those, who in his lifetime, are the 
generally recognized exponents of art. Greatly to the regret 
of more than one generation of his descendants, Lord Dacre 
was an intimate friend and disciple of Horace Walpole, who 
in those days was considered one of the greatest authorities on 
all matters of taste, and the result of his pernicious influence 
was that under Lord Dacre's directions, a considerable portion 
of the house has been rebuilt in * Strawberry Hill ' Gothic, to 
the entire destruction of its former picturesque appearance. 
Belhus is by no means the only old house which has had its 
charm destroyed by the misdirected zeal for its improvement 
of those most attached to it ; indeed, most old houses in 
England have suffered more or less from * improvements,' and 
many have been pulled down and entirely rebuilt, so we may 
be thankful that Lord Dacre has spared as much as he has 
done, and that John Barrett's tower, and also the north front, 
are still standing. 

The special interest attaching to the family portraits at 
Belhus arises not so much on account of their intrinsic value 
there are no Gainsboroughs or Hoppners among them as 
from the fact that they consist of representations of all its 
owners and their wives since the days of Elizabeth. Owing 
to frequent instances of longevity in our family, my father is 
only the fifth owner of Belhus since the days of Sir Edward 
Barrett, who was born about the time England was being 
threatened by the Spanish Armada. This continuity of por- 



traits would not therefore in itself be so remarkable, but the 
collection contains besides portraits of the owners of Belhus, 
also those of all the Lennards and their wives, who succeeded 
each other since the days of Samson Lennard, who, born in 
the reign of Henry VIII., took an active part in defending the 
county of Kent from the Spanish attack. 

The bulk of the collection was got together by the exertions 
of Thomas, Lord Dacre, the last Lennard to bear that title. 
He was a posthumous child, being born on 20 April, 1717, four 
months after the death of his father, and he succeeded to the 
ownership of Belhus on the death of his grandfather, Dacre 
Barrett which took place in January 172^. Richard Barrett, 
Lord Dacre's father, married his cousin, Lady Anne Lennard, 
one of the two daughters of Thomas Lennard, Lord Dacre, 
Earl of Sussex. The earl died in 1715 leaving only two 
daughters, the Ladies Barbara and Anne, surviving him, and 
although the earldom then became extinct, the far older barony 
of Dacre remained only in abeyance until the line of one of 
his two coheiresses should fail. This took place in 1741, 
when on the death of Lady Barbara Skelton, who was the 
elder, without issue, her sister became Baroness Dacre in her 
own right ; and she in turn dying in 1755 was succeeded in 
the title by her son Thomas. 

The marriage of Richard with his cousin Lady Anne met 
the most determined opposition from his father Dacre ; the 
reason for which, as the match was in so many ways an advan- 
tageous one, was probably entirely because Lady Anne had, to 
use the language of those days, been * bred a Papist.' With- 
out some reflection, it is difficult to realize how strong at that 
time was the antipathy with which Protestants regarded Roman 
Catholics ; moreover Dacre had spent many years of his life 
in Ireland where he no doubt had talked with those to whom 
the memory of the horrors of the Protestant massacre of 1641 
was still as a vivid nightmare, and he himself had had to fly 
with his wife and children on the breaking out of Tyrconnel's 
rebellion ; his property there was greatly damaged, his town 
of Clones destroyed, and the impossibility of collecting rents 
for a considerable period in so disturbed a country as Ireland 
then was had brought him almost to the brink of ruin. No 
wonder that he hated the idea ot his only son marrying a 
person of that religion which was associated in his mind with 
such disastrous events. Richard tried in vain both before, and 


after his marriage to obtain his father's forgiveness for the step 
he had taken ; and being attacked by the then very prevalent 
scourge of smallpox, died within a few months of his marriage. 
His death is recorded thus in 'The Annals of George I. under 
the headings of deaths in January 1717 : 

The Honourable Mr. Barrrett of Essex who married the only daughter of 
the Earl of Sussex. 1 

The Lady Henrietta de Grey. 

The Countess of Berkeley. 

The Lady Teinham. 

The Lady Molineux. N.B. All these dy'd of the small pox, save that 
the two last ladies being Big with child miscarried also. 

Lord Dacre, to give him the tide to which he eventually 
succeeded, was at first brought up by his mother, but before 
many years had elapsed, his grandfather Dacre successfully 
brought a Chancery action to have the boy educated by persons 
of his own selection. He was at first sent to a school at 
Greenwich, then to Harrow, and eventually to Cambridge, and 
was also admitted a member of Lincoln's Inn. Delicate as a 
boy, he was never strong, and for years was a martyr to 
rheumatism. George Hardinge, who was a connection of his, 
says of him in a letter published some years after his death 
that ' he was very like Charles the first in the face ' 2 he also 
says that he was * a very elegant scholar and the best company 
in the world when in tollerable health and spirits but he was 
peevish at times from bad health ; he was a remarkably good 
Herald & Antiquary.' His tastes as this letter indicates were 
chiefly artistic and literary, and such of his correspondence as 
has been preserved relates more to these subjects than to 
political affairs. Horace Walpole was a considerable friend of 
his, and so were many of the literary men of that day. The 
Gentleman's Magazine in noticing Lord Dacre's death, says 
that ' in politicks he was to use his own words a true and 
zealous friend of liberty and the Protestant religion.' 

One of the few references to his taking any part in political 
matters that I have seen, occurs in one of Horace Walpole's 
published letters, where the writer says : { Yesterday there was 
a flurry in the House of Lords when Lord Dacre who seldom 
interferes in politics vehemently attacked the Government for 

1 There were in fact two daughters. 

2 From whom he was descended, his grandmother being the daughter of 
Charles II. and the Duchess of Cleveland. 


its proposal to enlist foreigners amongst our troops, which he 
was determined to resist with such influence as he had.' 

On 15 May, 1739, Lord Dacre married at St. George's 
Chapel, Hyde Park, Anne Maria Pratt, a daughter of Sir 
John Pratt, Lord Chief Justice, and a sister of Charles Pratt, 
afterwards to become Lord Chancellor with the title of Earl 
Camden. A daughter who was christened Barbara was the 
only issue of this marriage, and she died prematurely before 
attaining her tenth year. Lord Dacre compiled an account of 
his family, and in it he refers to his child in the following 
terms : 

This Anne Barbara (Ah bitter day) was snatched away by a violent feaver 
on the 14* of March 1749, J ust as s ^ e was entering into the io th year of her 
age. Her person was such as gained her favour at first sight, and was an 
earnest of her mind. It was not possible to find a fault in her shape ; 
her shoulders fell from her neck with a peculiar grace, her hair was of 
the darkest brown, her complexion the finest white and red, and her skin so 
delicate that every vein was perfectly discovered through it, the form of her 
face was round, tljo' inclining to an oval ; her mouth of a middle size, and 
her nose rather small than large ; her eyebrows were narrow and most exactly 
arched ; her eyes were of the finest bleu and had a mixture of softness and 
Liveliness in them, inexpressible, and (which gave them a particular Beauty) 
her Eyelashes were most remarkably long ; and as dark as her hair. The 
picture that remains of her when eight years old by no means does her 
justice. As to the perfections of her mind, they are not so easy to be 
described, let it suffice then to say that she was all sweetness and goodness, at 
the same time that she was most remarkably sprightly, and of an understand- 
ing and quickness of apprehension, so superior and uncommon, that she sur- 
prised and delighted everyone that talked with her. This may be thought a 
flattering representation of her, But in truth it is not, and therefore (though 
at the hazard of being thought partial by those who have not known her) I 
could not resist the desire I had to pay this tribute and this justice to her 

When Lord Dacre succeeded his grandfather Dacre 
Barrett, he found himself the owner of a large country house, 
but with no furniture in it, as Dacre had left nearly every- 
thing that was not entailed to his daughter Mrs. Jane Ranby. 
He left, however, three portraits to be kept as heirlooms, 
namely, those of Sir Edward Barrett, Lord Newburgh ; 
Richard Lennard, Lord Dacre ; and his wife Dorothy (North), 
who were Dacre Barrett's grandparents. All the rest of the 
present collection were probably obtained by the efforts of 
Lord Dacre as he did not inherit the Lennard pictures from 
his mother either, they going to the children of her subse- 


quent husbands, from whom Lord Dacre obtained them, some 
at one time and some at another. 

The Barrett pictures he was probably given, some by Mr. 
Mildmay, his father's cousin, and some by his aunt, Mrs. 
Ranby, his grandfather's legatee. The picture of Samson 
Lennard which illustrates this article is one of five which 
were sent to him from Paris by his aunt, Lady Barbara Skelton, 
in 1739. They had doubtless all once hung on the walls of 
Hurstmonceaux or of Chevening, and upon the sale of the 
latter in the month of June 1717, when the sisters, Anne and 
Barbara, divided their father's personal property, had fallen to 
the share of the latter. Lady Barbara was more considerate 
of her nephew's wish to possess the portraits of his ancestors 
than was his own mother, as she gave to him during her life- 
time the share of the family pictures that descended to her, 
while Lady Anne appears to have taken no steps to prevent 
her's passing away from the son of her first marriage, to whom 
they naturally possessed a far greater interest than to any other 
person, and going as they did to her children by her sub- 
sequent marriages with Lord Teynham and with Mr. Moore. 
In this respect these children also were more considerate than 
their mother had been, for they all with one accord agreed to 
give up their shares in these pictures to Lord Dacre their half- 
brother, and wrote to him very cordial letters on the subject. 
The Honourable Mrs. Tyler, his mother's daughter by her 
second husband, says : 

* I hear you are taking the trouble of getting the old pictures cleaned 
that you haue soe long been kind enough to give house room to ... in 
which as I haue a right to my share to beg you my Dearest Brother to accept 
from me any right I may haue in those Pictures, and to look upon them as 
you own Sole and proper Right, which indeed they ought to be from every 
Reason ; their value is in reality nothing, as family Pictures can be of none 
but to The persons whose Ancestors they were 1 and who for that reason has a 
right to Them but you my Dear Brother.' 

We have the following memorandum by Lord Dacre 
referring to two of the pictures illustrating this article : I 
purchased soon after my mother's death of my father-in-law, 2 
Mr. Moore, for forty pounds (which they were valued at 

1 What would Mrs. Tyler say had she lived to see the recent sales of por- 
traits by artists in fashion at the present day ? 

2 Meaning what we now call stepfather. Lady Anne's third husband was 
the Hon. R. Moore. 



by Mr. Pond a noted painter) the picture of Henry Lennard, 
Lord Dacre, a whole length, and the picture of' Mary wife of 
Thomas Fynes, Lord Dacre, of quarter length, by Lucas de 

Thomas Lord Dacre died in 1786, and subject to certain 
legacies he left all his property to his wife for her life, with 
the remainder to his illegitimate son Thomas, 1 provided 
that his conduct should be such as should meet with her 

We have three pictures of Thomas, Lord Dacre, the one 
which I have selected for illustration is a group consisting of 
himself, his wife, and their child. This picture was painted 
in Rome about 1750 by Pompeo Battoni, who enjoyed then 
a considerable reputation. The portrait of the child was 
painted from a picture of her by Hudson, which the parents 
took with them to Rome for the purpose of having this 
group done by some good Italian master. Hudson's picture 
was painted when Barbara was eight years old, and her father 
said that it * by no means does her justice ' ; however that may 
be, Battoni is said to have admired the execution of it so 
much that although he painted the figure of the child from 
Hudson's picture, he insisted on leaving the face a blank so 
that the latter might put it in on their return home. 

The earliest in date of the Belhus portraits are those of 
Thomas Fynes, Lord Dacre ; and of his wife Mary, who was 
a daughter of the then Lord Abergavenny. This Lord Dacre 
had a short but tragic career, being hanged at Tyburn on 
21 June, 1541, in the twenty-fourth year of his age. He was 
descended from Sir Roger Fynes, a great warrior who fought 
in France under the Kings Henry V. and VI., and we have an 
indenture of war or agreement between himself and the former, 
regulating terms upon which he was to serve in the French 
wars. Sir Roger built the castle of Hurstmonceaux, the ruins 
of which are so well known to visitors at Eastbourne, during 
the reign of the latter king ; and to this, and to very con- 
siderable estates, the Lord Dacre who came to this untimely 
end succeeded in 1534-5, when only seventeen years of age. 
Hollinshed says, in his account of the journey of Anne of 
Cleves towards London : * As she passed towards Rochester, 

1 He assumed the names of Barrett and Lennard by Royal licence in 
accordance with his father's will, and was created a baronet 1801. 


on New Yeares euen, on Reinam l Downe met hir the Duke of 
Norffolke and the Lord Dacres of the South.' The same 
historian gives quite^ a long account of the events that led to 
his execution. It would appear from Stow's Annals that 
stealing deer was not an uncommon amusement among young 
men of that period, and it was probably prompted by the 
same misdirected spirit of adventure as gave rise to the 
riotous proceedings of the Mohawks in the time of Queen 
Anne, and to the wanton aggressions by rowdy young men on 
the f Charlies ' or night-watchmen a century later. 

In the month of April, 1541, Lord Dacrewith some com- 
panions went out at night to hunt deer in the park of Sir 
Nicholas Pelham, not far from Hurstmonceaux. A fray 
ensued between Lord Dacre's party and a body of three 
men, who were probably watching Sir Nicholas's deer in 
order to prevent them from being stolen. One of these 
men received such injury that he died of his wounds, and 
Lord Dacre and his friends were tried and found guilty of 
murder. He does not appear to have been present at the 
spot where the fatal blow was given, and the law was strained 
in order to convert him into an accomplice. There is the 
following MS. note by Samson Lennard who married his 
daughter : * His ruin was pushed on by two privy counsellors 
who gaped for his estate, which however they missed of not 
knowing it was so greatly entailed.' Camden says also : * His 
great estate which the greedy courtiers gaped after caused them 
to hasten his destruction.' Hollinshed's account of the trans- 
action ends thus : * He was not past foure and twentie yeeres of 
age when he came through this great mishap to his end, for 
whom manie sore lamented, and likewise for the other three 
gentlemen, but for the said young lord being a right towardlie 
gentleman, and such a one as manie had conceiued great hope 
of better proofe, no small mone and lamentation was made, 
the more indeed that it was thought he was induced to attempt 
such follie which occasioned his death by some light heads 
that were then about him.' His son and daughter were 
restored in blood and honours by an Act of Parliament in the 
first year of Elizabeth's reign. 

Our portrait of Thomas Fynes is one of those that Lord 
Dacre obtained from his aunt, Lady Barbara Skelton. That 
of his wife, which illustrates this article, represents her writing, 

1 Rainham. 



and in the background on the wall of the room, there will be 
observed, is a small representation of the previously mentioned 
picture by Holbein of her husband. Horace Walpole in his 
Anecdotes of Painting speaks of this portrait of Lady Dacre, 
and he says that it passed for many years as a Holbein, until 
Vertue discovered de Heere's mark in one of the corners. 
There is also the following reference to these two pictures in 
George Hardinge's Miscellaneous Works : ' There is at Belhus 
by a painter of the name of De Hier (sic) a portrait of her 
(Mary wife of Thomas, Lord Dacre), that is absolutely alive. 
There is also a masterly portrait of him by Holbein, and a 
miniature of that very picture is part of the furniture of the 
room in which his widow is described as sitting in her 

The next pictures in chronological order are those of 
Samson Lennard and of his wife Margaret, who was the only 
daughter of the preceding Lord and Lady Dacre. Samson, 
eldest son of John Lennard of Cheveningand Knolle, Gustos 
Brevium of the Common Pleas, was born 1544, died 1615. 
He was a somewhat prominent man in his day, being a 
member for several parliaments, High Sheriff for Kent in 
1591, and he commanded a body of Light Horse when 
England was threatened by the Spanish Invasion. In 1564 
or 1565 he married Margaret Fynes who was heir presumptive 
to the title and estates of her brother Gregory Fynes, Lord 
Dacre. During the lifetime of the latter, Samson and his 
wife had constant disputes, and litigation with him about 
these estates, and at one period of these contentions Margaret 
presented a petition to the queen, entitled, 'The Greyfes of 
M ns Margaret Lennard syster and heyre apparent unto the 
now Lord Dacres of the southe.' The subject is too long to 
go into here, the disputes were ended in a compromise, and 
Margaret's rights to some of her brother's very considerable 
estates were secured to her in the event of his dying without 
issue in her lifetime. After the death in 1594 of Gregory, 
Samson's wife laid claim to the title of Dacre, and the matter 
was referred by Elizabeth to Lords Burghley and Howard 
of Effingham. They reported in 1596 that 'finding 
the Clayme of the petition to bee duly and substancially 
grounded and proved doe signifie our opinions thereof namely 
That the said Barony of Dacres appeareth to haue descended 
formerly vnto the heires generalls when and as often the 


heyres males thereof haue failed and y l the said Margarett by 
the death of her said lo and Brother without issue is the only 
heire of y l house or family now surviving Her Ma tie may at 
her good pleasure allow vnto her the name Stile and dignity of 
the same Barony.' 

In spite of this finding in her favour Margaret does not 
appear to have been recognized by the queen as Baponess 
Dacre, as we have another award eight years later signed by 
six peers to whom James I. had submitted her claim. This 
award, which also recognized her right to the title, is dated 
8 December, 1 604. As soon as his wife's right to the barony 
had been admitted, Samson claimed the title jure uxoris, and in 
this he would have been successful had not her death in 1 6 1 1 
put an end to these proceedings ; the King acknowledged his 
right, and gave him by a patent dated April, 1612, precedence 
as the eldest son of Lord Dacre, and he died a few years later 
on 20 September, 1615. The picture we have of him, and 
the best of the two we have of Margaret, were among those 
given to Lord Dacre by Lady Barbara ; and a Mr. Watkinson, 
who wrote from her house in Paris on I December, 1739, 
about this gift of pictures, describes them as c Sampson Lennard 
and Marg 1 Fines on Boards by Corn 5 Johnson, or at least I 
I believe so two pictures.' Mr. Watkinson was misinformed 
as to the name of the artist of these pictures as Cornelius 
Janson, or as he was sometimes called Johnson, is not believed 
to have painted any portraits in England until after 1 6 1 8, and 
we have seen that both Margaret and Samson died previously 
to this date. In the chancel of Chevening church, which 
was built by John Lennard, there is a very fine monument 
to Samson and his wife. 

Sir Henry, who was born in March 1569, was the eldest 
son of Samson and Margaret, and succeeded her in the tide of 
Dacre upon her decease in 1611 ; he died comparatively 
young, within a year of his father, in 1616. Henry Lennard 
a distinguished person in society ; he formed one of 
the expedition against Cadiz, and was amongst those 
knighted there on 27 June, 1596, for his services on that 
occasion ; in the following year he was elected member of 
Parliament for West Looe in Cornwall. He was an intimate 
friend of William Earl of Pembroke, and his brother-in-law, 
Sir Philip Sydney ; and is said to have been with the latter 
when he was killed in the wars in the Netherlands. Sir 



William Browne, writing to Sir Robert Sydney in 1601 and 
1602, mentions meeting Sir Henry at Lord Pembroke's house, 
and in one of these letters says : ' Myself came the same day 
to London very weary yett made a steppe to my Lord 
of Pembroke, whom I found not within. There I mett with 
Sir Henry Leonard whose good company stayed me there so 
long till my Lord himself came in.' Sampson Lennard the 
Herald published a translation from the French of a history 
of the persecution of the Waldenses which he dedicated to 
the Earl of Pembroke, and he asks for his * Honourable pro- 
tection ' for his work. In the dedication he says : * The reasons 
that embolden me to request this favour at your hands are 
principally these : First the loue you once bare to my honour- 
able friend & deare cozen, Henry Lord Dacres of the South, 
the want of whom I feel the lesse, because I feel no want of 
loue in yourself towards me for his sake.' 

Sir Henry married a daughter of Sir Richard Baker of 
Sissinghurst, Kent, who had the somewhat uncommon name 
of Chrysogona ; she died within a few weeks of her husband. 
He was succeeded in the title of Dacre by his eldest son 
Richard, of whom we have a portrait said to be by Van Dyck. 
Richard died in 1630, and was succeeded by his eldest son 
Francis. His son Richard by his second wife Dorothy 
(North) had the Manor of Horsford in Norfolk for his 
portion, and was left Belhus by his kinsman, Sir Edward 
Barrett, Lord Newburgh. 

The picture we have of Sir Edward Barrett is said by 
Lord Dacre in his catalogue to be by Cornelius Jansen, and he 
describes it as * a very good one.' 

Edward Barrett, the great-great-grandson of John Barrett 
(who as we have seen built Belhus), was born in 1680, and 
succeeded his grandfather Edward when he was five years old. 
Soon after he came of age he set out on his travels and 
journeyed through France, Italy and Spain. In a letter from 
Valladolid, dated 1605, he speaks of the great wealth then 
existing in Spain compared with England, and says : 'This 
countrie is so full of money that they esteem less of 5 s than 
we do in England of 6 d and after this rate all things are valued 
here ; my lodging will cost me 23 ducats 1 a month, and I 
have only 3 chambers for my money.' 

1 Sir Edward found the rate of Exchange at Seville to be 5*. 6J. for a 


Edward Barrett was a prominent man in his day ; he was 
knighted by James I. at Newmarket in 1608 ; he repre- 
sented Whitchurch, Hants, in 1614 ; and Newport, Devon, 
in 1621. In the following reign he soon obtained further 
advancement, being created Baron Newburgh of Fife in the 
kingdom of Scotland in 1627, and in July of the following 
year he was appointed a member of the Privy Council ; and 
in August was sworn Chancellor and Under Treasurer of the 
Exchequer. Not long after he was made Chancellor of the 
Duchy of Lancaster, which post he held until his death in 
1644. In the first year of Charles' reign Sir Edward was 
appointed Ambassador to France, but for some reason which I 
am not able to discover he never filled that post. 

His first wife was Jane, daughter of Sir Edward Carey, 
Master of the Jewel Office, by whom he had only one girl, 
who died young, and by his second wife, who was the widow 
of Hugh Perry (Sheriff of London, 1633), he had no issue. 
By his will he left his Essex property to Richard Lennard, 
second son of Richard, Lord Dacre, upon condition that he 
assumed the name of Barrett. Lords Newburgh and Dacre 
were cousins by a common descent from Elizabeth Dinely, as 
her son by her first husband was Lord Newburgh 's grand- 
father, and her granddaughter by her second husband was 
Lord Dacre's mother. 

Thomas, Lord Dacre, in his account of his family, speaks 
of a tradition that the reason Lord Newburgh left Belhus to 
Richard was that { when he was single he was in love with 
Dorothy North, but that she preferred Richard Lennard, 
Lord Dacre, who was the younger man, and had the largest 
estate, notwithstanding which Lord Newburgh always pre- 
served such a regard for her that it was the principal motive 
for his leaving her son his Family Estate.' 

Francis Lennard, Lord Dacre, who took a considerable 
part in political affairs during the time of the Rebellion, died 
in 1662, and was succeeded in the title by his eldest son 
Thomas, afterwards created Earl of Sussex. His half brother 
Richard, who had assumed the name of Barrett, died in 1696, 
and was succeeded by his eldest son who was christened Dacre 
after the family title. Dacre Barrett's son Richard, as we have 
seen, married one of the daughters of the Earl of Sussex and 
his wife (Lady Anne Fitz Roy). 

There are two pictures at Belhus of Lady Anne Fitz Roy, 



the one illustrated here is painted by M. Dahl, the Swedish 
painter, and Lord Dacre says that when that artist saw it some 
years after he had painted it * he acknowledged it to be one 
of his masterpieces.' The prototype of this picture was born 
'the 25 th Feb y being Shrove Munday about 10 of the clock 
anno 1660,'* nine months after the Restoration of Charles the 
Second. She was the first child of her mother, Mrs. Palmer, 
afterwards to be so well known as the Duchess of Cleveland, 
and of whom Oldmixon says in his History of England : c 'Tis 
not a secret that she was the lewdest as well as the fairest of 
all King Charles's concubines.' 

The old saying that ' 'Tis a wise child that knows its 
own father,' was singularly applicable to her case. Her 
mother did not separate from her husband for some years 
after her birth, and he acknowledged Anne as his child, 
and though he does not in terms describe her as his daugh- 
ter in his will, by that document he appointed her to be 
one of his trustees, and left her both real and personal 
property, and also jewels. The king and her mother passed 
the night of the Restoration together, and he claimed her as 
his child, and granted her the royal arms with the baton 
sinister ; and the duchess in a letter written to Charles some 
eighteen years later, when she had broken with the king, and 
was quarrelling with her daughter, says : ' Though I am so 
good a Christian as to forgive her, yeat I can not so fare con- 
quer myself as to se her dayly, though your Ma ty may be 
confident that as she is vours, I shall allwayes haue som 
remains of that kindness I had formerly, for I can hate nothing 
that is yours.' On the other hand many persons believed 
her father to have been the Earl of Chesterfield, who was her 
mother's first lover, and whom she is said to have much 
resembled both in face and person. 

In August 1674, when only in her fourteenth year, the 
Lady Anne was married at Hampton Court to Thomas 
Lennard, Lord Dacre, who was one of the Gentlemen of 
the King's Bedchamber. The ceremony was performed by 
Dr. Crew, Bishop of Oxford, in the presence of the king, 
who gave the bride away. To provide for the wedding 
clothes of Lady Anne, and of her sister Lady Charlotte, 
the duchess purchased of William Gosling & Co., lacemen, 

1 1 66 1 of our reckoning. 


gold and silver lace to the value of 846 8j. 6d. ; of 
Benjamin Drake, milliner, wares to the amount of 3 1 5 1 8 s. 
6d. ; of Nicholas Fownes, mercer, wares to the amount of 
642 145. 6d. ; of John Eaton, lace and other things to the 
amount of 1,082 8j. lod. ; of Peter Pretty & Co., mercers, 
wares to the amount of 55 nj. ; amounting in all to 2,943 
is. ^.d. ; and of this amount the king paid out of the secret 
service funds 1,599 i8j. In August of that year he granted 
her husband from his secret service fund an annunity of 
2,000 as a dower for his wife ; and in the September follow- 
ing he charged a lump sum of 20,000 upon a specific fund, 
viz. on the indemnity of 200,000 { patacoons ' which was due 
from the States General of the Netherlands in accordance with 
the then recent treaty of peace ; this sum of 20,000 was to 
be in lieu of the annuity. 1 

In October the king raised Lord Dacre to the dignity of 
an earl by the tide of Sussex ; and in the December following 
Andrew Marvel writes : { Some ladyes tell me that there is a 
collection of pearls making in all parts to make a necklace of 
8,000 li which the King presents to the Countess of Sussex.' 

About this time she was acting at the Court in a Masque 
called * Calisto, or the Chaste Nymph,' and no doubt formed 
part of what we should now call the c fast set ' in the society 
of those days ; one of her most intimate companions being the 
infamous Duchess of Mazarine, with whom she showed 
herself constantly in public places. Lady Chaworth says in a 
letter dated 25 December, 1676, that 'she (Lady Sussex) and 
Madam Mazarine have privately learnt to fence, and went 
down into St. James's Park the other day with drawn swords 
under their night gownes, which they drew out and made 
several fine passes with, to the admiration of several men which 
was lookers on in the Park.' 

The earl's London house was in Warwick Street, St. 
Martin's in the Fields, and he seemed to be determined to 
get her away from there, and from her fast London life, in the 
hopes that in the comparative solitude of Hurstmonceaux she 
would shake off the bad influence of Madam Mazarine, and 
her other rapid friends who were about the Court. We read, 
* They say her husband and she will part unless she leave the 

I The annuity was only paid for a very few years, and the lump sum of 
20,000 is still owing. The Earl of Sussex, and after his death his daughters, 
in vain made efforts to obtain payment of it. 



Court, and be content to live with him in the Countrey, he 
disliking her much converse with Madam Mazarine, and the 
addresses she gets among that company.' 

We have the gossiping Lady Chaworth again writing : 
* Lord Sussex is well again, and continues peremptory to take 
his wife out of towne, & she is to conclude dancing with the 
ball tonight att the Dutchesse's, and goes out of towne they 
say to-morrow, or next day.' Soon after her retirement into 
the country in January 1676-7, she was reported to be very 
ill, and we are told that ' phisitians ' had gone down to see her. 
Her illness whether it was a real one, or only a fit of moping 
brought on by her being taken away from the gay circle of 
her friends and admirers, did not last long, as we soon hear of 
her being * mighty pleased with fox and hare hunting.' She 
appears to have much regretted her separation from her 
favourite companion, the duchess, as we learn that * she kisses 
Madam Mazarine's picture every day.' 

The first of her children, Lady Barbara, was born in Lon- 
don on 12 July, 1676, the year before she had retired to 
Hurstmonceaux, when she was not much more than fifteen 
years old. 

The delights of hunting do not seem to have been suffi- 
cient to reconcile Lady Sussex to living quietly in the country 
with her husband for any length of time, as in 1677 or 1678 
she was over in Paris with her mother, the duchess, who then 
resided there. The duchess had occasion to come over for a 
short period to England, and during her absence she left her 
daughter under the care of the Abbess of Conflans, near Paris. 
During the residence of the duchess in Paris, she had carried 
on an intrigue with the Hon. Ralph Montagu (afterwards 
duke of that name) who was the English Ambassador there. 

The most revolting episode in Lady Sussex's career of 
profligacy occurred during her mother's visit to England, as 
she took the opportunity of her mother's absence to supplant 
her in the affections of Montagu ; and the duchess says in a 
letter to the king : ' She (Lady Sussex) has never been in the 
monestery two daies together, but every day gone out with the 
embassador ; and has often layen four daies together at my 
house, & sent for her meat to the Embassador, he being allwaies 
with her till 5 a'clock in y e morning they two shut up together 
alone . . . This made so great a noise at Paris, that she is now 
the nolle discours.' 


I am not able to say what King Charles wrote to the 
duchess in reply, but from the tenor of a second letter from 
her to him, it is clear that his letter was quite satisfactory to 
her, as she says : * I did this morning send your letter to my 
Lady Sussex by my Jentleman of the hors.' Not long after 
this Lady Sussex went back to live with her husband who, no 
doubt, was quite ignorant of these love passages in Paris be- 
tween her and ' the Embassador.' 

The reconciliation was brought about by pressure from 
the king himself; we have a letter written on 4 June, 1678, 
by Ann Barrett 1 (who was a cousin of the earl) in which she 
says : 

My L d Sussex has received a message by S r Thomas Bond and Colonel 
Villars from his Lady to receive her again, and 'tis believed if he should refuse, 
which he has not yett, butt defers his answer till she has writt to him herself, 
the Dutchess will prevaile w th the King to stopp his pension of 2000 li a yeare, 
and by that means force him to it ; I hope the hearing she is much hand- 
somer than ever will revive my L d ' s old Love, and without trying rough meanes 
they may come together and live as affectionately as S r John Williams and his 
Lady, who are now as fond a couple as your faire Mistress and M r Finch who 
have been married 3 weeks. 

We have no evidence as to how the earl and his countess 
got on together after her return, but the following lines by 
Rochester written about this date show what sort of reputation 
Lady Sussex then enjoyed : 

And here would time permit me I could tell 
Of Cleveland, Portsmouth, Crofts & Arundel, 
Moll Howard, Su x, Lady Grey and Nell, 
Strangers to good, but bosom Friends to ill, 
As boundless in their lusts, as in their will. 

And there are more references to her in other verses by the 
same author, some of which are hardly possible to print. 

In 1682 she gave birth to a boy, who was christened 
Charles at Windsor Castle on 3 June, the king being sponsor 
for him; but this child did not live to grow up, dying when he 
was only a year and a half old, and another son, christened 
Henry, also died an infant. Ten years after her marriage her 
last child was born on 17 August, 1684, and was christened 
Anne. I am unable to give the exact date of Lady Sussex's 
final separation from her husband, but it was an accomplished 
fact by 1680 when she went to France, accompanied by her 

1 Daughter of Richard Barrett the elder. 



two daughters, and attaching herself to the Court of the 
exiled King James, was made a Lady of the Bedchamber to 
his queen, Mary of Modena. 

While at St. Germans an attachment sprang up between 
her eldest daughter Barbara and General Skelton, Comptroller 
of the Household to James II., and they were ultimately 
married, though her father showed considerable reluctance in 
giving his consent as the General was a Roman Catholic, 
and by his adherence to James had rendered himself an alien 
to England. 

Lord Sussex appears to have been much interested in 
racing, as he gave a challenge whip to be run for at New- 
market, which is still possessed by the Jockey Club, although 
it has not been challenged for often of late years ; and from 
his extravagant way of living, and reckless gambling, he was 
forced to part with most of his estates. In May 1703, his 
mother-in-law, J:he duchess, wrote to Sir Thomas Dyke, 
avowing her concern * for the position of her daughter Sussex 
and her childerne,' whom she says the extravagances of Lord 
Sussex threaten with ruin ; and she urges him as a trustee of 
her daughter's marriage settlement to exercise his powers for 
her protection, and for that of her children. I am not able to 
show whether this letter had any effect, or what were the terms 
of the marriage settlement, but we know that in June 1708, 
the earl sold Hurstmonceaux to Mr. Naylor for 38,215, and 
as he had also sold his house in London, he retired to Cheve- 
ning where he spent the remainder of his days ; dying there 
in 1715. After his death his widow returned to England, 
and went to live at Chevening with her youngest daughter, 
Lady Anne. 

As we have seen, Lady Anne married her cousin, Richard 
Barrett, but no settlements were made on the marriage, and 
soon after his premature death, she and Lady Barbara sold the 
Dacre estates in Cumberland to the Musgraves ; and Chevening 
(the Kent estates which consisted of about 3,300 acres of land) 
to Lord Stanhope for 28,000. She married Lord Teynham 
as her second husband, and took her mother to live with her 
at his seat at Linstead, Kent, where the countess died in 
1721, and is buried in Lord Teynham's vault there. By 
her second husband, who died in May 1723, she had two, 
sons, from the elder of whom the present Henry Brand, 
Lord Dacre, and Viscount Hampden, is descended, and one 



daughter. In October 1725, Lady Anne married the Hon. 
R. Moore, who died in 1728, and by whom she had one son. 
We unfortunately know very little of Lady Anne's character, 
but in spite of the bad example given to her and to her sister 
by the conduct of their mother, I have never seen any reference 
to cause me to imagine that either of them conducted them- 
selves otherwise than with the strictest propriety. Her education 
must have been very greatly neglected ; we have a scrap of a 
letter which she wrote to her eldest son, who had evidently 
been enquiring of her whether she had any old family letters, 
or papers, in her possession. Her reply which is written in a 
terrible scrawl, is as follows : 

If there was any old letters of Samson Lennard or Henry Lord Dacres, 
yt was any way curious or other papers my father burnt um ; for there was 
trunks that no bod know what was in um nor had not been opened in any 
bodys memory so he brook um opened & burnt seuerall papaer wch he after- 
wards wanted & cost a great deall to secharch for um besidess ye trouble he 
had to find where to looke. 

Lady Anne, although upon her sister's death in 1 74 1 she 
became entitled to the title of Baroness Dacre in her own right, 
never assumed it, but continued to style herself Lady Teynham. 
She died in June 1755, and, as we have seen, the title of Baron 
Dacre then passed to Thomas Lennard Barrett, her son by her 
first husband. 





IT may have been observed by some that in the Fitzgerald 
pedigree which I gave at the close of my paper on the origin 
of that family, 1 I followed the example set by Mr. Dimock, 
when editing Giraldus Cambrensis (Rolls Series), in omitting 
William Fitzgerald's eldest son Odo, who is claimed as the 
Carews' ancestor. This I did for two reasons. In the first 
place Giraldus himself, though naming Odo de Kerreu ' as his 
cousin (consobrinusf, nowhere states distinctly who his father 
was, while he somewhat pointedly ignores him in the Expugnatio 
Hibernite ; in the second the charter of 1212, restoring Mouls- 
ford, Berks, 3 on which the origin of the family has long rested in 
pedigrees, proves that Odo was a grandson of Gerald Fitz Walter 
(de Windsor), but does not tell us which of Gerald's sons was his 
father, or indeed prove that he was not merely a maternal 
grandson. It was safer, therefore, to leave the descent open 
until it could be absolutely proved. 4 

Fortunately I have, since then, noted the missing link 
needed to complete the proof. In the Monasticon (vi. 837), 
among the endowments of the Hospitallers' Commandery at 
' Walinton,' we find this entry : 

Willelmus filius Geraldi et Odo filius ejus dederunt totam villam de 
Rubard cum omnibus pertinentiis. 6 

The place is Redbarth, a parish adjoining that of Carew, 
and the entry is proof positive that Odo was a son, and indeed 
the heir, of William son of Gerald Fitz Walter. 8 

1 The Ancestor, ii. 98. 

2 Gerald, who prided himself on his Latinity, may have used the term in 
a strict sense. 

3 See p. 24 below. 

4 Sir Harris Nicolas, in his Roll of Carlaverock, speaks of the house of 
Carew as * supposed to have sprung from Otho de Windsor, the common 
ancestor of the illustrious families of Windsor and Fitz-Gerald ' (p. 154), and 
Mr. G. T. Clark similarly treats the connexion as open to question (Medieval 
Military Architecture, i. 116). 

6 In the confirmation charter by Anselm, Bishop of St. David's (1230-1), 
the place is given as ' Redeborth.' 

6 Walinton,' the site of the Commandery, was East Walton, Pembroke- 
shire, some twelve miles north of Carew Castle. 



With the help of this evidence it will now at length be 
possible to prove and illustrate the pedigree throughout the 
twelfth century, the darkest and most difficult period in 
genealogical research. The pivot on which the story turns is 
that singular district around Pembroke, that ' little England 
beyond Wales,' which was destined to form the stepping-stone 
between England and Ireland. Of this district, with its 
strange place-names still preserving the memory of Norman or 
Flemish knights, Pembroke was of course the head ; and of 
Pembroke the constable was Gerald, the patriarch of a spreading 
race. The neck of the Pembroke peninsula was guarded by 
Carew on its northern coast and by Manorbier on its southern, 
and these castles came to be held by grandsons of the lord 
Gerald. 1 

A puzzling passage in the work of Giraldus, De rebus a se 
gestis, relates that, while he was at school (i.e. attending the 
university) at Paris as a young man, 

consanguine! ipsius, sc. Willelmus filius Hay, 2 Odo de Kerreu, 3 et Philippus 
de Barri, 4 frater ejusdem decimas suas . . . longe ante contulerant (i. 28). 

This would at first sight suggest that Odo ' de Kerreu ' was a 
brother of Philip de Barri ; but the important genealogical 
passage two pages earlier clears up the matter. After mention- 
ing that * Ricardus filius Tancardi * was a great man in Pem- 
brokeshire, and that he hated Gerald himself and all his folk, 
Gerald continues : 

Odo de Kerreu consobrinus Giraldi et Philippus de Barri frater ejusdem 
Giraldi, 5 qui viri probi et magni fuerunt in finibus illis, licet generi praedicti 
Ricardi, sc. filias suas habentes uxores, tamen acerbe dixerunt illi quod taceret 
et a stultiloquio temperaret ; quia non tanta vindicta sumpta fuit de alio 
Giraldo, fratre sc. Odonis primaevo, pro quo dudum a Rosensibus interempto 
ducenti vlri et plures de eisdem uno die corruerunt (i. 26-7). 

In another of his works, the Itinerary of PPales y Gerald 
recurs to this tragedy on the occasion of his visiting Camrose. 6 

Kamros, ubi, pro juvenis egregii, Giraldi scilicet filii Guillelmi, nece, 
multorum caedibus cruentam nimis et gravem, tempore Stephani regis, propinqui 

1 The Barrys of Manorbier, descended from Gerald through his daughter, 
recur in connexion with their neighbours the Carews, both in Pembrokeshire 
and in Ireland, generations later. 

2 Of Hay's Castle (?) 3 Of Carew. * Of Manorbier. 

5 This supplies the missing word in the previous quotation. 

6 To the north-west of Haverfordwest. 


et necessarii sui, quanquam minus in hoc necessarii, vindictam in Rosenses 
exercuerant. 1 

The death of William Fitz Gerald is placed by his nephew 
the historian in or about 1 1 74 in a passage which, explaining 
that it recalled his son Reimund to Wales, would rather 
suggest, as I hinted at the outset, that Reimund was his heir. 2 

We now know, however, that this was not the case. 
Putting together the above evidence, it proves this pedi- 
gree : 

Tancard of Tankarston Gerald de Windsor, = Nesta 
in Brawdy, Constable Constable of Pem- 
of Haverfordwest broke 

Richard Fitz Tancard, William Fitz = 

Constable of Haver- Gerald, d. 

fordwest 1174 (?) 

I* I I 

dau. = Odo de Carreu, Gerald, eldest son, 

son and heir slain young, 

temp. Stephen 

Here I may explain that, having thus satisfied myself of 
the pedigree, I received from Dr. Owen a copy of his Ok 
Pembrokeshire Families, which he was good enough to send me. 
This work, which is described on the title-page as { compiled 
in part from the Floyd MSS.,' is a valuable contribution to 
early genealogy. I glanced at Mr. Floyd's piles of notebooks 
when they were deposited at the London Library, and saw 
that they seemed to ' contain,' as Dr. Owen observes, <a wealth 
of information as to the families of other counties.' That * care- 
ful and laborious antiquary ' adopted the excellent method ot 
arranging his notes under the names of the families to which 
they referred. Whether Mr. Floyd was as critical as he was 
certainly industrious it would not be possible to say without 
study of his notes ; but his collections, now deposited un- 
fortunately for London genealogists in the College Library 
at Aberystwyth, deserve to be widely known. 

With regard to Odo de Carreu there are two points, I 
fear, on which I must differ from Dr. Owen. In the first 
place he gives as Odo's mother, * Katherine, a daughter of Sir 

1 Itinerarium Kambriee (Rolls ed.), vi. 99. 

2 'Reimundus, ob patris quern audierat obitum, nobilis videlicet viri 
Guillelmi Giraldidae, remenso pelago in Kambriam recessisset' (v. 310). 


Adam de Kingsley, in Cheshire.' This match, I venture to 
say, is obviously hall-marked as one of those I spoke of in my 
Studies in Peerage and Family History, where I observed 
that a Lane, c under William Rufus, married into one of those 
" leading families " whose daughters have always been kept in 
stock at Her Majesty's College of Arms ' (p. xv.). In other 
words, the marriage must be taken from an old herald's pedi- 
gree. The good ' Sir Adam ' would have lived about the 
year noo, and maybe fitly compared with that Sir Richard 
Stackpole of whom Dr. Owen writes : 

There is in the writer's possession a print of one 'Sir Richard Stackpole of 
Pembrokeshire,' stated (although his looks belie it) to have been ' highly re- 
spected in the year 1091.' There is beneath the print a long and entirely 
inaccurate account of Sir Richard and of his descendants. Sir Richard had no 

The second point on which I must differ is that Odo de 
Carreu is always styled * Odo ' (or ( Oddo '), and not as Dr. 
Owen makes it, c Other,' which was the wholly distinct name 
of his first known ancestor. A good instance in point is 
afforded by a charter with which Dr. Owen seems to be un- 
acquainted. This is the confirmation by Peter, Bishop of St. 
Davids, soon, I think, after 1176, of the dapiferatus of that see 
to William son of Maurice Fitz Gerald. 1 Among the wit- 
nesses are : 

Ricardo de Haerford ; Tanchard filio ejus ; Oddone de Karreu . . . 
Philippe de Barry. 

This is a specially interesting combination, for we here see 
the three men mentioned together by Giraldus in a passage 
quoted above, namely Richard (Fitz Tancard, constable) of 
Ha(v)erford as I should extend the name and his two sons- 
in-law Odo de Carreu (of Carew) and Philip de Barri (of 
Manorbier), together with his son c Tanchard.' As Richard was 
a military tenant of the see he appears very fittingly among 
the witnesses to the charter. 

The above charter may be fittingly followed by that of 
Robert son of Elidir (of Stackpole) granting Trefduant (St. 
Edrin's) to St. Davids, for the lay witnesses to that charter are 
* Odone de Carren (i.e. Carreu), Philippe de Barry, Adam de 
Rupe.' 2 According to Dr. Owen's book * Other (sic\ soon 

1 Fourth Report Historical MSS. App. p. 583. 

2 Late transcript in Harl. MS. 1249, fo. 28 (pencil). I am indebted to 
Dr. Owen's book for this reference. Adam 'deRupe' was then of Roch Castle. 


after his father's death ['1173'], got into trouble with the 
Welsjj, who took from him his castle of Emlyn (j/V), but he 
obtained from Henry II. the manor of Bampton, co. Oxon, so 
long as the Welsh held Emlyn ' (p. 1 3). The reference given 
for this statement is * Pipe Rolls, 2 Henry II. [i 156],' but there 
is not, and could not be, any such entry on the roll of that year. 
The entry required is on the Pipe Roll of 20 Henry II. (i 174) 
and refers, not to c Bampton, co. Oxon,' but to Braunton, co. 
Devon, under which county it is found. It runs thus : 

Et Odoni filio Willelmi filii Geroldi (sic) c solidos in Branton' cum 
pertinentiis de quarta parte anni et amodo xx libras numero per annum in 
eadem villa in escambio castelli et terra de Emelin quamdiu Resus 1 filius 
Griffin ea habuerit (p. 89). 

Apart from its genealogical value this entry proves that Odo 
was granted 20 a year from the royal manor of Braunton at 
Midsummer, 1 1 74, while it implies that he had lost possession 
of Emlyn. Th cantred of Emlyn was a district lying along 
the left (the south) bank of the Teify above Cardigan. It 
must have been held by Odo's father, for we find him confirm- 
ing the gift of a church within it.' a This leads me to suggest 
a bold emendation of the printed text of Giraldus, who is made 
to assert that of the seven cantreds obtained by the children of 
Nesta, William received Pembroke and * Ginelin.' 3 As there 
is no cantred of * Ginelin,' I think we should read ' Emelin.' * 
As for { castellum de Emelin,' it must mean the castle of the 
district ( ? Kilgerran). 

Odo was still drawing from Braunton his 20 a year in 
1 189, 5 but a curious entry on a plea roll of uncertain though 
later date reads as follows : 

Willelmus Peche positus loco Odonis de Karliun (sic) venit in curiam et 
concessit Sibille de Sumeri c solidatas terre in Chause et faciet ei escambium de 
feodo i militis in Bramton pro feodo i militis in Emelin unde ipse Odo cepit 
escambium pro iiij marcis quas ipsa dedit ei. a 

1 This was the celebrated Rhys, prince of south Wales, who was at this 
time on the side of Henry II. 

2 * In Emlyn ex dono Jordani de Cantitona et confirmatione Willelmi filii 
Geraldi ecclesiam de Castellan ' (Fenton's Pembrokeshire, p. 64). 

3 Ed. Rolls Series, i. 59. 

4 * in ' was easily misread for ' m ' so that only the initial letter requires 

6 Pipe Roll, i Ric. I. 
6 Rot. Cur. Reg. i. 374. 


We hear again of his land at Braunton in 1201, where he still 
appears on the Pipe Roll as holding it. 1 In this year on 
5 January, John had granted to Robert de Secqueville all his 
rights in Braunton save the * outhundred ' and the land which 
* Odo de Karun ' was holding. 2 Robert is found, the follow- 
ing Michaelmas, accounting for 100 marcs due for the king's 
grant. 3 Three years later (1204) the sheriff of Devon is 
ordered to give Robert, further, seisin of that portion of 
Braunton which Odo had held, 4 a concession for which he is 
subsequently found paying the king 50 marcs and a palfrey. 5 
Odo was succeeded by his son William, who first appears 
in conjunction with his father in 1194." When we meet him 
again in 1207 he has succeeded his father. 7 He paid in that 
year a large sum of money that he might not be impleaded for 
his land of * Muleford ' (i.e. Moulsford, Berks), which his 
predecessors, he said, had held since the days of Henry I. The 
curtain rises again in 1212, when we find William restored to 
his * house ' and lands at Carew and to his manor of Moulsford 
by two documents which have not, I think, been brought 
together before. They were issued within four days of each 

1 Rot. Cane. 3 John, p. 1 5 . It is interesting to observe that on this page 
he appears, as before, as * Odo filius Willelmi filius Geroldi,' though on p. 24 
he is 'Odo de Carrio.' 2 Calendar of Charter Rolls, p. 83b. 

3 ' Robertas de Secchevilla reddit compotum de c marcis, pro habendo 
quicquid Rex habet in manerio de Branton' hereditarie excepto uthundredo et 
excepta terra quam Ode de Carrio tenet in eadem villa q[ue] potest devenire 
in man[um] Regis ' (Rot. Cane. 3 John, p. 24). 

4 * Rex . . . vicecomiti Devon' etc. Mandamus tibi quod facias habere 
Roberto de Sechevilla terram quam Odo de Carro tenuit de nobis in Branton' 
tenendam quamdiu nobis placuerit reddendo inde nobis annuatim xx libras 
. . . xix die Jan ' (Rot. Lib. p. 77). 

5 * Robertus de Sechevilla dat L marcas et I palefridum pro habenda terra 
que fuit Odonis de Carriou in Branton' reddendo domino Regi per annum xxx 
(sic) libras sterlingorum ' (Fine Ro//[i2o6], p. 349). 

6 * Odo de Karrio ponit Willelmum filium suum loco suo versus Gaufridum 
de Chausi de placito terre de Molesford ' (Berks, Mich. 6 Ric. I. ; Plac. 
Abbrev. p. I . Compare Rot. Cur. Reg. I. 20). The Chausi family gave name 
to Mapledurham * Chausey ' some seven miles lower down the Thames on the 
opposite bank. Emma (de) Chausi had given tithes at Moulsford to Walling- 
ford Priory (Mon. Ang. iii. 280). 

7 ' Willelmus de Carrou dat quadraginta uncias auri quod non implacitetur 
de terra sua de Muleford quam Gillebertus de Cause clamat versus eum per 
breve de recto, et quia antecessores ipsius Willelmi in pace tenuerunt a 
tempore Regis Henrici avi patris domini Regis et ipse usque modo, ut dicit ' 
(Fine .&?//[ 1207], p. 414). 


other, and are of great importance, for the first proves that 
William had been in possession of Carew in 1210, and the 
second establishes his pedigree from the days of Henry I., 
needing only the slight link which the grant of Redbarth 
supplies. 1 

< f ). 

Rex dilecto et fideli suo Falkesio ballivo de Glanmorgan' etc. Sciatis quod 

reddidimus Willelmo de Carrio domum suum de Carrio cum terris quas habuit 
die quo venimus ultimo usque Penbroc' ad transfretandum in Hyberniam 
anno r. n. xij mo . . . xxj die Maii anno xiiij mo2 [21 May, 1212]. 


Sciatis quod reddidimus et hac carta nostra confirmavimus manerium de 

Muleford' cum pertinentiis suis quod Henricus Rex avus Regis Henrici patris 
nostri dedit Geroldo filio Walteri avo Odonis patris predicti Willelmi de Carrio 
tenendum eidem Willelmo et heredibus suis de nobis et heredibus nostris per 
servicium I militis . . . xxv die Maii anno r. n. quarto decimo 3 [25 May, 

It would seem that William de Carew obtained this rein- 
statement by paying a fine to the king, for although the record 
of it is now lost, it is referred to in that of the heavy fine by 
which a Somerset baron, William Fitz John de Harptree, 
seems to have obtained both these estates in the year following 
(17 Sept. 1213).* The same baron is found ten or eleven 
years later (7 March, 1224) compounding with the king for 
the fine he had made with King John ( for having the wardship 
of the land and heir of William de Carew.' 5 Here then at least 

1 See p. 19 above. 

2 Calendar of Patent Rolls, i. (i) 92. 

3 Calendar of Charter Rolls, i. (i) 186. 

* * Willelmus films Johannis de Harpetre finem fecit eum domino Rege per 
quadraginta (sic) marcas et iiij palefridos pro habendis terris Willelmi de 
Karrio quas h[abe]t citra mare Hiberniae et pro jure quod predictus Willelmus 
de Karrio clamat de aliis terris citra mare Hiberniae pro quibus idem Willelmus 
de Karrio finem fecerat cum domino Rege per xl marcas reddendas domino 
Regi simul cum predictis iiij palefridis infra duos annos . . . et quod scire 
faciat per literas suas Vicecomiti Bercscir et Falkesio baillivo de Glamorgan in 
quorum bailliis predictus Willelmus terras suas h[abe]t etc.' (Fine Roll, 1 5 
John, p. i, m. 3). The details of the fine prove the amount to have been not 
40, but 400 marcs (266 13*. 4^.). In the first volume of the Calendar of 
documents relating to Ireland, the reference is wrongly given as * m. 6,' and * citra ' 
has been clearly misread as * ultra,' the whole entry being thus made to relate to 
lands in Ireland ! 

5 * Willelmus filius Johannis de Harpetre finem fecit cum domino Rege de 
cc et xx marcis quas domino Regi debet de fine quam fecit cum domino 
Johanne Rege pro habenda custodia terre et heredis Willelmi de Carrio ' (Fine 
Roll, 8 Hen. III. p. 2, m. 8). 


we have definite proof that William de Carew was dead before 
the close of John's reign. 

Having brought the pedigree clearly down to this point I 
might claim to have traced as far as needful f the origin of 
the Carews,' for at this period the genealogist finds himself in 
smooth water with rolls of many kinds, fines and deeds yearly 
increasing in bulk. Oddly enough however it is here that 
difficulty begins, not indeed as to the descent, for of that there 
can be no question, but as to the details of the pedigree. It 
has been alleged that William de Carew was succeeded by his 
son Nicholas, then under age, in 15 Henry III. (I23O-I), 1 
but William we have seen was dead before Henry's reign, and 
as early as 1228 (i i July) we read on the Close Rolls : 

Dominus rex commisit Bertramo de Cryoil manerium de Molesford quod 
Nicholaus de Carrio de rege tenuit in capite ad se sustendandum in servicio 
domini regis quamdiu ei placuerit. 2 

This proves that Nicholas de Carew had before that date 
succeeded to Moulsford, and subsequent records make it 
certain that, as indeed the entry suggests, he was actually dead 
at its date. For the recently published Calendar of Patent 
Rolls (p. 203) contains the entry (20 Sept. 1228) : 

Dominus rex concessit Bertram de Crioil manerium de Molesford cum 
pertinenciis quod Nicholaus de Karrio de rege tenuit in capite habendum sibi 
vel cui assignare voluerit usque ad etatem beredum ipsius NicholaL 

And in 1230 (27 December) we read on the Fine Rolls : 

Johannes Marescallus finem fecit cum Rege per ducentas marcas pro habenda 
custodia terrarum et heredum (sic) Nicholai de Careho usque ad etatem eorun- 
dem heredum (sic) cum maritagio ipsorum heredum (sic). Et Mandatum est 
Vicecomiti Berk' quod, accepta ab eodem Johanne securitate de predictis cc 
marcis, de omnibus terris que fuerunt predicti Nicholai in ballia sua, etc. 3 

Four years later (21 Nov. 1234), John Marshal is 
excused the balance due from him for the wardship 

quam quidem custodiam postea reddi fecimus dilecto et fideli nostro 
Bertrano de Cryoil cui earn prius concesseramus per finem quam inde fecit 
nobiscum. 4 

Thus the wardship was restored to Bertram, who had 
secured Moulsford in right of it, we saw, in 1228. There 

1 The Heralds' College Pedigree (C. I, 26), according to Maclean's Sir 
Peter Carew, App. i. 8 Calendar of Close Rolls, i. 6r. 

3 Excerpta e rot. fin. i. 208. * Ibid. p. 296. 


was clearly a long minority, for a return in the 'Testa de Nevi/l y 
which must be later by several years, contains the entry : 

Bertram' de Crioill tenet Mallesford ut wardam de ballio regis de hereditate 
fil' Eudon' (sic) de Karre nee facit scutagium (p. 125). 

It is clear therefore that Nicholas de Carew, so far from 
succeeding his father in 12301, being under age at the time, 
.was himself already dead in 1228, leaving, as the records put 
it, * heirs,' a word which raises further doubts as to the cor- 
rectness of the pedigree. 1 Indeed, I am bound to point out 
that it is at present a blank until, some half a century later, 
we meet with Nicholas de Carew. 

So far as the Welsh inheritance is concerned, we certainly 
seem to be on sure ground with the mention of William de 
Carew's tenure of five fees in the division of the Marshal 
inheritance (i247), 2 but unluckily, on verifying Dr. Owen's 
reference for the fact * Clark, Earh of Pembroke y p. 69 ' I can 
find nothing there about William or his five fees. Mr. Floyd 
however may have seen record evidence for the fact. And 
such evidence for a later date is duly found on the Close 
Roll of 1325, where we read that the purparty of Laurence de 
Hastings of Pembroke included 

* five knights' fees in Carru, co. Pembroke, which John de Carru holds, of 
the yearly value of 100 marcs ; five in Maynerbier, in the same county, 
which John de Barry holds,' etc., etc. 3 

With Nicholas de Carew living at the close of the thirteenth 
century we are, in any case, on sure ground for both the 
English and the Welsh inheritance. This Nicholas, who is 
found as a witness in 1299 to a Pembrokeshire charter, 4 was 
one of those who, in the parliament of Lincoln, affixed their 
seal to the letter to the pope, his style being given as * Nicholas 
de Carru dominus de Muleford.' Moreover there is plenty 
of record evidence for his journeys to and from Ireland, 
where he held the barony of I drone in the palatinate of Car- 

1 Dr. Owen, I observe, here gives a different pedigree from that which is 
accepted, and makes William (1212) father of Richard, who ' had an elder 
son, William Lord of Carew,' in 1 247. But he then proceeds to trace the 
descent through * Richard's son, Sir Nicholas de Carew,' who * died in 1311 ' 
(p. 14). 

2 See The Ancestor, i. 2479, for the value of such evidence. 

3 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1323-7. The same record proves that the Stack- 
pole holding was one of five fees. 

4 Sloane Charter, xxxii. 14. 



low (to give it its modern name), 1 as '5 knights' fees, with the 
appurtenances in Odrone.' 2 Here we have further illustration 
of that system of the five-knight unit on which, as I have 
shown, in Ireland as in England, our knight service was based. 3 
From the kingdom of Jerusalem, indeed, in the east to the 
lordship of Ireland in the west the two realms which illus- 
trate alike the flow and the ebb of conquest we trace the per- 
sistent presence of the five-knight unit. Pembroke and Car- 
low were both palatinates or at least quasi-palatinates and 
had both originally formed part of that vast inheritance of the 
Marshals of which Strongbow had laid the foundations. The 
Carews held in each of them a ' barony * of five fees, and, in 
my opinion, * Baron of Carew,' a style they sometimes bore, was 
one of those interesting feudal tides which are found in such 
palatinates as those of Chester and Durham, though it seems to 
have been held that they were * barons ' also in virtue of their 
tenure of Idrone. 4 

At the famous siege of Carlaverock (July, 1300) Nicholas 
de Carew was present. 

Un vaillant home et de grant los 
O lui Nichole de Kami 
Dont meintz foiz orent paru 
Li fait en couvert et en lande 
Sur la felloune gent dirlande 
Baniere ot jaune bien passable 
O trois passans lyons de sable. 

1 The Heralds' pedigree makes him acquire it by marrying the heiress of 
a mysterious ' Digon, Baron of Odrone,' whom I cannot identify. 

2 Inquest of 1 1 Dec. 1 306, in Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 
1302-7, p. 179. Compare p. 173 for inquest of 8 April, 1307, in which 
he is said to hold * one barony in Odrone.' After his death it was certified to 
the king by the escheator of Ireland, 20 May, 1317, that he had, by the king's 
licence, enfeoffed his son and heir John, in his life, of his lands in co. Carlow, 
with certain reservations to himself (Irish Close Roll, 10 Edw. II.). 

3 Feudal England, p. 259-60. 

* ' The country of Odrone, which was a barony, and parcel of the inheri- 
tance of the said Sir Peter, and sundry of whose ancestors had been barons 
of the same ... he was persuaded to have begun his suit against the 
Kavanaghs for the barony of Odrone, because the same was of his ancient 
inheritance, a great territory or country, and which carried the title of 
honour' (Hooker's Life of Sir Peter Carew [Ed. Maclean], pp. 73, 79). In 
Sir John Maclean's note (p. 2) Idrone itself is described wrongly as * a sort of 
palatinate formerly belonging to Margaret, Countess of Norfolk.' It was 
only a barony held of her palatinate or liberty, which was itself Catherlough 
(Carlow). Forth and St. Mullins were also baronies therein (see p. 48 below). 


And half a century later his descendant Sir John de Carew was 
among the knights who fought in the king's division at 
Crecy. 1 Against Irish { felons,' against Scottish rebels, against 
the foemen of France, the black lions of Carew had gone forth 
in turn to war. 


Difficult as it is to trace, in the thirteenth century, the 
pedigree of Carew in England and Wales, the difficulty is 
even greater when we turn to Ireland. We have seen by a 
record of the year 1213 that William de Carew of Carew and 
Moulsford was holding at that date lands in Ireland, for these, 
it implies, were not included in the grant which formed its 
subject. 2 With this clue we search the Cartulary of St. Mary's^ 
Dublin, and there we find William ' de Karru ' making a grant 
inter alia 'proanima Domini Reimundi patrui mei.' 3 The 
date of the charter would seem to be about 1210-12. We 
are thus taken back to the early pedigree of the house. 

Gerald Fitz = Nesta 
Walter (de I of Wales 

William Fitz 
Gerald, ob. 
1173-4, of Carew (?) 
and Moulsford 

David, Bishop 
of St. David's 

Maurice Dapt^tr 
of St. David's, 
ancestor of the 
Fitz Geralds 


ob. v.p. 

Odo de Carew 
of Carew and 
Moulsford, ob. circ. 
" 1204 

Reimund Fitz 
William (alias 
le Gros') 

William de Carew 

of Carew and Moulsford, 

ob. circ. 1213 


[Stephen filiui 
Odonis de 


Fitz William * 

Fitz Griffin 

1 Wrottesley's Crecy and Calais. 

2 See p. 25, note 4 above. 

3 Ed. Rolls Series, i. no. 

* Cartulary of St. Tfomas, Dublin, 1 1 2-4. 

5 Ibid. p. 205. He can only beaffiliated thus, but he occurs at an early 
date (before 1189?). 


This pedigree shows at once how Reimund was father's 
brother (patruus] toWilliam de Carew. The latter's charters are 
entered in the Cartulary of St. Mary's (i. 106, no, 112, 113, 
410, 411), and it is remarkable that one of these 1 (120112) 
grants the vill of c Balisclothi ' in ' Odrone,' and alludes to his 
own demesne in c Odrone ' as well, as if he were already in 
possession of that barony. The same charter grants a burgage 
in Tech Moling (or St. Mullins), Carlow, and it is interesting 
to note that the same cartulary assigns to the gift of his 
father Odo a messuage in the same place. 2 From this last 
piece of evidence, slender though it is, we may infer that Odo 
himself received an enfeofFment in Irish lands through the 
influence of his mighty brother ' the lord Reimund.' 

Reimund had another brother whom he certainly so en- 
feoffed. This was * Griffin,' whose name recalls the Welsh 
ancestry of the house. Giraldus speaks of him as Reimund's 
brother, 3 and as nephew to Maurice Fitz Gerald, 4 and tells us 
that his dream of a herd of swine attacking his uncle Maurice 
and Hugh de Laci proved a warning which saved them from 
a fierce attack by the Irish. 5 He appears twice as Griffin films 
Willelmi,' 6 and although it has been alleged that he died 
without issue, 7 we have two charters of his son Mathew Fitz 
Griffin, to which his cousin William de Carew was a witness. 8 
That his heirs were legitimate is proved by a document of 
later date, which is the return of an inquest (6 May, 1290) 
to the effect that Reimund le Gros had enfeoffed c Griffin Fitz 
William, his brother, of Fynnore and Kells in Pothered for 
the service of 2 knights and suit of his court at the castle ot 
Fothered' 9 (within the liberty of Carlow), 10 and that these 

1 Vol. i. 113. Compare i. 112. 2 Vol. ii. 98. 

3 * Erectum est igitur apud Fotheret Onolan primo castrum Reimundo, 
aliud fratri ejusdem Griffino ' (v. 355). For this barony of Forth (in Carlow) 
compare the inquest in the text. 

* See pedigree. 

5 Giraldus Cambrensis, v. 292. 

6 Cartulary of St. Thomas, Dublin, 113, 114. 

7 See the pedigree attributed to Garter Anstis in Maclean's Life of Sir 
Peter Carew, p. 299. I was myself misled on this point by the pedigree in 
Mr. Dimock's edition of the Expugnatio, combined with the Harl. Roll, P. 8, 
which latter is here clearly wrong. 

8 Cartulary of St. Mary's, i. 107, 108. 

9 Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1285-93, p. 294. 
10 See note 3 above and p. 28, note 4. 


lands had descended as in the pedigree below. Here then we 
have yet another branch of the spreading house of Fitz 
Gerald, of which the pedigree is this : 

Griffin Fitz William 
(Fitz Gerald) 

Gilbert, Mathew Fitz Griffin Reimund 

on and heir held Fynnore and held Fynnore and 

IKells, after his brother's Kells, after 

death, for life Mathew's death, 

Clarice, heiress, = for 7 years 
6 months old I 
at father's death I 

Fitz John 

The Irish Carews kept alive the name of* the lord Reimund, 
as is seen by the occurrence of Reimund de Carreu and Rei- 
mund de Carreu, j unior, 1 while a * Tancard de Carreu ' owed 
his name to his descent from the Pembrokeshire Tancards. 3 
But these early Irish Carews are difficult to place in the pedigree. 
A Richard for instance had clearly a fief somewhere in Leinster 3 
and a Robert de Carreu appears among its magnates in 1221 
and 1235 in close conjunction with Patrick de Courcy. 4 This 
Robert may have possessed a moiety of the great lordship of 
Cork, but I cannot assign him a place in the pedigree of the 
Carews of Carew and Moulsford. 5 


From these early Irish Carews we must now pass at a 
bound to that gallant and adventurous Elizabethan worthy, 
Sir Peter Carew. This is not the place in which to tell the 
story of his earlier life ; we are not here concerned with him 
before the year 1568, when, at the age of fifty-four, he sud- 
denly resolved to claim the inheritance of his ancestors or 
rather their inheritances in Ireland. The story of this 
singular enterprise has been told for us by one who had a 
chief hand in it, John Hooker of Exeter, antiquary and writer 

1 The latter is found in the Crede mibi in 1243. 

a See p. 21 above. 

3 Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, 1171-1251, p. 281. 

* Ibid. pp. 154, 337, 340. 

6 See p. 40 below. 


on history. Sir Peter, Hooker tells us, had employed a period 
of rare leisure in looking through his family muniments, being 
* persuaded he should have by inheritance ' certain lands in 
Ireland. 1 l Bemoaning ' to his friends that he could not read 
them, he was advised to apply to Hooker, who was (teste seipso) 
' a man greatly given to seek and search old records and antient 
writings and was very skilful in reading of them.' He had 
also what was doubtless the supreme merit of being a fellow- 

The ingenious Hooker appears to have astounded Sir 
Peter by his ability to read these documents f and declare the 
effect or them unto him,' and promptly obtained the manage- 
ment of the business. He drew up for Sir Peter a full state- 
ment of his claims, of which one need only say that the 
Devonshire knight went back eleven generations for a marriage 
in right of which he claimed the barony of Odrone, twelve for 
one with the heiress of Maston, and, to crown all, no less than 
fourteen generations for a marriage with a daughter of Robert 
Fitz Stephen, in right of which he claimed, under a grant of 
Henry II., half of the ancient ( Kingdom of Cork ' ! 2 

Hooker, who pointed out that there was no { prescription ' 
in Ireland, went over there, entreated, he assures us, by Sir 
Peter, as a kind of agent in advance, to prepare the way for 
his principal. One is reminded of the Colchester scrivener, 
who, in the true spirit of Tudor litigation, stirred up * very 
many old and blynd titles and suytes,' and set the whole town 
by the ears. 3 But Ireland, one need scarcely say, was about 
the most dangerous place in which to advance such claims as 
those of Sir Peter Carew.* 

It is the pedigree, however, produced for Sir Peter that is 
of most interest for the readers of The Ancestor. Its story is 
told in a letter written by Thomas Wadding to the newly- 
created Lord Carew five and thirty years later : 

Your Lordship's uncle Sir Peter Carew, Knight, did show unto me a grant 
under the broad seal of England from King Henry the 2nd to Robert Fitz 

1 Similar beliefs as to English estates are not unknown to-day in the 
United States of America. 

a See the tabular pedigree in Appendix to Sir John Maclean's book. 

3 The Ancestor, iv. 150. 

4 Mr. Bagwell speaks of these claims as ' an enterprise, the success of which 
was enough to make the great mass of Irish and Anglo-Irish landlords shake 
in their shoes' (Ireland under the Tudors, ii. 139). 


Stevens and Miles de Cogan of all the kingdom of Corck, which was the king- 
dom of McCarthy More. . . . 

But I did tell Sir Peter that if I would begin the suit then, I might be said 
to want discretion and a law-like consideration of the matter, because it did 
not appear to me that he was heir to the first Caru that married Fitz Stephen's 
daughter ; whereupon he did send John Hooker into England, that from the 
Heralds did bring the pedigree from the first Caru, in cobun, very orderly ? and, 
under the king's seal, livery of their lands from man to man to his own time. 2 

I claim to have identified the actual * pedigree from the first 
Caru, in colours,' drawn up for the purpose of supporting Sir 
Peter's claim in 1568. It is now 'Harl. Roll, P. 9 ' in the 
British Museum, and although assigned, for a reason that we 
shall see, to 1573, it must have been drawn up five years 
earlier, for it speaks of the Earl of Oxford and others as * now 
living in A.D. 1568.' Moreover it is brought down to Sir 
Peter Carew himself and shows him as heir of Robert Fitz 
Stephen. I invite attention to the description given by this 
document of itself: 

The trewe and perfecte descente Genealogie and pedegree of the honorable 
house and famylye by auncient name called montgomerye but sythens by 
increase of honor Carewe. Collected and gathered out of sundrye evidences 
offices recordes and other munymentes ; and by the Haroldes of this realme yn 
their office regestred and allowed 1573. 

c Registered ' ! Oh, blessed word for those by whom arms 
and pedigree are placed on the level of a trade mark ! 

A fresh edition of this pedigree was prepared for Sir Peter's 
successor and the other Devonshire Carews in 1589, but it 
merely repeats the descent and arms given in the other. 3 This 
also is now in the British Museum, being known as Add. MS. 
30,98 8. Here again its description of itself deserves quotation 
in fall : 

The Degrees of the Kynred and manner of y e encreasinge of the auncient 
familye of the Carewes Barons of Hydron or Odron in Ireland from whom y e 
Carewes of Devon and others beinge of the same kynred by the father's side 
are here described to have issued. Whereunto are added the progeney and 
race of othere famylies whose proper Stockes and matches by maryage are 

1 The italics are mine. 

a Carew Paper;, iv. 438, 441. 

3 Except that William's son, who is made to marry a Courcy, is ' David ' in 
Brooke's pedigree and ' Nicholas ' in the other. Both pedigrees omit at least one 
generation at this point. 


playnlye set downe and are knowen to have combyned them selves in this 
Descent and Famylye. Collected and made by R. Brooke alias Rougecroix one 
of her Ma ties Officers at Armes in the yeare of our Salvation by Christe 1589. 

It is of this descent, which is also found in Sir George 
Carew's handwriting among his MSS. at Lambeth (61 1, f. 42), 
that Dr. Owen scathingly observes that it f is recorded in the 
Heralds' College, but the charter of King John . . . shows 
that it is as fictitious as those of the bards, or of the late Sir 
Bernard Burke.' 1 

Luckily for us Sir John Maclean, who had accepted, in the 
first instance, this spurious pedigree of the family as ( the most 
clear and satisfactory we have seen, as regards the earlier period 
of its history,' 2 ascertained that* it agrees exactly with that 
recorded in the Heralds' College (C i, 26),' 3 and had to 
confess on * further investigation,' that c the first four genera- 
tions, as recorded, cannot be sustained.' 3 But this is only one 
of the points on which this great Heralds' pedigree stands 
condemned ; it merely affects the origin of the Carews, on 
which its statements are wildly false. The serious points are 
the two others, namely the alleged descent from Robert Fitz 
Stephen's daughter, and the * faking ' of the pedigree at a later 
stage, both steps being necessary to prove Sir Peter's right to 
a half of the { Kingdom of Cork.' 

It must be remembered that heralds' pedigrees were 
accepted as virtual proof of descent down to a much later 
time, and that the rejection of such evidence, in cases at least 
of peerage dignities, is comparatively recent. 4 The construction 
therefore of this pedigree to support Sir Peter Carew's claim 
cannot be excused even on the ground that it was merely in- 
tended to minister to harmless vanity. 

As to the first of the three points, the true and the false 
origins of the family are here given side by side. 

1 Old Pembrokeshire Families, p. 1 1 . 

2 Life and Times of Sir Peter Carew, p. i. 

3 Ibid. App. i. It is on this Appendix that Dr. Owen's above criticism is 

4 In the late contest for the office of Lord Great Chamberlain it was 
rightly urged in Lord Ancaster's ' case ' that of the evidence produced in the 
previous contest, under George III., * very little that was undoubtedly admissible 
is noted in the printed cases ' ; for in these the marginal references were largely 
to MSS. in the Heralds' College. 


Htraldf PeJigret 

Adam de 

Rees ap Tudor 
of south Wales 

True Pedlgrtt 

Walter Fitz = 
Other (1086) | 

de = Elizabeth 


Eugenius, = Petronia, dau. of 
Baron of Harcourt, Count 
Carew of Normandie 

Nicholas, = 
Baron of 

Isabel, dau. of 
Bigod, Earl of 

Nesta = Gerald de Windior 

William Fitz = 
Gerald I 

Odo de Carreu 

William, = Elizabeth, dau. and 
Baron of I heir of Robert Fitz 
Carew | Stephen, lord of 

half the kingdom of Cork 

de Carreu 


Carew of "Carew 
and Moulsford 1 


Carew of Carew 
and Moulsford 

How so baseless a concoction can have been fathered even 
by a herald really passes comprehension. 2 It was however 
blindly accepted by Sir Peter Carew's biographer, who began 
his life by asserting that 

his first proper and ancient name is Montgomeroye. But by reason that one 
Eugenius his ancestor did marry one Engharthe, the daughter to Rhesius, 
Prince of Wales, and thereby made Baron of the castle of Carew in the county 
of Pembroke, the name of honour, in course of time, became to be the name of 
the family, and so the natural and proper name of Montgomeroye grew into 
the name of Carew. 3 

One is tempted to suggest that, dazzled by the splendour 

1 I give this version from Sir John Maclean's book because he vouched for 
its exact correspondence with the Heralds' College pedigree. In Harl. Roll, 
P. 9, the pedigree is the same, but the details vary slightly, thus : (i) 'Adam 
Montgomery de Carew in Enghareth ' ; (2) ' Edmonde Carew of Enghareth 
als. Montgomery'; (3) 'Eugenius, Baron of Carew = Petronill d. of Here- 
courte of Normandy.' 

3 The arms of Carew appear to be attributed to an Adam de Montgomery 
on a Roll of Arms temp. Edw. I., but this Adam must have been the Shrop- 
shire knight of that name who died in 1 290. 

3 Hooker's Life of Sir Peter Carew (ed. Maclean), p. I. Sir John Maclean, 
as I have explained, accepted this version in his footnote to this passage on the 
strength of Lambeth MS. 611, f. 42, as 'the most clear and satisfactory,' but 
subsequently recognized its falsehood. 


of their royal mistress, the heralds of Elizabeth projected her 
name into a period when its anachronism would have been as 
great as the ' visits ' of her modern namesake. 

The second point on which the Heralds' pedigree is guilty 
of amazing error is its representation of Sir Peter Carew as 
heir of Robert Fitz Stephen. In the words of Mr. Bagwell 

The English heralds manufactured a pedigree for him 'in colours very 
orderly,' bringing down his title from Fitz Stephen's mythical daughter. 1 

The writer added that the English Government would have 
actually supported his claim if it were not for the trouble 
already caused in Leinster, where his success had driven even 
the loyal house of Butler to revolt. 2 The hazy character of 
the marriage with Robert Fitz Stephen's daughter is shown 
by the fact that Sir Peter's own agent in the matter, 3 Wadding, 
could subsequently write thus : 

Robert Fitz Stephens had no issue but one daughter which he married to 
(as I take it) Robert Caru or to Thomas Caru your ancestors.* 

Not only had the claim to this heir ship been rejected, as we 
shall see, in 1331, but Robert Fitz Stephen's own nephew, the 
historian Giraldus, expressly states twice over that he died 
without issue, 6 and mentions further that his brother's son, 
Reimund Fitz William, succeeded him. 6 

Such evidence as this was so strong that Garter Anstis, of 
whose praiseworthy work I have already spoken, 7 served up 
the pedigree c another way ' (in the language of books on 
cookery), which { deduces the descent of the Munster lands 
from Raymund "de Carrio," uncle of William.' 8 This pedi- 

1 Ireland under the Tudors, ii. 1423. 

3 Compare Carew Papers, p. 206 (* Book of Howth '). 

3 ' Sir Peter . . . being desirous to attempt suit for his living in Moun- 
ster retained me and by the hands of John Hooker showed unto me all the 
evidences and writings' (Wadding's Letter to Sir George Carew, Carew 
Papers, 1601-3, P* 44) 

4 Ibid. p. 439. As a matter of fact the pedigree set up for Sir Peter 
made her marry William Carew. 

5 Expugnatio Hibernite (Rolls Series), pp. 345, 409. 

6 * Reimundus, in hereditatem patruo Stephanidae succedens, urbis custo- 
diam solus obtinuit' (ibid. p. 350). 

7 Ancestor, iii. 33. 

8 See p. 298 of Sir John Maclean's work, where we read that the family 
of Pole-Carew of Antony possesses this pedigree. 


gree accepts the above statement by Giraldus, and then makes 
Odo ' de Carrio ' * brother and heir of Raymond ' by making 
Griffin die s.p. 1 I have no doubt that Anstis acted honestly 
in this, but his correction does not mend matters ; for I shall 
now show that the Munster lands never belonged to Sir 
Peter's ancestors at all. 

This, the third and essential flaw in the pedigree prepared 
by the Heralds, is the one which has cost me the most labour 
to expose. Neither Sir John Maclean, Mr. Bagwell nor 
Dr. Owen have cast doubt on the connexion of Sir Peter's 
line with Cork, and the first of these sturdily maintained 
that ' at all events it is clearly shown by numerous entries in 
the Record Rolls of Ireland that the Carews, during successive 
generations, were possessed of very extensive estates in the 
south of Ireland, which had formed part of the grant to 
Fitz Stephen, to the inheritance of which Sir Peter Carew 
would seem to have been entitled.' 

As this is a matter affecting not merely the history of the 
Carew family, but that of a great district in Ireland, it is worth 
threshing out, the more so as Irish local history is in so back- 
ward a condition that such information is difficult to obtain. 
Careful examination of the * proofs * collected by Sir Peter's 
agent, Wadding, for his Munster claim, compared with those 
appended to the Heralds' pedigree, 3 shows that the record 
evidence relied on centres on a certain Maurice de Carew, 
living for several years before and after 1300, who was un- 
doubtedly a magnate in the present county of Cork. The 
actual pedigree of the Carews of Carew, Moulsford, and county 
Carlow knows him not ; but the heralds first foisted him in to 
connect their client with Munster, and then conveniently ex- 
tinguished him by killing him s.p. They thus produced the 
following descent : 

1 Compare p. 30, note 7 above. 
2 As printed in Sir John Maclean's book (see next page). 


William, 1 = Elizabeth, dau. and 
Baron of I heir of Robert 
Carew I Fitz Stephen 

Nicholas, = Katharine, dau. and 

Baron of 
(under age 
15 Henry 
III. 2 ) 

co-heir of Myles 
Lord Courcye 

Morice de 
Carew s.p. 

Robert de Nicholas, = Avice, dau. and heir 
Carew, Baron of of Richard Tute, 
buried at Carew Lord of Maston 
Kilkenny s.p. in Ireland 



David Nicholas = Avice, 


heir of Digon, 
Baron of Odrone 
in Ireland 

Here again I cite the pedigree from Sir John Maclean's 
book (p. 298) as that of the Heralds. To it there is appended 
this note : 

These two brethren, Morice and Robert, being both heirs successivelie 
unto the lands descended unto them in the Countie of Corke and elsewhere, 
being their father's and grandmother's inheritance, and beinge both out of the 
land of Irland at such time of service when the Kinges banner was there 
displaied, were charged for answeringe unto the Kinge the scutage or service 
dewe for the same ; that is to say, 60 for 30 knyghtes fees, dewe and ex- 
cepted in the lettres patentes of King Henry II, and as appeareth in sondrye 
recordes in the Exchequer of Dublin. Also, this Morice, being endebted to 
King Edward I in 4000 (sic) for the said services, in consideration of his 
good service done in Scotland, the King released and acquitted him of that 
debt, as appeareth in the recordes of the Exchequer of the Castle of Dublin, 
entitled Rotulo Magno 32 Edward I. And further, whereas the services 
wardships and marriages of W de Burgo, Morrice Fitz Gerald, Thomas Fitz 
Morris, David of Barry, being holden of him, and yet, neverthelesse, the same 
were seized and taken into the Kinges handes, etc. etc. 

More references to records follow, but the quotation is long 
enough. With great difficulty I have been able to trace 
enough of the evidence to assert (i) that Maurice did not, as 
alleged, die without issue, but left a son and successor ; (2) 
that he and his son are traceable for some half a century as a 
branch of the family entirely distinct from their contem- 
poraries, the Carews of Carew and Moulsford, from whom 
Sir Peter was descended. 

1 See p. 3 5 above for the earlier pedigree. 
> 2 See p. 26 above for the error and confusion here. 


In the Heralds' pedigree prepared for Sir Peter (Harl. 
Roll, P. 9) the actual words are these : 

Nicholas, = Katherin, one of the 

Baron of 

daughters and heiri 
of line of the L. Coursy 
and sister and on(e) of the 
heirs of Miles Lord Coursy 

Morris Carew, 
eldest sonne, 
died sanz issue 

Robert Carew, Nicholas, Baron 
second sonne, of Carew 
died sanz issue 

The reason for thus foisting Maurice into the line of Sir 
Peter's ancestors is seen not only in the long note quoted 
above, but in Wadding's letter to Lord Carew. Wadding 
himself, as we have seen, 1 had doubted whether Sir Peter* was 
heir ' to the Cork Carews ; but this Heralds' pedigree made 
him heir to Maurice, and Maurice, as I have said, was certainly 
the Cork Carew. 

It is on Maurice then that we must fix our eyes. In the 
volumes of the Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland Maurice 
de Carreu appears as early at least as 1285 ; we regularly find 
him connected with the county of Cork, and he is regularly 
summoned, among the magnates of Ireland, to the council and 
to the host. But he is always in debt to the Crown. At length 
he joins his lord the king in invading the Scottish realm, and 
* for good service done in Scotland ' is forgiven ^400 c in which 
he is bound to the king for arrears of farms and rents of lands 
which he holds in capite in Desmond.' 2 We find him sum- 
moned to the Parliament of Kilkenny 8 January, I3io, 3 and a 
Cork deed of 1317 mentions his curia de Castro Cbori.*' 
Finally we come to the following all-important record dated 
1 6 July, 1320 : 

Rex mand' Edmundo Hakelute esceatori quod Thome filio et beredi Maurieii 
de Carreu de terris etc. que idem Mauricius tenuit de Rege in capite seisinam 
habere fac'. 5 

1 p. 33 above. 

2 15 Aug. 1304 (Calendar, 1302-7). It should be observed that the 
amount is 400, not 4,000. ' Desmond ' was South Munster. He had 
received letters of protection, 25 June, 1303, previous to leaving for Scotland. 

3 Irish Patent Roll, 3 Edw. II. 
* Ibid. 1 1 Edw. II. 

5 Irish Close Roll, 14 Edw. II. dorse. 


Four days later * Thomas films et heres Mauricii de 
Carreu ' acknowledges that he owes to the Chancellor of 
Ireland ^ic. 1 So much for the statement that Maurice de 
Carew * died sanz issue/ 2 

We now approach the evidence on which reliance was 
specially placed for Sir Peter's Munster claim. The Heralds 
had made him heir to Maurice ; he had then to prove that 
Maurice was heir to Robert Fitz Stephen. Now Robert, 
when he received his grant of half the kingdom of Cork to 
be held in capite by the service of thirty knights, had bestowed 
inter alia on Philip de Barri, the son of his half-sister, no less 
a district than three cantreds Olethan, Muscheri-Dunegan 
and Killede to be held of him and his heirs by the service of 
ten knights. 3 To prove that Maurice de Carew stood in the 
shoes of Robert Fitz Stephen it had to be shown, on the one 
hand, that he held in capite of the Crown, and, on the other, 
that the Barrys held their great estates of himself. As to the 
first of these two points, it is very remarkable that a solitary 
entry shows us Maurice de c Carreu ' charged with ' 30 ser- 
vices of the army of Tristeldermot ' at Easter, 1296 ; 4 for we 
have already seen that in 1236 a Robert de Carew (who, like 
himself, was not among Sir Peter's ancestors) held by the 
service of thirty knights in I236. 6 This appears, I think, to 
represent the holding of Robert Fitz Stephen, although, of 
course, it does not prove a marriage with his c mythical daugh- 

With the Barry inheritance we come to grips on the Irish 
Close Roll of 32 Edward III. (1358). A series of entries on 
that roll tell us in effect that the Barry estates had been taken 
into the king's hands during a minority, as being held of the 
king in capite, but that they were found by a subsequent in- 
quisition to have been held of Maurice de Carew, from whose 
son and heir, Thomas, David de Barry had purchased a quit- 
claim of his right as lord, thus becoming himself a tenant in 
capite of the Crown. 6 The statement as to this purchase of 

1 Irish Close Roll, 14 Edw. II. 

8 It is worth nothing that we also have mention of ' Gilbert son of 
Maurice de Carreu ' on the Irish Close Roll of 8 Edw. III. (1334). 

3 Compare p. 28 above. 

* Calendar oj Documents relating to Ireland, 1293-1301, p. 131. 

6 On the authority of Calendar of Carew MSS. p. 232. 

8 ' quod predict! Johannes et David (de Barri) ilia (manerium de Olethan 


lordship is curiously confirmed when we turn for a moment 
from the Irish to the English Close Rolls. We there find 
enrolled a deed of Thomas Fitz Maurice, ' lord of Desmond 
and Okenill' (2 June, 1329), shortly before his creation as 
Earl of Desmond (22 Aug. 1329), reciting that 'he has pur- 
chased from Thomas de Carreu, cousin and heir of Robert son oj 
Stephen, the lordship of the manors of Inchecoyng and Le 
Yoghel.' * We can now identify the Thomas de Carew who 

* set up a tide as heir to Fitz Stephen to all his share of that 
great estate,' 2 and whose title was rejected, 31 August, 1331, 
by a formal inquisition at Cork, on the ground that Robert 
Fitz Stephen 'was a bastard and died without heirs of his 
body.' 3 

The * ugly ' feature in Sir Peter's claim is that, although 
it rested largely on the above Barry and Fitz Maurice evidence, 
which involved knowledge of Thomas de Carew, his very 
existence was coolly ignored and his father made to die 

* sanz issue.' 

Enough has now been said to show that there were two 
contemporary and wholly distinct lines of Carew in Ireland, 
the Carews of cos. Meath and Carlow and the Carews of co. 
Cork. And not only was Maurice of the latter foisted on 
the former line, but he was foisted on them by the Heralds 
at too early a stage. His contemporaries were the son and 
grandson of the man whose elder brother they made him ! 
The really amazing thing is that Sir Peter's bogus c title and 
right ' in Munster seems, according to his agent Hooker, to 
have been admitted without question by the Irish and Anglo- 
Irish, who, hearing that he was coming 'to dwell among 

et maneria de Bottavaunt, Lyscarewell, et Adnogrothan cum pertinentiis in 
Muscridonegan) tenuerunt de Mauricio de Carreu per servic mil' . . . dicta 
terra tenebatur de Mauricio de Carreu, et non de Rege in capite, et quod 
Dav' fil* Dav' fil' Dav' de Barry qui ultimo obiit adquisivit relaxacionem et 
quiet' clamanc' de Thoma de Carreu filio et herede dicti Mauricii de omni- 
bus serviciis pro terris suis in comitatu Cork', et sic idem David tenens Regis 
in capite esse devenit anno regni regis nunc 10' [1336-7], etc., etc. (Record 
Commission's Calendar, p. 68. Compare p. 70). 

1 Calendar of Close Rolls, 1327-30, p. 563. The places are Youghal and 
Inchiquin adjoining, co. Cork. The (Record Office) Calendar (1896) places 
this Inchiquin in co. Clare, but, I think, wrongly. 

3 Smith's History of Cork, i. 51. 

3 Ibid, and O'Donovan's Annals of Ireland, v. 1737. Sir John Maclean 
was rather indignant with Dr. O'Donovan on the subject (pp. 2, 3). 


them, if they would yield unto him his right, seemed to be 
very glad and joyful thereof, and forthwith they all namely, 
the Lord Courcye, the Lord Barry Oge, 1 Mac Artye rioght,' 
etc., etc., agreed with Hooker 

that they would submit themselves and their lands, wholly, unto Sir Peter's 
devotion and take the same, at his hands, for such reasonable rents as he should 
assess upon them. And for that which was past they would, in recompense 
thereof, give him three thousand kine, or cows, which they accounted to be 
about one year's rent of so much land as they did hold ; over and beside the 
territories which Mac Arty More, the Earl of Desmond, the Lord Fitzmorris 
. . . the Lord Barrye of Barryemore 1 . . . and others did hold, which far 
exceeded the rest ; and these three thousand cows, after a mark the piece, 
amounteth to the value of three thousand marks (2,000), etc. 2 

Sir Peter had cause, indeed, to bless ' the Haroldes of 
this realme,' and one hopes that he did not forget { largesse,' 
even if it took the embarrassing form of lowing Irish kine. 

For Sir Peter was a liberal man. Of his { beneficence 
and liberality' his biographer tells us that ' a continual giver he 
was, but was never taker.' 3 Even when he had to explain 
to a landowner that he must hand him over his land, he did 
it, we learn, so courteously that he was actually thanked 
for it ! 

He sendeth for Sir Christopher Chyvers, who dwelled at Maston . . . 
and advertised him that the house and lands which the said Sir Christopher 
then held, was not his but the said Sir Peter's, and that he had good charts to 
show for the same, and was therefore come to make claim therunto. Sir 
Christopher, at this motion, was astonied, and albeit it touched him near 
the quick, yet being very courteously entreated and entertained by Sir Peter, 
he thanked him for it, etc., etc.* 

Sir Peter, however, had to go to law, but he won his 
case against the Irish knight. 


A little heraldry may now be not unwelcome for a 
change. Here is the coat assigned in the Heralds' pedigree 
to Sir Peter Carew with its sixteen quarterings. 5 Crest and 
all it is identical with that to be seen over his monument 
in Exeter Cathedral. 8 The black lions of Carew are followed, 

1 See The Ancestor, iii. 243. 

2 Life, pp. 100-4. 

3 Ibid. p. 113. 4 Ibid. p. 79. 

5 Harl. Roll, P. 9. 

6 Described and illustrated in Sir John Maclean's book, pp. 121-2. 



as a first quartering, by the arms assigned to Robert Fitz 
Stephen, per pale gules and argent, a saltire counterchanged. 
The arms, which are doubtless as imaginary as the right to 
quarter them, may be based on the saltire of Fitz Gerald. 
The eagles of De Courcy are the next quartering. On 
more grounds than one this quartering may be challenged. 
Reference to the Heralds' pedigree 1 will show that it is 
accounted for by a marriage of Nicholas de Carew, living, 
under John and Henry III., with Katherine, heiress or co- 
heiress of a Lord Courcy. But the first known ancestor of 
the Lord Courcy does not appear till 1221, and nothing is 
known of his leaving an heiress or heiresses. From the 
Lord Courcy being spoken of as Miles, I strongly suspect 
that this marriage is merely a fearful blunder based on that 
of a Carew several generations later with a co-heiress who 
was not a Courcy and was not named Katherine. 

When one adds that we do not know who this Carew 
was, and that he cannot in any case have been an ancestor 
of Sir Peter, an interesting light is thrown on the value of 
the * registered ' pedigree. 2 

The marriage to which I refer is proved by a record of 
singular interest on the Irish Close Rolls. The king recites 
the inquisition on the death of Milo de Courcy of Ringrone, 
and directs the division of all his lands among his co-heirs 
(21 July, 1 3 72).* The record sets forth these co-heirs as 
follows : 

David Milo 

de Barry de Courcy 

William = Margaret Johanna Katerina Anastacia 

dc Barry (i) (ii) I (iii) (iv) 

Richard Joan de Margery Margery 

Lenfaunt Cantelu Carreu Courcy 

The special interest of this record is that it utterly over- 
throws the accepted pedigree of the Lords Courcy. Accord- 
ing to the latest version, that in the Complete Peerage, Milo 

1 p. 39 above. 2 See p. 33 above. 

3 Calendar, p. 83. Ringrone was the head of Courcy's country, the whole 
of which was ordered to be thus divided. 


de Courcy died in 1358, and was succeeded by his { son 
and heir * John de Courcy, yth (or 8th) lord, who died 
about I387. 1 As I have had occasion, more than once, to 
observe, there is no barony, perhaps, on which more nonsense 
has been written, or more confusion prevailed, than that of 
the Courcys of Kingsale. 2 

The only other of the quarterings that calls for notice 
is the curious Mohun coat of the maunched hand with its 
fleur-de-lis. This represents an interesting case of what may 
be termed a bequeathed coat. It was acquired as follows : 

P) P9 

Eleanor, dau. and == John, Baron of = Joan, dau. of 

co-heir of Sir 
William Mohun 
of Mohun' s 
Ottery, Devon 

Carew and of 
Idrone, ob. 1324 

Sir Gilbert 

Eleanor, dau. of = Nicholas, Baron John, Baron = Margaret 
Sir Gilbert of Carew, of Carew, I Mohun of 

Talbot ob. s.p. 1324 d. 1362 I Dunster 

The documents relating to the marriage of Nicholas are 
now, it may be interesting to state, in the British Museum. 3 
As he left no issue, he bequeathed his mother's inheritance 
to his half-brother John, requesting him to quarter her arms, 
which thus figure in Carew's shield, like those of Lucy in 
Percy's shield, in virtue, not of a descent in blood, but of 
a devise of land with the arms of its former holders.* By 

1 Vol. iv. 393. It is right to add that a footnote warns the reader that 
' the account of the barons of Kingsale previous to the middle of the sixteenth 
century, as also their succession, is very unreliable.' 

2 Compare Studies in Peerage and Family History, pp. 103-8. 

3 Marriage settlement by John de ' Carru ' on Nicholas his son, heir of 
Alianor, one of the heirs of William de Mohun, his wife, 30 Nov. 1317 
(Lans. MS. 672). And receipt from * Johannes de Carreu, dominus de 
Carreu ' to Gilbert Talbot for an instalment of the 200 which the latter 
had undertaken to pay for the marriage, Midsummer, 1319 (Lans. MS. 

4 The statement in 'Heralds' College, C. I, 26,' according to Sir John 
Maclean, is, ' This Nicholas, Baron Carew, conveyed his lands by order of lawe 
to his brother, John, enjoining him to bear the arms of Mohun, his mother, 
quartered with his own.' In Harl. Roll, P. 9 it is almost identical : * This 
Nicholas Baron of Carew bequethed his landes by order of lawe to his brother 
John, enjoyning him to beare his mother's armes quarterly with his cote 01 

Rather more than a century after the death of Nicholas, the Carews 
claimed that their ancestor, his half-brother John, was his whole brother, and 


this arrangement, which anticipated by more than seventy 
years the Lucy-Percy devise, Mohun's Ottery became event- 
ually the seat of the Carews ; and it was there that Sir 
Peter pored over his deeds and concocted, in conjunction with 
Hooker, his great Irish enterprise. 

The illustration of the Carew shield with its sixteen 
.quarterings will enable our readers to picture to themselves 

* those marvellous pedigree rolls ' described by Mr. Barron as 
typical of the Elizabethan age, with the * great shield of many 
quarters ' at the foot. 1 Such are the rolls dealt with in this 
paper (Harl. Roll, P. 9 ; Add. MS. 30,988), the wife's coat 
in colours being carefully impaled for each successive match 
from that with * Herecourte of Normandy * about the time 
of Henry II. Now the heralds of Elizabeth's time have 
become for us a byword ; so far as pedigree is concerned, we 
laugh their legends to scorn. But as to heraldry, modern 
heralds have contrived to sink deeper still ; if heraldry is now 

* a silly science,' * it is partly to them that we owe it. 

For proof, compare the Carew coat of 1568 with that 
gem of heraldry up-to-date, the shield of the barony of 
Conyers, as pictured and described in the latest edition (1902) 
of Armorial Families, with its 134 quarterings. We read of 
this preposterous object that 

The quarterings officially established in the College of Arms, however, are 
as follows (vide illustration). 

Among them are : * 103, Carew ; 104, Other (gules a saltire 
argent); 105, Windsor (argent a saltire gules); 106, Fitz 
Stephen (erm. and gules, a saltire counterchanged).' Now if 
the Heralds had contented themselves with repeating the coats 
allowed by their Elizabethan predecessors one might have 
overlooked the f bogus ' claim to the * bogus ' coat of Fitz 
Stephen. 3 But, not content with this, they interpolated, as 

that they were thus heirs of Mohun. The pedigrees they put forward (from 
De Banco Roll, Hilary, 16 Henry VI. mm. 321, 322) will be found in 
General Wrottesley's Pedigrees from the Plea Rolls, p. 363. 

1 The Ancestor, iv. 61. 

2 Ibid. iv. 146. 

3 Even its blazon appears to be ' bogus ' according to Armorial Families, 
where the tinctures are shown as ermine and gules, although the Elizabethan 
heralds had made them gules and ermine in Harl. Roll, P. 8 and Add. MS. 
30, 988. 



shown above, coats of * Other ' and of ' Windsor ' between those 
of Carew and ' Fitz Stephen.' This, I claim, reduces heraldry 
to the position of { a silly science,' because those two coats 
could not be quarterings at all. 1 

Fitz Other 

de Windsor 

Fitz Gerald 


de Carew 

Other, who was living at the time of the Conquest, cannot 
possibly have possessed a coat, although the fact has been 
' officially established.' And even an Elizabethan herald knew 
better than to make a Carew quarter the arms assigned to his 
own male forefathers. But this is how the monstrous and 
silly shields of modern days are constructed, notably for 
Welsh houses. 2 One is really tempted to ask of such * quarter- 
ings ' whether, as a tradesman would say, a reduction is made 
for a quantity. 


1 See, on this point, the preface to this very work, where * the English 
law ' on the subject of quarterings is laid down by Mr. Fox-Davies (Armorial 
Families [1902] p. xiii.),and it is explained that they must be acquired through 
heiresses. Nevertheless, it is observed in the same place (of the Conyers 
shield) that 'the Lane-Fox family have proved 136,' and we read that * it is 
always advisable to submit your claims to the officers of the College, and get 
your right adjudicated upon and recorded and allowed before assuming 
quarterings ; so very often some or all require careful investigation, and, 
speaking advisedly, so few people, even amongst those who have made a study 
of Armory, know how to marshal them correctly.' So it would appear. 

a Even in the Conyers shield we meet with the coat of a dear old friend, 
that * armigerous person,' Beli Mawr, together with those of Kariadoc, etc., 
while * Bellomont,' * Melent,' and ' Rosemar ' are still as near as a herald can 
get to Beaumont, Meulan, and Roumare, this last reminding us, by its con- 
junction with Longespee, of a long exploded heraldic legend. 

3 See, further, my comments on the 323 quarters 'proved and recorded' 
at the College of Arms by the Lloyds of Stockton, apparently between 1895 
and 1 899. ' Belinus the Great (Beli Mawr) King of Britain ' plays a con- 
siderable part therein (Studies in Peerage and Family History, p. xii.). 


The mention of Wales brings me to the last section of 
my article, and with it we return to our starting-point, the 
original home of the Carews. A fearful and wondrous thing, 
we know, is the Welsh pedigree ; but in the last number of 
The Ancestor it has found at length a champion. The miserable 
evidence of records on which we English rely is swept aside 
by the champion of the Welsh in favour of that of tradition. 1 
And tradition, as enshrined in that venerable work known as 
'The Golden Grove (1752-65), provides, we learn, the Carews 
with a pedigree extending for seven generations above Walter 
Fitz Other to * Zuria Lopez y 6 fair, first Lord of Biscay,' who 
married c Dalda f. Sanceo Estegnis Hortunes, Lord of Tavira 
de Durango.' We are not in the realms of comic opera ; we 
are only in those of Welsh c tradition.' And its apostle, Mr. 
Wood, selects this example ' chiefly in order to have the advan- 
tage of comparing it with the results of recent research, as 
appearing in Tbe Ancestor , by Mr. Round.' 2 Let me hasten 
to assure Mr. Wood that no comparison is possible between 

* the results of recent research,' and a pedigree beginning with 

* Zuria Lopez ' and ending with ' Lugteus Thane of Angwis,' 
a being who lived apparently about the time of John. The 
only fit comparison for this pre-Conquest pedigree, of which 
the scenes are shifted from Biscay to Florence, to Scotland and 
to Normandy is the now familiar realm of musical comedy. 

I am aware that Mr. Wood, * in the form of axioms,' claims 
that certain allowances are required by the Welsh pedigree, 
among which, we find, are these : * Generations are frequently 
omitted ' ; * an individual occasionally is affiliated to his wife's 
parents or to one of his wife's parents or (sic) one of his own,' 
or ' to a step-parent ' ; and ' little attention is paid to the 
Christian names of women.' a But more is required. Mr. 
Wood reminds us that his arguments ' in favour of the 
genuineness of Welsh pedigrees only apply to the descend' 

1 The Ancestor, iv. 47. With Mr. Wood's article on 'The Value of 
Welsh Pedigrees ' should be compared the conclusions of a Welsh expert, 
Mr. Gwenogvryn Evans, on the subject (Report to Historical MS5. Commission 
on the Peniartb Collection, p. vi.) : ' When a pedigree reaches back beyond the 
third generation of the time in which it was originally drawn up, unless sup- 
ported by independent documentary evidence, the work of even the most honest 
men cannot be trusted.' 

8 Ibid. p. 48. 


ants of Gerald de Windsor and Nest, daughter of Rees 
ap Tewdur.' 1 Well, we will take the descendants ot 
Gerald and c Nesta or Vesta ' (sic). We find (i) that their 
daughter c Momea, rather Rohesia,' married * Nicholas de 
Verdon ... or rather Bertram Lord Verdon ' ; (2) that 
their grandson William Fitz Maurice, Baron of the Naas, 
appears as * Maurice (some say William) ' ; (3) that their 
daughter's sons, the famous Giraldus Cambrensis and his 
brother Alexander, appear as their own sons ; (4) that their 
son Maurice Fitz Gerald had a son * Sylvester, Bishop of St. 
David's,' who is wholly unknown to history. If this is Welsh 
genealogy at its best, what is its c value ' ? One would have 
imagined that, if he knew anything, a Welsh genealogist 
would know at least the names of the Bishops of St. Davids ; 
but even this, it appears, is too much to expect. Mr. Wood's 
fourth axiom runs : 

Previously to 1560 or thereabouts the dates assigned to and facts stated 
about individuals are not contemporary with the pedigrees, but late and 
generally quite untrustworthy additions. 

One seems to remember that they were so also in ' the bonny 
house of Coulthart.' But, seriously speaking, this axiom re- 
moves what is virtually the sole test that we can apply to 
* the value of Welsh pedigrees.' When for instance The 
Golden Grove which is claimed as * a good authority for 
eleventh and twelfth century pedigrees,' 2 such as that of 
Nesta's progeny introduces us to * Cynfyn Lord of Powys 
and Earl of Chester,' 3 who must have lived somewhere about 
the beginning of the twelfth century, the convenient * axiom ' 
intervenes and explains why it is of no consequence that no 
such Earl of Chester is known. The Welsh genealogist may 
well pray, * From all facts and dates, good Lord, deliver us ! ' 
That Mr. Wood is inspired by the same spirit as breathes 
through The Golden Grove is shown by the comments he 
offers on my twelfth century pedigree. I am rebuked for 
seeking contemporary evidence,* which * by itself would hardly 
be sufficient even for the most careless herald,' when I might 
have proved my case * by the pedigree in the Harleian Roll 
and that in The Golden Grove. 1 6 That a Heralds' pedigree of 

1 Ibid. 2 Ibid. P. 47. 

3 See Mr. Wood's other specimen pedigree. 

4 The Ancestor, ii. 94-5. 8 Ibid. iv. 50. The Roll is P. 8. 


the seventeenth and a Welsh compilation of the eighteenth 
century are the proper authorities for the facts of the twelfth 
are statements so delightfully subversive of all that the his- 
torian and the genealogist have now agreed to accept, that 
they call for no further comment than is supplied by my 
examination above of Harleian Roll, P. 9, and of The Golden 
Grove. We may leave * Eugenius Baron of Carew ' in the 
company of * Inigo y e left-handed ' and * Zuria Lopez y e fair.' 
Mr. Wood is good enough, as I have observed, to ' make 
a few criticisms ' on my pedigree of the early Windsors, 
observing that I ' must be conscious of its weakness at certain 
points.' I am happy to meet those criticisms and will at 
once address myself to the most definite and direct. In 
order that I may be scrupulously correct I will cite Mr. 
Wood's own words : 

Here Mr. Round seems for once to have fallen into a trap, the like ot 
which fortunately for -genealogists is rarely set. The facts are these : In 
Domesday we find under Essex * Terra Witti (sic) de Warenna. Hundred 
de Dommauua. Estanes tenuit Duua liva (sic) femina, etc.' ' Terra Galteri 
diaconi. Hund de Witbrictesherna. Eistanes ten & Gait in dnio qd tenuit 
Dodinc, etc.' ' Robert de Windsor obtained Estanes (sic) in the days of 
Henry I. William son of Robert obtained a fresh confirmation of it from 
Henry II.' 1 Robert de Hastings held Eistanes at the time of the Liber 
Niger, his son William also holding there ; and it has been shown by Mr. 
Clark that this Robert de Hastings was a son of Walter the Deacon. So that 
we have two contemporary Williams, sons of two Roberts, sons of two Walters, 
both Domesday tenants, holding two manors of practically the same name in 
the same county. What could seem more reasonable than to identify the two 
men and the two places as Mr. Round has done, though Mr. Clark has not ? 
Yet the daughter and heiress of the one William married the son and heir of 
the other, and the places are far apart. ' One could not desire a better illus- 
tration of the michief in county history that may follow from identifying 
wrongly a single Domesday manor. ' a 

There is here indeed, in Mr. Wood's words, ' a trap the like 
of which, fortunately for genealogists, is rarely set ' and, in 
spite of the warning notice board that I had erected on its 
margin, he has fallen into the midst of it himself. 

There are few students who would take the trouble to 
consult, as Mr. Wood has done, the actual facsimile of 

1 This is a quotation from my article (The Ancestor, ii. 92). But 1 
speak there of * Little Easton,' not of * Estanes.' The words which followjt 
represent Mr. Wood's version of * the facts.' 

2 This last quotation is taken from my own remarks on the point at issue, 
which are here, in somewhat premature triumph, turned against myself. 


Domesday ; fewer still who would do so only to impress on 
us the fact that they can neither read it nor understand it if 
they could. The abbreviation over * Will[elm]i ' has led Mr. 
Wood to read * Witti,' and the ' lib[er]a ' of the text similarly 
becomes, in his ingenuous hands, * liva.' The entry relates 
to an estate which, being on the fief of William de Warenne, 
descended with the rest of that fief, and had never anything 
to do either with a Hastings or with a Windsor. It was 
not held, as Mr. Wood alleges, by a Domesday tenant 
named Walter, but by William de Warenne himself ' in 
demesne.' As a matter of fact it was a manor in Great 
Easton which does not here concern us. Even Mr. Clark, 
with all his errors, did not introduce the further one of 
making a * Walter ' the * Domesday tenant ' of William de 
Warenne's manor. 1 

The excavation of the great trap began with Morant, the 
historian of Essex, who planted the manor of Walter the 
deacon down by the sea in the Dengie Hundred where there 
is no place of the name. 2 The place which it really belongs 
to is Little Easton, adjoining Great Easton, in Dunmow 
Hundred. All this I have duly explained, 3 but Mr. Wood 
calmly ignores it. 

Mr. G. T. Clark, relying on Morant,* set to work on 
the pit with his customary confidence and haste, and it soon 
assumed, at his hands, most alarming proportions. Of the 
great legacy of errors bequeathed by this ardent writer, his 
origin of the house of Hastings is by no means the least. 
He found in the Liber Niger a return of the * Baronia 
Roberti de Hastings,' and promptly assigned it to 1165, 
which, by the way, he erroneously supposed to be the date 
of the Liber Niger itself. Critical examination shows that it 
belongs neither to 'the date of the Liber Niger* nor to 
'1165' (i.e. 1 1 66), but to an intermediate date, probably 
the reign of Richard I. 6 

1 Arch. Journal, xxvi. 121-2, 130. 

3 He was misled by the erroneous Hundredal heading in Domesday. 
See Victoria History of Essex, i. 349, 391, 393. 

3 The Ancestor, ii. 92. Little Easton is the ' Assen (sic) parva ' ot his 
Welsh pedigree. 

4 Arch. Journal, xxvi. 121-2, 130. 

6 As I have already explained, the editor of the Liber Rubeus (Mr. Hubert 
Hall) comes to grief here, not recognizing that this return is later than the 
Cartee Baronum. 


In this return he found that Robert de Hastings had an 
under-tenant called * William Fitz Robert,' ancestor of the 
Dorset family of Godmanstone of Godmanstone. Him he 
transformed into the son and heir of his lord, Robert de 
Hastings (!), and then he turned Robert himself into a 
composite being, whom he named c Robertus d'Estan, de 
Hastings or Mascherel,' and boldly made this composite 
being the son and heir of Walter the Deacon living at least 
a century before. 1 It is enough to take away the breath 
even of a Welsh genealogist. There can be nothing madder 
in The Golden Grove. 

To Mr. Wood however it is all sane, it is all gospel 
truth. And solely on the strength of these blunders, 
against which I had warned my readers, he proclaims that 
my statement, which is absolutely correct, is based on my 
fall * into a trap * ! I must therefore meet his statements 
of fact by these plain rebuttals : (i) Of his * two contem- 
porary Williams^' we find, one was not the son of his Robert, 
who was not the son of his Walter ; (2) of these Williams 
the son of one did not marry the daughter of the other 2 ; 
(3) there were not * two manors ' in the case, and the places, 
even if there had been, would not have been * far apart.* 8 

I think therefore I may ask Mr. Wood to refrain, in 
future, from citing against me records which he cannot read 
and * facts ' which are exploded errors. 

The origin of the Carews is now certain. They were 
neither Normans of the house of Montgomery, as alleged 
in the Heralds' pedigree, nor were they descendants of 
Italian Gherardini, banished from Florence in the twelfth 
century* ; nor can they 'trace,' as alleged, their descent, 
' without interruption, from the Anglo-Saxon period of Eng- 
lish history.' s Still less can they claim as patriarch Zuria 
Lopez of Biscay ; and least of all can we allow them, as the 
first founder of their race, a comrade of .flineas. But their des- 
cent is clear from the Norman Conquest, at the time of 

1 See The Ancestor, ii. 91 ; and Arch. Journ. xxvi. 129. 

2 I am here speaking of his own Williams, i.e. William de Windsor and 
the ' William Fitz Robert ' of the Hastings return. 

3 His Domesday entries, as I have explained, relate to two adjoining 

* The Ancestor, i. 121. 

5 See Burke 1 i Peerage, under Carew of Haccombe. 


which must have lived Other, their direct ancestor. This 
Other however has not yet been identified, and had nothing 
to do, as I have shown, with { a great noble of Aquitaine,' 
living { about 660.' * 

I think that I can now even explain the curious but 
confident belief that the great house of Fitz Gerald was 
really of Trojan origin. Giraldus, when exalting the glory 
of his house in Expugnatio Hiberni<e y exclaims : 

genus ! O gens ! gemina natura a Trojanis animositatem, a Gallis 
armorum usum originaliter trahens. 2 

This at first sight might suggest that he believed in 
their Trojan origin ; and his words probably gave rise to 
the subsequent assertion thereof. But their real meaning is 
evident from another passage in his works, in which he 
writes of Walter of Coutances : 

Galterius iste ab antiqua et authentica Britonum prosapia Trojanae 
nobilitatis apicem praeferente. 3 

Steeped in the legends of Geoffrey of Monmouth, Gir- 
aldus traced the Britons to Brut, and Brut himself to Troy. 
Gerald, founder of the house of Fitz Gerald, having married 
the daughter of a Welsh prince, his children were * of Gaul ' 
on the father's side, but of princely Welsh descent, and 
therefore of Troy,' on the mother's. Unconscious witness 
to their ' gemina natura ' is borne by Miss Norgate, who 
writes of Giraldus that * on both sides he came of a race of 
fighting men.' * 

The Carews are remarkable not merely for possessing a 
clear pedigree to the Conquest, but for tracing that pedigree 
through a tenant-in-chier of 1086 and for possessing even 
under Henry I. so great a territory in south Wales. The 
preservation of so ancient a house in the male line to the 
present day is an interesting and very rare phenomenon ; 5 
and it is a fitting object of genealogical inquiry to ascertain 
whether any bearers of the name beyond the Carews of 
Haccombe (baronets since 1661) can prove, in the male 

1 The Ancestor, ii. 173. a Ed. Rolls Series, v. 326. 

3 Ibid. iv. 408. 

4 England under the Angevin Kings, ii. 453. 

5 This assertion is subject, of course, to the uncertainty at present of the 
pedigree in the thirteenth century spoken of on p. 27 above. 


line, their descent from the parent stock. 1 Carew of Antony 
became extinct in the direct male line in 1748, though repre- 
sented in blood and estate, through heiresses, by Pole-Carew ; 
but the extinction of its whole male stock or even of heirs 
to its baronetcy (1641) appears to be c not proven.' 2 Another 
branch, the Carews of Crowcombe, which re-acquired the 
stammhaus, Carew Castle, by grant from Charles I., became 
similarly extinct in the direct male line in 1766, when their 
estates passed to an heiress. Carew of Beddington, a well 
known house, became extinct in the male line as early as 1 6 1 1 . 
The family of Lord Carew (in the peerage of Ireland) appears 
to be allowed by the Heralds the arms, undifferenced, of the 
ancient house, although no attempt is made to carry its pedi- 
gree, even in Burke 's Peerage, beyond a Robert Carew living 
in Ireland under Charles I., who is vaguely described as * a 
descendant of the great and ancient family of that name.' 
This is a claim jyhich would doubtless be made, and prima 
facie rightly made, by every bearer of the name ; but attention 
may be called to the fact that an unfortunate gentleman who 
bears it has been pilloried in a certain notorious work for 
using the old coat, while Lord Carew's right to it is recog- 
nized, although his descent from the ancient house is not, 
we have seen, vouchsafed. As is well known to experts in 
genealogy, there is usually great difficulty in connecting the 
founders of Irish families, in the seventeenth century, with 
the parent stocks in England. 


1 There is a pretty story in Hooker's Life that, when Sir Peter, as a boy, 
had been neglected in France by the knight to whom his father had entrusted 
him and allowed to become a mere groom, * one Carew of Haccombe in the 
county of Devon, Esquire,' who was * riding to the court ' of France in state 
with letters from Henry VIII. , heard the other horseboys calling to ' Carew 
Anglois,' and, rescuing his young kinsman, trained him up ' in the Court of 
France like a gentleman, and in riding and in other such exercises as most 
meet for one of service.' 

2 See G. E. C.'s Complete Baronetage, ii. 126, note. 


THE English novel remains the only flourishing English 
industry, since the City has taken the control of the 
bicycle trade out of the hands of mechanic manufacturers 
ignorant of the higher finance. For year by year the output 
grows, and the appetite of the novel reader grows by reading. 
Yet the demand is still for the English product. Here at 
least, as those adventurers who have steered a straight course 
through a German novel are eager to inform us on their 
return, we need have no fear of foreign competition, and 
although certain earnest publishers may curse our insular 
palates, the Russian novel, vast and dismal as its native wastes, 
is still Russian caviare to our general. 

Earth, sea and sky, and the waters under the earth have 
been picked over, netted and dredged by the hard-working 
novelist for wonders wherewith to decorate his constructions. 
We have come to view the hero as he steps off in his first 
chapter even as we view the acrobat in his fleshings making his 
first reverence to his audience. At the familiar turn of the printed 
page, as at the flash of the spangles, we are armed against sur- 
prise, for * situation ' is all but exhausted and the next somer- 
sault can hardly be much higher than the last. How pleasant 
then to remark that many of the ancient devices still give 
pleasure, and that the new and successful novel is often the 
one which observes most faithfully the ancient unities of the 

The old fancies move in our veins. The antiquary as 
genealogist will note that we still prefer our heroes to be nobly 
born. Our demands are not unreasonable ; we make no con- 
dition that the hero should be born of ancient kings. The 
Rassendylls were so born, it is true, but their family history is 
a delicate business, one of those which more concern the 
writers of confidential memoirs or the author of the wicked 
footnotes to the Complete Peerage than the genealogist 
who must work by documentary evidence. And some Ras- 
sendylls, it would appear, are Rassendylls, whilst others cannot 
hide their Ruritanian hair even under their respectable English 


top hats, a fact which does not make the Rassendyll pedigree 
any less bewildering. Kings are, however, beginning to make 
their way as heroes of the popular novel, especially the ath- 
letic young sovereigns of Balkan kingdoms obscurely set in 
the map, and at least one emperor, a secretly nurtured Buona- 
parte, has in these last years captained the crew of one of those 
lightly-built six-shilling corvettes which have swept the seas of 
the old three-decker. The duke is more unfamiliar material 
than the king, although he moves with massive grace in many 
a group of background characters. It may be that something 
of early Victorian awe still cramps our novelist's pen when he 
would give us a duke, for to the Englishman the duke is upon 
the cloud-capped pinnacle of the social order. The Royal 
House is a thing apart and almost as impersonal as the Army, 
the Navy, the Auxiliary Forces, or the Prosperity of the Coun- 
try under Free Trade ; the great statesman has been humbled 
by the caricaturists with whom we study our politics to be the 
familiar accessory of a golf club or an orchid ; whilst the lesser 
titles have been regrettably cheapened by their bestowal upon 
men of science and the like unpicturesque people. But a 
duke remains a duke, human it may be even as we are, but 
remote and beautiful as a ruined abbey approached only by 
paths the Trespassers on which will be Prosecuted. It is true 
that poor Harold Frederic gave us Christian, Duke of Glaston- 
bury, but Duke Christian's maker was American-born and 
lacked something of our English reverence. 

Exalted rank, then, we ask not for our hero. Let him 
come of a squire's house if he will, but let it be at least as old 
a house as that of the Dales of Allington. Captain Dodd's 
family was untitled, but the fact that his ancestors had held 
twenty manors under the Heptarchy commands the respect of 
readers of Very Hard Cash in almost as great a degree as the 
captain's masterly handling of the Agra in that famous brush 
with the pirates of the Straits. In this matter the demand of 
the novel-reader is as definite as that of the lady memorable 
even amongst the thousand guests we have met at dinner 
with our Dickens, who said, for her part, give her Blood. 
Waterbrook, we believe, was her honourable name, and she 
spoke boldly for millions of novel readers who have most of 
them, more's the pity, ceased to read about her. 

The novelist has given her Blood without stint, even with 
such measure as his fellow romancer, the peerage-maker, dealt 


it to his patrons, which peerage-maker indeed, in these carping 
and questioning times, he may easily distance. For evil days 
are coming upon the old-fashioned genealogist in whose foster- 
ing hands the sapling pedigree of a newly made peer or baronet 
was wont to wax to the similitude of a spreading oak after a 
fashion which the achiever of the mango tree wonder might 
regard with envy. Well might an angry genealogist of the fear- 
less old fashion say in his wrath, as we recorded of one in the 
last number of The Ancestor, that the new school of critics would 
soon deny that Duke William * came over ' at all, so thinned 
are the ranks become of those whose claim to have accompanied 
him is passed by the new criticism. But the novelist goes un- 
challenged by Mr. Round or Mr. Cockayne, and a new novel 
lies before us even now in which the hero's pedigree, deduced 
from an ancestor who steered hither in a Viking longship, is 
established with such accuracy and certainty as to waken envy 
in the breast of those Landed Gents who have seen their own 
Viking ancestors snatched from them by iconoclasm calling 
itself research. 

Although the choicest of his feats figure in many a first 
chapter the genealogist himself is in the shadow of the back- 
ground. Sir Walter Besant played with him cautiously ; an 
elderly man, shabby, mysterious and iniquitous, was the gene- 
alogist as Sir Walter saw him, but the genealogist at work in 
noonday is shy and rare. Only in one modern novel with 
which we shall deal on a later page, are we able to follow 
his procedure. In his full splendour we find him in Baptist 
Hatton of the Inner Temple, the peer-maker of Disraeli's Sybil. 
1 If you wish to be Lord Bardolph,' says this great creature 
4 1 can make you so. It will give you precedence over every peer 
on the roll except three and I made those.' But the methods 
of Mr. Hatton are obscure it would seem that all records re- 
lating to the peerage had been collected by him in his Temple 
chambers, where they lay upon his table, a tumbled and awe- 
compelling mass of parchments. Beyond this curious fact little 
can be learned of the processes whereby Mr. Hatton was pre- 
pared to make of a humble baronet the fourth peer on the roll. 
*A baronet's title,' he would say, 'is one for which I have 
always had a great contempt.' Mr. Baptist Hatton, one of the 
most improbable characters in our reckless English fiction, can 
make but one plea for our toleration. Such a personage really 
existed in the earlier years of Queen Victoria's reign, and the 


theory of the early Victorian lawyers concerning baronies in 
abeyance enabled him to set upon the benches of the House of 
Lords new peers whose old tides had been unfamiliar in that 
house since the days of piked shoon. 

Despite this excuse of a foundation in fact, an excuse which, 
if allowed, would sanction any improbabilities in our novel, 
Baptist Hatton is, as we have said, an unlikely personage, and 
we are moved by contemplating him to lay down certain broad 
rules within which it were well for our novelist to keep, if he 
would live and not die in some future evil day when fastidious 
reviewers will conspire to demand of an already overstrained 
manufacturer of novels some measure of likelihood or accuracy 
in the archaeological detail which goes with the thousand other 
gathered trifles to the stuffing and plumping of his book. 

First let us speak of family antiquity. Concerning this 
noble and well tried ingredient of the novelist's balsam we can 
but urge that moderation and yet again moderation. { Your 
father, my dear children, is of a Norman family, and I myself 
of a Saxon one.' Thus Mrs. Markham (of the History of Eng- 
land) if we may trust a memory of nursery lesson time, and Mrs. 
Markham as a historian would not have spoken hastily or with 
unweighed words. But such a case as the ancestry of the three 
little Markhams is very rare outside that household. Go to 
Mr. Shirley's Noble and Gentle Men of England to learn with 
wonder how few English families have held land since the be- 
ginning of the Tudor period, and remember the while that 
families who are landless have weakened or broken the strongest 
link in their traceable pedigrees. Look again at Mr. Shirley's 
book and read how a railway carriage will hold the heads of the 
families which in his opinion might claim such origins as good 
Mrs. Markham and her husband claimed with such un- 
shaken confidence, and remember also that Mr. Shirley handled 
no man's pedigree too roughly, and more than one descent 
which we of the generation which follows him know for a fab- 
rication of Elizabethan heralds and genealogists was allowed to 
pass Mr. Shirley's watch box. Moderation then is counselled 
by the reading of Mr. Shirley's book. Let your old family of 
squires arise in, let us say, the fifteenth century, and their 
pedigree will still command respect amongst them that know. 
Take the ancestors of your great lord to the thirteenth century 
and he will be still of those whose long descent is in the mouths 
of antiquaries. If these be counsels of perfection make a stand 


at the reign of Henry with the Short Mantle, flourish your pen 
boldly and refuse passage beyond that date to the hero's ancestral 
tablets. And if resolution fail, and if tradition of the craft 
force you in your weakness to grant the hero an ancestor at 
Hastings on either side of Mr. Freeman's palisade, at least 
affect to make marvel of it and put awe into your readers, tell- 
ing them that there are not many such families as that of Guy 
Longbowfield who is discovered by your reader in a war- 
stained suit of khaki and a clean first chapter. 

Surnames and names Christian may occupy usefully the 
next stage of our studies. Even in the handling of Christian 
names there are dangers for the historical romancer, as Sir 
Conan Doyle showed when in seeking for a tenant in Domes- 
day Book whose name should proclaim the purity of his Saxon 
descent he misread Godric, the most ' Saxon ' of names, and set 
in its place Godfrey, which is a recommendable name for a 
Norman invader. If you are equipping a bold archer to follow 
the Black Prince through three campaigns and four hundred 
printed pages call him neither Sam nor Silas, keeping such 
names as these for your seventeenth-century plotters or 
eighteenth-century pirates. Above all things beware of the 
double name. A double name occurring in what purported to 
be an early Tudor will called the attention of a trained anti- 
quary to the most impudent record forgery of recent times. 
Even after the Tudors had passed away the practice of giving 
the double Christian name was a rare one, and setting foreign- 
ers aside we might pencil upon a playing card all the English- 
men who carried this new fashion in names. King Charles's 
elder brother bore two names, for royalty had begun to follow 
outlandish customs. Sir Edward Maria Wingfield bore a 
second name for piety's sake ; Sir Nicholas Throckmorton 
Carew because of his adoption by a Carew of Beddington ; 
Sir Thomas Posthumus Hoby for the remembrance of his 
posthumous birth. A few more had added what is rather a 
second surname than a second Christian name by reason of 
their mother's heirship of a greater family than their own. 
But the double Christian name is rare enough until the close 
of the reign of King George III., and its frequency begins in 
the mid- Victorian period, royal example prevailing against our 
ancient custom. There was, it is said, a theatrical manager, 
who laid down a rule, great in its simplicity, for the dressing 
of his costume plays. f Before Christ,' said this manager, 


* Sandals ; after Christ Top Boots ! ' Let us say then 
for the period before the coming of the trousers single 
names and, for the trousered ages, double names. A 
novel which must be now a generation old in bin, and is yet 
a readable one, occurs to us in Debenbams Vow. The heir, 
son of a ruined gambler, and brought up by his mother in 
ignorance of the ancient peerage to which he had succeeded, 
visits for the first time the parish church hard by the castle of 
his forefathers. The church is full of their memorials, and 
although Debenham had made no study of such matters as 
the palaeography of inscriptions, instinct, no less, must have 
aided him as he rapidly copied the narrative of a collection of 
family monuments so complete that the pedigree at last lay 
before him in his notebook from his father, the gambler, to 
the crusader-founder of the house, who lay there before 
him, a rude effigy with his name beside it. That crusader's 
name, alas, was Geoffrey William de Benham, and was in itself 
as improbable an equipment for a crusader as would be a 
Maxim gun. 

'Yea and yit a point,' as Piers the Plowman says. 
After this satisfactory discovery of his forefathers, Debenham 
divides his name as his father and all his fathers had divided 
it, and Debenham becomes De Benham for the rest of the 
volume. But this custom of Debenham's family makes bad 
precedent for the novelist. Remember that of Englishmen 
who to-day carry a loose * de ' before their surnames, the most 
part are of foreign descent. The rest come of grandparents 
whom the great medieval revival which followed the Waverley 
Novels moved to adorn themselves into a particle which had 
been all but unknown in England since the first half of the 
fifteenth century, and which had never possessed in these 
islands that nobiliary character which the French nation have 
chosen to assign to it. De Bathe, De Traffbrd and the rest 
are restorations in the modern Gothic manner. In ordinary 
speech Dominus Ricardus de Assheton of the Charter Latin was 
Sir Richard of Assheton or simply Sir Richard Assheton. 

The armory of the hero's family must be treated with a 
gingerly hand, and many examples there be that stand for a 
warning. Unless the novelist know something of ancient 
heraldry, which cannot be studied from handbooks, it were 
better to allow it to colour the page with a few broad touches. 
< Sir Amaury's charger plunged down the steep path from the 


outer ward. Turning in his high-peaked saddle, Sir Amaury 
looked back, and in the gathering gloom saw, perhaps for the 
last time, the blue pig of the Pentonvilles flap from the banner 
staff.' In the heat of the mle a cry of c St. Wapshot for 
the blue pig ' may be allowed to escape from under Sir 
Amaury's basnet but shun detail. Think on the fate of 
Malcolm the Misticot. He was, as all pious readers of Sir 
Walter will remember, a collateral ancestor of Sir Arthur 
Wardour of Knockwinnock. Although the good providence 
of Sir Walter had chosen the year 1150 for the period of 
his activities, he insisted upon using a shield of arms before 
such toys had come into fashion, adding to his offence by 
charging that shield with the ( baton sinister,' to indicate the 
painful scandal attending his birth into the Wardour pedigree. 
Be it noted that, despite the handbooks, the middle ages 
made use of no token which, when seen upon a shield, indi- 
cated illegitimacy of birth. The need for such a charge has 
been telt by journalist and novelist, who have between them 
invented the bar sinister^ a device unknown of old time, form- 
less and mysterious, and popular to a point which keeps it 
securely placed in the language. 

The novelist may reply that he has gone for wisdom to 
the peerages, which still commemorate the arrival under Duke 
William of knights clad in garments of needlework wrought 
about with the ancient bearings of their houses, and that the 
newest history of the House of Percy brings the ancestor 
of all the Percys over sea in 1066 with the Percy arms upon 
his shield. Nevertheless it will be wiser to date the hero's 
blazonry no earlier than the reign of Cceur de Lion, with 
whom began the shield of England itself, to which shield the 
shield of Pentonville might gracefully cede the greater ancient- 
ness of origin. 

It is well to make clear that the arms of Sir Amaury de 
Pentonville were borne upon his coat and shield, his banner 
and horse-trappers. His crest tops his helm and must never 
be seen apart from it ; indeed, unless Sir Amaury be splintering 
lances in the tiltyard before the eyes of the king and the ladies, 
the crest had better be left at home. 

The ancient motto of the hero's house is another matter 
which were better abandoned. The * motto ' is after all an 
affair of notepapers and bookplates in most cases. If a 
medieval c resoun ' be demanded some play may be made 


with three or four words in fifteenth-century French, prefer- 
ably of obscure meaning. But the novelist must be advised 
that he will trace that ' motto ' at his proper peril to the days 
of King Richard and Saladin. He must not be influenced by 
recurrent newspaper paragraphs that the * mottoes ' of certain 
noble houses came from Palestine with the Jerusalem arti- 
choke. Especially let him take heed to the fact that the ancient 
helm offered no convenience for displaying a written label with 
mens conscia recti above or below the crest, although the flaps of 
our envelopes find no difficulty in the arrangement. 

An example may be hazarded of the way in which the 
motto and the motto legend should not be treated in fiction. 

' Pausing for a moment before the doorway, De Vieuxjeu 
seized the rusted handle of the doorbell and woke the Gothic 
echoes of the passage in his instinctive compliance with the 
direction to " Ring also." Stepping backward he looked up 
at the rude stone panel above the arch. The sight called up 
many memories. " Mouldering there amongst grey and ruin- 
ous carvings was the motto of his house, Chi va piano va sano. 
Here at the threshold of his ancestral home he recalled the 
settler's homestead in Tierra del Fuego and the thin aristo- 
cratic face of his exiled father telling his only son for the 
hundredth time the proud story of that motto and of his 
red-crossed ancestor, Blondel de Vieux Jeu. Blondel was one 
of that group of Anglo-Norman chivalry which, following the 
mobile Saracens on the high road to Ascalon, were ambushed 
in a craggy vale by the treacherous Orientals. In the 
regrettable incident which followed many hands were held up 
in token of submission, but the mailed mittens of Blondel 
were not amongst them. Opening the lid of one of those 
great musical instruments which the flying columns of King 
Richard were wont to carry with them, he concealed himself 
within its recesses. The Saracens, who only knew of these 
instruments as the cases in which their mangonels and arblasts 
were brought through the custom house of Tyre, a port then 
held by the crusading host, left him unharmed upon the field 
until King Richard himself arrived with the main body. On 
hearing the voice of his lion-hearted sovereign, Blondel, still 
prisoned in his place of safety, struck the wires with his prac- 
tised hand. " Blondel m'appelle" cried the delighted Richard, 
recognizing the air, and the gallant Blondel, released from the 
prisoning lid, was granted upon the spot the right to sur- 


mount his ancient crest of the demi oaf gouttt de boue with 
that motto of Chi va piano va sano, which was to float over 
many a stricken field of France. CM va piano va sano. De 
Vieuxjeu looked downward. A white-haired butler had been 
standing at the open door for fifteen minutes.' 

If the exigencies of our six-shilling novel demand that 
a hero, the foundling of Chapter I., should be allowed to 
trace step by step his descent from a race of earls whose broad 
lands and strong boxes await him late in the last shillingsworth, 
a forest of guide posts spring up to warn the novelist by the 
mishaps of his forerunners. Warning is needful before ever 
the will be engrossed. If the will is to be discovered in the 
family vault or other damp and unwholesome place of deposit, 
parchment would be the better material for it, but the will 
which goes amissing is most frequently in the novel of the 
powdered wig and broad skirted period, and it would be well 
to remember that for the postmedieval period at least, wills 
were all but invariably engrossed upon sheets of papers. The 
habit of referring to a will as * that parchment ' is there- 
fore one which does not make for verisimilitude. On the 
stage of course recognized conventions must be obeyed, and 
a paper will would be deservedly hissed and discredited by the 

The parish register has many pitfalls. To destroy the 
evidence of a marriage contracted after a certain Act of 1837 it 
is not enough to burn a church with the register book and 
parish clerk locked together in the vestry. Sir Percival Clyde 
was at some pains to destroy a register by fire, but had he 
survived the incident his instinct for thoroughness would have 
taken him to London to burn Somerset House and its records, 
a feat which Wilkie Collins would have doubtless been de- 
lighted to arrange for him. On the stage we understand that 
a marriage may be annulled by the tearing into pieces of a 
three and sevenpenny registrar's certificate of the ceremony, 
but we again urge upon the novelist the need for allowing the 
drama to establish its own conventions. 

A pedigree case of great rarity and beauty is exhibited in 
detail by the late Mr. Grant Allen's novel of Blood Royal y 
a novel unusually rich in passages to our purpose. The 
hero's name is Plantagenet. His belief in his descent from 
the ancient royal house of this realm flickers before him 
until the last chapter, which robs him cruelly of that 


belief, leaving him insulted rather than consoled by the 
ample fortune which the discovery of his true but humbler 
origin tosses at his feet. 

Young Richard Plantagenet is no fumbling theory spinner. 
He is presented to us as a genealogical expert of proven ability. 
He can even read Norman-French, which, it appears is so 
rare an accomplishment that for its sake the chief clerkship in 
the ' pipe roll and tally office ' falls into his lap with two 
hundred and fifty pounds of yearly salary and swiftly- 
arriving increments. 

Yet, tell it not in the pipe roll and tally office, we believe 
that the accomplishments of Richard Plantagenet as an anti- 
quary were overrated by the high official who bestowed upon 
him that excellent start in life. We begin to mistrust Master 
Richard when we discover his belief that the kings of the 
house of Anjou and their sons and descendants held Planta- 
genet to be theic surname and used it one and all as freely as 
Smith signs Smith and Robinson Robinson. But if we put 
aside the curious assumption of the name by York, who had 
culled it from the legends of the chroniclers to use it in the 
proclamation of his rights, we have no Plantagenet in England 
until the day when an English king bestowed it upon a son 
wHose irregular birth called for the invention of a surname for 
him. Our Richard's own claim was for a descent from 
Lionel * Plantagenet,' Duke of Clarence, ( concerning whom,' 
says Richard hotly, ' Lysons says, without a shadow of autho- 
rity, dedssit sine trole he died without issue.' By this time 
we have made up our minds about Richard he is a treacher- 
ous fellow, he is deceiving Mr. Grant Allen. That trustful 
novelist is persuaded to say of Richard, ' He knows what 
evidence is, and he won't go wrong therefore by making 
heedless assumptions and incredible skips and jumps like half 
our genealogists.' And this of Richard who takes Lysons for 
his principal authority in the royal pedigree, and maligns that 
good doctor by attributing to him pass for the bad Latin 
which may be Richard's a statement concerning the end of 
Lionel of Clarence which Mrs. Markham or Little Arthur of 
the History might hasten to refute ! 

We are privileged to be witnesses of the last scene of 
Richard's search for his royal ancestry. He has made a great 
and joyful discovery of a deed which makes his own ancestor, 
Thomas Plantagenet, a party to a conveyance of 1533, the son 


of Giles Plantagenet of Framlingham in Suffolk, which Giles, 
on account of his name, has always been regarded by Richard 
as the missing link between Thomas Plantagenet and one 
Geoffrey Plantagenet of Richmond, * the last traceable 
descendant of Lionel of Clarence.' If we had not Mr. Grant 
Allen to vouch for Richard we should say that * heedless 
assumption ' was in the air. 

There is but one step to be taken for the clearing up ot 
this point, and it is one which we confess would never have 
occurred to the workaday antiquary a simple step, and we 
cannot understand why Richard has delayed it so long. 

It is to search the parish register of Framlingham. 

To Framlingham we go with Richard, chuckling the while 
in our sleeve. For Richard, * who knows what evidence is,' 
is going to Framlingham to consult the fifteenth-century 
register ; and parish registers, even when they survive whole 
and uninjured, cannot begin earlier than the injunctions of 
Thomas Cromwell which instituted them in 1538 ! 

But when Richard in the vestry of Framlingham church 
has opened the fatal volume we are disconcerted to find that 
the laugh is with our searcher. 

Nor was he disappointed about the preservation of the Framlingham 
records. The church possessed a singularly perfect collection of baptismal 
and marriage en tries from the beginning of the fifteenth century onward. 

And as we, abashed and astonished, look over Richards' 
shoulder we are favoured with a view of the first fifteenth- 
century parish register entry that has ever found its way into 
an antiquary's note book. 

It was a mongrel entry, half Latin and half English : Die 1 4 Jun ij anno 
1498 Giles the son of Richard Plantagenet cobbler and of Joan uxoris eius buius 

Richard's cherished pedigree collapses at the sight of this 
entry. He goes out pale and fainting into the sunlight, and 
we cannot help him. In a novel as in a nightmare we are 
powerless, and no one of his fellow characters tells him of the 
injunctions of 1538, which prove that the early register book 
of Framlingham could have been but the laborious practical 
joke of a rector or parish clerk. 

In a few short passages Mr. Grant Allen has given us a 
noteworthy example of the need for shunning detail which 
exists for all novelists who would prepare themselves for their 


career without at least a pass degree in elementary genealogy. 
Yet Mr. Grant Allen loved local colour and corroborative 
details. That he had visited the Public Record Office in search 
of these good commodities we cannot doubt when we read 
his story of John Cann's 'Treasure. The young hero of this 
vigorous fancy is discovered at the Record Office immersed 
in the private correspondence of a famous seventeenth-century 
buccaneer, whose letters would appear to have been collected 
and filed amongst the State Papers (Colonial Series). * It 
is closing time, sir,' says the attendant's voice, 'and I will 
trouble you to put those letters back in .17.' We can only 
explain the attendant's request by suggesting that Mr. Grant 
Allen's search for local colour had led him to take a peep 
through the swing doors of the Round Room at the Record 
Office and a peep only. No one was there to explain to 
him that the shelves which go about the Round Room contain 
no manuscripts - but calendars and indices in various states of 
disrepair, and we cannot avoid the suspicion that Mr. Allen 
was of opinion that the records of our country, whose un- 
believable vastness is the pride and wonder of Fetter Lane, are 
lodged in those few pigeonholes of the Round Room, from 
which the searcher may help himself to a buccaneer's letter 
home or to an odd volume of Domesday Book provided that 
he replace the object of his study safe on its accustomed shelf. 
So much then for the pedigree, for the shield, for the crest 
and the motto. In dealing with all these things the novelist 
will remember that in vagueness, vagueness, and again in 
vagueness will be found ease and safety and the shadow of 
accuracy. And here we pause, being unable to affect any 
longer the belief that the novelist is looking up at us and 
drinking in our words. For we know very well he is doing 
nothing of the kind. 






life of Sir Hugh Calveley is in general too well 
known for its recapitulation to be necessary here. 

If, among the English captains of the fourteenth century 
his name is undoubtedly great, the place he occupies is yet a 
secondary one, and falls between such men as Chandos or 
Felton, and Hawkwood the mere condottiere. As leader of a 
* company ' and, at the same time, loyal follower of his 
natural prince, the struggle between Enrique of Trastamara 
and Pedro the Cruel shows the great Cheshire man at the 
most picturesque as well as the obscurest portion of his career. 
It is probable, in fact, that the minute account of his doings in 
Spain hardly survived the convulsions of his day, perhaps 
therefore the darkness covering this portion of his career will 
npver be dispersed. Here it is not our intention to attempt 
other than an elucidation of an interesting heraldic problem 
arising from his sojourn in the Peninsula in 13667 ; the 
historical outline of this and of the preceding portion of 
Pedro's reign, necessary to an understanding of the case, is as 
follows : 

Pedro I. of Castile's ill-usage and murder of his wife 
Blanche de Bourbon, his many other murders, including those 
of a half-brother and of a cousin, had united against him 
Charles V. of France, Pope Urban V. and Pedro IV. of Aragon, 
together with the majority of his subjects. His policy towards 
his bastard half-brothers, the sons of Alfonso XI. by Leonora 
de Guzman, had from the beginning been one of extermination, 
and from the murder of that lady (1351) may be traced a 
rebellion which, covert at the start, ended with the invasion 
of Castile by Enrique, the eldest of the brothers, and Pedro's 
flight to Seville, to Galicia, and ultimately to Bayonne. 
Enrique, who had taken refuge across the Pyrenees, soon 
saw, in the attitude of France, Aragon and the Pope, that 
matters were ripe for his attempt upon the Castilian crown. 
Legitimized by the latter, he took into his service the 'free 
companies ' or * routiers,' a considerable army of mercenaries 


from the recent French war, of which Charles V. had hoped 
to rid his dominions by a diversion into Spain, under the 
leadership of Bertrand du Guesclin. With the latter, lately 
ransomed from Sir John Chandos, were Jean de Bourbon, 
Count de la Marche and the Marechal d'Andreham. 

Among the English knights and leaders of companies who 
joined 1 the enterprise were Sir Hugh Calveley, Sir Robert 
Knolles, Matthew Gurnay and John Devereux. 

Chandos Herald 2 describes the captains : 

Monsieur Bertram de Claykyn 

Qui ot le coer hardi et fyn 

Et le bon Johan de Burbon 

Qui countes de la Marche eust noun 

Et Dandenham le mareschall 

Qui ot le coer preu et loiall 

Eustace Dabrichecourt 

Qui fuist homme de noble court 

Monsieur Hugh de Caluelee 

Qui volountiers fieri de lespee 

Et Monsieur Mahev de Gournay 

Et maint autre chiualer varray (1955) 

And their heterogeneous forces : 

Englois et Fran9ois et Breton 
Normandi Pikardi et Gascoigne 
Entrerent toutz dedeins Espaigne 
Auxi fist la grant compaignie 
Le bon de Calverlee Hugon 
Et Gournay le soen compaignon 
Et main bon chivaler hardy 
Passerent la sans detry (2017) 

1 December 6, 1365, is the date of an order of Edward III. to Chandos, 
Calveley, Nicholas Dagworth and W. de Elmham, enjoining them, he being 
allied with Castile, 'sur la foi & ligeance que vouz nous devez, . . . que 
tantost veues nos presentes lettres vous vous treez envers les marches ou 
ailleurs, dedanz nos seignuries & puissance, & les amonestez & chargez depar 
nous sur leur ligeance & sur la paine dessusdite que nul d'eulx entre le 
roialme n'autre seignurie du roi d'Espaigne . . . ' Calveley is represented 
by Catalina Garcia as disobeying his sovereign (Castilia y Leon durante los 
reinados de Pedro /., etc.), but the previous paragraph runs, ' Si avons ja 
entenduz que aucuns gentz d'armes et autres de notre ligeance, assemblez en 
certaines compaignies, le paiis de nostre seigneurie d'Aquitaigne s'affbrcent 
d'entrer le royalme d'Espaigne.' 

* The Black Prince, an historical poem ... by Chandos Herald, with 
. . notes by the Rev. H. O. Coxe ; printed for the Roxburghe Club ; 
410, London, 1842. 


The early days of 1366 found Sir Hugh at Barcelona, 
where on January 9 he witnessed x Pedro of Aragon's grant 
of Borja to Du Guesclin ; his subsequent successes at Borja and 
Magallon paved the way to the surrender of Calahorra, 
where on March 16, 1366, Enrique was proclaimed King 
of Castile. Pedro's flight from Burgos was followed, on 
April 5, by its reception of the usurper, who was crowned 
within a few days at Las Huelgas. 2 The rewards given to 
his chief supporters by the new sovereign were liberal, in 
two cases conspicuously so. Du Guesclin was invested with 
Enrique's own county of Trastamara and the ducal title* ; 
Calveley with the lordship of Carrion and the tide of count. 4 

The enjoyment of these distinctions was destined to be 
brief. Pedro, who had fled to Seville, and thence to Galicia, 
took ship to Bayonne, whence he besought the help of the 
Black Prince at Bordeaux. 

To set a lawful sovereign, one under treaty with England, 
upon his throne again ; to try conclusions with the usurper's 
French supporters, were tempting considerations to Edward 
III.'s warlike son. His father's sanction obtained, the prince 
threw himself heart and soul into the business. 8 Chandos 
recalled the English knights serving under Enrique, and 
Charles II. of Navarre, whose service in closing the pass of 

1 The deed has been published by Dom E. du Cofitlosquet in ' Charles 
nedites tirees des archives de Borja [etc.] relatives a Du Guesclin et i ses com- 

pagnons d'armes' (Revue historiq tie de VQuest y vi. 203 ; Nantes, 1891). * Hugo 
de Cavarlay ' is the eighth signature. 

2 For these see Catalina Garcia, work cited, i. 336 (note). 

8 Some confusion exists as to Du Guesclin's titles. Already Count ot 
Longueville in France, and of Borja (Aragon) in 1 366, the dukedom of Molina 
probably dates from early in 1369, not 1371. The original deeds of donation 
of Molina and of Trastamara are lost ; what Morel-Fatio considers to be a 
confirmatory grant is dealt with by him in * La donation du duchd de Molina 
a Bertrand du Guesclin ' (In BibRotheque de /'Ecole det Charter be. 145, 

* Ayala says, ' Edio a Mosen Hugo de Caurelay, que era Ingles, a Carrion, 
i mand6 que se llamase Conde de Carrion ' (Cronica del Key don Pedro, ano 
diez e siete). Calveley's reward is not mentioned in the Dictionary of National 
Biography. Catalina Garcia's list of 452 * Documentos expedidos por Don 
Enrique II.' contains several of 1366, but not that of the Carrion donation. 
Carrion, better known in Spanish history and romance as Carrion de los 
Condes, is in Old Castile, to the north of Palencia. 

& September 23, 1366, is the date of a treaty between the Black Prince, 
Pedro and Charles of Navarre against Enrique II. 


Roncesvalles had been secured by that prince, was bribed in 
the opposite sense by his enemies. 

When Calveley took leave of Enrique, the latter, according 
to Ayala, offered no resistance of any kind. 

E Mosen Hugo de Caureley que era un caballero Ingles con quatrocientos 
de caballo de su Compana que tenia consigo de Inglaterra, partio del rey Don 
Enrique e fuese para Navarra por quanto su senor el Principe de Gales 
venia de la otra parte, & non podia ser contra 61. E el Rey don Enrique, 
como quier que sopo como el dicho Mosen Hugo partia del, e le pudiera 
facer algun enojo, non lo quiso facer, teniendo que el dicho Caballero facia su 
debdo en se ir a servir a su senor el Principe que era fijo de su senor el Rey 
de Inglaterra. 1 

And Froissart mentions no resistance, but it seems that 
the reverse was the fact. Chandos Herald says : 

Car quant le Bastard scieust de verray 
Qe le Prince sanz nul delay 
Voilloit le roy daun Pedre eider 
Moult leur purchacea dencombrer 
Trencher lour fist les chimyns 
Et toutz les soirs et les matyns 
Maint embusshee sur eux sailler 
Et par maintes chemins assailler 
Des geneteurs et dez villains . . . 

With the onward march of events which found Calveley 
opposed to Enrique at the latter's defeat at Navarette (April 3, 
1367) ; with the latter's consequent loss of his Castilian crown, 
and its recovery upon Pedro's murder at Montiel (March 22 
or 23, 1369), we are not concerned, but will proceed to con- 
sider the problem of the seventeenth century Spanish version 
of the Count of Carrion's arms. 

The shields here reproduced are woodcuts taken from Lopez 
de Haro's well known Nobillario genealogico de los Reyes y titulos 
de Espana. 2 

They are respectively attributed to Calveley and Du Gues- 
clin, who figure in the work in virtue of the appanages be- 
stowed upon them by Enrique in 1366. The blazons given are : 

En campo de oro rosas coloradas, banda azul y colorada, scaques de oro y 

En campo de oro un cabrio Colorado con tres flores de Lis de oro y un 
aguila imperial. 

That they are not the ancestral coats of either party need 

1 Cronica (cited), ano diez e ocho. 

2 Madrid, 1622, 2 vols. fol. 


hardly be said. Sir Hugh was Calveley of Lea, a branch which 
separated from the main stock in the person of David his 
father, second son of Kenric de Calveley of Calveley ; both 
branches bore silver a fesse gules between three calves sable ; Sir 
Hugh died issueless upon the feast of Saint George, 1393, and 
was buried in Bunbury Church. His alabaster monument, 
in the chancel, is among the finest of its epoch in England. 

The figure 1 in plate armour and camail of mail, with 
conical bascinet ornamented with a jewelled garland, has a sur- 
coat charged with three calves. The fesse, at the waist-belt, 
still retains its tincture. In the sides of the substructure are 
pointed niches, above and between the heads of which are 
shields, 2 mutilated, and in only two cases retaining traces of 
painted arms. These shields, the first two upon the right of 
the recumbent figure, bear respectively the remains of a fesse 
and of a chevron for Calveley and Knolles (?). 3 

The Herald c Gelre,' * a contemporary of Sir Hugh, in his 
JVapenboek assigns the fesse and calves to b hu calverle ; and 
the same coat, with horses for calves, and the fesse sable, is 
ascribed to Le s de calve ... in the fifteenth century 
1 Armorial de la Poison a" Or.' 

Sir Hugh's grand-nephew and namesake sealed (i 6 Ric. II.) 
with the same arms ; on his own brother David's seal the fesse 
does not appear. 

Du Guesclin's arms are equally well established. 5 On 

1 Stothard's Monumental Effigies, plate 99. 

2 There are twelve shields upon either side, and four at either end of the 
monument. An engraving in Ormerod's Cheshire shows them perfect and 

3 Why should a brother's arms be depicted here ? Sir Robert Knolles' 
identity with the Robert son of David de Calvylegh is surmised from an entail 
(3 5 Edw. III.) in which Robert ' de Knolles ' figures as beneficiary after Sir 
Hugh and his brother David, of their mother Mabell de Calveley's manor 
of Lea. In a license (27, 28 Edw. III.) to * Sir J. de Wengefeld, kt., to 
grant the manor of Lee to Mabel de Calvylegh and Henry de Newton, chap- 
lain,' the remainders are to Hugh, David and Robert, sons of Richard de 
Calvylegh. Richard is 'evidently an error for David' (see Ormerod's 
Gicjtlft, 2 ed., by T. Helsby, ii. 764-9, 1882). This relationship is, by 
the way, ignored in Sir Conan Doyle's White Company. 

4 * Gelre a 6t6 en Aragon avec quelques Flamands qui prirent part aux 
luttes de Henri de Trastamare et de Pierre le Cruel ' (Bouton's preface). 

5 The arms attributed to the constable are D'argent a 1'aigle a deux te'tes, 
ou ploye, de sable, becquee et membre de gueules, au bSton en bande de 
mSme brochant sur le tout. 


December 27, 1367, he executed a deed promising to pay the 
Black Prince his ransom of 60,000 doubles gold. In the deed 
he is styled ' due de Tristemare, comte de Longueville ' ; the 
seal, unfortunately without inscription, bears the double-headed 
eagle with a baston. 1 

If the cheveron and fleurs de lys had been adopted by him 
on receiving the duchy of Trastamara, it is at least strange that 
eight months after the event which deprived him of it he 
should have abandoned those ensigns whilst retaining the title. 

Piferrer, in his Nobiliario de los Reyes y SeHorios de Espafia, 
copies the blazon 2 given by Lopez de Haro with the remark : 

* Armas bastante distantas de las que Ocariz senala a la casa 
paterna del espresado Beltran de Claquin.' 

This closes the evidence we have been able to adduce as 
to whether or not the arms were borne by * Carbolay ' and 

* Claquin.' In an age when right to arms rested upon use, not 
upon grant, it is difficult to find proof of the kind required in 
the case of Calveley, whose tenure of Carrion lasted some 
months less than a year. But even though incorrect, which 
we imagine them to be, it does not follow that they are 
wholly without foundation. 3 

From an artistic standpoint we think the bearings ascribed 
to Calveley somewhat extraordinary. The leaves between the 
rose-petals are unusually prominent, and their similarity to 
the bodies of bees is striking. Is it impossible that among the 
knights and squires who followed Enrique in Castile there 
was not one * whose arms had by the seventeenth century out- 
lived those of the Count of Carrion ? 


1 Doufit d'Arcq, Collection de Sceaux, No. 197. Two others, including 
one of 1376, also bear the eagle and baston. 
8 And Rietstap (2 ed.) Carbolay ! ' 

3 In the case of Du Guesclin, the record of his famous eagle had evidently 

4 For example, in the entourage of Calveley and Knolles there may have 
been a Beeston, of the neighbouring Cheshire family bearing silver a. bend 
between fix beet table. Sir Hugh's cousin Katherine m. (i) Thomas Beeston 
who d. ante 25 Edw. III. ; the latter's uncle was living 15, andd. ante 43 
Edw. III., and his brother Henry (d. 1 8 Ric. II.) seals (34 Edw. III.) with 
a bend and label. Ormerod (to whom we are indebted for this and Calveley 
family data) illustrates this seal. We should imagine the bees are effaced. 
A fourteenth century seal in the British Museum, * Sigillum henrici de 
beston,' has ' a bend between fix (beet ?).' 



SIR GEORGE HERVEY of Thurleigh, in the county of 
Bedford, knight, was a man of considerable position and 
importance in the early part of the sixteenth century. He 
was of an ancient family which had acquired the lands of 
Thurleigh by marriage with Joan Harman, an heiress. Sir 
George Hervey's uncle, Thomas, married the heiress of John 
Drury of Ickworth, co. Suffolk, and from him are descended 
the Herveys of Ickworth, from which family comes the 
Marquess of Bristol. Sir George Hervey was possessed 
of lands in several counties, among others in the counties of 
Bedford, Oxford, Hertford, Huntingdon and Buckingham. 
He served twice as sheriff for Buckinghamshire and Bedford- 
shire, was present at the siege of Tournay as well as of 
Thirouanne, and at the battle of the Spurs. He was knighted 
by Henry VIII. at his entrance to Tournay, and attended the 
king on the Field of the Cloth of Gold. 

Sir George appears however to have been unfortunate in 
his domestic relations, and this is the point of my story. 
He had married Elizabeth the daughter and heir of John 
Stamford, whose family was of some antiquity and standing 
in Bedfordshire and the neighbouring counties. By her he 
had two children : a son Nicholas, and a daughter Elizabeth 
who married Sir Edward Wanton or Wauton (for the name 
is spelt in both ways), a member of the family of Wauton of 
Great Stoughton, Huntingdonshire, one of whom in later 
days married a sister of Oliver the Protector, sat on the court 
which tried Charles I. and ended his days in exile in Flanders. 

But to return to Sir George Hervey. There were other 
attractions for him beside the Stamford heiress, a certain 
Margaret, the wife of a man called William Smart, and by 
this Margaret Smart (who from the depositions appears also 
to have been Sir George Hervey's cousin) he had an illegitimate 
son whose name was Gerard. 

Sir George Hervey died in or about the year 1536, when 
it was found that he had left all his estates to his illegitimate 
son Gerard to the exclusion of his legitimate son and daughter. 


Upon this George Wanton, son of Sir Edward Wauton (who 
was probably dead at the time), apparently took proceedings 
in behalf of his mother's rights. A bill in Chancery was 
filed, and on the part of Gerard Smart alias Hervey 
various interrogatories were administered with a view of 
finding out the exact rights of the case, how far Sir George 
Hervey was legally justified in the disposition of his estates 
and how far he was unduly influenced by Margaret Smart, 
the mother of his illegitimate son Gerard. The interrogatories 
were administered on the part of Gerard to such of Sir 
George's friends and dependants as seemed likely to know 
the real facts on 5 July, 1536, and are as follows (I modernize 
the spelling) : 

Imprimis, whether Sir Walter Luke Thomas Fitzhugh and . . . Colbeke 
were a counsel with the making of Sir George Hervey's will signed and sealed 
with his hand and seal. 

Item, whether the paper drawn of the said last will were the hand of the 
said Colbeke and whether the interlining of the said paper was of the hand 
of the said Sir Walter. 

Item whether the seal set to the said will and the hand wherewith the 
said will is signed be the hand and the seal of the said Sir George Hervey. 

Item to what intent and use the said Sir George suffered a recovery of 
all his lands and by whose counsel the same was had and devised. 

Item to what use the said Sir George Hervey made a feoffment of all 
his said lands to Sir William Parr, Sir William Paston and others, after the 
said record had and by whose counsel that was devised and done. 

Item whether livery, seisin, and possession was delivered to whom and by 
whom according to the form and effect of the same deed in every one of the 
shires in which the said land lieth. 

Item if the said Sir George at any time after the said will sealed and 
signed with his hand and seal did ever revoke the said will. 

Item what you have heard at any time within a year before the death 
of the said Sir George what his mind and intent was concerning the dis- 
position of all his lands and tenements. 

The persons to whom these interrogatories were adminis- 
tered shall now come forward and speak for themselves. 
The first is Edmund Bray, knight, Lord Bray of Eaton, 
who says that he does not know 

whether that Sir Walter Luke or what other persons were 'accouncell' 
with Sir George Hervey for the making of the last will of the said Sir George. 
Nor knew not that the said Sir George did make and declare his last will by 
the persuasion of Margaret Smart the wife of William Smart or by whose 
persuasion else the said Sir George did declare and make his said last will 
of his lands and hereditaments : nor knew not any other thing concerning 
the last will of the said Sir George, but only that the said Sir George Hervey 


four or five days before his death as he was riding homeward from London, 
came to the place of this deponent called Eaton in Bedfordshire and con- 
tinued there with this deponent one night, and anon after his coming thither, 
the said Sir George broke his mind to this deponent in this wise and effect 
following : Mr. Braye may I trust you to be my faithful friend in such 
thing as I shall put you in trust, and desire you to do for me. To whom 
this deponent answered, that he would do the best that lay in him to do ; 
and then the said Sir George shewed this deponent that he had been at 
London, and that he had made a recovery of his lands and other assurance 
as strong as his counsel could devise, to the intent that the said Gerard Harvey, 
whom he named then as his bastard son, should have and enjoy the same 
after his decease, and desired this deponent, that the said Gerard should and 
might have the good will and help of this deponent, whenever it should 
chance the said Sir George to die ; and further desired this deponent, that 
(whensoever this deponent was called or desired), this deponent should testify 
and declare that so was his last will and mind, and whether the said Sir 
George did afterwards revoke the said will or not this deponent knoweth 
not, but saith that the said Sir George died in four or five days after, and 
more this deponent knoweth not. 

The next affidavit is that of Sir William Parr of Horton, 
Northamptonshire, knight, who says 

that he knew not of his own knowledge that the said Sir Walter Luke 
and Thomas Fitzhugh were ' accounsell ' with the said Sir George in the 
making of his last will, but saith that the said Sir George divers times shewed 
to this deponent that the said Sir Walter and Thomas Fitzhugh were a-coun- 
cell with him in the making of the said last will. And saith that the said 
will of the said Sir George, engrossed in parchment, and a little torn or rent 
at the setting on of the label, and signed with the hand of the said Sir George, 
* per me Georg Harvey ' and bearing date the year of our Lord God 1520 
the 8 th day of April ... is sealed with red wax, the print whereof seemeth 
to be the print of a trefoil, and the print of the letters on the top of the said 
trefoil viz. H.N. being showed to this deponent, at the time of his examina- 
tion, is (as this deponent thinketh on his conscience) the very last true will 
and mind of the said Sir George, and is sealed with the accustomed seal of the 
said Sir George, and as this deponent thinketh in his conscience, is signed and 
subscribed with the own very hand of the said Sir George, and saith that he 
and one John Hervey, executors named in the said will did approve the said 
will, and were sworn for the true performance of the same before the late 
Archbishop of Canterbury, and this deponent further saith that when he per- 
ceived that the said Sir George was minded to give away his inheritance from 
one Elizabeth the wife of Edward Wauton, which was supposed to be the 
daughter and heir of the said Sir George, this deponent persuaded and labored 
the said Sir George, before the marriage of the said Elizabeth, to be good to 
the said Elizabeth, and as this deponent and the said Sir George had familiar 
communication thereof, the said Sir George declared to this deponent, that the 
said Elizabeth was not the daughter of the said Sir George of his body begot- 
ten, and at that time showing likelihood to this deponent to be so, utterly 
refused to leave any of his inheritance to the said Elizabeth, but was always 
minded and determined at all times . . . that the said Gerard should have 




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his said inheritance . . . and this deponent saith that about ten or twelve 
days before the death of the said Sir George, this deponent was eftsoones in 
hand again with the said Sir George, that he should be good unto Nicholas 
Hervey ; to whom the said Sir George answering this deponent, shewed of a 
displeasure that was grown between him and the said Nicholas, and said that 
he had given him a dash with a pen, and that he should never have groat of 
him, and this deponent saith also that he was present when the late Abbess of 
Elstow went unto the said Sir George instanted and moved the said Sir 
George to be good unto the said Elizabeth, whereunto the said Sir George 
utterly refused to do her any manner of good, saying that she was not his 
daughter : and saith that he knoweth not by whose persuasion the said Sir 
George made and declared his last will, nor knew not whether it were by the 
persuasion of the said Margaret Smart, nor knew not that the said Sir George 
did deliver his aforesaid will to the custody of the said Margaret Smart, nor 
knew not in whose custody the same was during the life time of the said Sir 
George . . . and saith that the said Sir George in his life time showed this 
deponent that he had made a feoffment to divers persons for the performance 
of his said last will, and for the more perfect assurance thereof, had suffered 
recoveries for the same, saying that if it was not sure the fault (as he said) was 
in his learned counsel. 

Sir John Dyve of Bromham, in the county of Bedford, 
knight, is the next witness, and he says 

that he knew that the said Sir Walter Luke and Thomas Fitzhugh were ' a 
counsuill ' with the said Sir George for the making of his will, and that he 
knew the same by the report of the said Sir George, and also was privy 
with the said Sir George in the making of the said will . . . and that about 
a month before the death of the said Sir George this deponent having familiar 
communication with the said Sir George upon his will, required of this de- 
ponent (as he did put this deponent in trust) that he should testify that the 
forenamed will was his very will, mind, and intent, and declared also of a 
displeasure that had grown between him and Nicholas Hervey, for the which 
he had stricken him out of his will . . . and declared and shewed to this 
deponent that Elizabeth the wife of the said Wauton was not the daughter 
of the said Sir George . . . and declared at all times that the said Gerard 
should have all his inheritance . . . and saith that he knew not by whose 
persuasion the said Sir George made his last will, nor knew not that he did 
the same by the persuasion of the said Margaret, but thinks that in the latter 
days of the said Sir George, the will was not in her custody . . . and the 
said Sir George always consisted that the said Gerald should have his inherit- 
ance aforesaid. 

Sir Robert Lee of Quarrendon, in the county of Bucking- 
ham, knight, follows, and says 

that he knows nothing touching the making ot the will of the said Sir George, 
but only by the report of the said Sir George, wherein the deponent saith 
that the said Sir George 6 or 7 years before his death, and divers times after- 
wards during his life, having communication with this deponent of the said 
Elizabeth, and of the said Gerard and of one that was supposed to be the son 


7 8 


of the said Sir George by his late wife, the said Sir George declared and shewed 
to this deponent, that the said son, and Elizabeth were not the children of 
the said Sir George, and this deponent by divers likelihoods that he hath heard 
and conceived therein, thinketh in his conscience that the mother of the said 
Elizabeth, and the said son, was very light of her conversation, and also saith 
that the said Sir George also declared and shewed to this deponent divers and 
sundry times, that the said Gerard should have his said inheritance . . . and 
required this deponent that the said Gerard might have married with the 
daughter of this deponent and offered this deponent the manor of Thurleigh 
and such other jointure as this deponent might reasonably require . . . and 
saith that he knoweth not of surety by whose persuasion the said Sir George 
made and declared the said last will, nor knew not that it was done by the 
procurement of the said Margaret Smart . . . and that he knoweth not that 
the said will was ever in the custody of the said Margaret, and said that at 
the time of the death of the said Sir George the said will was remaining at 
London in the keeping of a Doctor, and as this deponent thinketh named Dr. 
Atcliffe, which with one Barr being servant to the said Sir George immediately 
after his death fetched from the custody of the said Doctor. 

William Barr, Sir George Hervey's servant mentioned in 
the foregoing affidavit, is the last witness brought on the scene, 
a yeoman of Thurleigh in the county of Bedford, and he says 

he was servant with the said Sir George at the time of his death . . . and 
that about a month before the death of the said Sir George, as he was riding 
towards a place called Attleborough, the said Sir George called the deponent 
to him apart, and showed him that he had made a feofFment to the which he 
had enfeoffed certain persons . . . saying to this deponent words in effect 
following : * which will I have full finished under my hand and scale, and also 
I have given unto my cousin, Margaret Smart, my rent going out of Fleet 
Marston, and Blakgrove which is in value by year 10 6s. 8*/. during her life, 
and after her death the remainder thereof shall go to her son Gerard, which 
Gerard I have made my heir of all my manors, lands, and tenements in the 
counties of Huntingdon, Bedford, Buckingham, Hertford, and Oxford, and to 
the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten, and for default of such issue to 
remain to John Hervey and to the heirs male of his body lawfully begotten,' 
showing at the same time of a displeasure that was grown between him and the 
said Nicholas Harvey, for the which he had stricken out the said Nicholas, 
so that the remainder of the premises for default of heirs male of the said 
Gerard, should immediately be and become to the said John : and in default 
of issue male of the said John the remainder thereof to remain to the wife of 
William Atcliffe sister to the said Sir George and to her heirs for ever. The 
said Sir George commanded this deponent that he should put him in 
remembrance to carry the said will with him to London at his next repairing 
thither, to the intent that he would show the same to Sir Richard Page, brother 
of the said Margaret, to the intent that the same Sir Richard should know 
what the said Sir George had done for the said Margaret and hers, and said if Mr. 
Page upon the sight of the said will should think that those men whom the same 
Sir George had put in trust for the performance of his said will were not meet for 


the same, that then the said George would not put out one of the said men such as 
the said Mr. Page thought meet, and put the said Mr. Page in his place at his own 
pleasure . . . and that the same Sir George on his coming home from London, 
left the same will behind him locked in his coffer, standing in the house of one 
Richard Holt, draper, dwelling in Watling Street, the which will, this deponent, 
immediately after the death of the said Sir George, did fetch out of the said 
coffer and delivered the same to Sir William Parr one of the executors of the said 
will . . . and saith that he knoweth not by whose persuasion the said Sir 
George made and declared his last will, nor whether he made the same by 
the procurement of the said Margaret nor knew not for what consideration the 
said Sir George did with his inheritance from the said Elizabeth, unless it were 
because the said Sir George knew and reported that the said Elizabeth was not 
his daughter, but always said that the said Gerard should be his heir, and this 
deponent saith also that he being servant with the said Sir George was privy 
that he divers and sundry times counselled with Sir Walter Luke and Thomas 
Fitzhugh for the making of his said will . . . and that at such time as the said 
Sir George went beyond the sea with the King's grace he suffered recoveries 
of all his lands, as this deponent now thinketh to the performance of his said 
last will, and saith also that long time after the said recoveries, the said Sir 
George made a feoffment of all his lands and tenements to the said Sir John 
Dyve and others, to the performance of his last will, which feoffment was 
executed, and possessions delivered, according to the same in every shire 
wherein the land lay by the said Sir George in his own proper person. 

Such are the outlines of the story, and the affidavits of the 
witnesses called by Gerard, Sir George Hervey's illegitimate son, 
in answer to George Wauton, who claims Sir George's estates, 
either for himself, as his mother's heir (if Elizabeth, Sir George 
Hervey's daughter, were dead at the time), or, if she were alive, 
in her behalf. Under the evidence of the affidavits, there could 
be but little doubt that Chancery would uphold the terms of the 
will. Sir George Hervey had gone through all necessary 
formalities to enable him to get full possession of his lands in 
fee simple, nor did it seem possible in face of the evidence 
(though one portion that where Barr, Sir George's servant, 
states that Margaret Smart's brother, Sir Richard Page, was in 
Sir George Hervey's confidence is a little suspicious) to 
allege undue influence. Morally we may be quite certain that 
the testator was the victim of a designing woman, though legal 
evidence to prove it was wanting, or at least insufficient, and 
therefore George Wau ton's attempt to oust Gerard was 
unsuccessful. Though he failed in his claim, it must not 
therefore be considered that Nicholas and Elizabeth were 
proved to be illegitimate. The evidence on this point is more 
or less * gossiping ' hearsay evidence, nor does it appear that 
in Sir George Hervey's lifetime the question was ever raised 


in any legal or formal manner probably because it could not 
have been supported nor was there any opportunity, when 
the question of succession to the estates was brought forward, 
of testing Sir George Hervey's statements as detailed by his 
friends and servant. Elizabeth, the wife of Sir Edward 
Wauton, though disinherited was therefore legally as she 
was no doubt in fact the daughter and heir to Sir George 
Hervey, and her great-grandson, William Layer, in the pedigree 
of the Layer family of Shapreth, in Cambridgeshire, preserved 
in the College of Arms, quarters the armorial bearings of the 
family of Hervey which are still borne by his descendant, the 
writer of this article. 





DALLING v. HARRIS and others 

DgV Bill (19 May 1645) of James Dalling alias Sandale alias Williams 
of Maidstone, co. Kent, * threedmaker.' 

Answer (21 May 1645) of John Harris, Arthur Harris and Edward 
Jewry (defendants with Mary Taylor). 

Concerning the complainant's borrowings ot the defendants and his 
mortgaging of his two messuages in Maidstone. 


D Jg- Bill (4 Feb. 1 64^) of Marmaduke Dolman of Duncoates, co. York, 
gent., complainant against Robert Orme and Frances his wife. 

Concerning a lease of the moiety of the tithes of Bubwith made by 
the Dean and Chapter of St. ... to the complainant and his two 
sons, . . . Dolman and Thomas Dolman, who are yet living, and 
concerning the extent of the parish of Bubwith. 


E| Bill (u Feb. 164^) of Richard Edmonds of St. Bride's, London, 
gent., and Jane his wife, relict and extrix. of Thomas Walker, citizen and 
haberdasher of London, deceased. 

Answer (9 April 1 647) of Richard Hallywell, formerly an apprentice of 
Thomas Walker. 

Concerning the shop and business of Thomas Walker who died I Oct. 
1 8 Eliz. 


EA Bill (24 April 1645) of John Edgeson, citizen and tyler and brick- 
layer of London. 

Answer (3 May 1645) of Edmund Peisley of London, merchant, citizen 
and grocer. 

Concerning the pulling down of the defendant's house in Half Moon 
Court in Whitechapel. 




E| Bill (16 April 1646) of Lionel Edgar of Ipswich, co. Suffolk, gent. 
Answer (5 May 1646) of Lionel Seaman, gent., an attorney of the Court 
of Common Pleas. 

Concerning a bond of the compt. dated in Nov. 1 8 Jac. I . 

EASDOWNE v. HAYES and others 

EA Bill (15 Nov. 1631) of William Easdowne of Higham, co. Kent, 
yeoman, complainant against William Hayes of Cobham, yeoman, William 
Parsons of Milton, and Susan his wife, and Henry Nyn. 
Concerning a sale of barley. 

ELLIS v. WAINWRIGHT and others 

E Bill (30 Nov. 1631) of George Ellis of Rawmarsh, co. York, rough 
mason, complainant against Thomas Wainwright of Wath, gent., Jane Ward 
(sister of Richard Ward), George Wainwright ot Over Haw, Nicholas Wade, 
Margaret his wife and Thomas his son, of Melton, Gervase Nicholson and 
Elizabeth his wife, of Lanham, co. Notts. y*"i 

Taking away of profits of four acres in Rawmarsh, bought by com- 
plainant's father, Richard Ellis of Rawmarsh, nailor, of one Richard 
Ward of Over Haw. 

EMANS v. KEATE and others 

EA Bill (19 May 1631) of Anthony Emans of Henley-upon-Thames, 
co. Oxford, husbandman, complainant against John Keate of Stoke Stallmadge, 
co. Oxford, esquire, Christopher Petty and Dorothy his wife. 

Concerning the complainant's title to a copyhold messuage and lands 
in the manor of Chekendon, held by the complainant's father and 
after his death by the complainant's mother, who died about ten years 
since. Leonard Keate of Chekendon, esquire, lord of the said manor, 
died and left the said Dorothy his widow, now wife of Christopher 
Petty of Tettisworth, gent. Leonard Keate had conveyed the inherit- 
ance of the manor to the said John Keate. 

EVETTS and another v. HIGGINS 

E-f Bill (16 Nov. 1631) of Thomas Evetts of Williamscott, co. Oxford, 
yeoman, and William Breedon of Chippingnorton, haberdasher, complainants 
against John Higgins of Chippingnorton, gent. 

Concerning the complainants' purchase for 347. Ss. of fourscore sheep, 

many of which proved unsound and rotten. 


E Bill (15 Nov. 1631) of Gervase Eyre of Nottingham gent., com- 
plainant against Edward Curzon and Dorothy his wife. 

Concerning the will dated 29 Jan. 4 Car. I of Dorothy Eyre of 
Blyth, widow, relict of William Eyre, the complainant's mother and 

William Eyre= Dorothy, relict, wa 
" of Blyth, co. Notts 

Gervase Eyre=Anne Edward Curzon= Dorothy, extrix. of 

of Netting- I mother's will. Married 

ham, gent. after her mother's death 

Richard Anne Mary 

EYLES v. GORING and others 

E Demurrer and answer (15 June 1632) of Sir William Goring, 
baronet, one of the defendants to the bill of Thomas Eyles. 

Concerning the lease of a messuage called Labor in vaine. 


E-j^y Bill (10 Oct. 1632) of Alexander Emerson ot Glamford Briggs, co. 
Lincoln, gent. 

Answer (18 Oct. 1632) of Christopher Nevell of the city of Lincoln, gent. 
Concerning the freehold of the moiety of the rectory of Goxhill, co. 
Lincoln, purchased about 20 years since by Alexander Emerson the 
elder, late of Glamford Briggs, deceased, of Sir John Stanhope, knight, 
and other purchases of the said Alexander, including a messuage and 
lands in Barton-upon-Humber, bought of Mr. Thompson, and the 
manor of Beningholme, co. York. Alexander Emerson the son and 
heir apparent of the said Alexander the elder, was, as the complainant 
alleges, about July, 1626, young and under age and of an easy and 
weak disposition. The said Alexander the son, by the sinister per- 
suasions of the said Nevell, and * by the alluring disposicion and car- 
iage ' of Katherine, dau. of the said Nevell, was drawn in to marry 
her, and that ' within two houres of the first motion thereof made.' 
This was at a time when young Alexander's father had sent for him 
to come from London to be bestowed in marriage with a gentlewoman 
of good parentage and portion. Young Alexander died soon after 
reaching full age, and his widow married Rowland Farmery of Lincoln. 
Alexander the father is also dead. 

Alexander Emerson Christopher Nevell 
of Glamford Briggs of Lincoln, gent. 

icander Emerson = Katherine=] 

Alexander Emerson=Katherine= Rowland Farmery 
the younger Nevell of Lincoln 


EWENS v. GOUGE and others 

E^ Bill (20 Oct. 1631) of John Ewens of Budcleigh, co. Somerset, 

Answer (8 Oct. 8 Car. i) of Richard Gouge and Dorothy his wife, 
Dorothy Ewens and William Wykes. 

Concerning a messuage and lands in Budcleigh, late of William Ewens 
the younger, a brother of the compt., whose father had several sons 
and daughters. 

William Ewens of Budcleigh whose 
wife Eleanor died before him 

after mar- 
riage dated 
10 Jan. 
3 Jac. I. 

tide last 

William Ewens the=Dorothy,=Richard 
elder, who died about settlement Gouge, 
six years since leav- 
ing a will whereof he 
made his youngest 
dau. his extrix., which 
daughter, according 
to the compt. is 
Dorothy, who was 
then aged about 5 
years, but according 
to her mother is 
Frances, who was 
aged 9 or 10 years 



Ewens = Margaret 
the compt. 



who died 



wife or 



E-iV Bill (8 Feb. 164-!) of Henry Evered of Glemsford, co. Suffolk, 
clothier, compt. against Ambrose Evered and Thomas Evered. 

Concerning the will of the compt.'s father, which gave to the compt. 
a capital messuage and lands and Glemham, in consideration that the 
compt. had neglected his own affairs and served his father as a servant 
for 20 years. 

Thomas Evered of Glemham whose 
will was dated 12 Oct. 1636= 

Thomas Evered 
son and heir 

Ambrose Evered 

Henry Evered of Glemsford, clothier, 
the compt. 

ELLYOTT and others v. STREATER 

E-j-V Bill (26 Nov. 1644) of Richard Ellyott of Woodmancoate, co. 
Sussex, husbandman, John Ellyott of Woodmancoate, husbandman, Nicholas 
Wood of Henfield, co. Sussex, yeoman, and Jane his wife, and Jane Ellyott of 
Woodmancoate, relict of Laurence Ellyott, late deceased, complainants against 
Richard Streater of Broadwater, yeoman. 


Concerning the will, dated 24 Nov. 1635, of John Ellyott of Broad- 
water, deceased, of which the defendant was executor. 


m Ellyott 

Laurence Ell 


of Broadwater 

of Woodmanc 

aate relict 

who died in ' 





1 I 

1 1 


John Ellyott 

Jane Agnes Joan Mary 


who was exor. 

wife of died under 

of his father's 

Nicholas age in 


Wood May 1644 


Bill (4 Nov. 1 644) of Henry East of Beconsfeild, co. Bucks, yeoman, 
complainant against Christopher King of Wooburne, co. Bucks, and Richard 
King of . . . , yeoman. 

Concerning a loan made by the complainant. 


E-jig- Bill (24 June 1628) of John ap Edward of Northop, co. Flint, and 
Mary his wife, daughter of Nicholas Kenricke, deceased. 

Demurrer ( ) of Ellice Williams of Argoed, co. Flint, gent. 

Concerning a bond, dated in Dec. 1623, for the repayment of 32/., 
which Thomas Parrie, gent., delivered to the said Nicholas Kenricke, 
who died before the payment thereof, leaving the said Mary his 


E-^g Bill (4 June 1628) of Judith Edwards, widow, relict and extrix. of 
Thomas Edwards of London, esquire, deceased. 

Answer (26 June 1628) of William Catlyne of Rawnds, co. Northants, 
esquire, and (25 June 1628) of John Throckmorton. 

Concerning a sum of i,ooo/. alleged to have been borrowed by the 
defendant Catlyne of the complainant's late husband, 26 Nov. 14 
Jac. i . The defendant Throckmorton is the complainant's brother 
and was her husband's solicitor. 

ELLIOTT v. VYLE and others 

Bill (24 May 1628) of Robert Elliott of Southpetherton, co. Somt., 

Demurrer ( ) of Matthew Vyle of Southpetherton, weaver 

(defendant with Robert Vyle (of Southpetherton, George Downe of Chard, 
and Edith Gyles of Coker). 

Concerning the sale of a stone colt. The defendants are described as 
all brothers and sisters. 


ELLIS ?. ELLIS and another 

E^g Bill (26 Nov. 1632) of Robert Ellis of Nether Ham, co. Somerset, 
husbandman, complainant against Thomas Ellis and John Barker of Netherham, 

Concerning the will, dat. 24 March, 52 Elizab., of John Ellis of 
Netherham, yeoman, whereof his sons the compt. (then aged about 14) 
and Thomas Ellis were exors. He gave legacies to his wife and others. 
The compt. has since married Dorothy Bolsham, and William another 
son of John Ellis is named. Thomas Ellis the executor is dead, 
leaving a wife and children. 


E^ Bill (14 May 1632) of Thomas Ellison of Doncaster, co. York, 
butcher, complainant against Francis Shawe of Doncaster, butcher. 
A partnership in buying and selling cattle. 


EJy Bill (15 May 1632) of John Edwards of Tenterden, co. Kent, 
gent, compt. against Stephen Austen and his wife Lucy. 

Concerning a bond for a debt given by Gabriel Livesey, esq., now 
deceased, to the compt. 

i. ii. 

Thomas Henman of Maidstone=Lucy, relict and = Stephen Austen 
an attorney of the Court of extrix. of Thomas a defendant 

Common Pleas Henman 

EMPSON v. GAYTHORNE and others 

E-jlj- Bill (24 Nov. 1632) of Bryan Empson of Gowle, co. York, compt. 
against Richard Bayley and Edward Bayley, both of Howke, William Gay- 
thorne of Pollington, Thomas Empson and Anne Empson of Gowle, relict of 
William Empson. 

Concerning a grant made about fifteen or sixteen years since by the 
compt.'s late father, Gregory Empson, to William Watkinson of Hem- 
broughe, Peter Jackson of Newland, Francis Empson of Gowle the 
elder, and Richard Bayley of Howke, of his farmhold in Gowle to 
the use of the compt., his second son and the heirs of his body, with 
remr. to John Empson the youngest son of Gregory. All the feoffees 
save Richard Bayley are now dead. 


E T V Bill (21 June 1632) of George Elyott of Godalminge, co. Surrey, 
gent., a cursitor of the Court of Chancery, compt. against John Graunt, who 
formerly lived in Hampshire. 

Concerning the assignment of a lease made about 14 years since by 
the compt.'s father, Thomas Elyott of Godalming, to John Garton 
(brother of Robert Garton) of a millhouse, two corn mills and one malt 
mill, all under one roof in Godalming. Robert Graunt is named. 


EWER v. BAKER and others 

Bill (n June 1632) of Elianor Ewer of St. Andrews Holborn, late 
wife and extrix. of Stephen Ewer, a soapboiler, deceased, compt. against James 
Baker, Basnett, William and Edward Buswell, Daniel Palmer, Robert 

Booth, Wade, Laurence Lee, John Lovett, Thomas Cotton, John 

Hammond, Henry Rowland, William Hulme, George Raymond and other* 

Concerning the business affairs and shop debts of Stephen Ewer. 


E-fo Bill (5 June 1632) of Joseph, Bishop of Exeter, compt. against 
Ambrose Mannaton, of South Pederwyn, esquire, John Cloberie of Braston,. 
co. Devon, esquire, and Robert Bennett of Tawton Episcopi, co. Devon, 

Concerning the bishop's manor of Lawhitton in Cornwall. 


E-Jg Bill*(io Oct. 1632) of John ap Evan, citizen and girdler, of Lon- 
don, compt. against Richard James the younger, and Hugh James. 

Concerning a piece of arable land in Blethvach, co. Radnor, which 
Rees Steephens of Knighton, co. Radnor, gent, (since deceased), and 
Lucy his wife, who were seised in the right of the said Lucy, conveyed 
to Richard James of Llanvair Watterden, co. Radnor, gent., father to 
the defendant Richard James, by their deed dated 20 Oct. 43 Eliz. 
After the death of her husband the said Lucy made a release to the said 
Richard James, dated 27 April, 2 Jac. I., which Richard conveyed the 
premises to the compt. in November of the same year. The defendant 
Hugh is brother to Richard James the father. The said Lucy is now 
wife of Robert ap Evan. 


E^ Bill (19 May 1628) of Samuel Edwards of Castlewright, co. 
Montgomery, gent. 

Answer (at Bishop's Castle 13 June 1628) of John Thomas of Bishop's 
Castle, co. Salop, and Margaret Thomas, widow, of Aston, his mother. 

Concerning lands, etc., in Castlewright, Aston and Wellington, co. 
Montgomery. The defendants are son and relict of John Thomas, 
deceased. Margaret Thomas was formerly married to Edmund Owen 
of whose will dat. 9 Nov. 1594, she and John Owen were exors. 


Edward a Howell ap Hugh=Ellen lived as a widow at 
or Edward Powell Pugh I Castlewright 

John Edwards, gent., son= 
and heir 

Samuel Edwards, gent., the compt. 



Bill (3 Feb. 163!) of Francis Edmonds of Yaxton, co. Sussex, gent., 
compt. against Anthony Jeffeiy. 

The compt. at the entreaty of the defendant became bound about 
4 years since in a bond with Richard Jeffery, son of the said Anthony, 
unto one Lewis Goodgier in a bond of 8oo/. for payment of 4OO/. 

ESSEX v. GLOVER and others 

E-g Bill (8 Feb. 163^) of Sir William Essex, baronet, compt. against 
Roger Glover of Blackfriars in London, Joce Glover (his son and heir apparent), 
John Glover, another son, and Anne Pike of the Strand, widow. 

Concerning the purchase by the said Roger Glover from the compt. 
of the manors of Shreevenham Stalpitts and Beawcott, alias Beacott, 
in Berkshire, and the alleged theft by the Glovers of an indenture 
which the compt. left behind him after dining in the house of the 
said Anne Pike, at the time of the great sickness in London, some 
eight years since. 


Bill ( ) of Samuel Ellond of Strowdwater, co. Glouc., 


^i Plea and demurrer (25 and 26 Nov. 1633) of William Sheppard of Old 
Horseley, co. Glouc., esquire, John Sheppard and Samuel Sheppard, gentlemen 
(defendants with William Fletcher, Richard Warpman, Henry Chapman, 
Robert Bull, John Sweeper and Thomas Powell). 

Concerning the will of William Bennett of Cublay, co. Glouc., 
clothier, who is said to have died indebted to the compt. The three 
defendants demurring are brothers, and were kinsman and exors. of 
the said Bennett. 

EARLE v, TYDCOMBE and others 

Answer ( ) of Susanna Tydcombe, wife of Michael 

Tydcombe the younger, gent., a defendant (with Thomas Allen and Joyce 
his wife) to the bill of Robert Earle and Elizabeth his wife, the compts. 

Concerning the estate of John Blanchard, father to this defendant. 

John Blanchard 




John Blanchard 

Elizabeth the 

Susanna wife 


died g.p. 

compt. now 

of Michael 

wife of 

wife of 



Robert Earle 

the younger 




Bill (8 July 1633) of William Evans of Woodbridge, co. Suffolk, 
yeoman, and Freegift his wife, late wife of Thomas Stevens of Woodbridge, 
apothecary, compts. against Thomas Johnson of Ardly, yeoman. 

Concerning a messuage and lands at Ardly in Essex, formerly of the 
said Thomas Stevens. The said Thomas made a will in Nov. 1623, 
having five small children by the said Freegift. 

EASTOFTE and another v. MOYSIER 

Bill ( 1 3 July 1 64 1 ) of Thomas Eastofte of Eastofte, co. York, esquire, 
and Thomas Boynton of Rocliff, gent. 

Answer (8 Nov. 1641) of Thomas Moysier of Appleton, esquire. 

Concerning the manor of Lockington, called the Hallgarth manor, 
with lands in Lockington, Beverley, Lund and Sculcottes, which Robert 
Stockdale of Lockington, esq., by his indenture 7 June 36 Eliza, is 
said to have conveyed to the use of himself and his heirs male of his 
body, with remr. to John Eastofte, esq., deceased, late father of the 
compt. Thomas Eastofte, with remr. to the said Thomas Eastofte and 
his heirs. vRobert Stockdale died without issue and John Eastofte 
became seised, and made a lease 19 March 13 Car. I. to the compt., 
his son, for eleven years. At the death of John Eastofte, the compt. 
Thomas Eastofte became seised about two years since, and made a 
lease 1 1 June 1 5 Car. I. to Thomas Boynton, esq. The defendant 
alleged that there was no consideration for Stockdale's conveyance, for 
that Robert Stockdale on z June 36 Eliza, was a lunatic, and was 
cozened of part of his estate. He also claims to have been found 
cousin and next heir of Robert Stockdale, whose wife Elizabeth is 


E-gL Bill (5 Feb. i6f) of Sir Francis Englefeild of Wootton Bassett, co. 
Wilts, baronet. 

Answer (at Alford, co. Lincoln, 8 April 1630) of Richard White, gent., 
son of George White, deceased. 

Concerning the site and demesne lands of the dissolved priory of 
Markbie, co. Lincoln. 

ERNLE and others v. STANNEY and others 

Bill (19 June 1 63 2) of Susan Ernie of Cackham, co. Sussex, widow, 
John Cooke of Westburton, gent., Edmund Southcott of Chichester, surgeon, 
and Elizabeth Rishton, one of the daughters of Robert Rishton, gent., deceased, 
the late husband of the said Susan. 

Answer (24 Oct. 1632) of Bridget! Stanney, widow, relict of Richard 
Stanney, esquire, deceased, and ( . . . 1632) of Katherine Stanney, Bridget 
Stanney the younger, Edward Higgons and Elizabeth his wife, and (24 Oct. 
1632) of Henry Graye, yeoman. 


Concerning Richard Ernie of Cackham, esq., deceased, and his farm 
of Cackham. 

Richard Ernie of Cackham, esquire. 
Will dat. in Nov. 5 Jac. I. 

i n u. i 

Edward Robert Rishton, = Susan = Richard Ernie, esq., Richard Stannejr,= Bridget 
Ernie, gent. married about five esq. Ernie 
diedv.p. years since. Will 
I dat. Feb. 7 Car. I. 

Elizabeth Rishton Elizabeth Katherine Bridget Edward Higgon, gent. = Elizabeth 
the elder the 



E-Jg- Bill (22 Feb. 164^-) of John Edlyn of London, boxmaker. 
Answer (17 Feb. 164^) of Anne Edlin, defendant to the bill ot com- 
plaint of John Edlin. 

Concerning the will of Richard Edlin, deceased, whereof defendant is 
extrix. The will was made about nine years since. The complainant 
is son to the defendant and the said Richard the testator. The 
defendant is persuaded that the said bill in the name of the said John 
Edlin is exhibited against her by William Edlin her son, brother to 
the said John, out of revenge for this defendant suing him for a debt 
of yo/. The said John Edlin about four years since went a soldier in 
the king's service and was, as the defendant hath been informed, slain 
at the battle about York. 


E^g. Bill (2 June 1646) of Andrew Edwards, citizen and bodicemaker, 
of London. 

Answer (8 June 1 646) of Peter Vandermarshe of London, merchant. 
Concerning the purchase by the compt. of a parcel of * whalefins.' 

EMERIE v . HAMMOND and others 

E-gV Bill ( ) of William Emerie of Cottesfeild, co. South- 

ampton, husbandman. 

Answer (22 Jan. 164^-) of Nicholas Hammond and Alice Maile, widow, 
relict of Robert Maile (defendants with Thomas Anthony and Elizabeth his 
wife and John Maile). 

Concerning a copyhold messuage and lands of the manor of Cattisfeild, 
whereof John Cuff and Ermyn his wife were seised. The following 
pedigree is produced by the compt., who states that he is next heir to 
Ermyn : 


I L . 

Itabel Ermyn = John Cuff = 

Agnes Pilson Martin Cuff Thomas Anthony = Elizabeth 

| | of Rumsey Cuff 

James Emerie Richard Cuff 

I I 

William John Cuff, only son, 

Emerie, compt. died an infant, s.p. 


E^L Demurrer ( ) of Henry Godfrey, gent., to the bill of 

Humphrey Ellis. 

Concerning certain dealings in malt, the complainant being a factor 
for divers maltsters in London. 


E-i- Bill (29 Jan. 164!) of John Emmett, younger son of William 
Emmett, late of Portsea, co. Southampton, yeoman, deceased. 

Answer (13 July 1646) of William Emmett, son and heir of the said 

Concerning the will, dated 30 Nov. 19 Car. I. of the complainant's 
father, giving to the compt. his copyhold messuage and lands which 
he had purchased in the manor of Frodington in Portsea. 


E-^Q Demurrer and answer ( 1 7 Feb. 1 64^) of Elizabeth Morley, widow, 
to the bill of Jeremy Elwes. 

Concerning an alleged conveyance of lands to this defendant's late 
husband James Morley, sometime one of the six clerks of the Court 
of Chancery. She names a settlement made for the advancement of 
Cuthbert Morley in marriage with Jane, one of the daughters of 
Thomas, Lord Viscount Fairefaxe of Emeley. 



THE following notes supplement the pedigrees and notices 
in the late Mr. Surtees' History of the County Palatine 
of some families in the parishes of Dalton-le-Dale, Bishop 
Wearmouth and Houghton-le-Spring. 


The pedigree of the Dales of Tunstall in Surtees, like that 
afterwards published by Burke, begins with the marriage of 
Edward Dale in 1672, although there are scattered references 
to earlier Dales in other parts of his History. The following 
is an outline pedigree of the earlier Dales : 

John Daile of Dalton testis in curia, 
1490 (Surtees, vol. i, p. 2) 
Anthony Dale occurs 1536 (Surtees, 
vol. i, p. 2) 

Edward Dale, tenant of Dalton,= 
1 5 3 9 (Rental* Bursarii Dunelm. p. 3 1 2 I 
in Surtees Soc. vol. 58) 

George Dale, tenant of Dalton,= 
1580 (Survey of Cathedral Lands, 
p. 218 in Surtees Soc. vol. 82). 
Died intestate. Inventory of goods, 
4 Nov. 161 1. At Durham, 23 Nov. 
1611, administration of the goods 
of ' George Daill of the parish of 
Dalton Coy Durham ' was granted 
to 'Edward Daill the son of the 
Intestate for his use and benefit 
and that of Robert Daill and Alli- 
sone Holme wife of Adam Holme 
the son and daughter also of the 
Intestate ' 

Alison Dale ('-= Adam Blaykestoa 
station of Durham I of Seaton (/f 
1615, #ar/, M6'. \ p.m. 20 Eliz.) 
1540/0. 1 lib and I 
Harl.MS. 1168 I 
fo. 36*) A 

Edward Daile of Dalton= 
occurs 1622 (Surtees, 
vol. i, p. 2), acquired a 
tenement in Seaton in 
1615 (Surtees, vol. i, 
P- *75) 

Robert Dale 

Alison=Adam Holme 
of Wearmouth 

George Daile of Dalton, Ralph Dale of Sling-= 
son and heir of Edward, ley, younger ton of 
occurs 1622 (Suttees, Edward Dale of Dal- 
vol. i, p. 2) ton, who settled his 
Sea ton property 
Edward Dale of= Eleanor Shadforth, bapt. u P on him m l6 43 
Dalton, died in- 1 30 May, 1639, died 5 (Surtees, vol. i, p. 
testate 1667 1 April, 1700 2 7S) 

Edward Dale, aged 20, 17 Oct. 1664,= 
when the bishop leases lands in Tun- 
stall for the natural lives of Edward 
Dale (son of Ralph Dale, deceased) 
and two others to Thomas Ayre. On 
29 April, 1669, Thomas Ayre 'out 
of natural affection ' and for payment 
conveys lands in Tunstall to Edward 
Dale of Tunstall (Surtees, vol. i. 
p. 275) > ^ 

=Joan Shipperdson. Margery (Surtees 
Marriage licence vol. i, p. 240) 

21 Oct. 1672. 

Anthony Daile of 
Durham, mer- 
chant, bondsman 



In the otherwise perfect record in Surtees of the marriages 
of the owners of Pallion in lineal descent the maiden name 
of- the wife of the third owner is missing. Entries in the 
parish register of Bishop Wearmouth supply this omission as 

Nicholas Huntley= Elizabeth Elearker 
I of Wearmouth, 
I mar. 29 May, 1608 

John Goodchild=Anne Huntley, daughter of Nicholas Huntley 
I of Tunstall, bapt. 28 March, 1613 ; mar. 21 
I June, 1636 


Goodchilde, son to 
John Goodchilde of Ryop, 
bapt. 10 March, 1638 

The last male descendant of the Pallion family in the direct 
line was Laurence Goodchild (born i Dec. 1813, died in New- 
castle, 21 March, 188 1), author of Warkwortb^ The Rebel's Woo- 
ingy etc. He was the third son of the last John Goodchild of 
Pallion. A short biography by Mr. John Robinson, with 


portrait, has appeared in the Sunderland Library Circular (July, 
1 900). 

It appears from family papers that three of the daughters 
of the last John Goodchild of Pallion married as follows and 
left issue: 

(i) Margaret married Joseph Simpson of West House. 

(ii) Anne married William Mordy, M.D. 

(iii) Caroline married William Haslewood, M.D. 


Mr. Surtees gives a meagre account of the descendants of 
Adam Holme of Bishop Wearmouth, but says nothing of his 
ancestors. There are three pedigrees of the earlier Holmes : 
in the Visitation of Yorkshire^ 1563 and 1564, printed by the 
Harleian Society; in the Visitations of 'Cambridgeshire ', 1575 and 
1619, also printed by the Harleian Society ; and in Harleian 
MS. 1540, f. 45. The pedigree in the Yorkshire Visitation 
ends one generation earlier than the Harleian MS.; the pedi- 
gree in the Cambridgeshire Visitations begins two generations 
later. The three pedigrees agree exactly with regard to the 
succession and Christian names of the early Holmes of Wear- 
mouth as given below, but the record of their marriages is, as 
will be seen, by no means clear. 

Robert Holme, third son of John Holme of Holme Hall, 
Lancashire, came into the Boshopryke of Durram ' and mar- 
ried, according to the Yorkshire Visitation pedigree, 'Anne 
doughter to Sir Arthur Myddelton of Sylkesworth in the 
Boshopryke aforesaid.' (No Arthur occurs in the pedigrees 
of the Middletons of Silksworth. Probably either Sir John 
Middleton of Belsay and Silksworth or Thomas Middleton of 
Silksworth is meant.) 

Robert Holme, son of Robert (second son, according to 
the Harleian MS., which states that an elder son, John, not 
mentioned in either of the visitation pedigrees, f dyed before 
hee cam to full age '), described in all three pedigrees as c of 
Warmouth,' married a Hedworth c Margaret, doughter to 
John Hedworth,' according to the Yorkshire Visitation pedigree; 
* Mary, dr. of S r Raffe Hedworth, knight,' according to the 
Cambridgeshire Visitation pedigree. The Chancery enrolments 
in the Durham Records include an action brought against 
Robert Holme of Bishop Wearmouth by William Cornforth 


and Alice his wife (undated, in Roll No. iii of Laurence 
Booth, Bishop of Durham, 1457-76). Robert Holme was suc- 
ceeded at Wearmouth by his elder son, 

Raffe Holme, who married, according to the Torksbire 
Visitation pedigree, a * Grey of Horton Graunge.' According 
to the Cambridgeshire Visitation pedigree he married * Margarett, 
d. of . . . Raye.' * If the latter is the correct account of his 
marriage, his wife may have belonged to the same family as 
the 'William Rey of Pontiland,' of a later generation, who 
occurs (1587) in one of the Durham wills printed by the Sur- 
tees Society (vol. 38, p. 300). Raffe Holme was succeeded 
at Wearmouth by his ' son and heyre,' 

William Holme, whose wife's name is left blank in the 
pedigrees. He was succeeded at Wearmouth by his elder son, 

Adam Holme, who married (see Dale pedigree supra) Alice, 
daughter of George Dale of Dalton. His will, in which he 
desires burial Bunder the 'brood stone' at the south porch 
door at Bishop Wearmouth, and makes his wife his residuary 
legatee, was proved at Durham 16 Jan. 1618. 'Alice Holmes 
(sic) of this towne widow ' was buried at Bishop Wearmouth 
An Doi 1634 October 21.' 

It appears from entries in the parish register that there 
were at least five children of this marriage : 

(i) Ralph Bapt. 7 Feb. 159^; mentioned in his father's 
will; married 22 Nov. 1620 to Anne Sheperdson. 

(ii) George Bapt. i Oct. 1598; acquired a tenement at 
Ryhope under his father's will. 

(iii) Frances Bapt. 20 June, 1587; married 22 Nov. 1608 
to Robert Goodchild. 

(iv) Bridget Bapt. 10 Nov. 1588. 

(v) Annas Bapt. 23 Nov. 1590; mentioned in her 
father's will ; married 3 1 Jan. 1 62 J to Christopher 

Alice Holme, buried at Bishop Wearmouth 4 April, 1595, was 
probably another child of Adam and Alice Holme. 


The following is a pedigree (partly compiled from family 
papers) of the family of John Laurence, the well known rec- 
tor of Bishop Wearmouth. Mr. Surtees gives a short bio- 
graphy of him, and there is another (with some inaccurate 

1 Harl. MS. 1 540 has ' Margarett d. of Ray of Horton Grange.' 

9 6 


dates) in the Dictionary of National Biography. An engraving 
of his portrait by Vertue is mentioned in Horace Walpole's 
list of Vertue's works. 

John Lawrence (sic). Adm. Emmanuel Coll.: 
Cambridge, 6 June, 1650, then described only 
as a native of Bedfordshire, B.A. 1653. (? rector 
of Gretham, co. Lincoln ; John Laurence, 
clerk, compounded for the firstfruits of that 
rectory 8 Feb. 165$). Vicar of St. Martin's, 
Stamford Baron ; instituted 4 Oct. 1666. Signs 
the register first at Lady Day r 166^. Prebend 
of Sutton-in-the-Marsh, Cath. Line. ; installed 
1 6 Sept. 1668 (Browne Willis' Cathedrals, 
Lincoln, p. 250). His successor at St. Martin's 
was instituted 26 Sept. 1700, 'upon the death 
of Jno. Lawrence.' Will, dated 10 May, 1700, 
proved at Lincoln 15 June, 1710 

Elizabeth, living 
10 May, 1700 

John Laurence, bapt. 27 Oct. 1668.= 
Adm. Clare Hall, Cambridge, 20 
May, 1685. M.A. and Fellow of 
Clare, 1692. Rector of Yelvertoft, 
co. Northampton ; instituted 20 
May, 1700. Rector of Bishop 
Wearmouth, 1721. Prebendary of 
Salisbury. Will, dated 17 Sept. 
1731, proved at Durham 21 July, 
1732. Author. See Dictionary of 
National Biography 

=Mary Godwin (or Edward, bapt. Char es, bapt. 
Goodwin) died at 21 Oct. 1674. 15 Aug. 1677. 
Bishop Wear- Author. See Adm. Clare 
mouth in 1746. Dictionary of Hall 6 Oct. 
Will, dated 26 National Bio- 1696. Rec- 
Nov. 1736, proved g r <*pby tor of Stoke 
at Durham 23 D;iy, Rut land; 
April, 1747 Mary, bapt. instituted n 
25 Oct. 1671 June, 1755. 

Hannah, liv- had issue, 
ing a minor Died at Holy- 
25 Aug. 1699 oke 5 June, 


Mary"\ died 
Y in 
Anne J childhood 


Elizabeth, bapt. at 
Yelvertoft 30 Dec. 
1703 (see Goodchild 
pedigree in Surtees) 

Penelope (see Pem- 
berton pedigree in 

Eleanor (see Dale pedi- 
gree in Surtees)] 

in Laurence, only son. Rector of 
St. Mary's, Aldermanbury, and of 
High Rooding, Essex. Married (i) 
a daughter of a London publisher or 
bookseller, by whom he had one child, 
Gerald, senior Capt. 57th Foot, 1779, 
left army in 1780, who married but 
died s.p. ; (2) Rebecca, only daughter 
of Cornelius Manley, died s.p. (cf. 
pedigree of Manley of Manley Hall 
in Burke). Died 9 April, 1791, in 
his eighty-sixth year (see obituary 
notice in Gentleman's Magazine). Will, 
dated 10 June, 1790, proved 19 April, 


Mr. Surtees records a grant by Michael Watson and 
Dorothye his wife of lands in Middle Herrington to John 
Twentyman in 1652 and the marriage of Jane Twentyman 


in 1 696. The following short pedigree is derived from entries 
in the parish register of Houghton-le-Spring: 

John Twcntiman. The first Twentyman = Jane, dau. of William Chilton the younger 

who occurs in the register. Of Eshe 
at the time of his marriage, afterwards 
of Middle Herrington. Bur. 15 July, 

of Newbottle. Bapt. i Oct. 1 609. Men- 
tioned in the will, proved 27 Sept. 1627, 
of George Chilton of Newbottle. Mar. 
23 May, 1633 ; bur. 24. May, 1654 

Bryan, bapt. 
7 March, 

Anne, bapt. 

3 Jne 


Twenty man, bapt. = Elizabeth 
17 Aug. 1645, bur. 3 
May, 1705 ; then de- 


of Middle 

Sharpe of 

North Biddicke in the 
parish of Washington. 

Mar. 28 Sept. 1678, 
bur. 8 Sept. 1715 

Jane bur. 
1 8 March, 

3 May, ' 

Jane Twentyman, daughter and 
heiress of John Twentyman of 
Middle Herrington (Surtees, vol. 
I, p. 240) 

, p. 240) 


Mr. Surtees records the marriage of Philip Jackson, his 
purchase of West Rainton Hall from the Earl of Strathmore, 
and his death. Before his marriage Philip Jackson lived in 
Essex, where he owned lands in Leyton and Walthamstow. 
Philip Jackson (born 23 May N.S. 1715, died at West Rain- 
ton Hall 10 Oct. 1792) married Penelope Laurence, daughter 
of John Goodchild of Pallion (born 15 May, 1734; married 
23 June, 1757; died at Houghton-le-Spring 5 Aug. 1830). 
It appears from family papers that there were nine children of 
their marriage: 

(i) John Jackson (born in Great Ormond Street, Lon- 
don, i July, 1758) of Hill House, Walthamstow, 
married (4 Sept. 1783) Sarah (born 6 July, 1764), 
daughter of George Vaughan of the parish of 
Christ Church, Blackfriars. He died at Ramsgate 
17 March, 1828. His widow died 28 June, 1850. 
There were fourteen children of this marriage, of 
whom five married and left issue. Mr. Arthur 
Laurence Jackson, Barby Lodge, Lillington, great- 
grandson of John Jackson, now represents the 
Jackson family. 

(ii) Elizabeth Jackson (born at Shincliffe, co. Durham, 
26 April, 1760) married (29 March, 1784) Gilbert 


Slater. Died . . . Jan. 1797. From her marriage 
the family of Sclater of Newick Park, Sussex, are 
descended (cf. pedigree of Sclater in Burke, 
which states that the family name has been re- 
stored to the original spelling Sclater). 

(iii) Philip Jackson (born at West Rainton Hall 4 April, 
1762) of Russell Square, London, married (2 July, 
1799) Catherine, daughter of Thomas Williams of 
Ewell, Epsom. Died s.p. at Brighton in August, 

(iv) Penelope Jackson (born at West Rainton Hall 30 
July, 1765) married (u Oct. 1793) Benjamin 
Dunn. Died at Houghton-le-Spring 20 Jan. 
1837, leaving issue. 

(v) James Jackson (born at West Rainton Hall 6 Oct. 
1767), some time of Little Eppleton (otherwise 
called Eppleton Field House), co. Durham. Cap- 
tain of East India ship Carnatic. Married (18 Jan. 
1796) Harriot Goodchild. Died at 'Little Epple- 
ton,' Newport, Barnstaple, n Jan. 1866, in his 
ninety-ninth year, leaving issue. 

(vi) William Jackson (born at West Rainton Hall 2 7 Jan. 
1769) of Lincoln Coll. Oxford (cf. Foster's Alumni 
Oxonienses\ rector of Pitsford. Married (12 Nov. 
1799) Harriett, daughter of Thomas Williams of 
Ewell, and had issue. 

(vii) Frances Isabella Jackson (born at West Rainton 
Hall 21 Nov. 1770). Died 20 Aug. 1781. 

(viii) Maria Jane Jackson (born at West Rainton Hall 
5 July, 1772) married (31 Oct. 1805) Charles 
Williams, son of Thomas Williams of Ewell, rector 
of Barby. Died at Barby, leaving issue, 
(ix) Wildy Thomas Jackson (born at West Rainton Hall 
7 March, 1775). Died unmarried 4 June, 1795. 

G. B. 


THE pictures which follow are from the pen drawings 
which adorn a very precious manuscript once in the 
library of the Abbey of St. Albans and now in the Cottonian 
Library in the British Museum, in which collection it is num- 
bered as Nero D. i. They accompany the history by Matthew 
Paris of the lives of the two Offas. Matthew Paris, the most 
famous annalist of his time, succeeded Roger of Wendover as 
historiographer at St. Albans after the death of Roger in 1236. 
Sir Frederick Madden was of opinion that these lives were 
written by Matthew with his own hand. If this indeed be 
the case, it is hardly possible to doubt that in the first six of 
these pictures we have also the handiwork of this famous 
man. The first picture is full of written scrolls worked into 
the composition, and these scrolls are in the hand which wrote 
the text of the manuscript. The lion shield of the fifth picture 
enables us to connect with all assurance the writer of this manu- 
script of the Offas with the maker of the first collections of Eng- 
lish arms, which collections are now bound up with this very 
manuscript, and with the painter of the shields of arms which 
decorate the border of the great MS. of the Historia Minor of 
Matthew Paris. By these things it would seem possible to 
give an illustrious name to the pioneer of the study of Eng- 
lish armory. The objections to this attribution have been set 
forth at length by Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, 1 and some of them 
are weighty evidence against a belief in which one would 
gladly be confirmed. Chief amongst these objections is the 
kneeling figure of a monk in theRoyal MS. (14 C. vii.), which 
seems to be another drawing by the same artist. Over this 
figure is written in contemporary lettering the name of 
Matthew Paris. But Matthew ever wrote his name Matbeus y 
and here we have the name written first as Matbias and altered 
by the writer to Matbius, and, as Sir Thomas Hardy has justly 

1 Descriptive Catalogue of Materials Relating to the History of Great Britain 
and Ireland, 1871. 



remarked, it is difficult to believe that Matthew would not 
only mis-spell his own name, but would correct one blunder 
with a second. In the MS. of the Historia Anglorum, and in 
three other MSS., we have books in this familiar handwriting ; 
and the same hand, recording in each the gift of the book to 
God and the church of St. Alban, asks a prayer for the soul 
of brother Matthew, a form which would not be used were 
the said Matthew then living. We are forced then to ascribe 
these pictures to a date after the death of Matthew, which 
befel during the abbacy of John of Hertford and between the 
years 1253 and 1259. But handwriting and costume both 
point to a date at the least immediately following this. The 
plates from the seventh onward are certainly later than the 
first six, although few years can have come between the two 

English dress is at this period of the most simple. Kings, 
lords, churchmen and men of condition wear long gowns to 
the feet, ornamented for great folk with orphreys or bands of 
embroidery at the neck, which is cut somewhat low. The 
first series shows a fashion of sleeve with wide ends cut off at 
the mid-forearm, and showing the tight sleeve of a smock or 
other garment below. The same wide sleeve is worn in the 
seventh plate, which, it is possible, may be the work of a third 
and intermediate hand, for its penwork and line differ from 
those before and after it. After this seventh plate the loose- 
ended uppers leeve and under sleeve disappear, and all sleeves 
end tightly at the wrist. The upper halves of sleeves are always 
cut widely, with curiously large armholes reaching in some cases 
almost to the waist. Over this gown is worn an ample cloak, 
which sometimes bears a hood, fastened at the neck with a brooch 
or band. The dress of the common folk and of men of rank 
when actively employed is a like gown or coat ending at the 
knee, with which is worn a shorter cloak also to the knee. 
The belts or girdles which gird the coats and gowns at the 
knee appear as plain thongs with no beginnings of the rich 
buckles and heavy bosses which were soon to come into 
fashion. A variety of caps, hats, hoods and coifs will be 
noted. The hood covering head and neck is not shown as 
worn over the head except in the case of the humbler folk. 
The shoes and low boots are simple and very slightly pointed. 
Comment upon the arms and armour will be found under 
each picture containing them. The common headgear in war 


is the mail coif. Barrel helms are also worn, and there are in 
the earlier series two most interesting examples of iron caps 
fitted with nose guards of the ancient fashion. The strange 
appearance of a plate vizor worn before a coif of mail will be 
remarked. Beside the head pieces no plates appear beyond 
greaves or bainbergs and small knee-caps. The arms of the 
knights are long lances plain at the grip, and long and heavy 
one-handed swords. The ordinary dress of the churchmen 
is the same as that of the laymen, but their curious caps will 
be observed. 



Warmund, a famous king of the western English, the 
founder of Warwick, which is curia Warmundi^ has grown old 
and has an only son. This son Offa was blind from birth 
until his seventh year and dumb until his thirtieth year, so 
that his father could scarce set him up to be his heir. Rigan, 
otherwise called Aliel, one of the chief men of the king, con- 
spiring with one Mitun, seeks to persuade the king to adopt 
him for his successor. The name of Rigan is easily derived, 
Mr. Skeat being yet to be born, from the harshness of this 
noble's demeanour. His son Hildebrand, a stout knight who 
derives his name from his brand, stands by his father in his 

The King Warmund sits upon his throne in a long gown girt at the 
waist. The broad orphrey at the neck is fastened with a round brooch. No 
king in this series carries a sceptre. In this case Warmund rests his hand 
upon a crutched staff. Each of the group is cloaked, a long and loose cloak 
hanging over the king's left shoulder. Rigan's dress resembles that of the 
king, save that the jewelled orphrey is represented by a plain border. The 
two lords at the sides of Rigan and the king wear their coats to the knee, 
with short cloaks, which one fastens with a brooch at the left shoulder. All 
the sleeves end a little below the elbow, showing the tight sleeve of the smock 
or under garment beneath. The boots are slightly pointed, and two caps 
are shown, round and close fitting, with a narrow rolled brim. 


Rigan never stints to push his scheme with the king, now 
tempting him with fair words, now threatening him. A 
counsel is called, which puts Rigan from the court. He 
leaves full of rage in his heart, and gathers a great host against 
the king. Whilst Warmund takes new counsel against the 
rebels, the deliberations are heard by Offa, who though 
tongue-tied has the use of his ears. He cannot pray aloud, 
but within himself he prays of the Trinity strength of eyes, 
saving wisdom and comfort. His prayer is heard, and to the 
wonder of all he rises and speaks, and reproaches the con- 
spirators against his father's right and his own. Rigan goes 
forth heaping threats upon threats, but the king's true liege- 
men fall at their sovereign's feet full of joy. 

The outstretched arms of Offa show very clearly the manner in which the 
ulness of the upper sleeve is joined to the body of the coat, the sleeve be- 
ginning its separate existence at the elbow. This is less marked in the short 
coat of Rigan, which is cut more for action than is the longer gown. Rigan's 
three-quarter cloak will be noted with its high collar or hood and the band 
which fastens it at the neck. The headgear is noteworthy : Rigan in a close 
coif fastening with string under the chin ; his follower, the suggestor malorum, 
in a hat with the brim turned down ; the two kneeling nobles in dose round 
skull caps, and the one standing in a larger cap with hanging sides. Offa 
wears a fillet about his head, which seems to be jewelled. 


The king girds Offa with his sword, joining to him certain 
brave youths whom he makes knights with his son in his 

Here Offa is made a knight at the hands of his father. His gown has a 
low neck with a deep jewelled orphrey such as is worn by the king in the first 
picture, with a large brooch fastening the opening. The sword belt is not 
buckled, but fastens with a knot. On his heels they tie short prick spurs. 
The sword with quills slightly dropped is a one-handed sword. As with that 
of Rigan in the last plate, the scabbard clips the hilt, not the hilt the scabbard. 
In the second division Offa's hawberk is being pulled on over his head. His 
shield is large, and almost an equal sided triangle in form. The charge of the 
saltire upon it and upon the banner has been put in by a later hand, much 
later it may be than the picture. It will be remembered that the saltire is the 
charge given for arms by later ages to St. Alban and to the monastery of St. 


The two hosts are drawn up on either side of a torrent 
across which they throw darts and hard words, until with a 
picked band Offa throws himself across the river. His 
main battle is slow to succour him, and the enemy makes a 
fierce stand. At last, moved by Offa, his host follows, and 
Offa falling upon Rigan's men 'like a lion and lioness 
robbed of their cubs ' puts them to flight. Brut, otherwise 
called Hildebrand, and Sweyn, the sons of Rigan, come in 
his path, bad young men whose folly leads them to curse Offa 
with evil words. Offa strikes Brut one blow with his sword 
and cleaves him through the helm to the marrow of his brain. 

This spirited battle piece has many points of interest. For the heads, 
five are covered with hoods of mail. Two are defended with barrel helms, 
whereof one to little purpose. The rebel knight behind the unhappy Brut 
wears over his mail hood an iron cap which at first sight recalls the early 
Norman period. But it will be seen that although the long nose piece is 
here, the crown is rounded instead of pointed. No single plate appears, all 
being seemingly chain mail. Two types of shield are shown, whereof the 
larger pattern carries a raised boss. The smaller shield of the rebel knight is 
of singular interest. The figure of the lion upon it leaves no doubt that 
these drawings, the first six of this series, are by the hand of that artist, 
whether brother Matthew or another, who made the first collection in 
England of drawings of the shields of nobles the first English roll of arms. 
Two knights show bearings upon both coat and shield. The mallets are 
certainly by our artist's hand, but the tiny saltire on Offa's shield and the 
saltire between four roundels are both by the hand of the later meddler. 
Brut's shield appears to be figured as gyronny. The short hawberk ends well 
above the knee, and the surcoats are long and flowing, with wide openings for 
the arms. The saddles are high peaked and no bards or trappers appear. 



Sweyn flys, but OfFa slays him as he goes and casts him 
down. Rigan himself seeks in vain to cross the river, which 
is now in spate with the blood of the slain, and here he is 
drowned without a wound upon him. From his drowning 
the river is called Riganburne, which is also called the Avene. 

The iron cap of the unfortunate Sweyn is clearly drawn and very note- 
worthy. It follows the lines of one in the last plate, but is strengthened with 
a flowered ornament on the crown and has an engrailed pattern at the rim. 
The ornament would seem to be the cross paty borne upon his shield, which 
has also an engrailed border. The trappers of his horse have nine such crosses 
upon a field with roundels, but with no border. Offa's horse is also with 
trappers, but the saltire here and on his coat is again an addition by the hand 
which has scrawled in the missing spears and Sweyn's falling banner. The 
knight next to OfFa has a twist round the brows of his mail coif, probably for 
additional defence and to keep the coif in place. The manner of holding the 
shield when running a course is shown by OfFa, whilst the knight who seeks 
to drag Sweyn to safety has his shield slung at his back. His half-sleeved 
hawberk will be noted and the slittered edge of his companion's coat. 


Offa comes away unwounded from his victory, leaving his 
own booty to his men, and burying honourably the dead of 
both hosts on a high ground called Qualmhul from the 
slaughter of that day. 

The cap of the bearded figure will be noted and the two pairs of boots 
higher than the usual pattern. See also the pointed hood of one of those 
lifting the tomb slab. 


Offa's father, greeting his son upon his return, surrenders 
to him his kingdom. He has warred in his day against earthly 
hosts ; for the rest of life he will strive against the foes of 
his soul. At the last Warmund dies and Offa is crowned in 
his place. He weds the King of York's fair daughter, whom 
he had found when hunting in the woods to which she had 
flown from her father's wickedness. By her he has children, 
sons and daughters. The King of Northumberland seeks his 
daughter in marriage, offering to take her without dowry and 
to be Offa's man, if Offa will aid him against his barbarous 
foes the Scots. 

The shield of Offa is a late addition. 


Offa swears the King of Northumberland to his pact upon 
the Gospels, and goes north to fall upon the Scots, who fly 
before him. He sends a foolish messenger home with the 
news, who strays into the hands of the King of York. This 
evil king plies him with wine and in a secret place robs him 
of his letter, which is tampered with and made to read as 
though King Offa. had come by defeat. In this false letter 
Offa says that v this is befallen him for his sin in that against 
his people's will he had married a foul witch. The queen is 
to be taken to a desert place unknown of men, where, amongst 
wild beasts and birds, mother and children may perish with 
hands and feet lopped off. 

Here the series of pictures is carried on by another hand whose methods 
differ in line and composition from those of the artist of the first six plates. 
This second, and it may be said, inferior hand, adds certain details to the work. 
Here the mails are carefully drawn all in this plate being banded mail. The 
barrel helm disappears and plates appear, by which it would seem that the work 
was carried on after some lapse of years. Offa's saltire is again added to the 
pennon and the shield. His coat is still long and flowing, but the other coat 
is to the knee only. He now wears knee-cops and greaves or bainbergs. Most 
noteworthy is the head covering of the knight who is struck in the neck. His 
mail coif has a mask vizor attached directly to it, without any iron cap. The 
other heads are in plain coifs of mail. 


The nobles of the council (to whom the possibility of 
questioning the messenger does not occur) obey the mandate 
of the false letter. 

Led away to a desert place the mother is spared of the 
sword for the sake of her great beauty, but her children are cut 
in pieces before her. By good fortune a hermit wandering in 
that desert by night hears the queen bewailing herself. After 
many prayers he joins the cloven limbs together and signs the 
dead with the cross, and they are made whole again in soul 
and body, to be nourished in the desert by the hermit. 
Meantime Offa comes home victorious. 

The broad cross belt which supports the knight's scabbard is to be noted. 
The queen's gown is of the simplest form with light sleeves and girded at the 

rThe king's figure has plain unbanded mail. Note the large single-handed 
sword with heavy pomel and straight quills, the crown upon the mail coif, 
the surcoat to the knee, the bainbergs and knee cops and long prick spurs. 


A long while the great men of the realm hide the truth 
from Offa, but at last the whole story is told him and the 
king gives way to his grief, mourning wife and children with 
great woe, putting on sackcloth and sprinkling himself with 
ashes. His wise men, knowing his former love for hunting, 
persuade him to follow the chase for solace of his grief. 
Hunting in the wild wood he comes to the little house of the 
holy hermit, to whom he tells all his grief. With great joy 
the hermit tells him that his sorrow is at an end and that the 
queen lives. Indeed at that moment she is in the inner room 
bathing her children, and the king and queen are brought 
together with great joy. In memory of his happiness regained 
Offa founds a monastery. The story of his life is now at an 
end. He dies at a good age in peace and is royally buried 
with his fathers. 

The king in his hunting dress wears a tunic to the knee over his long 
gown. This tunic has a full cape and over that an ample hood. Note the 
long wristed gloves. 


We now come to the story of the second Offa. At his 
birth he was called Pinered, and he was born son of Tuinfreth 
(who was of the house of the kings) by Marcelline his wife. 
He was lame, blind and deaf from his birth upward. But 
his parents presenting him to God in the church, he is miracu- 
lously healed, even as was the first OfFa, and for this reason 
he was called no more Pinered but Offa the Second. In that 
land of the Mercians was a tyrant called Beormred, before whose 
tyranny Tuinfred and his family were fain to flee away. But 
the young Offa being made a knight gathered other knights 
to him and returned and defeated Beormred to the great joy of 
all the stock of the kings, amongst whom was his father the Earl 
Tuinfreth, who would have surrendered his earldom to him 
had he not refused it with pious words. Upon this the nobles 
of Mercia took him from his parents crying that he should 
be no earl but their king. Therefore Offa was crowned 
and peace flowed again amongst the Mercians. He wedded 
with Drida, a virgin of the house of the King Charles of 
France, who was fair of face but who, for the sake of a crime 
she had done, had been set in a little ship at the mercy of the 
winds. She drifted to the English shore, where, telling a 
false story of her innocence, she was given by the king to 
the care of his parents between whom she sowed discord. 
Nevertheless the king, drawn by her beauty, married her 
suddenly without counsel from his parents or nobles, and by 
her who called herself Peronel he had issue a son Egfrid. 

It is unfortunate that the artist should have here failed to indicate the pat- 
tern of the mails. In this and the following plate we have headpieces which 
should have shown whether the curious vizor of the eighth plate was a 
familiar type or whether it was but a single error of the hand of a man 
unused to the affairs of war. Here we have, it would seem, two more examples, 
but from the presence of a dragon's-wing crest upon one, one may guess that a 
helm all of plates may be indicated. 


The kings of the country round about the kingdom of the 
Mercians being subdued by Offa, they seek aid from Charles, 
King of the French, who writes a threatening letter to Offa, 
who despises it saying, ' Quid mibi etKarolo transmarino* Offa, 
in defiance of the threats of King Charles, conquers the king 
of the East English, and soon afterwards Charles dies, cut off 
by poison or apoplexy. To Charles, the son of Charles, called 
Charles the Great, the enemies of Offa apply themselves 
again, and help is promised them. Nevertheless Offa, disre- 
garding a second letter from oversea, wars victoriously against 
the rebels of Kent and against the Northumbrians and the 
west and south Saxons, and against the Welsh to whose 
country they fly. In all this Offa carries himself as becomes 
a Christian prince, and never fails to give burial to the bodies 
of his enemies, and to order masses for their souls. Charles 
the Great who had threatened him beforetime becomes his 
friend and ally. 

In this time the Danes, a folk who are wont to live by piracy 
and robbery, land on the coast and vex the people with fire and 
killing. These were the first of the Danish slaughters in 
England. These Danes are even so bold, that recking nothing 
of the prowess of Offa they make their way inland, but Offa 
hearing of these things drives them to their ships again with 
loss of men and booty. 

Here we have a group of Danes whom the artist has sought to figure in 
their habit as they lived. One of them swings the long axe which was the 
weapon beloved by Danish fingers. The fluke at the back of the head will 
be noted. OfFa and his men have round helms, but these Danes have each 
an iron cap somewhat pointed in the crown, one markedly so. Their great 
single-handed swords and banded scabbards are well indicated. Offa's saltire 
is an addition to the shield. 


With three of the conquered kings his neighbours Offa 
makes peace by giving his daughters in marriage, namely with 
Brithric, King of the West Saxons, Atheldred of the North- 
umbrians and with the holy Albert of the East English. 
This last however fell under the jealousy of the wicked Drida 
or Quendrida, wife of Offa, who, after accusing him falsely 
to her husband of plotting against his throne, led him on his 
wedding night to a certain seat prepared for him in the bridal 
chamber. This seat, when he had sat down upon it, fell with 
him into the depth of a pit in which the queen's men suffo- 
cated that 'most elegant young king and martyr.' The head of 
Albert was hewn off and the body meanly buried. In a won- 
derful way his saintliness was made manifest, for a blind man, 
stumbling upon the head, took it in his hands, and afterwards 
carrying his bloody hands to his eyes, received his sight. The 
judgment of God afterwards came upon the wicked queen, for 
robbers who would have spoiled her silver and gold threw her 
down her own well where she died as Albert had died in the 

In these four kings and three dames we have a picture of the notable 
simplicity of dress at this period. The kings have cloaks thrown over their 
shoulders, but otherwise their dress differs nothing from that of the ladies. 
The headdress of the ladies is probably a kerchief thrown over the hair 
and bound about the brows with a narrow fillet ; and this although the top 
of the gear gives at first sight the appearance of such a cap as that which 
Rigan wears in the first picture. 


It befell that as King Offa rested upon his bed in the city ot 
Bath, a vision of an angel came to him, bidding him take up 
from the earth the relics of the holy Alban the first martyr of 
the Britons, and set them in a worthy shrine. Therefore Offa 
came to Verol^mium with Humbert, Archbishop of the 
Mercians, and prayers were offered that they might find the 
body where it lay, to which place they were led by a light from 
heaven, and the body was found in a wooden box. 

The two bishops appear in mitres of a graceful form and are clad by the 
fancy of the artist in mass vestments. One holds a crosier of rich work. 
Note the eared cap of the hewer with the axe, and the axe itself, which with 
its heavier head and hammer-fluke may be compared with the long fighting 
axe of the Dane in an earlier plate. A spade and a pickaxe with a pick-fluke 
and mattock-fluke are shown. The dresses of the common people are the 
simple ones familiar in pictures of the time : a loose coat, girded at the waist 
and tight at the sleeves, and long hose. An entirely delightful figure of the 
British workman, unmoved and deliberate, is the man on the right carrying 
away the long basket of earth. 


With great honour the body is raised up, and the archbishop 
and bishops bear it with hymns and praise to a little church 
without Verolamium which had been built by disciples in 
honour of the blessed martyr. Miracles are wrought here, 
the dead being called back to life, the feeble to health, and 
the deaf, dumb, blind and lame healed of their ills. 

The holy water clerk, the cryss-bearer and candle-bearer are in long girded 
albs with amices, the bearers of the feretrum are in albs, very long surplices 
and amices. The two singing at the end of the procession in copes with a 
very small hood. 


For the greater honour of St. Alban, King Offa himself 
takes ship and journeys to Rome by way of Flanders. 

The mariner at the sheet has the short coat such as the workmen wore in 
the last plate. The steersman of this king's ship, which is sadly undermanned, 
has a full hood drawn up over his head. The cap of the king's companion 
is evidently one worn by churchmen. 


At Rome he lays his story before the Pope Adrian, who 
grants privileges to the monastery which Offa would build at 
Verolamium. Having bestowed an annual rent upon the 
school of the English at Rome, Offa comes back to found 
the monastery of St. Albans. 

The pope Adrian wears a high mitre of foolscap shape with a cross at the 
tip and a crown at the brim. The churchman or cardinal by him wears a 
hat like the one which Offa's companion is doffing. OfFa himself having 
taken off his crown, we see an established custom of removing the headgear 
for more respect. OfFa's follower wears a long cloak with an ample hood. 
Adrian wears gown and cloak as do the others. About his neck is an amice, 
and his hands have long gloves with soft and loose wrists. 


The first stone of the building is set by the king with his 
own hands in honour of the blessed martyr. The monastery 
being founded, dowered and privileged, Willegode is made 
first abbot thereof. 

Offa was a great king, and though he was but styled King of 
the Mercians he ruled over three and twenty provinces which 
the English call shires. At the last he died, this king of im- 
mortal memory, and he died, as is believed, in the town called 
Offeley. His body was carried to Bedeford and buried in a 
chapel on the bank of the Usk, which chapel has since been 
carried away by the running water and his body lies in his 
stone coffin in mid-stream. Woe upon the idleness and in- 
gratitude of the old abbots arid monks of the church which he 
founded, that they did not give honourable burial to the body 
of their good patron and founder ! 

Two of the workers have the coif tied under the chin. One has a hood 
drawn up over his head. It will be noted that architect, king and king's 
companion are dressed alike in every detail to the head. 



Under this beading The Ancestor will call the attention of press 
and public to much curious lore concerning genealogy, heraldry 
and the like with which our magazines , our reviews and news- 
papers from time to time delight us. It is a sign of awaken- 
ing interest in such matters that the subjects with which The 
Ancestor sets itself to deal are becoming less and less the sealed 
garden of a few workers. But upon what strange food the 
growing appetite for popular archaeology must feed will be 
shown in the columns before us. Our press, the best-informed 
and the most widely sympathetic in the world, which watches 
its record of science, art and literature with a jealous eye, still 
permits itself, in this little corner of things, to be victimized by 
the most recklessly furnished information, and it would seem 
that no story is too wildly improbable to find the widest cur- 
rency. It is no criticism for attacking* s sake that we shall 
offer, and we have but to beg the distinguished journals from 
which we shall draw our texts for comment to take in good 
part what is offered in good faith and good humour. 

IN an article upon Hatfield and the Cecils Lady Jeune is 
easily first amongst those writers who, all unwitting, strive 
for fame in these columns of ours. Meritorious as is her 
contribution to * What is Believed ' she must however share 
our applause with the late Mr. James Russell Lowell. 

The late Mr. Russell Lowell once said to the author of this paper that in 
nearly every instance of genius or ability of whatever kind in man or woman, 
in his experience, he had never failed to trace a Jewish descent or some Jewish 
strain of blood, which in his opinion was the explanation of its existence. 

It is evident that in Mr. Russell Lowell we lost more 
than a tactful ambassador and the creator of Birdofreedum 
Sawin. There walked amongst us, and we knew it not, a 
genealogist of the first force. Alas ! his notes have perished 
with him. As becomes a good American he could have made 
clear to us the sixteen quarters, all clownishly and disgrace- 
fully English, of the impostor of Stratford-on-Avon ; and 
with what loving industry could he have traced for us the 
right Hebrew line which was to end in the superficially un- 


Semitic name of Bacon. One may be permitted to guess that 
the pedigree of the family of Lowell enshrined one of the 
initial successes of this daring investigator. What new stimu- 
lus to adventurous genealogy ! Nelson, Buller, Tennyson, 
Austin wherever we grasp at the famous names they seem 
as bluntly English as Corelli ; but Abraham was father of 
them all, and the secret of their birth died with Mr. Lowell. 
For the sake of our national honour it were well that our 
national pedigree from the nearest lost tribe of Israel should 
be put beyond all doubt by registration at the College of Arms, 
and the sooner the better. 

* * * 

Every genealogist meets now and again with a repulse. 
Mr. Lowell was frankly ready to admit the difficulties which 
sometimes lay in his way. There was the notorious case of 
Lord Salisbury. 

He further proceeded to say that for some years he had been baffled and 
perplexed by being unable to find any such descent in the case of Lord Salis- 

Repulse ? yes, but never defeat. Mr. Lowell attacked 
the problem manfully. 

After many searches and much careful examination of Lord Salisbury's 
pedigree he found that the Cecil family was descended from an Italian house 
of the name of de Cecilus (!), a member of which had settled in Lincolnshire 
in the beginning of the fifteenth century. 

There in a word we have it. Further explanation seemed 
useless to Mr. Lowell. He was not addressing himself to 
the unlearned, and the remaining steps of the proof can be 
guessed at. De Cecilus, truly a remarkable surname, is cer- 
tainly not Italian. What then, is not Italy a half way stage 
from Jerusalem to England ? An agile mind would have the 
Cecils at their ancestral home in the holy city before Mr. 
Lowell could have replied to an unnecessary question. And 
without appealing to Mr. Lowell for confirmation we may 
add that the family affection so noteworthy amongst the 
Hebrew races was especially conspicuous in these early Cecils, 
and that members or this house held most of the municipal 
and administrative posts in Jerusalem. 

* * 

Such a pedigree would have been joy to the heart of the 
great Lord Burleigh, who, like Mr. Lowell, had followed 


genealogy with many searches and much careful examination. 
Some measure of success was his, for he completed a dozen 
satisfactory pedigrees of Cecil, tracing their origin with some 
certainty at least twelve differing ways. Sometimes the house 
was founded by Sir Dive of Valence, who came in with the 
Conqueror and begat Sir Trym. Sometimes Sir Robert 
Turbervile, alias Cecil, Secretary to the Conqueror, began the 
line of the Secretary to Queen Elizabeth. Now Syssylte, a 
Welsh prince, had founder's honours from Burghley ; and 
now again the ancestral shade took the form of Owain, * who 
came out of Cornwall with Harold son of Goduin.' Sir 
William Cecil's grandfather however remains always David 
Cecil of Stamford, and with him begins such documentary 
evidence as is accessible to those who have not Mr. Lowell's 
genealogical intuitions. 

* * * 

But a spirit of doubt is good equipment for a genealogist, 
and Lady Jeune herself has a touch of our craft. She is 
staggered, but not wholly convinced. 

We give this story with all reserve, and express our belief that if Lord 
Salisbury owes any of his great qualities to a Jewish strain of blood, it is 
more likely to be found on his mother's side, Miss Bamber Gascoigne, whose 
father was a man of large fortune, was Lord Mayor of London, and left his 
daughter a great heiress, and through whom Lord Salisbury's large London 
property came into the family. 

We follow Lady Jeune's clue. It is through that city 
where Beits and Barnatos, Rothschilds and Oppenheimers sit 
at board and divide our substance with the genius and ability 
of their race, that a Jewish descent must needs come. But 
we cannot help feeling that Mr. Lowell was on surer ground 
with De Cecilus and the neighbourliness of Italy and the 

holy land. 

* * * 

The truth is that, unaided by Mr. Lowell, the trained 
genealogist would be hard pressed to name at hazard not so 
much the Jewish strain in a given family, but a Jewish strain 
in any English family before the latter half of the nineteenth 
century. In Spain, and still more in Portugal, the Jewish 
houses, some Christianized, some hearing mass with the old 
law in their hearts, were blood brothers to half the nobility. 
In Italy great houses were founded by Jews, whose de- 
scendants are on many pages of the Almanack de Gotba. In 


England we drove out the Jews in 1290, man, woman and 
child. To-day Russia could not do this. France, even under 
a dictatorship, could not do the like. But in the sparsely 
peopled English towns of the thirteenth century it was pos- 
sible to extirpate a people peculiar in features, in names and 
in dress ; and until Cromwell's day we -took back but now 
and again a stranger who hid his Jewish name from his hosts. 
The Mends family in the west country is said to have had for 
its first founder a Jewish Mendez from the peninsula. The 
founder of the Cornish gentle family of Vosper is believed to 
have been another Spanish Jew who found a new home in a 
town whose name Marazion or Market Jew must have been 
welcome to his ears. 

But from the time when the Jew came back under the 
protection of an English statute to a day very near our own 
he was with us and apart from us. Never did the races mix. 
His law kept Israel a peculiar people, neither marrying nor 
giving in marriage with his hosts. We have in mind a Jewish 
family settled in England for centuries, distinguished in the 
learned professions, and now earning good credit in the army 
and civil service. Until our own generation this family, 
typical of the liberal Jewish culture which has mixed freely 
with our own, has never married a son or daughter without 
Israel. The London citizens of the eighteenth century, of 
whom Lord Salisbury's Gascoigne ancestors were examples, 
came from the English land, and achieving fortune went back 
to the land in most cases. Amongst such families a marriage 
with man or woman of foreign race was a rare thing, with one 
of Jewish race impossible. 

* * * 

For the theory of genius deriving itself of necessity from 
a Jewish stock it were better to let it rest with its first and 
only successful exponent. Lady Jeune and the rest of us had 
better fall back for our theory of the racial origins of genius 
and ability upon the now familiar theory of the genius of the 
Kelt, which is less easy to disprove. It is on the face of it at 
least possible that the race of Shakespere derives what genius 
and ability it may have come by from its association with the 
race of James Clarence Maugan. 


The pride of long descent will not disappear from the 
land with the old county families now parting in such haste 
with their acres. We find it nourished, a shy violet of tradi- 
tion, in what the careless might deem the uncongenial sur- 
roundings of the beerhouse known as * The Shades ' at Great 
Bentley in Essex, whose beer licence, as was modestly set 
forth at licensing sessions, has been held by the same family 
for five hundred years. On the walls of old Tyrolese inns 
one may find long pedigree of the noble innkeeper, and the 
great Basque houses have for ages held the inns ; but such 
customs are not ours, and the case of c The Shades ' is rare 
enough to note. It may, of course, be suggested that the 
innkeeper's pedigree is unnecessarily older than the licensing 
laws, and that no certified genealogy was exhibited to back the 
boast ; but inquiries in this spirit would rob us not only of 
the pedigree of our Bentley beer licence, but also of most of 
our ancient county families, whose pedigrees as displayed in 
the annual golden books rest as a rule upon innocent tradi- 
tions of the same value. A pot of beer at the hands of one 
whose ancestor may well have refused chalk and credit to 
Bardolph or Nym were indeed a draught for the wandering 
antiquary ; and in the beer licence of Bentley let us believe 
that we have at least one relic of the middle ages which the 
Boston Museum will never dare to purchase and transfer to 


* * * 

From Mr. Edward Hulton's Italy and the Italians : 

Among the portraits I would name the one by Titian of that Duke of 
Norfolk exiled by Richard II., who eventually died in a monastery in Venice. 
The extraordinarily beautiful English face, fulfilled with some incalculable ro- 
mance, is, to me at least, by far the most delightful portrait in Florence. One 
seems to understand England, her charm, her fascination, her extraordinary 
persistence, on looking at this picture of one of her sons, as never before ; all 
the tragedy of her kings, the adventure to be met within her seas, the beauty 
and culture of Oxford, and the serenity of her country places, come back to 
one fresh and unsullied by the memories of the defiling and trumpery cities 
that so lately have begun to destroy her. 

To an antiquary this portrait of the Duke of Norfolk is 
even more than the most delightful portrait in Florence. It 
is also one of the most mysterious. What strange hankerings 
for the coming renaissance could have persuaded this great 
English lord in exile to choose as the painter of his portrait 
such a painter as Titian, who was born some seventy and odd 


years after the death of his sitter. f Incalculable romance ' 
and more is here, and true it is that we recognize the * extra- 
ordinary persistence ' of England in this picture of one of her 
sons whose patronage of art survived the grave. 

* # # 

A PIE RAG i PUZZLE. Lady Amabel Kerr is one of the many ladies of 
title who have taken to the production of fiction, in which she shows a good 
deal of facility. She is the wife of Admiral Lord Walter Kerr, the daughter 
of the late Earl Cowper and sister of the present Earl Cowper. It is an 
interesting fact that she is one of the coheiresses to the barony of Butler. 
Other coheirs to the same barony are Mr. Auberon Herbert and Mrs. W. H. 
Grenfell. What will happen when the barony becomes due now it is difficult 
to say, but in the last reign the probabilities were in favour of its being ad- 
judged and confirmed to Lady Amabel in her own right. 

* * * 

A peerage puzzle indeed, and one for the successful 
solution of which, did Tbe Ancestor possess a ' puzzle column,' 
we should be tempted to offer a presentation copy of Mr. 
Round's Peerage Studies. But we have no ' puzzle column,' 
Peerage Studies is long since gone out of print, and the peerage 
puzzle before us seems to present features which would make 
it an unfairly difficult passage to set in a competition of ama- 
teurs. The barony or Butler is evidently a case apart. The 
fact that Lady Amabel's own brother is hopelessly out of the 
running for this ancestral honour would indicate that the 
barony may not descend to males ; but if this be so, Mr. 
Auberon Herbert's claim is a desperate one, although the fact 
of his being a younger son may be to his advantage in this 
singular case. Before expressing any editorial opinion as to 
what will happen * when the barony becomes due,' which is 
indeed * difficult to say,' we should like to inquire at what 
time this may be expected. The barony of Butler, as we 
should guess from the context, is an honour partaking of the 
nature of a deferred annuity, or shall we rather guess it a 
strange aloe of the peerage, flowering once in a hundred 
years. Surely we have a motive here for that fiction which 
Lady Amabel produces with such facility. 

* * 

The opening chapter of any biography is good cover for 
* What is Believed,' and may be drawn for such by the sport- 
ing genealogist in good hope and confidence. We beat the 
first passages of the life or the Rev. Whitwell Elwin, Elwin 


of the Quarterly Review, prefixed by his son to a collection of 
his articles (* Eighteenth Century Men of Letters '), and a 
noble paragraph breaks cover. 

Whitwell Elwin belonged to an old Norfolk family. Indeed, if his an- 
cestors may be recognized under the kindred spelling of Akvinus, they are 
already landowners in East Anglia as far back as the days of Edward the 
Confessor (Mumford's Analysis of the Domesday Book of Norfolk, p. 1 16). The 
name does not appear on the roll of the king's tenants in Domesday Book, 
and they were therefore no doubt dispossessed at the Conquest, but they seem 
nevertheless to have clung resolutely to their native county. In the reign of 
Queen Elizabeth Peter Elwin was chief steward to the Earl of Sussex, who 
held the manor of Thurning in Norfolk (Blomefield's Norfolk, viii. 280), and 
here it was that the Elwins had a little estate which was inherited by Whit- 
well's father, a direct descendant of the chief steward. 

* # * 

Pass for Peter Elwin the steward. He has all the air of 
the founder of a family, and the story of the descent of his 
estate is doubtless a fact capable of proof. But for Ailwin 
what can be said ? Let us essay a paragraph ourselves on the 
same note : 

The conviction of one William or Bill Edwards for drunkenness and dis- 
orderly conduct in Westminster Yard has ended in the recording upon the 
black list at Westminster Police Court of a name once famous in Westminster 
annals. A sad story of the degradation of a family is apparent if we may 
recognize as his ancestor one Edward or Edwards, commonly known as the 
Confessor (Life of the Rev. Whitwell Elwin), who occupied important offices 
before the Conquest (Mrs. Markham's History of England), and who is buried 
in the cathedral church of the south-western postal district (Stanley's History 
of Westminster Abbey). The name disappears at the coming of William the 
Conqueror, but the Edwardses seem nevertheless to have clung resolutely to 
their native Westminster, from the railings of which Bill Edwards on his ar- 
rest had, indeed, to be detached by force. A stall in Parliament Street for 
the sale of hat guards and bone collar studs to members of parliament and 
others was traditionally owned by the grandfather of Bill Edwards, to whom 
it descended on the death of his uncle. 

We confess that in this paragraph of our own there is 
something which fails to carry conviction. The Daily Tele- 
graph would refuse it space under * London Day by Day,' the 
Chronicle would close to it the casual ward of its two columns 
of topical anecdote. Nevertheless, turning it this way and 
that, we can see no improbability in it which is not shared by 
the story of Mr. Elwin's ancestry. 

* * * 
An example of c What is Believed ' in the mysterious region 


of armory by happy souls unvexed by doubt may be found in 
Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's history of the Kemp families. We review 
this work in another column, but one tale of a Kemp and of a 
coat of arms is too precious to be lost in the depths of a reviewer's 
article. So far as we have understood Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's book, 
most bearers of the name of Kemp, a name easier, as Fuller 
would have said, to find than to miss, a name with a dozen vary- 
ing origins and carried by scores of little tribes with no blood 
kinship or common stock, bear the arms made famous by a 
Kemp Archbishop of Canterbury, sometimes with trifling 
' differences,' sometimes unchanged, sometimes with the official 
blessing of the College of Arms, but more frequently without. 

In the first half of the eighteenth century there arose from 
an obscurity, which even the chronicler of the surname cannot 
lighten, a family of Kemp, woolcombers, needlemakers, butchers 
and the like, to whom increasing prosperity brought the 
shrievalty of Rutland and other honours. Although the good 
sheriff was unable to trace his ancestry further back into the 
past than a scanty four generations, nothing will hinder a 
stately family tradition from arising to grace the new standing 
of the family. It needs not to say that these Kemps of yester- 
day take to themselves for their sheriffs banners the arms of 
Kemp as borne by the Archbishop and Cardinal. But with the 
ancient arms comes a tradition that the first ancestor of this 
family, which can scarce find a great-grandfather by diligent 
grubbing in a parish register, c came over with the Conqueror/ 
Kindly Mr. Hitchin-Kemp, a amateur pedigree maker who 
gives an innocent faith to that venerable lucky bag of doubtful 
ancestors, the Battle Abbey Roll, is puzzled by a tradition 
which he sees no reason for doubting. The Battle Abbey Roll 
having no Kemps under * K ' would seem to afford little 
nourishment for this hardy sapling of legend. But here Mr. 
Hitchin-Kemp can put a legend to a legend and we get along 
famously after all. Mr. Hitchin-Kemp has a pet fancy, for 
which no shred of evidence appears to rob his imagination of 
its credit, that * the Kemp families,' and the family of the 
Beauchamp Earls of Warwick are derived from a common 
stock. It will be noted that his plunge into pedigree making 
has not robbed Mr. Hitchin-Kemp of the popular idea that 


people of one surname, such as the medley of people called by 
the very common name of Kemp, have a common ancestor 
somewhere if one could but find him. And there is a 
weightier reason than the legend only for finding a Conquest 
ancestor for Kemp of Rutland. 

* * * 

Kemp of Rutland, having decided that his ancestors of 
whom he know, the bare names of three humble generations 
should come over with Richard Conqueror, adopts the 
armorial distinction to which, as he imagines, such a descent 
would entitle him. Will it be credited by any one whom 
experience has not already taught that no folly is impossible to 
the meddler with armory, that this distinction was nothing less 
than the adoption of the royal supporters. Accordingly we 
have a picture before us of the arms of Edward Kemp, Sheriff 
of Rutland, the arms and crest stolen from some dictionary of 
heraldry supported by the familiar lion and unicorn or the 
kings of England and Scotland. Mr. Hitchin-Kemp who 
has made one big book of arms and pedigrees and has others, 
as we learn, upon the stocks, has no rebuke for the providers 
of this curiosity of armory. ' We are forced to turn to the 
line of the house of Warwick in justification of the tradition ' 
he murmurs. * The line of the house of Warwick' summoned 
up to call cousins with a peasant Kemp, in order to justify the 
impudence of such an assumption, is a phrase which should 
make old Rous the chronicler of the stately house of Beauchamp 

turn in his grave 1 

* * * 

It is not to be doubted that many of us come from a far 
away ancestor who in the flesh was what historians were to 
christen an Anglo-Saxon. His name is somewhere amongst 
the Confessor's tenants whose names were remembered in 
Domesday, or it lurks as one in a line of witnesses to some 
square of parchment. But he is strangely shy and makes no 
advances. Urge as we will towards him the ancestor whom 
we have found for the remote tops of our pedigree we cannot 
persuade them to meet. What wonder that bolder souls push 
their recorded ancestor aside and grasp by the hand the Anglo 
Saxon thane whom they have chosen for a hearth-god, and 
greet him for a forefather without further waste of time 
amongst musty documents. 


No genealogist has as yet connected the Bagot who held 
Bramshall (and not Bagots Bromley) in Domesday with any 
Anglo-Saxon grandfather or ancestor, nor the present house 
of Bagot with the Domesday tenant, and the possibility of 
any discovery in that direction would seem to be of the 
slightest. But Bagot of Blithfield disdaining the aid of gene- 
alogists has bridged the gulf after the heartier manner of 
which we have spoken and is now as merrily Anglo-Saxon as 
Wamba the son of Witless. To our favourite illustrated 
weekly, then 

As befits a peer whose Staffordshire lands were in the family before the 
Norman Conquest 

(No hesitation there, mark you !) 

Lord Bagot keeps Christmas after the fashion of his Anglo-Saxon ancestors 
After dinner on Christmas Day toast and ale is served with quaint ceremony 
to the ladies in the old-fashioned toast glasses and to the men in the loving 
cup ... At Blithfield the Christmas customs are always historically correct, 
for Lord Bagot is a perfect mine of antiquarian information. 

Indeed such a custom carries us back to the hall of Cedric. 
Toast and ale in the old-fashioned toast glasses which in our 
ignorance we had associated with the Hanoverian period ! 
How maligned were these Anglo-Saxons ancestors of ours, 
whom historians lacking in antiquarian information have 
ignorantly kept upon the black list. Here is your typically 
Anglo-Saxon carouse, a family dinner ending with a wineglass- 
ful of toast and water or toast and ale is it ? We shall 
continue our search for our own Anglo-Saxon ancestor with 
new enthusiasm now that we know him for a person whom 
we could safely introduce to our aunt. 



|~^VERY man who makes and records an accurate history 
X_^of his family drawn from trustworthy documents may 
write himself historian or at the least benefactor of historians. 
The byway of history through which he has cleared a way may, 
it is true, never meet the main road of the chroniclers, but now 
and again we are given a sidelong view over the hedge at 
some famous happening which we thus see from a new point. 
At the least we have a new hillock of facts, and upon the 
mass of facts which we are heaping up the great historian to 
come will write of our land and people,. 

The book before us is one of the newest of the family 
histories of which such a crop has grown up to witness to 
the great revival of popular interest in genealogy which has 
followed the discovery that one's forefathers, although peerage 
and county gentry books speak nothing of them, may yet be 
people whose lives are full of entertainment for their descend- 
ants. It is a large book and well printed. We cannot well 
estimate the number of its pages for, by a curiously irritating 
device, it is divided into six books or sections each with its 
own pagination. The illustrations are many and, on the 
whole, well chosen, and amongst them are many portraits of 
living and dead Kemps, their monuments, their houses and 
their heirlooms. 

In view of the labour which has gone to the compiling of 
this heavy volume it is with a true regret that we must record 
our belief that we have here a book published in haste to be 
repented of by its author when he shall have become more 
familiar with his material. The reasons for its failure are 
plainly to be read in Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's preface. 

It is not his paternal ancestry which Mr. Hitchin-Kemp 
has chosen to labour at. He comes of a family of Puritans 
and Independents from Middlewich in Cheshire. His grand- 
mother, Charlotte Brookes, the daughter of a London solicitor, 
was daughter also to a Charlotte Kemp. This lady, the sole 

1 A General History of the Kemp and Kempe Families of Great Britain and the 
Colonies, by Fred Hitchin-Kemp (The Leadenhall Press). 


surviving heir of her brothers, was of the last generation of 
a yeoman family of Kemp which had dwelt at Clitterhouse in 
Hendon since Humphrey Kemp its patriarch had a lease of 
the manor of Clitterhouse in 1556. The preface tells a story 
familiar enough of the manner in which Mr. Hitchin-Kemp 
became interested for the first time in genealogy and in Kemps. 
He was visiting a relation near Ashford, and in passing the 
time fell upon a copy of Hasted's Kent in a country library 
and read with awakening pleasure a long account of Arch- 
bishop Kemp and his kinsfolk. The appetite comes in eating, 
and Mr. Kemp came back to his library to search in all 
directions for Kemps, and to wonder at the fact that the crest 
and arms of Kemp, as displayed by the archbishop's house, 
* closely resembled those granted to my father on accession to 
certain Kemp estates. What connexion, I naturally asked, 
was there between this Kentish family and those of Hendon, 
Middlesex, from whom we were descended ? ' A question 
indeed which might be ' naturally asked * by any one un- 
familiar with the methods of the august body whose high 
privilege it is to create * armorial gents.' The question how- 
ever got no answer from the august body, for the three 
familiar sheaves of Archbishop Kemp, with some differencing 
including a * border nebuly,' whose nebulousness might in this 
instance be justified, had been granted to a family of Kemp 
which had recorded no pedigree. 

Then to the British Museum went Mr. Hitchin-Kemp to 
follow any clue which might connect Kemp of Hendon with 
Kemp of Wye, a vain quest as it turned out. And here let 
us say that Mr. Hitchin-Kemp, although guessing at coinci- 
dences, as the new-fledged genealogist will guess, and only 
too ready to clutch at probabilities or improbabilities, writes 
with a good faith which convinces, and we feel assured that his 
Kemp pedigrees are at least free from any conscious mis- 
handling of fact. 

A counsel of perfection to the beginner in genealogy would 
be that he should after a due interval cast his first year's 
note books to the fire. Well for Mr. Kemp if his courage 
has allowed him to follow this course with the earlier volumes 
of those seventy-three MS. books, the fruit of two years' 
labour, of which he speaks with reasonable pride. For the 
power of deciphering and translating records and of weighing 
evidence based upon dead and gone law and unfamiliar custom 


is not born in a man, even in Mr. Kemp, who found himself 
at the outset of his search in the presence of Sir Kenneth 
Kemp's muniments, which range from King John's reign to 
the present time, from which he courageously extracts notes 
in whose value few of us will share Mr. Kemp's confidence. 1 

Within a few months after Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's first pawn's 
move in genealogy he is boldly offering to print and issue to 
members of the Kemp families his collections of notes relating 
to the name. At that stage of his inquiry Mr. Daniel W. 
Kemp of Edinburgh joined forces with him, putting in the pool 
a solid hundredweight of Kemp collections, and Mr. Hitchin- 
Kemp was persuaded to carry his own researches further. A 
third Kemp, Mr. John Tabor Kemp, gives his editorial ser- 
vices to the joint work, and the result of this collaboration 
is now before us. 

The earlier chapters by Mr. Tabor Kemp are not encour- 
aging to the critic. We have a long dissertation rambling 
and inexact on the origins of the surname. The docu- 
ments quoted and misquoted are chosen without discrimination. 
The Battle Abbey Roll is treated without question as a 
historical evidence, and we do not understand what version 
of this precious compilation can have yielded the fact that 
Radulpbus de Campis held land at Wye from the abbey. If 
the author of the Worthies of Devon wrote that the Cham- 
pernown family formerly wrote their name * De Campo Arnulpbi 
from a certain Champion Country where one Arnulphus lived ' 
he deserves some elucidation. But Mr. Tabor Kemp does 
not seem to have grasped the fact that the Latin surnames of 
early documents are not the actual surnames borne by the folk 
they refer to, but a scrivener's rendering of them into dog- 
Latin in order that they should accord with the language of the 
rest of the document. That de campo Arnulpbi equals Cham- 
pernown needs no demonstration, or if a demonstration were 
needed such a sentence as * The Inquisitio 30, Edward L, [sic] 
records that Lady John [sic] Champernown granted land for 
the celebration of masses for her father William de Campo 

1 A photograph of one of these documents is shown us amongst the 
illustrations. Mr. Hitchin-Kemp, seeing a piece of a large seal hanging to it, 
and being apparently unable to read or translate its Latin phrases, boldly 
describes it as * a Royal Grant.' But the seal is not a royal seal, and even the 
faint and minute reproduction shows that the parchment is an indenture made 
between two private persons. 


Arnulphi.' Such a reference shows only too clearly that Mr. 
Tabor Kemp is referring to documents he has not handled 
and of whose exact nature he is ignorant. But with Cham- 
pernown Mr. Kemp has no real concern. He is dragged 
into the text as is John Compos of Hertfordshire and the 
Beauchamp Earls of Warwick, because aimless guessing 
would find in their names some affinity with that of Kemp. 

A very precious passage of Mr. Tabor Kemp's introduction 
deals with the royal intimacies of the Kemps. ' Kemps,' says 
Mr. Tabor Kemp proudly, * appear in close association with 
royalty from the first known appearance of the name to the 
present day.' For evidence of this during the pre-Tudor 
period we are offered two facts which are convincing enough. 
One Stephen Kempe was fined in 1127 for leaving the king's 
court, and Archbishop Kempe and his nephew the bishop were 

* necessarily much in touch with the king.' With such a 
courtly past we are not amazed to learn that two living Kemps 
are amongst the royal chaplains. 1 

With the story of the Kempes of Wye begins the genealo- 
gical section of the work, and it begins with the feeblest guess- 
work. That their first ancestor * came from the North ' is 
witnessed to by a Mr. Alfred John Kemp who wrote of them 
in the first half of the nineteenth century, and for the state- 
ment he considered it needless to give any evidence. Mr. 
Hitchin-Kemp starts hot foot to follow this valuable clue. 
The North that must mean Northumberland, for in New- 
castle King John in 1205 gave lands of 50*. yearly value to 
one Kempe * till he could provide for him in marriage.' The 
source of this fact is not given us, and indeed for the most 
part of Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's evidences relating to medieval 
Kemps we must accept him as our sole authority, for references 
or trustworthy extracts are in almost every case to seek. This 
Kempe of Newcastle, ' whose Christian name is not given ' and 
whose Christian name, it may be hazarded, was the name 
which Mr. Hitchin-Kemp takes for his surname, was balistarius 
to the king, an office which is somewhat inexactly translated as 

* bowmaker.' Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's comment upon the gift of 
lands is that Kempe * evidently had powerful family connexions 

1 The source of the story of Stephen Kempe is not giyen us, but it seems 
evident that Master Stephen incurred his fine by absenting himself from some 
court of law and not, as our author would seem to believe, by withdrawing 
himself austerely from the jovialities of the king's private circle. 


since the king considered it necessary thus to provide for him.' 
Translating the affair into the terms of modern life are we to 
believe that the present sovereign of these realms is moved 
to reward the labours of his bootmaker by the influence of 
that bootmaker's powerful family connexions ? Form Kempe 
of the annual 505. we plunge into a quagmire of guesses. 
' The Nevills were Earls of Northumberland,' and must there- 
fore have been familiar with the bowmaker, an argument 
which, once stated, heartens Mr. Hitchin-Kemp to declare that 
4 it may be possible some day to prove that the families were 
linked in marriage.' The fact then that a Kempe is found 
dwelling in Newcastle is all but enough to secure him a place 
in the pedigree of the earls of the county. Surely Mr. 
Hitchin-Kemp's imagination should be ridden on the curb. 
Meanwhile he would do well to carry his inquiries as far as 
the nearest peerages to learn that there were no Nevill Earls of 
Northumberland, although their ancestor Gospatric is credited 
with the tide. 

But their familiarity with the bowmaker does not close 
the story of the Nevill intimacy with the Kemps. In 1477 
Edward Nevill, Lord Bergavenny, whose lands like Sir 
Ingoldsby Bray's lay here and there and everywhere, had 
amongst his thousand tenants a Norfolk tenant whose surname 
was Kempe. These lands in Norfolk were inherited from 
William de Bello Campo, Lord Bergavenny of the house of 
Warwick, whose surname Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's researches have 
not yet succeeded in translating into English as Beauchamp, 
and who had been also in his day landlord to the said Kemp. 
* When therefore we find Thomas de Bello Campo, the power- 
ful Earl of Warwick [in 1381] interceding on behalf of a 
Thomas Kempe of Rochester, who had lost his estates for 
misdemeanour, we can hardly doubt that this was a case of an 
influential man assisting an unfortunate relative.' Mr. Hitchin- 
Kemp may be unable to doubt, but we at least doubt very 
heartily. Is it possible that Mr. Hitchin-Kemp is unable to 
see that there is no sound link in the whole of this skimble- 
skamble stuff, these childish and futile guesses upon guesses ? 
Thomas of Rochester is a cousin of the great Earl of Warwick 
in 1381 because a member of the earl's family is to have a 
tenant in Norfolk in 1436 and 1477 who will also be called 
Kempe. At this rate we are all one man's children and may 
call cousins with the best. 


For the Kempes of Wye as for many other families of the 
name, Mr. Hitchin-Kemp has put together, or let us rather 
say collected, a mass or notes, but unfortunately for their 
value hardly any of these are accurately quoted and no 
references are given to their sources save in the case of a few 
wills and parish register extracts, and even these latter are 
vitiated by the fact that the compiler has not mastered such an 
elementary fact as that the civil year formerly began on 
25 March. We search for many pages without encountering 
a note of any document at the Public Record Office of which 
Mr. Hitchin-Kemp is seen to have made himself master by 
personal inspection. Most of the evidences seem the result of 
not too careful note-taking from a range of county histories 
and other printed books, without discrimination as to their 
varying degrees of trustworthiness. A note bearing a reference 
to the Feet of Fines shows by its query whether the date 
of the fine be I Henry VII. or I Henry VIII. that Mr. 
Hitchin-Kemp's researches in the Record Office have not ex- 
tended to these tolerably well known records, and such 
incidents as his mention of one * Rado ' Kempe as a witness to 
a charter inevitably suggest that Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's Latin was 
unequal to the demands upon it which would have arisen in the 
examination of original materials. Ancient nomenclature puzzles 
him to the end of his task, witness such freaks as * Matilda of 
England, Empress Maud,' * William de Warren Plantagenet,' 
* Richard Distemper,' husband of Elizabeth Neville, and the 

The pedigree of Scott of Scott's Hall from John Balliol and 
Dornagieen [sic] his wife is accepted without question and set 
out in chart form to accompany the history of Kempe of Wye. 
The history of the important family of Kempe of Gissing 
follows after the same plan. It is not doubted that Lucem 
spero, the motto of the modern Kempes, is five hundred years 
old, the only question being whether it was invented by a 
knight or a monk. The most characteristic example here to 
be found of Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's ingenious reasonings is the 
case of Alice Kempe, who in the early sixteenth century takes 
the veil at Barking Abbey. Why Barking ? Mr. Hitchin- 
Kemp can tell us. The Kempes of her family who came 
after her were to frame a fond legend of their Anglo-Saxon 
origin, for which probability it is needless to say that no 
shadow of evidence is forthcoming. The reason therefore for 


Alice's choice of Barking is clear enough, c and may reasonably 
be attributed to her venerating the Saxon founder of that 
abbey to whose race she claimed to belong.' 

It is fair to say that in later generations Mr. Hitchin-Kemp's 
industry prevails, and his large collections of notes here set out 
will be of service to any Kemp pedigree maker needing a 
bird's eye view of the distribution of the bearers of the 

Especially is this the case with the pedigree of Mr. Hitchin- 
Kemp's own Kemp ancestors, whom he has worked out with 
some care and considerable success. Their possession of 
Clitterhouse in Hendon allows them to be carried with cer- 
tainty to Humphrey Kempe who died in 1609, whose father 
Robert Kempe of Willesden died in 1539, a pedigree, as 
any genealogist will acknowledge, which can be matched by 
few Families of the middling sort. It is the more the pity- 
that Mr. Hitchin-Kemp has chosen to decorate the top lines 
of his chart pedigree with the names of highly improbable 
ancestors of this respectable family, headed by ' Stephen Kempe, 
fined for leaving the King's Court 1127,' ' Amaldus (sic) de 
Campis, Master of the Knight's Hospitalers 1160,' 'William 
Kempe rewarded by the King for catching a Whale near Lon- 
don Bridge 1313 ' London Bridge is not far from Willesden 
and Thomas Kempe 'Exheator' (sic) for Middlesex 1389. 
Kempe, Bishop of London, associates himself with the family 
by separating Hampstead parish from Hendon in 1461, and 
the Kempes of Gissing edge themselves in at the pedigree side 
as unattached Norfolk cousins. 

Such undoubted industry as that of Mr. Hitchin-Kemp 
should be equal to continuing his researches upon a sounder 
footing. If he would arrange for us careful abstracts of the 
documents by which his own pedigree is to be proved, with full 
dates, accurate references, and a chart pedigree clean of 
Amaldus de Campis and Stephen, whose absence from court 
brought him to misfortune, he would play his part amongst 
genealogists and deserve well of all pedigree makers. It is 
safe to prophesy that his growing experience will make a 
smaller and more trustworthy book of his next essay. 

O. B. 



In the Wedderburn Book we have a very notable example 
of a Scottish family history, and a grave and valuable con- 
tribution to the story of social life in Scotland. The painful 
industry which the passion for pedigree-making exacts from 
every student of genealogy is here, as two volumes and eleven 
hundred closely printed pages warrant, but here also are 
cautious judgment and a disposition to weigh evidence justly, 
qualities which are yet rare enough amongst genealogists. 
The author of the Wedderburn Book has set before himself 
the very reasonable saying of his namesake Alexander Wedder- 
burn, Lord Loughborough, who, when asking information 
of a kinsman in 1782 concerning the family history, writes 
that ( it would be useful to mention the documents by which 
the several descents are proved, as I am persuaded that you 
would incline as little as myself, that anything should be 
published concerning the family that could not be well 

Wedderburn lies by the Tweed in Berwickshire and was 
a township with a tower long since. As becomes a township 
giving its name to an old family, the name has been inter- 
preted in many ways by the innocent guesses of early ety- 
mologists. A good knight is lying in the glen sore wounded 
and dry-mouthed, and a wedder or wether-sheep going to 
drink at the burn points him the way to running water. 
Hence a grateful knight, a burn named from the wedder's 
kindly deed and a house of Wedderburn of Wedderburn. A 
simple tale of a grandmother much more to our taste than 
the essay of our own times which would let the Wedderburn 
spring muddy from its source in ' two Scandinavian proper 
names Veder and Bjorn* 

The first Wedderburn on record is found amongst the 
lesser barons in the Ragman Roll of 1296, the famous docu- 
ment in which the greater and lesser barons of Scotland swore 
fealty to nostre cbier seignor Edward I. King of England. 
There are those who hold that these politic souls betrayed 


their country ; there are none who doubt that their action gave 
their Scottish descendants a document of the highest historical 
value. Sir Arthur Wardour of Knockwinnock pointed proudly 
to the fact that his own ancestor's name was on the Ragman 
Roll, but Sir Arthur's further assertion that the ancestral name 
was there signed by the ancestral hand was one which we 
marvel at Mr. Oldbuck's passing without question. Here 
at least we have, as Mr. Wedderburn remarks, the earliest 
recorded mention of many old Scots families, and here we 
have Wautier de Wederburne del counte de Edeneburk, a county 
which then took in parts of Berwickshire. His oath of fealty 
and loyalty is sealed by Walter of Wedderburn with a seal 
bearing a device which is described as a star with seven rays. 

From Walter of Wedderburn we count nearly seventy 
years to the next occurrence of the name in Scottish records 
until the time when a juror, upon an inquest taken in 13 64 in 
the town of Lumesden, is described as John de Wederborne and 
seals with a seal of arms bearing an engrailed cheveron between 
three roses or cinqfoils. One more reference to the name 
is found in 1375 or thereabouts, when Robert Ayr, resigning 
the lands of Fastforland in Berwickshire, attests his resignation 
with the clause, common at that date, that as his own seal is 
not well known he has leave to attach that of a noble man, 
William of Wedirburn. The seal has however gone the ways 
of most seals. Three documents then give us three Wedder- 
burns and all that we have of the name before the fifteenth 

The first half of the fifteenth century gives us several 
references to a William of Wedderburn, or to one or more 
persons of the name, and notably to William of Wedderburn, 
esquire, tutor of young Swinton of that ilk, son of John 
Swinton who slew Thomas of Clarence at Beauge in 1421 and 
died at Verneuil in 1424, battles which Mr. Wedderburn, 
whose industry seems to have flagged a little before his mass 
of proof sheets, prints as Brange and Vermoil. The last of 
these William Wedderburns is witness to a grant of Berwick- 
shire lands in 1452. 

Closes the fifteenth century, and the sixteenth is again to 
show the scantiness of material for a history of a Scottish 
family not of the main line and the first flight of the great 
historic houses. But two references are forthcoming to 
Wedderburns of the borderside, one to a Dame Isobel 


Wedderburne, a signatory in 1532 and 1539, and the other 
to David Wetherburne of 1573, in whom we have the first 
of this border family who wins public notice in the native 
craft or industry of cattle lifting. 

All this time the lands of Wedderburn are in the hands 
of strangers to the name. In 1420 Wedderburn is in the 
hands of Sir David Home of Wedderburn, and with his 
descendants in the female line, through Tod, Foreman and 
Milne, the lands of Wedderburn remain to-day. From Sir 
David Home of Wedderburn branched out the famous line 
of Home of Polwarth, Earls of Marchmont, and a score of 
cadet houses. In the day of Flodden Field a Sir David Home 
of Wedderburn fights with his seven sons, the * seven spears 
of Wedderburn,' about him, the eldest son being slain with 
his father. Sir David Home, the first recorded of this line, 
died between 1450 and 1467 even so wide are our dates in 
a Scottish genealogy^ and his wife Alice is called by tradition 
of no great weight the heir of the old Wedderburns of that 
ilk. Mr. Alexander Wedderburn would break this tradition 
by producing a document of one Sir David Home of Whedir- 
burn dated in 1341, which, if it might be trusted, would 
show that Wedderburn had been for a century with the 
Homes before the time of Sir David the husband of Alice. 
But Mr. Wedderburn has not examined this document which 
he quotes on the authority of Raine's History of North Durham. 
The seal attached is described as bearing a shield of the 
Home lion with a ram's head crest and peacocks for supporters, 
and is altogether an impossible seal for such a date as 1341. 
Let us but assume that the date is an error for 1441, and 
we have a seal which will serve well enough as a seal for our 
Sir David, who dies before 1469. Therefore until a new fact 
comes forward Dame Alice may remain the heir of the old 
Wedderburns of that ilk for all those for whom a probability 
is authority enough. 

In the fifteenth century it is time for a family which is 
to make any figure in the history of Scotland to plant its 
family tree. Mr. Wedderburn takes us to the roots of his 
own house of Wedderburn in the period between 1450 and 
1 500, when four heads of families of the name are flourishing 
at one time in Dundee, and between these and the Wedder- 
burns of Berwickshire there is but one fragile link in the 
evidences and that link the seal of John Wedderburn in 1364 


which bears a version of the arms to be born by these Wedder- 
burns of Dundee. 

The four houses were those of James Wedderburn of 
Dundee who died in 1514, Walter Wedderburn who dwelt 
in the Welgait of Dundee and died in 1 520, David Wedder- 
burn in the Murraygait, and Robert Wedderburn. Their 
children called cousins with one another, but the nature of 
the kinship of the four householders cannot be ascertained. 

With the story of the descendants of these four house- 
holders of Dundee we shall deal in the next volume of The 
Ancestor. Meanwhile Mr. Wedderburn has our congratula- 
tions for a most masterly and accurate piece of bookmaking, 
which may well stand for an example to all Scots genealogists 
coming after him. 

O. B. 

DEACONRY OF LONDON, 1400-141 s 1 


IN the name of the fader and of the sone and of the holi 
gost amen. The Soneday in the feste of Seynt Jame the 
yere of our lord n^cccc [25 July, 1400] I John Torell of the 
diocise of London w l hool thought of body and of herte and 
of mynde devyse my testament in this mannere Ferst I 
bequethe my sowle to God and to our lady seynte marie virgine 
and to alle holi seyntz and my body to be beried at London 
in Crichurch there the chanones ben be the autier of seynt Jon 
Also I devise x marc for divers despenses that shul ben don 
the day of my beryeng of whiche ten marc I wele that be 
bought vi torches Also I devise of thilke x marc to yeve vi 
pore men ich of hem a gowne and an hood to holde the 
torches atte my derige and the day of my beriynge and ich of 
hem that shalde the torches a bowte my body iiij d After- 
ward I wele that iii torches dwelle to the heigh auter of Cry- 
church and a torche to the auter in our lady chapele in the 
same cherche and also a torche to the auter of Seynt John be 
for whiche I lie in the same cherche And also a vestement of 
blew damask for to synge inne every day at the same auter be 
for which my body shal lye And a torch to the heigh auter 
of seynt Kat'ine Colman the levying of the x marc I wele that 
it be do to v tapres and ii mortiers of wex and to the herce 
with al thyng ybought and yordeyned for the tyme Also I 
devise xij h for a prest to seye messe atte forseyd auter of 
seynt John in the same churche there I am biryud twoyer 
lastyng for me and for my fadur and for my modur and al my 
gode doers and for alle tho that I am in dette to Also I wol that 

1 These wills are the first ten wills made in the English tongue which are 
found in the registers of this court. They are here printed for the sake of 
the exceptional interest of the English of London in which they are written 
and also for the sake of the light thrown by them upon dress, arms, household 
goods and customs of the period. G. H. 

2 Register i. fo. 94. 



the same prest that shal preye for my soule seye specialy the 
first yer a trental of seint Gregory Also I devise to the poure 
men that comen to my berynge xl s every man ij d Also I 
devise to the foure ordres of frerus of London every ordres of 
the foure v marc for as many masses and othur suffrages as 
mow be seid or don in a day for my soule Also I devise to 
the most poure men and woman that liggen bedrede xiij s iiij d 
Also I devise to prisoners of Newgate of London xl s Also I 
devise to the of Crichurche xx s and to every chanon of 

the covent of the same chirche biforseid vj s viij d to singe and 
preie for me Also I biquethe to my lady the Countesse of 
Stafford Anne my primer Also I biquethe to my lady Isabelle 
of the menuresses withouten Algat at London my sauter Also 
I biquethe to the abesse and the covent of the menuresses 
biforseid xxvj s viij d Also I biquethe to Torell myn nevew 
twey salers of silver Also I devise to my nece myn nevewes 
wyf a litul tablet of gold with the trinite in the middul Also 
I bequethe to dame Jone seynt Nod menuresse of the forseid 
abbey xiij s iij d Also I bequethe to the persoun of seint 
Katerine Colman xiij s iiij d Also I devise to Richard Stiward of 
the menuresses myn aunber bedus and to Mergrete his wyf 
my corall bedus Also I bequethe to Jankyn Chamberleyn the 
beste girdul of myn that he wil chese and my baselard har- 
neysid with silver Also I bequethe to Prentys my second 
best girdul of silver also I bequethe to Arundell my girdul 
of silver with gotus hedus Also I biquethe to the ryngers 
and to the clerkus of Crichurche vj s viij d Also I biquethe to 
Sharp my serviant couerlyt and a tapit and iij curtyns of red 
wostede a materas a canevas j p's blankettus and a peyre shetus 
that lyen on my bed j couerture of frisud russet lyned with 
blanket and a doublet with an haubergeon therinne and two 
marc of the whiche he shal take a noble of John Smyth of 
Horndon Also I biquethe to the forseide Sharp iii spones of 
silver Also touching an annuete of xl s the whiche I have in 
Horndon duryng viij yer here aft r as my dedus maken men- 
cioun and an hous that I haue at Horndon in the maket 
place that I bilde my selfe and alle myn othur godus moe- 
blus and not moeblus in whos hondes that thei ben I give 
fully to myn executours to do ther with and ordeine for the 
profyt of my soule after here discrecion and as most may be 
plesinge to god as I most truste in hem of alle othur in the 
cace and to the fulfillinge of my forseid wille I have ordeyned 


and wol that myn executours ben Sire William Undurwode 
Richard Stiward of the menuresses and S r John Murydon and 
to be serviant and entendant to hem in this nede I have 
ordeyned the forseyde Sharp to do his bisinesse to his power 
to echon of my forseid executours that is to seye William and 
Richard for here businesse aboute me I biquethe xx s and to 
the forseide S r John x s and to my servant forseid as likuth 
that be to do bi the avys of myn executors also I devise a 
cheste to Crichurche to kepe in the vestiment biforseid 

This will was proved 14 Jan. 140^ by the executors named in the will. 


In the name of god Amen in the xix day in the moneth 
of Aprill on the yer of owre lorde mcccciij I Johne Coraunt 
in my gode mynde and hool make my testament in this maner 
Firste I bequethe my sowle to Almighty god and my body to 
the erth to be beryed there the will es of my twey sones 
William and John Also my wille is to hafe aboute me atte 
my beryinge no more wex then o tapir atte the heed and a 
nother atte the fete atte the ordynaunce of my forsayd sones 
Also I bequeth vj yerdes of blak russet cloth lygginge on me 
my beryinge tyme to be yovon to powre nedy folk and all 
other doynges about my terement and mynde I will it be don 
at onys sympli and with outen pryde withinne two dayes after 
my dyinge be the ordynaunce of my sones and all the residue of 
my goode when my dettes and the costages of my buryinge be 
payd I bequethe and yeve to my forsayde sones to do therwith 
as hir owne but that John my sone hare the first choys and the 
necessaries resydwes fastned and longinge to my howsold. 
Executores I ordeyne the forsayd John and William Writen 
the day and the yer abouesayd This testament es proved 
before us official of cure lorde the Archedeken of London viii 
Idus of Decembre the yer of cure lord god abovensayd 
[6 Dec. 1403] and power es committyd for to mynyster all the 
godes in the forsayd testament beholdynge unto the execu- 
toures with inne named and also before sworen in forme of 
the lawe and don be thaym and admitted 

1 Register i. fo. 113. 




In del nomine amen I Richard Mymmes joynor and 
cytezeyn of London in the x day of June the yer of oure lord 
ihesu a m'cccc and foure in good and hool mynde beyng and 
thynkyng of my goodis and catell meuables and on meuables 
make myn testament in this manere the qweche folwith. First 
I bequethe my soule to almyghty god and his blissed moder 
oure lady seynt marie and to all the holy company of hevene 
and my body to be beryett in the church of seynt Jame of 
Garlekhithe be for the ymage of seynt Cristofre if god vouche- 
saff them I beqwethe to the same church for my lyging iij s 
iiij d Item I beqwethe be my devyse ij taprys of wex every 
taper of iij li to brenne at my sepulture the ton tapur to brenne 
at myn hede the other at my feet and that other tape r to the 
bem lith and that other to the sepulcre lyg'h Item I bequethe 
be my devyse ij torches to brenne at my sepultur and at myn 
dirige and eche morwe after the same torches to brenne before 
the heye awter fro the bygynnyng of the masse of requiem in 
to the last ende Item I beqwethe that on torche to the 
parochiens to brenne befor the hye auter and that other to the 
brether hede of Seynt Jame of Garlekhithe Item I bequethe 
to xij pore men of the same parysh evereych of hem ij d Item 
I bequethe to the parson of the same church be for sayd for 
offerynges that ben foryete in myn lachesse vj s viij d Item 
I bequethe to the same parson of the same church ij s in 
condicion that he seye all the service over me that longet to 
the sacrament of baptomc (sic) beryeng Item I bequethe to 
euery prest syngyng in that same church iiij d Item I bequethe 
to the maister clerk for ryngyng of my knell and making ot 
my put xij d Item I bequethe to the underclerk for his 
travayle vj d Also I bequethe to Jone my wif and to myne 
childryn all myn other goodes except the a forn bequethe in 
condicioun that she paye myn dettes Of myn testament I 
make and ordeyne myne executurs Jone my wif and William 
Withman joynor that thei wel and treweleche fulfill my last 
will as thei thenke best for helthe of my soul in the wich 
thyng Witnessyng of this same testiment of my last will i 
putte to my seal Wrete the day and the dat of oure lord 
befor seyd 

Proved 6 Nov. 1405 by the executors named in the will 

1 Register i. 147. 



In the name of god amen the xij day of January the yere of 
owr lord a m'^ c and vj I Jonet Bylney beyng in good 
memory ordeyne my wyl in this maner Ferst I bequethe my 
sowle to god and to owre lady and to alle y e holy halghwe n of 
hevene and my body to be beryed in the parysch of Stanyng- 
lane Also I bequethe to Jonet my suster my beste cote my 
cloke my reed hood tweyne of my best kercherys and a foser 
Also I bequethe to Mergrete that kepte me my tauney cote a 
coverlyt a peyr schetys a tauney kyrtel a cawdrun and for 
hyre travaley iij s iiij d Also I bequethe to olde Mergery yn 
Stanynglane my blak cote a kercher of yred Also I bequethe 
to Alison Stanys my blewe kertell and I wele that John 
Trenchem and John Scot be myn executors and the resydwe of 
good I wele that thei have yt and ordeyne for me as thenkytgh 
best for to do therwyth 

Proved I Feb. !4<>f by the executors named in the will. 


In nomine patris filii et spiritus sancti Amen I Herry 
Benet bequethe my soule to god almyghty and to our lady 
And to all the compeny of hevene and my body to lygge at 
poulys by my tuey sonys a fore the Crosse And also wan I 
am ded ij taperys standyn on at myn hed and another at my 
fete both of x Ib. and non other light but smale candelys And 
the on taper brenne by fore Mary Maudeleyn while hit will 
laste wyle the pryst ys at messe and that other at seynt Thomas 
Apostyl And I be quethe my sone Willyam xij peyr schetys 
of Coleyn and iij scherbordys an ascraye and iiij rupschoys and 
iiij peyr hanettes a aprese an presebordys a muster bordys and 
viij sponys of sylver yknottyd and vj sponys of sylver with 
acrys a bolle of sylver and pece of sylver and maser with a 
dobyll bonde and ij the beste maserys nex to that And iij the 
best brasse pottys and iij the best pannys and ij possenettes 
and a querne a dossen peuter dysschys and half a dossen 
platerys and vj dossen sausers a iij peuter pottes and ij salers of 
coper and iij borde clothys and in toweyll and x peyr schetes 
and a coverlite of Northefolke of Worted and tester a cover- 
lite of tapycer worke and ij chalons and ij blankettes and ij 
halles of tapycer werke of blewe a half a dossen quysschenys of 

1 Register i. 167. 2 Register i. p. 194. 


blewe and ij basonys and ij laverys and iiij chargyons a ij 
schaftys an clyppyngscherys and god hys blessyng and myn 
Al ye remlant of my good to my wyf for to quyte my dettys 
And my wyf and my sone to be my seketourys and more ovre 
to Willyam my sone the counter that I etc apon and a sesterne 
of led ' 

Proved 30 Nov. 1407 by the executors named in the will. 


In the name of the fadir and sone and the holy gost 
amen I Denys Benet somtyme the wyffe of Henry Benet 
in gode mynde beynge make my testament In this maner 
Ferst I be quethe my sowle to almyghty god and to hys 
blessid modir Seynt Marie and to alle the holy compenye ot 
hevene and my body to [be] beryed In Seint Fowls churcheyerd 
be my housbonde Also I be quethe and yeve to William 
Benet my sone alle my godys wheche y l the forseyde Herry 
myn housbonde by quath to me all holyche also I bequethe to 
William my sone the yeris y e ben to come of myn aprentys 
Thomas Parys hym for to governe and for to kepe in terme 
of hys prentyhed like as aprentys of the same craft owyth to 
be founde and atte hys yerys ende the forseyd William my 
sone to yeve hym Thomas a par of shetis and also the forseyd 
William my sone to brynge me to herthe and so for to do for 
hys fadirsowe and for myn as he wolde we dede for hys and 
Cristys blessynge and myn al so he for fynde theyn childryn 
Herry and Watkyn tyl they ben of wyt to kepe hemself also 
the same William my sone for to do for my sowle anonne as 
I passed a trent of massis for my housbondes soule and for 
myn and for alle Cristen soules and the same William my 
sone I make myn sector of this testement 

Proved I April 1409 by the executor named in the will. 


In the name of god Amen. I Agnes Spicer in good 
mynde I make my testament in this maner Furst I by quethe 
my soule to god almyghty And to his blessed moder seint 
Marie and to alle the companye of hevene And my body to 
byried in the churche of seint Austyns under the belle ropes 
Also y by quethe to the hye auter of Seint Austyns xx d Also 

1 Register i. fo. 211. 2 Register i. fo. 237. 


I by quethe to the maister clerk of seint Austyns viij d and to 
the under clerc iiij d Also y wole that a brason morter with 
a pestel of yren be y sold and ydon for my hosebond is soule 
and myn Also y wole that a pece of selver and vj spones of 
selver and j girdel of selver harnesid thorw out be ysold and 
don for Geffrey my housebond is soule and myn Also y 
by quethe to Agnes my doughter a peire bedes of geet y 
gaudet with selver and a gowne of rede medlee lynyd with 
blewe carde and also j gowne of russet y furred with coneys 
The residue of all my goodes y yeue frely to Agnes my 
doughter that is for to seie all my bras pottes and pannes and 
putre vessell and all my bedyng and all my good in my schop 
And of this testament I make myn executor Simond Prentout 
I wrete atte London xv day of Septembre in y e yer of our 
lord m 1 cccc x 

Proved 12 Dec. 1410 by the executor named in the will. 


I John Hendy willyng and desiring to be quethe to God 
and and holy churche y e tester off a whit bedde to seint 
Stevenes awter and the body off the same tester to myn wif 
and also the beddyng that I have ther with all so that sho 
wele be governed after myn aunte also Also to myn wife xx 
peces off pewter vessell with a basyn and a laver And also y 
be quethe myn ronde basyn to Agnes West And to myn 
wife i girdill and i dagger And also I willing and desiring 
to have myn executors myn wif and Agnes West witnessing 
Robert Aston and John Bristowe And also I be quethe to 
do for my sawle a arblast and iij c of quarell therto Also to 
John Hauwood an hode with a palet Also to the churche a 
towyl for the lavetory Also to myn wife a bord cloth Also 
to Robert Taillour myn bowe and myn arwe And also to John 
Bristowe myn swerd 

Proved 18 Feb. 14 if by the executrix named in the will. 


In dei nomine Amen I Richard Edward in gode helle 
and gode mynde on the eve of the natyvite of o r laday be 
quathe my sowele to gode and to o r laday and to al the com- 

1 Register i. fo. 279. Register i. fo. 296* 


pany of heven and my body to be beryd in the churchhawe of 
seint Benet Fynk Also I be quethe the parson Item the 
clerk iiij d Item I quethe to Malyn my wyfe al my good 
after that my testament es ful fillid And here I make myn 
executrice These wyttenys Robert of Ely tailor William 

Proved 9 Sep. 1413 by the executrix named in the will. ?.i 


In dei nomine Amen Y Piers Salle draper make my 
testament in this maner in my good mynde and hole Fyrst 
y be quethe my sowle to god and to howr lady seint Marie 
and to alle the cumpanye of heven and my body to be beried 
in cristen biriell Also y ordayne myn executors Emund Salle 
my brother draper of London Thomas of Birye and Beatrice 
my wyfe fo to resseyve my dettis and paye my dettis and the 
ramnaunt of my good y be quethe to hem for to dispoce for 
my sowle as they wolde y dede for hem the date is of owr 
lorde m'cccc" 10 xv yer the reygne of Kynke Herry the Fyfthe 
after the conquest the thirde made in the day of seint Matheu 
the apostill. 

Proved 24 Sep. 1415 by the executors named in the will. 

G. H. 

1 Register i. fo. 333. 


IN Germany, more than in any other country, family ties 
are strong, and so it happens that it is more common for a 
German than it is for a English middle-class family to possess 
old records containing interesting details as well as the mere 
list of names and dates. Such a family history has been 
handed down for the last 300 years in the writer's family 
professing to give an account of the family for the previous 
four centuries. This ' stamm-buch,' as it is called in German, 
is a MS. of some forty folio pages, its yellow leaves closely 
written in the very antiquated and curious phraseology of the 
sixteenth century. 

It was composed in the year 1587 by the gallant knight 
Johann Schott von Schottenborn within the walls of the stately 
castle of Braunfels, which towered picturesquely on a hill 
above the village, and was the home of the great family ot 
Solms, lords under the Holy Roman Empire of the county 
which bore their name. 

This knight, Johann Schott, then set to work to write 
down for the benefit of posterity all that he had heard of his 
ancestry from his father and from aged relatives. 

He added a too brief account of his own adventurous life. 
Perhaps it was a prophetic sense of foreboding that led him to 
begin his family history just before setting out on what proved 
to be his last campaign when he was * setting forth with the 
Count Eberhard of Solms into France against the Papists and 
tyrants. God give us all good fortune on our side ! ' 

The story is this : that first of all his forefathers lived at 
the village in the Vogelsberg hills in Hesse, called after them 
Schotten, and that they were descendants, as the name implies, 
of those Scottish settlers who came in the train of two Scottish 
princesses in the year 1015. Whether these ladies came from 
what we now call the Western Highlands of Scotland or 
belonged to the kindred Scots of Ireland cannot now be 

From Schotten these Scoti or Schotts came to a village 



near Dillenburg in Hesse called Eysenrodt, and the writer 
traces his descent from the first or these, Heinrich Schott, 
who, he says, owned land and charcoal furnaces for smelting 
iron at Eysenrodt in the early part of the twelfth century. 

Then he tells how the great-grandson of this Heinrich had 
fourteen sons, who scattered over Germany to seek their for- 
tunes, like the families of brothers in the fairy tales of Grimm, 
and how one of the brothers settled at Braunfels and founded 
the line which was settled there for the next 300 years. 

He begins as follows : 

Here follows an account by me, Johann Schotten, living at Hattville in 
Lorraine, fifteen Lorraine miles from Metz, the same number of miles from 
Pont a Musson, also five miles from St. Michel. 

On the side of the Moselle towards St. Michel lies Hattville, near a ham- 
let and a castle 1 with a large lake called La Chouhe (La Chaussee), which 
belongs to the Duke of Lorraine. 

Now I will write briefly and set forth in this document the ancestry of 
the Schotts according to what I have heard from my father who is dead, and 
also from an old dame of the Eysenrodt branch, who died at the age of one 
hundred and five years, and from what I have heard, too, from other good 
people. N 

Eysenrodt is situated near the Driegenstein, one mile distant from Dillen- 
burg, under the noble Counts of Katzenellenbogen. 

As I write this I am past 46^ years of age being at Braunfels in the year 
1587 of the Old Calendar. 

First of all there lived at Eysenrodt near Driegenstein three men, suc- 
cessively named Heinrich Schott, who had iron mines in the forest and farmed 
their knd. The iron mines, moreover, were their own property, for there 
exists to this day a spring which is called the 'Schotten-Brunnen' in remem- 
brance of this family. 

From the last Heinrich Schott came Claus Schott who left fourteen sons 
and four daughters about four hundred years from the present date, during 
which time there was a great war under the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa as 
history testifies and as old chronicles tell. 2 

Afterwards these fourteen sons parted from one another and went far and 
wide under other suzerains, for they could not remain longer on account of 
the war, and could not get any more charcoal for their furnaces as the woods 

1 The Castle of Hattonchatel, which came into the possession of the 
House of Lorraine about 1540. S. H. S. 

2 Note by Johann Schott of Budingen, 1652 : * Nota. The first of this 
name (Frederick) with the surname Barbarossa waged many wars in Germany, 
especially in Saxony, for Henry the Lion had deserted the Emperor and had 
gone over to the Pope. Henry appeared before Milan, ravaged the country 
and slew the Emperor's officers. Thereupon the Emperor made war upon 
him and deprived him of his country and title which he gave to the Margrave 
Bernard of Anhalt anno Christi 1180. 


were nearly all felled and destroyed, and even apart from that the country 
around Eysenrodt is so poor that trees will not grow well. 

These fourteen sons all fared well, and one of them went to Braunfels and 
was named Christian Schott. The other thirteen scattered far and wide over 
the country. They married and begot heirs. Some remained in the Wet- 
terau ; one went into the country of Hesse, where he obtained fiefs from the 
Landgrave and began to build mills ; one went into Saxony, one to Herborn, 
one or two went to Frankfort, one went to Mainz ; three went to Worms, 
and from Worms they went afterwards to Strassburg. Here one became 
ammeister (chief magistrate), and one a doctor who was called Peter Schott 
and lies buried in the Carthusian monastery. Another of the family went to 
Heidelberg to the Court of the Count Palatine and was named Hans Schott. 
One, too, settled in Franconia, who was knighted. From him are descended 
knights who still hold estates in Franconia. 1 

Now follows further concerning Christian Schott who came to Braunfels 
and lived there very comfortably. He had sons and daughters and left a son 
named Heinrich Schott ; again this Heinrich left behind him a son also named 
Heinrich Schott. After this Heinrich 8 there lived one Emmerich Schott, a 
noble and upright man. He was for about three-and-thirty years ' rent- 
meister* (steward) at Braunfels till his death in 1484. 

Johann Schott proceeds to tell in detail of the sons and 
daughters of Emmerich, and again of their children and grand- 
children. We are concerned with only two of the five sons : 
Johann of Diedenhofen, the progenitor of the English family, 
and Thomas the youngest son, who married a lady of an old 
knightly family named Anna Reinolin Peters, by whom he 
was the father of the writer of the history. 

This is the account of the life of Johann Schott written by 
himself : 

When I Johann Schott von Schottenborn was in Hungary under the Lord 
Lazaro von Schwendi, 3 in the upper circle of Hungary on the borders of 
Transylvania, I was asked by von Schwendi himself on the field of battle if I 
were of knightly family. I answered him that I did not know. He again 
asked me where my family had dwelt. I answered him, * under the Counts 
of Nassau-Saarbrucken and Dillenburg, also under the Lords of Solms.' 

* And what has been their occupation ? ' I answered, * My grandfather 
was steward at Braunfels and the main branch of my family have for the most 

1 Are these the Schotts von Schottenstein ? S. H. S. 

3 There is an obvious discrepancy here between the number of genera- 
tions and the time which is covered between Claus (circa 1 180) and Emme- 
rich. Siebmacher's Wappenbuch and the Nobiliaire de Lorraine give Mathias and 
Mathieu respectively as the great-grandfather of Johann Schott of Braunfels. 
Probably this generation was omitted in copying the MS. S. H. S. 

3 Commander-in-Chief in Hungary of the Emperor Maximilian II. in 


part lived in the same place for the last three hundred years, and have been 
good and honourable people who of choice occupied themselves in agriculture 
and the breeding of cattle.' 

Then said von Schwendi that he would make me a knight. But this 
honour I declined at that time with all gratitude. 

Soon afterwards peace was made between the Turks and the Emperor, 
consequently there was peace in Hungary. I was three years in Hungary, at 
first among the lanz-knechts as a doppel-sSldner. 1 Afterwards I came to the 
Lord Lazaro von Schwendi as his squire. After peace had been concluded I 
returned to Lorraine on a yearly salary to my old lord Peter von Harracurt, 
lord of Schemley, and stayed with him with my beautiful Hungarian horse. 

Afterwards in the year 1 5 70, my lord Count Johann von Solms helped me 
to enter the service of the Duke of Lorraine as an Archer of the Guard under 
Duke Charles who then still lived. The same knighted me afterwards in the 
same year. He gave me a shield and helmet ; a white English running grey- 
hound with a red collar on which are five golden bosses. A leash half gold, 
half red silk, holds the greyhound to a sphere or ball. The helmet with four 
feathers of the four colours Blue, Silver-white, Red and Golden-yellow. And 
he granted me all the privileges of one of the nobility in his domains, and 
the Duke requested all kings, princes and lords to let me pass as one of the 
nobility or knightly rank as they have been called since olden times, just as 
his sovereign highness would also do to those who came into his country. 

In truth I have had to suffer so much in my time that it might seem 
hardly possible that I should still be alive. But Almighty God has wonder- 
fully protected me till the present time. God grant further His great good- 
ness and mercy to His poor Christendom, that it may come into good peace 
and amity, and plant in it the truth of His Holy Gospel of the Eternal Word, 
and frustrate and confound the tyrannical Popes and the unreformed Church, 
for then we might offer a great resistance to the Turks. 

Then follows an epilogue a fierce religious rhapsody, 
which recounts a vision which came to the young soldier 
one night as he lay sick during one of his early campaigns 
in France. 

c Le Dieu le Fort Eternel parleray,' are his last words. 

Johann Schott married a wife of good family in Lorraine, 
and through her became possessed of the chateau at Hatton- 
ville near Nancy and Metz, which was his home when he 
wrote his history just before his death in his forty-seventh 

He followed Count Eberhard of Solms to join Henry of 
Navarre and the French Huguenots in 1587 in the war against 
the Holy League, and returned from the wars to die shortly 
afterwards at his chateau, probably from sickness contracted 
during the campaign. 

1 The doppel-sOldner is a military rank the ' miles-dupliciarius ' is de- 
picted with a captain, standard-bearer, etc., in Bertelli's Book oj Costumes, 1594. 


The genealogy is continued by Johann Schott's cousin, 
Hans Georg Schott, who arranged the knight's papers and 
rent accounts in 1598, and again in 1652 by * the noble 
learned ' Johann Schott of Btldingen, nephew of Hans Georg. 

Johann Schott of Badingen lived amid the terrors of the 
Thirty Years' War and followed his lord into exile and poverty 
after the disastrous battle of NOrdlingen. During his exile 
several of his children died of the plague. At the close of 
his life however peace brought prosperity again, and he died 
full of years and honour in 1661. 

He left two sons, Philip, Captain-lieutenant of Dragoons 
in the army of Gustavus Adolphus and afterwards burgomaster 
of Hanau, and Hans Georg, ensign of foot and of horse in the 
same service. For his sons was printed the elaborate sermon 
preached at their father's funeral. This curious * leichpredig ' 
enlarges on the virtues of the deceased with lengthy scriptural 
allusion and poetical flourish, and recapitulates the story of his 
descent from the old Schott stock. 

The English family are descended, not from Johann Schott 
von Schottenborn who died without heirs, but from his cousin 
Adam Schott of Niederkleen, son of Johann Schott of Dieden- 
hofen previously mentioned. 

Adam Schott was from 156283 'Centgraf ' or head of the 
Criminal Court of a * hundred.' * He married at Niederkleen 
in Huttenberg Christine Endstein von Dotzenheim (whom he 
used to call his " precious child "), daughter of his predecessor 
in office, of a knightly and honourable family of Dotzenheim 
near Wiesbaden, connected with the old noble family of von 
Meidten.' There is extant an interesting letter of Adam 
Schott, showing his arms on the seal, in which he tells his 
liege of Nassau of the entertainment prepared for him when 
his lord comes to receive homage. 

Adam had several sons, of whom the second was Peter, 
b. 1549, d. 1596. 

After foreign travel he succeeded his father as Centgraf 
at Neiderkleen. He married Anna, daughter of Laurentius 
Stephani, superintendent of the diocese of Nassau- Weilburg. 
He had previously been chaplain in the field in the Nether- 
lands in 1570 with Count Albrecht of Nassau-Weilburg. 

For the life of Stephani see the histories of Nassau and 
Keller's History of the Reformation. He was the father of the 
still more noted Gottfried Stephani. 



The second son of Peter was Johann Martin, b. 1578, 
d. 1622, generally known as Magister Joannes Martinus 
Scotius. Educated at the University of Giessen, he was 
pastor of Wiesbaden ; married Maria Margarethe, daughter 
of Tobias Weber, Doctor of Philosophy of Marburg Univer- 
sity and superintendent of the Idstein diocese. 

For particulars of Dr. Tobias Weber see his published 
diary, Keller's History of the Reformation and History of the 
'Thirty Tears' War. 

With Johann Martin ends the record of the old family 
history, but the later generations have been handed down in a 
genealogical tree made about 1770, and the particulars have 
been verified by reference to the Church books and other 
sources of information at Idstein and at Frankfort. 

The only son of Johann Martin was Johann Friedrich, b. 1621, d. 1684 ; 
citizen of Idstein ; m. Apolloinia Vorst, maid of honour to the Princess ot 

His fourth son was Johann Christopher of Idstein, b. 1668, d. 1733 ; m. 
Maria Dorothea Sattler. 

His fourth son was Wilhelm Leonhard of Idstein ; m. Susanna Margarethe 

His second son was Johann Daniel, b. 1739, d. 1814 ; an officer in the 
Russian army ; afterwards in right of his wife, Anna Catherina Schenck, 
became in 1778 patrician of the Free City of Frankfort a/M. 

His third son was Johann Daniel of Frankfort, b. 1787, d. 1874; m - 
Catherina Nopp. 

His eldest son was John George, b. 1815, d. 1854; came to England in his 
eighteenth year ; m. an English wife, Sarah Ann, daughter of James Kinder 
of Manchester, and left four sons and four daughters. 

The writer of this article is the grandson of John George. 
In 1885 the name * Schott ' was legally anglicized as * Scott.' 




Azure two dances gold. TOMAS DELAREWER. Barkecbyre. 

Gold three eagles gules. TOMAS BAYNARD. Wylcbyre. 

Sable a lion silver with an orle of crosslets silver. ROBARDE 

LANGE. Wylcbyre. 
Gules a cheveron silver between three bull heads the bolle 

hedys syhyr the bornys gold. TOMAS BULLOK. Barkecbyre. 
Sable six fleurs de lys gold. RAWFE LEUEHAM. Barkecbyre. 
Silver a cheveron sable between iij ravyn bedys rased of sabyll 

with three crescents upon the cheveron. JOHN NORRYS. 


Ermine four bends azure. TOMAS FACCHELL. Barke chyre. 
Gules a bend silver with iij lebardys bedys of sabyll rasyd the tongys 

gold. JOHN BERREWE. Hampcbyre. 
Azure a cheveron ermine between three leopards' heads gold. 

JOHN BASKET. Hampcbyre. 
Gules three crescents gold and a quarter ermine [COOKE] 

quartered with gold a cross azure. RYCHARDE COOKE. 


Sable vj lyonseuse of gold. JOHN COLYNGTON. Sousexcbyre. 
Gules a cheveron syhyr and sabyll checcbe between three fleurs 

de lys gold. JOHN SHYRLEY. Sothereycbyre. 

Azure iij steroppys of golde [a GIFFARD coat]. WYLYAM 
KNYGHTLEY. Nortb bamtton cbyre. 

Silver with roundels of gules. GYFFORDE. Hampcbyre. 

Gold a lion gules with a border sable engrailed [POMEROY] im- 
paled with silver three roundels sable each with a bend 
silver [BEVILE]. EDWARD POWMBRAY of Devenescbyre. 
[EDWARD POMEROY of Berry, who died in 1446]. 



Silver a saltire sable, trunked at the ends, with five rings of gold. 
NYCOLAS UPTON of Wylchyre. 

Gules three crosslets fitchy gold and a chief gold. TOMAS 
ARDARNE. Derby cbyre. 

Silver a cheveron gules engrailed between three leopards' heads 
azure the tongys of gowlys. JOHN COPPYLSTONE of Dvene 

Gules a frett of sylwyr and a quarter silver. TOMAS HAWLEY 

of Dewenecbyre. 

Gold a cheveron sable between three antelopes' heads sable 
spottyd w 1 gowlys and cut off at the neck, with a crescent 
for difference. WYLYAM WYLYNGHAM. Warrewyke 

Gules a quarter azure with a fesse silver battled on both sides, 
quartered with owndy syhyr and gowlys with a sable border 
bezanty. TOMAS PORTER of Swlbyll, Warrewyk cbyre. 


Silver a saltire gules with a millrind cross silver. THE PRYORE 

Gules a lion ermine with a forked tail. SIR WYLYAM OLDE- 

HALE. Lyncolle chyre. 
Sable three bars wavy silver with a quarter gules. BROKYSBY. 

Gules crusilly gold with three luces silver. SIR WATYR 

Silver two cheverons azure. SIR JOHN BACCOD [BAGOT], 

Notyngham chyre. 
Gules a lion gold with a bend of silver and azure gobony. 

WYLAM HYLL. Somerset chyre. 
Azure a fesse silver between three leopards' heads gold. 

Silver a bend sable with three popyngays of gold a crescent 

for difference. [Below the shield is written w f a bordor 

of sabyll engrelyd.~\ JOHN COURSUN. Warrewyk chyre. 
Azure a cheveron silver between two cocks silver in the chief 

and a lion's head rased gold in the foot. TOMAS BAN- 

BERY. Hampchyre. 
Silver a saltire sable. SIR WYLYAM WYNDESORE. Lancaster 

Quarterly indented silver and gules. SIR FOWKE FITZ- 

WAREYNGE of Dorsett chyre. 

Gold a saltire and a chief gules. SIR ROBARD BRUS. 
Gold two cheverons gules and a quarter gules. SIR TOMAS 

KYRYELL. Kent chyre. 
Gules two bars gold. SIR ROBARD HARCOURT. Oxynford 

Azure three cheverons gold. SIR RYCHARD LEUGENORE of 

Gules a fesse checkered gold and azure with a ring of gold 

in the quarter. JOHN WETYNGTON. Worcester chyre. 
Azure a cheveron gold between three lozenges gold. JOHN 

HYDE. Northampton chyre. 
Silver a cheveron gules between three boars' heads sable. 

SABERTON ofKentt chyre. 

Silver three cocks gules. SIR JOHN COKKYNE of Derby chyre. 
Azure a sun gold. TOMAS DELAHAYE of Herfordcbyre. 
Gowlys ij fecys sylvyr and asewre werre. SIR TOMAS BEAUMONT 

of Devenecbyre. 
Gold a bend sable with three horseshoes sable. CHAUMBRUN. 


Azure powdered with fleurs de lys of silver a leopard rampant 

silver, with a crescent for difference. SIR JOHN HOLLAND 

of 'Thropwater^ Norbampton cbyre. 
Silver two bars gules with three roundels gules in the chief. 

WYLYAM WAKE. Norbampton cbyre. 
Sable a cheveron silver and a chief indented silver. ROGGER 

OF THORYNTON of Northumberland. 
Silver a fesse sable and three chessrooks sable. RYCHARDE 

SWLSAM of Lancaster cbyre. 
Quarterly gules and vair with a bend gold. CONESTABYLL of 

Silver a fesse gules with three roundels gules in the chief. 

SIR WATYR DEWERSE [DEVEREUX] of Herffbrd cbyre. 
Silver a bend sable with three popinjays gold. JOHN CORSUN 

[CURZON] of Derby cbyre. 
Silver a lion sable with an orle of roses gules. SIR NYCOLL 

PERPOYNT of Derby cbyre. 
Silver a chief gules with a lion gold over all. 1 JAFFEREY 

CHAWCERYS [CHAUCER] of Oxynford cbyre. At the foot of 

the page is tricked a shield of gules with a silver wheel 

which is to be qwartly wyth Cbawcrys. A note in a later 

hand [sixteenth century] adds that this is ment for Sir Payn 

Roet whos dau. Cbauser marr. but it should be g. 3 wbeles or. 
Silver a cheveron sable between three hunting horns sable. 

TOMAS CORNEW of Devenecbyre. 

Gold three bars azure. RICHARD OF ASKE. Torkchyre. 
Silver three bends, one azure, one gold and one sable, joined 

together to make a bend of three colours, quartered with 

silver a cheveron gules between three spearheads sable. 

WYLYAM HARDY of Tork cbyre. 
Azure a fret gold. THOMAS BRAKYNBERY of the byschoppe ryke 

of Derbam. 
Silver a fesse sable with three eagles silver. GORGE POPELEY. 

Torke cbyre yn Crawyn [Craven]. 

1 Thomas Chaucer bore for arms the three wheels of Roet quartering this 
lion coat (which is for Burghersh). The quartered shield is shown upon his 
brass at Ewelme. Geoffrey Chaucer's own shield is found earlier in the roll. 


Quarterly i. and iv. France with a border gobony quartered 
with bendy with a border (which border a note at the side 
rightly describes as plain). In the fourth quarter the 
border round the arms of France has been left out. ii. 
and iii. party [ ]. A scutcheon over all with 

the lion of Flanders. DEUKE DE BOURGOYNE. 

France quartered with gold a dolphin azure. LE DOLFFYNE DE 

France with a silver label [drawn with three points but 
described as having v poyntys]. LE DEUK DE ORLYAUNCE. 

The old coat of France and a bordure gules with roundels of 

Gold an eagle party gules and sable. DEUKE DE [BERRYE 

altered to] TROPE. 
Azure powdered with crosslets two barbel of gold back to back. 

DEUKE DE ANGERYS. [DEWK DE BARE is written above.] 



A quartered coat, i and iv Burelly gold and gules [altered in 
the blazon to barry] impaling crusilly two barbel back to 
back [BAR], ii and iii gules a silver lion with a forked 
tail and a golden crown. Over all an escutcheon with a 
written above]. 

The crowned biscia ' swallowing a man [VISCONTI]. DEWKE 


Silver a crowned lion gules with a forked tail. COUNT DE 

Gold a bend gules with three merlettys ofsyhyr splayed. DEWKE 
DE LOREYNE. A note gives the birds as eagles. They 
are drawn with crow-like beaks but otherwise after the 
usual manner of the { alerions ' of Lorraine. 

Gules a cross silver. SEYNT DENYSE DE FRAUNCE. 

Silver a heart gules and a chief azure with three pierced molets 
gold. THE ERLE OF DOWGGLES yn Scotland. 

Gold a lion sable. COUNT DE FLAUNDRYS. 

Azure iij garbys of comyn of gold. THE ERLE OF BOWHAN 

Azure seme de flour delyce Oj golde with a bend gules. DEWKE 


The old coat of FRANCE with a border engrailed gules. 

Gules a scutcheon of silver with a charbocle of gold over all. 


Silver three mastiffs sable. JOHN MARTYNE of Kent cbyre. 
Gules a cheveron vair between three roses gold. JOHN 

BORDEWYLE of \Sowsex Cbyre corrected to] Kent. 


Silver a cheveron gules between three rings of gules. JOHN 

GORYNGE of [Sowsex corrected to] Kent. 
Sable a cheveron ermine between three swans' heads rased silver. 

Silver a lion gules and a bend sable with three crosslets fitchy 

silver thereon. WYLYAM WATTON. Kent cbrye. 
Gules a bend engrailed silver. SIR GYLYS DAWBANEY. 
Gules a cross silver between twelve crosslets fitchy silver. 

Gules three cinqfoils ermine. JOHN KENTWOOD. 
Barry silver and sable and a quarter sable with a leopard's head 

gold. JOHN BEKKE of [Sowsex corrected to] Kent. 
Our Lady with the Child in her arms. THE BANER OF OWRE 


Party silver and sable with the image of Christ with out- 

stretched arms as if upon the cross. SEYNT BARTHELMEW 

A crosslet fitchy set in a winged pedestal and a chief with 

these words auc gracta plena. OWRE LADY ARMYS. 
Silver three lions passant looking backward with their 

tails between their legs. PRYNCE OF WALYS. [In a later 

Gold two griffins legs sable rased and lying barways. BRY- 

Checkered gold and azure with a cheveron ermine. SIR GYE 

Silver a chief gules and three roses countercoloured. SIR 

Azure three lions' heads rased gold. SIR GAWAYNE the good 


The shield of Mortimer. ERLE OF MARCHE. 
Azure three open horse-breys of gold and a chief ermine with 

a demi-lion gules. COUNT DE GENEWYLE. 
Party gold and vert with a lion gules. COUNT DE [BOKYNG- 

HAM struck out and NORFOLK, written in a later hand]. 

Burelly gules and silver and a chief silver with three lions 

sable. Over this coat has been painted a sort of char- 

bocle of gold whose ends join a very narrow golden 

Gyronny gold and gules (of twelve pieces) and a chief azure 

with a demi-leopard gold. 



Paly silver and vert and a chief gold with an eagle sable. SIR 


hand adds Courcy. 

Azure bezanty a lion gold. [ ] Torkcbyre. 

Burelly silver and azure with an orle of martlets gules. COUNT 


Gold three cheverons gules. COUNT DE GLOWCESTYR. 
Azure three leopards' heads gold and a chief party gold and 

azure indented. WYLYAM OF OXYNFORDE. Torke chyre. 
Port de goulys tres jaumbis inne sayle eprone dore. The feggvs 

syhyr the sporrys and the kneys golde. The armys of the 

Gold a fesse gules and six fleurs de lys, two, two and two, 


Party gules and azure cheveronwise with two leopards ram- 
pant in the chief and a fleurs de lys in the foot, all of 

Gold a gurge of gules. PYROT. 
Lozengy gules and vair. GRAVE VAN Guiz de Almayne. (In 

a later hand Eurgo E. of Kent.) 
Azure a gurge of silver. [In a later hand Gorges."] 
Barry sable and silver wavy. SIR THOMAS BLOUNT. Stafford cby re. 
Barry gold and sable dancy. TOMAS SHYLFORDE. 
Silver three demi-lions gules. SIR WYLYAM STORM YE. Hampe 


Silver a pale sable with a whale's or fishes head gold cut ofF at 
the shoulder thereon. SIR WYLYAM GASQWYGE [GAS- 
COIGNE]. York chyre. 

Vairy silver and gules. SIR TOMAS GRESLEY. Leyscester chyre. 

Silver a fret gules [tricked as lozengy] and a quarter azure. 


Gules three silver swords with by It and pomell gold out of one 
pomel in the midst of the shield. SIR BRYAN STAPYLTON. 
Torke cbyre. 

Vert three squirrels silver. TOMAS BAXTERD. Northumberland. 

Sable two crowned lions passant gobbone of vj pecys silver and 
gules. ROBARD STRANGWAYS. Torke cbyre. 

Gules billety gold with a lion gold. SIR ROWFE BOWLMAR. 

Torke cbyre. 
Quarterly azure and gold with four caps of the one in the 

other. A byscboppe of Bathe. [JOHN DE DROKENESFORD 

1309-29.] * 
Sable three standing dishes of silver. ROUFE STANDYSCH. 

Lancaster cbyre. 



Eeryth asseure a stremer of gold. [A note in the trick says 
[three] sternys golde~\. SIR FRAUNCYS OF ALDENHAM. 

Eeryth gold and sabyll enbelyfe a lyon rampand of the same : of the 
yle of Wycht. SIR ADAME FRAUNCYS. 

Eeryth a poynt of sabyll a chefe of goules entte grele iij eglys bedis of 
syhyr the bekys gold. SIR JOHN GODDARDE. 

Silver a pale indented sable. [SiR JOHN SAWAGE struck out 

and Darners written in a later hand.] Lancaster chyre. 
Ermyne and sabyll entte with two boars' heads gold in the chief. 

SIR BRYAN SANDFORDE. Notyngham chyre. The borre 

heads shulde lokke bothe one waye. 
Asewre and gowlys entte with a cheveron gold between three 

lions' heads gold rased. SIR JOHN STEWARDE OF WALYS. 


The feld gold a cbefe of asewre entte pyccbe with a griffon passant 

silver. THORPE. Torke cbyre. 
Party gules and ermine saltirewise. RAWFE RESTWOLDE. Bark 

Ermyne if flaunchys azure with vf whetberys of golde. JOHN 

GREYBY. Hoxynford cbyre. 

Nine pieces gold and azure with four roo hedys all gold cut off 
at the neck. ROCLEY. 

Party cheveronwise gules and ermine with three chess rokys of 
ermine in the chief. [SOWTHWELL struck out.] HOLE- 
WELL of Walys. 

Party cheveronwise sable and silver indented with three bucks' 
heads countercoloured hornys and all. PYERSE OF CAWODE. 
Torke cbyre. 



Berytb Stafford and syhyr ix pecys. RICHARD WHYTGREWE. 

Staffordcbyre. [That is to say nine pieces silver and gold 

the gold pieces having each the cheveron gules of Stafford. 

The painted shield alters the silver to azure, which is the 

right colour.] 
Berytb a poynt of ermyne the cbefe ente of synobyll ij cbeweronys 

engrelyd lune et lautre. To MAS STOKYS. 
Gold a lion lozengy silver and azure. WYLYAM LYNDE other 

wyse callyd ADAME BUXHULL. Barkechyre. 

Party cheveronwise silver and sable with ij morcokkys of sabyh 
in the chief. RYCHARDE MYDDYLMORE. Warrewykchyre. 

Party azure and gules saltirewise with a cross formy gold. A 
note at the side reverses the colours of the field. ROGER 
BREWSE otberwyse callyd RYCHARD WERYMAN. Myddylsex. 

Party cheveronwise sable and silver with three harts rampant 
two of silver and one of sable the horny s golde. FRAUNCYS 
HERSTON. Southerey chyre. 


Berytb sabyll iij poyntys fiowryd of syhyr. ROBARD NORTON. 
Rycbemond cbyre. 

A beryth goulys and wert ix pecys iiij lebardys bedys of gold. TOMAS 
NEWTON. Sotberey cbyre. 

Berytb asewre iij storgonys natand of gold maskelyd yn gowlys. 
STORGON. Sotberey cbyre. A second blazon is given at 
the side of the shield, namely : the feld of asewre iij 
storgonys of golde maskylyd yn an nette of gowlys. 

Party sable and silver enbelyfe (i.e. bendwise) with a lion 

countercoloured. [ ] Sowtberey. 

PYERSSE DEWRANT beryth asewre bendly p'tance of syhyr : de 

JOHN POLE. A beryth demey [i.e. party] gold and sabyll a sawter 

engrelyd of the same. 



Silver a fesse gules between three berttys all sabyll hedys and all. 


Three couple of crossed staves each couple between four 
MOJ3A3 leopards' heads. 
Syhyr iij berttys hedys all sabyll. GORGE RYGMAYDYN. 

(To be concluded.} 

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From a photograph by H, P. Hansen, Ashbonrne. 




FOR warranty of its high antiquity the 
house of Okeover may point to its lands 
of Okeover, from which it drew its name 
when surnames began in England. Oke- 
over is in Staffordshire, hard by the Derby- 
shire border. Like another Staffordshire 
family, the Wrottesleys of Wrottesley, the 
Okeovers owe the proofs of their earliest 
ancestry to the fact that a religious house enfeoffed its 
patriarchs whose names are found in the cartulary of Burton 
Abbey. 1 

Orm is the father of all the Okeovers and Orm is a name 
of the Scandinavians, so that we may believe that the house 
came over sea ; and as no record tells of the coming of Orm, 
we may attach him by ancestry to some inland raid of the 
Northmen to Staffordshire, where was a great settlement of 
them. Here at least we have a probability, which is more 
good fortune than attends most pedigrees which would make 
foothold in the Dark Ages, as well as that absence of facts 
which frees the pen-hand of the pedigree maker. 

But for the new genealogist Orm is surely old enough to 
have become a household god, compelling reverence in the 
antiquary beholding him. He must have been born well into 
the eleventh century, although hardly far enough back to 
allow him to have ridden against the axes at Hastings. Neel, 
the abbot of Burton, who died in May, 1113, gives to Orm 
' the land of Acovere,' to be held at a yearly rent of 20 oz. of 
silver. For the land he was to be the abbey's man, and was 
to promise that when he died he should be brought to Bur- 
ton for his burying ' cum tota pecunia sua.' His son was to 
have the land after him on the same terms on paying such 
relief as a nobilis homo should give for such land. The land 
of Okeover included Ham (Ylum), and in each there were 
sixteen oxgangs of c warland ' and a mill. The gift was 

1 William Salt Society, vol. v. pt. I . 



probably made not long before the death of the abbot in 

To Okeover Orm added six oxgangs in Stratton which he 
had of the grant of Abbot Geoffrey (1114-50) for 6s. a 
year for him and his heir, and this heir Ralf was confirmed 
in them on his father's death by the same abbot. Abbot 
Robert (1150-9), the successor to Geoffrey, confirmed again 
this estate to Ralf at the same rent, and gave Ralf and his 
heirs also a charter of confirmation of c the whole land of 
Acour',' for the yearly rent of two marks, but certain duties 
are added, possibly in consideration for the grant being thus 
made permanent. This charter we have had pictured for our 

Besides the abbots of Burton the Okeovers had other 
patrons in the great house of Ferrers, and thus a second line 
of evidence strengthens the early pedigree. The Okeover 
cartulary shows that Ralf the son of Orm had from Robert 
the Earl of Ferrers the vill of Caldelowe (Cauldwell). William, 
Earl of Ferrers, confirms this grant to Hugh de ( Acoure,' who 
was Ralf 's son and heir, and to this charter Geoffrey de Acovere 
is witness. Sheen, another Staffordshire manor, was given to 
this Hugh of Okeover by the grant of Bertram de Verdon, who 
was raising money which should equip him and his men for 
the crusade of 1 1 90, from which crusade Bertram never came 
home again. This cartulary was compiled by Roger de Oke- 
over, who lived under Edward II., and now lies in the Bodleian 

In the reign of Henry II. Ralf de Acovere had married 
Lettice, daughter of Walter de Montgomeri, with whom he 
had Snelston. Walter was a great tenant of Ferrers, and 
doubtless by this marriage begins the notable linking of the 
Okeovers to Ferrers. With Snelston came the first military 
tenure of the family, and for Snelston the Okeover heir, 
when within age at his father's death, became ward to the 

The knight Roger of Okeover, the maker of the cartulary, 
gives us an interesting account of his tenure at Okeover and 
elsewhere. The manor of Okeover he holds of the abbots of 
Burton as freely as the king gave it to the abbey, paying two 
marks at Martinmas for all services. He is bound to ride to 
London on the business of the house of Burton, and to attend 
the Court of Burton for the trying of robbers or if there shall 


be wager of battle, but for these matters he must have reason- 
able summons. He holds lands also of the priory of Tutbury 
at a rent of 22s. yearly, and for the prior he must plough every 
year at Quadragesima for one whole day with three ploughs, 
the prior finding the men their day's meat as was the custom. 
He is also to find sixteen reapers to reap one day for the prior. 
He and his heirs are to come to the counsel of the prior with- 
in the counties of Derby and Stafford unless his other lords 
have summoned him elsewhere, and when called outside those 
counties he and his horses and his men shall be found in all 
things by the prior. If the lord of Tutbury Castle shall be 
imprisoned and his ransom be to raise the prior must aid him, 
and in that case Roger is to be taxed for one ploughland and 
the like if the lord's daughter be married. 

Such tenures give us something of the life of these old 
knights. Each a constitutional sovereign on his own manors 
and servant of earl, abbot and prior, we see them farming 
their lands, dealing out the quick and bloody justice of their 
day, and trotting with their horsemen behind them backward 
and forward to the county town and on that long road to 
London which pagans or devils had made in forgotten times 
the road which runs between the woodlands where the rob- 
bers live. The king's writ and the lord's summons ran here 
and there calling to war, council or services, and the furthest 
township stirs with a life unguessed at by those who would 
take their picture of old England from the dull round of 
such villages as have in our day escaped the factory and 
the builder of that new commune, the ' residential neighbour- 

It will be seen that the long Okeover pedigree is not built 
up of obscure names which the industry of a genealogist spades 
up from the mounds of forgotten things. The Okeovers have 
their corner in the country's history. All the early Okeovers 
are knights. The first Hugh of Okeover is a knight of great 
assize on the Plea Rolls of King John's time. Hugh his 
grandson is sheriff of Stafford during the barons' wars of 
Henry III., and by a writ on the fine roll for 43 Henry III. 
(1269) that king grants that he may pay the arrears of his 
shrievalty by yearly instalments, for the sake of his losses on 
the marches of Wales during the late troubles. The nature 
of these troubles was shown in 1265, when Hugh de Acoure 
sued his evil neighbour John de Audley of Blore, who had 


raided Okeover during the war and carried off such goods as 
were not too hot or too heavy. 

Sir Roger of Okeover was in the disastrous wars of 
Edward II. in Scotland. He was one of the Staffordshire 
knights summoned to Westminster in 1324 to treat with 
the king and his bishops and barons on high matters of state. 
In 1333 he had letters of protection whilst on the king's 
service in Scotland, and brought the story of the great day 
of Halidon Hill home for a winter's tale round his hall fire 
at Okeover. As he had been a commissioner of array for 
Derby and Nottingham, he probably rode to the wars at the 
head of the levies for those counties. 

Philip of Okeover, grandson of this Roger, followed arms 
likewise. With him the Derbyshire house saw foreign lands 
and strange fields of war, for he sailed with John of Gaunt 
for Spain when that prince set out to back his Spanish claims 
with English bows and lances. An Okeover marriage had 
brought the house nigh of kin to the stoutest knight of the 
day, for Robert of Okeover, Philip's forefather, married 
Sara, whose father John of Chandoys was grandfather, as is 
believed, to the great Chandos. 

The family thus founded in the beginning of our history 
and blooded in the most famous of our over-sea wars goes 
on as an honoured house in Staffordshire, leaving high politics 
to the adventurous souls who will bet houses, lands and necks 
against high places and perilous honours. They serve the 
county as sheriffs ; they marry with noble houses Basset of 
Blore, Aston of Tixhall, Dethick of Babington ; and in this 
year 1903 Haughton Charles Okeover sits in the seat of Orm 
his ancestor at Okeover in Staffordshire, and a son and heir- 
apparent is not lacking. 

O. B. 



From his Cardiff Chancery Seal, 


THE publication of my article in the last number of The 
Ancestor on 'The Arms of the King-maker' 1 brought me 
a letter from the Rev. J. H. F. Peile of University College, 
Oxford, in which he was good enough to draw my attention 
to the existence of another impression of the earl's armorial 
seal similar to that in the possession of my relative. 8 He 
kindly sent me a photograph of the document to which this 
impression is attached, which is among the Burford (Oxon) 
deeds in Dr. Cheatle's possession. It resembles the other 
document in appearance and in bearing the earl's autograph 
signature ( c R. Warrewyk '), but is several years earlier, being 
dated 26 February, 34 Henry VI. (1456), as against i February, 
4 Edward IV. (1465). This difference is of some importance, 
for in 1456, 'the King-maker' had not yet succeeded to the 
earldom of Salisbury. His style therefore in the Burford 
document * Comes Warrewici Dominus de Bergevenny ' 
corresponds with the legend on the seal, while that in the 
later one does not. It is evident now that he changed his 
style, but not his seal, on succeeding to his father's earldom, 
and that the discrepancy between the two in the later docu- 
ment is thus accounted for. 3 

I further received a letter from Mr. Ballinger of the 
Central Library, Cardiff, bringing to my notice the photo- 
graph of another armorial seal of ' the King-maker,' which is 
published in volume ii. of the Records of Cardiff '(1900). This 
I recognized at once as the missing reverse of the noble 
equestrian seal figured in our last number from its matrix in 
the British Museum. I have since been able, with the 
courteous assistance of Mr. Bickley of the MS. department, 
not only to identify the casts from which that photograph 
was taken (Ixxxviii. 68, 69), but to find casts made from a 

1 The Ancestor, iv. 143-7. 

1 See the upper photograph facing p. 143 (T&e Ancestor, No. iv.). 

3 In both documents the earl adopts the quasi-regal ' Nos.' Since the 
above was written I have found that this charter was examined for the Histori- 
cal MSS. Commission (Report on MSS. in various Collections [1901], i. 47), but 
the arms on the seal are not described in the report. 



much finer impression, 1 which is here photographed for the 
first time. Both the obverse and reverse of the seal are 
shown, for although the former, as explained above, has 
already appeared in our pages, the combination of the two 
connects them as one seal. 

There can be no question that this seal was used by the 
great earl as lord jure uxoris of * Glamorgan and Morgan,' 
that extensive Welsh lordship which, through the Despensers, 
had descended to his wife from her Clare ancestors. Its use 
in connexion with his Welsh possessions is illustrated by a 
charter in possession of the heirs of the Carnes of Nash, to 
which an impression of this seal (of which about a third is 
broken off) is appendant. It is described by Mr. G. T. 
Clark in his Carte et munimenta de Glamorgan (in. 177-8) and 
in Archtfokgia Cambrensis (vol. iv.). An engraving of this 
impression is given in both places from a drawing by Utting, 
but it is not absolutely exact. The great interest of this 
Carne charter is that it describes itself as c Datum in can- 
cellaria nostra de Kaerdiff sub sigillo cancellable nostre de Kaer- 
diff.' Its date is 8 July, 1462 (2 Edw. IV.), and the earl's 
style therein is the same as in the legend on the seal : 

* Ricardus Nevil comes Warwici et dominus Glamorgancie et 
Morgancie.' His charter of confirmation to Neath Abbey 
(24 June, 1468) is also given under c sigillum cancellarie 
nostre de Kaerdif.' 2 

The seal therefore here figured was that of the earl's 
Cardiff chancery, and was used by him contemporaneously 
with the quite distinct armorial seal figured in our last 
number. On the former, which was used for local docu- 
ments, he is styled in the legend, on obverse and reverse, 

* Lord of Glamorgan and Morgan ' ; on the latter his 
secondary title on the seal is * Lord of Bergavenny.' The 
arms differ, like the legend, according to the purpose for 
which the seal was intended to be used. On the Cardiff 
seal the arms, as we may term them, of the lordship of 
Glamorgan and Morgan, namely Clare quartering Despenser, 
occupy the place of honour, namely the first and fourth 
quarters, emphasizing the territorial character still possessed 

1 xcvi. 92 (rev.), 93 (obv.). All four casts are additions since the com- 
pilation of the printed catalogue, which accounts for the reverse being un- 
known to me and others when my former article was written. 

1 Cartte et munimenta de Glamorgan, ii. 209. 


by heraldry. It was, as Mr. Barren has expressed it, *an 
armory speaking of facts, of lordships and high seignories 
in the grasp of the great earls.' * And although the coat of 
the earldom of Salisbury occupies the second and third 
quarters, the paternal arms, not only of the King-maker 
(Nevil), but of his wife (Beauchamp), are actually omitted 
from the shield. 

Now that we know both the obverse and the reverse of 
this remarkable seal we can appreciate its wealth of heraldry 
in coat and crest and badge, in supporters and in the 
charger's trappings. On the obverse the earl bears upon 
his arm a shield with the arms of his house (NEVIL dif- 
ferenced) and on his helm the swan's head crest of his wife's 
family (BEAUCHAMP). On the fore trappers are seen the 
arms of his father's earldom of Salisbury (MONTHERMER 
quartering MONTAGU*) ; on the hind trappers the earldom of 
Warwick is represented by a coat of two grand quarters (i 
and 4 BEAUCHAMP quartering NswBURGH 3 ; 2 and 3 CLARE 
quartering DESPENSER). 

The reverse of the seal shows us a shield of two grand 
quarters (i and 4 CLARE quartering DESPENSER ; 2 and 3 
MONTAGU quartering MONTHERMER), surmounted by the 
same two crests as are seen on the other armorial seal, the 
swan's head crest of BEAUCHAMP for the dexter 4 ; and the 
sitting griffin of the Earls of Salisbury for the sinister. The 
supporters are the bears of the Earls of Warwick, chained 
and muzzled ; and below the shield, on each side, is the 
famous ragged staff, the badge of the same earls. 5 Thus did 

1 The Ancestor, iv. 146. 

* Now popularly known as * Montacute ' (de monte acuto). Montagu 
normally occupies the first quarter. The label is peculiar and should be 

3 See The Ancestor, iv. 1 44, note. 

4 This is lost on the impression here photographed, but is fortunately 
shown on the Carne impression. 

6 The interesting list of standards, pennons, etc., made for Richard, Earl 
of Warwick, in 1437 includes * 18 great standards of worsted entertailed with 
the Bear and a chain,' ' 16 other standards of worsted entertailed with the 
Raggedstaff? and ' 3 pennons of satten entertailed with Raggedstaffs' In a 
political poem assigned to * circ. 1449' (Political Songs, Rolls Series, ii. 222) 
we read : 

'The Bere is bound that was so wild 

For he hath lost his ragged staff? 
A footnote explains that this refers to ' Richard Neville, created Earl of War- 


the earl exhibit the emblems of that great galaxy of families 
represented by himself and his wife. 

There is some reason to believe that this superb seal 
was executed between 24 March, 1450, and 4 May, 1452, 
although the earl had succeeded to his wife's vast estates as 
early as 1449. The evidence to that effect is derived from 
the documents to which we find it appended. Our photo- 
graphs are made from two casts now in the British Museum 
(xcvi. 93, 92), where are also preserved two others (Ixxxviii. 
68, 69) from inferior impressions of the same seal, photo- 
graphs of which, as explained above, will be found in 
volume iL of the Records of Cardiff (1900). Nothing is 
known, I was informed in the MS. department, as to the 
origin of these impressions. But as the date of an impres- 
sion and much of its interest depend upon the document to 
which it was attached, I endeavoured to identify the docu- 
ments to which they had been appended. And this I 
succeeded in doing. If we turn to Mr. G. T. Clark's 
Cart* et munimenta de Glamorgan we find a ' Precipe ' of the 
earl to his bailiffs of Glamorgan and Morgan, 31 October, 
I452, 1 the seal of which is described by Mr. Clark, his 
description corresponding with the photographs here given. 
Similarly the impression from which the photographs in the 
Cardiff book were taken was evidently the indenture of 
4 May, 1452.* 

Mr. Clark found with these documents, among the 
Penrice MSS., a * Precipe ' of earlier date, 24 March, 1450,* 
to which was appendant what he terms the earl's c ist 
Chancery seal,' which exhibited only the arms of Clare 
quartering Despencer, those, as I have termed them, of 
the lordship of Glamorgan. This sounds somewhat im- 
probable, but a cast of an impression with this coat is 
actually now at the British Museum (xcvi. 90, 91), and 
must, I think, be taken from that of which he spoke. If 
this is so, it seems to follow that the great seal here photo- 
graphed had not yet been executed. 

The style of the earl in this document was ' comes 

wick on the 4th of May, 1442. . . . He was the father of the King-maker.* 
This is an amazing blunder, for the King-maker was the first and last Earl of 
Warwick of his house, and was not so created till 1449. Compare, for the 
bear and the ragged staff, Complete Peerage, ii. 34, note e. 

1 iv. 368-9. * Ibid. pp. 365-6. 3 Ibid. 


Warrewick dominus le Despencer dominus Glamorgancie et 
Morgancie ' ; and in his charter to the burgesses of Car- 
diff, a year later, the title of * Lord Le Despenser ' is again 
included in his style, 1 as it had been in that of his wife's 
mother. The use of this tide is noteworthy, because at the 
date of these documents the barony of Despenser was under 
attainder and not known to have been assumed, according 
to the Complete Peerage (iii. 93). It might no doubt be 
urged that the earl's assumption of this title was unwar- 
ranted and invalid, but it is worth observing that Queen 
Elizabeth formally ratified the Cardiff charter and every- 
thing therein. 3 This is a further illustration of that loose- 
ness in recognizing titles which prevailed, I have shown, in 
her day. 1 

In the two later documents (1452) spoken of above the 
Despenser title is dropped, and the earl is styled only 
* dominus Glamorgancie et Morgancie,' as he also is on the 
Carne seal. 4 This appears to point to an actual change in 
his style, which may not be unconnected with the change in 
his Cardiff seal. 

There is yet another variation in the marshalling of the 
earl's arms, which has been brought to my notice by General 
Wrottesley. In a window of the old hall at Wrottesley, 
according to Ashmole's MSS., there was seen the earl's shield, 
with his arms marshalled as on the seal depicted opposite 
page 143 of our last number, with the sole and interesting 
exception that the first and fourth grand quarters were re- 
spectively * Warwick' and* Glamorgan,' namely BEAUCHAMP 

1 Ricardus Neville Comes Warwici Dominus le Despenser Glamorgancie et 
Morgancie et Anna uxor ejus . . . Inspeximus literas patentes charissime 
matris nostrae Isabelle nuper Comitisse Warwici Domine La Despenser Gla- 
morgancie et Morgancie . . . datum in Castro nostro de Kardiff xii die 
Marcii anno regni Regis Henrici sixti . . . vicesimo nono ' (Records of 
Cardiff, i. 38 (No. xii.). This charter is preceded by that of the earl's 
mother-in-law referred to, in which her style is * Comitissa Wigornie [her 
first husband was Earl of Worcester] Domina La Despenser Glamorgancie 
et Morgancie.' 

a Her charter (12 March, 1581) confirms that ' Ricardi Nevill Comitis 
Warwici Domini le Spencer Glamorgancie et Morgancie et Anne uxoris ejus 
. . . ac omnia et singula in eisdem contenta et specificata rata habentes et 
grata ' (ibid. i. 47). 

3 See The Ancestor, iv. 18. 

4 p. 196 above. 


quartering NEWBURGH (Warwick) and CLARE quartering 
DESPENSER (Glamorgan). This will be seen in the accom- 
panying drawing by Mr. Barren from General Wrottesley's 

The reason of these arms being found at Wrottesley is 
explained in the following notes which General Wrottesley 
has kindly supplied from the forthcoming history of his 
family. 1 


These were doubtless set up by Sir Walter Wrottesley, 
who died in 1473, two years after the death of the earl 
on the field of Barnet. On Sir Walter's tomb in the Grey- 
friars' Church the inscription described him as * Strenuus in 
armis cum Comite Warwick 

Leland the antiquary, writing about sixty years after the 
death of the earl, and whilst his memory was still fresh in 
England, writes in his diary : * The Wrotesleys were men of 
more lande than they bee nowe and greate with the Earle of 
Warwick,' and it will be seen from what follows that Sir 
Walter was one of the most trusted followers of the great 
earl, and acted as his deputy at the most critical periods of 
the earl's career. 

Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick and Salisbury, Great 
Chamberlain of England, Captain of Calais and Lord of 
Morgan and Morgannock (to give him his full titles), de- 
rived his riches from his vast patrimonial 2 estates in England 
and Wales, but he acquired his political power from his office 
of Governor of Calais and his lordship of Glamorgan in 
Wales. The first of these gave him the command of the 
only trained body of soldiers permanently kept on foot, whilst 
in the latter he had a palatine jurisdiction, and could embody 
a large force of Welshmen at a few hours' warning. 3 As re- 
presenting his wife, the heiress of the Beauchamps, he was 

1 Printed as a supplement to the Genealogist. 

8 The bulk of his estates were derived, not from his father, but from his 
wife (J. H. R.). 

3 See the Land of Morgan, by Mr. George Clark. 


also Hereditary Sheriff of Worcestershire and Hereditary 
Chamberlain of the Exchequer. In every one of these offices 
Sir Walter Wrottesley acted as the earl's deputy at various 
times and at all the most critical junctures of the earl's career. 

In 1459-60, when the earl placed the crown of England 
on the head of his first cousin, the young Duke of York, Sir 
Walter Wrottesley was the earl's deputy in Worcestershire. 

In 1467 he accompanied the earl in his famous embassy to 
the French king, Louis XL, which led to the rupture between 
Warwick and Edward IV. The Pell Issues name Sir Walter 

as the chief of the earl's suite on this occasion, and the ex- 
penses of the Embassy passed through his hands. 

In the same year he was made Joint Chamberlain of the 
Exchequer with the earl, and afterwards he occurs as; the earl's 
deputy in the same office. 

In 1470 Sir Walter was one of the suite of the earl who 
escaped to France with him, and was proclaimed a. traitor at 
the same time as the earl and Lionel, Duke of Clarence. 


In 1470, when the king, Henry VI., was restored to the 
throne through the agency of the earl, Sir Walter was appointed 
the earl's deputy and sheriff of Glamorganshire. 

In 1471, when Edward IV. returned to England and re- 
claimed the crown, Sir Walter was sent as the earl's deputy to 
Calais to make sure of the town and garrison, Lord Wenlock 
having proved untrustworthy on a previous occasion. After 
the death of the earl Sir j Walter delivered up Calais to 
Edward IV., and his public career came to an end, but it 
will be seen from the foregoing sketch that it had been 
entirely passed in the service of the earl. 


Pedigree Supplement 


To face page 202 


Col. of 1 71 
d. 1752 

Lt.-Gen. V 

3rd Guards 
Regt. b. 17 

Capt. J. Otway Wynyard, 
3rd Guards, b. 1755, d. 

Lt.-Gen. Wm. Wynyard, 
Coldstream Guards, Col. of 
5th Regt. Equerry to Geo. 
III. and D.A.G. b. 1759, 
d. 1819 

Gen. Hen. J. Wynyard, 
3rd Guards, Col. of 46th 
Regt. Equerry to Duke of 
Cumberland b. 1761, d. 

Col. G. W. Wynyan 
24th Lt. Dragoons, 1 
1762, d. 1809, Capt. Cole 
stream Guards 

Lt. and Capt. Wm. Clinton Wynyard, 
Coldstream Guards, b. 1789, d. 1814 

Major G. H. Wynyard, 
58th Regt. b. 1827, d. 

Lt.-Gen. R. H. Wynyard, C.B. 
58th Regt. Col. of 9 8th Regt. 
b. 1802, d. 1864 

Capt. G. J. R. Wynyard, 
5 8th Regt. b. 1831 

Capt. H. J. Wynyard, 
58th Regt. d. 1863 

Lt.-Col. Montagu Wynyard, 
50th Regt. born 1848 

A tablet stands in the Wellington Barracks Chapel, London 




A. L. Wynyard, 
Regt. b. 1769, d. 

Capt. and Lt.-Col. M. J. Wynyard, 
Coldstream Guards, afterwards 
Chaplain to the Queen, b. 1781, 
d..i8 57 

Georgina Charlotte 
m. George Battye 

Maj.-Gen. H. B. J. Wynyard, 
8;th Regt. b. 1808, d. 1898, 
Comdt. R. H. M. School 

^ol. Rowley Wynyard, 
il Artillery, b. 1855, 
dt. R. H. M. School 

Gen. Edw. B. Wynyard, 
Grenadier Guards, CoL of 
58thRegt.b. 1788, d. 1864 

Battye Family. From this marriage 
sprang the Battyes, the family of 
soldiers for whose pedigree see 
Ancestor No. i 

William Wynyard, 
Bengal Civil Ser- 
vice, b. 1817 

Maj.-Gen. E. G. Wynyard, 
Grenadier Guards, b. 1 8 1 8. 
d. 1889 

Capt. E. G. Wynyard, D.S.O. 
8th King's and Welch Regts. 
b. 1861 

Lt.-Col. Richd. D. Wynyard, 
70th Regt. b. 1857 

ory of nine members of this family who served in the Guards 



I SHOULD greatly appreciate any evidence helping to 
determine the identity of the William Russell whose por- 
trait is here reproduced. The original is an oil painting 
35 by 27 inches. It bears no artist's signature, but appears to 
belong to the first half of the eighteenth century. It formerly 
belonged to my kinswoman, the late Miss Mary Ann 
Mouchet, and later passed into the possession of my father. 

The following pedigree represents my entire knowledge of 
the Russell family to which he belonged : 

Israel Russell was buried at St. George's, Hanover Square, 
i April 1748. In his will, dated 18 Aug. 1742 and ratified 
1 8 Feb. 1 74!-, he is described as of the parish of St. George, 
Hanover Square, painter-stainer. His executors to pay off 
mortgage on his house in Welbeck Street in the possession of 
Lady Gerard. The said house with his estate in Shoe Lane, 
parish of St. Bride's, and his house in Upper Brook Street in 
the possession of the Countess Dowager of Shaftesbury, to 
his friends John Lutman of St. George's, Hanover Square, 
locksmith, and Thomas Atwood of St. Clement Danes, gent., 
upon trust to pay to his wife, Mary Russell, an annuity of 
150, and after her death his trustees to sell the premises and 
divide the money among such of his children as may be living 
and the children of those who may be dead. To his said wife 
the guardianship of such of his children as are under twenty- 
one. The lease of his house in New Bond Street wherein he 
dwells and trades to his eldest son, Henry Russell. Residue 
to all his children born or in venire sa mere at twenty-one. 
His said wife and said John Lutman and Thomas Atwood 
joint executors. Witnesses to will, Richard Heather and 
Charles Stuart. Witnesses to ratification, James Dryhurst, 
Richard Wooton, Richard Heather and Charles Stuart. 
Proved 7 April, 1748 in P.C.C. [128 Strahari] by Mary 
Russell, the widow, and the other executors named. 

The above Israel Russell of New Bond Street was twice 
married. By his first wife Anne he had issue : 

Henry Russell, the eldest son, living 1 8 Feb. 1 74}. 




William Russell, born 24 July 1721, bapt. 10 Aug. 1721 

at St. Martin-in-the-Fields (probably died young). 
Joanna Russell, born 24 May 1724, bapt. 21 June 1724 
at St. Martin-in-the-Fields. She married about 1750 
or earlier William Stedman of Soho and had issue. She 
died 14 June 1814 at Belgrave Terrace, Pimlico, and 
was buried at St. Anne's, Soho. Both on her tomb- 
stone and in the registers her age is erroneously stated 
as 94. The will of ( Johannah Stedman ' is dated 
29 Dec. 1810. Leaves all her property equally be- 
tween her daughters Ann Read and Mary Mouchet. 
Witness, S. Breston. Richard White of Essex Street, 
Strand, gent., deposed to her handwriting 19 July, 
1814. Will proved 22 July 1814 in P.C.C. [443 End- 
pori\ by Abraham John Mouchet, power reserved to 
Claudius Grignon of Holloway, Middlesex, the other 
Joseph Russell, born 28 Oct. 1726, bapt. 15 Nov. 1726 at 

St. George's, Hanover Square. 
John Russell, born 18 Feb. 1727, bapt. 17 March 1727 at 

St. George's, Hanover Square (probably died young). 
By his second wife Mary, Israel Russell had issue : 

John Russell, born 21 Oct. 1739, bapt. n Nov. 1739 at 

St. George's, Hanover Square. 
Mary Russell, born 1 1 Mar. 1 74^, bapt. 6 April 1 742 at 

St. George's, Hanover Square. 
Charles Russell, born 5 Mar. 1 74!-, bapt. 2 1 Mar. 1 74!- at 

St. George's, Hanover Square. 
William Russell, born 10 Aug. 1744, bapt. 2 Sept. 1744 

at St. George's, Hanover Square. 

William Stedman before mentioned died 1 7 Feb. 1805 m 
Frith Street, Soho, aged 78, and was buried at St. Anne's. 
A brief obituary in the Gentleman** Magazine runs : * In his 
78th year, Mr. William Stedman, of Frith-street, Soho, 60 
years an inhabitant of St. Anne's parish.' In his will, which 
is undated, he is described simply as of St. Ann, Soho, in the 
Liberty of Westminster. After payment of debts he leaves 
to his wife Johanah the interest of 1,500 4 per cent bank 
stock, and at her death the principal equally between his two 
daughters, Ann Reade and Mary Mouchet. To daughter 
Ann Reade 250 4 per cent consols. To daughter Mary 
Mouchet jioo consols. To each of his grandchildren 50 


at twenty-one. To his executors 20 each. Residue between 
wife and daughters equally. To his cousin Richard Ellison 
20. Exors. Abram Mouchet, his son-in-law, and Mr. 
William Reid. On 4 Mar. 1805 Francis Deschamps of 
Chapel Street, parish of St. Ann, gent., and Joseph Davis of 
King Street, gent., deposed to his handwriting. Will proved 
5 Mar. 1805 in P.C.C. [211 Nelson] by A. J. Mouchet, power 
reserved to William Reid. 

William Stedman and Joanna Russell had issue three 
daughters : 

(1) Anne Stedman, married in or shortly before 1789 to 

James Reade) (1749-1814) of Market Drayton, 
Salop, and had issue. Mrs. Reade died on Friday, 
27 Dec. 1820, aged 68, at her son's house in High 
Street, Shrewsbury, and was buried in the old 
Baptist burying ground, Market Drayton. 

(2) Mary Stedman, born 9 Feb. 1763, bapt. 4 Mar. 1763 

at St. Anne's, Soho ; married 30 Mar. 1791, at 
St. Anne's to Abraham John Mouchet (1760-1846) 
of 70, St. Martin's Lane, and had issue. Mrs. 
Stedman died 12 Dec. 1848, and was buried with 
her husband at Brompton Cemetery. 

(3) Lucy Catherine Stedman, born 13 Nov. 1766, died 

9 Nov. 1802, at Market Drayton, unmarried, and 
was buried at the parish church there. 

The children of Mary Stedman and A. J. Mouchet all 
died unmarried or without issue. The last survivor was their 
only daughter, Mary Ann Mouchet, who was born 19 June 
1793 and died 12 Mar. 1886 in full possession of her facul- 
ties. It will be observed that her life and that of her grand- 
mother, Mrs. Stedman (who was buried on M. A. M.'s 
twenty-first birthday), covered the remarkable period of 162 

Miss Mouchet described the portrait as that of William 
Russell, great-uncle of her grandmother, Joanna Russell. 
This relationship would seem to throw the date too far back. 
Miss Mouchet may easily have made a mistake of a genera- 
tion, in which case William Russell might be a brother of 
Israel Russell. 

No Israel Russell was a member of the Painter-Stainers* 
Company during the eighteenth century. 

It may be of interest, in view of Sir Edmund Bewley's 


recent letter in 'The Ancestor , to observe that the will of Israel 
Russell was made on parchment and apparently in duplicate. 
A small piece of parchment cut off the corner of a will has 
descended from Joanna Russell, bearing two signatures of c Is: 
Russell ' with two seals, and showing the ratification of the 
will and the final * 2 ' of the date. Dr. George W. Marshall, 
of the Heralds' College, compared a photograph of this with 
the original will of Israel Russell at Somerset House and 
found them identical. The signature of * Is : Russell ' is a 
fine one, and taken by itself would indicate a man of good 
position and education. 

The arms on the seals are silver a lion rampant gules ; 
with a chief sable and a bezant and two escallops silver 
on the chief ; crest, a demi-goat. The coat is of course but 
slightly differenced from that of the ducal house of Bedford. 
A relationship with that family has been assumed and asserted 
by all the descendants of Joanna Russell [Mrs. Stedman], and 
there is indeed a note by her son-in-law, A. J. Mouchet, 
probably written about 1 840, saying that the relationship of 
his wife to the ducal house { on her mother's side can be 
traced back amongst said Mrs. Mouchet's ancestors' papers 
and old title-deeds, etc.' But personally I should feel happier 
could I see the papers and deeds spoken of before assuming a 
relationship of which there seems little possibility. 

The fact that the portrait, with other Russell relics, came 
into Mrs. Joanna Stedman's possession may indicate that the 
rest of Israel Russell's children died without issue. This is 
made more probable by a statement of Miss Mouchet's in 
1 847, that her mother had no relatives except the descendants 
of her sister, Mrs. Reade. 



THE family of Mauduit, in the twelfth century, had a 
close official connection with the king's exchequer, the 
mainspring of our financial and, to some extent, or our ad- 
ministrative system at the time. And the Hampshire manor 
which preserves, in a corrupted form, their name had a part in 
that connection. I have observed of Hartley Mauditt that 

This manor was held by the Mauduits under Henry III. * per serjant- 
eriam camar[ariae] Domini Regis,' ' per camerariam ad scaccarium,' or * per 
servicium camar[ariae] Domini Regis ' (Testa de Nevill). It had been held by 
William * Malduith ' in 1086, and I have elsewhere shown that the chamber- 
lainship of the Treasury, afterwards the Exchequer, with the tenure of the 
lands thereto appurtenant, can be carried back to this Domesday tenant. 1 

And an inquisition (23 Jan. 1267-8) taken on the death 
of William Mauduit, Earl of Warwick, found that { he was the 
king's chamberlain at the Exchequer in London by reason of 
this manor, and used to have a clerk there continually to 
whom he gave 1005. yearly at least.' 

The early history of the Mauduit family is proved and 
illustrated by a series of charters transcribed in the family 
cartulary of the earls of Warwick ; a for they eventually 
inherited the earldom of Warwick, and from them it descended 
to the Beauchamps. Hartley (Mauduit) had been held, as 
4 Herlege,' by their Domesday ancestor together with Shaldern 
(' Seldene ') and Porchester. In the learned and very valuable 
edition of the Dialogue concerning the Exchequer, published 
last year 3 we read of William's estates that 

His son, Robert Mauduit, who presumably inherited these manors, was 
one of the chamberlains under Henry I. He died about 1129-30, leaving a 
daughter and heiress, who was purchased by William de Pont de 1'Arche, 
together with her inherited office, for 1,000 marks (666 I $*. 4</.). At the 
same time William also acquired for himself the ' ministerium camere curie,' 
which was probably the office mentioned in the * Constitutio ' as held by 
William Mauduit the younger, brother of Robert (p. 20). 

1 Victoria History oj Hampshire, i. 432. 

* Now Add. MS. 28,024 ' n l ^ e British Museum. 

3 De Necessariis obiervantiis scaccarii Dialogus (Oxford University Press). 



The descent, however, of Hartley Mauduit is proved by- 
charters in the above cartulary which are buried among those 
relating to ' Hamslape ' (now Hanslope), Bucks, the head of a 
small barony bestowed on William Mauduit by Henry I. 
and confirmed subsequently. The first of these is a 
charter of Henry I., granted early in his reign, which is 
addressed to William, Bishop of Winchester, and Henry de 
Port (then sheriff of Hampshire), who was son and successor 
of Hugh de Port, the great local baron in Domesday. This 
charter grants to ' Hadewisa,' widow of William Mauduit, all 
her dower and all that her husband had given her in his life- 
time, namely 

Sceldedenam * et Herleiam, 2 et dominicum managium de Wincestr' extra 
portam civitatis et terram quae est in vico fullonum et domos similiter 
(fo. 28). 

The early date of this document is proved by the witnesses' 
names Wfilliam] de Warelwast, Eudo Dapifer, Robert Fitz 
Hamo, Roger Bigot, Hamo Dapifer, and another which point 
to noo 6, and a private charter of this period is very 
rarely preserved. The mention of the ' street of the fullers * 
at Winchester is specially deserving notice, for although the 
* street of the tanners' is named in the two early surveys of 
Winchester, 3 the fullers' street is not. It is also worthy of 
notice that the unusual word ' managium ' * for a residence 
is found in those surveys. 6 The above charter is followed by 
one addressed to Bishop William, to the sheriff, and to the 
reeve {preposito) of Winchester, in which the king grants to 
William Mauduit, Robert's younger brother, the reversion to 
all the above property on his mother's death (excessum\ 
until which he was to receive jio a year from William de 
Pont de 1'Arche. It is worth noticing that Shaldern and 
Hartley Mauduit were valued as worth, between them, 10 in 
1086. The witness to this charter Robert Bishop of Lincoln, 
Ranulf (Flambard) Bishop of Durham, Nigel de Albini, 
Geoffrey Fitz Payne, Edward of Salisbury, Robert de Creve- 

1 Shaldern. 

3 Hartley Mauduit. 

3 See Victoria History of Hampshire, i. 527-37. The holdings described 
in this charter cannot be identified in the surveys, but they mention hold- 
ings of Robert Mauduit twice (Victoria History, i. 533). 

* Compare French * menage.' 

6 Liber Winton (Record Commission), pp. 546-7. 


coeur, Robert de Ver, Robert d'Oilli and another suggest for 
it a later date, probably about the middle of the reign. It is re- 
markable that, in addition to the reversion, the king grants to 
William the land of * fif hida ' (Fyfield), which his father had 
held of Robert Fitz Hamon, and which Robert the king's son 
(Robert Fitz Hamon's son-in-law and afterwards Earl of 
Gloucester) had granted him. For Fyfield appears in Domes- 
day as held by William Mauduit, not of Robert Fitz Hamon, 
but of the king in capite. 

The above charters supply for the first time the name of 
the Domesday tenant's wife, and we may now construct the 
pedigree thus : 

William Mauduit = Hawys 

(0 I I (*) 

Robert Mauduit William Mauduit 

Chamberlain Chamberlain 

William de Pont = heiresi William Mauduit 

de 1'Arche Chamberlain 

To quote again from the editors' introduction to the 
Dialogue :* 

It might have been supposed that the whole office would have passed into 
the family of William de Pont de 1' Arche, who certainly exercised the office 
in 1 129 30, and continued to hold it until after the accession of Stephen 
But shortly before his * accession we find that Henry II. restored to William 
Mauduit, the younger brother of Robert Mauduit, not only the office of 
Chamberlain, but also the castle of Porchester and all lands appendant to that 
office and castle (p. 21). 

For this last statement the authority given is my Commune 
of London and Other Studies (p. 83), where I have printed 
from the above cartulary a clause of Duke Henry's charter 
(1153) given at Leicester, by which he grants to William the 
office and * all lands belonging to the aforesaid chamberlainship 
. . . even as his father held that chamberlainship with its 
appurtenances, and even as Robert Mauduit his brother was 
holding it on the day he was alive and dead.' William Mau- 
duit survived the king's accession, and it was to his son and 
namesake that Henry, by a charter given at Woodstock, circ. 

1 See p. 207 note 3 above. a i.e. Henry II. 's. 


1158, confirmed the whole barony of his father, including 
< Scaldedena ' (Shaldern) and * Herlega ' (Hartley). 1 

Dugdale, after his wont, confused the younger William 
with his father, making them into one ; a and although he 
worked from the cartulary on which this paper is based, he 
missed the big marriage of this rising family, which indeed 
seems to be omitted from all its pedigrees. 3 That marriage is 
virtually implied by the following charter, taken from that 
cartulary, which implies that William Mauduit the younger 
had married Isabel, a sister of Simon, Earl of Northampton 
(i 174-84), and a daughter of Simon the previous earl (temp. 
Hen. I.), who had given her as a marriage portion his land in 
Grendon (Northants) and three knights' fees in that county. 

Comes Simon omnibus amicis suis et omnibus Franciis et Angliis presen- 
tibus et futuris salutem. Sciatis me dedisse et concessisse et present! carta 
mea confirmasse Willelmo Malduit Camerario Domini Regis et Isabelle uxori 
sue et heredibus suis tenenda de me et de heredibus meis terras et feodos 
militum quod Comes Simon pater meus dedit Willelmo Malduit et Isabelle 
uxori sue in libero maritagio, scilicet totam terram quam Comes Simon pater 
meus habuit in Grendon cum omnibus liberis pertinentiis ejusdem terre et 
donationem ecclesie ejusdem ville et servitium trium militum, scilicet ij in 
Akele et in Newetona et j in Braibroke et in Aketorp de feodo Simonis de 
Foxtona Quare volo et firmiter precipio quod ipse Willelmus Malduit et uxor 
ejus predicta et heredes sui habeant et teneant sicut liberum maritagium pre- 
dictas terras et feodos bene et in pace libere et quiete et honorifice cum omni- 
bus liberis pertinentiis in bosco et piano in pratis et pascuis in viis et semitis in 
stangnis et in aquis et in molendinis in villa et extra villam et in omnibus aliis 
locis : Hiis testibus. Comitissa Aliz, Simone fratre meo, Ricardo Luvetoftes, 
Waltero de Gloc[estria], Hugone de Vuill, Galfrido Baard luone de Barkeword, 
Philippe Juvene de Kim, Adam de Boueton, Warn[ero] filio Roberti, Oliu[eroj 
filio Willelmi, Johanne de Latew, Johanne filio Walteri, Willelmo fratre ejus, 
Roberto filio Petri (fo. 28 dors.). 

I can find no trace whatever of this grant, under the places 
named, in Bridges' Northamptonshire. But they were all of 
( the fee of Huntingdon ' (i.e. Earl Simon's), and Newton and 
Great Oakley went together at the time. 4 Moreover a Simon 
de Foxton is found holding land at Braybrooke of { the fee of 
Huntingdon.' 6 Of the witnesses Richard de Lovetot was 
holding Polebrook under Richard I. ; Simon, brother of the 

earl, was his natural brother. 


1 Cartulary, fo. 29. a Baronage, i. 399. 

3 See, for instance, even Baker's Northamptonshire. 

4 Victoria History of Northamptonshire, i. 387. 

5 Pipewell Cartulary cited in Bridges' Northamptonshire, ii. 9. 




May I be permitted to reply to the criticisms in ' What is 
Believed,' in your last volume, of my communications to the 
Ex Libris Journal. In those letters I said I did not write with 
the view of emphasizing any theory, but to show the need of 
inquiry, and with the hope of eliciting the views of English and 
foreign students as to the origin of armory. I remarked that 
Mr. W. Smith Ellis, in his Antiquities of Heraldry, laid particular 
stress upon the * Leges Hasti-ludiales ' of Henry the Fowler. 
Your article states that I remain * the one orthodox believer in 
their authenticity.' I am not responsible for Mr. Smith Ellis's 
views or citations of authorities, nor have I ever expressed 
agreement with his theory as to the pre-Conquest institution of 
heraldry, but on the contrary, throughout the letters to which 
you have referred, I submitted that all our present evidences 
point to the Crusades of the twelfth century as having given 
birth to our systematized armorial bearings. The critique on 
my letters represents me as stating what is directly opposite to 
anything that I have ever advanced. You say that the * Leges ' 
of Henry the Fowler have been proved to be the forgeries of an 
ancient herald named Georg Ruxner. On referring to the text 
of these * Leges,' from the phraseology of the Latin, I readily 
agree with you as to their worthlessness as tenth century records, 
but Mr. Smith Ellis erred in good company in regarding them 
as trustworthy, since the late Mr. John Hewitt, in his monu- 
mental and uncommonly accurate work on Arms and Armour 
of the Middle Ages, speaking of tournaments, refers to the 
* Thurnierbuch of Ruxner ' (i. 185). Dallaway also draws 
attention to Ruxner's work, as also do many other admitted 
authorities, and the last edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica, 
referring to Tournaments, alludes to those of Henry the Fowler 
or Henry I. of Germany. I suggested that coats of arms 
might possibly be found, by patient inquiry, to be due to the 
imitation of the Crusaders of the dress of their Saracenic 
foemen, or else that the case might have been vice versa, and 
I instanced the Arab emirs' symbolical war-coats now on ex- 



hibition at the United Service Institution, Whitehall, being 
those that were captured in our recent wars. Particulars are 
needed as to the meanings of the devices on these apparently 
heraldic surcoats. Dallaway makes a suggestion as to a pro- 
bable copying from the Saracens in his erudite Inquiry into the 
Origin of Heraldry in England. 

I am asked to prove that in regular heraldry the bearings 
of symbols upon coats of arms preceded the bearing of those 
symbols upon shields. It would take more of your space than 
you would allow me here to advance all the proofs, but I may 
be permitted to quote some evidences which, to others as well 
as myself, are convincing as to coats of arms having first existed 
as surcoats of arms in the twelfth century, as I have stated 
elsewhere. The chroniclers of the Crusades, and contemporary 
writers, tell us nothing about the origin of heraldry, and, as far 
as I have read, they make but few references at all to the subject 
of armory, but they tell us that the pilgrims and earliest 
Crusaders stitched escallop shells and small cloth crosses to their 
clothes as symbols. In Geoffrey de Vinsauf s Itinerary oj 
Richard /., in the crusade of 1 1 90, he states that the king's 
saddle bore two small lions of gold turned towards each other. 
Although he describes the king's rose-coloured vest ornamented 
with silver crescents, and his sword, scabbard, staff and boots, 
he makes no reference to a shield of device. In another place 
Geoffrey says, 'There might you have seen many a banner 
and pennon of various forms floating on the breeze ; many a 
mother's son, people of various nations, arms of various shape, 
and helmets with crests, brilliant with jewels, and shining 
mails, and shields, emblazoned with lions and flying dragons 
in gold.' From the punctuation employed by Bohn's trans- 
lators from the very corrupt Latin text, this passage is not 
decisive. Rather more to the point is Joinville's statement 
that when he was at the Crusades with Louis IX., he reminded 
that king that his father, Louis VIII., in a previous Crusade, 
wore his dress made of good sendal (taffety) lined and 
strengthened with his arms. The latter king was born in 1187 
and died 1226, so that his period is well within the early age 
of regular heraldry. 

Smith Ellis, quoting Gale's Registrum Honoris de Richmond, 
gives an engraved seal attached to a charter of Stephen, Earl 
of Richmond, who died, he states, in 1137 (other authorities 
say 1 1 60 and 1 1 64). This equestrian figure wears an armorial 


surcoat, powdered with fieurs de tis t which flowers are repeated 
on the shield. This offers a very early example of an armorial 
surcoat, accompanied, it is true, by an armorial shield. The 
ancient practice at funerals, of bearing the deceased's surcoat of 
arms, as well as his shield and helmet, is worthy of mention. 
The English and foreign heralds have always borne their arms 
on their tabards from the earliest times, and I know of no 
instance of their carrying shields. 

Hewitt, in his work quoted above, gives many early ex- 
amples of the surcoat, both with and without the shield. The 
most curious, and apparently the earliest of these, is the painted 
figure in the Jerusalem Chamber, representing a knight on 
horseback wearing a very large flowing coat of arms, who 
also bears an armorial shield, and who wears mail chaussees, 
which latter attest the early date of the figure. The same 
author remarks (i. 273): 'The armorial surcoat was a 
necessary result of the visored helm ; for when the visor was 
closed, it was no longer possible to distinguish king from 
subject, leader from stranger, comrade from foe. A similar 
inconvenience had already been found in the nasal helmet. At 
the field of Hastings, Duke William was obliged to remove 
the bar from his face, in order to convince his followers that 
he was still alive. The figure of William Longuesp6e (Earl 
of Salisbury) at Salisbury (died 1226) still exhibits a portion 
of the heraldic decoration of the surcoat.' Longuesp6e also 
bears an armorial shield, but this example of a surcoat is 
sufficiently early in its period to prove that the wearing of 
surcoats was coincident with the birth of armory ; as the bearer 
died in 1226, it would have been possible for him to have 
attended King Richard I.'s crusade in 1190. 

The costume of the Knights Templars offers a very early 
example of the wearing of a symbol on the garment, as the 
Templars wore their crosses conspicuously on their cloaks 
during the earlier crusades. The effigies of the Templars 
in the Temple Church represent them in long surcoats, and 
accompanied with their armorial shields. That their surcoats 
now bear neither cross nor other heraldic symbol is probably 
due to the effacement of the colouring after more than six 
centuries of inattentive custody. Hewitt attributes the absence 
of heraldic bearings on many such existing surcoats to be due 
to the wear of time, and to the perishability of colouring 


On the subject of early armorial bearings, the following 
is quoted from Some Feudal Coals of Arms, by Mr. Joseph 
Foster, M.A. : * These symbols or badges were not only 
borne on shields, but were also paynted on silken surcotes 
worne over their shirts of mail ' (and also upon the caparisons 
of their horses see the Arundel or Military Roll and Seals). 
t But these surcotes of silk, being at firste made wide and girt 
close to them at ye waist, did, by reason of their pleates, 
oftimes confound the marks so paynted on them, which being 
discerned, they were afterwards made straight and playne, so 
that ye same marks which stood eminently to be seen on the 
shield was also as visible on the surcoat before and behind 
and being thus depicted on them gave ye first occasion of 
calling them cotes of armes ' (Stowe MS. 166, fo. 16). I am 
aware that some of these references appear only to point to 
the simultaneous evolution of the surcoat, banners and shields. 

You refer me to the learned Planch^ to confute my error. 
In his History of Costume, page 55, referring to surcoats, he says 
he sees no reason for differing from the suggestion first ad- 
vanced by Meyrick, that surcoats were adopted during the 
Crusades to distinguish the various leaders. As regular heraldry 
is also held to have arisen during the Crusades, it would follow 
that these distinguishing surcoats must have borne their 
wearers' armorial devices. Other considerations identify the 
origin of heraldry with garments. The sash or guige shield 
suspender would occupy the position of the present bend. 
The belt or girdle would occupy the present fess point. The 
belt or girdle was the pre-eminent emblem of knighthood. In 
The Ancestor, ii. 159-60, is an instance of the bend having 
been considered in ancient times as synonymous with the sash, 
and where a fourteenth century poet is quoted, who speaks of 
a knight riding with his green bend in his banner, and also 
wearing it as a sash. We know that ladies conferred their 
maunches or sleeves upon their champions at tournaments, 
and the Abernethy black ribbon, or narrow bendlet borne 
above a lion rampant is probably a repetition of a tournament 
surcoat. The following terms suggest the close connection 
between garments and heraldry, viz. diaper, gore, gusset, 
sleeve, ribbon, fillet, garter, knots, and the furs of various 
kinds, besides buckles and other ornaments of attire. 

In La Croix's Military and Religious Life of the Middle Ages , 
p. 1 65, he refers to coats of arms as having probably been derived 


from the Crusades, and states that it is supposed that the 
necessity of distinguishing between the multitude of nobles 
and knights who flocked to the Holy Land led to the different 
heraldic colours and devices. He adds, c These emblems 
were to be found on tents, banners, liveries, clothes, and on 
every object belonging to a noble family.' 

The presence of furs and buckles in armory is manifestly 
due to their having been first worn upon garments, and the 
archbishops' palls, borne in very early episcopal arms, would 
not have found their way at all from their place as ornaments 
of the priestly robes, to the position of ordinaries in their 
shields, if my supposition be incorrect. How came they * in 
that galley ' ? 

As to Crusaders' swords in the Soudan, the tradition of 
the emirs, which I quoted from one of our highest military 
authorities, pertains only to the emirs' own splendid cross hiked 
weapons, and not to the common swords carried by the { Fuzzy 
Wuzzies,' which swords you say are obtainable of the dealers 
at a pound or so each. I know nothing of those common 
swords, but I possess a remarkably fine ancient sword, captured 
from an emir, i.e. a chieftain, at Abu Klea, and that bears 
what appears to be a European old swordmaker's mark. After 
General Kitchener's victory at Firket, his spoils included two 
ancient swords, one of which bore a black-letter inscription in 
French on the blade. We know that in the eighth Crusade, 
Louis IX. with his whole army was captured in Egypt, and 
that his opponents included some tribes of Bedouin Arabs. Of 
course it is possible that these old weapons found their way 
there later, just as Africa is still the casting off ground for 
European obsolete war implements. We have an early instance 
of this, quoted in the Archaeological Journal^ xxxvii. 194, 
where it is stated that Jacques Cceur, a merchant of Paris, 
was indicted in 1442 for supplying armour to the ' Soldan of 
Babylon,' as the Khalif of Egypt was then called. 

With regard to my query whether the surnames of Lupus 
and Corbet might not have been taken from the cognoissances 
which they bore, you represent me as suggesting that they 
might have taken them from their arms. I need scarcely put 
it to you that these are scarcely convertible terms. Planch6 
distinguishes very clearly between simple cognoissances and the 
subsequently established coat of arms, and I, knowing the 
remote antiquity of these surnames, particularly avoided 


suggesting a connection with coats of arms. You strongly 
protest that no one by the name of Lupus ever lived in 
England in ancient times. I never stated that he did, but 
you are doubtless aware that the eminent Camden distinctly 
recorded in his Britannia that Hugh Lupus was created Earl 
of Chester, and he devoted a page and a half of that work to 
describing Lupus and his feudatories and descendants. Surely 
no one will accuse the profound Camden of 'intellectual 

I concluded the last letter which you criticize by asking 
for additional light from English and foreign students of 
heraldry, and would now beg to repeat that appeal to your 
readers at home and abroad. The last words on heraldry as a 
relic of antiquity have not yet been spoken, nor have the 
ascertained facts, pictorial evidences, and manuscript and 
ancient literary remains throughout Europe been sufficiently 
compared and classified. We are, I hope, all seeking for 
truth in the modern critical, scientific and I trust courteous 
spirit. When we think respected authorities are in error, we 
may try to set them right, with no other desire than to arrive 
at a just idea of things relating to 'the antiquary time.' 

Yours faithfully, 



19 Feb. 1903. 

[Mr. Wade cannot be held responsible for Mr. Smith Ellis's 
blunders, or for Georg Rtixner's forgeries, but at his own risk he has 
chosen to point out for our consideration the Tkurnierbuch imagined by 
the one and quoted by the other. Mr. Wade's own responsibility lies 
in the fact that he brought forward the leges hastiludiales as some- 
thing to be reckoned with by antiquaries. If he gave no credit him- 
self to this story of tenth century tournaments tricked out with 
armorial anachronisms which would hardly deceive a Drury Lane 
costumier, why was this blacklisted forgery brought up again for judg- 
ment ? If on the other hand Mr. Wade was willing to give his hand 
to Master Georg Rtixner on the introduction of Mr. Ellis, the fact 
that Dallaway and Hewitt were earlier victims of the Thurnierbuch 
hardly excuses his own error. If Mr. Wade desires to study ancient 
armory to any purpose he must first rid himself of the courteous weak- 
ness which would have him regard any familiar name upon a fat book 
as a ' respected authority.' In this matter we have no ' respected 
authorities' to cling to. Even Planch6's clever Pursuivant of Arms, 


is nothing more than the suggestive pamphlet of a pioneer, and a 
pamphlet sorely needing the revision which succeeding editions never 
gave it. 

The archaeology of armory has, as yet, no canonical books, and 
what Mr. Dallaway said, what Mr. Ellis said, or what the modern 
armorial picturebook makers say, are no more evidence than was * what 
the soldier said.' 

It may be that Mr. Wade misapprehends us. It is not doubtful 
that the devices upon shields were at an early period repeated upon 
coats and banners. But upon what grounds are we asked to set on 
foot an enquiry into the question whether the devices, of which the 
earliest forms known to us appear on the shields, for whose triangular 
spaces they were so manifestly planned, were at some vague and earlier 
time depicted upon coats alone and not upon shields ? 

We may take it that Mr. Wade has not invited research without 
some ground for the enquiry, but, nevertheless, let us arrange his justi- 
ficatory pieces in order. 

First the jibbah with its mysterious patches armorial patches to 
Mr. Wade's mind. Surely we have not far to go for its origin, 
representing as it does the patched and mended garment of a disciple 
of Mahdism, careless of wordly things, to which an emir's jibbah bears 
the same relation as the neat black dressing gown of a modern friar 
with its nattily knotted white cord bears to the beggar's garment which 
St. Francis belted to his middle with a rope's end. The jibbah then 
adds little to our comparative study of ancient armory. 

Then come we to King Richard's saddle whose peak is said to 
have borne in 1190 two lions of gold turned towards one another. 
As beasts In such fashion have ornamented arched pieces in every age, 
even as we see them on the gates of Mykenae, there is nothing note- 
worthy about this gaudy saddlery ; and how are we the nearer to 
proving that the kings of our land bore golden beasts upon their coats 
before they bore them on their shields ? Upon what wrong horse is 
Mr. Wade fitting this gilded saddle ? 

Next we have King Richard's coat itself, and here, we may 
imagine, Mr. Wade has come to his point. The leopards of England 
are doubtless embroidered here. But no, the king's vesture is a rose- 
coloured stuff with a figuring of crescents, and Mr. Wade will hardly 
persuade us that King Richard's arms were a powdering of silver 
crescents on pink silk. And here at last we have the shields ' em- 
blazoned with lions and flying dragons in gold.' Truly, if this be the 
first and most important evidence brought forward to persuade us that 
arms upon coats are an earlier fashion than arms upon shields Mr. 
Wade's view of the value of evidence is not ours. That the figures 
in the Temple Church have arms upon shields and many have had 
them in former times painted on their coats is another piece of evidence 
of a like character. William Longsword died in 1226, and bears on 


the tomb set up after his death a coat of arms as well as a shield ot 
arms. From this Mr. Wade deduces the fact that coats of arms are 
coincident with the birth of armory, for Longsword might have been 
present with King Richard in 1190, on the great day of the pink vest. 
It does not occur to Mr. Wade that he might have gone a-crusading 
in some other garment than the one pictured on his tomb a long 
generation later. 

The presence of buckles upon armorial shields is readily made an 
argument by Mr. Wade that arms appeared first upon garments, for 
buckles buckle garments together. But hammers and trivets and 
butcher's fleshpots, and a dozen other pieces of minor ironmongery 
appear upon early shields without suggesting to the most of us that 
these charges developed from some portion of the knight's clothing, 
unless, indeed, Alice's White Knight be kept before us as our mirror 
of a fully equipped knight. Turnips appear on German shields vene- 
rable for their age, and there is no need to argue that they came there 
from the vegetable ration once carried round his neck by the warrior upon 
the road. Why then should buckles have any special significance ? 

Mr. Wade gives us a list of heraldic words showing the intimate 
connection of early armory with garments, and our respect for his 
researches into early armory suffers when we find that the most part 
of these gores, gussets, ribbons, fillets, and the rest are terms from the 
ragbag of the pedants, who invented them in the latter days of nonsense 

Mr. Wade should understand that although we have chosen to pull 
to pieces his argument for coats before shields, we are guiltless of the 
folly of denying the antiquity of arms on coats. In very early days 
the charges of the shield appear upon its owner's coat, banner and 
horsetrappers. Let us by all means seek for the beginning of armory. 
Some of us are at work already ; but to set about our search with 
a purpose to show that the coat of arms is older than the shield, an 
idea for which no single authority can be quoted, were a course hardly 
in accord with the mood in which the antiquary of to-day should 
follow his calling. 

The ' Crusaders' ' swords with which Mr. Wade arms his Sudani 
emirs have, as we foretold, shrunk to a few ancient European sword- 
blades. Every collector knows that an example of such blades, gene- 
rally of the fifteenth or early sixteenth century, appears occasionally in 
Africa, but had the officers of El Mahdi taken the field with but 
a reasonable number of the swords of the crusaders strapped to the 
saddle-peaks of their camels, the loot of Mr. Atkins after Atbara and 
Khartum would have made a season's sensation at the London sale 

For Mr. Wade's pre-Conquest cognoissances we know little or noth- 
ing of such, and it is possible that for their very existence Mr. Wade 
leans too heavily upon a line of a poem whose date is not contemporary 


with the Conquest which he writes of, and which is therefore no 
authority for us. In any case they will help him nothing. Mr. 
Wade's suggestion, as we understand it, was that Hugh * Lupus ' 
took his name from his cognizance or bearing. To this we made, 
as it seemed to us, sufficient answer by pointing out that the epithet 
of l wolf ' was not applied to Hugh the fat during his lifetime, and that 
we know of no cognizance of his until we come to the shield of arms 
invented for him, with the epithet, centuries after his death. That 
the * profound Camden ' was unaware of this fact is quite beside the 
point. Attila, by the historians who came after him, is styled * the 
scourge of God.' For the derivation of this surname need we go 
about guessing that the family cognoissance of the house of Attila was a 
Cat garnished with Nine Tails. 

For these reasons we have miscalled Mr. Wade's proposed enquiries 
as ' intellectual pottering,' and there is something of gentle reproach in 
the last paragraph of his answer. Pottering is perhaps a word smelling 
of offence, and we withdraw it. But for the poverty of our language 
we can find no word to put in its place. ED.] 



In The Ancestor for January, 1 903 (p. 44), Lord Hylton 
gives an interesting account of a portrait of Thomas Jolliffe 
of Cofton Hackett in Worcestershire (sheriff in 1672), in 
which he describes him as holding a key, evidently of some 

In the ancient manor house of Kyre Wyard in Worces- 
tershire is a full length portrait on panel of Sir Edward 
Pytts, sheriff for the county in 1612. He is dressed in a 
black doublet, long black hose, a ruff, spurs, and a gold belt 
from which hangs his sword, on which he lays his left hand ; 
his right hand rests on the shoulder of his young grandson, 
dressed in a long frock of red and white brocade of hand- 
some design. Suspended round his neck from a ribbon 
(brownish red in colour) is a small key and a sort of Tudor 
medal or brooch fastened under his left arm. 

Over Sir Edward Pytts is the legend : 
^ETATIS su^E 71 AUGUSTI 10 1612. 

Over the boy : 


Sir Edward was born on St. Laurence's Day (10 Aug.) 
1541. He died 1618. His will is dated 28 December, 1617, 
He was a Bencher of the Temple and ' Filazer ' for London. 


Middlesex, Huntingdon and Cambridge. He built the 
existing hall at Kyre, and left a valuable library of early 
printed books and many MS. heraldic books illustrated by 
his own hand. His account of the restoration and rebuilding 
of c Kyre Court ' was published in the Antiquary of August 
and September, 1890. He was succeeded by his son and 
heir, Sir James Pytts, who married Mary daughter of Sir 
Arthur Heveningham of Heveningham in Suffolk. The 
boy in the picture was their son and eventual successor. 

Mr. Baldwyn Childe was the direct descendant in the 
female line of Sir Edward Pytts ; the male line became 
extinct in 1807. 

It will be interesting if any reader of The Ancestor can 
explain the significance of the key in these portraits. Can 
it be a badge of the shrievalty ? 




If the genealogist of the present day wants a little real 
enjoyment, let him buy a copy of the Dictionary of Landed 
Gentry, by J. and J. B. Burke (London, 1849), and glance 
through its pages. It will be hard indeed if he does not obtain 
much amusement and some information of sorts too from it. 

On page I35ob we are told that Edmund de Pentheney- 
O'Kelly, by heredity Lord of Tara, c derives in direct line 
from Sir Robert de Repenteneye, a Norman knight of noble 
family who accompanied the Conqueror to England and founded 
the priory of Penteney in Norfolk in 1066. Et seq. (sic) (vide 
Dugdale's Monasticori)? 

His descendant is, further on, said to have settled in Ireland 
since the year A.D. 1252 [this is extremely probable]. Premising 
that Mr. De Pentheny-O'Kelly is only descended from the Pen- 
theneys in the female line, and that consequently the l direct 
line ' is an initial mistake, let us see what is to be found by in- 

The concoctor kindly refers us to Dugdale's Monasticon, so 
we will turn to that authority first, and see what he says about 


the priory, which was so hastily founded after Hastings that it 
was begun the same year. 

But, alas ! he only tells me what I knew before, viz. that 
Pentney Priory in Norfolk was founded by Robert de Vallibus 
or Vaux, and not by Robert de Repenteneye, and that it is 
only guesswork to suppose that it was founded in the time of the 
Conqueror at all. Carthew, in his History of Launditcb, ascribes 
it to the reign of Stephen, and the pedigree which he 
gives (i. 249) of the Vaux family says, I need hardly say, never 
a word of the de Repentheneys. Nor does Blomefield, nor 
the Calendar of the Norfolk Fines, nor in fact any other work 
on Norfolk have a word about people of such a name which, 
in fact, is an impossible surname. One cannot but admire the 
colossal, the stupendous effrontery of publishing such a pedigree, 
and actually supplying the reader with the very reference which 
proves the falsity without * harping ' too much on the subject. I 
will leave it to some Irish genealogist to take up the wondrous 
tale from 1252 and say if the Tara Hall part of it be equally 

I do not see any reference to the de Repenteneys in 
the last edition of Marshall's Genealogist's Guide, so perhaps 
the present members of the family have * Repentenized ' of it ! 




The paper on this ancient Shropshire house in the last 
number of The Ancestor (p. 115) fails to give a complete idea of 
the wild follies by which the Peerage books obscured its 
interesting origin and made it appear ridiculous. When 
Professor Freeman, in his article on * Pedigrees and pedigree- 
makers,' swooped down upon Burke 's Peerage, the Leighton 
legend, as it then appeared, stirred him to special wrath. 

1 It is wonderful,' he wrote, * how many of the absurd tales 
which fill the pages of Sir Bernard Burke may be at once cast 
to the winds by the simple process of turning to Domesday.' 

It is wonderful how many and how stately fabrics of falsehood fall away 
before the touch of the great record. I open Sir Bernard Burke at a venture, 
and I light upon the following wonderful statements : 

1 Contemporary Review, xxx. 17-19. 


* Totilus de Leton, whose name appears in the Domesday Book as a landed 
proprietor in the co. Salop, was grandfather of 

Sir Titus de Leighton, Knight of the Holy Sepulchre, who, on his return 
from the Holy Land, was a joint founder of the Abbey of Buildwas in Salop. 
His son 

Sir Richard de Leighton, Knight, had a reconveyance from William Fitz-Alan, 
soon after the Conquest, of the manor of Leighton.' 

Mr. Freeman proceeded to place Totilus and Titus in the 
pillory : 

How did they come by their strange names ? If Totilus was a landed 
proprietor in Domesday, how came his grandson * to be getting reconveyances 
soon after the Conquest ? Are Totilus and Titus supposed to be Englishmen 
or Normans ? Nomenclature, commonly a safe guide, here fails us, as Totilus 
and Titus would certainly have had their names all to themselves among the 
men of either nation. In short, Totilus and Titus, the Knight of the Sepulchre, 
are both so grotesquely absurd that it is hardly worth while looking for their 
names. . . . But what shall we say to the Ulster King-at-Arms, who must 
have the means of knowing better, but who reprints all this folly in a thirty- 
second edition, which has gone through searching revision and extensive amend- 
ment? 2 

It is sometimes erroneously supposed that to substitute a 
true for a fabulous pedigree deprives the story of a family of 
all interest. The case of the Leightons is proof to the contrary, 
for the ascertainment of its Breton origin, as revealed by the 
fact that its patriarch { Tiel ' bore a distinctively Breton name, 
combined with his appearance as a vassal of the great house of 
Fitz Alan, points in a conclusive manner to Tihel or his father 
having been one of those Bretons who followed the Stewarts' 
ancestor, Alan Fitz Flaald, to England in the reign of Henry I. 3 



To the question of prescriptive usage as applied to coats 
of arms an anonymous writer in The Ancestor has lately de- 
voted some attention, and he quotes a letter (which he evidently 
regards as conclusive authority) of Sir William Dugdale 
written in 1668. That famous Garter writing to a herald- 
painter states, of a certain claim to arms, that he would allow 
it if the arms had been used ' from the beginning of Elizabeth's 

1 Great-grandson according to the pedigree. 

2 Compare Ancestor, i. 190. 

3 Compare Studies in Peerage and Family History, pp. 122-4. 


reign or about that date, for our directions are limiting us to 
do so and not a shorter prescription of usage.' 

This anonymous writer commenting therein states and 
italicizes his statement, that this prescription was under a 
hundred years, an evident arithmetical oversight on his part 
for which it would be unkind to reprimand him in the acidulous 
manner now too common with heraldic writers. 

The question of prescription however cannot be settled by 
an obiter dictum of even so famous a genealogist as was Sir 
William Dugdale, whose authority on the point is no greater 
than that of his distinguished successor Sir Albert Woods, who 
has the experience and practice and customs of some two 
hundred years more to serve as his guide. It would be more 
to the point to find out what authority Sir William had for 
setting up his prescription of a hundred years. Probably he 
had none, and that in following this rule of a hundred years 
he, by a good-natured laxity, merely set up inferentially in 
support of the prescription on claim a ' lost grant,' a favourite 
legal fiction. The period of prescription, except when explicitly 
altered by statute, is the constantly receding date of the reign 
of King Richard the First, a date at which heraldry was still in 
the embryonic stage. If it be suggested that custom is law in 
the matter, and that an isolated obiter dictum of a seventeenth 
century Garter, addressed in an unofficial letter to a mere herald 
painter, is sufficient evidence of such a custom, then it may be 
replied that customs may become obsolete, and that the long 
settled practice of the modern kings of arms may be a better 
and safer heraldic guide that any of the doings of Sir William 
Dugdale. It is strange that 'The Ancestor, whilst refusing the 
pedantries of Elizabethan heralds, is willing to accept the 
irregularities of a Caroline Garter. Put briefly the position is 
this : Would the high court of justice issue a mandamus to 
Garter king of arms to compel him to accept and record 
armorial bearings of which the right exists on mere prescriptive 
usage ? If not, then cadit questio. 

' Prescription,' after all, is a legal rather than an heraldic 
question, and, as applied to coats of arms, it is to be discussed 
in the same way as we should discuss c prescription ' as affecting 
tides of honour. I am, Sir, etc., 


[When our correspondent applies the words obiter dictum to a 


deliberate statement made by an officer of arms in answer to a question 
concerning his official practice it is evident that the words do not con- 
vey to him the meaning which they would convey to other Latinists. 
The Ancestor does not warrant every contention raised by those who con- 
tribute to its columns ; but in this case we are bound to confess that, 
were the choice open to us, we would rather choose to abide by the prac- 
tice of one whom Mr. Phillimore styles * a famous genealogist ' than by 
any customs which have sprung up after him during the centuries in 
which, as is admitted by all, armory has decayed to a fit subject for 
ridicule. Decayed to such a point that were a would-be * armigerous 
gent ' to make the application to the high court which Mr. Phillimore 
invites him to make he would certainly gain more ridicule than redress 
for his woes. ED.] 



In your remarks upon Mr. Wade's article in the Ex Libris 
Journal, you say that 'no one in England was ever called 
Lupus to our knowledge.' You will not, I trust, consider me 
discourteous when I venture to say that you are fortunate. With 
all my heart I wish I could say the same. Not one, but two 
Lupi have been giving me a terrible time of it for some weeks 
past. If any of your readers could identify them, say who 
they are and where they come from, I should be very grateful. 
Both occur in the same pedigree, and the pedigree is suffi- 
ciently well known. It is that of Arundell of Trerice as given 
in Vivian and Drake's ' Visitation of Cornwall ' (Harl. Soc.), 
pp. 271,272. There we read ( i ) that John Arundell of Trerice 
married Jane daughter of Lupus of Tredannam (temp. Ed. I) ; 
(2) that Sir John Arundell of Trerice, great-grandson of the 
above, married Jane daughter and coheiress of Lupus of 
Carantock, and ( heire to her mother ye da. and heir of Durant.' 
The popular accounts of the Arundells omit all reference to 
Lupus, striking out the first John and his wife, and for wife of 
the second John substituting Jane, daughter and heiress of John 
Durant, in place of Jane c da. and coh. of Lupus.' Upon the 
solution of this problem depends the accuracy of an account 
which I am endeavouring to give of the devolution of several 
manors in the county of Cornwall. A pedigree of Durant 
if such can be had would probably help to clear the matter 
up. I am bound to confess that I consider the popular account 
more likely to be correct than that of the * Visitation.' And 
for this reason : In tracing the history of the manor of Alet, 


in the parish of Kenwyn, by what I venture to consider a piece 
of very good fortune, I came across the following pedigree 
in the Close Rolls (12 & 14 Ed. II.) : 

John de Alet 

Walter de Alet 


Margery Eleanor = Michael Durant 

The Inq. p.m. taken on the death of Walter de Alet 
(2 Ed. II.) tells us that Margery was then nine years of age and 
Eleanor six. A fine levied 2 Henry V. shows that this manor 
among others was settled upon John Arundell and Joan his 
wife, with remainder in part to one Thomas Woyne, and in 
part to the heirs of John Arundell. The duchy records show 
that a portion was still with the Arundells in 1620. Lysons 
omits all reference to the Alet family, of whom he does not 
seem to have been aware, and attributes the Arundell inheri- 
tance of the moiety to an Arundell descent from Lansladron, 
one of whom (as the Close Rolls show) had a life interest in the 
whole manor. 

From what has been written it would seem therefore that 
the chief desideratum in order to solve the difficulty is a 
pedigree of Durant. 

I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 


19 Jan. 1903. 

[All that we denied concerning the name Lupus was the proba- 
bility of a surname in England taking that Latin form in actual use 
outside the Latin of the charters. Wolf or Loup are probable enough 
and Loup we have ourselves found in the west country. We suggest 
to Mr. Taylor that a light is thrown upon the association of Lupus 
with the puzzling pedigree of Arundel by the very curious difference 
of arms which appears upon the seal of Sir John Arundel, lord of 
Tremblyth, who seals (in 45 Edw. III.) with a shield bearing the six 
martlets or hirondels of Arundel with a wolf between them. His 
grandson seals with the same coat quartered with Carminow and bears 
a crest of a wolf upon his hat of estate. ED.] 


THE Ancestor in this present number begins its second year 
in good courage. Five plump volumes upon the shelf and 
a growing list of subscribers, from the Shan States to Temple 
Bar, show that the past of our race and the story of our fathers 
can go to make pages which may be read, if we give credit 
to our good friends the reviewers, by a wider round of folk 
than the few antiquaries who heretofore were all who could 
be coaxed to patronage of an archaeological review. From the 
first we have striven to make a journal the half of which 
might be read by men and women of liberal culture who are 
yet no specialists. Our second half we have packed with 
hard fact, for which the working antiquary has professed him- 
self grateful. And here we may say that in the many 
hundreds of pages before us there must be, and to our bitter 
knowledge there are, many errors, many carelessnesses, and 
here and there a mistake which would persuade us that when 
outside matter for our column of 4 What is Believed ' fails 
us The Ancestor may yet feed on its own breast even as the 

meek pelican. 

* * * 

The joint petition of the Countess of Yarborough and 
the Countess of Powis, daughters and co-heirs of the 
late Lord Conyers, to have the abeyance of the baronies of 
Fauconberg, Darcy de Knayth and Meinill determined in 
their favour has raised several points of interest in peerage 
law. The barony of Fauconberg has been in abeyance, it is 
claimed, since 1463, and the heirs of its senior co-heiress have 
not been traced. In addition to this difficulty the claim has 
raised the questions whether the so-called Parliament of 1283 
can be treated as such for peerage purposes, and whether c the 
Barons' Letter to the Pope ' in 1301 can be adduced as proof 
of sitting. Both the copies of this letter, with the seals 
formerly appendant, were brought from the Record Office to 
the House of Lords, and examined with much interest by the 
Committee for Privileges. 

* * * 

The Darcy claim turned mainly on the construction to be 


placed on the notable patent of 1641, by which Conyers Darcy, 
then co-heir to the baronies of Conyers and Darcy, was given 
both those baronies, but with limitation to his heirs male. 
The alleged barony of Meinill existed only, as a separate 
dignity, in the person of Nicholas de Meinill, who was sum- 
moned to Parliament under Edward III., but of whose sitting 
there was no proof. Two members of the Darcy family were 
summoned as Lords Darcy and Meinill in the seventeenth 
century, but one of them was not even a co-heir of the above 
Nicholas. It is understood that Mr. Round was consulted 
by the Crown on some of the points raised. 

* * * 

Mr. Bruce Bannerman, F.S.A., who lately edited for the 
Harleian Society the Heralds' Visitations of Surrey, is setting 
about the formation of a Parish Register Society for Surrey. 
We wish him and his associates good fortune in their most 
praiseworthy endeavour to rescue some of the most valuable 
of our public records from the fate which has overtaken so 
many parish registers in the past, a fate which, as many an 
antiquary can testify, has not yet finished its meal of birth, 
death and marriage books. 

* # * 

But in view of certain facts it would be well to consider 
the ground very carefully before the press begins to put forth 
copies of Surrey parish register books. Those facts are as 
follows. The Harleian Society and many local societies, 
especially those organized by Mr. Phillimore, have printed 
and are printing what we must call a very large number of 
parish registers. Mr. Crisp has printed many at his private 
press, and many another antiquary has issued privately some 
register which has an especial interest for him. It is noto- 
rious that most of this good work is very scantily supported 
by the subscriptions of the public, and even the antiquary is be- 
ginning to grudge his subscription to a new parish register book. 

* * * 

This is not apathy and nothing else, an apathy which can 
be denounced and stirred by lectures and circulars. It must 
be considered that no man whose name is not written large in 
his banker's book can face the prospect of subscribing year by 
year to an increasing number of books whose size threatens 
the space upon his shelves even as their cost menaces his purse. 


The first duty of a parish register society is to be instant 
in season and out of season in pressing for legislation which 
shall provide a central, safe and accessible depository for these 
precious parish books, upon which hang the story of most 
men's line of ancestry, the keys to so many wicket gates of 
biography and history. It cannot be that this warm-hearted 
Government which has dried the tears of the lacerated 
subaltern, will always refuse to move in a matter which is 
of national importance, and in which as a consequence a 
possible hundred people are more or less interested. 

* * * 

The next duty of a parish register society is to keep the 
good black ink and sound paper which it will doubtless select 
from being wasted upon unnecessary trivialities. We do not 
go to the parish registers for such facts as that our seventeenth 
century ancestors spelt daughter as dafter or doghter, or son 
as sonn or sonne. These are surely commonplaces which 
even the sucklings of archaeology will take for granted. 
We do not take up a printed parish register to read it for 
its literary value, to while away pleasant hours in noting that 
the { weare mared in this church ' becomes ( were marred ' and 
' was marr d ' in adjacent entries. Our object is to know, and 
as quickly as may be, whose son was Tom, whom Jack 
married, and when Harry was buried. Therefore when the 
too careful scribe would transcribe for print such an entry as 
'Jeames Sumbody y e sonne of Thomas Sumbody of this 
parish of Sumware and of Marie his wiffe was babtized y e 
fourth daie of Maie in the yere 1623,' let him save his labour, 
the printer's labour, the society's guineas, and the reader's 
patience by shortening the passage to 

1623. May 4. James, s. Thomas and Mary Sumbody 
of Sumware, C, 

or some like form, with J. for John, if he will, T. for Thomas 
and M. for Mary. 

It is very clear that unless we can make the printed parish 
register handier, cheaper and again cheaper than it has been 
in the past we shall see the subscriptions for such an enter- 
prise dry up at their source. And such a tightening of purse 
strings would be reasonable enough and a thousand pities. 

Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. 


For 1903 

Illustrated with Twelve Coloured Plates 
of the Arms of families of distinction, 
drawn in the Mediaeval Style, de- 
signed and arranged by 


His Majesty the King signified his interest 
in this attempt at the popularization of Heraldry 
by ordering a supply of the 1902 issue of the 
St. Georges Kalendar for his personal use. 

Price is. net ; post free is. ia. 

M.A.P. : * The brightest bit of colour printing I have seen 
for some time are the admirably executed heraldic blazons 
which illustrate the St. George s Kalendar.' 

ARMY AND NAVT GAZETTE : < An attractive pro- 
duction which will please those interested in heraldry.' 

WESTMINSTER GAZETTE: < The dates noted are those 
of historical events, of saints, religious festivals and battles, but 
the principal feature is the introduction of a dozen heraldic 
emblems pertaining to historical English houses, boldly drawn 
and coloured.' 

MANCHESTER COURIER: c Useful and artistic, in addi- 
tion to a well arranged Kalendar it gives the arms printed in 
colours of some of the most ancient houses of the nobility.' 




Of the Public Record Office 
4 vo/s.y 2 is. net 


Price ioj. 6d. net 

These Letters are the genuine correspondence of a family in 
Norfolk during the Wars of the Roses. As such they are altogether 
unique in character ; yet the language is not so antiquated as to present 
any serious difficulty to the modern reader. The topics of the letters 
relate partly to the private affairs of the family, and partly to the 
stirring events of the time ; and the correspondence includes State 
papers, love-letters, bailiffs' accounts, sentimental poems, jocular epistles, 

Besides the public news of the day, such as the loss of Normandy 
by the English ; the indictment and subsequent murder at sea of the 
Duke of Suffolk ; and all the fluctuations of the great struggle of York 
and Lancaster ; we have the story of John Paston's first introduction 
to his wife ; incidental notices of severe domestic discipline, in which 
his sister frequently had her head broken ; letters from Dame Elizabeth 
Brews, a match-making mamma, who reminds the youngest John 
Paston that Friday is ' St. Valentine's Day,' and invites him to come 
and visit her family from the Thursday evening till the Monday, etc., 

Every letter has been exhaustively annotated ; and a Chronological 
Table, with most copious Indices, conclude the Work. 

HENRT HALLAM, Introduction to the Literature of Europe, i. 228. Ed. 1837 : ' The 
Paston Letters are an important testimony to the progressive condition of Society, and come in 
as a precious link in the chain of moral history of England which they alone in this period 
supply. They stand, indeed, singly, as far as I know, in Europe ; for though it is highly 
probable that in the archives of Italian families, if not in France or Germany, a series of 
merely private letters equally ancient may be concealed ; I do not recollect that any have 
been published. They are all written in the reigns of Henry VI. and Edward IV., except a 
few that extend as far as Henry VII., by different members of a wealthy and respectable, but 
not noble, family ; and are, therefore, pictures of the life of the English gentry of that age.' 

THE MORNING POST : ' A reprint of Mr. James Gairdner's edition of The Paston 
Letters with some fresh matter, including a new introduction. Originally published in 
1872-75, it was reprinted in 1895, and is now again reproduced. The introductions have 
been reset in larger type, and joined together in one, conveniently broken here and there by 
fresh headings. The preface is practically a new one. ... It is highly satisfactory for 
readers who care about history, social or political, to have this well-printed and admirably 
introduced and annotated edition of these famous letters.' 

MANCHESTER GUARDIAN : One of the monuments of English historical scholar- 
ship that needs no commendation.' 


The Stall Plates of the Knights of 
the Order of the Garter 1 348-1485 

Consisting of a Series of 9 1 Full-sized Coloured Facsimiles 
with Descriptive Notes and Historical Introductions by 

W. H. ST. JOHN HOPE, M.A., F.S.A. 

Dedicated by gracious privilege during her lifetime to HER 

The edition is strictly limited and only 500 copies of the work 
have been printed. 

The object of the work is to illustrate the whole or the 
earlier Stall Plates, being the remaining memorials of the four- 
teenth and fifteenth century of Knights elected under the 
Plantagenet Sovereigns from Edward the Third, Founder of 
the Order, to Richard the Third, inclusive, together with three 
palimpsest plates and one of later date. 

The Stall Plates are represented full-size and in colours on 
Japan vellum, in exact facsimile of the originals, in the highest 
style of chromolithography, from photographs of the plates 

Each plate is accompanied by descriptive and explanatory 
notes, and the original and general characteristics of the Stall 
Plates are fully dealt with in an historical introduction. 

There are also included numerous seals of the Knights, repro- 
duced by photography from casts specially taken for this work. 

The work may be obtained bound in half leather, gilt, 
price 6 net ; or the plates and sheets loose in a portfolio,, 
5 icxr. net ; or without binding or portfolio, 5 net. 

A'lHE'NMUM : * It is pleasant to welcome the first part of a long 
promised and most important heraldic work, and to find nothing to say of it 
which is not commendatory. The present part contains ten coloured facsimiles 
out of the ninety plates which the work will include when completed. They 
reflect the greatest credit on all concerned in their production.' 

MORNING POST : There is a fine field for antiquarian research in the 
splendid collection of heraldic plates attached to the stalls in the choir of St. 
George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, and it will be a matter of satisfaction to all 
who are interested in old memorials that Mr. W. H. St. John Hope has given 
close examination to these ancient insignia and now presents the results of his 
investigations, with many reproductions.' 


f ; : . v ; RECORDS 

Edited by 


Imperial 8vo 

Edition limited to 500 copies of which only a few remain 
Price 31*. 6d. net 

This work is an attempt to illustrate the history of the 
coronation of the Sovereigns of England from the earliest 
times to the present. Twenty-nine documents have been 
collected ; and, so far as possible, the transcripts have been 
made from contemporary manuscripts. 

A translation has been added to the Latin and Anglo- 
French documents. 

Mr. W. H. St. John Hope has written a note on the 
* Cap of Maintenance,' in which he has described the history 
and manner of the investiture of peers. 

The whole work constitutes a full collection of coronation 

The illustrations include a reproduction in colours of the 
picture of an English coronation at Corpus Christi College, 
Cambridge, and a photogravure of the coronation of St. 
Edmund in a manuscript belonging to Captain Holford ; and 
also reproductions in collotype from the manuscript life of 
St. Edward in the University Library at Cambridge. The 
Crown of Queen Edith, which is represented from a portrait 
of Queen Henrietta Maria in the National Portrait Gallery, 
has not, it is thought, been noticed before. A feature of the 
illustrations will be the coronation chair which has been taken 
from the block cut for the late Sir Gilbert Scott's Gleanings 
from Westminster Abbey ; and there are also three plates show- 
ing the coronation robes of Queen Victoria. 

ATHENMUM : ' Among the minor compensations for the prolonged delay incident to 
a modern act of crowning is the time that it affords for the production of such an important 
historical treatise as that which has just been produced by Mr. Wickham Legg. In this hand- 
some volume we find brought together every historical document of importance that bears on 
the question of English coronations from that of Aidan in the sixth century to that of Victoria 
thirteen centuries later.' 





With numerous Illustrations, and an Introduc- 
tion by THE EDITOR 

Dedicated by Permission to 

2 vols. large 8vo, price i is. net 


Also a Large Paper Edition limited to 150 eopies 
3 3 s - net 

The following is a list of some of the Illustrations included in 
in * The House of Percy ' : 

Alnwick Castle, Bamborough Castle, from drawing by 
Herbert Railton. Portrait of Henry Percy, ist Earl of 
Northumberland the c Earl Percie ' of Chevy Chase (repro- 
duced in colours from a contemporary MS.). Portrait of 
Henry, yth Earl of Northumberland. The Village of Perci in 
Normandy : the cradle of the race. Syon House, Northum- 
berland House, from drawings by Herbert Railton. The full 
armorial bearings of the present Duke of Northumberland in 
colours. Various shields, signatures, and facsimile letters. 

NEWCASTLE LEADER : The history is admirably illustrated 
with clever drawings by Herbert Railton, elaborate reproductions of 
the arms, crests, escutcheons, and pedigrees or the Percy family and 
its branches. Of course Alnwick Castle comes in for special treat- 
ment, and Mr. Railton is at his best in his sketches of that famous 




By the Right Hon. 

2 vols. large 8vo, price i u. net 


Also a Large Paper Edition limited to 150 copies 
3 3 s - net 

The following is a list of some of the Illustrations in * The 
House of Douglas ' : 

FULL- PAGE ILLUSTRATIONS Tomb of Sir James Douglas 
in St. Bride's. Arms of Douglas and Moray from Bothwell 
Castle. Tomb of Margaret, Countess of Douglas, in 
Lincluden. Arms of the Douglas Family in Lincluden 
College. Tomb of James c the Gross,' yth Earl of Douglas, 
in St. Bride's (two plates). Tantallon Castle. Morton Castle. 
Thrieve Castle. Tomb of the i st Earl and Countess of Morton 
in Dalkeith Church. Portrait of the 6th Earl of Angus, from 
the Tudor Portraits in Westminster Palace, painted from a 
picture in Windsor Castle. Portrait of the I3th Earl of 
Home, photo from portrait. Portrait of Lady Margaret 
Douglas. Hermitage Castle. James, Earl of Morton (litho- 
graphed from an original drawing). 
Aho various Coats of Arms in colours, and numerous Seals and Signatures. 

THE TIMES : ' No more suitable beginning for the series could 
have been found. ... A valuable and important contribution to 
Scottish History. Brightly written . . . judgments wise and sane 
. . . narrative smooth and vigorous . . . powers of description un- 
questionable. A real addition to an important and interesting subject.' 

ATHENAEUM : 'The author has executed his task clearly and 
well. . . . Numerous and well-executed shields of arms, etc. A 
valuable work of reference, well printed. The author has the gift of 
an easy narrative style.' 



The first English Translation of Chateaubriand's Famous 
Autobiography * Les Memoirs a outre Tombe ' 



Vicomte de Chateaubriand 

Sometime Ambassador 

to England 


Illustrated with Contemporary Portraits. In 6 vols. 
Purple cloth, gilt top, price 4 los. net 

Portrait of Fransois Ren, Vicomte de Chateaubriand 
(frontispiece). The Chateau de Combourg. Chateaubriand's 
birthplace, at St. Malo. Portraits of Louis XVIII. ; Marie 
Antoinette ; Malsherbes ; Mirabeau ; General Washington ; 
Madame de Chateaubriand, wife of the Author ; the Baron de 
Breteuil ; the Comte de Rivarol ; Frederic William II. ; Pel- 
tier, Editor of Les Actes des Apfores ; Napoleon Buonaparte ; 
the Comte de Montlosier ; the Abbe Delille ; L. M. de 
Fontanes ; Burke ; Pitt ; and George III. 

This noblest of nineteenth-century biographies covers the whole eighty 
years of the distinguished author's life, his career at the court of Louis XVI., 
his emigration to America upon the outbreak of the Revolution, wander- 
ings among the North- American Indians, return to France, service in the 
Royalist Army, days of poverty in London, literary and diplomatic career 
under Napoleon I., resignation of the Valais Legation upon the murder of 
Due d'Enghien, journey in the East, attacks upon Napoleon, the history 
of the First Restoration, of Chateaubriand's Embassy to Sweden, of the 
Hundred Days which Chateaubriand spent with Louis XVIII. at Ghent. 

The Second Restoration is fully described, and Chateaubriand writes ot 
his peerage, of the assassination of the Due de Berry, of his Embassy to 
Berlin and life in that capital, of his Embassy to London, of his relations 
with George IV. and his Ministers, of English Society at that period, of 
the suicide of Lord Londonderry, of the death of Louis XVIII. and acces- 
sion of Charles X., of his conduct in opposition, as Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, and as Ambassador to Rome, of Roman Society, ancient and modern ; 
of his interviews with Popes Leo XII. and Pius VIII., of the Papal Con- 
claves. He writes in full detail of the fall of the Polignac Ministry, the 
Revolution of July, and the usurpation of Louis-Philippe. 




no. 5 

The Ancestor