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A Quarterly Review of County and 

Family History, Heraldry 

and Antiquities 




OBER 1904 



A Quarterly Review of County and 

Family History, Heraldry 

and Antiquities 








THE pages of the ANCESTOR will be open 
to correspondence dealing with matters 
within the scope of the review. 

Questions will be answered, and advice 
will be given, as far as may be possible, 
upon all points relating to the subjects 
with which the ANCESTOR is concerned. 

While the greatest care will be taken 
or any MSS. which may be submitted for 
publication, the Editor cannot make him- 
self responsible for their accidental loss. 

All literary communications should be 
addressed to 






THE WILD WILMOTS . . ._ . O. B. I 






ExUL. 191 



The Copyright of all the Articles and Illustrations 
in this Review is strictly reserved 




no. 1 1 







A. R. MALDEN 26 

















EXUL. 191 



The Copyright of all the Articles and Illustrations 
in this Review is strictly reserved 













n 9 2 

rj " " 94 

:; " ) 9 





ALTHOUGH the genealogist may carry the pedigree of 
the Rochester WUmots somewhat further, their history 
begins and comes to an end within six generations. 

Their founder was Edward Wilmot of Witney, a figure 
familiar amongst ancestors of English noble houses, a thrust- 
ing yeoman of the Tudor times who dies a squire and lord 
of manors. His father, a Wilmot of the substantial yeoman 
class, had married with one who had married after his death 
a Cottismore, and again on Cottismore's death to an Oxford- 
shire Doyley, but Edward, although a younger son, pushed 
his fortunes to a point beyond any of his kin. His wife was 
one of the seventeen children of John Bustard, a squire of 
Adderbury, and her portion cannot have been a large one, so 
we must reckon all Edward Wilmot's winning as coming by 
his own eager wits. He died in the first year of Elizabeth's 
reign, and an inquest taken of his Gloucestershire lands shows 
that he was seised of the manors of Newent and Pauntley, 
whilst his will disposes of other manors and lands in Oxford- 
shire, Gloucestershire and Buckinghamshire. Christian, his 
widow, married William Bury of Culham, esquire. 

Edward Wilmot and Christian Bustard had seven sons and 
three daughters, Thomas the eldest son and heir being aged 
twenty-three years and more at his father's death. This 
Thomas married an Essex woman and removed into Hamp- 
shire. Alexander, the third son, died without issue. An- 
thony, the fourth son, was apprenticed to a citizen of 
London, and became himself a citizen and skinner in 156^, 
marrying and leaving a son. The fifth son, John Wilmot, 
went like his elder brother into Hampshire, and was of Wield 
in Hampshire and a gentleman when he died on a visit 
to London in 1614. James, the seventh son, seems to have 
been one of two brothers to stay in Oxfordshire, and he died 
there in 1610 as a squire of Churchill. In this generation the 
highest rank was reached by Arthur Wilmot, the sixth son, 
who was of Wield when he was created a baronet in 1621 
for his ' services in Ireland,' the growing interest of his 


nephew, the Lord President of Connaught, being perhaps a 
better explanation of his rise. 

The will of this Sir Arthur Wilmot is a substantial instal- 
ment towards the biography of the good baronet of whom 
we should else know little enough. His opening pieties are 
in the best taste of his day 

I doe willinglie forsake the world and the vanities thereof, and doe professe 
from the bottome of my hart Cupio dissolvi et esse cum Christo, Amen, fiat 
voluntas Dei, 

Since it hath pleased God that he should not have an heir 
of his body 

I give him most humble thanks that hath blest our name and family with so 
noble a person as my honourable nephewe Charles Lord Viscount Willmott, 
whose vertues hath added honor to our house. 

Therefore the residue of his estate is settled upon this splendid 
nephew, who is to take into his especial care Mistress Dorothy 
Waringe, wife of Arnold Waringe, esquire, and their children, 
which Dorothy was a natural daughter of the testator. 

The father of this worshipful nephew was Edward Wilmot 
of Culham, esquire. Certain proceedings in Chancery give 
us the tale of his marriage to Elizabeth Stafford, daughter of 
a Berkshire squire, and widow of John Bury of Culham, a 
son by an earlier marriage of Edward Wilmot's mother's 
second husband. Thus entangled become the relationships 
in an age in which there are few spinsters and fewer bachelors 
and in which no well-found widow or widower rests many 
months unmarried. With this a stepson came into the Cul- 
ham house, young Thomas Bury, who married, before he came 
of age, one Judith Humfreys, and had the law of his stepfather 
therefor, protesting that he had been forced into the match. 
The suit being in Chancery Edward Wilmot could not do less 
than deny the plea roundly, swearing that the match was one 
of wilful Tom's own making and deplorable to his stepfather. 

Edward Wilmot and Elizabeth Stafford had two sons, 
Charles and Stafford. Of these Charles was sent to Oxford, 
where he matriculated from Magdalen College. But Charles 
Wilmot did not love his book well enough to take a degree, 
and leaving Oxford, perhaps as page to Sir Thomas Norris, 
an Oxford man like himself, he went off to the Irish wars, and 
in 1592 is found wearing a captain's scarf, which, as any other 


young man of his years will agree, is a handsomer garment 
than a bachelor's rabbit-skin hood. 

It was soon seen that Charles Wilmot had corrected his 
vocation in good time. He became a ' valorous and suffi- 
cient serjeant-major ' l of the forces in Munster. A colonel 
at twenty-seven, he was knighted in 1599 by the Earl of Essex 
as Viceroy in Dublin. From this time his life was a long story 
of wars with the wild bare-legged Irish and with the wild Irish- 
English rebels of the pale and beyond it. In October of 1600 
he broke Thomas Fitzmaurice, Lord of Kerry, and the next 
month Listowel Castle fell to him after sixteen days' sieging. 
In these activities he stood in the path of Fineen Maccarthy 
Reagh, plotter and historian, an Irish chieftain whom the 
English loved not and whom Irishmen held to be ' a damned 
counterfeit Englishman.' The Maccarthy Reagh is said to 
have honoured the hard-riding Wilmot by planning his taking 
off in private ambuscade, but fortunately Wilmot was of a 
race that found favour in women's eyes, and he was warned 
in time by the chieftain's wife. 

In 1600 he was Governor of Cork, from which point he 
harried the lands of Beare and Bantry in 1602 and 1603. 
For a picture of Elizabethan war in Ireland let us call up this 
campaign of his in those savage parts of the Cork coast. On the 
high roads, that were bridle tracks and no more, we may see 
the pikemen and musketeers in steel caps, breast and back 
pieces, tramping in a close company with a few gallopers at 
the flanks. Marching on the edge of the hills they could 
command on either side the land that runs down to the waters 
of the long bays. In the winter weather boats could not live 
amongst the toothed rocks of these firths, and the governor's 
pikemen might drive the Irish before them towards the head- 
lands where the skene and axe must needs turn against the 
pike. On the shores of those waters are the fifteenth century 
peel towers of the O'Mahonys, a pirate race, and the strong- 
holds of the O'Sulivans, each of which must be stormed 
before the country could be left in that peace which the 
sword leaves. 

In such frontiersman's warfare the years of Charles Wil- 
mot's life went by. He came to England for some years 
about 1610, being M.P. for Launceston in 1614, before which 
time he had christened three children at St. Martin's-in-the- 

1 The rank of serjeant-major was the forerunner of our major. 


Fields, children by a wife whom he buried there in 1615. 
She was Sarah, daughter of Sir Henry Anderson, a sheriff of 
London. It was twelve years and more before he married 
again, his second wife being the widowed Viscountess Moore, 
a daughter of Sir Henry Colley of Castle Carbery, a knight 
from whose loins was to come Sir Arthur Colley, alias Welles- 
ley, Duke of Wellington and Prince of Waterloo. 

After the death of Dame Sarah Wilmot her husband went 
back to Ireland. In 1616 he was made Lord President of 
Connaught, with a seat at Athlone, from which town he took 
his title when, on 4 January 162^, he had a patent as Viscount 
Wilmot of Athlone. In 1627 he was given a service outside 
Ireland from which little credit could be plucked, being in 
command of the relief expedition to the Isle of Rhe which 
was scattered and driven back by storms. In 1629 he was 
back again in Ireland as general and commander-in-chief of 
the forces, and had good hopes of being Lord Deputy until 
Wentworth came, a man with whom the old soldier had no 
pleasant dealings. He came at last to beseech Wentworth's 
favour, but he was then clinging to the crown lands which in 
the course of his adventurous life had disappeared into his 
own Irish estates, and Wentworth's policy was a harsh one, 
full of reform distasteful to the old pioneers of Elizabeth's 

In 1641 he was failing and could no longer go out after 
the rebels upon the bog, and he died some little while before 
April 1644, when his third and only surviving son Henry was 
appointed to serve with Sir Charles Coote as Joint President 
of Connaught, the office being vacant by his death. He prob- 
ably died in London, as his will, made 12 May 1643, speaks 
of his lease of a house near Charing Cross, adjoining Scotland 
Yard, wherein he was dwelling, which lease he gave to his son 
Henry. His mortgaged manor of Long Marston was the only 
noteworthy estate to be dealt with, and the will lay un- 
proven for ten years and more, a creditor in 1654 ta ^ m g 
an administration grant. 

His third son, Henry Wilmot, succeeded him. This is 
the Lord Wilmot of Clarendon's history, the Wilmot of the 
Odyssey of King Charles II. He is said to have been born 2 
November 1612, but he was certainly christened at St. Mar- 
tin's-in-the-Fields 26 October 1613, an unusually long time in 
those days for a baby to wait outside the church door. He was 


(A drawing by W. N. Gardiner, from a picture in the possession of the Countess of Sandwich, 
hii grand-daughter. The draining now in the Sutherland Collection at Oxford.) 


sent up to Oxford as a lad, for in the seventeenth century a 
young gentleman must needs make his bow to learning, but in 
1635 he began life in a manner more kindly to his father's son 
as a captain of horse in the Dutch service. His foreign service 
made a soldier of him, and he was Commissary -General of the 
horse in the second Scottish war, where he and Major O'Neale 
were taken by the Scots in ' that infamous rout at Newburn,' 
charging the enemy at the head of troops who were unwilling 
to come to handstrokes. They were well treated by the Scots, 
whose good discipline and order were noted by Wilmot, and 
handed over at York by the Scots mission nothing the worse 
for their adventure. O'Neale's name bewrays his birthplace, 
and the two prisoners were more than comrades in arms seeing 
that the Major was ' very indevoted ' towards the Wilmots' 
old enemy Strafford. In 1640 Wilmot was M.P. for Tarn- 
worth and a known partisan of the king at a time when public 
men were beginning to look at this side and that for the 
cause they would stand by, but Parliament in the next year 
expelled him from the House as one favouring the plot for 
bringing up the army to overawe the Commons. 

When the King came north in 1642, soldiers were welcome 
guests at his court, and Wilmot, as muster-master and Com- 
missary-General, took arms and came by a wound in one of 
the first skirmishes of the war. At Edgehill he commanded 
the cavalry at the King's left wing, but the honours of war fell 
to him alone when with his own command, a fortnight after 
being raised to the peerage as Lord Wilmot of Adderbury, 
he met Sir William Waller upon Roundway Down. 

Waller, flown with success, and wearing his new nickname 
of ' William the Conqueror,' won in the south and the west, 
was superior in horse, foot and cannon to my Lord Wilmot. 
His men were arrayed on Roundway Hill, a steep place a mile 
from the Devizes, and marched to the charge split into little 
plumps of horsemen with the foot and cannon between. 
Wilmot, by a strange fancy of tactics, looked not for his 
enemy's weak point, but for his strong one, and found it in 
Sir Arthur Haslerigge's cuirassiers, ' all covered with armour ' 
and massed about Sir William. At these Wilmot suddenly 
launched his whole force of cavalry, breaking them up with the 
shock, and driving them, heavy in their lobster-tail helmets, 
their plates and pauldrons, this way and that amongst Waller's 
disordered host. Waller's foot, light horse and gunners were 


stirred at once into confusion. Routed as much by their own 
cuirassiers as by the cavalier horse, a panic fear ran through 
the Parliament's men, who fled tumbling upon the steep hill- 
side. Out of the Devizes came the Cornish foot, still furious 
from Lansdowne with Sir BevilFs death unavenged. No 
rallying was possible. Wilmot filled the town with prisoners, 
and the guns and baggage came whole to his hands, whilst 
Waller and Haslerigge's good horses were carrying them to- 
wards Bristol. 

The two captains were to meet again, for at Cropredy 
Bridge in 1644 the Lord Wilmot came down upon Waller's 
dragoons and worsted him with another charge of horse. 
For Wilmot this was his last command under King Charles I. 
His good service had made him no friends in high places. 
Prince Rupert hated him with a hatred which may have had 
something in it of jealousy, and the King had no affection for 
him. His own father's ambitious and climbing spirit filled 
him, and the King's civil advisers found in Wilmot a man 
contemptuous of them and ill to handle. Nevertheless the 
army loved him for a good soldier and companion, and made 
a soft pillow for his fall when it came in August of 1644, at 
which time he was arrested upon a charge of treating with the 
Parliament. It is difficult to understand what lay beneath 
the charge, but it is clear that Wilmot had spoken freely 
of the kingdom's affairs, declaring that the weak and stubborn 
king feared to make peace, and that the Prince of Wales might 
stand for a regent in whose name some new policy could be 

His officers petitioned for him, and so with a loss of his 
command, and of his share in the Presidency of Connaught, 
he was allowed to pass over to France, where in 1647 he had 
the pleasure of calling Lord Digby, one of his enemies, to 
account, with the result that the civilian pinked the soldier 
to the derision of all Paris. 

With the new reign Wilmot came again into the field 
under a king who had broken with many of his father's coun- 
sellors. From the day when the young Charles went into 
Scotland Wilmot was at his right hand. He was with him 
at Worcester field and shared the flight of the King's majesty. 
Those wanderings of which Charles loved to tell were his 
wanderings with the Lord Wilmot, and in those days it was 
well with the King thatWilmot's and no wiser head shaped 


his path. For beyond all things Wilmot loved disguises and 

Having lived the intimate life of vagabond pals it was 
impossible that Charles, once safe abroad again, should not 
either love or detest his late companion. As it fell out, the 
dismissed servant of King Charles I. was taken to the arms of 
King Charles II., and became one of the council of four in 
that slipshod court over in the low countries. In 1652 he was 
created Earl of Rochester, in which new name he went as 
envoy to the Duke of Lorraine and to the diet of the empire 
at Ratisbon, from which august sitting he coaxed a subsidy 
of io,ooo/. for his master's need as deftly as he had found him 
meat and shelter on the road from Worcester. 

In the February of 165$ he crossed secretly to England 
on a desperate errand and was at the gathering on Marston 
Moor, at which Yorkshire cavaliers were to rise for King 
Charles. But so small a troop came to the muster, that they 
were fain to break company and ride for their lives. Wilmot 
came southward in grievous peril, for his shrift would have been 
short had the Lord Protector dealt with him. But once in 
a disguise, this strange man, whose courage in the milee had 
often been questioned, seemed happily prepared for all risks. 
He rode lingering at his ease, chattering; in marketplaces, 
drinking with good company in market alehouses as though 
the very shadow of the dangling loop were not upon his 
neck. He had an adventure in Aylesbury that was like to 
be his last, being detained for a malignant, but stepped deli- 
cately from the trap and went on his way. 

This was the last adventure of his picaresque life. He 
lived out his day in the court whose plate was pawned, whose 
high officers went in threadbare breeches. The one part left 
for him to play upon occasion was that of the pious courtier, 
a performance repeated by Charles and his circle whenever a 
strange visitor from England was received. We learnt that 
on such occasions the court was ' plaguy godly,' and we may 
not doubt that Rochester of the twenty disguises snuffled 
louder and more convincingly than any man of his fellow-players. 

After all his adventures he died in his bed, an exile's bed. 
Colonel Price at Ghent writes to Secretary Nicholas at Bruges 
on 19 February 165! that he is ill in bed, having 5 "; been for 
three nights ' attending my lord of Rochester's, I hope, happy 
departure out of this unhappy world ' ; my lord having died 


on that day at three in the morning. A letter of 24 February l 
tells us that the Colonel had laid Lord Rochester's body ' with 
what decency we could and as little noise ' by Lord Hopton's 
body at Sluys, 3 embalmed, in good cere cloth with ' a lead 
well soldered.' His body, however, does not rest in that 
forgotten town, once a great port and now a Dutch inland 
village upon a canal. A coffin plate at Spelsbury shows 
that the body was afterwards carried home to Oxfordshire. 

Over in England the hope of the Wilmots was learning 
his book at a country grammar school. The scandal-mongering 
Wood would lop him from the family tree, alleging that Sir 
Allen Apsley was nearer of kin than Harry Wilmot to him. 3 
But in twenty ways the son reflected the father. A play- 
actor in grain, a gallant ruffler whose deeds of arms did not 
stay the whisperings against his courage, we know too much 
of John Wilmot to doubt his begetting. 

He was born in his native Oxfordshire in 1647, and as a 
mere child proceeded to Wadham College. His little pipe 
greeted King Charles at the Restoration in a copy of verses 
neither better nor worse than such odes are wont to be, verses 
from one 

Whose whole ambition 'tis for to be known, 
By daring loyalty, your Wilmot's son. 

The University made its prodigy Master of Arts at four- 
teen years of age, and the boy was carried abroad by a tutor 
to obtain in Italy and at the Court of France lessons which 
would serve him better at Whitehall than all that Wadham 
could teach. 

Then the Court took him, and, as it is written, corrupted 
the lad ; he took his seat in the House as a minor, and 
generally began life young. It was, as we know, a ' loud, 
querulous and impertinent Court,' this one of the English 
Restoration. After years of exile and hard living it had 
rushed upon the dainties like an ill-conditioned dog. There 

1 State Papers, Domestic Series. 

a Mr. C. H. Firth, in his article upon Rochester in the Dictionary of National 
Biography, quoting these same letters for his authority, makes him die at Sluys 
and be buried at Bruges ! 

3 Old Sir Allen Apsley was father of the Mrs. Hutchinson by Lucy St. 
John, aunt of Henry Wilmot's countess. Mrs. Hutchinson was able through 
her husband to help Henry Wilmot under the Commonwealth, and Lady 
Rochester in return helped Colonel Hutchinson at the Restoration. 



was no need any more for being ' plaguy godly ' in the 
sight of strangers, and the Puritan, once so disconcerting a 
figure in his buff coat and cuirass, was now a whining pan- 
taloon for the comic stage. 

These were the days of the courtier, the man who followed 
the court as other men follow a craft. Before this time he is 
always present in the history book, yet these were his great 
days and perhaps his last. We have a glimpse of him under 
the fourth George, but the King's court, after the death of the 
restored Charles, shrinks to a royal household. Rochester was 
to see it in its golden prime as the house of the pride of the 
eye, of the lust of the flesh, as Bunyan's own Vanity Fair jigging, 
wenching, ruffling and drinking, play acting and casting the 
dice. The very dress of this court, with its long curls shorn 
from other men's heads, its profusion of lace, its wanton be- 
ribboning from shoe to shoulder, must have been viewed by 
the survivors of the saints as the true livery of hell. 

Into this Court came the young Rochester, nimble- 
tongued, malicious and depraved. He was never a court 
favourite, nor had he aught of the jolly air which his father 
could wear so well when in the mood for popularity. The 
court was less his companion than his audience, before which 
he was to play for its approval when it would give it. But 
when at some ill-natured jeer, some distasteful wickedness, he 
was driven for shelter to the wings, he felt himself none the less, 
a successful player. 

His father's love of disguises would often come upon him. 
At such times we hear of the freak which made him play 
landlord at the Green Mare Inn at Six Mile Bottom on the 
way to Newmarket, visiting his neighbour's wife in a country- 
woman's gown. For the bad motive, too, he played a grave 
citizen in London city, shocking fellow citizens with his true 
tales of court iniquity. He was an astrologer, a pedlar, a 
beggar, and, chiefest prank of all, ALEXANDER BENDO the 
quacksalver at his lodgings in Tower Street ' next door to the 
sign of the Black Swan at a Goldsmith house.' 

We may reckon the soldier's part as one for which he had. 
a passing desire. He was tall and well shaped, and the cuirass 
and scarf sat well upon him. Service on shore and service at 
sea were both open to the gentleman of fortune, and Roches- 
ter's fighting days were spent aboard ship. He sailed in the 
Revenge to the attack on the Dutch in Bergen harbour, and 


Lord Clifford spoke well of his bearing. He was in Sir 
Edward Spragge's fleet in 1666 when almost all these gentle- 
men volunteers were shot down, Sir Hugh Middleton's 
brother dying in Rochester's arms, and it was Rochester who 
carried a message in a cockboat across a shot-splashed water. 
But with this his service ended, and the rumours which had 
dogged his father's fighting days followed the second Rochester 
despite his feats. His father had boxed a great person's ear 
in the King's own presence, and in like manner the son boxed 
Tom Killigrew's ears before his sovereign, but these sudden 
wraths made no one believe that Rochester's anger was to be 
feared. Rochester had learned in Italy that a nobleman's 
honour could be best avenged by some night prowling ruffian, 
as John Dryden knew to his cost. Nevertheless Black Will's 
cudgel could not earn respect for Rochester's sword, and when 
Mulgrave came back from Knightsbridge with his drawn up 
memorial of the circumstances in which my lord of Rochester 
had shunned battle upon the very ground, the earl was set 
down as one who could be lampooned in safety. 

In the biographies Rochester is with the authors, but his 
performance is slight. He made verses with the ease of many 
well-bred folk of his time : his lyrical pieces are smooth and 
do not lack prettiness. But he was a wit rather than a poet ; 
and the wits, with their interminable lampoons, their furious 
tossing of abuse, leave us unmoved in these latter days. When 
a Wilmot's rhymes assure us that a Villiers 

Left ne'er a law unbroke of God or man, 

the blackness of the character of Villiers takes in our minds no 
additional smudge. Scandal, to be piquant, cannot be flung 
about where all is scandalous, and the miscellaneous amours 
of the Court of Charles II., by their daylight frankness, lose 
the quality of being pleasantly shocking, becoming at last to 
their student as innocent as the intrigues of the poultry-yard. 
It was asked of the Restoration poet that, whatever his 
native vileness, he should affect impatience of the human race, 
and Rochester, with the lack of originality which marks the 
rare actor and mimic, published in due course his Satire on 
Mankind, and rails in his letters against his fellow Yahoos. 

Most men are cowards, all men should be knaves 


Lord Clifford spoke well of his bearing. He was in Sir 
Edward Spragge's fleet in 1666 when almost all these gentle- 
men volunteers were shot down, Sir Hugh Middleton's 
brother dying in Rochester's arms, and it was Rochester who 
carried a message in a cockboat across a shot-splashed water. 
But with this his service ended, and the rumours which had 
dogged his father's fighting days followed the second Rochester 
despite his feats. His father had boxed a great person's ear 
in the King's own presence, and in like manner the son boxed 
Tom Killigrew's ears before his sovereign, but these sudden 
wraths made no one believe that Rochester's anger was to be 
feared. Rochester had learned in Italy that a nobleman's 
honour could be best avenged by some night prowling ruffian, 
as John Dryden knew to his cost. Nevertheless Black Will's 
cudgel could not earn respect for Rochester's sword, and when 
Mulgrave came back from Knightsbridge with his drawn up 
memorial of the circumstances in which my lord of Rochester 
had shunned battle upon the very ground, the earl was set 
down as one who could be lampooned in safety. 

In the biographies Rochester is with the authors, but his 
performance is slight. He made verses with the ease of many 
well-bred folk of his time : his lyrical pieces are smooth and 
do not lack prettiness. But he was a wit rather than a poet ; 
and the wits, with their interminable lampoons, their furious 
tossing of abuse, leave us unmoved in these latter days. When 
a Wilmot's rhymes assure us that a Villiers 

Left ne'er a law unbroke of God or man, 

the blackness of the character of Villiers takes in our minds no 
additional smudge. Scandal, to be piquant, cannot be flung 
about where all is scandalous, and the miscellaneous amours 
of the Court of Charles II., by their daylight frankness, lose 
the quality of being pleasantly shocking, becoming at last to 
their student as innocent as the intrigues of the poultry-yard. 
It was asked of the Restoration poet that, whatever his 
native vileness, he should affect impatience of the human race, 
and Rochester, with the lack of originality which marks the 
rare actor and mimic, published in due course his Satire on 
Mankind, and rails in his letters against his fellow Yahoos. 

Most men are cowards, all men should be knaves 



is the burden of his verses, and he writes to his friend Harry 
Savile that 

Most human affairs are carried on at the same nonsensical rate which makes 
me (who am now grown superstitious) think it a fault to laugh at the ape we 
have here, when I compare his condition with mankind. 

Of such satire the human race is patient. The chisel of 
the Hittite scribes chipped and our type-writers click to the 
same burden, and my Lord Rochester cannot be set amongst 
the major prophets for his scorn of us. The quality of his 
verse and prose is shown clearly enough by the fact that no 
line of it ever became a familiar quotation in common speech 
unless it be the quatrain on ' our sovereign lord the king/ a 
passable epigram, and even that is not too surely of Rochester's 
own making. 

It is, indeed, difficult to disentangle what may be Roches- 
ter's work from the work of the nameless ones about him. 
Those who after his death collected the verses of ' a late 
Person of Honour ' were willing to credit him with any 
foundling obscenity. A Rochester society might essay the 
task of a collected edition, but its labours must need find a 
foreign press to record them, for even the boundless liberty of 
the Restoration publishers boggled at the half of his works. 
The British Museum, which is no pudibund institution, keeps 
some scraps of Rochester's fancy in its securest bookcase from 
which only the director's order may give them ticket of leave. 

His marriage and his death are all that remain to be told of 
Rochester's stage-parts. His marriage was in the highest note 
of melodrama. Elizabeth Malet, daughter of Squire Malet 
of Enmore in Somersetshire, is always famous for us in 
Grammont's phrase of the triste heritiere and in naught else. 
Sad or merry, she was an heiress, the "great beauty and 
fortune of the West," with an income of 2,5007. a year, 
a mighty sum in 1665, when Lord Hichinbrooke, Butler, 
Herbert, Popham and Rochester were in the first rank of her 
cavaliers. Rochester had the King's interest and might have 
pushed his cause with more persistent courtship, but melo- 
drama was nearer to his mind. The Somersetshire girl had 
been supping on a night in May with La Belle Stewart at 
Whitehall helping her it may be to build the card castles she 
loved. Her coach was turning the corner of Charing Cross 
when horsemen, cloaked and masked, surrounded it. With a 


scene of an heiress dragged into another coach whose six horses 
galloped away with her down the Uxbridge road, Rochester 
anticipated much Victorian drama and romance. But old 
Lord Hawley, grandfather of the heiress, showed no such 
intelligent anticipation. Thrust back into the seat from 
which she had been snatched, he played his part, let us hope, 
with the imprecations and threats proper to the crabbed 
guardian of beauty ; but when the strange coach and six horses 
had clattered away he should have driven after it, leaning from 
his window and shaking a fist at the ravishers. To the vexation 
and discomfiture of Rochester he turned his own horses round 
and carried his complaint to the King so speedily that eighteen 
miles away the heiress and her captor were stopped by the 
King's life guards and brought back to Whitehall, whence the 
dramatist was led away to the Tower on a warrant issued the 
next morning. 

For the time the anger of King Charles was hot against 
the earl, but the culprit was but a boy of seventeen years, 
and Charles was a king with little bitterness. The adven- 
ture ended, to the surprise of all in those days before the 
novel, with the suddenly arranged marriage of Rochester and 
his heiress. Some ancestral leaning towards marriage by 
capture may have moved the lady whose wedded life with her 
debauched and untameable husband seems hardly to have 
passed as wretchedly as a moralist could wish. 

The spirit of the wicked Lord Rochester, if we may believe 
a catalogue of recent French works, is still alert, occupying 
itself with the dictation to a Parisian medium of a work upon 
the private life of the Emperor Tiberius. 1 It may still, 
therefore, be matter of surprise to this shade of a person of 
quality that his last scene of all, his death upon a provincial 
stage, was the most widely applauded of all his doings. 

Rochester was a cockney to the blood. The country liked 
him not with its few spectators, its limited occasions for sin. 
' I wish you were married and living in the country,' was the 
word he threw after a dog that bit him. In his ranger's lodge 
of Woodstock park he had a retreat which presented to him a 
good case for the country life, but he would have none of it. 
' When I pass Brentford on my way to London,' he declared, 
' the devil enters into me.' When business called him from 

1 Episode de la vie de 1 'Here : ceuvre medianimique dictee far F esprit de John 
Wilmot, Comte de Rochester. 


the town he rode hard to end it the sooner, and it was when 
riding post to his wife's Somersetshire lands that his last illness 
took him. 

At Woodstock he lay upon his deathbed and prepared the 
lines for the last part he was to play. His mind was made up 
to die as an illustrious penitent, a revolting lieutenant of Satan. 
Bishop Gilbert Burnet of Salisbury, a young bishop with a 
growing literary reputation, was chosen for the secondary part 
of confessor, as one who could be trusted to record the scene 
faithfully. And Bishop Burnet did not betray the trust. We 
learn how he hurried to the bedside of this wicked lord, and 
how they conversed of morals, of revealed religion and of the 
due limits of satire. It may be that specimens of Rochester's 
work as a social reformer and satirist were produced for the 
bishop ; if so, we can understand his hurriedly expressed prefer- 
ence for a ' grave way of satire.' The first three chapters of 
Genesis were asserted before the doubter who was disinclined 
to accept them as true ' unless they were parables.' Con- 
fronted with the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah, the earl hand- 
somely withdrew all his objections to orthodoxy. His 
atheism of the tavern was easily resolved, and the sincerity of 
his repentance is as certain as its shallowness is probable. By 
this time he was but poor skin and bone, but the restless soul was 
restless to the last. Parsons, his mother's chaplain, Marshall, 
rector of Lincoln College, and Pierce of Magdalen were all 
summoned to build up his recovered faith. He himself was 
set upon converting his physicians, and brought his wife back 
to the Church of England, which in one of his elfish fancies he 
had once persuaded her to leave for the Roman creed. To 
the last he turned his phrases as became a noble author. 
' My spirits and body decay so equally together that I shall 
write you a letter, as weak as I am, in person,' ran a message to 
Burnet. ' Take heaven by force and let me enter with you 
in disguise,' he wrote to Pierce of Magdalen in a more signi- 
ficant passage, assuring us that the Wilmot love of a mask 
stayed in him as long as the breath of life. 

At the end he died without a word or a groan, the end of 
one who had been spendthrift of life. 

The muses, the nightingales, the swans and the water 
nymphs were besought by a chorus of rhymesters to adorn 
the hearse and weep for the fate of this sweet shepherd, but 
bishop and chaplain hurried into print with the story of his 



edifying death. Respectable editors have long since put aside 
the hopeless task of preparing Bowdlered versions of his work 
and the garret presses have let his verses go by for dead and 
gone sculduddry. But still endures the history of Lord 
Rochester's death-bed repentance, a history told and retold 
in editions whose list flows far beyond the limits of the cata- 
logue of the achievements of Rochester's own pen. His name 
serves for a landmark of the naughtiness of courts, but the 
Cottage Library of Christian knowledge and tracts in their 
hundredth thousand keep this very wicked lord's memory as 
a fragrant thing. 

With him the Wilmots end, for his boy, to whom his father 
from his London haunts was wont to address letters of encour- 
agement to virtue and truth, died within the year, three months 
after his mother, and the high-sounding title of Rochester was 
given at once to Lawrence Hyde. The dowager countess, a 
nursing mother to the estates of her Lee and Wilmot children, 
survived till 1696 to see her three Wilmot granddaughters 
married and scattered. Of these Anne Wilmot married first 
Henry Baynton, the head of a great Wiltshire house, to 
whom she brought her mother's estate of Enmore, 1 and, 
secondly, Francis Greville, ancestor of the earls of War- 
wick. Elizabeth Wilmot, a second daughter, was a Coun- 
tess of Sandwich who kept her earl a trembling prisoner 
in his own house. ' Feu M. le Comte de Rochester, pere de 
Madame Sandwich,' wrote St. Evremond, 'avoit plus d'esprit 
qu'homme en Angleterre. Madame Sandwich en a plus que 
n'avoit M. son pere.' Malet Wilmot, the youngest daughter, 
married John Vaughan of Trawscoed, Viscount Lisburne, 
whose descendants the Earls of Lisburne are still at their house 
of Trawscoed which came to them with its heiress seven 
hundred years ago. 

It may be said that for three generations these Oxfordshire 
Wilmots were famous men. But the historian will ponder the 
fact that the stubborn service of Charles Wilmot's long 
life, the galloping sand plottings of Harry Wilmot, are half for- 
gotten, whilst the apish fancies of the bad young man who 
came after them have set his fame upon a hill. 

O. B. 

1 The senior representative of this marriage is Mr. J. Horace Round, in 
whose possession are all of the portraits which illustrate this article, except 
that of Henry Wilmot which passed to Lady Sandwich. 



EDWARD WILMOT of Witney in Oxfordshire, esquire, 
died at Witney . . . October 1558, as appears by an 
inquest taken at Cirencester, co. Gloucester, 10 March 155!- 
The jurors say that he was seised of the manors of Newent and 
Pauntley, and of the rectories of Newent, Pauntley and Dimok 
in Gloucestershire. He made a will 7 July 1558, which was 
proved 10 December 1558 [P.C.C. 9 Welles] by Christian 
Wilmot the relict and executrix. In this will he names his 
brother Thomas Cottesmore, and also his brothers William 
Chauncey, Anthony Bustard, and Robert Doyley. He 
recites a deed dated 21 November 3 and 4 P. and M., where- 
by he had given all his Gloucestershire manors and lands to 
Sir Thomas Pope, knight, William Chauncey, Anthony Bus- 
tard and Robert Doyley, esquires, and Thomas Cottesmore, 
gentleman, to his own use for life, with various remainders 
to his sons, etc. 

He married Christian Bustard, daughter of John Bustard 
of Adderbury, co. Oxford, esquire, who died 1534, by Eliza- 
beth his wife, who died 1517 [M.I. Adderbury]. She died 
about 1594, having married (ii) William Bury or Berry of 
Culham, esquire, as his second wife [Chan. pro. Eliza. S. xiii. 

Edward Wilmot and Christian Bustard had issue : 
i . Thomas Wilmot, son and heir, who was born about 
1535, being aged twenty-three years and upwards 
at the date of the inquest taken after his father's 
death on 10 March 155$. He married Anne 
Twedy of Essex, and had issue according to the 
heralds' visitation pedigrees \Visit. Hants, 1634] a 

1 A genealogy of the earlier Wilmots and of the elder line of their descend- 
ants is in preparation. 


son, Edward Wilmot of Ringwood in Hampshire 
(who married Anne Okeden, daughter of Philip 
Okeden, of Elingham, Hants), and three daughters 
Dorothy Wilmot, wife of Henry Tanner ; 
Catherine Wilmot, who died unmarried ; and 
Barbara Wilmot, who married Henry Lock. 

ii*. Edward Wilmot of Culham, esquire, of whom here- 

iii . Alexander Wilmot, whom his uncle, John Wilmot 
of Wolston, Berks, yeoman, made his residuary 
legatee in a will dated 20 July, 1550 [P.C.C. n 
More], at which time the said Alexander was a 
minor. His father's deed of 21 November 1556 
gave him the reversion of the manor of Walmer, 
which he had bought of Richard Androwes, esquire. 

iv*. Anthony Wilmot of London, gentleman, a citizen 
and skinner. He was made free of the Skinners' 
Company 31 January, 156^. His brother Edward, 
by a deed indented, dated 23 March 1576, gave 
him the manor of Garforde, co. Berks, for a term of 
500 years, which lease he assigned by deed dated 
24 February 158-^ to Edward Vener, serjeant-at- 
law, and Hugh Cheverell, gentleman, for the lives of 
himself and his wife Elizabeth, in consideration of 
an annuity of 6o/. to the said Anthony and Eliza- 
beth for their lives. By his will of 25 December 
1582 he gave the lease to Edward Wilmot his son. 
To the said Edward he gave his lands at Dover 
and his rent-charge out of the manor of Culham, 
with remainder, if the said Edward died without issue, 
to the testator's nephew and servant, Edward 
Kempe, and the heirs of his body, with further 
remainder to William Kempe, brother of the said 
Edward Kempe. He made his good brother, 
Arthur Wilmot, his friend Mr. Fleminge of the 
Isle of Wight, Mr. Lucas of Paternoster Row, and 
Mr. Thomas Lewes, ' my brother William Parker's 
schoolmaster,' his overseers, and sealed his will with 
his seal of arms. Administration with the will 
annexed was granted 22 March 1582 [P.C.C. 17 
Rowe], to Elizabeth Wilmot the relict, during the 
minority of Edward Wilmot, the son and executor. 



Anthony Wilmot married Elizabeth, who was 
probably daughter of Edward Kempe, citizen and 
skinner, to whom he had been apprenticed. They 
had issue Edward Wilmot, who by Elizabeth his 
wife had, with other issue, Arthur Wilmot, named in 
the will of Sir Arthur Wilmot, his great uncle 
(23 February 162$), who gave legacies to Edward 
Wilmot, son of his brother Anthony, and to Arthur 
Wilmot and the other children of the said Edward. 
This Arthur Wilmot was of Adderbury, and died a 
bachelor, administration of his goods being granted 
10 February 164^ [P.C.C.] to Elizabeth his mother. 
After the making of his will Anthony Wilmot's wife 
must have given birth to a daughter, for Elizabeth, 
daughter of Anthony Wilmot of Culham [sic] is 
recorded in the Visitation of Wilts in 1623 as wife 
of Simon Spatchurst of Humington, esquire, by 
whom she had issue Elizabeth, aged six in 1623, 
Simon aged four, and Thomas aged three. Simon 
Spatchurst, with other defendants, makes answer 
4 April 1612 to a bill in Chancery of Arthur Wil- 
mot of Weld, concerning a lease of the manor of 
Thaxted [C.P. Jac. /., W. 8. No. 4]. 

v*. John Wilmot of Wylde or Weld, now Wield, in 
Hampshire, gentleman. He died in the parish of St. 
Andrew's, Holborn, 14 October 1614, as appears 
by his nuncupative will made about Bartholomew- 
tide before his death. He gave legacies to Alice, 
wife of Leonard Tokefield, gentleman, and to the 
said Leonard Tokefield, and to Julian Nicholls. 
Administration with will annexed was granted 28 
October 1614 [P.C.C. 127 Lawe] to Arthur Wilmot, 
esquire, the brother. 

vi . Sir Arthur Wilmot, of Wield, co. Hants, baronet. 
He was created a baronet I October 1621, by patent 
at Dublin. He died 13 March 162$, and was buried 
20 March 162$ in the chancel of St. James's, 
Clerkenwell. He made a will 23 February 162!, 
which was proved 16 March 162$ [P.C.C. 24 Ridley] 
by his nephew, the Lord Viscount Wilmot, the 
executor. He recites that by indenture of equal date 
with his will he had conveyed to his friend and 


counsellor John Davies, of the Inner Temple, 
esquire, and his servant Richard Rowell, all his 
manors, lordships and lands in the counties of 
Southampton, Oxford, Lincoln, Hertford, Lan- 
caster, Stafford and Buckingham, with exceptions 
therein noted, having by another indenture dated 
21 February 162! conveyed to them his manor of 
Whitchwell, alias Winelsgate, alias Bradshewe's 
Manor in Wendover. He made various disposi- 
tions for the benefit of Mrs. Dorothy Waringe, 
wife of Arnold Waringe, esquire, whom, with their 
children and his nephew Edward Wilmot, son of 
Anthony Wilmot, deceased, he commended to the 
special care of his nephew Charles, Lord Viscount 
Wilmot. He settled the residue of his real estate 
upon the said Viscount and upon his sons Arthur, 
Charles and Henry Wilmot, in tale male. He gare 
zoo/, for his monument to be set up in the church of 
St. James's, Clerkenwell. He seems never to have 
married, but the aforesaid Dorothy Waringe was his 
bastard daughter. She married (i) at St. James's, 
Clerkenwell, i January 161^, the said Arnold 
Waringe or Warren, esquire, of Thorpe Arnold 
in Leicestershire, by whom she had issue. Her 
second husband, Nicholas Lanyon of Cornwall, 
was married to her 27 April 1647, at St. Bartho- 
lomew the Less. 

vii*. James Wilmot of Churchill, co. Oxford, esquire. 
He made a will 31 August 1610, which was proved 
10 September 1610 [P.C.C. 80 Windebanck] by 
Arthur Wilmot, the brother and executor. He de- 
sired to be buried in the church of Great Milton 
by his kinswoman the Lady Greene, deceased. 
He gave his brother Arthur his leases in Berkshire 
and Hampshire. He gave to his cousin Sir 
Michael Greene, knight, his best gelding, and to 
his cousin Anne Greene the ' silver bason and ewer 
and all my other plate I have in my lodging in 
Yarworth House in Fullwoods rentes.' His lease 
of the prebend of Much Milton, granted by Sir 
William Greene, knight, and Sir Michael Greene, 
his son, is to be redelivered to them for 8oo/. 


William Greene, Millicent Greene and Richard 
Yerworth are witnesses to this will, which was con- 
firmed by sentence the same year. The Greenes 
were James Wilmot's Kinsfolk by the marriage of 
Sir William Greene of Much Milton with his aunt 
Anne, daughter of Anthony Bustard. Sir William 
Greene was buried at Milton 28 Feb. 162}. 
i. Mary Wilmot, who was married before the date of 
her father's will to Richard Beconsawe, a son of the 
Lancashire family of that name, who settled in 
Hampshire and was of Hartley Westhill in that 
county. The heralds' visitation of 1634 records 
their issue. 

ii. Elizabeth Wilmot, to whom her father gave 3OO/. at 
full age or marriage. She is named in the heralds' 
visitation of Hampshire in 1634 as unmarried. 

iii. Anne Wilmot, to whom her father gave 3OO/. at full 
age or marriage. She is not named in the her- 
alds' visitation of 1634, anc ^ probably died young. 


EDWARD WILMOT of Culham, co. Oxford, esquire, second son 
of Edward Wilmot of Witney. He married Elizabeth Staf- 
ford, daughter of Thomas Stafford of Bradfield, co. Berks, 
esquire, and relict of John Bury of Culham, esquire, son and 
heir of William Bury of Culham, stepfather to Edward 
Wilmot. Her birth and marriages are recited in certain 
proceedings in Chancery, when her son and heir, Thomas 
Bury or Berrye of Steeple Barton, esquire, put forward a 
bill 23 April 1600 against his uncle, Reade Stafford, esquire, 
and his mother Elizabeth Wilmot and her husband [Chan, 
fro. Eliz. S.xiii. 60]. In this bill young Thomas Bury asserts 
that, although Thomas Stafford, his grandfather, gave him 
his own marriage by will, the said Edward Wilmot married 
him before he came of age to one Judith Humfreys. Edward 
Wilmot and his wife reply that the match was of Thomas 
Bury's own making, however much he may repent it now 
without any seeming reason. 


Edward Wilmot and Elizabeth Stafford had issue two 
sons : 

i*. Charles Wilmot, Viscount Wilmot of Athlone, of 

whom hereafter. 

ii . Stafford Wilmot, to whom his uncle John Wilmot 
conveyed an annuity of 100 marks, as is recited in 
the nuncupative will of the said John, made about 
Bartholomew-tide 1614. 


CHARLES WILMOT, Viscount Wilmot of Athlone, son of Edward 
Wilmot of Culham, and grandson of Edward Wilmot of 
Witney, is usually and wrongly described as son of the said 
Edward Wilmot of Witney. He was born about 1571, 
matriculating at Oxford (Magdalen College) 6 July 1587 as 
aged sixteen. He left Oxford without a degree, and is said 
to have gone to Ireland as a page. He was knighted at Dub- 
lin 5 August 1599 by the Viceroy Essex. M.P. for Launceston 
5 April to 17 June 1614. On 3 June 1616 he became presi- 
dent of Connaught, his government being seated at 
Athlone, from which town he took his title when on 4 January 
i62y he was created Viscount Wilmot of Athlone. He died 
between 29 June 1643 (when his son's barony was created), 
and April 1644, when his son Henry and Sir Charles Coote 
were appointed joint-presidents of Connaught. 

His will, dated 12 May 1643, indicates the broken fortunes 
of his later years. His executors, Thomas Leake, esquire, a 
baron of the Exchequer, and Robert Wolrich, esquire, are to 
take order for the payment of the mortgage money upon his 
manor of Long Marston and his other lands in Herts and 
Bucks. All of the said lands remaining unsold when his 
debts are paid he gives to his grandchild Charles Wilmot and 
his issue, with remainder to his son Henry Wilmot, to whom he 
gives the lease of his house wherein he dwells at Charing Cross. 
The will lay unproved for ten years and more, administration 
with the will annexed being at last granted 2 June 1654 
[P.C.C. 403 Alchiri] to Michael Babington, a creditor, who 
had been named in the will as the testator's servant. 

He was first married to Sarah Anderson, fourth daughter 


(Cotufn of Jok* t Earl of Recktsttr.) 


of Sir Henry Anderson, Sheriff of London 1601-02 by Eliza- 
beth, daughter of Francis Bowyer, citizen and grocer. She 
died in 1615, her burial being found in the parish registers of 
St. Olave Jewry and St. Martin's-in-the-Fields. Between 
9 November 1627 and 28 April 1630 (on which date she was 
gossip to the daughter of Viscount Valentia) he married his 
second wife, Mary Colley, daughter of Sir Henry Colley of 
Castle Carbery, co. Kildare, knight, by Catherine, daughter 
of Sir Thomas Cusack, the Lord Chancellor of Ireland. She 
was relict of Garret Moore, first Viscount Moore of Drogheda, 
and was buried 3 July 1654 at Drogheda by her first husband. 
She had no issue by Charles Wilmot. 

Charles, Viscount Wilmot of Athlone, had issue by Sarah 
Anderson, his first wife, three sons and a daughter : 

i*. Arthur Wilmot, who probably served under his father 
in Ireland. He was a legatee under the will of his 
uncle Sir Arthur Wilmot in 162$. He married 
Penelope Hill, daughter of Sir Moyser Hill of 
Hillsborough, provost-marshal of Ulster and an- 
cestor of the Downshire family, by his first wife, 
Alice, daughter of Sorley Boy MacDonnel. She 
married (ii) Sir William Brooke of Sterborough, 
K.B., son and heir of the attainted Lord Cobham, 
who died 20 September 1643 of his wounds after 
the second battle of Newbury, by whom she had 
issue. The widow married (iii) Edward Russell, 
son of Francis, fourth Earl of Bedford, who died 
21 September 1665 and was buried at Chenies 
19 October. By him she was mother of Edward 
Russell, Earl of Oxford, and Lord High Admiral, 
the victor of La Hogue (1653-1727). Arthur 
Wilmot died without issue 31 October 1632 and 
was buried at St. Michan's, Dublin. 
ii 1 . Charles Wilmot, who was christened II March i6ir 
at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields, a legatee under the 
will of his uncle Sir Arthur Wilmot. He died 
v.p. without issue. 
iii s . Henry Wilmot, second Viscount Wilmot of Athlone, 

and fourth Earl of Rochester, of whom hereafter. 
i d . Elizabeth Wilmot, christened 25 May 1612 at St. 
Martin's-in-the-Fields. She probably died young 
and unmarried. 



HENRY WILMOT, first Earl of Rochester and second Viscount 
Wilmot of Athlone, was christened 26 October 1613 at St. 
Martin's-in-the-Fields. He is said to have been born 2 No- 
vember 1612, and his coffin plate gives his age as forty-five at 
his death on 19 February 165$. He matriculated at Oxford 
(All Souls) and was M.P. for Tamworth in 1641. In his 
father's lifetime he was created Lord Wilmot of Adderbury 
in the peerage of England by patent 29 June 1643. In April 
1644, his father being dead, he was appointed to the presidency 
of Connaught jointly with Sir Charles Coote. A privy coun- 
cillor 1650, he was created Earl of Rochester by patent 
13 December 1652. He was made a Field-Marshal in 1654 
and Colonel of an English regiment of foot in Flanders 1656. 
He died at Ghent in Flanders at one o'clock in the morning 
19 February 165!, and was buried at Sluys 24 February 165$ 
by the grave of Lord Hopton [State Papers, Domestic Series, 
1658]. His body, which had been embalmed, was afterwards 
buried at Spelsbury, as appears by a coffin plate. 

He married (i) Frances Morton, daughter of Sir George 
Morton of Milborne St. Andrews and of Clenston, co. Dorset, 
knight, by Katherine, daughter of Sir Arthur Hopton, the 
wedding being recorded in the parish register of Chelsea 
21 August 1633. By her, who was born in 1600, he had a 
son : 

i s . Charles Wilmot, styled Viscount Wilmot. He died 

during his father's lifetime at Dunkirk "1652-57. 

On the restoration administration of his goods was 

granted 27 November 1660 [P.C.C.]. 

He married (ii) Anne St. John, daughter of Sir John St. 

John of Lydiard Tregoze, co. Wilts, by Lucy, daughter and 

heir of Sir Walter Hungerford of Farley, knight. She was 

born 5 November 1614 and was first married to Sir Francis 

Henry Lee of Ditchley, Bart., the marriage settlements being 

dated 30 June 1637, by whom she had issue the Lees, Earls 

of Lichfield, descending from this match. He was buried 

23 July 1639 at Spelsbury. She survived her grandson, the 
last Earl of Rochester of this family, and was buried at Spels- 
bury 1 8 March 1694. Her will, dated I June 1683, with a 
codicil 23 March 169!, was proved I April 1696 [P.C.C. ] by 
Edward Henry Lee, Earl of Lichfield, the grandson and 



executor. By this marriage the Earl of Rochester had issue 
a son : 

ii*. John Wilmot, second Earl of Rochester, of whom 

JOHN WILMOT, second Earl of Rochester, was born at Ditchley 
10 April 1648, a scandal preserved by Wood asserting that he 
was begotten by Sir Allen Apsley. Richard Salway, esquire, 
was guardian of him and of his half-brother Sir Francis 
Henry Lee during their minority [Chan, depns. Bridges, 393]. 
He matriculated at Oxford (Wadham College) 1 1 December 
1660, and was created M.A. 2 September 1661, being then 
aged thirteen. On 8 Sept. 1667 a warrant was issued to the 
Lord Keeper for calling him to parliament, he being then a 
minor. Ranger of Woodstock Park 1674. He died at the 
rangers' lodge at two o'clock in the morning on 26 July 1680 
in his thirty- third year, and was buried at Spelsbury 17 
August [M.I.]. 

He married Elizabeth Malet, daughter and heir of John 
Malet of Enmore, co. Somerset, esquire, by Unton, daughter 
of Francis Hawley, first Lord Hawley of Donamore. The 
marriage took place 29 Jan. 1667, the earl haying first 
endeavoured to carry her off by violence on 26 May 1665. 
She survived her husband little more than a year, being buried 
20 August 1 68 1 at Spelsbury. She died of an apoplexy. 

His will, undated, with a codicil 22 June 1680, was proTed 
23 February i68 [P.C.C. 31 North] by John Gary of Wood- 
stock, esquire, power being reserved, etc., to the Countess of 
Rochester, the relict, the Countess-mother, Sir William St. 
John, Sir Allen Apsley and Sir Richard How. He made his 
mother and wife guardians of his son and heir. He gave a 
legacy of I5O/. to Mrs. Patience Russell, and upon an infant 
child, named Elizabeth Clerke, presumably his bastard 
daughter, he settled a life annuity of 4O/. out of his manor of 
Sutton Malet. Arabella Wilmot, another natural daughter 
of his, died at her lodgings in Fleet Street n February 1765. 

John Wilmot, Earl of Rochester, had issue by his wife 
Elizabeth Malet, a son and four daughters : 


i*. Charles Wilmot, third Earl of Rochester, of whom 

i". Anne Wilmot, who was christened 30 April 1669 at 
Adderbury. She married (i), at Adderbury I Sep- 
tember 1685, Henry Baynton of Spye Park, co. 
Wilts, esquire, who was christened 17 November 1664 
at Bromham. He was M.P. for Chippenham in 1668, 
and died in 1691. His will, dated 19 June 1691, 
was proved 10 August 1691 [P.C.C. 129 Vere\ 
The senior descendant of this marriage is Mr. 
J. Horace Round, of West Bergholt, the historian. 
She married (ii) Francis Greville, and from this 
second marriage descend the Earls of Warwick. 

ii D . Elizabeth Wilmot, christened 13 July 1674 at Adder- 
bury. She married Edward Montagu, third Earl 
of Sandwich, the allegation for the marriage licence 
being made 8 July 1689 [Fac. Off.]. He was born 
c December 1670, and was master of the horse to 
Prince George of Denmark 1690- 1705. He died 
20 October 1729 and was buried at Barnwell. His 
relict died 2 July 1757 in the Rue Vaugirard in 
Paris, where she had lived as a widow. She was a 
woman of great wit, her qualities being celebrated 
by Lord Chesterfield in his Letters, and a termagant 
wife. Her husband is said to have been kept by 
her a prisoner in his own house. 

iii D . Malet Wilmot, christened 6 January 167^ at Adder- 
bury. She married John Vaughan of Trawscoed, 
co. Cardigan, esquire, at St. Giles'-in-the-Fields, 18 
August 1692, by licence from the Faculty Office. 
The allegation for marriage licence was made 
17 August 1692, he being a bachelor of St. Giles's 
parish, aged twenty-three, and she a spinster of the 
parish of St. Anne's, Soho, her parents dead, and 
her grandmother the Countess consenting. He 
was created baron of Fethard and Viscount Lis- 
burne, and was Lord Lieutenant of Cardigan in 
1714. He died in 1721 and was buried 5 April 
1721 at Greenwich, having survived his wife about 
five years. His family had been seated since the 
beginning of the thirteenth century at Trawscoed, 
where they still remain as Earls of Lisburne. 


("La Belle Stewart") 



CHARLES WILMOT, third and last Earl of Rochester of the 
Wilmot family, was christened 2 January 167^- at Adder- 
bury. He died 12 November 1681 (as is recorded in the 
Adderbury parish register) and was buried 7 December 1681 
at Spelsbury (as ' John ' Earl of Rochester). Administration 
of his estate was granted 30 May 1682 [P.C.C.] to Anne, 
Countess Dowager of Rochester, grandmother and guardian 
to his three sisters and co-heirs. 

The arms of this family of Wilmot, as put up in Witney 
Church by Edward Wilmot of Witney in the time of Queen 
Elizabeth, were silver a fesse gules between three eagles' 
heads rased sable with a golden unicorn couched upon the 
fesse between two golden escallops. The unicorn may have 
been suggested by the crest of their kinsfolk, the Cottesmores. 
The Earls of Rochester, however, replaced the unicorn by a 
third escallop. 


IN the Records of the City of Salisbury (Leger Book A, 
fo. 55) there is a contemporary account of the Agin- 
court campaign. It reads somewhat as if it had an official 
origin 'and was a sort of Gazette. Possibly the same or a similar 
record is found elsewhere, but I do not know of one. Apart 
from the national interest attached to the document, it is 
worth while to inquire how it came to pass that the Mayor 
and Corporation had it inserted among the minutes of their 
own municipal proceedings and concerns. 

Henry V.'s army was collected and sailed from South- 
ampton, and to reach that place many of the troops from the 
North of England, Wales, and the West must have passed 
through Salisbury, and although the citizens cannot have 
been altogether unfamiliar with the sight of soldiers, the 
great numbers that passed through their city during the 
summer of 1415 must have moved them much in the same 
way as the influx of soldiers belonging to the 2nd Army Corps 
established on Salisbury Plain has lately roused the martial 
spirit of their descendants. Upon examining the Leger Book 
I find too that there were special circumstances connected 
with the passage of the troops which might well leave behind 
an abiding impression and cause the Mayor and Corporation 
to take pains to obtain and keep a particular record of the 
result of the campaign. 

In the early days of August there came to the city Domi- 
nus Jacobus Haryndon, otherwise Sir James Harington, 
knight, in command of a detachment of Lancashire men, 
which seems to have consisted of ten men-at-arms and thirty 
archers. Sir James Harington and his men were quartered 
in Fisherton, a suburb only divided from Salisbury by a 
bridge over the river Avon, and there they rested for Sunday, 
4 August. There is something about a bridge over a swiftly 
running river that disposes men, more especially idle men, 
to congregate upon it. The weather was warm, and we may 
be pretty sure that many of the Lancashire men divided their 


time between visits to the local alehouses and loafing on the 
bridge. To the English countryman a stranger or foreigner 
(and the Northerners must have seemed almost like foreigners 
to the Wiltshire men) has always been a legitimate object 
for curiosity and ridicule, and many of the baser sort of citi- 
zens no doubt spent their Sunday in gathering on the bridge 
to stare and very probably to jest at and bandy words with 
the visitors. It is very easy to imagine how a sudden disturb- 
ance might arise ; anyhow from some cause or other one took 
place, and, as might be expected, the soldiers got the best of 
it, ' ipsos de civitate fugando et sagittando gladiis et sagittis,' 
and four of the townsmen were killed, viz. John Baker { la- 
borer,' William Hore ' tonker,' Henry his man, and John 
Tanner. Some one ran and told the Mayor, John Levesham, 
at once, but he, good easy man, was at a loss ; it was a matter 
outside his usual experience, and ordering the alarm-bells to 
be rung, he summoned his council to consult as to what was 
to be done (consultum est quid agatur). 

If the Mayor was in doubt, Sir James Harington was not, 
and mustering his men he at once proceeded on his march to 
Southampton. What the Mayor and Corporation decided 
I do not know ; perhaps they complained to the Steward of 
the Treasury or the Comptroller of the Household, as persons 
molested by the captains or soldiers were bidden to do by the 
King's proclamation made at Southampton eleven days be- 
fore (see Rymer) ; or, perhaps, the soldiers being well on their 
way to Southampton, they made the best of a bad job and 
only thanked God they were rid of Sir James Harington and 
his company. The Leger Book says nothing. It appears, 
however, that those who stood valiantly for the honour of the 
city were not altogether forgotten. In the Mayor's accounts 
for the year there is an entry of a grant ' cuidam ministrello 
Wallie pro panno emendo pro capucio faciendo eo quod 
araisit capucium suum in defensione civitatis apud insultum 
factum super pontem de Fissherton per homines de comitatu 
Lancastrie xviii d et in pecunia data eidem et alteri ministrello 
eiusdem patrie viii d .' Music hath charms, etc., but evidently 
when there was a fight going on the fiery Celts could not bear 
to be only spectators, though the affair was none of theirs. 
The City also paid the expenses of the funeral of John Tanner, 
which came to xid. 

This riot cannot have been soon forgotten, and three 


months later, when news came that the King's soldiers had 
served the French much in the same way as they had the 
people of Salisbury (' fugando et sagittando gladiis et sagit- 
tis '), it was thought fit to record their prowess in the City 
Leger Book. And as a fight generally breeds a friendly feeling 
between the combatants, no doubt many a Salisbury man in 
after days was proud of his share in the contest with some of 
the Victors of Agincourt, and stood a tiptoe when the fight 
on Fisherton bridge was named, and remembered with ad- 
vantages what feats he did that day, and was proud o the 
scar of the broken head that he got from those who fought 
with Harry the King upon St. Crispin's Day. 

The account is as follows : 

Et sciendum est quod dominus Rex Anglic Henricus 
quintus cum magno exercitu suo transmigrans mare versus 
Harfler in vigilia assumpcionis Beate Marie portum ibidem 
arripuit anno regni sui tercio. Ac ipse villam illam per 
viam sedis cum duce Eboraci duce Clarencie duce [Bedeford 
erased] Gloucestr et aliis pluribus comitibus Baronibus et 
dominis postea xxii die Septembris videlicet die dominica 
in crastino sancti Mathei Apostoli et Euangeliste anno supra- 
dicto ipsa villa se dicto domino Regi reddidit et sic ipsam 
Rex fortiter perquisiuit. Post quam perquisicionem habitam 
facta ordinacione pro eadem villa conseruanda constitute 
ibidem Domino Comite Dorsetie capitaneo ipse dominus 
Rex cum dicto exercitu suo a sede predicta recessit versus 
Calesiam causa pestilencie ingentis apud Harriet regnantis. 
Ac ipse Rex sic transeundo exercitus magnus Francie 
numero quasi C" positus fuit contra ipsum Regem non 
habentem secum ultra numerum x" Qui duo predict! exer- 
citus omnibus forciis bellarunt. In quo bello interfecti 
fuerunt de Franciscis in campo de Argencott die veneris in 
festo sanctorum Crispini et Crispiani videlicet xxv die Octo- 
bris anno domini millesimo cccc mo xv et anno supradicto 
tercio Regis dicti Henrici quinti Dominus de Brut constabu- 
larius Francie dux de Launson dux de Bare dux de Braban 
comes de Nywere comes de Russe comes de Breue comes de 
Sannies comes de Grauntepre Monsieur Dampiere Mon- 
sieur Baustemond Monsieur Phelippe Dancy baillif Damense 
Monsieur Damerey Monsieur Robert Frete Monsieur Dar- 
manille Monsieur Dagnovile Monsieur Gray Monsieur 
Waryn Monsieur Graymerain Monsieur Seneschal de Hay- 


nam Monsieur de Mongang Monsieur Coursy Monsieur 
Goudard de Romit John Gordyn Monsieur Boremys Monsieur 
Symond de Faignewell Monsieur de Graues Monsieur Robert 
de Montagu Monsieur de Broues Monsieur Dainchy Mon- 
sieur Gyon de Harbaines Monsieur John de Gret Monsieur 
de Sorell Monsieur Gangers de Dolpyn Monsieur de Montey- 
gney Monsieur de Vaysay et son fitz Monsieur Roiount Dayne- 
court Monsieur Mayhew de Humers Phelippe de Sossens 
Monsieur Curard Rubympre Monsieur de Poys Monsieur 
Launselot de Clare Monsieur Robert de Waren Monsieur de 
Hamede Monsieur de Crekes Monsieur de Merchin Monsieur 
Roger de Pois Monsieur Tremes et son frere Monsieur de 
Noiell Monsieur Antony de Graue Monsieur Collard de 
Cessewes Monsieur Denyn le Burgoney Monsieur de Bauford 
Pere Bonefant John Sempy Porren de Prees Monsieur de 
Brayme Monsieur Roland de Grotus Monsieur Phelippe de 
Dent Monsieur Gilaw de Trie Monsieur de Seint Clere Mon- 
sieur John de Poys Monsieur Jakes Courtyamble John de 
Werdyn Saylond Bryan de Geremys Monsieur de Cavency 
Monsieur Alert de Somage Monsieur Collard de Fraymys 
Monsieur Caynot de Borneville Monsieur Raynold de Flaun- 
dres Monsieur Vaudan de la Mys Monsieur John Caramys 
Robert le Sauage Monsieur Dacy Monsieur Dency Monsieur 
de Calenche Fortescu John de Lysle Ducet Dauncy Monsieur 
Deo Monsieur John de Beamond Monsieur John de Mondeux 
Monsieur John Drux Monsieur Charl de Chastaile Monsieur 
Phelippe Leukirke et son frere John Gueryn Monsieur John 
de Colevyle Monsieur de Bremle Monsieur Giliam de Garvyle 
Monsieur de Haly Lerceuesque de Soyns et M'M'M'M 1 de 
valantz chevaliers et esquiers sauns les communes. Et similiter 
capti fuerunt prisones domini nostri Regis dux Dorliaunce 
dux de Burbon le Mareschall de Fraunce appelle Bursegaud 
le counte de Rychemond le counte de Verdon le counte de 
We et le frere Duyk de Launson et autres sieurs. Et ex parte 
dicti domini Regis interfecti fuerunt dux Eboraci Juvenis 
Comes Southfolk et non plures de dominis et circa xv de aliis 
personis valettorum. Et sic dominus noster Rex superauit ilia 
die omnes hostes suos gracias agens deo altissimo matri patrone 
que virgini Marie Sanctoque Georgio omnibusque sanctis dei, 
abiens cum exercitu suo versus Calesiam ibidem requiescens 
et se reficiens remittens quos voluit de dicto exercitu suo in 
Angliam ad se reficiendos. Post quam requiem habitam idem 




dominus Rex prouidens plurima negocia regni sui postea in 
Angliam reuenit arripiens apud apud (sic) Doveriam die Sabbati 
in festo sancti dementis pape videlicet xxiii die Nouembris 
anno supradicto tercio conferens secum dictos dominos Francie 
prisones et captiuos suos. Qui veniens versus London maxima 
multitude gentium civitatis illius in vestibus rubris et capuciis 
albis obuiam habuit ille intrans civitatem ilia die Sabbati 
sequente videlicet vltimo die eiusdem mensis in festo sancti 
Andreae et tanta multitudo virorum et feminarum astitit 
in plateis ab angulo sancti Georgii in Suthray usque in 
Westmonasteriam quod vix ab hora x a ipse Rex cum dominis 
predictis captiuis suis vsque in hora iii post nonam adue- 
nire potuit Westmonasteriam et causa eciam propedicionis 
diversarum ordinacionum et munerum eidem per civitatem 
illam oblatorum pro eius aduentu et gloriosa victoria Gloria 
in altissimis deo. 

The same done into English 

BE it known that our lord Henry the Fifth, King of 
England, crossing the sea with a great army towards 
Harfleur, arrived at that port on the vigil of the Assumption 
of the Blessed Virgin Mary, in the third year of his reign 
[1415]. And he laid siege to the town, together with the 
Duke of York, the Duke of Clarence, the Duke of Gloucester, 
and many other earls, barons and gentlemen. Afterwards 
on the xxii September, which was Sunday, the day after the 
feast of St. Matthew, the Apostle and Evangelist, in the 
aforesaid year, the town surrendered itself to the King. The 
King, after making a thorough examination of the town, 
ordered that it should not be destroyed, and after making 
the Earl of Dorset Governor himself with his army retreated 
towards Calais on account of the great sickness which pre- 
vailed at Harfleur. And on his march he was opposed by a 
great French army of about a hundred thousand men, while 
he himself had not with him more than 1 ten thousand. 
And the two armies fought fiercely. In which battle were 
slain of the French in the field of Argencott on Friday, being 
the feast of Saints Crispin and Crispianus, the 25th of October 

1 Elmham, the King's chaplain, who was probably present, puts the 
strength of the army at scarcely 900 men-at-arms and 5,000 archers; 
Monstrelet estimates the former at 2,000, the latter at 15,000. 


1415, that is the third year of the reign of King Henry the 
Fifth [here follows the list of names of French noble- 
men and gentlemen who were killed], and four thousand 
valiant knights and esquires, without counting the common 
folk. And there were likewise taken prisoners of the King, 
the Duke of Orleans, the Duke of Bourbon, the Marshal of 
France named Bursegaud, the Count de Rychemond, the 
Count de Verdon, the Count D'Eu, and the brother of the 
Duke d'Alen9on and other gentlemen. And on the party 
of the King there were slain the Duke of York, the young 
Earl of Suffolk, and no more of the leaders, and about fifteen 
others of gentle blood. And so our lord the King gained the 
victory that day over all his enemies, and returned thanks 
to the most high God and to His mother his patroness 
the Virgin Mary, and St. George, and all the Saints, and 
departed with his army towards Calais. And there he rested 
and refreshed himself, and dismissed to England those of his 
army that he thought fit. And after he was rested, he, 
foreseeing many matters concerning the affairs of his kingdom, 
returned to England, arriving at Dover on Saturday, the feast 
of St. Clement the Pope, which was the 23rd of November 
in the said third year of his reign, bringing with him the 
above-named French lords his prisoners. And he reached 
London on the next Saturday, the last day of the same month, 
St. Andrew's Day, and as he entered the city he was met by 
a very great multitude of citizens clad in scarlet robes with 
white hoods, and so great was the throng of men and women 
standing in the streets that the King, with his prisoners the 
above-named lords, could with difficulty, between the hours 
of ten in the morning and three in the afternoon, make his 
way from the corner of St. George's Southwark to West- 
minster, the delay being also caused by the publication of 
divers ordinances and the presentation of gifts to him by the 
City upon his return and glorious victory. Glory to God 
in the Highest. 



THESE five pedigrees complete the collection from William 
Freke's MS. of 1707, begun in Ancestor, vol. x. In the 
pedigree No. II. the children of Elizabeth Freke by William 
Stout have been given in error the surname of Freke. In 
No. IV. Sir Roger Feilding should be described as ' brother 
to y 6 Earle of Denby ' [i.e. Denbigh]. 

The italicised passages, as before, denote additions to 
the MS. by a later hand. 



Jane Baker left=Thomas Frd 
no living issue Melcom Ao) 
[son and heir 
Freke, seven 
Sir Thoma 

Thomas Freke born 

William Freke born Elizabetl 

at Hinton Jan. 17 

at Hinton Ap. 7. born JJ 

i6| and married to 

1662 married to married 

Elizabeth d r of Tho. 

Eliz. Harris of Henry S 

Pile of Baverstock 

London And now Marston 


become the Hinton Wilts 

and Han. house 


zabeth Raufe Freke Thomas William George Rachel Freke born Francis Theodora Elizabeth 
ke born at Lond. Freke Freke Freke at Hinton Jan. 3 Freke Freke born at Freke bor 
it. Ap. 25. 1601 born at born at mort. 1 69 J married to M? mort. HintonFeb.22. HintonScj 
married to Ann Lond. Lond. Cole of Milburn 1 TO"8 1703 mort 
Colchester Feb. 25. May 6. 
1692 1694 Jane John Freke born at Lucy Robert Freke Mary Frel 
mort. Freke Hinton Feb. 10 Freke born at Hinton born Sept. 

mort. 1695 

mort. March 28 1702 1710 

Jane Fre 

ke Thomas Freke William Freke ] 

Elizabeth Mary Freke Anne Freke 


t = Elirabeth d' to S' Will" 
$29 Clarke of Kent knight, 
t.imily portion first and 
laat I5OO/. at least 


Jane Freke born 
Ap. 17. 1668 and 
married to Robert 
Duke of Lake near 
Sarum Wilts, esq. 

Mary Freke bom May 
y 8" 1 1670 at Han- 
nington married first 
to D' Coward without 
issue and after to M r 
Tho. Leir rector of 
Ditcheat Somerset 

1 1 

Ann married Mary 

1 1 1 1 1 

married Lucy Bcata Jar 


le mar- Ma 

ry Thomas Richard Tt 

omas M 

to M r Whitton to M'. 

Capper ried to Mr 

in Oxfordshire Somerset Andrews 


Anthony mar- Henrietta mar- Henry Frances Robert George Freke 

ried to Mr ried to M T . 

Duke of Bui- Christopher 

ford's d'. Wilts Twincoh 


The descent of y Hannington estate to y c Hinton family was on this account S r Tl 
Freke having made no provision for his son Tho. y e first settled at Hinton and y' 
virtue only of a iooo/. given him by his grandfather Alderman Taylour S r Thomas 
going to Lond. to provide for his s d son died on y c road and grieved y' he must lea 
his son Tho. unprovided for comended on his blessing his sons Raufe and Willi; 
y" w" 1 him y' if they had no heirs male they should let Hannington estate come 
their b r Thomas and his heirs. y e two bP Raufe and William made a settlem' straite 
it according and tho William dying first left all in Raute's power yet he just to 1 
father and br 5 desire let y c Han. estate come to y c Hint, family and y' tho before 1 
death he liv'd to sec Sr Raufe Freke born by his own daughter. 


Thomas Freke [seventh son 
born at Shroton March zi. 
May 30 1 642 married to Mi 
y e sister to S' Francis Doi 
iooo/. and upwards 

ne Baker=Thomas Freke = 
t no living born at Melcom 
ue Aug. 2 1629 

- Elizabeth d r to S' Will" 1 
Clarke of Kent knight, 
family portion first and 
last 15007. at least 

born at 
1630. m 
M r Philip 
of Manso 

Frcke John FreJ 
Hinton Hinton i 
arried to ried to E 
Nicholas New Eng. 

.e born at Elizabetl 
63 1 mar- July 7* 
liz. Clark and man 
John Bro 









irried to M? 


married to M r 


living at 

married to 

nning and 

Harding of 



er one M r 

Merc Wilts 



Freke Mary Freke 

Jane mort. Hughe 



Tiomas Frcke of Shroton] 
ying at Hinton St. Mary 

lighter of Dodington 

(IK). Family portion a 






Mary Frckc born 

Sar.ih Frckc married to 

George Freke born 



1634 married to W m 

M^ Humphry Mildm.iy 

at Hinton A 1638 


d r 

Chafin rsq of Zeales 

living near Queen Camell 

and dying unmarried 



in Meer Wilts 

Somersett dying \v (tl out 

at Southampton 

she < 

issue supposed heart broke 

as a 

by her husband 


Jane Frcke married to 

Weldon of Windsor esq. who 
dying soon left her a widow 
she continuing such and acting 
comOn mother to her 


1 1 



| 1 

m mort. Thomas Christopher mort. 

George mort. 

Mary mar- Thomas 

Harry married to 

mort. leaving a daugh- 

leaving a 

ried to M r 

Duller Reimes's 



John Grove 

widow by Dor- 

chester w^out 

hard married Mary Sarah married to 

Jane married 


'* Ann Freke mort. M r Christopher 

to M r Ridout 

lad issue Mary 


of Blandford 

Richard mort. 




John a 



Anthony Freke 
child born at Shi 
to Agnes Weech 

William Frcke married 
to Mary Doman of Fiford 

Richard Freke married 
to Jane Irish of Chard 

Anne Freke married 
Henry Tutchener of 
Bridgwater D^ of physick 
having twelve children all 
dying before marriage 

Thomas Freke marrying 
Joane Shaddick had two 
sons Richard and Thomas 
who never married 

e Freke mar- John Freke 
to Will. Bray marrying 
e Isle of Wight 
>ut issue 

hony Freke 
rd J. England of 
rd w^out issue 

I 4 | 5 i . 

William Freke in Judith Freke [of] 




Collins of 


Ann Freke mar- 

Elizabeth Freke 

rying Geo. Bell 
of Dunyatt 

[of] London 


Charles Mary Elizabeth 
Freke Freke Freke 


' - 

Mary Freke Robert Freke 
marrying of Taunton 

John Manly 

Thomas Freke 
of Taunton 

James Mary 

Thomas marrying 
Joane Bainton of 

John mar d Agnes 
Wilkins of Comb 
St Nicholas 


'aringdon's eleventh 
5. 1579 and married 
near Dorchester 

r Freke marrying to Elizabeth F 
. Lumbard of Chard to Stephen 
issue William and Chard 
ard, married after 
Rossiter w"'out 

rekc married John Freke of Thorncomb Frank Fre 
Simms of parish married to Eliza- Somerset 
beth Haslebor Dorothy 1 

le of Ling 


of C 


parrying Matilda 
cane of 
omcrsct I 



n Freke Nicholas Freke Charles Freke Samuell Freke Mary F 
rying Mar- marrying Mary marrying Mary marrying marry'd V 
t Selwood Stanton Hancock Susan Stevens Masey of I 
hard lj,h and 


issue Chri 

Abraham of Elizabeth 

Mary and 1 


ell Jane Fr 


eke Johi 

Danicll Samu 
Frekc Frek< 

I Susan 
e Freke 


Thomas Get 
Freke Fre 

Margaret Mary Freke 






Samuel John 
Freke Freke 

Anne Freke marry'd 
John Temple of 

Anthony Freke 


Thomas Freke mar- 
ryed to Joane Smith 
of Nortn Curry 


Richard Freke 
Chard [second 
eleventh child oi 

r IT T 

Anthony William Rich: 
Freke mar- Freke mort. Frekt 
ryed to Eliz. ryed 1 
Dymond of King 
Chard Glast 



rd John Fn 
mar- mort. 
o Mary 


rr T T r T T 

Richard Freke Francis William Anne Freke Elizabeth Mary F 
married to Freke Freke married to Freke married 
Chilcot of married to Henry mort. Rich d 
Exon. Elizabeth Arthur of Shuckbc 
Freeman, Exon. Exon. 
rector of merchant m'chant 
John Freke Devon 
married to 
Lewis of Exon. 


reke Hannah Ric 
to Freke Fre 
mort. mar 
ro Eliz 
of 1 

Francis Freke Elizabeth Henry Henrietta John Elizabet 
bred a clergy- Freke mort. Maria 

h Sarah Rich: 

Mary Snell Richard 



Jane Irish of 
Anthony Freke, 
:c of Faringdon] 

John Freke 



John Frcke fellow 

of Wadham Oxon. 
and now rector of 
Ockford Fitzpaine 
Dorset married Jane 
Baker of Hamwood 
in Trutt parish 

Hannah Freke born 
June 17. 1640 and 
married I st to Tho. 
Eattbrook of Exon. 
a tucker, and after 
to Tho. Bingham 
mort. w lh out issue 

John Frcke 



Syndry of 

Lend, a 










Freke a 


Sarah Freke 

Jane Freke 
married M r 
Glasse an 

attourny in 


Mary Freke 


Freke mort. 

John Freke an 
eminent Sur- 
geon in London 
married to M'. 
Blundell y 
Royal Sur- 
geon's daughter 





Philip Frcki 
Freke of Ci 
Domner in S 

Alice Freke born at 
Shrot. 1570 and 
after married to 
Will" 1 Hawkins of 

Jane Freke born at 
Shrot 1573. and 
married to John 
Bampton of Stoke 

Thomas Freke at Chil- 
thorne mar d Agnes Lan- 
ning at Shrot. 1 1 Dec. 
1569, and after Edith 
Hawkins dying 1605 

Edith Freke first 
married to John 
Good of Maiden 
Newton and after to 
Abraham Bryant of 
Burton Dorset 


his fou: 
don an 

Jane Freke married 
1593 to Robert 
Mighell of Stoke 
under Bullbarro 

John Freke Mary Freke John Freke mar- 

Mary Freke 


ried to Mary 

married to 


Barry of Sturton 

Robert Pope 



: reke 






of Bruam 




Phillip twin 
with Mary 

Freke mort. 



r I 

Ann Elizabeth 

John Freke 
July i J. 
Sarah Wii 

Mary twin 
with Phillip 

Freke mort. 

John Freke 


of Frank 



Elizabeth Freke married 
to Will m Bragg of Sad- 
bury July 16 1570 at 
Shrot. and who hat left 
a most numerous issue 

3 4 5 | 

e born Phillip Freke who John Freke born at William Freke born Thomas Freke born 

582 at married Mary Tim- Shrot. 1584 and Ap. io'. h 1584 at March 27 1588 at 

named bury of Bruam married to Edith Shrot mar 11 Joane Shroton 

itby of 

Asgile of Ockford [ ] of Fording- 


Fitzpaine 1611 bridge 

le had 

i Oct. 



Thomas Freke 
marry 1 * Elizabeth 
Perry of Preston 

John Freke 
born at 
Jan. 19. 

Freke in 

Mary Freke Rafe Freke 

omas Rol 

ert Richard 

Phillip Freke 




Elizabeth Joell Freke Edith Frel 

ke 1645 mart. Freke 

marryed Ann 


Freke maryed 

Freke mart. marryed 



daughter of Mr. marryed 

Tbo. Rodler 

married to Richard 

an dauyh- 


Sam* 1 Price. Ann Christian (?) 

John Fookes 




dying marryed 

daughter of 


mo* no 

M'. (Penny )) 

Elia. daughter of M" 

Holt [or 


M r George Protvse Hobbs] and 

of Teovil 

no male issue 

Thomas a Merchant in Bristol (son 

Pbilif married Frances the daughter 

bis uncle William, one son Thomas dea 

Betty Sarah Mary 



in Thomas 




And after marr* Frances daug^ of - 
Langton of Brislington Com. of Somers 
had issue Thomas Langton Freke mot 

Freke Freke Freke 


Freke Freke 




Frances and An* mort. 





Y reason of its many and wide-spreading 
branches the house of Basset makes a 
great figure in English history. The Bassets 
of Weldon and Drayton, and the many lines 
which come from them, have made the name 
one harder to miss than to find in any page of 
_ the chronicle book. The shields of a score 

of Bassets, heads of houses and knights with many a man to 
their banners, are found in the ancient rolls of arms. Yet 
far and wide as they went, no landed branch remains as their 
monument unless it be the Bassets of Tehidy in Cornwall. 

The Bassets came from over sea. Of Ralph Basset, the 
king's justice, the first great man of the name in England, 
Orderic writes that he was of ignoble stock, one whom 
Henry I. had raised up as it were from the dust, to set him 
above his betters. But the source of the Bassets is not to 
be thus muddied without appeal, for Orderic has much the 
same story of the beginning of another Norman-English 
house whom other evidence clears of the slander. 

Five sons at least are assigned to the justice, who flour- 
ished in the first quarter of the twelfth century. From his 
time onward a clan of Bassets increases and multiplies. In 
the troubles of the thirteenth century they were in both 
camps. There were Bassets out with Montfort a Basset of 
Drayton falling beside the earl at Evesham and Bassets were 
in the king's host in good plenty. The oldest stall-plate 
remaining of a garter knight is that of a Basset, and Froissart 
and the gallant chroniclers tell of the deeds of the house. 

But the greater lines soon perished away. The last barons 
of Weldon, Drayton and Sapcote were in their graves before 
the Wars of the Roses, and the lesser houses failed one by one 
until this west-country house stands alone. 

The near kinship of the Cornish Bassets to the main stock 
cannot be doubted, but it is nevertheless impossible to do 



more than guess at the link. The Cornish story must begin 
with the history of another Norman house, the Dunstan- 

Humfrey de Lisle, Domesday lord of Castle Combe and 
Winterburne, and of five-and-twenty other Wiltshire manors, 
was living as a follower of William the Red in 1091. His 
daughter and heir, Adeline, in 1 1 24 gave lands to Tewkesbury 
Abbey for the soul of her dead husband, Rainald de Dun- 
stanville. This Rainald bears the same name as Rainald de 
Dunstanville, Earl of Cornwall, a bastard of the blood, but 
he was dead whilst the second Rainald was yet a boy, and 
confusion between them may be avoided. Two sons were 
born to Rainald and Adeline the heiress, Robert and Alan. 
The elder, a follower of Empress Maude and her son, died 
without issue. The younger was Lord of Idsall, having 
grants in Sussex and Shropshire by the favour of Henry I., 
and his two sons, Walter and Alan, are found, and a daughter 
Alice. A pipe roll of 1168 shows that Walter was heir to his 
uncle Robert, and Alice brings the family of Basset first into 
our view by marrying Thomas Basset of Oxfordshire, son of 
Gilbert, one of the supposed sons of Ralph the Justice. His 
younger brother Alan married twice, whose line was continued 
by his daughters, 1 his only son Geoffrey dying without issue. 
Of these daughters, Cecily married William Basset of Ipsden, 
another Oxfordshire Basset, who may be reckoned as a 
probable kinsman of Thomas Basset, his wife's uncle by 

The immediate ancestry of this William Basset is made 
clear by suits at law which are found again and again in the 
Coram Rege rolls. Again and again we find the same pedigree 
set forth in his pleas. An Osmond Basset of Ipsden marries 
Basilia, widow of one Luvet de Brai, and has by her John 
Basset, living under Henry II., and father to William, husband 
of Cecily de Dunstanville. A charter roll of King John 
proves this marriage with Cecily, the king confirming to her 
husband and his heirs of her body the lands which Alan de 
Dunstanville her father gave him on his marriage with her. 
Osmund had been enfeoffed of half a knight's fee in Ipsden 
by Brian fitz Count in the time of Henry I." 

1 Curia regii roll, Hilary, 27 Hen. III. m. 4<1, 13. 

2 Curia regis roll, Mich. 9 Hen. III. m. 29. 


Amongst the Dunstanville lands was Tehidy, which is 
even to this day the seat of the Bassets, descendants in a right 
line from William and Cecily, a manor which with Trevalga 
and other lands was held by the Bassets of the Inglefields as 
their mesne lords, the Inglefields descending from Emme, 
elder sister of Cecily. This possession of Tehidy enables 
the descent thenceforward to be traced with great assur- 

The heir of the Dunstanville marriage bore the Dunstan- 
ville name of Alan, as did his son after him, upon whom Alan 
the elder settled Trevalga by a fine in 47 Henry III. From 
this second Alan inquests post mortem carry the pedigree to 
his great-grandson Sir William, who had King Edward III.'s 
licence to embattle his house of Tehidy. 

He had been a minor and in wardship at his father's death. 
In like case were his son, another Sir William, and his grand- 
son, John Basset, who died in 1463, so that for three genera- 
tions the estate suffered those feudal exactions which preyed 
upon the estates of young heirs. The marriages of these 
three were with Botreaux, Fleming and Beaumont. The 
match with Joan Beaumont, heir of her brother Sir Philip, 
last of the Beaumont lords of Heanton, brought to the 
Bassets the beautiful Devonshire lands of Heanton, Sherwell 
and Umberleigh. Umberleigh indeed tempted the Bassets 
from their ancient seat, and is henceforward the chief 
house of the name. Sir John Basset of Umberleigh, grand- 
son of John Beaumont, wedded Honor Grenvile, daugh- 
ter of Thomas Grenvile, Knight of the Bath and ancestor 
of famous Sir Richard of the Revenge, a lady who after his 
death took for a second husband a gentleman bearing a 
splendid name, Sir Arthur Plantagenet, Knight of the Garter 
and Viscount Lisle. This was Edward IV.'s son by Elizabeth 
Lucie. He was one of the shining ones at the Field of Cloth 
of Gold, Vice- Admiral of England and Deputy of Calais, and 
being prisoner in the Tower upon some whisper of a fantastic 
plot, died of joy on receiving a ring in token of pardon from 
his tiger sovereign. Foxe, the martyrologist, has a word 
concerning Dame Honor Basset of Umberleigh in her new 
rank of viscountess, calling her ' utter enemy to God's honour, 
and in idolatry, hypocrisy, and pride incomparably evil.' 
The sum >of which may be that she was no patroness of 
Master Foxe. 


With Honor Basset's children the house divided. John 
Basset, the heir, had Umberleigh, and for a wife Frances 
Plantagenet, daughter and co-heir of his stepfather, who bore 
him an heir and remarried with Thomas Monke, ancestor of 
the general of the Restoration. The heir, Arthur Basset of 
Umberleigh, was knighted by King James at Theobalds. 

These Bassets of Umberleigh and Heanton were for the 
king, as were their cousins of Tehidy. Colonel Arthur 
Basset of Heanton held St. Michael's Mount until forced to 
surrender it to the parliament. Four generations after- 
wards Francis Basset of Heanton had by a Courtenay of 
Powderham a son, who died unmarried, and two daughters. 
Joseph Davie, son of the younger daughter, succeeded to 
Umberleigh and Watermouth and to the name and arms of 
Basset, but with his grandson the new line failed, and a 
daughter carried name, arms and land to a cadet of Williams 
of Tregullow. 

The ancient lands of the Bassets in Tehidy were settled 
upon George Basset, the second son of Sir John Basset and 
Honor Grenvile. He married a Coffin of Portledge, and 
was a parliament man, member in turn for Bossiney, New- 
port and Launceston. He died in London in 1580, and left 
a son James, who married a Godolphin of Godolphin. 

The next generation carried the Bassets of Tehidy into 
the civil wars. Sir Thomas Basset, second son of James, was 
major-general in King Charles's host in the west. Sir 
Arthur, a fourth son, fought his way to a colonelcy, whilst 
Sir Francis, the head of the house, sheriff and vice-admiral of 
Cornwall and recorder of and member for St. Ives, did not 
allow his dignities to stay him from striking in on the same side. 
This Sir Francis, married to a Trelawney of Trelawne, 
was a hearty sportsman, a great falconer and fighter of cocks. 
He was in the king's army with the western gentlemen on 
Braddock Down, where he had knighthood on the field, the 
king in high spirits hailing him as ' Dear Master Sheriff.' 
He died in middle life in 1645, and upon his son's head came 
the wrath of the parliament. Young John Basset of Tehidy, 
who had never been in arms, was forced to compound at a 
high price for his estates, and in 1660 the Bassets parted with 
their lordly house upon St. Michael's Mount. With the 
restoration it was discovered that the loyal Bassets had bred 
a Puritan, and a Puritan vehemently suspected for a while of 


plotting against King Charles the Restored, until a treason- 
able letter in his hand was shown to be a forgery. 

The Bassets had a pretty knack of courting and marrying 
heiresses, four of whom followed one another at Tehidy in 
the seventeenth and eighteenth century. Of these Mrs. 
Mary Pendarves may be signalized. The brutal old squire, 
Alexander Pendarves of Roscrow, the first husband of Miss 
Delany, had no children by her, and dying with an unsigned 
will his estates came to a niece and heir, Mary Pendarves, who 
married Francis Basset of Tehidy. 

Sir Francis Basset, grandson of Francis and Mary, was 
created a baronet in 1779, paying for his advancement 
with a shower of political and economical pamphlets, writing 
with impartiality on Mildew and on the Crimes of Democracy, 
on Crops in Cornwall, and on the Theory and Practice of the 
French Constitution. He was ready for the French with more 
than pamphlets when they threatened Plymouth in 1779, the 
year of his baronetcy, at which time he marched the Cornish 
miners in militia coats to Plymouth and cast up earthworks 
and batteries about the port. Those were the great days of 
Cornish mining, and Basset was king amongst the miners, 
his house of Tehidy lying near his rich lodes. In 1796 Pitt 
made a peer of him by a title which recalled the coming of 
the Bassets to Cornwall, making him Lord de Dunstanville 
of Tehidy. The next year he had a second barony of Basset 
of Stratton conferred upon him with a special remainder to 
the heirs male of his only daughter, who survived until 1855 
but never married. 

His nephew, John Basset of Stratton, the next head of 
the house, wrote on mining in Cornwall and elsewhere, and 
brought from the Hartz mines the system of machinery 
which abolished the long ladders by which the Cornish 
miners, till his days, had ascended and descended. Three sons 
of this John Basset succeeded in turn to Tehidy, the third 
being followed by his son Arthur Francis Basset, now of 
Tehidy, who is probably heir male of William Basset and 
Cecily Dunstanville. 

Cornwall, which has still many old houses amongst its 
halls, can show no pedigree to match this of the Bassets. 
Let us recall that it can be traced with assurance to a Basset 
of Ipsden under Henry I., who was doubtless a son of one of 
the most famous of our Norman English clans. Seven hun- 


dred years ago the head of the family founded this line in 
the west country with a rich and noble marriage. Since 
then they have married, and given in marriage with most of 
the great houses of Cornwall and Devon, and are still firmly 
seated in their ancient manor house of Tehidy. 

O. B. 


LET me preface these notes with the statement that they 
come from an amateur in genealogy, who pretends to 
but a superficial knowledge of his craft, and who asks 
for the criticism and aid of those better versed in genealogical 
lore. The data which I have collected are, I think, for the 
most part unpublished, and I hope throw new light on some 
mediaeval families of importance. 

The following key pedigree shows the SAMBORNE line from 
Nicholas of Wiltshire to the division into Somerset and Berk- 
shire branches. 

Niebolai Samborne, born 
about 1350, of Biddes- 
ton, Wilts, and Fern- 
ham, Berks 

[Nicholas ?] Samborne,= 
born about 1380, of I 
Lushill, Wilts, and 
Fernham, Berks | 

Walter Samtorne, born = 
about 1420, of Lushill, 
Wilts, and Fernham, 

Catherine, du. and co-heir 
to Sir John Lushil! or Lus- 
teshull, of Lushill in Wilts 

Elizabeth, dau. and co-heir 
of Thomas Cricklade of 
Leigh and Studley, Wilt*, 
and Langridgc, Somt. 

; Margaret, dau. and co-heir 
of Thomas Drew of Seagry, 
Wilts, and Southcut, Berks. 
Died 1494. i. P.M. 10 Hen. 
VII. 1C? 

Drew Samborne of Southcut, = Joan Nicbolai Samborne, = 

Elizabeth, dau. of John 

Buckhurst and Fernham, 

of Mapledurham, 


of Beaurcpaire, 

Berks, and Lushill, Wilts. 

Oxf. Died 1506. 


and grt.-grdr. of 

Died 1505. I.P.M. 24 

Will. F.C.C. 8 

Sir John Lisle of 

Hen. VII. pp. zz, Z3, 24 


Thruxton, Hants. (See 

I.P.M. of Lady Mary 

Lisle, 34 Hen. VIII.) 

William, b. abt. Thomas Henry of Walter John,b. 1490, 


b. 1495 Anne 

1470, d. 1503. Sonning, of Timsbury, 



M. Anne, d. Sir Berks, a Somt. M. 



Roger Copley, quo the Dorothy, dau. 
and left one Sam- of Nicholas 

dau. and heir, bornes Tichborne 

Margaret, who of Moull- 

m. William, znd ford, 
Lord Windsor Berks 

A Jl 


a quo Windsor- 

a quo the 

a quo the Hampshire 

Hickman, Earls 


Sambornes and pro- 

of Plymouth 

of Timsbury 

bably the American 




I have traced the English Samborne family back to one 
Nicholas Samborne, who was born about 1350, and who be- 
came of some note. The first record of him is in 1386, on 
the Patent Rolls of Richard II., which give (p. 165) 1 the 
appointment of Nicholas Samborne, escheator in Wilts, 
together with John Blake, Robert Devenish, and the sheriff 
of Wilts, as a commission to inquire into the lands, etc., of the 
alien priory of Abury, Wilts. Again on page 177 of the same 
volume is the appointment of Tho. de Hungerford, Nicholas 
Bonham, John Legh, Nicholas Samborne (escheator) and 
the sheriff of Wilts to inquire into the status of the manor 
of Heyghtredbury, Wilts. 

In 1387 (p. 316 of the same series) we find the appointment 
of Lawrence Drew, Nicholas Samborne, Edward Flory, John 
Panes of Purygge, Stephen Bodenham, Richard Huneman 
and the sheriff of Wilts as a commission to arrest the monk 
Thomas Coffyn. 

This Nicholas Samborne seems to have been the son of 
another Nicholas, for he is called ' Junior ' in the following 
references : 3 

Parliament of England at Westminster, 17 Ric. II. 27 Jan. 1393-4. 

Nicholas Samborne, Junior ) ~, . 

Hugo de la Lynd J Clu PP enham bor U 8 h - 

Parliament of England at Westminster, 18 Ric. II. 27 Jan. 1394-5. 

Nicholas Samborne, junior ) A/t , u , 

_, _ . \ Malmesbury borough. 

Thomas Froud ) 

Although in the Parliament of 3 Nov. 1391 the Junior was omitted, when 
the representation was 

Hugo de la Lynde } ., -,. 

XT- L. i e i. r Bath City. 

Nicholas Samborne j 

Nicholas is still called ' Junior ' when in 18 Ric. II. (1395) 3 
he bought from Walter Hertland and John, son of Thos. 
Perham, lands in Worton, Potterne, Hurst, Merston, Fyding- 
ton and Bishop's Lavington, Wilts. Again in 1401 we find 4 
a fine ' between John Thornbury, elk., John Herman, elk., 

1 References are to the printed volumes of Close and Patent Rolls now 
being issued by the P.R.O. 

J References are to the printed returns of Members of Parliament 1213- 
1702. House of Commons, 1878. 

3 Wilts Feet of Fines, 18 Ric. II. (case 256, file 57, 19). These lands were 
conveyed to Nicholas Samborne, junior, and Hugh de la Lynde, who was prob- 
ably some connection. 

Wilts Fines, 3 Hen. IV. file 58, 16. 


Nicholas Samborne the younger, and Robert Andrewe, 
querents : and Thomas Bonde of Malmesbury and Alice his 
wife, def., concerning lands in Malmesbury, Burton and 
Thornhull, Wilts.' These lands were conveyed to the four 
plaintiffs and to the heirs of John Thornbury. In 1403 we 
find * a fine ' between Nicholas Samburne, John Wikyng and 
Robert Andrew of Eton Meisy, querents ; and William 
Sibyle, def. ; of one third of the manor of Lustishalle, to 
hold to the said Nicholas, John and Robert, and the heirs of 

From 1392 to 1404 Nicholas Samborne held one-fourth 
of a knight's fee in Biddeston, Wilts. 8 

Sir Thomas Phillipps' Licenses for Oratories, 1322-1504, 
yields the following : 3 ' 1409, Nicholas Sambury (sic) Junior, 
de Fernham and Lusteshull = Katerina.' This Nicholas 
Samborne married Katherine, daughter and coheir of Sir 
John de Lusteshull, concerning whose ancestry I will add a 
note. Thus, between 1386 and 1409 we find this Nicholas, 
of a line hitherto unknown, intermarrying with a family of 
distinction, becoming an escheator and a Member of Par- 
liament, and owning, partly by descent and partly by pur- 
chase, two manors. My effort has been to find whether he 
rose thus suddenly from the yeoman class, and if not, who 
were his ancestors. 

The Samborne trail becomes very blind when we attempt 
to trace the ancestry of Nicholas. I assume his father to 
have been also Nicholas, but in that period of varying sur- 
names it is possible that he was not called Samborne. The 
manor of Biddeston, Wilts, was the earliest Samborne holding, 
and it was held as follows : * 

Domesday : Held by Turchetil under Humphrey de 1'Isle. 

1250-72 : Held by Henry de Budeston under Walter de Dunstanvil. 

1338 : Held by Nicholas de Budeston under Lord Badlesmere. 

1350: Held by William de Budeston. 

1392-1404: Held by Nicholas Samborn. 

1424 : Held by Robert Russell of Bristol. 

i Wilts Fines, 4 Hen. IV. file 58, 17. 
1 History of Castle Combe, p. 156. 

3 Phillipps says this is from Bishop Metford's Registers ; but the reference 
is somewhere wrong, for that bishop's episcopacy extended from 1396 to 1407 

4 References are to History of Castle Combe. 


Since we assume the father of Nicholas Samborne was 
also so called, was he the Nicholas of Budeston who held in 
the manor in 1338 ? If so, we have a variant from Sam- 
borne to Budestone. But whence came the name Sam- 
borne ? Was it a Wiltshire cognomen ? A careful search 
of early Wilts fines, court and subsidy rolls yields but the 
following references : 

Cbippenham, Sbuldon, &c., Wilts : Nicholas Samborne, tenant of a gar- 
den and 3 acres of land, 5 Edw. III. 
(1331-2) (Rentals and Surreys, 
portfolio 16/53). 
Trtncbridge, Wilts: 

1327. Richard Samborn, xijd (Lay Subs. Roll I Edw. III. 196/7). 
1333. Richard Saumburn, xijd (Lay Subs. Roll 7 Edw. III. 196/8). 

Unless the Samborne and Budestone lines were identical, 
perhaps the Sambornes came into Wilts from some other 
county, since the Wilts references to the name are so meagre. 
Was there in Wiltshire any place named Samborne, which 
could have furnished a derivative for the family name ? I 
can only find one, the hamlet of Sambourne in Warminster. 
This is not mentioned in Domesday, and though called a 
manor in Mr. Daniell's History of Warminster, I have not 
found anything to connect our family with the place. 

Where else in England do we come on Samborne as a 
family name as early as 1350 ? I can only find one line, 
which seems to have originated in Somersetshire, near Yeovil. 
The earliest record of Samborne here is in 1314, and I append 
it in full. 

Patent Roll, 7 Edw. II. p. 150, June 7 (1314). 

Commission of oyer and terminer to Will, de Burne, Ric. de Rodeney and 
Joh. de Foxle, on complaint of Geoffrey de Lorimer of Yevele, that Master 
Rob. de la Mere, Joh. de Loketon, Thos. de Saunbornt, Joh. Much, John le 
Tayllour, Rob. Gilletoune the elder, Joh. le Cutiller, Tho. de Goldun, Tho. 
de Anne, John Rusmer, Nich. Wilet, Nich. Malet the elder and Joh. Godwyne, 
with others, leveled a house of his at Yevele, Somt. and hauled away the timber 
and other goods of his. 

From now until 1400 in Somerset frequent references 
occur. In 1333 the Lay Subsidy Roll for Yeovil shows a 
Maude Samborne. Of this Yeovil line was undoubtedly 
Robert de Sambourne, a Somerset cleric of some note, whose 
birth I cannot trace, but whose name appears often on the 
public records. Concerning his life I will cite the main facts, 


1333. Instituted as Priest of Merriot, Somt., by the lord of the Manor 
(Weaver's Somt. Incumbents). 

1348. Founded Samborne's Chantry in Yeovil, endowed with 7 messuages 

and 30 acres of land in Yeovil, Kingston and Mersh (Collinstn, 
iii. 208). 

1349. Instituted as Priest of Kyngeston, Somt., on presentation of Rob. 

Fitz Payn (Wearer's Somt. Incumbents). 

1353. Resigned as priest of Kyngeston (Ibid.). 

1356. Demise by Sir John de Risyngdon, parson of the Church of Yeovil, 
Sir Robert de Sambourne, chaplain, and Sir. Wm. Umfray, 
parson of the church of Kyngeston to Wm. Woodfield covering 
certain premises in Yeovil (Anc. Deeds, vol. ii. B, 512). 

1359. John Mautravers of Litchet, and Agnes, his wife, took from the hand 

of feoffees, Robert Sambourne, &c., certain lands (Top. et Gen. 

" 339)- 

1360. Sir John de Meriet (patron of the advowson of Merriot) and the 

Earl of Arundel (patron of the church of Yeovil) proposed an ex- 
change of livings by which Robert de Sambourne should hare that 
of Yeovil (Register of Bishop Ralph of Shrewsbury). 

1362. June 9: Sir Hugh de Courtenay presented Robert de Sambourne 
(by William White, elk., his proxy) to the living of Yeoril in ex- 
change for John de Risyngdon (Weaver's Somt. Incumbents). 

1362. Sir John de Meriet enfeoffed Robert Sambourne of the manors of 
Lopene, Stratton and Meriet (Greenfield's Meriet Family, 
Som. Arch. Soc.). 

1369. Nov. 5. ' Robertus Samborne canonicum electus fuit in Senes- 

chal turn capituli' (Wells Register). 

1370. William de Courtenay made Bishop of Hereford upon the death 

of the late Bishop ; and Robert Samborne, Robert Waggescombe, 
and Richard Hyden were custodians of the Bishop'* Temporali- 
ties (Rymer's FaeJera). 

1380. At the Court of the Earl of March in Odcombe, Robert Samborne, 
parson of the church of Yeovil was summoned to answer on a 
plea of trespass (Court Roll, 26 May, 4 Ric. II. ; 200/5). 

1382. May 20. Will of Robert Samborne, Canon of Bath ind Wells, and 
Rector of Yeovil. Pro. 12 Sept. 1382. Executors acquitted 
21 Nov. 1382. Filed Lambeth (Courtenay 201 A). Mentions 
no kindred. 

By these references concerning Robert Samborne's life 
we see he lived at Yeovil, had some connexion with Odcombe, 
and was in a sense a protege of the families of Meriet, Mal- 
travers and Fitz Payn. A curious connexion existed be- 
tween one Nicholas de Odcombe and the Meriet family with 
the Wiltshire manor of West Kington ; and of this manor 
Nicholas Samborne as escheator for Wilts had charge in 
1385. The history of this manor of West Kington throws 
an interesting light on a branch of the famous Fitz Herbert 
family, and its descent is shown by the following pedigree. 



Hugh de Vivonia=. Mabel, dau. and co-heir 

Herbert the Cbamberlain = 

steward of 
Poitou, etc. 
Held West 
Kington in 
1214 (Coll. 
Tof. et Gen. vii. 

of William Malet 

Herbert Fitz Heriert= 

Peter Fin Herbcrt= 


left one son, William de Fortibus= Maud de Kyme 
who d.s.p. 1314 

Cecily, heir to= 
her cousin 
John. Held 
half West 

=John de 

Sybil, m. Mabel, m. Joan, d. 
Guy de Fulk de before 
Roche L'Orty 1 3 I 4 

-Reynold Fitz Peter, 
d. before 1314 


1 1 

Cecily, m. Eleanor, m. 
John Grey Sir John de 
patron of 
His son, 
Sir John de 
sold half 
West King- 
ton in 1379 
to Sir W. 

John, Ela (see= 
a quo Genealo- 
Fitz gist,N.S. 
Her- ix. 150) 

Peter Fitz Reynold= M a u d e = Nicholas d 
b. abt. 1275; d. survived Odecombe 
1323. Held half her hus- who maj 
West Kington as band and have been 
heir to his cousin married an ancestoi 
John de Vivonia again in of S a m - 
1327 to borne 

Roger Fitz Peter 
also called Roger 
Martel. 8.1285; 
d. 1334 


N. de O. 

Henry Fitz Roger= Elizabeth 
b. 1318 ;d. 1354. 
Held half West 
Kington (see 
I.P.M. 26 Edw. III. 
No. 37 


Thomas : 


John Fitz Roger. =Alice [Chedder ?] who survived her husband 
Held half West I and is said in History of Trigg Minor to have 
Kington I m. four times more 

Elizabeth, held=John de Bonvyle, s. and h. of 
half West I Sir William de Bonvyle of 
Kington I Chute, Devon 

Sir William Bonville, who held, by inheritance 
and by purchase, all of West Kington 


a quo Grey 
Marquis of 


It has occurred to me that the Nicholas de Odcombe of 
this pedigree may have been a Samborne antecedent. I 
have not found his ancestral line, but I take him to have been 
a Paulyn. Burke and Papworth give the arms of Paulyn of 
Odcombe, Staffordshire (sic) (22 Edw. III.), somewhat re- 
sembling the ancient Samborne arms ; viz. On a chevron 
between three cinqfoils, as many dart heads. I should be glad 
to have any new light on this Nicholas, concerning whom I 
find the following references, mainly from the series of Close 
and Patent Rolls, now being published by the Deputy Keeper 
of the Public Records. 

1312. Pardon to Nicholas de Odecombe, for acquiring in fee without 
license, from William le Eyr of Combe, 5 1 acres of land and 3 acres 
of meadow in Combe and Stuntesfield (Oxon). 

1320. Acknowledges that he owes Richard de Rodney 50 to be levied 
in default on his lands &c. in Oxon. 

1327. Represented Somerset County in Parliament. 

1327. Acknowledges that he owes Will. Trussel 100 to be levied in de- 
fault on his lands &c. in Leic. 

1327. Order to deliver to Nicholas de Odecombe and Maude, his wife 
(late the wife of Peter fitz Reynold), as her dower, 1/4 fee in 
Leygh, Dorset, 1/2 fee in More Krichel, Dorset, I fee in Hinton, 
Mapelarton, and Brodemayne and Wolverton, Dorset, 1/4 fee in 
Multon, Dorset, 1/2 fee in Stepelton, Dorset, 1/4 fee in Lasar- 
ton, Dorset. 

1327. Protection for one year with clause nolumus. 

1330. Order to permit John Franceys the younger and Nicholas de Ode- 
combe to take 300 quarters of corn to Ireland. 

1330. Peter Fitz Peter acknowledges he owes to Nicholas Paulyn 1,000 

to be levied in default on his lands &c. in Sussex. 

1331. Protection for one year with clause volumus. 

1331. Pardon to Walter Lovecok of Nettleton, for his outlawry in Wilts, 
for non-appearance to answer plea of Nicholas Paulyn de Od- 
combe that he render an account as his bailiff in West Kington. 

1333-4. O n Lay Subsidy Roll for West Kington, Wilts. 

1335. Protection for one year with clause volumus. 

1337. Acknowledges he owes John Paulyn Byestbroke 100 to be levied 
in default on his lands &c. in Oxon. 

1337. Complaint of Nicholas Paulyn de Odcombe that Walter de Shobyn- 
den, Will ; and Rob ; Alyn, Simon de Wodestok, Walter Cok, 
John le Couper, Will and Rob. le Eyr, and others broke into his 
house at Combe by Hanesburg. 

1339. Nicholas de Odcombe, 'late Escheator of Dorset.' 

Is it possible that this Nicholas de Odcombe was the ante- 
cedent of our Sambornes ? Or was the line of Wiltshire 
yeoman stock rising in the time of Richard II. into a gentle 
and landed family ? 


The Samborne heraldry gives me no clue to the earlier 
generations. The arms given in the early visitations were 
silver a chevron sable between three pierced molets gules. 
Glover's Ordinary gives the arms of Sir John Samburne as 
sable a lion rampant gold ; but this coat I assume to be an 
error, confused perhaps with the Brocas arms, because of an 
intermarriage between the families about 1490. Perhaps 
these notes may suggest to some one better versed the solution 
of the Samborne derivation. 

The Lushill or Lusteshill family also needs some eluci- 
dation. So far as I know, except for the researches of Mr. 
Story-Maskelyne and myself, this old Wiltshire line has not 
been traced since the days of Glover. Mr. Maskelyne found 
in Harl. MS. 807 the oldest Lushill pedigree, about which 
he wrote : 

Concerning this valuable MS. referred to by Mr. Alfred T. Everitt, some- 
thing of its history is given in a note prefixed to it : ' This booke of Pedigrees 
is in the handwriting of Robert Glover Esqre. Somt. Herald, and from the 
Executrix of Ralph Brooke Esqre. Yorks Herald came into the hands of me, 
Tho. Cole, Ao. 1629.' No candid person can, I think, fail to be convinced that 
this MS. is founded on another noteworthy MS. in the same collection, Harley 
1074, the source of those curious tables printed in vol. i. of the Collectanea. 
The latter is, I believe, the work of an earlier herald, and I hazard the suggestion 
that it is of common origin with the notes printed by Sir Tho. Phillipps from 
the Aske collections. Harley 807 may therefore be considered as an edition. 
revised by a very competent hand, of very early work. 

These Lushill pedigrees are as follows : 
A. Harley MS. 807, ff. 27 and 

Sir Edmund Littbill= Ladjr Collhill 

S/> John Lmbill, Kt. = Agne, dau. to Shoteibroke 

Nicholas Dunstanville= Agnes, dau. and Catherine, m. Jane, wife to 
I co-heir to Samborne Jno. Temes- 

Henry DunstanTille=Millicent of 
I Cornwall 


January DumtanTil = Alice, dau. to 
I John Richens 

John Wriotheslejr Barbara, sole heire, grandmother 

all. Garter to Thomas Wriotheilejr, Earl of 


B. Harley MS. 807, f. 66b. 



Gilbert Shoteibroke, Esq.= Agne Shoteibroke=Sir John Luihill 

1 of Luihill, Kt. 

Edith, dau. to=Sir Robert John Shotetbroke Catherjrn, m. to Agnes, m. to Nicholii 


athcryn, m. to 

Sir John 

Si. It'll "II ; lit 

m. Sir John 

Shoteibroke of whom the yiue Walter Samborne, DunitanTil of Cattle 

of Sir Will. Etiex of whom Margaret combe, heir male to 

cometh cometh m. to Baronjr of Cutle- 

Wjrntor combe 

Alienor, dau. and Sir John Cheyney 
heire of Shepey 

The manor of Lushill, in Castle Eaton, Wilts, was held 
partly of the duchy of Lancaster, as of the manor of Trow- 
bridge, and partly of the barony of Castle Combe. In Mr. 
Poulett Scrope's History of Castle Combe, we find its tenure 
given as follows : 

Domesday. Lands of Humphrey de Lisle, held by Gunter. 
Temp. Henry III. Nicholas ntz Ada held two parts of a knight* fee in 
Lusteshall of Walter de Dunstanvil. 

1340. (Partition Roll) held by John de Lusteshulle. 

1377. In custody of the Lord during minority of John de Lusteshull. 

1404. Held by Nicholas de Castle Combe. 

1414. Held by Agnes, widow of Nicholas de Castle Combe. 

Nicholas fitz Ada, or Nicholas de Lusteshull, then was 
the earliest antecedent of our Lushill family. He was sheriff 
of Wilts in 1246-9 and again in 1267. His descendant, Sir 
Edmund or Simon de Lusteshull, married Coleshill, and 
had a son, Sir John de Lusteshull, who was born about 1310 
and who married Joan . In 1333 certain lands in Lus- 
hill, Hannington and Widhill were settled on John and Joan, 
and in 1 340 the manor of Lushill was settled on them. Major 
Gen. Wrottesley shows in his Crefy and Calais that this John 
de Lusteshull served in those famous wars. His son and heir 
was undoubtedly the Sir John Lushill who married Agnes 
Shotesbroke in the pedigree, and he was probably born about 
1335. His children were : 

i. Agnes, born about 1356; married (l) Nicholas Dun- 
stanvil, a descendant of John Dunstanvil, second son of 
Walter, the second Baron of Castle Combe. Apparently she 


married (2) John Temes of Rood Ashton, for on her death in 
1442 John Temmes was her heir. 

ii. Joan, born about 1358, married John Sibell, and left 
son and heir William Sibell, who in 1394-5 held one third of 
the manor of Lushill (Cbanc. I. P.M. 18 Ric. II. No. 38), 
which he sold in 1403 to Nicholas Samborne. 

iii. Catherine, born about 1360; married Nicholas Sam- 
borne, of whom before. 

iv. John, born about 1362 ; the only son, a minor in 1377, 
and probably died soon after unmarried. 

The Lushill arms were silver a 'pale indented, within a bor- 
dure azure bezanty. Whether these arms furnish any clue 
to the family ancestry I cannot say. The Note Book 
of Tristram Risdon gives these arms as belonging to 
John de Lusteshull, and also mentions Sir Simon de Lustes- 
hall, but gives no arms for him. Some expert in heraldic lore 
can perhaps with these scant data fill out the Lushill pedigree, 
which will amplify the earlier lines of the Wriothesleys, 
Earls of Southampton. 


From a carbon print of Messrs. Brattn, Clement & Co 


(From the picture by ' 'an Dyck.) 


^^~ ~~| ' A SINGULAR person, whose life was 
f | j[~V. one contradiction. He wrote against 

_\ /f~\ Popery, and embraced it ; he was a zealous 
_\n f(f-\ i opposer of the Court, and a sacrifice for it. 
vij u (iL V Was conscientiously converted in the midst 
^ C? *5 J f hi 8 prosecution of Strafford, and was 
^^\J^r most unconscientiously a prosecutor of Lord 
Clarendon. With great parts, he always 
hurt himself and his friends ; with romantic bravery, he 
was always an unsuccessful commander. He spoke for the 
Test Act though a Roman Catholic, and addicted himself to 
Astrology on the birthday of true Philosophy.' 

Such is the character of George Digby, Earl of Bristol, 
as delineated by Horace Walpole. The words are severe, but 
the following pages will, I think, show that on the whole the 
criticism is justified. 

The family of Digby is a very ancient one in the 
counties of Rutland and Leicester. In 1434, in the reign of 
Henry VI., we find that a Sir Everard Digby, of Tilton and 
Stokedry, in the county of Rutland, was made High Sheriff 
for that county. In the Wars of the Roses he took the side 
of Henry VI., and was killed at the battle of Towton, fighting 
for the Lancastrian cause. He married Jaqueta, daughter of 
Sir John Ellys, and by her had seven sons, all of whom fought 
at the battle of Bosworth against Richard III. The second 
son, Simon of Coleshill, in Warwickshire, was made High 
Sheriff of Warwick and Leicester. His great grandson, Sir 
George Digby, was knighted at the siege of Zutphen, in Flan- 
ders, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and died in 1586, 
leaving three sons, the eldest of whom died young ; the 
second, Sir Robert, from whom is descended the present Lord 
Digby ; and the third, John, the father of the subject of this 
memoir. The latter married Beatrice, daughter of Charles 
Walcot, Esquire, of Walcot in Shropshire, and widow of Sir 
John Dyves, of Bramham in Bedfordshire. Their son George 
was born in Madrid in 1612. John Digby was appointed 
Ambassador to the Court of Spain by James I. to negotiate 

71 _ 


the marriage between Prince Charles and the Infanta. For 
these services James created him Earl of Bristol, and Baron 
Digby of Sherborne in the County of Dorset. Sherborne 
Castle had belonged to Sir Walter Raleigh, who began the 
building of the present house, which is the shape of the letter 
H, the two wings with octagonal towers being added by the 
Earl of Bristol. After Raleigh's execution, the castle and 
estates were appropriated by James, who gave them to his 
son Henry, Prince of Wales, who, however, did not live long 
to enjoy the possession of them. James subsequently gave 
or sold Sherborne to Lord Bristol in recognition of the be- 
fore-mentioned services in Spain. 

Buckingham's conduct with regard to the negotiations 
of the Spanish match led to a serious quarrel between him 
and Lord Bristol, and on the latter's return to England, 
Buckingham endeavoured to impeach Bristol, who, however, 
ably defended himself and successfully proved his innocence 
of the accusations brought against him, and then in turn 
proceeded to impeach Buckingham. King James came to 
the assistance of his favourite, and sent Bristol to the Tower, 
from which, however, he was soon released, receiving at the 
same time orders from the King to retire to his estates in the 
country, which he accordingly did, remaining at Sherborne 
till the death of James I. On the accession of Charles I., 
Lord Bristol still remained in disfavour at Court, and the 
King gave orders that the Customary Writ for attendance at 
Parliament should be withheld from him. To this indignity 
Lord Bristol was not prepared to submit calmly. He accord- 
ingly laid his case before the House of Lords. Their Lord- 
ships arrived at the decision that there was no just cause why 
the Writ should be withheld, and thereupon the King granted 
it him, accompanied, however, by a letter from the Lord 
Keeper commanding him in the King's name to absent him- 
self from Parliament. To this Lord Bristol made reply that 
having received the Writ signed by the King himself under 
the Great Seal of England, commanding him to appear and 
take his seat in Parliament, he felt himself bound by that 
alone. The King subsequently withdrew his prohibition, 
and Bristol took his seat. But the resentment of the King 
and Buckingham still pursued him, and a charge of high 
treason was brought against him. He made a brilliant de- 
fence, and was acquitted. At the conclusion of the pro- 


ceedings the King dissolved Parliament, and Bristol was 
committed to the Tower, where, however, he does not appear 
to have remained long. 

It was during his father's committal to the Tower in 
1624 that George Digby made his first appearance in public. 
At the early age of twelve he was sent with a petition to the 
House of Commons on his father's behalf, which he delivered 
at the bar of the House, and accompanied it with a short 
speech of his own. The confidence with which he spoke, 
combined with his tender years, made a good impression on 
the members. He was looked upon as a youth of great pro- 
mise. On 15 August 1626 he was admitted to Magdalene 
College, Oxford, where he greatly distinguished himself in 
his knowledge of the classics, and especially Greek, and in the 
study of Literature. On leaving the University he travelled 
for a time in France, and on his return to England remained 
for some years quietly at his father's seat of Sherborne. 
While he was at Oxford he made the acquaintance of Peter 
Heylin, the historian and divine, from whom he derived a 
great taste for theological discussion. During the time spent 
at Sherborne young Digby had ample opportunity for de- 
veloping his tastes for philosophy and theology, and for pur- 
suing his studies, since his father was an accomplished man of 
letters, and his house was the resort of many of the most 
learned men of the day. We find him at this time engaged 
in a correspondence with his kinsman, Sir Kenelm Digby, on 
the subject of religion, George Digby writing in favour of 
Protestantism, and Sir Kenelm upholding the Roman Catho- 
lic doctrines, of which church he was a member. These 
letters were published in 1651. 

It is curious to note that this singular man, who was con- 
sistent only in his inconsistency, should have written so 
strongly against the creed which in later years he himself 

To give an instance of his style, and his considerable 
acquaintance with the works of the Fathers, it may not per- 
haps be thought out of place to quote from the above men- 
tioned letters. Discussing the subject of Papal Supremacy 
he writes : 

For their clashing* in point of government, to name the superiority of the 
See of Rome will be enough to call to your memory the epistles of Leo contrary 
to the 28th Canon of the Fathers of the Council of Calcedon, who had elevated 


that of Constantinople to an equal height with the other ; and likewise those 
Epistles of Gregory the Great, wherein he inveighs in sharp terms against who- 
soever should take upon him the title of Universal Bishop, hardly reconcileable 
with those passages of the Fathers that the Roman Doctors cite for the Pope's 

George Digby appears to have remained peaceably at 
Sherborne till he was about twenty-six years of age. When 
next we hear of him he is engaged in an affair of honour which 
led to rather disastrous consequences. Whilst at a party in 
London, he met a lady of his acquaintance whom he was about 
to escort downstairs, when a young man about the Court, 
named Crofts, interposed himself between Digby and the 
lady, which act of rudeness Digby resented and made Crofts 
apologise. Many months afterwards, however, Digby was 
informed that Crofts had not only " pleased himself " with the 
lady, but had spread the report that he had kicked Digby. On 
hearing this Digby took the earliest opportunity of challenging 
Crofts, and they met and fought a duel in Spring Gardens. 
Crofts was wounded and disarmed. The encounter having 
taken place within the precincts of Whitehall, wherein duel- 
ling was prohibited, Digby was arrested and imprisoned in 
the Fleet, an unusually severe punishment for a person of his 
rank. He petitioned the King for his release, which was sub- 
sequently granted. On his release he returned to the country. 
But the indignities he himself had suffered, together with the 
unjust manner in which his father had been treated, incited 
him against the Court, and he resolved to oppose the Court 
party to the utmost of his ability. The opportunity was soon 
forthcoming, for in 1640 the King found himself under the 
necessity of summoning Parliament, his difficulties in Scot- 
land being so great that he was sorely in need of funds for 
carrying on operations against the Scotch rebels. Digby 
stood for Dorset, and was elected a Member for that county. 
He joined the discontented party, which was opposed to the 
Court, and soon acquired distinction as an orator. This 
Parliament, known as the ' Short Parliament,' did not sit for 
quite a month. It met on 13 April, and was dissolved on 
5 May. Charles had called Parliament together in order that 
they might vote him money to carry on the suppression of 
the insurrection in Scotland, instead of which the House of 
Commons drew up a list of grievances, whereupon Charles 
hastily dissolved it, and determined to rule alone. The 


affairs in Scotland, however, did not progress favourably, and 
on 3 November 1640 Charles was obliged to summon his fifth 
Parliament, memorable as the ' Long Parliament.' '| Digby 
was again returned for the County of Dorset. He now took 
the lead in all measures opposed to the Court, and his elo- 
quence and witty, polished utterances, which were always to 
the point, gained for him a great reputation. 

I will quote a few lines from a speech delivered on an 
occasion when the House of Commons were declaring their 
grievances. He expresses himself thus : 

Mr. Speaker, you have received now a solemn account, from most of the 
shires in England, of the several grievances they sustain, but none as yet from 
Dorset. Sir, I would not have you think I serve for a land of Goshen, that we 
live there in sunshine, whilst darkness and plagues overspread the rest of the 
land. As little would I have yon think that being under the same sharp mea- 
sure as the rest, we are either insensible or benumbed, or that the shire wanteth 
a servant to express its sufferings boldly. 

Then he goes on to enumerate some of the grievances 
with which the County is burdened, such as : 

1st. The great and intolerable burden of Ship money, touching the legality 
of which they are unsatisfied. 

2nd. The multitude of Monopolies. 

3rd. The many abuses in pressing soldiers, and raising money concerning 

4th. The new Canons, and the oath to be taken by Lawyers, Divines, etc. 

He delivered several other speeches upon similar subjects, 
which are upon record, and to be found in the Parliamentary 
History. These speeches greatly raised Digby in the esti- 
mation of his party, and on II November 1640 he was ap- 
pointed a member of a select Committee to undertake the 
Impeachment of the Earl of Strafford. He at first entered 
with great ardour into the prosecution. The House of 
Lords, however, showed reluctance in condemning Strafford ; 
whereupon the Commons dropped the Impeachment and 
brought a Bill of Attainder against him. 

It was then that Digby completely changed his attitude. 
At the third reading of the Bill he opposed the passing of it 
in a very able speech. He pointed out that, although he 
spoke strongly against Strafford when he was a member of 
the Select Committee, and though his sentiments in regard 
to Strafford's conduct remained unaltered, yet now that he 


was no longer in the capacity of Prosecutor, but in that of 
Judge, he could not reconcile his conscience in condemning 
a man with the evidence before him. Thus he says, in the 
course of his speech : 

In prosecution upon probable grounds, we are responsible only for our 
industry or remissness ; but in judgment we are responsible chiefly to God 
Almighty for its rectitude or obliquity. In cases of life, the 'Judge is God's 
steward of the party's blood, and must give a strict account of every drop. 

He further went on to criticize Sir Harry Vane's evidence, 
showing how very unreliable it was. These are his words : 

But, sir, this is not that which overthrows the evidence with me concerning 
the army in Ireland, nor yet that all the rest of the Junto remember nothing 
of it, but this, sir, which I shall tell you is that which works with me to an over- 
throw of his evidence. . . . Mr. Secretary was examined thrice upon oath at 
the preparatory Committee. The first time he was questioned to all the in- 
terrogatories, and to that which concerned the army of Ireland he said posi- 
tively these words : ' I cannot charge him with that.' But for the rest he 
desired time to recollect himself, which was granted him. Some days after he 
was examined a second time and deposed these words concerning the King's 
being absolved from rules of Government, and so forth, very clearly. But 
being pressed to that part concerning the Irish army, he said he would say 
nothing to that. ... It was thought fit to examine the Secretary once more, 
and he deposed these words to have been spoken by the Earl of Strafford to 
His Majesty : ' You have an army in Ireland which you may employ to reduce 
this Kingdom.' 

This speech gave great offence to the members of Digby's 
own party, and he was called upon to give an explanation, 
which he accordingly did, and here the matter rested for a 
time. But from thenceforward he was regarded as a deserter 
by his own party in the House of Commons. So great was 
their resentment against him, that being unable to expel him 
from the House, owing to his having been a short time pre- 
viously elevated to the Peerage, they took the totally unjusti- 
fiable course of ordering his speech to be burned by the 
common hangman. Further to display their ill-will they 
caused his name, together with fifty-nine members who voted 
with him, to be written on parchment and called Strafford- 
ians, and to be fixed on posts and thus displayed through the 

An event now occurred which increased Digby's unpopu- 
larity with the House of Commons. In December 1641, 
the King sent the Attorney-General, Herbert, to the House 


of Lords to arrest Lord Kimbolton on a charge of High 
Treason. At the same time the Sergeant-at-Arms came to 
the House of Commons to arrest five members on a similar 
charge. These members were, Sir Arthur Hazelrig, Pym, 
Hampden, Holies and Strode. The King is supposed to have 
arrived at this decision solely by the advice of Lord Digby, 
with whom he had consulted privately, no one else being with 

The Commons sent back a message to the King by the 
Sergeant-at-Arms that the members would be forthcoming 
as soon as a legal charge was preferred against them. Next 
day the King came in person to the House of Commons to 
demand the five members, but they had left, having obtained 
information of the King's intention, and taken refuge in the 
city. Digby pretended to have no knowledge whatever of 
the affair, and, happening to sit next to Lord Mandeville in 
the House of Lords, whispered to him that ' the King was 
very mischievously advised, and that it would go hard, but 
that he should know whence that counsel proceeded, and 
that he would go immediately to his Majesty.' 

Shortly after this an event occurred that enabled Digby's 
enemies to renew their persecutions. In the beginning of 
January 1642, the King, having failed in his attempt to pro- 
secute the five members, retired to his palace at Hampton 
Court. While there he had occasion to send Lord Digby to 
Kingston-on-Thames, who thereupon set out from London 
in a coach and six horses, attended by only one servant, and 
Colonel Lunsford, who was with him in the carriage. fThis 
Colonel Lunsford was the Lieutenant of the Tower, and it 
was supposed that he had owed his appointment chiefly to 
Digby's influence, who considered that he was a man likely 
to carry out anything that he might direct, especially in re- 
gard to the arrest of the five members.) This sounds a per- 
fectly natural and harmless proceeding. But a very different 
account was communicated to Parliament, namely, that Lord 
Digby with Colonel Lunsford had proceeded to Kingston- 
on-Thames with an armed force of horse and foot. Digby's 
enemies in the House of Commons were only too pleased to 
give credence to the story, and to magnify it into a plot to 
overthrow Parliament. He was accordingly commanded to 
appear before the House of Lords to answer for his actions. 
He had, however, in the meantime fled to Holland. 


While in Holland he sent a letter addressed to his brother- 
in-law, Sir John Dyves,in which was enclosed one to the Queen. 
This letter was intercepted and ordered to be opened by the 
House of Commons. On hearing this the King sent a mes- 
senger to the House desiring that a transcript of the letter 
should be sent to the Queen. This the House consented to 
do, keeping, however, the original, saying that ' having opened 
the other letters and having found in them expressions full 
of asperity and malignity to Parliament, they thought it very 
probable that the like might be contained in that to her 
Majesty, and dangerous to the kingdom if it should not have 
been opened, and they besought the King to persuade her 
Majesty that she should not vouchsafe or countenance the 
Lord Digby, or any other fugitive whose offences were under 
the examination of Parliament.' In his letter to the Queen, 
Digby had written as follows : 

If the King but betake himself to a safe place where he may avow and pro- 
tect his servants (from rage, I mean, and violence, for from justice I will never 
mplore it), I shall then live in impatience and misery till I wait upon you. 
But if after all he hath done of late, he shall betake himself to the easiest and 
compliantest ways of accommodation, I am confident that I shall serve him 
more by my absence than by all my industry. 

In the letter to Sir John Dyves, he writes : 

God knows I have not a thought to make me blush towards my country, 
much less criminal, but where traitors have so great a sway, the honestest 
thoughts must prove most treasonable. 

This letter, of course, gave great offence to those against 
whom it was directed, but his enemies could find no words 
which could possibly be regarded as treasonable, so they fell 
back on the incident of the coach and six, and actually brought 
an indictment against him of levying war against the King ! 
On the same day the Bill of impeachment against Attorney- 
General Herbert was carried ' for maliciously advising and 
contriving the articles upon which Lord Kimbolton, Mr. 
Holies, etc., had been accused of High Treason.' 

On 26 January 1642 the House of Commons impeached 
Digby on a charge of high treason ; the charge consisted of 
three articles, which were as follows : 

1st. That in or about the month of January he had maliciously and trai- 
torously endeavoured to persuade the King to levy war against his liege sub- 


jccts within this Kingdom, and that he did actually levy forces within the realm 
to the terror of his Majesty's subjects. 

2nd. That he had falsely, maliciously and traitorously endeavoured to 
raise a dissension between the King and his people, and to possess his Majesty 
that he could not live in safety of his person among them, and did thereupon 
persuade his Majesty to betake himself to some place of strength for his de- 

jrd. That he endeavoured to stir up jealousies and dissensions between 
the King and his Parliament, and to that end did wickedly advise the framing 
certain false articles against Lord Kimbolton, Denzil, Holies, etc., and did 
persuade his Majesty, accompanied by divers soldiers and others in warlike 
manner, to come in person into the House of Commons, and demand jthe 
said members of the said House then sitting ; to the apparent danger of his 
Majesty's person, and in high violation of the principles of Parliament. 

Digby did not long remain in Holland, but by dis- 
guising himself as a French sailor, succeeded in reaching 
Hull without detection, which was partly due to his fluency 
in speaking French. He met with many adventures on the 
voyage, narrowly escaping capture by an English cruiser. 
All the time he was on board he feigned sea-sickness, and 
thus remained concealed below until he landed. Sir John 
Hotham was at this time Governor of Hull, a partisan of the 
Parliamentary party. He it was who shut the gates of Hull 
against his Royal master. Digby determined on a bold 
course of action, and although he knew Hotham to be his 
enemy, determined to make himself known to him. There- 
fore, in very broken English he asked his way to the Gover- 
nor's, stating that he had important secrets to reveal. 

On being introduced to the Governor's presence, and 
being alone with him, Digby asked him in English whether 
he knew him. Sir John Hotham replied that he did not. 

' Then,' said Digby, ' I will try whether I know Sir John 
Hotham, and whether he is in truth the same man of honour 
I have always taken him to be.' 

Thereupon he told the Governor who he was, and that he 
hoped he was too much of a gentleman to hand him over to 
his enemies. 

Sir John was so much struck by Digby's courage, at the 
same time being a good deal flattered, that he consented to 
let him travel to York in safety. 

During his conversation with the Governor, Digby tried 
hard to persuade him to turn over to the King's side, and 
nearly succeeded, as Hotham was not a very scrupulous man, 


and had he been sure of the King gaining the ascendency, 
would probably not have hesitated to join his cause. Digby, 
believing that Hotham was about to surrender Hull, advised 
the King, who was at York, to attack the town, which he did 
with a very small force. When he arrived before the walls, 
he found it strongly defended, and the surrounding country 
flooded by the enemy. Hotham himself came out along a 
causeway with a reconnoitring party of five hundred men, 
and drove back a body of the King's horse. Whatever Hot- 
ham's inclinations may have been, he was too closely watched 
by his son and the Parliament not to appear loyal to them. 
The King, unable to enter Hull, was forced to retire upon 

When the Parliamentary party had openly hoisted the 
Standard of Rebellion, Digby raised a regiment of horse for the 
King, at the head of which he fought at Edgehill, where he 
distinguished himself by his personal bravery. He after- 
wards accompanied Prince Rupert to the North, and on the 
way they found the Close in the City of Lichfield strongly 
fortified by a wall and moat. Prince Rupert ordered the 
infantry to storm it, but not being strong enough, they were 
driven back. Then Digby, to encourage the officers of the 
cavalry to make an attempt in another place, offered to go 
himself at the head of them, and accordingly led them across 
the moat to a weaker place. He himself, up to his waist in 
the mud of the moat, was shot through the thigh, and was 
with great difficulty brought to a place of safety. After a 
time he recovered from his wound. By this gallant action 
the city was taken. 

Soon after this event a disagreement arose between Digby 
and Prince Rupert about the defeat of the former at Sher- 
borne, which General Gerard asserted to be the result of 
treason. Digby's character, however, was supported by the 
Governor of the town, and several others. But Prince Ru- 
pert sided with Gerard. At length swords were drawn, and 
the King rushed in to part them. When it was found that 
his opinion was in favour of Digby, Rupert and four hundred 
of his men threw up their commissions. Digby also gave up 
his command, and retired to the Court, where he gained con- 
siderable influence with the King. 

After the siege of Gloucester, he again embarked upon a 
military career, joining as a volunteer the forces which were 


pursuing the Earl of Essex, and during an engagement at 
Auburne, near Hungerford, was shot in the face and narrowly 
escaped losing his sight. The next day was fought the battle 
of Newbury, in which Lord Falkland, one of the Secretaries 
of State, was killed. Digby was appointed to fill the vacant 
post. About the same time he was elected High Steward of 
Oxford University. He was not a successful Secretary of 
State. The two projects which he set on foot after his 
appointment both proved failures. The first was for a treaty 
between the King and the City of London, which came to 
nothing owing to his letters being intercepted by Parliament. 
The second was when, the Marquis of Montrose having gained 
brilliant victories in Scotland, Digby made overtures to Leslie 
and other commanders of the Scottish forces on the Parlia- 
mentary side, with a view towards inducing them to join the 
King's party. The crafty Leslie, while pretending to listen 
to Digby, imparted their correspondence to the rebel leaders. 

From this time the fortunes of Charles were on the wane. 
The decisive battle of Naseby was the deathblow to the 
Royalist cause. In the following year Charles fled over the 
border to seek refuge with the Scots, and was treacherously 
handed over by them to the English Parliament. In January 
1649, having been brought before a Tribunal illegally ap- 
pointed by the Commons, he was condemned to death, and 
was beheaded on 30 January 1649. 

In October, 1645, Digby was appointed Lieutenant- 
General of all the Royal Forces north of the river Trent. In 
the same month he defeated four hundred of the rebels at 
Ferrybridge, in Yorkshire, capturing their arms and ammu- 
nition. This good fortune, however, did not last. He was 
defeated two days afterwards at Sherburn in Yorkshire, losing 
several officers and men. Many prisoners were taken, and 
his coach, in which was the Countess of Nithsdale, was cap- 
tured, and several of his papers fell into the hands of the 
enemy. This capture was considered of great importance 
by the Parliamentary party. Digby, who seems always to 
have had a faculty for making enemies, quarrelled with most 
of the officers of the King's Army. Owing to these dissen- 
sions he was obliged to retire from His Majesty's service, but 
still retained his Secretaryship of State. 

On relinquishing his command in the army, he went to 
Ireland, which was at this time in a state of rebellion, the 


rebels being under the direction and leadership of the Papal 
Nuncio. Digby, who never could remain for long inactive, 
at once conceived a plan for the pacification of the country. 

The Lord Lieutenant, the Marquis of Ormonde, was con- 
fined in the City of Dublin. The Prince of Wales had taken 
refuge in the Scilly Islands, whence he sent a message to 
Ormonde for one hundred men, as a guard to his person. On 
hearing this, Digby embarked for the Scilly Isles with two 
frigates which had been sent with the hundred men and 
supplies, intending to persuade the Prince to go to Dublin, 
believing that his presence there would compose the con- 
tending factions and reduce the kingdom. On his arrival in 
the ScUly Isles, he found that the Prince had gone to Jersey. 
Thither he followed him, and, presenting himself, laid his 
projects before him. The Prince replied that the proposals 
which Lord Digby set before him were too important to ad- 
mit of hasty decision, and that, moreover, the Queen had 
desired him to join her in France. This delay did not suit 
Digby, so he crossed over to France, determined to see the 
Queen herself and endeavour to persuade her to agree to his 
proposals. On his arrival in Paris, he immediately sought an 
audience of Queen Henrietta, and tried to persuade her to 
consent to his projects, but without success. He next ap- 
proached Cardinal Mazarin on the subject. The Cardinal 
treated him with great courtesy, and having enlarged on the 
French Government's inclination to assist King Charles, 
especially in Ireland, promised him money for that purpose, 
at the same time pointing out that as France was playing so 
important a part in favour of English and Irish Royalists, it 
was necessary that the Prince should reside in France. To 
this proposal Digby ultimately agreed, and set out again for 
Ireland, stopping on his way at Jersey, where he saw the Prince 
and gave him a letter from the Queen, urging him to join 
her in France. 

Lord Digby, together with Lord Jermyn and other lords, 
who constituted a Council of State, strongly advised him to 
accede to the Queen's wishes, with the result that the Prince 
finally consented and embarked for France. In Ireland, 
the Papal Nuncio, whom the rebels had made their leader, 
had broken and disavowed the Treaty of Peace which Digby 
had succeeded in bringing about. Affairs indeed were in such 
a hopeless state, that in spite of all his attempts to settle them 


advantageously to the Royal cause, he was obliged to let the 
Parliamentary Commissioners take over the Island in the 
name of the Parliament. 

He returned to France and again sought his friend Car- 
dinal Mazarin, who received him with all his former goodwill. 
At this time the Wars of the Fronde were disturbing France. 
With his usual impetuosity Digby at once decided to place 
himself at the service of the King of France, and not waiting 
for a commission, joined the King's forces as a volunteer. 
On the very day he joined an unknown officer of the Fron- 
deurs advanced out of the ranks with the purpose of chal- 
lenging any one on the opposite side to single combat. Digby 
thereupon rode leisurely out of the ranks to meet the challen- 
ger, when he was treacherously fired upon by the troopers of 
his opponent, who retired behind them. 

In this treacherous encounter Digby was severely wounded, 
and with difficulty got back to his own side. This gallant 
action, performed in the presence of the King and his whole 
army, excited universal praise and admiration, and he was 
received by the King with every mark of favour and given a 
high command in the French army. To quote from one 
authority : 

He was the discourse of the whole Court, and had drawn the eye of all men 
to him. His quality, his education and the handsomeness of his person, his 
alacrity and courage of action against the enemy, the softness and cirility of 
his manners, his knowledge of all kinds of learning and languages, rendered 
him universally acceptable. 

He was raised to an important post in the French army, 
and obtained a lucrative monopoly of licences for transport 
of persons and property on all the rivers of France. About 
this time his father died, and he succeeded to the Earldom 
of Bristol. Charles II., who was in exile at Bruges, made 
him a Knight of the Garter. Cardinal Mazarin, who had 
been on very friendly terms with Digby, whose considerable 
talents raised him in the Cardinal's estimation, was in 1650 
obliged to leave France on account of political intrigues. 
Before leaving he recommended Lord Bristol to the Queen 
of France as a man on whose counsels she could rely. Bristol 
endeavoured to raise himself in the Queen's favour, and had 
hopes of attaining to the position of Prime Minister ! The 
Cardinal, however, soon returned from exile and strongly 


resented Bristol's conduct, which he never forgave, for soon 
afterwards a secret treaty was entered into between Crom- 
well and Mazarin, whereby Charles II. should receive no 
assistance from France. It contained the following clause : 
' That nobody who related to his service, or against whom 
any exception could be taken, should be permitted to reside 
in France.' Lord Bristol's name was among those who were 
to be expelled, and it was generally supposed that Mazarin 
had more to do with its insertion than had Cromwell. The 
Cardinal, still professing friendship, sent for Lord Bristol, 
and ' bewailing the conditions that France was in, which 
obliged them to receive commands from Cromwell which 
were uneasy to them,' told him that he could stay no longer 
in their service, and that they must be compelled to dismiss 
the Duke of York and himself, and that they would part with 
him as from a man who had done them great service. 

Thus forced to leave France, Bristol went to Bruges, in 
which town the exiled Charles II. held his Court. He did 
not stay there long, but soon afterwards joined the army of 
Don John in the Netherlands. Now he was cordially dis- 
liked by the Spaniards, both on account of the enmity he had 
shown towards them in England while Secretary of State, 
and also from his having commanded a regiment of French 
Horse in Flanders, which were notorious for the outrages and 
depredations they committed. But his unbounded self- 
confidence set aside all these obstacles, and he presented him- 
self to Don John, who, notwithstanding all his prejudices, 
soon became very friendly with him, owing to his wonderful 
powers of making himself agreeable. 

Soon an event occurred which enhanced the estimation 
in which he was held by the Spaniards. The French held a 
place called St. Ghislain, a few miles from Brussels ; it was 
so strong that several attempts made by the Spaniards to 
reduce it had proved unsuccessful. Lord Bristol was able to 
gain important information through some officers of the 
garrison who were Irish, and who had written to the Marquis 
of Ormonde to know whether the surrender of that place 
would be of service to the King. This Bristol communicated 
to Don John, and the result was that St. Ghislain surren- 
dered to the Spaniards. 

This important service gained the Earl great reputation 
with the Spaniards, and Don John, at his request, applied to- 


King Charles to restore him to the office of Secretary of State, 
which had lapsed at the death of Charles I. 

Charles, having news of a rising in his favour in England 
against the Protector, repaired to Calais, accompanied by 
Bristol, Ormonde, and others. On their arrival, however, 
news reached them of the failure of the Royalist rising, and 
the capture of the leaders. All hopes of a successful landing 
in England thus put an end to, Charles, by Bristol's advice, 
turned his attention to Spain. A treaty of peace between 
that country and France was in process of negotiation. 
Don Louis de Haro, the Spanish Ambassador, and Cardinal 
Mazarin, had met together at Fuenterabia, a frontier town 
in the Pyrenees, to discuss the terms of the treaty. Bristol's 
plan was that Charles should go there with a view to getting 
an article inserted in the treaty, assuring him of assistance in 
regaining his throne. 

Charles was unsuccessful in his projects, however, and 
returned to Brussels. Meantime Bristol won the esteem and 
regard of Don Louis de Haro, who took him to Madrid, 
where he was given an important post in the service of the 
King of Spain. 

While in Spain he became a convert to the Roman Catho- 
lic Church ; possibly a desire to still further ingratiate him- 
self with the Spanish Court may have had something to da 
with his conversion. Soon, however, the news reached him 
of Charles' restoration, whereupon he relinquished his ap- 
pointments in Spain, and hurried back to England. He 
found, on his arrival there, that by changing his religion he 
had forfeited the office of Secretary of State, and was obliged 
to deliver up the seals of office. This was a great disappoint- 
ment to him, as he had hoped that the King would have made 
an exception in his favour, permitting him to retain his post. 

On the Earl's return to Court, the King received him 
with every mark of favour, and took him into his confidence 
with regard to the treaty with Portugal, and his marriage 
with the Infanta, which was in process of negotiation. Bris- 
tol, who wished to be regarded as devoted to the interests of 
Spain, strongly opposed the Portuguese match, and endea- 
voured to persuade the King against it. He told him that 
'he would be exceedingly deceived in it, that Portugal was 
poor and not able to pay the portion they had promised ; that 
now it was forsaken by France, Spain would overrun it and 


reduce it in a year.' The Spanish Ambassador suggested an 
alliance with one of the Princesses of Parma, of the House of 
Medici, assuring Charles that the King of Spain would give 
her the dower of a daughter of Spain, and further assuring 
him that these ladies were of great beauty. To this advice 
Charles so far gave ear that he sent Bristol to Parma to find 
out and report upon the pretensions of these Princesses. 
On his return Bristol found that Charles had become recon- 
ciled to the Portuguese match. This he attributed to the 
influence of the Lord Chancellor, Clarendon, who had 
hitherto been his friend, but from this time forward became 
his bitter enemy. 

Not long after this a Bill came before Parliament for 
restoring the Bishops to their seats in the House of Lords, 
of which they had been deprived during the Commonwealth. 
This measure passed through the House of Commons with 
but little obstruction ; but when it came up to the Lords, the 
Earl of Bristol, who wished to be regarded as head of the 
Roman Catholics in England, voted against it, and even went 
to the King to try and persuade him to withhold his consent 
to the Bill, telling him that if the Bishops sat in the House of 
Lords, whatever their own opinions might be, they would 
find themselves obliged, to preserve their reputations with 
the people, to oppose all measures which looked like favour 
towards the Catholics. The King listened to Bristol, and 
the passing of the Bill was delayed, until Lord Clarendon 
persuaded the King to allow it to go forward, pointing out 
to him that it would go harder with the Catholics if the true 
cause of obstruction were known. To quote from Claren- 
don's Memoirs, ' That if the reason were known if would 
quickly put an end to all pretences of the Catholics, to whic'i 
His Majesty knew he was no enemy.' 

The King thus persuaded, concluded there was not 
sufficient reason for further delaying the passage of the Bill, 
and notified his wish that it should be despatched as soon 
as possible. The next morning the Lord Chancellor pre- 
sented the Bill to be read a third time, and it was accordingly 

This made Bristol still more bitter against the Lord 
Chancellor, and from henceforth he was his avowed enemy. 
From this date Bristol lost the confidence of the King, which 
up till this time he had enjoyed to the fullest extent, and he 


much resented that His Majesty should suddenly withdraw 
it from him. This he put down to the influence of the Lord 
Chancellor, and so one day having gained a private inter- 
view with the King, used such language towards him as 
probably had never before been used by a subject to his sove- 
reign, telling His Majesty that he well knew the cause of his 
withdrawing his favour from him ; that it proceeded only 
from the Chancellor, who governed him and managed all his 
affairs, while himself spent his time only in pleasures and 
debauchery, and concluded by saying, ' that if he did not 
give him satisfaction within twenty-four hours, he would do 
somewhat that would awaken him out of his slumbers and 
make him look better to his own business.' 

The King was so confused by the unexpected outburst 
that he could say nothing, and allowed Lord Bristol to leave 
the room unhindered, though he afterwards said that he 
ought to have called in the Guard and have sent the Earl to 
the Tower. 

The meaning of Lord Bristol's threat was soon to be re- 
vealed, for a few days afterwards, on the 10 July 1663 he brought 
a charge of High Treason in the House of Lords against Lord 
Clarendon, which contained twenty-four articles. The 
Chancellor made a speech in his defence in which he easily 
cleared himself of all the accusations brought against him, 
and the House of Lords rejected the charge. The King, 
who was very angry with Bristol for his recent behaviour 
towards him, gave warrants for his apprehension. He 
accordingly concealed himself for a time, until the downfall 
of Lord Clarendon enabled him to return to Court, when 
the warrants for his apprehension were repealed. 

A characteristic act of inconsistency concluded his career, 
for in 1673, although a Roman Catholic, he voted for the 
Test Act, justifying himself by saying that he was ' a Catholic 
of the Church of Rome, but not of the Court of Rome, a 
distinction he thought worthy of memory and reflection 
whenever any severe proceedings against those they called 
Papists should come in question, since those of the Court 
of Rome did only deserve the name.' Therefore he insisted 
that they should not speak here of ' Roman Catholics, but 
as faithful members of a Protestant Parliament.' 

This is the last occasion on which we hear of Lord Bristol 
taking part in public affairs. He retired to a house which he 


had bought in Chelsea, where on the 20 May 1676 he died 
in his 65th year. 

He married Lady Anne Russel, daughter of Francis, Earl 
of Bedford, and had by her two sons and two daughters. 
John, who succeeded him as third Earl, left no heirs, and on 
his death the Earldom became extinct. He died at Sherborne, 
and was buried in the Abbey, where there is a large marble 
monument to his memory. The second son was Colonel 
Francis Digby, who was killed in a naval engagement with 
the Dutch in 1672. The eldest daughter, Lady Diana, 
married a Dutchman, Baron de Moll, and the youngest, 
Lady Anne, married Robert, Earl of Sunderland, and so 
became the ancestress of the present Dukes of Marlborough. 
Before concluding this brief memoir, some mention must 
be made of the Earl of Bristol's writings, which are enumer- 
ated in Horace Walpole's Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors. 
We have already mentioned his letters to Sir Kenelm Digby 
concerning religion, wherein he argues in favour of Pro- 
testantism against Roman Catholicism ; these letters were 
published in London in 1651. He further wrote several 
speeches and letters, which have been published ; also a 
comedy entitled Elvira, or The Worst not Always True ; a 
manuscript in Latin, Excepta e diver sis operibus Patrum 
Latinorum, and the first three books of Cassandra translated 
from the French. 

He is said to be the author of A true and, impartial Relation 
of the Battle between His Majesty's Army and that of the Rebels 
near Ailesbury, Sucks, September 2Oth, 1643, and Horace 
Walpole says that he finds the following piece under his name, 
though in his opinion it is not of his writing : Lord Digby's 
Arcana Aulica, or Walsingham's Manual of prudential Maxims 
for the Statesman and the Courtier, 1655. 

With this summary of his writings, we conclude this short 
study of a remarkable figure in history, in many ways a really 
noble character, yet woven of inconsistencies ; with all his 
many faults it may be said that he was never guilty of an ill- 
natured action, and his many reverses of fortune were borne 
with great fortitude. 



THE shields here pictured decorate two tombs of the 
Reynes family in their church of Clifton in Buckingham- 
shire. The first tomb has the effigies of a knight and his lady 
carved in oak, and may be of the middle or third quarter of 
the fourteenth century. The second tomb has a knight and 
lady carved in stone, the knight having the arms of Reynes 
upon his coat. His crest is broken from the helm. These 
would appear by their dress to be of the end of the fourteenth 

The older monument must be for Thomas Reynes, whose 
wife was Cecily, daughter of Roger Tyringham. As son of 
Ralph Reynes he was returned as holding lands in Clifton in 
1316.* The alliances of the second series of shields show 
that a generation lies between the two, for we have here 
shields commemorating the alliance of the brothers John and 
Richard Reynes with Scudamore and Morteyne. 

The first tomb has ten shields, five on each side. Their 
description is as follows : 

i. Sezanty with an ermine quarter for ZOUCHE. The Reynes family were 
connected with the Zouches through the marriage of Ralph Reynes with a 
Greene of Boughton. 

n. A saltirt engrailed for TYRINGHAM, parted with cheeky with an ermine 
quarter for REYNES. At this time it was often held to be a matter of indiffer- 
ence whether the wife's coat or the husband's should have the first place in the 
shield. The eighth shield in this series gives another example of this. 

m. Three harts passant at gaze for GREENE. 

iv. Ermine a fesse with three millrind crosses thereon. Perhaps for PATELEY 

v. A cross engrailed [for DRAYTOH ?]. 

i Misc. Rolls (Exch. L.T.R.), Bund. 2, No. i. 







vi. Three arches for ARCHES. 

vn. A checkered cheveron between three escallops. 

vin. A cheveron between three escallops for CHAMBERLAIN parted with REYNES. 

ix. REYNES. 

x. Two lions passant with a label. Perhaps for EKENEY, an alliance of CHAM- 










The shields upon the second tomb are sixteen in number, 
of which one is cut away and others injured. We give illus- 
trations of twelve of them. 

i. A cheveron between three escallops for CHAMBERLAIN. 

H. Ermine a fesse with three mittrind crosses thereon. Perhaps for PAVELET 

in. A broken shield of a saltire engrailed for TYRINCHAM. 

IT. Ermine with a chief indented for MORTEYNE. 

T. Three arches for ARCHES. 

vi. Three harts -passant at gaze for GREENE. 







vn. A shield with the charges cut away. Probably a shield of REYNES. 

Tin. Bezaitty with an ermine quarter for ZOUCHE. 

ix. A fesse between six crosses formy. 

x. A saltire engrailed for TYRINGHAM. 

xi. A bend between six martlets for SEYTON. 

Ml. A scutcheon and an orle of martlets. 

mi. A cross engrailed. Perhaps for DRAYTON. 

xiv. Three plain crosses fitchy (or crosses formy fitchy) and a chief with a 

xv. Three stirrups with their leathers for SCUDAMORE. 

xvi. A chief with a lion passant thereon. This shield is that of Brok. Laur- 
ence de Broc or Broke was grandfather or great-grandfather of Joan, wife of 
Sir Peter Scudamore, whose daughter and heir Katherine married John Reynes 
of Clifton Reynes. 1 Their son John Reynes, heir to his grandmother Joan, 
died 4 March 141!. It is noteworthy that the shield of many quarters made 
up by Thomas Lord Brudenell about 1640 gives the arms of Broke as a hawk's 
lure on a bend, the old coat having been forgotten. 


1 Coram rege roll, Hil. 13, H. VI. m. 78. 









THE enemies of the Holy Roman Empire said that it was 
neither Holy, nor Roman, nor an Empire. But even 
in its last years, when it was feeble as the old giants whom 
Bunyan's pilgrims passed by the roadside, it was a splendid 
shadow, and the titles deriving from it, its princedoms and 
countships, seem memorials in Europe of a mysterious govern- 
ance more sacred than any with which the chancelleries 
reckon to-day. 

In England we are not curious of titles. To our public 
the Earldom of Arundel with seven hundred years of English 
history at the back of it and an Earldom of Ballyshannon, 
the price of a squireen's vote for the union, are held in equal 
honour. Much more then are the less understood titles of 
continental folk accepted without distinction. A countship is 
for most of us a foreign earldom, although the title becomes 
flighty and unsubstantial by translation, and all counts are alike. 
But when his full dignity is proclaimed, the Count of the Holy 
Roman Empire is redeemed from the undistinguished by the 
sound and noble colour of his style. There are, it is true, 
those who confuse his honour with the humble vanity of the 
countship of the papal states, but these must be people of a 
negligible sort, having no ear for the sonorous. 

Small wonder then that the titles of the ancient Empire 
are eagerly sought amongst their family evidences even by 
the members of great English houses. Such titles, by the 
terms of the grants of them, carry, as a rule, the title of count 
to any descendant in the male line of the original holder. 
The Arundels of Wardour once had an heir who fought the 
Turks and gained such a countship from Rudolf the Emperor, 
and the news coming home enflamed the royal Tudor anger 
in Queen Elizabeth, who with her roughest words proclaimed 
her sole right to tar her own sheep. The soldier's parents 
and kinsfolk renounced on their knees art and part in his re- 
bellious frowardness, but in later days the possession of this 


countship has become dearer to the house of Wardour. 
Confused by the unfamiliar descent of a title to cadets, de- 
scendants of Rudolf's count have come to believe that the 
countship's virtue flows to all his progeny without distinction, 
and the Lord Clifford of Chudleigh, whose great-grandmother 
was a daughter of Wardour, arrays a countship of the empire 
with his English honours. Even so the Duke of Marlborough 
is reckoned a prince of the empire in remembrance of an 
honour which began and ended with the Blenheim duke. 
The surprising assignment of countships to Master and the 
Misses Butler of Ewart Park, has been dealt with in an earlier 
number of the Ancestor, 1 but in these matters fancy has rule. 
The travelling Englishman may come back with the diplomas 
of a dozen countships, or his home-keeping brother may create 
himself count with a manifesto on his own club notepaper, 
and none will hinder them. 

Despite this confusion, we have amongst us more nobles 
of the empire by right inheritance than will be readily admitted 
by the genealogist, reasonably suspicious of the genealogical 
paragraphs now so popular in our evening newspapers. There 
can be no doubt of the princedom of the empire which Lord 
Cowper inherits from an ancestor who earned it by his com- 
placence in the matter of a sister's dishonour. Those Arun- 
dells of Wardour who find a foreign title more to their mind 
than their ancient name and historic peerage have a count- 
ship which they may use unquestioned, and the Countess St. 
Paul is the last of the house of an Englishman who won his title 
in the Seven Years' War, a title which his son held so cheaply 
that he accepted an English baronetcy as promotion. Count 
de Salis, of the English diplomatic service, although a count 
of the empire and head of his branch, cannot be reckoned 
with these, being the heir of a stranger who came as the Em- 
peror Joseph's envoy to Queen Anne, whose son remained here 
to found a now widely-spread family. 

But over Salis and Arundell, Clifford and St. Paul, enough 
ink has been shed. The histories of their honours are at hand 
on the bookshelf. We are here to draw, not from obscurity, 
the word would be unseemly, but from prideful retirement 
the name and glorious ancestry of our fellow countrymen, the 
Counts de la Feld of the Holy Roman Empire. 

1 Ancestor, yii. 15. J. Horace Round. English Counts of the Empire. 


Time was, in that great gathering day of the pedigrees of 
which we have often spoken, the age of the Sailor King and of 
the young Victoria, when the name of de la Feld held its own 
with the best. Its chief might have sat at board with Coul- 
thart of Coulthart, and capped ancestral dates of renown with 
the fifty-eighth chief of that famous line. In that day the books 
of landed gentry, the family history chronicles, kept open house 
and welcomed in the foundling pedigree, making themselves 
dove-cotes for the wildest fowl of family legend. The heads 
of knightly houses whose founders had come raging over sea 
with Cerdic and Cynric met with no insulting demands for 
a grandfather's baptismal certificate. The descendants of 
those who had brushed from Duke William's knees the sand 
of Pevensey beach were not questioned concerning those cen- 
turies during which the public records had courteously left 
the family in its pleasant privacy. To that golden age of 
genealogy Mr. Pickwick, active and unsuspicious, was anti- 
quary in waiting, and the Castle, the Hall, Ivy Cottage and 
' the Laurels ' harboured each an English family with thirty 
generations of unsullied nobility. 

Such were the times when the family of de la Feld, or 
Delafield, as their blunt English spelling would have it for the 
most part, unveiled the story of their birth. It is our mis- 
fortune that we can but guess at the artist to whom was 
entrusted the preparation of the great chronicle for the public 
eye. Worthy of the hand of Alexander Cheyne, B.A., the 
bard of the Coultharts, it appears too early in the century to 
be the work of his hand, although it may well have been served 
him for inspiration and example. But Alexander Cheyne, 
B.A., was B.A. of Trinity College, Dublin, and it is in the 
hands of a fellow-graduate of Trinity that we first find the 
story of Delafield. Therefore we may pronounce it without 
hesitation a masterpiece of the Dublin school, and we may 
suggest that Mr. John D'Alton was in the secret. 

Mr. John D'Alton, the apostrophe in whose name is elo- 
quent of the lost days when imagination took its reasonable 
share in pedigree-making, has a place in the roomy Pantheon 
of the Dictionary of National Biography as ' Irish historian, 
genealogist and biographer (1792-1867).' His biography is 
in the faithful hands of an Irish admirer, who may quote 
' personal knowledge ' as the authority for his panegyric. His 
works include the Memoirs of the Archbishops of Dublin, the 


History of the County of Dublin, and the Annals of Boyle. 
From such studies he found distraction in a poem called 
Dermid and a Treatise on the Law of Tithes. The personal 
knowledge of his biographer throws light upon our inquiry 
when we read that ' his reputation for genealogical lore pro- 
cured him lucrative employment.' The statement that ' his 
rigid adherence to the facts of history doubtless impaired the 
literary success of his books ' is one to which we shall look back 
from our page of the History of the County of Dublin with an 
uneasy feeling that Mr. D'Alton's literary success suffered 
unjust hindrance. 

Before opening the History of Dublin for quotation, we 
make first obeisance to the tulelary gods of that city declaring 
that we know nothing of its history, being ignorant and Saxon. 
We have entered Dublin as a curious traveller, but of its 
history and historians we know naught, and protest that our 
business is but with the house of Delafield, whom we find 
seated at Fieldstown near Dublin half way through Mr. 
D'Alton's history in the edition of 1838. 

Of Fieldstown Mr. D'Alton writes : 

The family of de la Field, still indissolubly connected with this locality, 
notwithstanding their total estrangement from its possession, were originally 
derived from Alsace, and long resided in the chateau that bears their name, 
situated in a pass of the Vosges Mountains, about three days' journey from 
Colmar. They were also lords of considerable possessions in Lorraine. 

The ruins of their castle and chapel yet remain, and afford a picturesque but 
melancholy memorial of the splendour of the Counts de la Field, as styled by 
du Chesne, who records the tributes they claimed, the retinue and hospitality 
they maintained, as well as the difficulties they encountered in the early wars 
of Germany and France, notwithstanding the assistance they received from the 
Earls of Flanders, and the house of Hapsburg, to both of which they were allied 
by marriage. 

" La croix d'or de la Feld luisant parmi les, 
En courageux defi lances des armies de la France." 

A cadet of this noble line came over to England about the time of the Con- 
queror, and, accordingly, Hubert de la Field is recorded as a tenant in capite 
in Buckinghamshire in the third year of the reign of that monarch, as is also 
John de la Field in 1109. 

King John, early in his reign, granted a considerable estate at Streatham in 
Surrey, which had been the property of Peter ' Feald,' to William de Rivers, 
Earl of Devonshire, and in 1253 John de la Feld intermarried with Elizabeth 
Fitzwarine, from which marriage descended the de la Felds, of Field Place in 
Sussex, as also the de la Felds of the above locality, of Fieldstown, in 
consequence of which marriage the head of this sept now claims the barony of 
Fitzwarine as a barony in fee. 


About the year 1 270 Ralph de la Feld granted six acres in Botlowe (Glou- 
cestershire) to the abbey of Flaxley, while other members of the family were at 
the same time settled in Hertfordshire and Kent. In 1299 Adam de la Field 
was one of the king's valets on service in the castle of Loughmaban and in the 
king's army, for which he received for himself and his mailed horse an allowance 
of twelve pence a day. About the same period Reginald de la Field was a landed 
proprietor in the palatinate of Meath. In 1315 Robert de la Feld was keeper 
of the tallies under the Earl of Warwick. 

In 1344 John, the son of John de la Field, was seised of the manor of Skidow 
in the county of Dublin, and in 1359 was one of the three appointed to assess 
and collect a subsidy over that county. In 1375 the sheriff was directed to 
summon this John de la Field amongst others, the chief men of the county, 
to a great council. 

At this point Mr. D'Alton's rigid adherence to the facts 
of history makes him cautious and withal incoherent. The 
narrative of the de la Feld pedigree, at no time well sus- 
tained, becomes vague and more vague. As we hurry through 
the ages hand in hand with Mr. D'Alton we catch glimpses 
of de la Felds on this side and on that, even as Alice noted 
objects of interest when falling down the rabbit-hole. But 
like Alice we may not examine them, and we make no halt 
to ask the place in the pedigree of the celebrities we pass. 

Here is Richard Field installed a canon of Windsor chapel 
in 1390, here is Thomas Felde, merchant of Salisbury in 1402. 
John Felde was sheriff of London in 1454. Doctor Field, warden 
of Winchester, was benefactor to King's College, Cambridge. 
Mr. Field was a celebrated puritan, and yet another Doctor 
Field bishop of Llandaff. When our journey is ended we 
have come to suspect that Mr. D'Alton, that famous Dublin 
genealogist and historian, shared the vulgar belief that all 
persons of the same surname or anything like it are blood rela- 
tions, and in particular that any one of the common English 
surname of Field may be taken into the 'pedigree of de la 
Feld of Fieldstown, provided of course that credentials of 
respectability or distinction are forthcoming. This perhaps 
will account for the fact that Doctor Field, Bishop of Llandaff 
(and afterwards of St. David's and of Hereford), is welcomed 
into the cousinhood of the de la Felds, whilst his less respect- 
able brother, Nat Field the player, is left to howl without. 

Two only of Mr. D'Alton's later notes are to the point. 
' John de la Feld,' we are told, ' was seised of Fieldstown, 
which, his daughter and heiress Catherine having inherited, 
passed with her on her marriage with Richard, son of John 


Barnewall, of Trimlestown. This, without prying too closely 
into the secrets of Irish genealogy, the same being a dark and 
tangled thing to the English, we are content to believe, for the 
Barnewalls did certainly own Fieldstown, and traced their 
possession to such a marriage with an heiress of de la Feld. 
The second note of value runs as follows : 

In 1 697 John de la Feld, a descendant of the marriage mentioned at 1253, 
who had entered the Imperial service, acquitted himself with distinguished 
gallantry at the battle of Zenta in Hungary, fought by Prince Eugene against 
the Turks, and was therefore created a Count of the Holy Roman Empire. 

For the descendants of this new line we are to look in 
England, in Lancashire, in Herefordshire, in Buckingham- 
shire, and in KENSINGTON. We have done then with Mr. 
D'Alton and his chronicle, and may sum up as we leave him. 
Dublin had once a family or families named Field or de la 
Field. Such a family had Fieldstown, where it is found no 
more after the middle ages. 

The records of the English branch are near at hand. The 
first edition of the History of the Commoners contains what we 
may assume to be Mr. D' Alton's more detailed researches 
concerning the English branch of that family which re- 
mained, to his mind, ' still indissolubly connected with the 
locality ' of Fieldstown. Although to the Saxon imagination 
its absence for some four to five hundred years would have 
tended to weaken the link, the account of the family sent to 
enrich the pages of the History of the Commoners supports 
Mr. D'Alton's belief of the affectionate relationship between 
the English de la Felds and their Irish home. For although 
Fieldstown had passed away time out of mind, although in 
mere fact the de la Felds had ceased to be a landed family, 
nothing will let but that they shall still head the account of 
themselves with the title of 


Here, at least, we find detail and to spare. In another line 
we have broken into the family circle at Kensington, W. 

DELAFIELD, JOSEPH, esq., of Camden Hill in the county of Middlesex, b. 14 
May 1749, m. 4 Jan. 1790, Frances, second daughter of the late Hervey Chris- 
tian Combe, esq., of Cobham Park in Surrey, one of the members of parliament, 
for many years, of the City of London, by whom he had issue, 


Edward-Hervey, who died unmarried. 


John, in holy orders, m. Lady Cecil Jane Pery, daughter of the Earl 

of Limerick. 

Frances-Henrietta, m. to the Rev. Thomas Rennell, one of the pre- 
bendaries of Salisbury, eldest son of the Very Rev. the Dean of 

Mr. Delafield is the second son of the late John Delafield, esq., but his elder 
brother, Count Delafield, having established himself abroad, he is now the re- 
presentative of the family in England. The Count appears to be the undoubted 
heir to the ancient BARONY OF FITZ WARINE, which has been suspended for 
more than four centuries. 


This family derives its descent from the COUNTS DE LA FELD, the once 
powerful proprietors of the demesnes and castle near Colmar, of which the 
latter still bears their name. These Lords had large possessions in Alsace and 
Lorraine, and are frequently mentioned in the wars of those countries. The 
Croix d'or of La Feld, their ancient badge, is still the coat armour of the house 
immediately before us. 

It is probable that HUBERTUS DE LA FELD was the first of his race that emi- 
grated to England ; and that he came over amongst the crowd of foreigners 
who attended the Conqueror hither, his name appearing enrolled as the owner 
of lands in the county of Lancaster, in the third of WILLIAM I. The name of 
JOHN DE LA FELD occurs in the I2th of HENRY I. as a proprietor in the counties 
of Lancaster and Bucb ; of ROBERT DE LA FELD, without a date, and of JOHN 
DE LA FELD, in the 38th and 43rd of HENRY III. The last-named person, 

JOHN DE LA FELD, witnessed two deeds in the same years on the marriages 
of his son and daughter, viz. : 

JOHN, of whom presently. 

ELIZABETH, who m. (43rd HENRY III.) Norman D'Arcy of Nocton, 
in the county of Lincoln, and had issue. 

PHILIP D'ARCY, who was summoned to parliament as Lord 

D'Arcy in 1299. 

JOHN (Sir) D'Arcy, a very distinguished personage in the 
reigns of Edward I., Edward II., and Edward III. In 
the two latter he was JUSTICE OF IRELAND, and was sum- 
moned to parliament as a BARON in 1332. He m. first 
Emeline, daughter and co-heir of Walter Heron, of Hed- 
leston in Northumberland, and secondly Joane, daughter 
of Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, and widow of Thomas, 
Earl of Kildare. By the first he had three sons, and by 
the second a son William, and a daughter ELIZABETH, m. 
to James, EARL OF ORMONDE, surnamed the NobU Earl 
Robert D'Arcy, of Starlingburgh, in the county of Lincoln. 
The son, John de la Feld, espoused in the 38th of Henry III., Elizabeth 
Fitzwarine (who?e father was Lord Warden of the Marches in the North), and 
had three sons, JOHN, Robert or Hubert, and Nicholas. 




It is evident that we have to do with a family of high 
fame. Nevertheless we must hasten the telling of their story. 
This we may best do with a series of pedigrees deduced from 
the narrative. 

John de la Feld 

living 38 and 

43 Hen. III. 

John de la Feld = Elizabeth Fitzwarinc, dau. 

Elizabeth, married 

of the Lord Warden of 

43 Hen. III. 


the Marches of the North. 

Norman Darcy 


Married in 38 Hen. III. 






Robert or Hubert 

de John, canon of the 

Nicholas de la 

la Feld, married 

in abbey church at 


II Edw. II. to his Hereford 

cousin the dau. and 

heir of Fulke Fitz- 


John dc la Feld, married in 23 Edvr. III. 
to Margaret de Tyringham 

Thomas de la Feld, who married in 45 Edw. III. 
Elizabeth, dau. and co-heir of Thomas Butler, 
second son of James, Earl -of \ Ormond, and 
great grand-daughter of Elizabeth de la Feld and 
Norman Darcy. He was killed in the French 
wars soon after his marriage 

ert de la Feld, who 
married in 51 Edw. III. 
Elinor Butler his 
brother's wife's sister 

Remarking on our way that the family of de la Feld is 
curiously fortunate in preserving documents which prove the 
dates of their marriages, and as unfortunate in mislaying all 
other documents which might give us those death dates which 
are in other cases so much more easily obtainable, we take 
up our pedigree again : 


Robert de la Fcld, who married in 
51 Edw. III. Elinor Butler, his 
brother's wife's sister 

Robert de la Feld, married in 12 Anne, n abbes* 

Hen. IV. to Alice, dau. and heir of a convent at 

of Sir Reginald de Grey Leicester 

Sir Thomas de la Feld of Aylesbury, co. Bucks, and of Fieldston 
and Culduffe, co. Kildare, Ireland. He married in 16 Hen. 
VI. (Catherine, only daughter of Sir Thomas de Rochfort by 
Elizabeth, only daughter (or as some assert) eldest dau. and co- 
heir of John Fitzwarine, ton and heir of William Filzwarine, 
summoned 16 Edw. III. as Lord Fitzwarine. Lord Fitzwarine 
left an only son, Ivo or John, whose daughter Joane married 
John Darcy, and had an only child, Elizabeth de la Feld 

From this point onward our family of de la Feld [ become 
Lords Fitzwarine in right of their ancestress Elizabeth, but 
the title is never assumed, although, as has been seen, the 
family circle at Kensington is jealously aware of its hereditary 
rights. The son of Sir Thomas and Elizabeth is Sir John, 
and about this time de la Feld anglicises to Delafield. 

Sir John Delafield, married in 35 Hen. VI. to 
Elizabeth Hankford, sister of Sir Richard 
Hankford, whose dau. and heir Anne Hank- 
ford, niece of Lady Delafield, married Thomas 
Butler, Earl of Ormond 

Sir Thomas Delafield, mar- Gerald Delafield, who Catherine Delafield, 

ried in 21 Edw. IV. [yet married an heiress and married in iS Edw. IV. 

another marriage date !] to took her name and to Sir Richard Barne- 

Margaret Howard, daughter arms. His son called wall. She conveyed 

and heir of Ralph Howard, Delafield bore or, a Fieldston to her hus- 

descended from the Howards lion gu. and arg.' [,i c ] band ' 
of Fersfield i 

i A 

John Delafield, who was Isabel Delafield, who married 

at Calais in 1 500 with Gerald Fitzgerald of Alloone, 

the court. He married son of John, fourth lord of 

Thomasine, < the fair Offaley. She took Culduffe 

daughter ' of Sir Thomas to her husband's family ' 
Dillon, ancestor of the I 

Earls of Roscommon 

i A 

Sir Thomas Delafield, who married Gerald Delafield, who married 

Margaret Fleming, grand-daughter Anne Plunket of the Killeen 

of the Lord Slane family 

Patrick Delafield, who married, in 1 563, Elizabeth, dau. of 
Thomas Cusack, esquire, of Gerardstown, by Anne, dau. of 
Nicholas, jtvi lh Lord Howth, by Joan Beaufort, dau. of 
Edmund, Duke of Somerset, grandson of John of Gaunt 



About this time the family leaves Ireland. The last Irish 
marriage is that of Patrick. His son, John Delafield, marries in 
England, and contrary to the usual experience of genealogists, 
pedigree detail becomes thereafter harder to discover. 

John Delafield married Anne de la Bere, co-heir 
of her brother, 'who was a younger branch of 
the de la Beres ' of Gloucestershire 


John Delafield, who married in 1610 
Elizabeth, daughter and heir of Thomas 
Hampden, son of John Hampden of 
Hampden, co. Bucks 

William Delafield 
married Isabel 

William Delafield 

John Delafield, who married William 
in 1636 Elizabeth Brooke Delafield 

1 1 

James Thomas 
Delafield Delafield 


hn Delafield, born in 1637. He took 
a standard from the infidels at the battle 
of Zenta, and was created a count of the 
Holy Roman Empire in 1697 

The Delafields, who have hitherto shown little anxiety to 
be summoned in their barony of Fitzwarine, have gained at 
last a distinction which becomes very dear to them, thejpride 
and ornament of the house. 

John Delafield, the Count ot 
the Holy Roman Empire 


John Delafield, esquire, 
born in 1656, married 
Mary, dau. of John 
Heanage or Headage 

Count Leopold Delafield. His 
grandson Count Leopold mar- 
ried a daughter of Count Goltz, 
and had a son Count Leopold, 
shot in a duel in Paris in 1817 


John Delafield, esquire, born 
1692, married Sarah, dau. of 
James Goodwin, esquire 

John Delafield, esquire, who Joseph 
married Martha, dau. of Delafield 
John Dele, esquire, of 

1 1 

Thomas Mary, married 
Delafield to E. Unsworth, 

John Delafield=Mary, dau. JOSEPH DELAFIELD 


Martha Dela- 


who settled 

of George of Camden Hill 


field, married 


abroad. Count 



Thomas Arnold 


of the Holy 


of Slatwoods in 


Roman Empire 


the Isle of 






Thus handsomely, and for the first time, were the records 
of the house of Delafield spread before the antiquary and the 
public, and the fame of the Counts Delafield of the Holy 
Roman Empire spread through many armorials, books of 
landed gentry, and other grave works of reference. Stimu- 
lated, no doubt, by the eagerness of historians and genealogists 
the family dived deeper into its record chest and brought 
up more pleasant reminiscences of former splendours. By 
1846 the opening paragraphs of the tale are conceived in this 
wise : 

The family of De la Feld descend from the ancient counts of la Feld in 
Alsace, who long resided at the Chateau that still bears their name, situated in 
a pass of the Vosges mountains, three days' journey from Colmar. Pope Leo IX., 
a native of Alsace, is said to have rested at this princely castle when he visited 
Strasburgh. There were, previous to 1533, stately monuments to the counts of 
la Feld in the cathedral church of Strasburgh, to which this family had been 
considerable benefactors at the time of its rebuilding, under the venerable 
Bishop Werenhaire. A perpetual chantry was also founded in the same cathedral 
by these counts, with a pension of two marks per annum for a priest to celebrate 
daily service therein for the repose of their souls and those of their ancestors. 
The family have, however, for many years been settled in England and Ireland, 
being possessed of considerable estates in both countries. The present head 
of it is a claimant by descent to the ancient barony of Fitz-Warine.j 

Soon after this date the pedigree disappears from the 
' Landed Gentry.' The time was at hand when criticism was 
beginning to make gentle and tentative assertion of its rights 
in the fields of history and genealogy. We may readily 
believe that, wounded in its Alsatian pride by some questioning 
of editor or critic, the family of Delafield veiled its family 
honours from the vulgar rather than humiliate itself by pro- 
ducing evidence in proof of a descent which was written across 
the chronicle of Europe. The family, nevertheless, survives 
in two continents. Here at home an occasional newspaper 
paragraph reminds one that the old Alsatian line has not yet 
run its race, whilst over sea the current edition of Matthew's 
American Armoury and Blue Book, reminds us that patri- 
cian society of New York is still enriched by the presence of 
Counts Delafield, ' descended from Hubertus de la Feld who 
came over to England with William the Conqueror.' 



Before the canonization of a saint his claims to a sufficing 
saintliness are by custom vigorously disputed. His advocates 
must meet the rough assault of criticism, and doubts and 
denials are cast upon his evidences by one who is fittingly 
styled the advocate of the devil. Yet we cannot allow ourselves 
to believe that the learned clerk who fulfils this cruel office 
has doubts in his heart of the claimant's sanctity, and when 
the saint triumphs the erstwhile devil's advocate triumphs 
with him in his promotion. In such a spirit we would ap- 
proach the records of the house of Delafield, which, truth to 
tell, offer many difficulties to the inquirer. Affecting a 
sneering doubtfulness most difficult to maintain before the 
story of so much earthly eminence and moral worth, let us 
boldly inquire whether from end to end of the pedigree a line 
of it can be supported, until its eighteenth century characters 
come upon the stage. 

We have found the Counts Delafield at home at Kensing- 
ton. If we begin our inquiry by seeking them at their 
earlier address at the ' princely castle ' in Alsace that ' still 
bears their name,' we encounter unexpected difficulty. The 
castle bears their name, Schloss Feld, it may be, or Schloss 
la Feld, or Schloss de la Feld, or less probably, Schloss Delafield. 
For a moment we see it before us, donjon and bailey, keep 
and tower, drawbridge and portcullis, rising in ruinous 
majesty above some beetling pass. But the vision passes, and 
search as we may in geography book, gazetteer and atlas, the 
castle has flickered away like the unsubstantial castle of 
Triermain. We hurl ourselves at the search, with our records 
to aid. It is ' situated in a pass of the Vosges mountains, three 
days' journey from Colmar.' Most European capitals are 
now within three days' journey of Colmar, but we may take 
it that journey by coach and horses is indicated at the date 
of the narrative. At the outset we may doubt whether any 
spot in Alsace was ever three days' journey away from Colmar, 
for Alsace is a long narrow strip of a province, little more 
than a hundred miles by twenty miles, and Colmar is in the 
midst of it, whilst the backbone of the Alsatian Vosges limits 
our search field again to some seventy miles. Even in this 
narrow space our search is in vain. The castle which 


should be familiar in chromolithograph/ amongst advertise- 
ments by which Cook tempts the tourist towards week-ends 
in Alsace-Lorraine is still to seek. Where the geographers 
have failed us we turn to the Alsatian historians and genealo- 
gists. Lehr's three huge volumes of U Alsace noble should say 
something of the noblest of the Alsatian houses, but not a 
word of the Delafields has Monsieur P. C. Lehr, and the Livre 
(for du patriciat de Strassburg belies itself by its neglect of 
our counts. As the Delafields were lords in Lorraine as in 
Alsace, a search for their name on this new ground is indi- 
cated, but Callot's Armorial de Lorraine, Georgel's Armorial, 
and Cayou's Ancienne chevalerie de Lorraine are found as 
untrustworthy as their Alsatian fellows. Of the house to 
which Hapsburgs and Counts of Flanders came suing for 
alliance no trace remains behind. The family chronicle itself 
admits that the ' stately monuments ' of the counts of de la 
Feld disappeared in 1533, so we need waste no time in looking 
for them, and their perpetual chantry in Strassburg cathedral 
cannot have been long enduring, for its priests must sooner 
or later have become dissatisfied with the twenty-six shillings 
and eightpence of salary provided by these parsimonious 

Our faith in the evidences flickers, and who can blame us 
if in our despair we are driven to the ignoble suggestion that 
HUBERTUS DE LA FELD (fl. io66 and 1069) deceived the 
Duke of Normandy and tricked his own innocently noble 
offspring by enlisting in the Norman host under a false name 
and address ? The furtive character of HUBERTUS is further 
seen in the scanty information forthcoming concerning his 
later adventures. He admits ownership of land in Lancashire 
in 1069, but the nature of the document which reveals this 
is not disclosed, and we must admit a desire for a more 
complete dossier of this warrior. 

Even a Delafield will admit that his family papers for the 
two centuries following HUBERTUS are incomplete and in 
disorder. In such a historic house the connexion between 
HUBERTUS and John de la Feld of Henry III.'s reign may be 
proved by its notoriety ; it is enough to point out that no 
other evidence of it is forthcoming. With John de la Feld 
our difficulties should be over, for here the connected pedigree 
begins, and the illustrious matches of the Delafields should 
throw each its clear ray upon the pedigree. John and his heir 


marry into the famous house of Fitzwarine, but the Fitzwarine 
pedigrees do nothing to help us in deciding which of its 
branches had this honour. The reasonable haughtiness of the 
Delafields, cousins of Austria and Flanders, must have created 
enemies, for each and all of the families Fitzwarines, Tyring- 
hams, Butlers, Greys, Hankfords and Howards whose daugh- 
ters are mates for the Alsatian line, sponge out, with petty 
jealousy, the record of such marriages from their family records. 
For some such reason the marriage of Norman Darcy of Nocton 
with Elizabeth de la Feld was kept from the knowledge of 
Dugdale, and in our own days Mr. Cokayne is still unaware 
of this illuminating fact which explains the subsequent steady 
rise of the Darcys. The pedigree of the house of Ormond 
indeed finds a place for the ' Hon. Thomas,' who gave each 
of his fortunate daughters to the mailed arms of a Delafield ; 
but as James, the third earl, his elder brother, was a minor at 
their father's death in 1382, it is difficult to believe in the 
precocity which would allow Thomas, the younger son, to be 
arranging his elder daughter's marriage in 1371. 

In the case of the Rochfort match our public records 
themselves seem to have been tampered with. Through this 
Rochfort marriage the Delafields of Kensington and New 
York claim the barony of Fitzwarine, the descent being 
given in the following manner : 

William Fitzwarine, summoned 
1 6 Edw. III. as a baron 

Ivo or John Fitzwarine, son 
and heir 

Joane, dau. and heir, married 
to John Darcj 

Elizabeth, dau. and heir, married 
to Sir Thomas de Rochfort 

Katherine, dau. and heir, mar- 
ried to Sir Thomas de la Feld 
in 1 6 H. VI. 


At the public record office another account of this barony 
can be readily obtained. William Fitzwarine ' le pere,' 


governor of Montgomery Castle, who is said to have been sum- 
moned in 16 Edward III., left a son and heir, Ives Fitzwarine, 
whose large and splendid brass in the church at Wantage has 
escaped the fate of the Delafield monuments at Strassburg. 
He died without male issue, 6 September, 1414, as is proved by 
an inquest taken after his death, leaving a daughter and heir, 
by name not Joane, but Eleanor, then aged thirty years of 
age. She was second wife of Sir John Chideoke, by whom she 
had a son, Sir John Chideoke, whose two daughters and co- 
heirs carried the representation of his line and of the barony, 
if ever one existed, to the Arundels and Stourtons. 

In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries we come to a nevr 
element in the pedigree. Without doubt a family or families 
of de la Feld, or Delafield, had lands in Fieldstown, near 
Dublin, in Culduffe and in Painstown. Though Irish re- 
cords for Dublin and Meath have much to say concerning 
them, little is available for the pedigree maker at second 
hand. A few scattered references are to be found in such 
works as Archdall's edition of Lodge's peerage, and it is 
evident that some ingenuity has been needed in order to 
weave from these notes a pedigree of the main line of 
Delafield. Fieldstown, for example, of which the Delafields 
still style themselves in the nineteenth century, passed, as 
Mr. D'Alton carelessly admits, by the daughter and heir of the 
Delafields to the house of Barnewall. That it so descended, 
although this lady had two brothers both married and with 
issue, demands more explanation than we are accorded, and 
this is not the only occasion on which the heads of this unhappy 
family, in their ignorance of the ancient customs of the descent 
of land, allowed a sister to carry away their inheritance, for 
it will be seen that Culduffe followed the same course, Isabel 
Delafield taking it to her husband, Gerald Fitzgerald, in the 
lifetime of her brother John. Here our genealogist, uneasy 
over the fate of Fieldstown, makes a lame explanation. Cul- 
duffe, he would have us believe, passed with the sister because 
the brother was with the Court of England at Calais whilst 
the plague was in London, and lingered so long in that 
watering-place that he was forgotten at home. He returned 
at last, to the joy of his kinsfolk, but the question of the return 
of his Culduffe estate seems never to have been mooted. 
With their easy nature thus tricked and abused, what wonder 
that the Delafields soon left Ireland for honest Buckingham- 


shire. We leave their Irish record with the remark that 
although eleven generations of Delafields preserved the date 
of tteir marriage day, their births and deaths are recorded 
in no single case until the birth of the hero of Zenta. 

Our evidence for this change of country is as slight as 
that for the journey of HUBERTUS from Alsace to Lancashire 
in 1066, but we may consider the Hampden match as a starting 
point from which to begin the study of their Buckinghamshire 
life. In 1610, John Delafield married Elizabeth, daughter 
and heir of Thomas Hampden, son of John Hampden, of 
Hampden. The Hampden pedigree before and after this 
period is singularly complete, but no Thomas Hampden 
appears as a son of the house and no Elizabeth Delafield as 
a grandchild. The Goodwins of Winchendon were a great 
landed family in the neighbourhood of Aylesbury, but here 
again no pedigree of them acknowledges a match with Dela- 
field. In despair of touching firm ground we plunge forward 
to point where a certainty can be grasped. 

We choose Joseph Delafield, of Camden Hill, in Kensington, 
esquire, the father of the sons and daughters in whose honour 
the first pedigree was compiled, and find pleasurable relief 
when we have ascertained beyond doubt that here is a fact, 
a Delafield whose birth, marriage, and death can be traced 
and set forth. 

If the honours of the family were indeed founded upon 
foreign adventurings, sword in hand against the Turk, their 
immediate fortunes arose in more English fashion, for inquiry 
reveals Count Joseph Delafield as practising that art of brewing 
which our statesmen hold most honour-worthy amongst the 
arts of civilization. His birth in 1749 probably happened 
in London, so that Mr. Joseph Delafield in business hour?, 
so to speak, he will forgive us if we lay his title carefully aside 
had all careers at his feet without the need for making that 
fatiguing pilgrimage towards the capital with a bundle and 
a half-crown which the late Mr. Samuel Smiles is understood 
to recommend in the springtime of a business man's affairs. 
He would seem to have obtained employment in Gyfford's 
Brewery in Castle Street, Long Acre, and thereafter he presses 
forward in such fashion that Mr. Samuel Smiles might raise 
hands in blessing over every stage of his life's journey. Gy fiord, 
if there were a Gyfford, can have had no beautiful and high- 
principled daughter, or this industrious young man would 


most certainly have wedded her ; but Harvey Christian Combe 
son of an Andover attorney, partner in Gyfford and Company, 
and a future Lord Mayor and M.P. for the city, had a sister. 
When Joseph Delafield himself had come to a partnership 
and to his forty-first year he offered his hand (and with it, 
of course, the coronet of a Count of the Holy Empire) to Miss 
Combe, whom he married in 1790. The Gentleman's Maga- 
zine records the bridegroom's name as John Delafield, and 
his son's pedigree misdescribes the lady as daughter of Harvey 
Christian Combe, but the facts can be disentangled. Joseph 
Delafield prospered, the brewery became Combe, Delafield 
and Company, and the junior partner bought on pleasant 
Camden Hill in Kensington what, in those remote days, he 
was content to describe as a country seat. He died at Hast- 
ings in 1820, in his yznd year, having made a will n August 
1819, as of Castle Street, Long Acre, brewer, his hereditary 
dignity being unnamed therein. 

He left four sons and two daughters. His eldest son 
Joseph lived first at Charles Street, Berkeley Square, and 
afterwards in Bryanston Square. He inherited his father's 
share in the brewery, and married his cousin, Charlotte, 
daughter of the Lord Mayor and M.P., who was by that time 
of Cobham Park in Surrey. By this lady he had two sons 
and three daughters whom he names in his will of 1842, 
the eldest son, another Joseph, marrying, in 1844, Eloisa, 
daughter of the Cavaliere Bevere of Naples. This branch, 
it is presumed, is not yet extinct. 

Edward Harvey Delafield, the second son of Joseph the 
brewer, died a bachelor of New Street, Spring Gardens, in 
1827, and, like his father and brother, kept his hereditary 
countship a secret thing. His next brother, John Delafield, 
was less reticent. Born about 1795, he became in due course 
B.A. and M.A. of Oriel, Rector of Tortington, and Canon of 
Middleham. He married in his own rank, his wife being the 
daughter of the first Earl of Limerick. Be it remarked that 
Kensington and Oxford had known our rector as plain John 
Delafield. But by the time of his death in 1866 Delafield 
has broken, as the drill book hath it, into ' extended formation ' 
as de la Feld. Reverend has been supplemented or replaced 
by Count, and John has taken to itself other and more high- 
sounding names, imperial and Roman in the ring of them. 
At his country seat of ' Feldenstein,' Richmond, Surrey, dies 


of the Holy Roman Empire, and Knight of the Chapteral Order 
of St. Sepulchre ; and as the transformed name and titles swell 
before us a sudden suspicion comes that in the Knight of the 
Chapteral Order we have the Dublin historian's collaborator 
and the chronicler of the fortunes of an Alsatian house. His 
younger brother who survived him is plain William in the 
printed book, but the British Museum copy of the Landed 
Gentry of 1850 has the name corrected to Thomas William. 
It is just possible that a paragraph in the County Families of 
five years since may deal with the history of this branch. 

Encouraged by our good success in tracing these latter 
generations of the house of de la Feld, we are emboldened to 
reach at a still higher branch of the pedigree. Let us begin 
afresh with the grandfather of Count Joseph of Long Acre. 
By the pedigree he should be John Delafield, of Aylesbury, 
esquire (Count of the Holy Roman Empire), grandson of the 
Hero of Zenta, born 1692, and husband of Sarah, daughter 
of James Goodwin, esquire. 

A short search in the records of Aylesbury brings us into 
the presence of the Count. With the modesty of his family 
he goes incognito, rejecting in real life not only his countship, 
but even the modest dignity of esquire. He makes a will as John 
Delafield, of Aylesbury, the elder, on 22 December 1736. 
It is at once clear that of the plunder of the pashas who fled 
at Zenta little remains in 1736, for John Delafield of Ayles- 
bury has little to leave beyond the moneys collected for him 
from public generosity ' by brief or briefs,' of which he leaves 
the better part to his son-in-law and executor John Aspinall 
of Aylesbury, who has boarded him for three years and more. 
He gives a shilling only to his son, John Delafield, of London, 
cheesemonger, and five shillings each to his grand-daughters, 
Mary and Elizabeth Aspinall, his son Joseph and his executor 
having the bulk of his little estate between them. He is a 
widower, but we find nothing of his marriage with Sarah 
Goodwin, his wife, Mary, of an unknown family, having been 
buried 12 September 1728, at Aylesbury, where her husband's 
body was laid 7 January 173^. 

Of his son 'Thomas' and daughter 'Mary, wife of E. 
Unsworth, esquire,' nothing is to be discovered. But the 
pedigree of other descendants can easily be followed. His son 
John Delafield, of London, cheesemonger, we find living in 


Whitecross Street, in St. Giles's without Cripplegate. So 
described he makes a will 7 March, 1763, giving to John 
Roughton of London, grocer, and Chamberlain Goodwin of 
Moorfields, dyer, all his estate in trust for his seven children 
who are then minors. He died 7 March, 1763, aged 43, as 
appears by a monument to himself and his wife in the church 
of Aylesbury, a monument set up in a later year, and bearing 
one of the earliest appearances in modern times of that famous 
shield of arms the ' croix d'or de la Feld.' We regard that 
shield and suspect that the Count John Leopold Ferdinand 
Casirm/ de la Feld did not allow himself to be bound by the 
letter of the Fourth Commandment, and that here he has 
honoured his grandfather and his grandmother. The grand- 
mother's record is complete. By the pedigree she is Martha, 
daughter of John Dele, esquire, of Aylesbury,. For John Dele 
read Jacob Dell, a maltster, with a leaning to Presbyterianism, 
buried 13 October 1727 at Aylesbury. His will names his 
third daughter Martha, whose parentage is further established 
by her monumental inscription. She was born at Aylesbury 
9 March, and the register records her christening on 29 March 
1719 by a Presbyterian minister. She died before her hus- 
band. Joseph Delafield, younger son of John the elder, was, 
like his brother, a cheesemonger in London, being of Thames 
Street in 1740, when a child daughter of his was buried at 
Aylesbury. His will, dated and proved in 1759, describes 
him as a citizen and leatherseller of Shoreditch, and names his 
only son Joseph, who had married Elizabeth Clarke, at Shore- 
ditch, in 1756. This son in 1759 was intending to goto sea, 
a proceeding which, undertaken by the son of a London 
citizen in 1759, probably indicates that the adventurer elect 
had not prospered in the world. A little girl, named 
Elizabeth, was to be left at home with her mother, and is 
chosen by the citizen and leatherseller as his heir. 

At this point we have come again to Joseph Delafield of 
Long Acre. John of Whitecross Street leaves seven children 
who are minors at the date of his will in 1769, and each of 
these can be accounted for John, who goes to America and 
founds a family there; Joseph, our brewer; William, who dies 
unmarried; Susannah, Sarah, Martha and Mary. 

To test the pedigree further than John, father of the two 
cheesemongers, we must cross the border of Aylesbury into the 
neighbouring parish of Waddesdon, for Aylesbury parish 


register shows no earlier household of the name save that of 
Daniel Delafield or Dollifield, a labourer and bone setter, 
who has no child christened John. The family pedigree 
asserts that our John Delafield was born in 1692 ; and failing 
Aylesbury, we seek him in Waddesdon, where are Delafields 
who now' and again are married at Aylesbury. John Delafield, 
born in 1692, is readily found, In that year John Delafield, 
son of Richard, is christened at Waddesdon on the 14 August. 

From this time we can trace the line of John Delafield for 
several generations upward. Waddesdon register, Waddesdon 
wills and lay subsidies show that from a date when the de la 
Felds should be still knights and squires in Dublin and Meath, 
they are swarming in Waddesdon as yeomen, husbandmen and 
labourers. Delafield seems a late form of the name which, 
were its Alsatian origin discredited, one would guess to be a 
derivation from some field or place name in the neighbour- 
hood. Dalifeilde, Dalefeilde, Dalofeild, Dolafild, Delafield, 
these and many other versions are given. At no time do they 
rise above their original rank, and, like most numerous village 
clans, their fortunes are on the downhill path when our own 
branch and others seek better luck in London and the wide 
world. William Delafield, dead in 1675, is parish clerk, and 
Count Theophilus of the pedigree, youngest son of the hero 
of Zenta, is easily identified by his rare name as a scrivener in 
an adjoining parish, who makes a will in 170^, lamenting his 
poverty. Of his children, pushed out to shift for themselves 
in the world, one, having made some little fortune as one of 
John Company's captains, comes at last to make a will as 
an ' esquire ' with a peer of the realm as an executor 
of it. 

But the spirit of pedigree making has seized upon us, and 
having respect to the patience of the reader, we must thrust the 
resultant dozen of genealogies into our scrapbook or into an 
appendix. By this time we have lost all hopes of the track 
of John Delafield, who tore the standard from the Turk at 
Zenta. We follow the troops of ' der edler Reiter ' as they 
break the army of the vizier Mustafa, but we gain no news 
of Count John. The foreign pedigree books help us not, and 
the Gotha Taschenbucb der grafiichen Hauser knows of no 
Counts de la Feld. 

The legend totters and topples. We have seen that the 
Alsatian tower is a dream castle, unsubstantial as any castle 


of Spain, and that the memory of its lords has gone from 
mind of man and from printed page. 

Irish Delafields are found for centuries in and about 
Dublin and the counties of the Pale, but no connected pedigree 
of them has been made public, save this one whose warp is 
of lies. No connexion between Alsatia and Lancashire, 
between Lancashire and Ireland, between Ireland and Buck- 
inghamshire, has been found or has been supported by a 
reasonable guess. The hero of Eugene's army is a prancing 
myth, and those who should be his sons are poor village folk 
innocent of countships and knighthoods of chaptered orders. 

For a last blow at this straw man, this painted ancestor, 
let us joust at his shield of arms, secure that the wooden 
sabre of Zenta will never swing round to strike us in return. 

The first appearance to us of the ' golden cross of la Feld * 
is on the monument at Aylesbury of John Delafield the cheese- 
monger, who, of a truth, in his own lifetime meddled not with 
such toys. Its first appearance, according to the authorized 
pedigree, was in Alsace, from whence it had become a familiar 
sight on European battlefields long before the conquest of 
England. But in time even our newspapers will learn that 
armorial bearings are first found in the twelfth century, a 
fact which assigns its precise value to the family history. It 
is permitted, then, to throw doubt upon that curious family 
relic, the tenth century couplet 

La croix for de la Feld luisant parmi Us 

En couragtux defi lances des armees de la France 

a gibberish whose re-arrangement we refuse to undertake. 
The Ecole des Chartes may deal with it if it will. 

The arms of the Lancashire house of Delafield or Delles- 
field are found in a single Lancashire collection of the seven- 
teenth century. A glance at them shows that they are a 
misread and misdrawn version of those of the Midland family 
of EUesfeld. Another shield was borne by the Herefordshire 
family of ' de la Felde ' or Field, but this again is not the ' croix 
d'or,' and, deriving its name from a small estate called the 
Field in Hampton Bishop, this family can have nothing in 
common with our Alsatians. 

The true beginning of the croix or de la Feld is easily 
touched by any one familiar with English armory and its later 
abuses. The shield is the sable shield with the golden cross 


paty of the northern house of Lascelles. De Lassels in some 
often copied MS. armory has been misread for its long s's 
as Delaffels, from which to Delaffeld is but a step. The 
arms of the Irish family of Delafield are blazoned in many 
old manuscript Irish armorials. They give no ' croix d'or ' 
to assist the probabilities of our pedigree, the shield being 
gold with a lion gules having a silver ring on the shoulder. The 
Delafield crest, on the other hand, is from foreign parts. A 
search in a foreign armory may have yielded no croix (For 
indeed or Alsatian shield, but the family of von Felden, of 
Denmark, ennobled in 1689, bore in their first and fourth 
quarters a white dove, with a green sprig of olive in the 
beak, and the looting of this charge from some dictionary of 
European shields has provided a crest for Delafield of Alsatia 
and Kensington. 

The supporters of two lions need not delay us, although 
in this case, as in others, a cock and a bull would be indicated 
by an enlightened symbolism. Nor need we pause at ' the 
escutcheon borne on the breast of the imperial eagle of Ger- 
many,' for we are reminded that a great English house of 
earls has the bird of two necks on plate and panel with as little 
authority as the ' German patent ' invoked by the Delafields. 
But the motto is worth a moment's attention. Born like 
the countship and its appanages on the field of Zenta, each 
ill-fated English book of reference recites it as ' FEST signify- 
ing PIM ! ' although what PIM in its turn may signify no 
one has yet paused to inquire. And under the eagle of the 
Empire and of the Delafields in Matthews' American Armoury 
and, Blue Book, new from the press, we read that the motto 
of the New York or senior line of Delafield is ' FEST signifying 
PIM.' Yet FEST being Englished was not PIM, but FIRM, until 
some scrawled translation produced a printer's error, which 
has remained undiscovered by each of the score of copyists 
who have followed one another in describing the armorial 
honours of 1697. 


With this mass of embarrassing fiction at its back what 
should be the course of the living descendants of this family, 
whom the recoil of an ancestor's folly has thus covered with 
undeserved ridicule. For many Delafields of the line survive. 


In New York we find a group of distinguished citizens accepting 
modestly and in good faith the Alsatian legend and the count- 
ship, and we are informed that other Delafields in England or 
on the continent display themselves as Counts de la Feld. 

First of all they may consider dispassionately the facts 
here arranged and annotated. Error is everywhere possible, 
and there may be some loophole through which the original 
story or some portions of it may appear more probable than 
they do to the present investigator. But should the results 
of this research be accepted, but one way of conduct can offer 

Let us consider that no story of ancestral shame or dis- 
credit is to be faced. Far from this, the true tale of the 
Delafields of Waddesdon and Aylesbury is full of reasonable 
interest, and the family, even though they miss Count John 
coming over sea flushed with the sunset honours of the oldest 
institution on earth, will find their family tree not without 
its encouragement to family pride. 

Here we have a stock of English yeomen, once and now 
no more the strength of the land, good householders and 
husbandmen, falling in their fortunes through their own 
numbers. Amongst these start up Delafields whom the 
spirit of adventure draws from the parish where they are of 
kin as it were to the very soil. It may seem a little thing that 
Theophilus Delafield learns the scrivener's calling and moves 
a parish or so away, but so the march begins, and the son of 
Theophilus goes beyond Prince's Risborough and sees India 
and the world as a captain walking his own quarterdeck. 

John Delafield goes to Aylesbury to be a small and 
unprosperous ironmonger, but his sons wear good coats, are 
citizens of London, and beget a prosperous generation 
which marries its daughters in great families and establishes 
itself in the world of rich and well considered folk, 
calling cousins with two houses of earls. The heir who sails 
to America founds a new house in the States. Delafields in 
Aylesbury and Waddesdon were village bone setters and wise 
herb-men, but a Delafield in New York becomes President 
of the College of Physicians and Surgeons. 

Not yet placed in the pedigree of Delafield, wherein he 
should assuredly have an Honoured place, is that laborious 
antiquary, Thomas Delafield (1690-1759), curate of Fingest 
and schoolmaster of Stoken Church, whose scores of MSS. 



enrich the Oxfordshire collections in the Bodleian library, a 
village scholar with no university learning, to whose work 
Oxfordshire topographers will always turn for help. He 
came, by his own account, from the Aylesbury and Waddes- 
don Delafields, and preserved a family legend, more worthy 
of print than the Zenta fancy, that his ancestor was Mr. 
Delafield the surgeon who tended the last moments of John 
Hampden as he lay dying in the inn at Thame. Some indis- 
tinct memory of this amongst the Aylesbury Delafields was 
doubtless the first cause of the assertion that the family was 
allied in marriage with the great squires of Hampden. 

For a last honour with a fact to back it we may cite the 
distaff descent of one of the greatest Englishmen from Dela- 
field of Aylesbury. Martha Delafield, sister of the first 
brewer Delafield, married Thomas Arnold, of the Isle of 
Wight, a collector of customs, and by him was mother to 
Arnold of Rugby, and grandmother to Matthew Arnold the 

These things will doubtless be remembered by the family 
of Delafield in England and America when the tale of the 
countship has long been thrown aside for a musty fiction. 
It is better to know oneself for an Englishman of humble 
but honourable descent than to go uneasy in a pinchbeck 
coronet, and the harmless fantasy woven by Count John 
Leopold Ferdinand Casimir de la Feld would lose its saving 
humour if persisted in to the dangerous edge of imposture. 





WILLIAM DELAFIELD ' of Waddesdon, co. Bucks, christened 
5 May 1605 at Waddesdon as son of John Dalafielde. His 
wife's name is unknown. He had issue : 

i. James Delafield, of whom hereafter. 

ii. Richard Delafield, christened 31 July 1631 at Wad- 
desdon and buried there 18 August 1631. 


JAMES DELAFIELD of Waddesdon, christened 26 December 
1628 at Waddesdon, and buried there 25 October 1674. 
Admon. of his goods was granted before 2 March 1671" 
[Arch. Bucks] to Elizabeth the relict, who was probably 
the Elizabeth Delafield, a widow, buried 29 April 1693 at 
Waddesdon. His estate is valued at 47 qs. 4^., and William 
Delafield of Waddesdon, yeoman, possibly the father of the 
deceased, is a party to the bond. James and Elizabeth Delafield 
had issue : 

i. Richard Delafield, of whom hereafter, 
ii. Elizabeth Delafield, whose birth on 2 January 165*, 
as daughter of James and Elizabeth is recorded 
in the register of Waddesdon. 

(iii.) Theophilus Delafield of Prince's Risborough, 
scrivener, may perhaps have been a son of James 
Delafield, seeing that in the pedigree made for 
the Delafields of Kensington he is claimed as an 
uncle of their ancestor John Delafield of Aylesbury 

i The surname, spelt at first indifferently as Dalafeilde, Dolafield, and the 
like, settles to the later form of Delafield in the eighteenth century. 
> The admon. act has been partly destroyed. 


(1692-1736.). He made a will 26 February i/of, 
in which he complains that he had several children, 
sons and daughters, ' most of them small and 
uncapable to provide for themselves.' His worldly 
substance he declares to be small and ' hardly 
competent for maintenance of my wife.' To 
that wife Susannah he gives the messuage wherein 
he dwells, with another wherein William Seymer 
dwells, and makes her his executrix. She proved 
the will 17 May 1712 [Arch. Bucks]. Of their 
children we can at present discover three only : 

1. Susannah Delafield, born 30 January and christ- 

ened the same day -H^Hr at Stone, co. Bucks. 

2. Mary Delafield, born 22 June 1705 [Stone 


3. Philip Delafield, born 2 August and christened 

4 September 1697 at Stone, son of Theo- 
philus and Susannah. He was doubtless 
the Philip Delafield who made a will 24 
December 1772, being then a sea captain in 
the service of the H.E.I.C. This will was 
proved 8 November 1783 [P.C.C. 557 
Cornwallis] by Mary, the relict and univer- 
sal legatee. The probate was afterwards 
voided, a new will being put forward of 
the date of 1783 at which time the testator 
was living at Kew in Surrey, which will was 
proved 7 March 1786 [P.C.C. 150 Norfolk] 
by Mary the relict and by Thomas, Lord 
Say and Sele. He gave to Thomas, Lord 
Say and Sele, any trinket he would choose 
from those brought from India. To Thomas 
Twisleton, youngest son of Lord Say and 
Sele, he gave his money to be received from 
India. To his niece Mary Delafield of 
Croudhall near Farnham in Surrey he gave 
fzo yearly for life, and the like to his sister 
Jane Broad, and to an infant Harriet Whitell 
Strangeways. The residue he gave to his 
wife for life with remainder to his children 
by her, if any, and with further remainder to 
the said infant. 



RICHARD DELAFIELD of Waddesdon, a weaver, whose birth 
on 23 September 1653 is entered in the Waddesdon registers 
at a time when christenings are not recorded, was son of 
James Delafield and Elizabeth his wife. He was buried at 
Waddesdon 2 February i6o, as ' Richard Dealafield, wever.' 
No will or admon. act can be found in the local courts or 
in the prerogative court of Canterbury, He married Sarah, 
who survived him, being probably buried at Waddesdon 
31 May 1700 as ' a poor widow.' 

Richard and Sarah Delafield had issue : 
i 8 . An infant male child who was buried 4 January 

:68 at Waddesdon. 
ii*. James Delafield, christened I December 1685 at 

iii 8 . Richard Delafield, christened 7 September 1688 at 

Waddesdon and buried there 25 August 1689. 
iv 8 . John Delafield, christened 14 August 1692 at Wad- 
desdon, of whom presently. 

i D . Sarah Delafield, christened 6 January 16$ at Wad- 

ii D . Elizabeth Delafield, christened 13 February 1 68$ 
at Waddesdon. 


JOHN DELAFIELD of Aylesbury is recorded in the pedigree 
made for his grandson's children as having been born in 1692. 
He is doubtless the John Delafield, who was christened 14 
August 1692 at Waddesdon, the youngest son of Richard 
and Sarah Delafield. He was buried 7 January 173^ at 
Aylesbury. He made a will 22 December 1736 as 'John 
Delafield of Aylesbury, ironmonger.' He gave a shilling 
to his son John, a cheesemonger in London. To his son 
Joseph Delafield and to his son-in-law John Aspinall he gave 
.80 each. To the said Joseph he gave 26 los. ' out of the 
moneys that was gathered and collected for me by brief or 
briefs,' the remainder of the sum going to the said John 
Aspinall, to whom he owed three and a half years' board, in 
satisfaction of which he gave a further legacy. To his grand- 
children Mary and Elizabeth Aspinall he gave five shillings 


each, with a little silver cup to Mary. The residue he gave 
to John Aspinall, his executor, who proved the will 29 June 
1737 [Peculiar of Aylesbury}. His wife Mary died before 
him and was buried at Aylesbury 12 September 1728. 
He had issue : 

i s . John Delafield of St. Giles Cripplegate, of whom 


ii s . Joseph Delafield, a cheesemonger in Thames Street, 

London, in 1740, when his daughter was buried 

at Aylesbury. He made a will 6 February 1759, 

as of St. Leonard's in Shoreditch, being then 

free of the leathersellers' company. This will 

was proved 8 September 1759 [P.C.C. 293 

Arran\ by John Clarke, citizen and joiner, and 

William Abbott of White Cross Alley, gent., the 

younger, the trustees and executors. His wife 

died before him. He had issue : 

I s . Joseph Delafield, who was of St. Magnus parish 

on 19 August 1756, when he was married 

at St. Leonard's, Shoreditch, to Elizabeth 

Clarke of St. Leonard's. She was possibly 

the Elizabeth Clarke born 29 August and 

christened at St. Leonard's 10 September 

1729 as daughter of Joseph Clarke, a labouring 

man. At the date of his father's will in 1759 

Joseph Delafield, who was intending to go 

to sea, had an only child Elizabeth Delafield. 

I D . Hannah Delafield, buried at Aylesbury 20 

August 1740. 

i". A daughter who was apparently dead at the date 
of her father's will. She was wife to John Aspinall 
of Aylesbury, an ironmonger, who was one of her 
father's executors. They had issue Mary and Eliza- 
beth Aspinall, both living in 1736. 

JOHN DELAFIELD of Whitecross Street in St. Giles's, Cripple- 
gate, cheesemonger. He died 9 March 1763 aged 43, a 
citizen of London, as appears by a monument set up in the 


church at Aylesbuiy, which monument bears the first known 
representation of the arms of Delafield sable a' cross paty 
gold. He was buried 16 March 1763 at Aylesbury. He made 
a will 7 March 1763, which was proved 15 March 1763 
[P.C.C. 119 Ceesar} by John Roughton of London, grocer, 
and Chamberlain Goodwin of Moorfields, dyer, to whom 
he gave all his real estate for the benefit of his seven children, 
all of whom were then minors. He married Martha Dell, 
daughter of Jacob Dell of Aylesbury, maltster, and Susannah 
his wife. She was born 9 March 17^ and was christened at 
Aylesbury 29 March by a Presbyterian minister. Her father 
was buried at Aylesbury 12 October 1754, having made a will 
4 June 1730 which was witnessed by John and Joseph Dela- 
field and by John Aspenall. Admon. with the will was 
granted 17 May 1755 [Peculiar of Aylesbury] to John Dell 
the son, the wife Susannah being dead. Martha Dell died 
before her husband Joseph Delafield on 26 November 1761, 
and was buried 27 November at Aylesbury. Her parentage 
is commemorated on her husband's monument. 
John Delafield and Martha Dell had issue : 

i s . John Delafield of New York, born in London 16 
March 174*. He married Anne Hallet, daughter 
of General Joseph Hallet of Hallet's Cove, N.Y., 
a member of the N.Y. Provincial Congress, by 
Elizabeth Hazard. In the pedigree printed in 
the Commoners he is said to have married Mary, 
daughter of George Tollemache. He died in 
New York city 3 July 1 8 24 [Matthew's American 
Armory and Blue Book]. He had issue four sons, 
of whom Edward Delafield [1794-1875] was 
president of the college of physicians and surgeons 
of New York city. 

From John Delafield descend the DELAFIELDS 
OF N EW YORK, now styling themselves Counts 
of the Holy Roman Empire. 
ii*. Joseph Delafield, of whom hereafter. 
iii s . William Delafield, one of the seven children named 

in his father's will. He died unmarried. 
i. Susannah Delafield, born 10 September and chris- 
tened 3 October 1757 at Aylesbury. She was a 
legatee under the will of her brother Joseph in 


ii. Sarah Delafield, born 13 September 1758 and 
christened 15 November 1758 at Aylesbury. 
She was dead in 1819. 

in". Martha Delafield who married Thomas Arnold of 
Slatwoods in the Isle of Wight, a collector of 
customs. She was living II August 1819. They 
had issue Thomas Arnold, Matthew Arnold, 
Martha, Lydia and Frances Arnold. Of these, 
Thomas Arnold (born 13 June 1795 and died 14 
June 1842) was the celebrated head- master of 
Rugby and father of Matthew Arnold, the poet 
and critic. Lydia Arnold was the second wife 
of Richard Ford William Lambart, seventh Earl 
of Cavan. 

iv D . Mary Delafield, who died unmarried before n 
August 1819. 


JOSEPH DELAFIELD of Charles Street in Long Acre, brewer, 
so described in the preamble of his will. He bought a 
house upon Campden Hill in Kensington. He was born 14 
May 1749, probably in Cripplegate. He became a partner 
in Gyffora"s Brewery, which changed its style to Combe, 
Delafield & Company. He died 3 September 1820 at Hast- 
ings. His will, dated II August 1819, with three codicils, 
was proved 30 September 1820 [P.C.C. 517 Kent] by Joseph 
Delafield, the son and exor. He married 4 January 1790 
[Gent. Mag.] Frances Combe, daughter of Harvey Combe, 
an attorney at Andover, and sister to Harvey Christian 
Combe, a partner in the brewery, who was Lord Mayor in 
1799. She died 2 March 1803 at Campden Hill [Gent. Mag.] 
in her 4131 year. 

Joseph Delafield and Frances Combe had issue : 
i 8 . Joseph Delafield, of whom hereafter. 
ii s . Edward Harvey Delafield, who died unmarried 28 
January 1827 in New Street, Spring Gardens. He 
left a will which was proved in the prerogative 
court [P.C.C. 76 Heber]. 

iii s . John Delafield, alias JOHN LEOPOLD FERDINAND 
CASIMIR, COUNT DE LA FELD. He matriculated at 


Oxford (Oriel College) 29 June 1813, aged 18. 
B.A. 1818, M.A. 1821. He was instituted to the 
vicarage of Tortington in Sussex in 1833, and was 
given the canonry of Middleham in York cathedral 
in 1842. He died at his residence of Feldenstein 
House, Richmond, Surrey, on 5 September 1866, 
aged 71. Before his death he had changed his style 
from ' the Reverend John Delafield ' to that of ' John 
Leopold Ferdinand Casimir, Count de la Feld, and 
Knight of the chapteral order of St. Sepulchre ! ' 
Besides Feldenstein House he had a residence at 
Prince's Terrace, Hyde Park. His will, in which 
he describes himself by his titles, was proved 
29 October 1866 in the Principal Registry by his 
widow. He married (as the Rev. John Delafield) 
on 1 8 March 1828 at All Souls', Marylebone, 
Cecil Jane Pery, sixth daughter of Edmund Henry 
Pery, first Earl of Limerick. She survived him 
and died without issue 24 April 1888. 
iv*. William (or Thomas William) Delafield, who is 
named in the wills of his father and brother Joseph. 
He seems to have assumed the title of Count of 
the Holy Roman Empire and to have married and 
left issue. 

i". Frances Henrietta Delafield who married 14 October 
1823 the Rev. Thomas Rennell, vicar of Kensington 
and prebendary of Salisbury, son of a Dean of 
Winchester. She was a widow at the date of her 
brother Joseph's will. 

ii D . Maria Delafield, who married 4 September 1823 the 
Rev. C. Bethel Otley, incumbent of Tortington. 
She is named in her brother Joseph's will. 


JOSEPH DELAFIELD of Charles Street, Berkeley Square, and 
afterwards of Bryanston Square, a partner in the brewery. 
He married 6 January 1819 his cousin Charlotte Combe, 
fourth daughter of Harvey Christian Combe of Cobham 
Park, Surrey, alderman of London. He made a will 4 May 
1842, which with a codicil of the same date was proved 2 


July 1842 [P.C.C. 1842-465] by William Delafield the brother 
and John Ward, esquires. 
He had issue : 

i s . Joseph Delafield, ' eldest son of the late Joseph 
Delafield of Bryanston Square,' who was married 
10 May 1844 at Naples to Eloisa, daughter of 
the Cavaliere Bevere of Naples, by whom he seems 
to have left issue. 

ii*. Edward Thomas Delafield, named in his father's will. 
He matriculated at Oxford (Ch. Ch.) 12 May 
1842, being then aged ij. 

i". Charlotte Frances Delafield, who was married 19 
July 1848 at Dover to Richard Phelips of Bayford 
Lodge, Somerset, Captain R.A., who died 1889, 
being brother to William Phelips of Montacute, 
ii D . Frances Georgina Delafield, named in her father's 

iii. Emily Maria Delafield, named in her father's will. 


IN my recent paper on ' The Origin of the Comyns ' I 
drew attention to the fact that no evidence was vouch- 
safed for the statement that their ancestor Richard Cumin was 
father of David Cumin, the founder of the Cumins of Eastre 
Kilbride. 1 The account of this David Cumin in the Scots 
Peerage is as follows : 

5 * David, who married Isabella, daughter and heiress of Roger de Valloniis 
of Easter Kilbride. She was one of the heirs of Christian, Countess of Essex, 
whose mother was her cousin, being a daughter of Robert de Valloniis, her 
father's brother. 

In chart form the pedigree would be this : 

Robert de Roger de Richard 

Valloniii Valloniis ot Cumin 

I Easter 


Isabella dju.= Drid Cumin, " Dead in 

Christian and heir I 1247 when his widow 

Countess of I did homage for her lands 

Essex I in England" 

Now this pedigree affects, not only an English territorial 
barony, but also the office or dignity of Chamberlain of 
Scotland. It is therefore desirable to state it as accurately as 

Fortunately neither the necessary evidence nor the pub- 
lication of that evidence has been wanting ; the whole pedi- 
gree has been set forth in print for more than twenty years. 

i The Ancestor, No. 10, p. 107. 
1 i.e. 5th son of Richard Cumin. 


In a notable paper on ' Sir Alexander Balliol of Cavers 
and the Barony of Valoynes,' * Mr. J. A. C. Vincent was able 
to show that Sir Alexander had been wrongly asserted to be 
a brother of the Scottish King, and he further showed that 
he was a son of Henry de Balliol and Lora de Valoignes, the 
latter being co-heiress, with her sisters, Isabel, wife of David 
Cumin, and Christiana, to the barony of Valoignes. 

Mr. Bain, to whose calendar of documents relating to 
Scotland the Scots Peerage is so largely indebted, followed up 
Mr. Vincent's paper by an article on ' The Balliol and Va- 
loines families, and office of Chamberlain of Scotland,' in Notes 
and Queries (28 Jan. 1882),* in which he observed that the 
former was ' drawn up with careful references to undoubted 
original authorities ' and proved its case absolutely, but that 
it was chiefly of interest to himself ' as tending to throw some 
light on the succession of the early Chamberlains of Scotland.' 
For (the late Lyon) Mr. Burnett, he explained, had been 
feeling his way to a relationship between the earliest Cham- 
berlains, 3 and Mr. Vincent's evidence strengthened the case 
while correcting Mr. Burnett's conjectures. 

I remember in those days, at the Public Record Office, 
those three ardent genealogists, Mr. Vincent, Mr. Bain, and 
Mr. Greenstreet working day by day, and the last of the 
three capped Mr. Vincent's discovery which was largely 
based on the Register of Binham Priory, a Valoignes founda- 
tion by printing the record of a suit in 1235 which estab- 
lished the relationship of the Scottish and English branches 
of the house of Valoignes.* This suit proved that Robert de 
Valoignes, grandfather of the Countess of Essex, 5 had a younger 
brother Philip, who ' went to Scotland ' and had a son and 
heir William, who was father of the three co-heiresses men- 
tioned above. As Mr. Vincent had done before him, he set 
forth in chart form the pedigree proved by this evidence, and 
the record of this important suit was printed anew by Pro- 
fessor Maitland in his edition of Bracton's Note Book. 6 

It is not too much to say that the whole history of the 

Genealogist, [Ed. Marshall], vi. 1-7. 

6th Series, vol. v. pp. 61-2. 

In Appendix to preface to Exchequer Rolls, vol. ii. p. cxvii. 

Notes and Queries (25 Feb. 1882) 6th Sen, v. 142-3. 

See chart pedigree above. 

Case 1128, vol. iii. pp. 147-148. 


descent of the Valoignes fief is altered by this evidence ; for 
Dugdale went unusually wrong in his version of the Valoignes 
heirship. He knew that Robert Fitz Walter, the famous 
leader of the barons in their struggle for the Great Charter, 
had two wives, of whom Gunnora de Valoignes, the first, 
brought him the extensive estates of her house ; but he ex- 
pressly (and erroneously) states that this Gunnora was the 
mother of his son and successor, Walter, as well as of his 
daughter Christiane, wife of the Earl of Essex. 1 If this had 
been so, it would be unintelligible why Christiane was suc- 
ceeded by her cousins, and not by her brother of the whole 
blood. The direct result of the suit was to prove that this 
Walter was only her half-brother, being Robert Fitz Walter's 
son by his second wife Roese, and had therefore no claim to 
the Valoignes inheritance. 

But, for my present purpose, what I have to insist on is 
that the evidence of this suit demolishes altogether Lyon's 
genealogy of this important Scottish house, given in the Scots 
Peerage. I call it an important Scottish house, for not only 
were Philip de Valoignes and his son William chamberlains 
of Scotland in succession ; it was also from them that Pan- 
mure came, through one of William's daughters, to the 
Maules, and Easter Kilbride through another to the Comyns, 
who all but took her name, while lastly, it was also from them, 
through William's eldest daughter, that Henry and Alexander 
de Balliol appear to have derived their claim to the office of 
Chamberlain of Scotland.* 

Before setting out the chart pedigree which will show 
how the Scottish house succeeded to the English fief, I should 
like to establish one point in the previous descent of the latter. 
Mr. Vincent reprinted from the Genealogist his Valoignes 
pedigree in Notes and Queries (15 April 1882), adding from 
the Binham Register a single deed which proves ' a previous 
marriage of Gunnora de Valoignes,' Christiane's mother. 
Her former husband's surname ' appears,' he observed, ' in a 

' Baronage, i. 220. He added a further error on p. 706 by stating that this 
(William) Earl of Essex ' had not any wife.' 

The descent of this office through the eldest daughter (apparently) is 
very remarkable in view of the fact that Lord Ancaster's recent claim to the 
office of Chamberlain of England was based on the contention that it should 
so descend. But the Scottish parallel was not cited on his behalf. 


double form, either of which is strange and questionable ' ; for 
in the transcript of the charter he is ' Durandus de Steill' 
camerarius Domini Regis,' while in the heading to the charter 
he is ' Durandus Sustile.' * I can supply, however, the right 
form, having met with the man as Durandus de Ostilli in the 
latter part of the reign of Henry II., a charter of whom to 
Godstow he witnessed, while my Calendar of Documents pre- 
served in France shows him, as chamberlain, with that king 
at Le Mans between 1182 and 1186 (p. 361). The Rotulus 
de Dominabus also reveals him about 1185, and affords inde- 
pendent evidence of his marriage with the Valoignes heiress, 
though (in the form in which we have it) it wrongly styles 
her daughter, instead of granddaughter, of Agnes de Va- 
lognes. 2 This identification is further confirmed by an entry 
which, in turn, we are now able to explain, namely the record 
of Durand de Osteilli's payment of .15 31. 4^. for scutage on 
the Pipe Roll of U9O, 3 for the 30^ knight's fees, which this 
payment represents, is the very number on which the barony 
of Valoignes paid, 4 which show that he was then holding it 
in right of his wife. In 1194 his wife (then presumably his 
widow), Gunnora de Valoignes, paid on that same number. 8 

1 By a singular coincidence it can hardly be more a William Cumyn is 
a witness to this charter. 

2 ' Agnes de Valuines, que fuit soror Pagani filii Johannis, est de donatione 
Domini Regis et plusquam Lx ta annorum. Ipsa habet in hundredo de Rede- 
felde quoddam manerium quod valet xv libras. Filia ejus et heres data est 
Durando de Ostili ' (p. 46). 

3 Red Book of the Exchequer, p. 78. The editor has dated the record, like 
all those of this reign, a year too late. 

Ibid. p. 361. 

Ibid. p. 94. 


We can now set out the relevant pedigree in full. 

Peter dc 

Robert de 

Geoffrey de 


Roger de 



Valoignes 1 






mar. Emma 

of Easier 

of Panmure, 

Gundred At 


du Hommet, 1 






ob. i.p. 

ob. 5. p. ? 

of Scotland, 

ob. i.p. 

d. 1215 

(0 I W 

Durand de=Gunnora de = Robert Fiu 


in 1190 

heiress of 

died 1233 

William de Valoignes 
of Panmure, 
Chamberlain of 
Scotland, died 1219 

(') I W 

William Earl = Christiane, ob.s.p. before = Reymund de 
of Essex 25 May 1233, heiress of Burgh 

Valoignes barony 

Henry de Balliol = Lorade Valoignes, 
Chamberlain of I co-heiress of the 
Scotland I Valoignes barony 


ella, mar. David 
Cumin, co-heiress of 
the Valoignes barony, 
Lady of Easter 

Guy de 
ob. s.p. 

Alexander de 
Balliol of 
of Scotland 

Christiana, mar.. 
Peter de 
co-heiress of 

William " Comin allot 
de Valoignes " found 
her heir and aged 1 6 
or 17 in April 1253 
on her death 

Philip^de Valoignes, who ' adiit Scociam ' and became- 
chamberlain of that kingdom, appears as a surety for the 
Scottish king in the treaty of Falaise (1174), and it is very 
interesting to find him in attendance on his sovereign at a 
tourney on the other side of the channel probably about that 
date. The incident is thus paraphrased by M. Paul Meyer : 

1 Paid 200 marcs for his relief 1160 (Rot. Pip. 6 Hen. II.). 

1 She was previously wife of Geoffrey de Nevill and mother by him of 
Henry (Rot. Scacc. Norm. II. clxxxiv.). 

' The name is variously spelt. I give the co-heiresses in the order given by 
the writers I have cited, but I think that Isabel, not Christiane, was the 
youngest of the three; for in four fines of 1240 and 1241, relating to. 
Valoignes manors, Lora invariably comes first, and Isabel last (Feet of Fines 
or Essex, I. pp. 139-40). 


Le Roi d'Ecosse etait present avec une suite nombreuse. Le Marechal se 
lanca sur sire Philippe de Valognes, chevalier bel et elance, le saisit par le 
frein et Pentraina de force hors du tournoi. 1 

Mr. Farrer observes that 

The whole County of Westmorland was granted to Philip de Valoines in 
1170, when he paid 30 for his relief of four knights' fees for the Baronjr of 
Appleby, and two knights' fees for the Barony of Kendal.' 

Philip, who died 5 November 1215, was buried in Melrose 
Abbey, 3 as was his son and successor William, who died in 
1219.* It was acutely suggested * and eventually asserted ' 
by Mr. Bain that this William married Lora, 6 daughter of 
Saher de Quincy, Earl of Winchester, by Margaret, sister and 
co-heiress of Robert, Earl of Leicester. Earl Saher was a 
considerable Scottish landowner through his mother Ora- 

On the death of Christiane, Countess of Essex, the suc- 
cession to the whole fief of Valognes opened to her three 
cousins, the daughters and co-heiresses of this William de 
Valoignes. The share of Isabel, wife of David Cumin and 
lady of Easter Kilbride, 7 is shown by the Inquisition on her 
death to have consisted of Sacombe in Hertfordshire, and of 
a manor in each of the three eastern counties. 

We are now in a position to criticise the statement by 
Lyon in the Scots Peerage (i. 505), that David Cumin's wife 

1 L'histoire de Guillaume le Marechal (1901), iii. 21. In the original poem 
the lines run : 

Sire Felip[es] de Valoingnes 
Fu armez si tres cointement, 
etc., etc. 

Lancashire Pipe Rolls, p. 19 note. But this whole statement appears to 
be gravely erroneous. It was not Philip, but Theobald (Tedbaldus) de 
Valoignes who appears on the Roll of 1178 (not 1170) as owing 30 for relief 
on six fees. Philip is entered on the roll of 1178 (under Cumberland) as owing 
40 " pro defectu," which he was excused paying. 

a Mr. Vincent in Notes and Queries (as above), p. 291. 

4 Notes and Queries (as above), p. 390. 

Genealogist [N. S.], vii. 19. 

She must have derived the uncommon name of Lora (or Loretta), which 
she gave to her eldest daughter, from her uncle's wife Loretta, Countess of 

1 Mr. Bain has shown that Roger de Valoignes, apparently a brother of 
Philip de Valognes, 'was Lord of Kilbride as early as 1175-1189,' and, as Isabel 
is found as Lady of Kilbride (Registrum Episcopatus Glasguensis), he considers 
that Roger must have died s.p. (Notes and Queries, as above, p. 390.) 


Isabella was ' daughter and heiress of Roger de Valloniis ' 
and that Robert de Valloniis was ' her father's brother.' We 
find (i) that she was only one of three daughters and co- 
heiresses ; (2) that her father was not Roger, but William de 
Valoignes, Chamberlain of Scotland ; (3) that Robert de 
Valoignes was not her father's ' brother,' but his uncle. These 
may be added to that catalogue of errors which Lyon has 
contrived, as I have shown, 1 to compress into two pages.* 

Lastly, as to David Cumin. I pointed out in my previous 
paper that no evidence was vouchsafed for the statement that 
he was a son of Richard Cumin, and although, in the absence 
of such evidence, one cannot well disprove the assertion, the 
chronology points distinctly to his belonging to the next 
generation ; indeed it would seem that his son and heir cannot 
have been born earlier than 1236," that is, some ninety years 
after his (David's) father's marriage ! This must increase 
our desire to know on what authority Lyon asserts that 
David was a son of Richard Cumin. 

1 Ancestor, No. 10, p. 116. 

J A Scottish publication, the Registrum de Panmure (1874), contains much 
information on the Scottish house of Valoignes and its heirs (vol. ii., pp. 
119-46). See especially pp. 131, 135-7, for David Cumin and Isabel his 
wife. The Binham Priory evidence is given. 
3 Calendar of Inquisitions, i. 72. 



THE Fanes of Combe Bank in Sundridge, with whom 
these letters are concerned, were a branch of the house 
of Westmorland. Robert Fane, the first squire of Combe 
Bank, was seventh and youngest son of Francis, first Earl of 
Westmorland of that family, by Mary Mildmay, the heiress 
of Apethorpe. Of his brothers two were in arms for the 
King, and one for the Parliament, whilst the eldest born ran 
with the hare and hunted with the hounds to his own content 
and advancement. Our Robert Fane, being a young man 
and possibly a wise one, did not meddle in these troubles. 
He married a daughter of Sir John Sedley of Ightham, and 
died in 1657. 

Robert, his only son and heir, the writer of several of the 
letters, was born in 1650, and died at Combe Bank in 16/f. 
His wife, Mary Cartwright, daughter of William Cartwright 
of the Aynho family, survived him and married a gentleman 
named Fulke Grosvenor. 

Henry Fane, the only son of the last-named Robert, 
parted with Combe Bank and lived in Kensington. In the 
next generation this branch of the Fanes came to an end with 
Henry Fane, who died in 1785, having been imbecile from 

Two daughters of the first Robert Fane grew up and 
married. Elizabeth the elder was born in 1655, and married 
in 1672 Lewis Incledon of Buckland in Braunton. From the 
marriage descend the Incledon-Webbers and the Webber- 
Incledons, in whose hands these letters remain and with whose 
permission they are now published. 

Mary Fane, the younger daughter, was second wife of Wil- 
liam Walton of Addington, a squire with whose family the 
Fanes had been connected at the end of the fifteenth century, 
when Henry Fane of Hadlow married Alice Clarke, daughter 
of a Baron of the Exchequer and relict of Robert Walton of 

The letters make a pleasant contribution to the social 
history of the second half of the seventeenth century, those of 
Paressatus, as Rachel Countess of Westmorland was pleased 



to sign herself, being especially delightful in their tangle of 
gossip wondrously spelt. The begetting of children in the 
various branches of the family is perhaps the matter of the 
first interest to most of the correspondents, but affairs of 
state, news of the world, the great whale come ashore in 
Lincolnshire, and Sir Vere's ' rumatise ' have their due place. 
And due place has the family quarrel, the relations between 
Fane of Combe Bank and Walton of Addington being far 
from cordial. Two love-letters from Robert Fane might 
have been taken for models by any young man of his day. 


A draft or copy of a letter without date and without address, but probably 
from the Honourable Robert Fane to his sister Rachel, Countess of Bath. 


Since the date of my last letter it hath pleased God 
for my sins to lay a heavy affliction upon me by bringing my 
deare wife soe neare the brink of death (though no means 
hath been omitted that might preserve her life, one of y* 
ablest Doctors that belongs to the Colledge at London, 
Doctor Bennet by name, haveing been w" 1 her almost ever 
since), yet till this present day wee had but litle hopes of 
her recovery ; but now, God's name be ever praysed, whoes 
mercy is over all his workes, for bestoweing upon this precious 
woman a good night's rest the last night whereby her spirits 
are much refreshed & the violence of her feaver mittigated, 
& myselfe extreamly comforted ; for seriously, madame, 
had shee died of this fitt I had beene the miserablest man 
breathing & my six poore infants utterly undone to have 
lost so tender a careful mother & my selfe soe affectionate 
provident & discreete a wife as the whole world can hardly 

I presume y r Lad p hath before this time received my 
last letter & box with directions w** if you have followed 
punctually I am confident I shall heare by the next letter 
you are pleased to honor me w" 1 of the benefitt you have 
received by them. 

As for my Welsh business, w* truely, madame, hath been 
very chargeable to me, my witnesses coming above 200 miles 
& the day of hearing severall times deferred purposely 
to multiply my troubles, & although my cause be never 


soe just, yet I have reason to feare the event will be doubtfull, 
those that are to be my judges being alsoe the parties that 
will reape the most advantage by my overthrow, for if I loose 
my estate they must enjoy it i' trust as they say for the Pro- 
tector, w* makes them stile themselves the Trustees ; but 
the God of heav'n I trust will protect me from their wicked- 
ness who make no difficulty to destroy whole families w tt a 
vote that they may thereby inrich themselves. 

I am nowe in full possession of the litel farme house & 
land that lay so conveniently for me & have pay'd forty 
pounds of the money already, but where to have the rest 
(were it not for the hopes & confidence I have of y r La 1 " 
favourable & loveing assistance) I am as farre to seeke as 
the Spanish curate was the stopping of my rents in Wales, 
together w" 1 the charge of that suite and the expenses about 
my poore wifes sickness that alone hath cost me litel less 
than thirty pounds, as alsoe the overthrow that my brother 
Westmorland hath received from Mr. S'. Johns by the 
wicked Comitee at Habberdashers-Hall contrary to the 
Verdict & Judgement of the Judges in the two last tearmes 
w ch y r La p knowes did much concern me, hath taken away 
all my other hopes. 

I prayse God my deare children are all in good health, 
my youngest girle & all, who is yet an anabaptist, but I 
hope she will live to be a Christian. 

Pardon my tedeousness I beseech you & beleeve me 
to be without dissimulation, 

Mad m , 

Y r La 1 * most obliged affectionate brother 
& humble servant, 

R. F. 


Letter from Robert Fane II. to his sister, probably Elizabeth, afterwards Mrs. 
Incledon, at this date very likely resident with the Countess of Bath at Tawstock. 


Sept. the 28tb (16)72. 

I received your letter w"* was dated the 28th day of 
August, in w** you desire to be further satisfied concerning 


my earnest business vy * 1 I writt you word of, but I hope to 
see you w^in a short time here when I shall give you an 
account of my Sommers employment ; in the mean time I 
am but where I was. If it had been worth while I would have 
sent you word, but in a letter I can not tell how to doe it, & 
therefore doe desire your patience until you come to towne, 
where you will be sure to find me, for I have hired a chamber 
for a yeare, and doe intend to continue in towne all this 
winter, w* 11 1 know you will like very well ; it is att the sign of the 
flower-de-luce, a Stationers over against S' Dunstons Church 
in fleet-street, where if you send anything to me it will be 
certaine to come to me safe. I am now in towne but must 
goe out the beginning of the next weeke into Kent to lett my 
land & setle my business, & then I come to winter here 
where I hope wee shall be very merry, if you can lett me 
heare from you once more before you come & send me word 
how my lady takes my letter which I have here written to her 
concerning the Counterparte of the Deed w"* she gave 
my father. I left & pray will you remember M r Cobb of his 
promise to me that he would look for it. As for news we 
have litle here. The Duke of York is come to Whitehall & 
goes no more to sea untill next spring, & your boy is come 
of well & presents his service to you. I have not seen my 
brother nor sister Watton this month but I heare they are 
well, only shee is grumbling again. S r Vere & my lady are 
not yet returned out of Northamptonshire ; they are at this 
time in Norfolke at my Lord Townsend, 1 but doe intend 
to be back w tt in this fortnight. My Lord of Westmorland 
is going to keep house at Epthorpe, & my lady Brugnall* 
is w" 1 child again. A great many such things I could write 
but being in haste (onely w & my service to all my friends) 
I take leave & am 

Your truly loving brother, 


1 Lord Townshend was son of Mary Vere, Sir Vere Fane' N mother, by her 
first husband Sir Roger Townshend. 
* Brudenell. 



The three following are on the same piece of paper, being undated copies or 
drafts. The first may be from Robert Fane I. to the brother of his betrothed 
wife, who was daughter to Sir John Sedley of Ightham. The others are 
doubtless addressed to Mistress Sedley. 


Haveing received these inclosed w ch I intended to have 
delivered w th my owne hands, but of my journey being 
deferred till fryday I was affrayd least S r John should be 
come away before my arrival there ; wherefore I thought good 
to send them by the first opportunity. I beseech you S r 
excuse this boldness in him who though as yet unknowne 
to you is most desirous to serve you in the quality of 

S r 
Your loveing brother and humble servant, 



Had I a messenger to send every day in the weeke or 
every ower in the day I should not let slip one oppertunity 
of presenting my service to you, though in rude expressions, 
partly to assure you of my owne health, w ch I thanke God 
I enjoy as well as can be expected during our present divorce 
& partly by my much importunity to draw from you two 
or three lines either by way of requitall and to showe your 
love & affection towards your constant servant or by way 
of prevention to countermand his future importunityes I 
beseeche you consider the preseding arguments & soe use me 
as you in your discression shall thinke him to deserve whoe 
is proud of nothing more than that you are pleased to give 
him leave to stile himselfe 

Your most affectionate servant till death, 

R. F. 

I beseech you to present my service to all my loveing 
friends w th you. 

Though our sorrowfull depart at Grenewiche prov'd a 
[ ] to my wounded heart yet next daye the good 

newes of your safe though late arrive at S l Cleeres hath 
perfectly cured me & inabled me to perform my intended 
journey this day towardes Cambridge, which otherwise 


notwithstanding my former ingagements to all my friends 
here I should by no means have undertaken. On Wednes- 
day night we shall returne hither againe, & in the mean- 
time craveing pardon for this abrupt conclusion, being in 
great hast, I shall humbly take my leave and rest with this 
assurance that I am & ever will be 

Your constant friend & servant till death, 

R. F. 


The following appears to be from Mrs. Mary Walton, wife of William Watton, 
of Addington, co. Kent, and daughter of the Honourable Robert Fane, to her 
sister Mrs. Incledon. It has no address. 

June th : 12 : (16)73. 

I received y r letter from my lady Cathern * which I should 
have answered before but that my little boy hath been like 
to die. I bless God he is pretty well againe and growth bravely. 
I am sorry to hear that you have mis-cared but glad that you 
are so well recovered of it. I believe the next news I heare of 
you will be that you are w to childe againe. I long to see you. 
If I had not been a nurse I should have been with you before 
this, but that hinderth me from takeing any journey ferther 
than I can come back at night, M r Watton speaketh often of 
coming to see you. My brother promised to go w" 1 him but 
his wife will [be] lying [in] about the time that they apoynted 
which will hinder his journey. I persuad the parson to come 
with him ; he saith he will. I cannot tell wher he will keep in 
that mind. You wret to me to be kind to my brother ; I am 
so and would do more for him if he were not so strang to me 
to consealle his business from me so as he doth. I know nothing 
of his concerns but what I hear from others. I feare he is 
undon. I invited him and his wife down to my houes and so 
did M r Watton to stay as long as he would but he did not 
accept of our kindness fearing our entertainement would 
not be good anoufe. I feare when he comes to pay his debts 
he will wish he had come ; though he cares it out bravely for 
the present yet if he get none of her porshon he will come 
ofe but il. M r Watton is just a going to London and stayth 
for my letter or eles I could not make an end so soon for I 

1 Lady Catherine Fane, daughter of Mildmay, Earl of Westmorland. 


have a world more to writ, but I hope to here from'youTby 
him if you writ so soun as you receive this ; my brother neglects 
the sending of your letters. I am sure he needs not ; being he 
keeps a boy it is no great matter for him to go with them to 
the carrier, I am in great hast, therfore adue, my deare sister, 
t'll I here from you. 


Mine and Mr. Wattons affectionat love to yrself and to 
y r good husband. Robine presents his duty to you, he is ready 
to ask you blessing. I send you a letter from the parsons wife. 


From Robert Fane to his sister Mrs. Incledon. 

Directed on the back : 

For Mrs. Incledon att her house in Branton near Barnstable in Devon- 
shire. These P'sent W eh speed. 

COOMBANK, y i9* h of Apr. 75. 

I have nou received yors dated ye 21 th of March in which 
you say you have mine consarning y e differences betweene 
me and my sister Watton, & w'ever I writt to you I'le Justine 
to be true notwithstanding whoever storyes she hath made ; 
but upon yo r desire I freely forgive her & shall endeavour 
to live in love w to her & hers & for y e money I owe her I 
conffess theres about 12* behind for our board 10 of w 011 
I would have her give way to me to pay S r Vere, for if you 
remember I borrowed so much of him in London to pay 
for y e scuttcheons Paull Wine & other things towards her 
ffirst husbands ffuneral. As for her giving me w* I owe her 
I never had any desire or thought that way though she hath. 
Consserning y' ten pounds to S r Vere I have not as yett seen 
them since they came home but think I shall this week, for 
I have not been out of our parish since we came here (except 
two nights at S r Vere's) nor shall I ever be a gadder but take 
more delight in walking about my ground than others doe 
in going to every feast & help ale w th in 5 miles round. I am 
exceeding glad to hear y' yo r selfe my good brother & little 
nephew are all soe well ; I pray God continue it to you all. 
You say you are angry y' I writt you not my girles name 


you have no reason for because I did as soon as she was 
Christened; also I can say ye same by y ' litle one w 01 my 
litle-ffingers, for I doe not yet know y* name thereof but 
desire it in y' next. I am sorry I have no more assurance 
of yo' being in town this sumer& yet am glad to find you soe 
well satisfied therewith. I must confess I cannot so earnestly 
desire that happiness since I was with you where in discourse I 
found my good brother soe much averse to London ; however 
I doubt not but w^in a yeare or two you'll both be willing, 
& will find a time to see yo r ffriends in Kent, amongst y* rest 
Coombank, where none in the world shall be more wellcome 
than yourselves. You desire to know when I shall be in 
towne, y 8 w* I thinke to be about y 8 latter end of y* next 
weeke or y* beginning of y* weeke after, where if you or my 
brother have any service to command me I shall readily doe 
it to y* utmost of my power. 

These with mine & my wives kind love & service to yo'self 
& my brother I rest, & many thanks to you for yo' good 
counsell in yo' last w * 1 1 shall endeavour to ffollow. I am for 
ever, Dearest sister, 

You very much obliged & 

Intirely loving Brother, 


My sister's name is Dorothy. 1 

My service to Mrs. Watton & tell her when I goe to Add- 
ington I intend to see her mother, & if she have anything to 
send Fie take care to convey it to Buckland. 


Robert Fane to his sister, Mrs. Incledon. 

LONDON y' 16 th of Decemb' (16)75. 

I received yo dated ye 3 cd Instant I being then in towne, 
& I had before been with Mrs. Brig about yo' things who told 
me y* shee had sent you paternes, & y' she expected an answer 
from you every day, y" w"* they had not on friday last, for 
I then called at y e office & told him y' you had received his 

1 This is Dorothy Cartwright, sister to the writer's wife. She died in 
1686, being then betrothed to Sir Nicholas Lestrange. 


wines lett r & paternes & had sent up 30* for y* buying y 8 
Bedd : but he told me y' they had not heard anything of it 
then, but as soon as they did his wife should use all y* skill 
she had to buy it to yo r mind (as far as I understand they 
may have it very good for y* money) ; they say they will send 
it as soon as possible when they have heard from you. I 
have been at Mrs. Wattons & Mrs. Betty tells me y* shee 
was with M re B r to put her in mind of yo r things & to desire 
her y* she may know when shee sends them away, by w ch I 
imagine y e M Betty intends to send you somthing at y* 
same time. 

M r Mallet y 6 Calenderer's son went on fryday to my 
brother Wattons (as himselfe y e day before told old M a 
Watton) & he swears he'el eat not Oatmeale puddings w th 
his mother this Christmas but will try how he likes plum- 
porrage made by y e good housewife of Addington, but he 
may be mistaken if she should make none but for herselfe 
w ch is likely, y' is if shee invite him to stay, for I suppose a 
litle invitation will serve a man of his capacity, yet he said 
he would be back as yesterday & y* he would waite on mee, 
but I thanke God I shall be out of towne intending to- 
morrow God willing for Combank, & if he stay there all y e 
Christmas you shall heare what trade they drive at M" 
Wattons. They tell me they believe he'es to be God father ; 
however his pretence was to consult w tb them about y e 
sueing of Trevilian for their mony, for w** as they Bake soe 
lett them Brew. I believe I shall be in towne again y e next 
tarm, else certainely in Easter term, & then (or in y 6 meane 
time) if you have any business wherein I can serve you, I 
shall not faile to do it w th all y e care imaginable as would 
I have done in buying yo r Bedd had she not sent as she did. 
And now, Dearest Sister, lett me desire you to lay by all melan- 
cholly & doubt not but y* God which enabled you once to 
goe through w th ye bearing of a child will doe it againe, & 
yo r troubling yo r self doth I know much trouble my good 
brother, to whom & yo'selfe I give my hearty love and service, 
& shall ever pray y' all health & happiness may attend you 

I remain for ever, Dearest Sister, yo r most truly 

Loving Brother, 




From Robert Fane to his sister, Mrs. Incledon. This letter is sealed with a 
seal of arms of Fane quartering the two Nevill coats and Beauchamp 
of Bergavenny. 

Directed on the back : 

To Mrs. Incledon att Buckland in Braunton, neare Barnstable, in Devon. 

COMBANK, y 20 th of Jan. (i6)7|. 

I have received yo ra dated y e 4 th Instant & am very glad 
y< I had anything to write w 011 might please you. I have not 
heard of the Addingtonians a long time & I suppose my 
Sister will not lett my brother come to see us because I have 
not been there a great while by reason of my sickness nor do 
I know when I shall, for I am not yet recovered but hope this 
spring w th yo* deare company & my good Brothers will 
make me perfectly well. We doe not heare y' my sister 
Watton is brought to bedd. Pray God send her well & also 
pray y* y' God w"* once delivered you safely will now againe 
enable you to goe through with the bearing of a second 
Boy, at the news of w 011 1 shall be very joyfull. Pray if you can 
be soe kind as to write to me againe before you ly down, 
let me know whether M Brig hath sent yo r Bedd & how you 
like it. I was told by severall, y* y r money you sent would 
buy a very good one & I hope she hath done soe. I have not 
at this time any news to send you by reason of my not being 
soe well as to goe abroad, but when I have you shall be sure 
to know it ; in the meantime, praying for both yo r healths & 
happiness & w" 1 my true love & hearty service to you both, 

I remain, Dearest Sister, your most affectionately 

Loving Brother, 



From E. Fane, probably Elizabeth, wife of Sir Henry Fane of Basildon, to 

Mrs. Incledon. 
Directed on the back : 

These For Mrs. Incledon at Buckland in Brantton in Devon, 
leave these with the post Master of Barnstaple. 

LONDON, February the 12 th , 1680. 

I give y a thousand thanks for all your kindness to us when 
we ware with y which I know noe way to return but by giving 


y the same hearty welkom at Basseldon when I shall be so 
happie to se 7 there, heare is no news that is devertting. 
All state afairs & Parliment matters the Town will be very 
emptty. All are for Oxford, 1 but to the Ladys great greve thare 
will be little room for them, & how the gallants & thay will 
live apart I cannot imagin. Yo r nefew & neases are very well ; 
the mother hath the boy & the girels are to come the next 
week to her. How S r Vere & she will agree I know not. My 
cossen Rachel hath bin very ill since she came home but is 
better now ; she gives y her services & will writ very speedily 
toy . Coranell Basset was heare this morning ; he is very well 
but dose not talk of coming into the countree. My service to 
my cossen ; I wish him rid of the ill companion which I heare 
he hath got. My services to M ra Doren. I am, Deare Cossen, 
yo' most humble sarvant, 



The five following letters are all apparently in the same handwriting. 
Probably the writer was Rachel, wife of Sir Vere Fane, who became 4th Earl 
of Westmorland. Mr. Lovett was Edward Lovett of Liscombe and Tawstock, 
whose first wife's sister, Honoria Paget, married John Incledon, elder brother 
of Lewis Incledon. 

Directed cm the back : 

For Mrs. Incledon att M r Lovetts in Tawstocke neare Barnstable, 
Devonsh. These. 


If it ware not to you I cood not expect pardon haven 
not answared yours soner, but I protest it has not bin out of 
any want of afexan that Robin can tell, for I bid hem make 
my excuse, but eallnisses & visiters are the only coas and as 
I here that from Bath hows you have had a coasen not to com 
to town becoas of the small Pox I moust confess thay be very 
rife every whare & allwase was all London ever sence I knew 
the town, tharefore I wood have you consider whether or 
non you due not think it be a trick to keep you in the countre ; 
for my part I due really think it is, for thay think if you stay 

1 The parliament was summoned to meet at Oxford 21 March, 168^, and 
was dissolved seven days later. 


in the countre then your husband will say that you may 
as well stay Another yere before you com to town, & then I 
think that R. is afeard you will be too mouch in our Lady's 
favor which I sopose is the cheafest of thare fear tho my 
Lady & eiy did tolk of you yesterday mitely & she dos commend 
you most mitely which I am very glad to here, & she sase that 
she never bestode anything to so good a purpo 8 as upon you. 
But pray, my dere roge, take som pity upon mee, for it may 
be that I may never see you again if you due not com up 
this spring & I can not be deliverd tell I see you, tharefore 
pray take som pity upon me in my destress, & tho I am a 
stranger to your good man yet tell him that he will allmost 
save the Life of won if not too if he will but com up this 
spring & surely then you will both take som considrorsion 
& not be so hard harted to destroy both ; besidse my sister 
Keat l will be here & sure you can not withstand such temta- 
tion. Pr.ay consider my condission & due not expect much 
writen from mee but be so chareatebol as to write somtimes 
to mee, & when I am well I will return them doubel with 
thanks. I have no news but that there is A empres ded ; * 
what her name is I know not for I allwase forgett, but we ar 
all Agoen into morning for her and shall continuen a month 
or six weeks in morning & then go out. This is all from, dere 
sweet Roge, your afexant princes tell deth. 


LONDON, March the iStb, 1673. 

Feb. ye 24.* 

I received the favor of your kind Leter in so weake a 
condishon that I could not before now return my thanks 
for it, having bin in all pepells opinion a ded woman, but 
growing old and tufe I hold out still though but weake ; heare 

1 Lady Catherine Fane. 

1 The first wife of the Emperor Leopold I. She d. 1673. 

3 This remarkable signature should be Parysatii, a name derived from one 
of the lady's favourite romances. 

4 The general election referred to in this letter dated 24 Feb., is probably 
that between 6 Feb. and 20 March, 1689-90. 


is nothing toalk'd of here but who stands in such a plase and 
such a plase, things I mind not tho never so much in fashon, 
yett may agree well enuf with the news of our country at 
this time, which is my Lady Withens is not broaght to bed 
yett tho Luks her every day, & miss Mariy Stils is to be marid 
veriy sodinley to S r felixWild 1 ; her brother Ermen Stiles is 
jest com horn from trauelin the world round and sets pro- 
didous storiy being put A : 1 1 : years ; M Mary Dallison 
it gest marid to Mr. Carill & M rs Dickson the younger is 
marid to S r Persifull Harts son ; our nabor James has binne 
very call but is now prety well Again. We ofen talk of you 
and wish for your good companiy which none would be 
more glader of then your affexan humbell sarvant, 


S* Vere and the rest of our familiy is your Sarvants. 

Directed on the back : 
These for M Incledon, att Buckland, near Barnstabell in Devonsh. 

March the 5. 

I am extreamliy to blame, Dear frind, for receiving 10 
Leters from you without answaring won espeshally when so 
obliging a won as your last was & which I was all together 
unworthy of ware it don threw unkindness or disrespeckt, 
but it is so well known to all the town in what a veriy call 
& dangrus a condishon S r Vere has bin in all this wintor & 
has had ten fesishons with him even to this time though now 
I hop out of danger if it can be so in his case, his being of 
the diabetus, a distemper newley found out which is making 
to much wator. He has not been in a tavorn this wintor & for 
beare or wine he drinks not won drap nor has not this wintor 
& taks 1 8 pels a day & drinks asis milk. I hope by this short 
relashon, knowing how I love S r Vere, it will not seame so 
unkind to mis answaring ten leters which truley in all I re- 
ceived sence I writ, having writ won seence I came to town 
if no more : but truley I have bin att my wets eand most 
part of this wintor, tho scene I received your last I might 
have writ but that I was ashamed to write tell S r Vere had 
paid Mrs. Westleys money which he has now done & had 

1 My, daughter of Sir Thomas Style, married Sir Felix Wilde in 1690. 


don it suner had he had the command of his moniy which has 
bin promised him from time to time ; and now if you send 
him orders he will pay veriy suddinley M Wesley twenty 
pounds more, as he bids mee tell you if you order it so with 
his sarvis to you is all his commands. & now I must tell you the 
news of our country (for the news of the town I am veriy 
letell acquainted with) ; in my last in the countriy I told 
you of M n Stiles is marin S r Felis Wild, and now her brother 
Oliver Stils is lukin out for a great fortun in town his father 
desiring it, and will setell very handsomely on him if he holds 
long in a mind, & it is tolk on as if the barinet-ship was to go 
to him but that cannot be done I beleave. S'Olivor Butlor's 
son has marid a great fortune in the sity 1 and Mrs. Bety 
Twisden is marid to M r Dalison." The Letell Captan is a 
brisk widow & going to be marid. As for your sister I 
can say but letell having not seane her a great while, but 
heare she has gott good companiy with her as M ra Seder 
that was, & her husband, & M r Creighelten was to come. 
Coson Moll has bin at Chelsea Scule this twelve month 
but is now gon horn I think for good. She seam to mee to be 
much imprufd, which I am glad of being always a well wisher 
to aniy of your familiy. Lady Fane was in town last weake, 
tho poore Lady veriy malincholiy. I went to wate on her & 
we toalkt of you mitiliy & wisht you with ous. The Doctors 
told S r Vere that he must for his rumatise go to the bath, 
which I am glad to hear, being in hops then to gett you to 
meet us thare, which if thare minds hold I will send you 
word. I do not but you will be so kind as to com with 
coson Doley & your son if posibell, for I long to see them, & 
meat us. Jams our nabor has had three hundred pound 
a yeare fafen to him lately which together with his own 
estate I believe in moniy & land may make neare a thousan, 
& yett he is gest like a old decai'd jentellman. He say if we goe 
he & Waton will go to the bath with us, so you will meat 
with your old friends, but I will afearm with none that more 
loues & honers you then dos 

Your most effexant humbell servant, 


1 Philip, elder son of Sir Oliver Boteler of Teston married Anne, daughter 
of Sir Edward Desbouveries. 

s Thomas Dalison of Hampton married secondly Elizabeth, third 
daughter of Sir Th. Twisden, Bart., of Bradborne. 


Moll & Coson Ransfords sarvis to you & Coson Doley. 

M* Champneys wifes sister is marid this weake to a mar- 
chant, but such a great weden that the town rings out & is 
to larg to give the pertukerlers in this bit of paper M re Francis 
Loue is going to be marid to Mr. Munwaton she being a 
fortune now her brother is dead, but M re Mariy entend to 
diy a pure chast vergin. 

As for the old man he is no chanlin. 

March 25, 1692-3. 

I received your kind Leter, Dere Coson, & am extream 
glad to find you are in the Land of the Living, for truliy it 
has bin so long sence I heard from you that I much ferd you 
had bin call or els I hopt you would not have bin so unkind 
to your frinds as to let it be so long before we heard from 
you. heare is but Letell news, onliy of remufes which thare 
is a great maniy but cannot remember maniy. The Aturniy 
Generall is maid Lord Keeper & Sargant Trenshor * is made 
Secretary of State ; it is said Generall Talmatch is to be gover- 
nor of the He of White & that Lord Bembruck is to go Lord 
Leautenant of Ireland & Lord Sidney is to com over to 
be master of the ornance. Thare is a great whale com a shore 
in lincornshire of a prodidous bigth so that a man of six feet 
hiy may stand uprite in his mouth & it is sold for a thousan 
pound. The King is gon to Harwidg a friday in order for 
Holond. The prinsis is brought to bead of a dead child before 
her time, but at the time she youst to mis-cariy att. We are 
going for Kent in a few days and the somer for north North- 
amptonsh. I here Coson Waton is for the Bath sudenliy. 
I say your neasis lateliy which luke veriy well & I here thare 
ant Cartwrite is veriy kind to them & cariys them abroad, 
which I am glad of. I am your most affexant Coson and 


I feare I have tir'd you. 

1 Sir J. Somers, Lord Keeper, 23 March 1692-3. Serjeant Sir John 
Trenchard became Secretary of State 1693. 


Directed on the back : 
For Mrs. Jenkellton, at Mrs. Waton's, at Adinton, in Kent. 

March the 29 [1693]. 

I am extream sony to hear poore coson Waton is so 
call. I hopt she had bin mending & coming to town but, seence 
I due not heare she is com I fear she is grone wors which 
trobels mee much & the more because of my poore Betys 
still contuniying so call that I can not stur out of town to 
com & be with her, which I would sartainly due if I ware 
in Kent, for I have received so many kindnes from her both 
when my husband & my children have bin call that I think 
I could due never anufe for her. I pray God send her health 
& us a happy meating. I beleave I must cariy Bety unto the 
Bath in a hors Leter. I have not bin out of dowers this month 
& now I heare Milmey is call of a fevor at Mereworth. I long 
to see you. Moll & Poll & myselfe desire our sarvis to all my 
cosons ; pray lett mee know how poore Coson Waton dos. 
I am your effexant Coson, 


Quean Dowager is gest gon out of town for France. 1 


[Lewis Incledon died 28 Jan. and was buried at Braunton I Feb. 1698-9. 
His eldest son and successor, Henry Incledon, married, at Bideford, 5 Sept. 
1699, Mary, d. of John Davie of Bideford and of Orleigh Court in the parish of 
Buckland Brewer, in the County of Devon. The following letter is from Mrs. 
Elizabeth Incledon, widow of Lewis, and whose maiden name was Fane, as before 
mentioned, to her daughter-in-law, Mrs. (Mary) Incledon, wife of her son 

Directed, on the back : 

To Mrs. Incledon, att Buckland, in Branton near Barnstapll. 

LONDON, Nov. 14, (16)99. 

Y have such an assendant over me, Deare Dafter, that 
when I lefft Buckland I also gave y y e possession of my Heart, 
& now 'tis time to Inquire after it what entertainment y can 
afford so Intruding a Ranger, who if kindly received twill give 
me y Higst delight, & y may depend upon it I will never 
give y or my deare son any Just cause to carrias me w th any 

1 Catherine, the Queen Dowager, left Somerset House, 30 March, 1693 
for France. 




other Titell then y* most affectionate of mothers, as thars 
no person of y e Highest Rank or greatest Estate exempth 
from troublls in this world, so I hope what y meet w' all 
in y r new station will by y r sweet even Temper, & y e trew 
affections of a tender loveing Husband, overbalance those 
uneasy minuetts that may sumtimes obstruct y r quiatt Re- 

I received my sons, for which I give him thanks. I was 
much surpris'd & troublld for that pore garll. 

I've bin Indispos'd w* a could in my Head which is Incident 
to all persons att first comeing heare & have bin Bleeded for 
it, sine which I thank God I'm much better. I foolishly cutt 
of all my long hair behind & putt nothing one behind to 
keep ofe y e could. 

My affectionat love to y & my deare son, constantly 
beseeching God to extend his blessings towards y & that 
I may ear long receive y e good tidings & hopes of being made 
a granmother is y e earnest desire of, Deare Child, 
Y r most affectionate Mother, 


I thank God Bob 1 is very well & joynes w* me in his affec- 
tionat love to you both & our hearty service to our friends 
at Bidiford. Pray my service to M 18 Stevens ; ye moad 
here is all morning for foreign prinses ; they were thar Heads 
very much sloping foroward att top & but litell hair under. 
I've often wisht for a cup of ale out of y r seller for y e drink 
hear is worse than ever. Y may derect for me att y e signe of 
y e Harp over against y* fountain Tavren in Kathren Street 
in the Strand, & pray oblige me by writing as often as y can. 


1 Robert Incledon, second son of Lewis Incledon and Elizabeth Fane his 
wife, of New Inn, London, and of Pilton, co. Devon, Clerk of the Peace and 
Deputy Recorder of Barnstaple, born 28 Feb. l6yf . He was father of Ben- 
jamin Incledon, the antiquary. Mrs. Incledon (born Fane) was buried at 
Barnstaple, I Nov., 1717, where, in the parish church, there is, to her memory, 
a mural monument (with a Latin inscription) placed there by her son Robert. 


THE very remarkable settlement executed by Roger, 
Earl of Warwick, on the marriage of his daughter Agnes 
with Geoffrey de Clinton the Chamberlain has never, it 
would seem, been printed. Its text, unluckily, is somewhat 
corrupt, but the very exceptional character of the document 
and its importance in several respects make it well deserving 
of study. It is rather difficult to date the settlement, for 
Roger was Earl from 1123 to 1153, but as some of the wit- 
nesses are found among the knights of his son and successor 
in 1 1 66, it must belong to the latter part of Roger's tenure, 
of the title. The mention, also, of the Bishop of Winchester 
suggests that it belongs to the reign of his brother Stephen 
in which he played so great a part. 

Rogerus Comes Wan' omnibus suis baronibus et amicis suis fidelibus tarn 
presentibus quam futuris salutem. Sciatis me dedisse Agnetem filiam meam 
in uzorem Gaufrido Camerario consilio Regis et episcopi Wyntoniensis et Com' 
Warr' ' et Roberti fratris mei et aliorum meorum fratrum et meorum hominum 
in maritagpum] et cum ea in servicpum] x milites de xvij quos tenet de me [in] 
feudo. Ita quod illi i milites quieti et liberi er't de omni servicio quod ad pertinet 
et hii x facient suam custodiam de Brandun' ; et przter hoc servicium Henrici 
filii Voster. Et si rex acceperit commune auxilium per suum regnum, de hiis 
x Gaufridus dederit in quantum pertinebit x militibus. Et si rex ger 1 in ei- 
pedicionem infra Angliam, hii x milites ibunt ad castrum * (sic) mea[m] in 
expeditione. Si ego vero perdonum vel acquietacionem vel aliquam admen- 
suracionem a rege habuero, illud idem perdonum et acquietacionem et admen- 
suracionem habebit Gaufridus quantum ad hos x milites pertinebit. Et si 
accipero auxilium de meis militibus Gaufridus accipiat ad opus suum si voluerit. 
Et preterea ego concede Gaufrido et hered[i] suo tenere Comptatum] de Warr' 
de me et meis heredpbus] eodem modo quo de Rege habeo vel habere potero. 

Hujus rei sunt testes ex parte mea : Comit[e] Waren' ; Roberto fratre meo 
et Gaufrido et Henrico ; Siwardo filio Turi ; Hastecill de Haruc ; Hugone 
filio Ricardi ; Turstino de Munst' ; Waltero filio Hugonis ; Henrico Drap' ; 
Willelmo Giffard' ; Hugone Abidon'. Ex parte Gaufridi : Willelmus de 

1 One hesitates to extend these words, especially when the text is not always 
trustworthy ; for there was often scribal confusion between the Earls Warenne 
and the Earls of Warwick. Roger's brother-in-law was the Earl Warenne, so 
that we cannot be sure whether these words denote the latter or Roger's wife 
or mother. 

J This must be an error for ' costum,' a Low Latin word. The knights 
were clearly to go at the earl's cost. 



Glint[ona] ; Willelmus filius Radulfi ; Hug[one] de Glintfona] et Maurpcio] 
fratre eius ; Ricardo Turn' ; Robertus filius Gaufridi et Helias f rater ejus ; 
Stephanus filius Radulfi et Ricardus frater ejus ; Rogerus de Frevilla ; Radulfus 
de Martinmast ; Mig' de Norhampton ; Paganus de Beref[ord] ; Willelmus 
filius Odonis ; Rad[ulf us] de Draitfona]. 1 

The whole document has the true ring of those which are 
met with in Stephen's reign, and which I have dealt with in 
my Geoffrey de Mandeville. 1 have there printed from this 
same volume, a cartulary of the Earls of Warwick, the charter 
of the Empress Maud to William de Beauchamp, relating to 
Warwickshire, and it seems to me that we have here a grant, 
no less abnormal, of the shrievalty of a county, the earl grant- 
ing it to his son-in-law to hold as he held it himself of the 
king. The fact that Geoffrey de Clinton appears on the Pipe 
Roll of 1130 (31 Hen. I.) as sheriff of Warwickshire makes it 
rather difficult to understand this provision ; for, as we have 
already seen, the grant appears to be of later date. 

The earl's allusion to the ' counsel ' of the king and others, 
in accordance with which he made this settlement, strongly 
suggests that it was really intended to end some dispute be- 
tween Geoffrey and himself. A marriage was in those days 
a method sometimes employed for the purpose. 2 

To the historian the document is of interest for its refer- 
ence to the levy styled ' auxilium militum ' on the Pipe Roll 
of 1130, and for the very curious provisions as to the 'ten 
knights.' These appear to have comprised a release of ser- 
vice and an arrangement that these knights should perform 
their castle ward at Brandon Castle (in Woolston), which was 
probably, therefore, then held by Geoffrey. 

But for genealogists the value of this remarkable document 
consists in the names of the witnesses, among whom are great 
tenants of the Earls of Warwick. We will take them in order. 

(1) The Earl deWarenne (?). If this is the person meant, 
he was the brother-in-law of the Earl of Warwick, who went 
on crusade in 1147 and died on the way, unless it is his son- 
in-law and successor, Stephen's son William. 

(2) Robert, Geoffrey, and Henry, younger brothers of the 
Earl of Warwick, and all known as such. 

(3) Siward, son and heir of Turchil de Arden (alias de 

i Add. MS. 28,024, fo - 5 8 (S4 2 )- 

8 As in the case of the great Berkeley agreement temp. Stephen. 


Warwick), that great Domesday baron in Warwickshire. 
Siward now held under the Earls of Warwick such portions 
of his father's fief as he retained. His sons Henry and Hugh 
were holding some five fees apiece of the Earl of Warwick in 
II66. 1 

(4) Anschetil de Harcourt.* This is clearly the prede- 
cessor of the Yvo de ' Harewecurt ' whose holding under the 
Earls of Warwick was seven knights. 3 He is also clearly iden- 
tical with the man of whom we read, under Leicestershire, 
in the 1130 Pipe Roll: 

Anschetillus de Herolcurt reddit compotum de xj libris et xiijs. et iiijd. 
ne placitet de terra sua nee heres suus. 

This is of great importance for the origin of the English 
Harcourts, because the family claims that their ancestor, 
' Ivo de Harcourt,' was son of William de Harcourt, to whose 
English possessions he succeeded. The above Anschetil finds 
no place in their pedigree, although he bore the surname of 
the alleged founder of the house, Anschetil, Sire de Harcourt, 
a contemporary of the Conqueror. 

(5) Hugh Fitz Richard, Lord of Hatton and founder, 
temp. Stephen, of the adjacent house of Benedictine nuns, 
at Wroxall. He held no fewer than ten knights' fees of the 
Earl of Warwick in 1166.* 

(6) Turstin de Montfort, Lord of Beaudesert, where the 
Empress Maud granted him a market on Sundays. He simi- 
larly held ten knights' fees of the Earl of Warwick in 1166.* 

(7) Walter Fitz Hugh. He cannot be identified from 
the Earl's carta of 1166. 

(8) Henry Drap'. This witness also cannot be identified. 
The name seems corrupt, and must stand for Henry Dapifer, 
who attested in 1154 Earl Roger's confirmation of William 
Giffard's gift to the monks of Bordesley. 

(9) William Giffard. He held two fees from the Earl in 
ii66. 9 

1 Red Book of the Exchequer, p. 325. 

1 I would read the name in the text as ' Hascetill* de Harucfurt].' 

3 Red Book, p. 325. 

4 Red Book, p. 325. See also, for this important man, my Calendar / 
Documents preserved in France, pp. 412-4. 

5 Ibid. 

Ibid. See also General Wrottesley's The Giffardi, p. n. 


(10) Hugh Abbadun. He held three fees from the Earl 
in 1 1 66.' 

Geoffrey de Clinton's witnesses were partly drawn from 
members of his own family. Three of them, according to 
Dugdale's pedigree, were related to him as follows : 

Geoffrey de Clinton de Clinton 

Agnes dau. of= Geoffrey de William dc Hugh de Maurice de 

Roger, Earl Clinton Clinton Clinton Clinton 

of Warwick 

Of Geoffrey's other witnesses Roger de Frevilla was lord 
of Woolston (co. Warwick) in right of his wife at the close of 
Henry I.'s reign, 2 and was a benefactor there to the Clinton 
foundation at Kenilworth, and Payn de ' Bereford ' appears 
to be an earlier member of the Warwickshire Barfords of Bar- 
ford than any discovered by Dugdale. 

But the most interesting name is the last, that of Ralf de 
Drayton (' Rad' de Drait'.') For, under Drayton (co. War- 
wick), Dugdale states that he had seen a deed of Henry II. 's 
time, ' penes S. Mountford, ar.,' in which this Geoffrey de 
Clinton restored the place ' to one Giffard de Lucerna, as 
heir to Robert de Lucerna his brother, unto whom he had 
given the inheritance thereof in lieu of special service that he 
had performed to the said Geoffrey, in his castle of Simily 
and elsewhere, to hold by the service of one knight's fee.' 
Now ' Simily ' will be sought for in vain ; but it is now 
represented by St. Pierre-de-Semilly and La Barre-de-Semilly, 
two adjoining communes just to the east of St. Lo (La Manche), 
the proof whereof is that La Lucerne, 3 from which the above 
family would be styled ' de Lucerna,' is immediately adjacent 
to St. Pierre-de-Semilly. There are still to be seen at the 
latter place the ' Restes d'un chateau fort (monument his- 
torique), sur le bord de deux etangs,' which must have been 
the castle spoken of in the above document by Geoffrey, the 
Norman seat of the Lords of Kenilworth. 


3 Compare the Burton Cartulary (Ed. Wrottesley), pp. 32-3. 

3 Not to be confused with La Luzerne d'Outremer, also in La Manche. 


The place has left its stamp even on the map of Warwick- 
shire ; for Radford Simely (now Semele) derives its distinctive 
name from that Henry de Simely whom, according to Dugdale, 
Geoffrey de Clinton enfeoffed there under Henry I. This 
Henry clearly came from Geoffrey's Norman home. 

Geoffrey de Clinton owed his rise, as is well known, to 
Henry I., and I am tempted to associate his connexion with 
this part of Normandy with the fact that Henry, as I have 
elsewhere shown, bestowed lands in England on men who 
came from the Cotentin, his own former dominion. Whether 
Ordericus exaggerates or not in classing him among those whom 
Henry I. ' illi obsequentes de ignobili stirpe illustravit, de 
pulvere, ut ita dicam extulit,' the above evidence clearly 
traces the oldest of our English ducal houses to the Norman 
cradle of the race. 1 

Another grant by Earl Roger deserves to be mentioned 
with this one. In it he gives to the Canons of Kenilworth 
the manor of Salford (Priors), which Geoffrey had given 
them in almoin. 2 The first witness, as before, is ' Siwardus 
films Turchilli ' ; the second, ' Robertus de Monteforti,' 
must be Turstin's predecessor ; the third, ' Ricardus de 
Vernun,' would be predecessor to Walter de Vernun, who 
held three fees of the Earl in 1166. 

Agnes, with whose settlement we have dealt, is, I pre- 
sume, mentioned in the charter by which Geoffrey de Clinton 
grants half a knight's fee in Leamington Priors to Gilbert 
' Nutricius,' who gives him therefor 20 marcs and a silver 
cup, with a besant to Agnes his wife. 8 


1 Its English name of Clinton was derived from Glympton, Oxon, and it 
appears to be able to trace its pedigree back further than any other English 
ducal house. 

Lansd. MS. 229, fo. 55d. 

* Dugdale, however, who abstracts this charter under Leamington Priors, 
assigns it to his father, the first Geoffrey. 


THE long pedigree roll of parchment from which we 
take our illustrations is the work of a monk of Peter- 
borough. One side of it has a heading : 

[CJronica rotulata Latine et Gallice conscripta cum 'regibus Anglic 
ex utraque parte depicta fratris Walter! de Witteliseye monachi 
monasterii de Burgo Sancti Petri anime cujus propicietur Deus 

The form of the prayer indicates that the monk, Walter of 
Whittlesey, was dead when the roll was thus recorded as 
his work. The date of Walter's work upon the roll is uncer- 
tain. His pedigree pictures and his historical gloss upon 
them end with the death of Edward I. in 1307, and the 
character of the work indicates this as the most probable period 
for the making of the roll. But another hand has recorded 
upon it a long list of events to the date of 1374, to which 
time we may assign the continuation of the pedigree to the 
Black Prince and his children. 

The genealogy begins with the story attested by ancient 
chroniclers of the ship which came to Saxony without an 
oar to row it. In this ship was found a little boy whom the 
good Saxons brought up, naming him SCHEF. SCHEF on 
coming to manhood begat BEADWI, and BEADWI WALA, who 
is followed by a long line of descendants. The sixteenth name 
in the pedigree is that of WODON, ' whom the pagans deifying, 
they worshipped him for a god,' whose day was called 

The twenty-eighth name is that of PYBBA, with whom 
begins the true ' pedigree,' he being pictured enthroned in 
a roundel from which jut the lines of descent of the kings 
and princes who follow, each in his roundel. PYBBA begat 

1 This roll is amongst the family archives of the Earl of Egmont, by whose 
kind permission we have been allowed to examine and photograph it. 




PENDA, ' the most pagan king of the Mercians,' whose name 
is more familiar to historians than those of SCHEF and BEADWI. 
The system of the pedigree-maker doubles the length of his 
roll. PENDA in his roundel has below him in a row his sons 
and daughters, amongst whom is WLFERUS, his son, who 
succeeds his elder brother PEADA. But when we come to 
deal with WLFERUS as a king and a father, a line from the 
little roundel in which he appears as one of his father's chil- 
dren carries us on to a large one in which he appears as REX 

The sovereigns follow each other, standing and sitting, 
holding sceptres, swords and spears, gloves, palms of martyr- 
dom, and the first side of the roll ends with EDWARD THE 

The reverse of the roll goes back some generations to 
begin again with ADELWLF [Ethelwulf] at the head. On 
this side the French language takes the place of Latin, and 
the chronicle surrounding each roundel of a king becomes 
longer and fuller. Full justice is done to the wisdom of 
Alfred, and his divisions of the day are related to the corro- 
boration of Mrs. Markham and Mrs. Mangnall. Below 
Alfred, will be seen the picture of his daughter, Alfled la 
sage file Alured, to whom it will be seen that wisdom has 
brought a certain severity of feature. 

The head of EDMUND YRENESIDE as prince is the first 
to appear in a mail hood with a round basinet. His son, 
Edward the exile, a ferocious person, has a round iron hat of 
peculiar form above a most improbable hood and gorget in 
one piece of plate, which thrusts forward below his mouth in 
a saucer like-projection. Behind his shoulders are a pair of 
small alettes with crosses. 

The same head covering is found further on as the equip- 
ment of MAUGER son of RICHARD sanz four, and we see that 
for his lesser portraits the artist uses stock types. 

KNUT stands in ringed mail with large gloves, a sleeve- 
less coat to the knee, his legs in greaves and articulated 
shoes. The pedigree of the Conqueror is traced from Rolf, 
William himself being styled WILLIAM BASTARD. We go past 
pictured in the act of striking at a lion with his sword. The 
artist has given King John a wry look of obstinate wayward- 
ness. The dress of Henry III. is noteworthy, a long and 


plainly-cut gown with false sleeves and worn without a girdle, 
taking the place of the usual close-sleeved and girded gown 
covered with a full cloak. 

The first artist ends his work with a picture of Edward I., 
whose wives and children are drawn by a less skilful hand. 
Under this reign the national hero of Scotland is disposed 
of by our Peterborough monk as un riband, larron, William 
W alleys nomee. 

At the end of the roll this later hand gives us the most 
interesting of our pictures. In a large round stands a strange 
little figure with long hair, moustache and pointed beard. 
He wears a close-fitting coat of blue with red spots, fancifully 
slittered at the skirt edge. This coat has large buttons down 
the front and more buttons from wrist to elbow. A belt is 
worn low in the waist. His shoes are long and pointed, and 
hose and shoe are red on the one leg and yellow on the other. 
A garland of red roses is about his head, and another is worn 
by the lady he takes lovingly by hand and shoulder. Her 
under-gown is scarlet with close sleeves of yellow. Above 
this is an over-gown, sleeveless and slit open from shoulder to 
foot, the sides being joined over the hips only. Over them 
is written in a curious scrawl, Edward le prince fys a reoy 
Edward le terce. Below them are roundels for their children. 
' Edward who died an infant ' and ' Richard who was born 
at Bordeaux.' 

Here then is what we may believe to be a contemporary 
picture of Edward the Black Prince, most famous of our 
princes of Wales, and of his wife the fair maid of Kent. 

The last date in the chronicle upon the other side of the 
roll is in 1374. The Black Prince died in 1376, and after his 
death his son Richard, who is here given no title, was created 
Prince of Wales. ^Grotesque as may be these little figures, 
they take at once a peculiar interest when we regard them 
as drawn by one who thought of the famous prince and 
captain as a living man, his contemporary. 


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H^. Bill (30 April 1646) of Daniel Hudson of Epping, co. Essex, cl othier, 
and Richard Joslyn of Epping, yeoman, exors. of the will of Joseph Joslyn, 
brother of the said Richard, whose brother-in-law was the said Daniel Hudson. 

Answer at Chelmsford (22 May 1646) of Simon Joscelin (defendant with 
Ralph Joscelin). 

Concerning the farm of Boiling Hatch purchased by Ralph Joslyn, deceased, 
and Simon his brother. 

Joslyn or Joscelin 




Thomas Joslyn, who 

made Ralph 

Joslyn, whose will 


Joslyn died 

a will about 3 5 years 

since, was dated i Aug. 1626. 


*t years 

and died 4 or 5 years 

after. Died about 15 years since. 


His wife surviTed him and His relict Dorothy sur- 

proved the will 



Anne Ralph Joslyn 

Simon Joslin Joseph Joslyn, deceased, 



Joslyn of Cranham, 

of East Haver- a legatee of hit uncle 

Joslyn of 

Joslyn, lega 

wife of co. Essex, yeo- 

ell, yeoman, Thomas. Aged 2 i years 


tee of his 

Daniel man, co-exor. 

the defendant, more than 24 years 



Hudson of his father's 

a co-exor. of since. His will dated 



his father's 7 Nov. 1642. Died in 

will December last 




Simon William Elizabeth 


Hudson Hudson Hudson 




H-f^. Bill (14 May 1632) of Michael Hayle of Essheford, co. Kent, vintner, 
and Phillis alias Phillide his wife. 

Answer (22 Oct. 1632) of Thomas Cuckowe, defendant, guardian to John 

Lands in Wye, co. Kent. 

James Mascall of Ashford, 
who made a will and died 
about April 1623 

John Mascall, aged 
about 8 years at his 
father's death. Ap- 
prenticed to a tailor 
in London, and died 
in January last 

Phillis Mascall, wife 
of Michael Hayle, 
and admix, of her 


Bill (25 May 163 1) of Sir Henry Hungate, knight, one of the gentlemen 
in ordinary of his majesty's privy chamber. 

Answer (13 June 1631) of Sir Miles Hobarte, knight. 

i. ii. 

Thomas Pettus=Anne=Sir Henry Hungate, knight, 
exor. of Sir the compt., son of the Lady 

John Pettus Ceasar 

, 0*1 ,.,. 



(>" "^ 





Bill (28 June 1631) of Richard Hardres of Upper Hardres, co. Kent, 
esquire, executor of Sir Thomas Hardres of the same, knight, and William Child, 

Answer ^(8 Nov. 1631) of Sir Gervase Clifton, bart., and Sir George Chute, 
knight, and 4 (9 July 1631) of Sir Philip Tirwhitt, bart. 

Manors, etc., in Lincolnshire. Debts of Sir Edward Tyrwhitt, deceased. 

Edward Tyrwhitt to whom Sir Robert Tyrwhitt, 
knight, conveyed the manor* of Stainfield, Apley 
and Irforth by indenture in 9 Elizabeth 

Sir Philip Tyrwhitt, = Martha Thorold, one of the 
bart. daus. of Anthony Thorold, 

esquire. Married about 17 


, r 

= Sir Edward Tyrwhitt of Stamfield= 
I bart., only ion 

Sir Philip Tyrwhitt, 
bart., son and heir 



Anne Tyrwhitt, wife of 
Sir Gerrase Ellwaiet 19 
Jan. 3 Car. I. 


J. Bill (30 June 1631) of Thomas Hall, cousin and heir of John Hall 
of Olney, w co. Bucks, maltster, deceased. 

Answer (2 July 1631) of Thomas Tripp and (31 Oct. 1631) of Robert Blott 
and Ellen his wife. | 

A messuage in Olney. 

Thomas Hall, 


in Hall of Olney=Etlen=Robert Blott 
died Dec. 1630 

Thomas Hall the compt., 
son and heir 



H^V- Bill (14' May 1641) of Sir William Howard of Thornethwayte, co. 
Westmorland, knight (one of the younger sons of the Lord William Howard of 
Noward in Cumberland, who died in Sept. 16 Car. I.). 
Answer (17 Oct. 1641) of Thomas Jackson and others. 

The manors of Thornethwaite and Askam, which the complainant 
alleges were conveyed to him by his said father, and out of which he 
claims certain rents and fines. 


HA. Bill (28 May 1641) of William Hobson of Wrawby, co. Lincoln, 

Answer (19 Oct. 1641) of Henry Broxholme. 

Lands in Messingham whereof one Nicholas Brodmilesse alias Brown- 

lesse, yeoman, died seised. 

Nicholas Brownlesse, who died 
leaving a relict Agnes 

Agnes wife of A daughter who was wife to one 

Broxholme Hobon, the compt.'s grandfather 

or great-grandfather 

Bartholomew Hobson 

Thomas Broxholme, who William Hobson 

died 40 years since 

Robert Broxholme, died Henry Broxholme William Hobson 

1 1 years since the defendant the compt. 


H 3 V Bill (3 Dec. 1640) of Abell Hartnoll of Tiverton, co. Devon, yeoman. 
Answer (18 Oct. 17 Car. I.) of Katherine Hartnoll, Sarah Hartnoll, Humphrey 
Cogan, and Thomas Cogan. Samuel Cogan another defendant is dead. 

Nicholas Hartnoll, who made a nuncupative 
will in Feb. i6if. He left Prudence his 
widow, whose will of 24 Dec. 1638 was 
proved by Katherine her daughter 

Nicholas Abell Thomas Katherine Sarah 

Hartnoll Hartnoll Hartnoll Hartnoll Hartnoll 



,6 5 

LJ. Bill (24 Nov. 1646) of Richard Lovell of Langford, in Berrington, co. 

Somerset, yeoman, and Joan his wife. 

Answer (20 Jan. 164!) of John Goodson, John Baker and Elizabeth his wife, 

William Hilhouse and Sarah his wife and Henry Backwell and Joan his wife. 

Concerning the will of John Luffe, deceased, who is alleged by the plain- 
tiffs to have delivered his goods to the defendants for their preservation 
whilst the royal troops overran Somerset. The testator was taken 
prisoner by the king's forces and imprisoned in Taunton Castle until the 
day of his death. He made a will in Sept. 1643, making John Luffe, the 
compt., Joan's eldest son, his exor. and died in December following. The 
said exor. was then aged about seven years, and his mother took admon. 
with the will annexed. 

William Lufl> = Joan = Richard Lovell of 
Langford, yeoman 


Luffe Hannah Mary 


14. Bill (3 Feb. 164$) of William Laine and Anne his wife and Henrjr 
Blicke and Frances his wife. 

Answer (19 April 1645) of William Bowler and Thomas Parslowe, exors. of 
the will of Frances Wheeler, deceased. 

Concerning the will of Frances Wheeler, deceased. The said Frances 
left legacies of 40*. each to forty-one of her grandchildren, and $/. to 
Joan, wife of Edward Stevens, another granddaughter. Also 2Oj. to- 
John Tatham, a kinsman. To Frances wife of John Wheeler, 2os. 

Christopher Wheeler= Frances of Prince's Risboro", co. Bucks, 

who made a will 13 
April 1630 

widow, relict and eztriz. Her own 
will dated 4 Jan. 1649. Inventory of 
her goods made 1 3 Jan. 1 64} 

rgaret, wife- 


Jane, who died be- Joan, wife Anne, wife Frances, wife Susan, wife Ma 
fore the date of her of William of William of Henry of George of 
mother's will. Wife Bowler Laine Blicke Bigg Go 
of Thomas Par- I 


Six children named in the 
will of their grandfather 




LyV Bill (17 June 1631) of Richard Lilly and Francis Lilly, infants within 
the age of twenty-one years, by their father and guardian Richard Lilly of the 
city of Lincoln, gent. 

Answer at Colne, co. Lane. (29 Sep. 1631) of Grace Houghton, widow. 

Concerning legacies to the complainants under the will of Henry Hough- 
ton of Faldingworth, co. Lincoln, clerk, who is alleged in the bill to be 
their grandfather by the mother. The answer quoting the will verbatim, 
makes them nephews by the sister. 




iry Houghton of 
ton, a legatee of 

Robert Houghton 
of Jtelsey, i lega- 





Henry Houghton 
of Faldingworth, 
clerk. Will dated 
24 March 162^ 

Sanderson=A n n 

:=. . . Lettice, Robert Houghton 
i Pell wife of of Eztwistle, co. 
Richard Lane. exor. of 
Lilly Henry Houghton 

= Grace, 


I 1 

William Robert Margaret 

knne Richard Francis 

Sanderson Sanderson Sanderson Pelb Lilly Lilly 


L sV- Bill (13 July 1641) of Henry Lincolne of Swanton Morly, co. Norfolk, 

Answer (18 Oct. 1641) of Robert Gurney, gent., and Anne his wife, and 
William Gunthorp and Elizabeth his wife. 

Concerning copyholds of the manor of Swanton Morly surrendered by 
Richard and Anne Lincolne about 4 Jac. I. to the use of themselves for 
life, with remr. to John Small, son of the said Anne, charged with certain 
payments by the said John Small to his half-sisters. 

i. ii. 
Small=Anne=Richard Lincolne 



Henry Lincoln An 

ic, wife 

Elizabeth, wife 
of William 







L 4 ' a . Bill (i July 1631) of Sir John Langworth of the Broyle in Sussex, 

Answer at Kennards, co. Sussex (7 Oct. 1631), of Thomas Chaloner, esquire, 
and Jane his wife. 

Concerning the manor of Kennards or Kenwards and its settlement upon 
the defendants by Thomas Chaloner, deceased, uncle to the complainant, 
who says that the defendants are not of kin to the said Thomas deceased. 
The pedigree is that put forward by the defendants, who say that the 
complainant was cut off by his uncle because of his evil courses. 



nas Challoncr of Kennards 



in Linficld, esquire. Hii will 
dated 16 April, 2 Jac. I. 

Thomas Challoner=Ja 
now of Kennards, 

Francis Challoner Thomas Challoner of Mary, wife 
of Kennards, son Kennards, uncle and of ... 
and heir heir of Thomas, died Langworth 

Thomas Challoner of Kennards, Sir John Langworth, Thomas Challoner 
only son, died s.p. knight and other issue 


L 4 V Bill (14 July 1641) of Elizabeth Lendoe'of Cowintt, co. Gloucester, 

Answer (19 Oct. 1641) of James Provender, gentleman, of Somerford Keynes, 
co. Wilts, gent., exor. of John Sneade of the same, clerk, deceased. 
Concerning a copyhold in Somerford. 



T| , 

Arthur Thomas Neale=Elirabeth= 
Clarke living 14 years I 

=John Lendoe or Lyndowe 
of Malmesbury, baker 

e Lyndowe, apprentice to 
iry Tellin 




Alexander Henry Susanna 
Neale Neale Ncale 




L V- Bill (i 2 Oct. 1632) of Thomas Leighe of London, gent., and Martha 
his wife. 

Answer (30 Oct. 1632) of James Battey, defendant with Robert and Michael 
Rabet, exors. of Michael Rabbett, deceased. 

Concerning the estate of Michael Rabbett, clerk, deceased, who was 
seised of lands in Barking, co. Essex, and in Stone, Greenhithe, Swans- 
combe, Sutton at Hone, Tunbridge and Boughton Monchelsey, co. 
Kent. He made a will 19 July 1630. 

Michael Rabbett, Michael Robert- 

clerk, deceased Rabbett Rabbett 

Near kinsmen to 
Michael Rabbett, 
clerk, deceased 

Amy Rabbett, dau. Martha Rabbett, dau. and 

and co-heir, wife of co-heir, wife of Thomas 

William Parsons of Leighe, gent. Aged 20 at 

Barking, gent. her father's death 


Bill (4 May 1629) of John Lade of Warden in the isle of Shepey, co. 
Kent, yeoman. 

Demurrer of Thomas Chalcroft of Bredgar, gent. 

Concerning the portion of John Weddingham, who was aged three or four 
in 1626, and who was born after his father's will was made. 

i. ii. iii. 

Thomas Weddingham=Thomas Crofte of=Clemens=John Lade of Warden, 
I Rodmersham married 16 Dec. 1626 

John Weddingham, 
aged 3 or 4 in 1626, 
son of Thomas 
Weddingham and 



j Bill (17 May 1641) of Charles Lane of Barnewell, Northants, gent., 
and Mary his wife, complainants against William Coulding, gent., nephew to the 
compt. Mary and exor. of the will of Gregory Smith of Wellingborough, gent., 
her uncle. 

Henry Smith of Longdon, 
co. Wore., gent., deceased, 
with whom the compt. 
Mary formerly lived 

Gregory Smith, ot 

Charles Lane of = Mary, niece to 
Barnewell, gent. Henry and Gre- 
gory Smith 

William Coulding, nephew 
to Mary Lane 


Bill (29 NOT. 1641) of Katherine and Anne Lawson, daughters of 
Thomas Lawson, deceased, compts. against George Brabant, gent., their grand- 
father, and James Cholmeley and Andelyne his wife. 

Concerning the alleged withholding of the compts. portions. The com- 
plainants were infants at the time of their father's death. 

George Brabant of 
Branspath Lodge 
in Durham, gent. 
Survived his son- 
in-law Lawson 

1. | u. ill. 

Thomas Lawson of=Andelyne= Roger Anderson mar-= James Cholmelrv 

Cromlington in 

Northumberland, es- 
quire, died about 24 
years since 

John La 

Brabant ried about 20 years married 3 year 

since. Left a personal after Anderson's 

estate of ;ooo/. to his death 

Lawson, son {Catherine Anne 

and heir, a ward to Lawson Lawson 

the Crown at his 
father's death 


Under this heading the Ancestor will call the attention of press 
and public to much curious lore concerning genealogy, heraldry 
and the like with which our magazines, our reviews and news- 
papers from time to time delight us. It is a sign of awaken- 
ing interest in such matters that the subjects with which the 
Ancestor sets itself to deal are becoming less and less the sealed 
garden of a few workers. But upon what strange food the 
growing appetite for popular archeology must feed will be 
shown in the columns before us. Our press, the best-informed 
ana the most widely sympathetic in the world, which watches 
its record of science, art and literature with a jealous eye, still 
permits itself, in this little corner of things, to be 'victimized by 
the most recklessly furnished information, and it would seem 
that no story is too wildly improbable to find the widest cur- 
rency. It is no criticism for attacking 1 s sake that we shall 
offer, and we have but to beg the distinguished journals from 
which we shall draw our texts for comment to take in good 
part what is offered in good faith and good humour. 

WE are sadly familiar with the newspaper column which, 
persuading us to consider with it the alarming mor- 
tality in modern warfare, leads us suddenly and treacherously 
into the presence of Mrs. Hubbard, a resident in Chatsworth 
Villas, Camden Town, who had given up all hope of life and 
the reasonable enjoyment of her meals until a neighbour, 
whose name and address may be had upon application, sug- 
gested a popular pill whose name and address upon enamelled 
iron cuirasses the countryside. But such adventures keep us 
cautious ; and seeing certain paragraphs open pleasantly and, 
as it were aimlessly, with the remark that the fashion of going 
hatless in the street has spread to those whom the journalist 
knows as ' our lively neighbours,' we ask ourselves towards 
what we are being taken. We guess, and are not deceived. 
Our paragraphs end in the legend of the De Courcy Hat, the 
Hat which upon the heads of its owners in the royal presence 
has braved not only the halberds of the guards but all his- 


torical probabilities. It comes new furbished, new appointed, 
this unfailing legend, in the pages of a great evening news- 
paper : 

It was once counted a privilege to walk, not bareheaded, but covered before 
a king. The Earls of Kinsale had this dubious distinction as reward for an old- 
time service. Seven centuries ago Philip of France summoned that cheerful 
hero, our own King John, to mortal combat. John thought he would rather 
not, but offered De Courcy, Earl of Kinsale, freedom from the dungeon in 
which he lay if he would take in hand the commission. De Courcy, spoiling 
for a fight, agreed, and John and Philip sat together to see somebody's head 
cracked. The French champion cried off on seeing the size of the Englishman, 
whereupon the untried conqueror playfully stuck his helmet upon a post of oak, 
and drove his sword through it and so deep into the wood that none save him- 
self could withdraw it. He had purchased his freedom, and his reward he heard 
from his magnanimous sovereign's lips : Thou art a pleasant companion, and 
heaven keep thee in good beavers. Never unveil thy bonnet again before king 
or subject.' 

Ancient custom orders that this curious anecdote should 
be told of a Courcy, Earl of Ulster, but the remonstrances of 
genealogists, who have urged that there never was a Courcy 
Earl of Ulster, have prevailed, and we have now a Courcy 
Earl of 'Kinsale' to meet the craven champion and earn the 
honour of the hat. We must nevertheless demand yet an- 
other earldom for the hero. Barons of Kingsale we know, 
they being alive to testify, their hats firmly on their heads, 
but of Courcy Earls of Kingsale we know never a one, quick 
or dead. For the rest, King John's speech is a fresh and wel- 
come example of English speech in the days of Courcy and 
Brian de Bois Guilbert, yet it leaves the nature of the privi- 
lege uncertain. These Earls of Kingsale, these pleasant 
companions, is it possible that they wore bonnets with veils, 

even as did our aunts ? 

* * * 

The old Saxon families still pour in for registration in our 
columns. Lord Bingham's contest at Chertsey brought the 
newspaper genealogists upon his track, and the ancestral 
glories of his houses were thus chanted by the Scalds at the 
edge of the conflict. 

LORD BINCHAM, who is to fight Chertsey in the Liberal Unionist interest 
is in his forty-fourth year, is one of the most popular of Volunteer command- 
ants, has been in the Rifle Brigade, was A.D.C. to the Duke of Connaught, and 
served with distinction in the Bechuanaland Expedition of 1884-5. 

He is the eldest son of the Earl of Lucan, and has been High Sheriff of 


County Mayo. He married in 1896 one of the greatest heiresses of the last 
decade of the nineteenth century, Miss Violet Spender Clay. 

The Binghams are an old Saxon family, and crop up in the records of the 
First Henry's day, when Sir John de Bingham, Knight, was seated at Sutton 
Bingham, in Somerset. They settled in Ireland in the sixteenth century, when 
Sir Richard Bingham was made Marshal of that county and General of Lei- 
cester. The earldom came to Sir Charles, seventh baronet, in 1795. 

Her ewe may see the effect of the genealogical fashions of our 
day, which, as we have already noted, demand Anglo-Saxon 
origin of all who would be truly in the movement. The 
ancient Dorsetshire family of Bingham of Melcombe in the 
old-fashioned peerages were wont to boast of their Norman 
blood. It can but be the taste of the time that has made 
them Anglo-Saxons, but the change matters little in a case 
where proof of either origin is not likely to be forthcoming. 
Note that the earliest ancestor claimed for an Anglo-Saxon 
family flourishes under Henry I., a generation after the Con- 
quest, whose parentage must therefore be resolved by the 
inner consciousness of his descendants ; and note also that 
these Anglo-Saxon families would do well to re-christen the 
dim ancestral shade whom their fancy chooses to be their 
patriarch, calling him Eadward or Godric or some such name 
which might savour more of an Anglo-Saxon pedigree than 

John or William. 

* * * 

Simple as the task would seem to be of tracing the pedi- 
gree of a noble English family beyond the period of the Con- 
quest, there are some for whom the fateful year of 1066 is a 
date not to be bridged. Mr. Justice Bray is amongst these. 

The knighthood conferred yesterday by the King on Mr. Justice Bray, 
whose appointment in succession to Sir Gainsford Bruce is barely two months 
old, is not the first honour of the kind which has come to his family. He has 
a delightful estate at Shere, in Surrey, which was given to one of his ancestors, 
Sir Reginald Bray, by Henry the Seventh, whose Lord Treasurer he was. There 
was also another knight, Sir Edward Bray, M.P. for Helston, who married in 
1554 Elizabeth Roper, whose mother was Margaret More, a circumstance 
which gives the present Sir Reginald More Bray not only his middle name, 
but kinship with the greatest of Lord Chancellors, Sir Thomas More. 

Remotest of Sir Reginald's anestors, so far as the records go, was William 
Sieur de Bray, whose name figures in the roll of Battle Abbey as one of the Con- 
queror's associates in arms. 

We despair of persuading the journalist that mention in that 
famous roll is no better evidence of antiquity for an English 


family than would be the occurrence of an ancestral name in 
the equally trustworthy fiction of Ivanhoe. The marvellous 
pedigree of Lord Brassey is not notably supported by the 
account of the doings of Maurice de Bracy at Torquilstone 
Castle, and the pedigree of Bray must call to warrant some 
more credible surety than any one of the several versions of 
the roll of Battle Abbey, an old and popular jingle with no 
better authority at its back than its well-sounding title. We 
are not disposed to deny that a William de Bray may have 
landed at Pevensey with a kite-shield and a ringed hawberk, 
Brays being found on our shores not long after that landing ; 
but his kinship with Mr. Justice Bray must be held unproven 
for the present, for reasons we have hinted at in an earlier 
volume of the Ancestor* The descent of Mr. Justice Bray 
from the great Chancellor is, however, history and fact, and 
a happy genealogical omen for one who comes to put on the 
ermine of the English bench. 

This from an article in an evening newspaper which would 
have us walk about further London with our eyes open for 
memorials of the past. The word is of Brentford. 

Down at the end of the Butts, in the High Street again, is the Red Lion. 
An insignificant-looking hostel, but in it King Richard the Lion once held a 
Chapter of the Garter. What an amazing picture we would see could the dull, 
drab walls but reproduce that scene in all its vivid colour and dignity ! 

Now our King Edward, third of the name, won us vic- 
tories by sea and land, Cressy, Poitiers and Sluys. But of all 
his doings popular fame might surely recall his founding of 
the ancient and noble order of the Garter. Is the legend no 
longer to be remembered of the Countess of Salisbury, of the 
ball, and of the dropped garter. Mistranslated as it must 
ever be, the story of Honi soit qui mal y -pense should surely 
linger amongst us to save us from believing that King Richard 
of the twelfth century had art or part in the glorious com- 
pany of the Garter knights. Let him keep his lion, his min- 
strel and his twenty-six pound battle-axe, but let us forbid 
him to boast of anticipating the first chapter of the Garter by 

1 Ancestor, vol. vi. 


more than a century and a half with a revel in a Brentford 

* * * 

It has long been the very remarkable boast of the ancient 
house of Fitzwilliam that their ancestor, an Englishman 
named Sir William Fitzwilliam, being cousin to Edward the 
Confessor and Ambassador to William of Normandy, was a 
treacherous turncoat. They add that this Sir William, 
coming over with the Conqueror, fought against his own 
kinsfolk at Hastings, and had for his reward a scarf from his 
arm, which scarf has ever been the heirloom of the house. 

Antiquaries, eager for the good credit of an illustrious 
family, have urged that nothing can be traced of Sir William 
Fitzwilliam the traitor, that his embassy is a myth and his 
kinship with the Confessor a false imagination. That William 
Fitzwilliam, by each syllable of his French names, could not 
have been an Englishman in any wise. That Godric, the 
first known ancestor of the Fitzwilliams of Milton, was in- 
deed an Englishman as his name betokens, yet one who, living 
about a century after the Conquest, was safe from temptation 
to treachery under Duke William's banner. That Norman 
warriors, duke or churl, wore no scarves on their arms, and 
that therefore . But here is the scarf itself ! 

The christening of the infant son of Mr. and Mrs. G. Wentworth Fitz- 
william, of Milton Hall, Peterborough, took place at Marholm Church, Peter- 
borough, on Sunday. The godparents were Earl Fitzwilliam, Lord Kesteven 
(who is abroad and was represented by Mr. Fitzwilliam), and Miss Molly Wick- 
ham, daughter of Major and Lady Wickham. The names given to the child 
were William Thomas George. Attached to the child's gown was the famous 
William the Conqueror scarf, one of the two authentic possessions of the Conqueror, 
and one of the choicest treasures at Milton. The scarf was presented to a direct 
ancestor of Mr. Fitzwilliam who was a marshal of the Conqueror's hosts when he 
invaded England. It has been worn by nearly all the male members of the 
Fitzwilliam family at their baptism. 

In the presence of the christening scarf, more tangible 
evidence than we have ever found before for an English family 
legend, we make our submission. The scarf is here, pinned 
safely to the gown of Master William Thomas George Fitz- 
william, and we can do no less than disavow all doubts. The 
ancestor of Master William Thomas George we confess to 
have been at once an Englishman, an ambassador and a traitor, 
and we hope we may be kept in time to come from credulous 


following of antiquaries. And that we may hold more safely 
to the sure path of inspired legend we would fain know the 
nature of the second ' authentic possession of the Conqueror, 
for to that also may be pinned some family history which, 
leaning upon the broken reed of history and record, we may 
have scouted to our shame. 

* * * 

To the high-class evening paper that has given us many a 
tale for this column we are indebted for this example of what 
is believed as to peerage titles. 

Lord Hastings is the eleventh holder of a barony created in 1264 by writ 
from Sir Simon de Montfort, and renewed in 1290 by the first Edward. 

The discrepancy is explained by the fact, almost unique in the history of 
the peerage, that when the sixth baron who was also the third and last Earl 
of Pembroke of a line long prior to the Herberts died in 1391 at the age of 
seventeen, the earldom became extinct, and the barony lay dormant for four 
centuries and a half. 

It was not until 1841 that the abeyance was terminated. The House of 
Lords then declared the co-heirs to be Henry 1'Estrange, of Hunstanton, and 
Sir Jacob Astley, and finally summoned Sir Jacob to the House of Lord* as 
' sixteenth Baron Hastings.' 

Of the nine intervening barons, however, neither history nor heraldry has 
left any trace. They have vanished into the centuries. But a curious circum- 
stance remains. While these nine unnamed and shadowy barons were spread 
over a period of four hundred and fifty years, there were five actual tangible 
Lords Hastings in the first thirty-four years which followed the revival of the 

From this we learn that writs of summons proceed not, 
as we imagined, from the Sovereign, but from ' the House of 
Lords,' who appear to follow in this revolutionary practice 
the example of ' Sir Simon de Montfort,' who, by the way, 
was Earl of Leicester. We also learn that a peerage dignity 
is ' dormant ' when it is actually ' in abeyance,' which again 
is news. 

But the writer's really great discovery is that Sir Jacob 
Astley was summoned as ' sixteenth Baron Hastings.' We 
are thankful to say that the barbarous ' Baron,' a style 
which would, till recent times, have suggested a German 
Jew, has not yet found its way into writs of summons in 
feudal baronies, nor, we need scarcely add, do these instru- 
ments ticket their recipients with imaginary numbers to vex 
the souls of the writers of newspaper paragraphs. The effect 
of the House of Lords' decision, in 1841, was that ten, not 


nine, members of the Hastings family, whose names and his- 
tory are perfectly known, had been rightfully entitled to the 
barony though they had not borne the title. Instead of 
' nine unnamed ' barons being spread over a period of four 
hundred and fifty years, decidedly a ' curious c'rcumstance,' 
these ten covered only 153 years, namely from 1389 to 1542, 
an average of some fifteen years instead of fifty. The barony 
then fell, according to this decision, into abeyance for 300 
years, till a writ of summons to ' Jacob Astley de Hastings, 
chevaler,' determined that abeyance. All this the writer of 
paragraphs might have learnt from a peerage wisely read ; but 
in matters of peerage as of pedigree, newspapers remain con- 
tent to be supplied with amazing information. 

* * * 

In the calmest month of the newspaper year the Cabman 
Claimant to a Tyrrell baronetcy and estates has had space 
found for him willingly by the most exclusive journals. As 
is customary in such cases no pedigree is stated by the claim- 
ant's supporters. There is nothing in itself improbable in 
the heir to a baronetcy being discovered upon a cab-rank. 
Fiction has indeed been in advance of the Tyrrell case, and a 
successful novel of Mr. Grant Allen allowed a baronet cab- 
man to perish miserably upon his box-seat. But of this 
Tyrrell claim we are allowed nothing more than rumours of 
the torn parish registers and defaced monuments which belong 
to the older school of romance. Meanwhile the newspaper 
genealogists have traced the Tyrrells'to the age of Henry VIII., 
a modest antiquity which earns our sympathy for an indignant 
Mr. J. H. Tyrrell, of 37, London Road, Twickenham, who 
writes to the Daily Mail, in reference to a cabman's claim to 
the Tyrrell banonetcy, that the family can trace its lineage 
not for four centuries, as stated, but for at least ten. From 
his letter we learn that 

the family descends from Pepin le Gros, grandfather of Charlemagne, and was 
of considerable note for ages anterior to Henry VIII. 

Sir John Tyrrell was Captain of Carisbrooke, in 1377, and his ancestor Sir 
Walter is the man reputed to have slain Rufus. 

The Tyrrells of Essex and Buckinghamshire were of an 
ancient and knightly stock, and although the main and landed 
lines of the name have come to an end, one cannot regard the 


family as even probably extinct. We believe, however, that 
no descent from Sir Walter of the bow and arrow can be sup- 
ported by evidence. Much more then may we decline to 
believe that a Birmingham citizen can summon a descendant 
of the imperial line of Charlemagne with a cry of ' hansom 
up ? ' 

* * * 

Lord Chetwynd, who celebrates to-day his 8ist birthday, is the seventh 
Viscount of the creation of 1717 in favour of Walter Chetwynd, one of the 
famous Shropshire Chetwynds, whose records in that county go back to a date 
long prior to that of William the Conqueror. 

Such an assertion may be best met with counter-assertion. 
The records of the famous Shropshire Chetwynds do not go 
back to a date long prior to that of William the Conqueror. 
We offer this statement of ours to any genealogist who may 
need it, advising him that it will be useful not only in the case 
of future reference to the famous Shropshire Chetwynds, but 
to any famous Shropshire family, or indeed to any other Eng- 
lish family, famous or infamous, of the north, south, east 
or west of England. Truth may thus be served, the devil 
shamed, and the contempt of every respectable Welsh gentle- 
man attracted to the golden book of English nobility. 


THESE crests are from a manuscript of the armorial 
collections of Thomas Wall, Windsor herald of arms 
and afterwards Garter. In the year 1530 Master Wall made 
up his collections and wrote them with his own hand into 
a book now in the possession of the editor of the Ancestor. 
The first part contains a valuable armory of shields ; the 
second, with which we now deal, a rare list of crests. 

To the misfortune of students of English armory, no one 
of our ancient rolls of arms, save a copy of a late fifteenth 
century roll of some Lancashire and Cheshire knights, has 
come down to us with a record of crests as well as of shields, 
and for English mediaeval crests we must look to seals and 
monuments which, for the most part, leave us guessing at 
the colours. This roll of crests, then, has an interest above 
most armorial MSS. of the Tudor period. 

The language of the blazon has its own value. Wall, as 
a laborious herald, is disposed to magnify his art by pranking 
it out with the far-fetched words supplied to him by those 
early writers of armory whose curious science bears so slight 
a relation to the actual practice of their contemporaries, 
users of armorial bearings. Nevertheless, Wall's language 
is far from the debased jargon of those who were to come 
after him. There is a main flow of plain English words for 
which he has sought no far-fetched disguise. His sitting 
lions and flying dragons but rarely become seant or valiant ; 
a griffon will have a ' bee ' about his neck rather than be 
gorged. A lion's gamb is a lion's paw, which needs no glossary. 
Beasts stand in place of being statant, and gold and silver are 
here according to old English custom, giving place to or and 
argent only in certain hurried abbreviations. Certainly a 
man who could Frenchify ' dropped ' as drope had little 
excuse for going outside his mother tongue. 

The curious elaboration of many of these crests will at 
once strike the student, who will remark that Windsor herald 
whenever possible gives colours for the mantle and wreath 
arbitrary colours, as it seems, which bear no relation in 
either case to one another or to the colours of the shield. 



The wreath is sometimes replaced by a crown, by a ' dukes 
hatte ' (the cap of maintenance of later blazonry), by a friar's 
girdle, by a plain circlet or by a towel, a word which our 
fathers always used when they would speak of the eastern 


> I. BRANDON DUKE OF SUFFOLKB beryth to his crest a lions hede rased gold 
crowned par pal silver and geules the lions hed drope 1 asur in a wreth silver 
and geules m. g. d. a. J hrgaulte moblige, 
g(ules), d(oubled), a(rgent). 

2. ROBYNSON OF MxLPAS MARCHANT OF LONDON beryth to his crest a robyn 
reedbrest in his kinde standing on a sonne goold in a wreth silver and vert 
manteled geules doubled silver. Par Clarenceux a 1528, 25 Feb. a H. 8, xx. 

3. STANLEY beryth to his crest a harte passant -silver in a wreth gold and 
geules manteled asur dobled silver. 

4. LATHOM beryth to his crest an egle in his nest gold flyeng gryping a child 
swadeled geules lined ermyns the swadelbond gold the mantel geules doubled 
ermyns his bagge " an egles foote gold. 

5. WAREN ERLE beryth to his crest a busche 4 of swannes fethers silver in a 
crowne geules manteled geules lyiied silver. 

6. MAN beryth to his crest two armes armed silver garnished gold holdyng 
a ringe gold with a dyamond betwene their handes in a croune gold. 

7. MONTHAULT beryth to his crest a lions pawe silver holdyng a branche 
of ooke vert in a wreth silver and asur manteled asur lynyd silver. 

8. STRAUNCE beryth to his crest a woulf in his kinde with a naked child in 
his mouth on a wreth gold and asur manteled geules doubled silver. 

9. CLYFTON OF CLYFTON beryth to his crest a right arme appareilled [armed 
written above the line] with a bolster on the shulder gryping a fauchon silver 
in a wreeth silver and sable manteled asur doubled gold. 

10. THURSTON OF ANDERTON beryth to his crest a hilpe otherwise callyd 
a curlewe in a wreth silver and vert the mantel sable doubled gold. 

11. RIGMAYDEN beryth to his crest a hertes hede sable rased in a wreeth 
silver and sable manteled sable doubled silver. 

12. CATHRALL OF GARSTANG beryth to his crest a catte silver passant in a 
wreeth gold and asur the mantel asur d. ar. 

13. RADCLYF OF THE TOURE beryth to his crest a bulles hede rased sable a 
crowne about his neck silver with a cheyne gold the homes silver typped gold 
in a wreth gold and sable manteled geules lyned silver. 

14. WOURTHINCTON berith to his crest a boucke of a goote s silver browsing 
in a bushe of nettelles vert in a wreth silver and vert manteled vert doubled 

1 i.e. dropped with azure. 

a These abbreviations, which occur constantly in the roll, signify m(antle),. 

3 Badge 

4 Note recurrent use of the good English word ' bush ' in place of panache^ 
or of the meaningless ' plume,' which should signify a single feather. 

Cf . French bovc. 


15. PRESTWICH OF PRESTWICH beryth tohiscreest a porpantine in his kinde 
in a wreeth gold and geules manteled sable doubled silver. 

16. LONGFORD beryth to his creest thre chybolles 1 in a bushe of faisantes 
fethers in a wreth gold and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

17. DALTON beryth to his crest a dragons hede vert langued geules. 

18. LATHAM OF KNOULSLEY beryth to his crest an egle sitting clos lokyng 
backwardes 2 gold on a leche 3 geules mantel asur lined gold. 

19. EGLESTON beryth to his crest a lymmers 4 hede rased sable with a coller 
silver ful of tourteaulx in a wreeth silver and sable manteled silver doubled g. 

20. ASHEHURST beryth to his creste a fox in his kynde in a wreeth silver and 
geules manteled g. dou. silver. 

21. KYGHLEY beryth to his crest a dragons hede sable razed in a wreth silver 
and sable manteled sable lynyd silver. 

22. SHERBOURN beryth to his crest an unicornes hede silver couppe in a 
wreeth silver and vert the mantel vert and silver palle doubled silver. 

23. STANDISCHE OF STANDISCHE beryth to his crest an oule w* a ratte in her 
foote standing in a wreth silver and sable manteled sable doubled silver. 

24. STANDISCHE OF DOKESBURY beryth to his crest a coke silver membred 
geules in a wreth silver and asur manteled asur lyned silver. 

25. TALBOT OF BASCHAWE beryth to his crest a hounde silver passant in a 
wreth gold and asur manteled purple doubled ermyns. 

26. TALBOT OF SALBURY beryth to his crest a hounde sable in a wreeth 
silver and geules manteled purple doubled silver. 

27. BOUTH OF BARTON beryth to his crest an imaige of Saincte Katherine in 
a wreth gold and vert manteled vert lyned ar. 

28. BERON 5 beryth to his crest a maremayden silver the nether part geuies 
in a wreth geules and silver manteled g. doubled silver. 

29. TRAFFORD beryth to his crest a man threschar party par pale silver and 
geules with a flayl in his honde gold, standyng in a wreth silver and geules 
manteled geules doubled silver. 

30. ASEHETON OF ASHETON beryth to his crest a man mawer party par pal 
sable and silver with asythe silver the helve gold in his hande his stroke striken 8 
standing in a wreeth silver and sable mant. sable doubled silver. 

31. BOTELER OF WARYNTON beryth to his crest a stonding cuppe coveryd 
gold in a wreth silver and geules manteled asur linyd silver. 

32. LEYGH OF BRADELEY beryth to his crest a rammes hede silver standyng 
upon a dukes cronnelet 7 geules manteled geules doubled ermyns his wourd en 
toim mafie. 

33. BOLDE beryth to his crest a griffons hede sable betwene two wynges 
gold in a croune geules manteled sable doubled silver. 

1 Onions. 

3 Modern blazonry would improve ' looking backward ' into regardant , 
which has in itself no such meaning. 

3 I take it that the swaddled bantling upon which the Lathom eagle stands 
has been mistaken by Thomas Wall for a reptile. Note however that in No. 
74 the word leche is used for a line or leash. 

4 A tracking hound. 6 BYRON. 

' Cf. PlLKINGTON (No. 45). 

' A curiously early example of the ' ducal coronet ' to which blazoners were 
to turn the crowns of the older armorists. 


34. TERBOKKE beryth to his crest an egle vert sittyngcloose membryd geules 
in'a wreth silver and geules mant led geules doubled gold. 

35. IRELOND berith to his crest a dowe silver in a wreth gold and asur man- 
teled geules lynyd silver. 

36. FARINCTON beryth to his crest a lyzard in his kinde standyng in a 
crowne gold manteled geules lyned ar. 

37. LANGTON OF WALTON beryth to his crest a maydens heede with burlettes ' 
in a wreeth silver and geules mantel geules double silver. 

38. SOUTH WOURTH beryth to his crest a bulks hede silver razed in a wreeth 
silver and sable manteled sable lynyd silver. 

39. HOCHTON berith to his crest a bullys hede geules in a wreeth gold and 
geules manteled sable doubled silver. 

40. WOLTON beryth to his crest a woodwous a wylld man in his kynde vert 
standing in a wreth silver and geules manteled g. doubled silver. 

41. MOLYNEULX beryth to his crest a bushe of pecoke fethers in a wreth gold 
and asur the mantelet asur lynyd gold. 

42. PUDSEY beryth to his crest awyld catte grey in a wreth gold and vert 
the mantelet vert lyned silver. 

43. ATHERTON beryth to his crest a swannes hede betwene two wynges 
silver in a croune gold the mantel geules doubled ermyns. 

44. STRYCKLOND beryth to his crest a fagotte of holly vert with the berrys 
geules leyng in a wreth silver and sable the mantel sable lyned silver. 

45. PYLKYNCTON beryth to his crest a man mawer silver and sable party par 
pal fetching his stroke a with his sythe silver manched ' geules standyn in a 
wreith silver and sable manteld geules lynyd silver. 

46. GERARD E beryth to his crest a lyons pa we ermyn holdyng a huukes 
lure gold in a wreth hermyn and asur the mantel asur doubled silver. 

47. HARINCTON OF HORNEBY beryth to his crest a lepardes hede sable armed 
geules in a wreth gold and geules manteled sable lynyd silver. 

48. URSWYKE beryth to his crest a lyon silver in a wreth silver and sable 
mantelled sable doubled silver. 

49. LEYVER beryth to his crest a hare in his kynde in a wreeth silver and 
geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

50. BOTELER OF KERKELOND beryth to his crest a standyng cuppe gold 
uncouveryd in a wreth silver and geules manteled g. d. ar. 

51. LAWRENS beryth to his crest a luces tayle silver in a wreth silver and 
geules manteled geules lyned silver. 

52. BAN ESTER beryth to his crest a pecoke in his pryde sitting in a wreeth 
silver and sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

53. WAREN OF STOKEPORT beryth to his crest a bushe of swane fethers silver 
in a crowne geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

54. SAVAIGE beryth to his crest an unicornes heede silver hor. or and mane 
verd in a wreeth silver and sable manteled sable doubled silver. 

55. CALVELEY beryth to his crest a calfe sable standyng in a crowne geules 
manteled geules doubled silver. 

1 The hanging sides of the long coif 

2 Cf. the action of the mower in the crest of ASSHETON (No. 30). 

Here Wall has succeeded in finding a less English word than the ' helve ' 
of No. 30. 


56. VENABLES OF KYNDERTON beryth to his crest a dragon geules commyng 
owt of a wyre some callyth hit a salt borowgh silver in a wreeth silver and 
geules manteled geules d. silver. 

57. FETON beryth to his crest . . . 

58. DAWNE beryth to his crest a sheef of arrowes in a wreeth silver and 
geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

59. BRERETON beryth to his crest a beyres hede sable mouseled geules besante 
in a wreth gold and geules mantel geules lynyd silver. 

60. DELVES bereryth to his crest a dolphin asur on a wreth silver and asure 
manteled asur lyned silver. 

61. TROWTBECKE beryth to his creest a morian 1 with a dart in his hond 
standyng on a wreeth silver and asur manteled sable doubled hermyns. 

62. STANLEY OF HUTTON beryth to his crest a hertes hede silver tynyd gold 
in a wreth gold and asur the mantel asur d. or. 

63. MAINWARING beryth to his crest an asses hede grey w' an halter on hit 
in a wreyth silver and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

64. HOLFORDE beryth to his crest a greyhondys hede sable in a wreth silver 
and sable manteled sable lynyd silver. 

65. EGERTON beryth to his crest a hartes hede gold rased in a wreth silver 
and sable manteled geules lyned silver. 

66. MASSY OF TATTON beryth to his crest a moore coke in his kynde standing 
in a wreth geules and gold. 

67. BULKELEY beryth to his crest a bulks hede silver and sable party par 
pal in a wreth gold and asur manteled asur lyned silver. 

68. DAMPORT OF DAMPORT beryth to his crest a mannes hede close yeed 
with a halter a bout his necke in a wreth silver and sable manteled sable doubled 

69. COTYNGHAM beryth to his crest a sarazins hede silver with a towail * 
bout hit in a wreth silver and sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

70. ASTON beryth to his crest an asses hede partyd par palle silver and sable 
in a wreth silver and sable manteled sable doubled silver. 

71. KNOWLLES beryth to his crest a rammes hede sylver the oone home 
gold the other asur in a wreth silver and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

72. WYNINGTON beryth to his crest a styllytory silver in a wreeth silver and 
sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

73. BRYNE OF TREVAN beryth to his crest a man silver and g. party par pal 
a staffe or in his hande and a salt panyer v. at his backe, similiter VENABLES &c. 
a brode hatte geules the furst legge ar. the ij d v. standyng in a wr. a. g. m. g. d. ar. 

74. FERNYLEY beryth to his creste a hounde geules coler and leche silver in 
a bushe of feme vert standyng on a wreith silver and vert manteled vert lynyd 

75. ARDERN beryth to his crest a busche of ostrische fether silver on a wreith 
geules and gold manteled geules dobled silver. 


1 A moor, the ' morian ' of the Scriptures. 

8 The turban was described by us in old times as a ' towel ' or ' Saracen's 
hat of towels.' 



76. THERLE OF ULSTER IN IRELONDE beryth to his crest a bushe of swanne 
fethers silver in a crowne geules the mantel party par pall geules and asur 
doubled ermyns. 

77. THERLE OF ORMOND beryth to his crest an egle flyeing out of a bushe 
of fethers silver on a wreth gold and asur manteled asur doubled hermyns. 

78. THERLE OF KYLDARE beryth to his crest a marmoset in his kinde bound 
by the mydel with a chayne gold in a wreith gold and vert manteled geule* 
doubled ermyns. 

79. THERLE OF DESTMOND beryth to his crest a boore silver swadeled ermyn 
bound geules in a wreth gold and geules mantell geules doubled silver. 

80. BERMICKHAM ERLE OF LOUTHE IN IRELOND beryth to his crest an ovrle 
ermyn crouned and menbred gold in a wreith gold and geules the mantel vert 
plated silver doubled gold. 

foxe in his kinde uppon a dukes hatte sable lyned gold manteled sable doubled 

82. THE LORD HAWTHE I IN IRELOND beryth to his crest an otter in hu 
kinde standyng in a wreith silver and g. g. ar. 

83. THE LORD DuLON 1 IN IRELOND beryth to his crest a demy lion silver 
holdyng in his pawe a starre gold in a cressant geules in a wreth silver and asur 
manteled geules lyned ermyns. 

84. THE LORD BARREY IN IRELOND beryth to his crest a woulfes hede sable 
in a wreth silver and geules m. g. d. ar. 

85. PLONKET IN IRELOND beryth to his crest a horsse silver brydeled sable 
in a wreeth gold and asur manteled sable doubled silver. 

86. TYRELL OF IRELOND beryth to his crest a boores hede silver caboched 
swalowyng a pecockes tayle in his kinde in a wreth silver and geules manteled 
table lyned silver. 

87. KETYN OF IRELOND beryth to his crest a boore silver wrouting in a bushe 
of nettelles vert in a wreth silver and geules manteled vert doubled silver. 

88. WYSE OF IRELOND beryth to his crest a demy lyon geules droppe silver 
in a wreith silver and sable the mantel geules doubled gold. 

89. CUSACKE OF IRELOND beryth to his crest a maremayden silver holdyng 
her tayle in her right honde standyng in a serckelet gold mantelyd asur doubled 


90. CHEYNY OF KENT beryth to his crest two bulles homes silver roted gold 
mantelyd geules doubled silver his bage a half a rose geules the sonne bearaes 
commyng owt of hit gold. 

91. GUYLDEFORD OF HALDEN IN KENT beryth to his crest a fyre bronde in 
the propre coullours in a wreeth silver and geules manteled sable doubled silver. 

92. PONYNCES OF KENT beryth to his crest a demy dragon vollant sable in 
a wreeth gold and vert manteled vert lynyd silver his wourde logaultc na pttir. 

93. FORTESCU beryth to his crest a beste in maner of a lezard with a long 
tayle mouthed like a dragon silver standyng on a wreith silver and asur manteled 
asur lynyd silver 




94. RYSELEY OF [ ] beryth to his crest a moriens hede with a scerlet * 
of white roses havyng ringes gold at his eerys in a wreeth silver and asur manteled 
asur doubled silver. 

95. TREVRY 2 made knyght by H. VII beryth to his crest a ravens hede sable 
in a wreeth silver and sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

96. MORTIMER beryth to his crest a bushe of blewe fathers in a crowne gold 
manteled asur doubled silver. 

97. HUNGURFORD beryth to his crest two sickels silver compassing a jarbe 
of whete parti par pall geules and vert in a crowne gold manteled sable doubled 

98. POINTZ beryth to his crest v floures gold stalked vert in maner of pyne 
apples in a wreeth silver and s. m. s. d. a. 

99. RYS AP THOMAS beryth to his crest a demy lyon sable in a toppecastell 
palle silver and vert in a wreth gold and asur manteled sable doubled silver. 

100. FITZWATER VISCOUNT beryth to his crest two wynges in palle geules a 
sonne and a loke hangyng by hit gold betwene the wynges in a wreth gold and 
geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

101. COKESEY beryth to his crest a sheef in maner of cincqfeules gold 
bouddes purple in a wreeth gold and asur manteled asur doubled silver. 

102. LEWKENOUR OF SUSSEX beryth to his crest an unicornes hede silver 
horned gold in a wreeth silver and asur manteled asur lyned silver. 

103. HEYDON beryth to his crest a hound silver flecked sable standyng on 
a wreth silver and geules manteled g. d. a. 

104. VERNEY beryth to his crest an egle asur. 

105. CAREW beryth to his crest a dymy lion sable commyng out of the toppe 
of a shippe gold on a wreth silver and sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

106. BEDYNGFELD OF SUFFOULK beryth to his crest an egle gold displayed 
armed geules standin in a wreeth silver and geules manteled geules lynyd silver. 

107. DELABERE beryth to his crest a buscheof ostriche fethers in a crowne 
gold manteled asur lynyd silver. 

108. AUDELEY BARON beryth to his crest a sarazins hed w' a towel silver on 
a wreeth silver and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

109. HOPTON beryth to his crest a crowe sable standyn in a wreeth silver 
and sable manteled sable lynyd silver. 

no. NORYS beryth to his crest a crowe sable standyn in a wreeth silver and 
sable manteled sable lynyd silver. 

111. TIRWHIT beryth to his crest a lapwinges hede gold in a wreth gold and 
geules manteled asur lynyd silver. 

112. GREENE beryth to his crest a buckes hede ermyn horned goold on a 
wreeth gold and asur manteled asur lyned ar. 

113. WILLOUGHBY beryth to his crest an owle silver crouned gold on a 
wreeth gold and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

114. HERBERD beryth to his crest a woman morions hede w' long here a 
button in the ende sable a wreth a bout her hede gold and geules standyng in 
a lyke wreeth manteled asur lyned silver. 

115. PARKAR beryth to his crest a buckes hede sable in a wreth gold and 
asur manteled sable lyned silver. 

116. FITZLEWES OF ESSEX beryth to his crest a bushe of ostriche fethers the 

1 A circlet. " TREFFRY. 


oone silver the other sable standyng in a crowne gold manteled sable lyned 

117. PASTON beryth to his crest a griffon scant holdyng in her mouth a 
chayne gold. 1 

118. POOLE OF WARBLINCTON JN SOUTHSEX beryth to his crest an osperey 
gold taking a fyshe silver in a wreeth gold and sable manteled geules doubled 

119. BELLYNCEHAM beryth to his crest a hartes heede gold in a wreeth 
silver and geules manteled geules doubled ermyns. 

1 20. POOLE OF WIRALL beryth a gryflons hede asur becked gold within a 
crowne gold manteled geules doubled silver. 

121. BROME OF KENT beryth to his crest brome 2 vert with coddes geules 
in a wreth silver and geules manteled s. d. silver. 

122. VAUX BARON beryth to his crest . . . 

123. BROUCHTON OF STANTFORD beryth to his crest a squirrel sittyng breking 
a nutte geules on a wreith silver and g. manteled geules doubled silver. 

124. BLOUNT beryth to his crest a lion passant geules crowned gold standing 
on a hatte geules doubled ermyns m. g. d. ar. 

125. VAMPAGE beryth to his crest a demy lyon salliant gold in a wreth 
gold and geules manteled asur doubled a. 

126. SANDYS OF WYNE 3 beryth to his crest a heede of a bucke of a goote 
silver armed and herded gold betwene two wynges gold on a wreth silver and 
sable manteled sable doubled silver. 

127. PIKERING beryth to his crest a lions pawe asur armed gold in a wreth 
silver and asur manteled asur lynyd silver. 

128. SABCOTT beryth to his crest a gootes hede rased silver horned and 
berded gold in a wreth silver and sable m. s. d. ar. 

129. BOWLDE beryth to his crest a gryffbns hede sable beked geules in a 
croune silver manteled sable doubled silver. 

130. BARKELEY o RUTTELOND beryth to his crest a beerys hede silver moseled 
geules in a wreeth gold and vert m. v. d. a. 

131. DICBY beryth to his crest an osperey silver holdyng a horshewe sable 
in a wreit a. and g. manteled g. d. silver. 

132. YORKE bryeth to his crest a marmosetes hede sable in a wreeth silver 
and asur mantelyd asur doubled ermyns. 

133. DODELEY BARON beryth to his crest a lyons hede asur langued geules 
i n a crowne gold manteled asur d. ermyns. 

134. GASCOIGN beryth to his crest a luces hede silver in pal in a wreeth 
ermyns and silver manteled sable lyned silver. 

135. BARKELEY MARQUIS beryth to his crest a myter w* the armes manteled 
geules doubled silver. 

136. POMERY beryth to his crest a lion geules sitting holding in the right 
pawe an apple gold in a wreeth silver and geules manteld geules doubled silver. 

137. SH ELTON beryth to his crest an hermetes hedde with a hoode over 
hit and a nother of hit in his necke silver in a wreeth gold and asur manteled 
geules doubled silver. 

1 Over the word ' gold ' is written the word round. 
1 Broom. * The Vine. 



138. WOLSTON beryth to his crest a moreans hede in a wreath silver and 
sable manteled sable lyned gold hole faced. 

139. PULTENEY beryth to his crest a lions hede sable langued geules in a 
wreeth gold and geules manteled sable d. ar. 

140. CONWEY beryth to his crest a morions hede with a towell about hit in 
a wreeth gold and sable manteled sable d. ar. 

141. LYSLE beryth to his crest a whiet horned silver and having a crownne 
about his neke with a chayne gold in a wreeth gold and asur manteled asur 
doubled ermyns. 

142. GREY OF RITHIN beryth to his crest a dragon gold flyeng standyng 
on a dukes hatte geules doubled ermyns manteled gold doubled ermyns. 

143. STOURTON BARON berith to his crest a frier sable with a whippe in his 
honde silver standyng in a wreeth silver and sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

144. WEST beryth to his crest a griffons hede in a crowne gold manteled 
geules doubled ermyns. 

145. SAINT JOHN OF BEDFORDSHIRE beryth to his crest a baboyn gold in a 
wreeth gold and purple manteled geules doubled silver. 

146. VERNON beryth to his crest a long bores hede sable rased tusked gsules 
in a wreth silver and sable manteld g. doubled silver. 

147. HASTINCES beryth to his crest a maremaide silver and lyke fyshe the 
nethe in her kynd in a wreth silver and geules manteled geules lynyd ermyn. 

148. GRYFFITH berith to his crest a harttes hede cabouched party par palle 
gold and silver in a wreeth silver and asur manteled geules doubled silver. 

149. TYNDALE beryth to his crest a busche of ostrishe fethers bound ermyn 
in a crowne gold manteled geules lyned a. 

150. MOUNGOMERY beryth to his crest a hyndes hede razed. 

151. DARCY beryth to his crest a bulle sable armed silver in a wreeth gold 
and geules manteled asur doubled silver. 

152. CHEYNEY beryth to his crest two fezant fethers bound asur in a wreeth 
silver and geules manteled geules d. a. 

153. CLYFFORD baron beryth to his crest a dragon 1 geules vollant sitting 
in a crowne gold manteled geules doubled ermyns. 

154. FITZWAREN BARON beryth to his crest a dragon gold sitting hissing in 
a wreeth ermyn and geules manteled geules d. a. 

155. CROFTE beryth to his crest a dragon sable the myddes of her body geules 
in a wreeth a. b. manteled b. doubled a. 

156. DACRE OF THE SOUTH BARON beryth to his crest a griffons hede with a 
ring in her mouth gold with a saphir in hit in a wreeth gold and asur manteled 
asur doubled ermyns. 

157. ARRUNDELL OF THE WEST beryth to his crest a woulfe silver standing in 
a wreeth silver and geules m. g. d. a. 

158. GRIFFITH that beryth to his armes g. a fece between vj lionceaux or 
to his crest a maydens hede w' the shulders the here o. the gowne g. wreth silver 
and geules geules silver. 

159. CLYFTON OF (blank) beryth to his crest a pecokes hede in his kinde in 
a crowne gold manteled geules doub. a. 

1 Dragon is here, as in most blazons of the period, used for the wyver or 
wyvern, the four-legged dragon of the Tudor badge being a late form. 


160. HARRECOURT OF OXINFORD SHIRE beryth a pecoke sitting in a crowne 
gold the pecoke in his kinde m. g. d. ar. 

161. MARNV OF LYRE MARNEY IN ESSEX beryth to wynges silver in pal rased 
standing on a dukes hatte sable doubled ermyns a bout the hatte a lace gold 
mantelyd sable d. ar. his wourd looaulcmcnt scrfair. 

162. NEWBOROUCH OF [blank] beryth to his crest a morians hede in a wreeth 
gold and geules m. b. d. er. 

163. RYDER OF [blank} beryth to his crest a legge sable w' a sporre on the 
hele gold fleeted at the knee in a wreth silver and geules manteled geules doubled 

164. BAUD OF ESSEX beryth to his crest a moreans hede betwene to wynges 
in maner of devylles wynges sable in a wreeth silver and sable manteled asur 
doubled silver. 

165. SPEKE OF [blank] beryth to his crest a porcpyn sable on a wreth silver 
and geules manteled sable d. ar. 

166. FULFORD OF [blank] beryth to his crest a beres hede rased errant sable 
mouseled gold in a wreeth gold and asur s. a. 

crest a bittour in his coullours holdyng a lyle in his beke in a wreeth gold and 
geules manteled geules. 

168. ECECOMBE OF [blank] beryth to his crest a bores hede caboched silver 
leying in a wre. or. b. manteled g. ar. 

169. CLERE beryth to his crest a bushe of fethers oon monting above an 
other silver in a crowne of gold manteled asur lynyd silver. 

170. FAIRFAX OF YORKSHIRE beryth to his crest an asses hede in a wreth 
gold and geules manteled sable doubled silver. 

171. KNYCHTLEY beryth to his crest a hertes hede silver armed gold in a 
wreth geules and ermyn manteled geules doubled silver. 

172. CHEOCK beryth to his crest a herons hed silver in a wreth silver and 
geules manteld geules doubled silver. 

173. PAYTON OF SUFFOLK beryth to his crest a griffon scant gold in a wreth 
gold and sable manteled sable lyned silver. 

174. FERERS OF GROBY beryth to his crest an unicorne ermyns in a wreth 
ermyns and geules m. geules d. silver. 

175. CALTHORP beryth to his crest two naked boyes with roddes in their 
hondes betwene theym both a bores hede. 

176. HUSEY OF LINCOLN beryth to his crest a whith hynd lyeng w 1 a crowne 
a bout his necke and a chayne gold on a wreth gold and vert manteled geules 
doubled silver. 

177. PUDSEY beryth to his crest a catte of the montaign in his coulours on 
a wreth vert and gold sable dou. silver. 

178. MERYNC beryth to his crest a greyhondes hedde sable w' a ring in 
his mouth. 

179. RODNEY beryth to his crest a bores hede sable caboched armed gold 
leyng on a wr. ar. b. g. a. 

1 80. WILLYAMS beryth to his crest a wele for fische silver in a wreth silver, 
and asur manteled asur lynyd silver. 

181. BRYAN beryth to his crest a fesantes hede in her coullours in a wreth 
silver and vert manteled g. lynyd silver. 



182. BRUGYS beryth to his crest a moryans hed geules a towell silver in stete 
of the wreth manteled geules doubled silver. 

183. CAREW beryth to his crest a demy lyon sable comyng out of the toppe 
of a shippe gold. 

184. CUNSTABLE OF pLAMBOROUGH beryth to his crest a ship gold in a wreth 
geules and silver manteled sable lynyd silver. 

185. DRUERY beryth to his crest a hownde sable the snowte silver in a wreyth 
gold and wert manteled asur lynyd silver. 

186. CLYNTON BARON beryth to his crest a busche of flegges or water rede 
leves sable in a crowne geules manteled sable d. ar. 

187. CORBET beryth to his crest a squyrel sittyng gold krakking a nutte 
silver in a wryth silver and vert ma. geules d. ar. 

188. WOCAN beryth to his crest a lions pawe geules armed asur in a wreth 
silver and sable manteled geules lynyd silver. 

189. LAWRENCE beryth to his crest a trowte dyvyng silver a wreth silver 
and geules manteled geules lynyd silver. 

190. ROGERS beryth to his crest a chery tre in his coulours standing in a 
wreth silver and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

191. WALGRAVE OF SUFFOLK beryth to his crest a bushe of ostriche fethers 
partyd in pal silver and geules in a crowne gold m. g. d. ar. 

192. SEYMOUR OF \blank\ beryth to his crest a wesil standyng in a wreyth 
silver and geules m. g. doubled silver. 

193. SEYMOUR OF WYLTSHIRE beryth to his crest . . . 

194. THROGMORTON beryth to his crest an olyvantes hede in his coulours 
graye standyng in a wreth silver and geules ma. g. ar. 

195. BASSET OF CORNUAIL beryth to his crest an unicornes hed. 

196. ARUNDEL OF TRERYS IN CORNUAIL beryth to his crest a hartes hede 
holdyng downe ward his hede hole visaiged geules armed silver standing in a 
wreth silver and sable m. g. d. ar. 

197. S[T]RANGE beryth to his crest two handes plyghtyng over two clowdes. 

198. SCROPE OF CASTILCOMBE beryth to his crest two mennes armes armed 
silver holdyng a ringe of gold in a crowne of the ring manteled geules doubled 

199. PAWLET beryth to his crest a faucon in her coullours a crowne a bout 
her necke gold standing in a wreth of a fryers gyrdyll graye manteled geules 
double silver. 

200. WATERTON beryth to his crest an otter in his kynd holding a trowt in 
his mouth silver stonding in a wreth silver and geules m. g. d. ar. 

201. FYLOLL beryth to his crest an unicornes hed rased sable in a wreth gold 
and geules manteled asur doubled ermyn. 

202. INGILFELD beryth to his crest an egle dysplayed with two hedes party 
par pal asur and geules membred vert standing on a wreth gold and geules 
manteled geules doubled silver. 

203. CAILWAY beryth to his crest a cocke silver combyd asur standyng in a 
wreth gold and asur manteled sable doubled silver. 

204. PUTNAM beryth to his crest a fox hed geules in a wreith silver and sable 
manteled geules doubled silver. 

205. BERON 1 beryth to his crest a maremayden thetayle geules her here 
gold on a wreth silver and geules manteled geules d. ar. 



206. HAWTE OF KENT beryth to his crest a bushe of whytte roses stalked 
vert standing in a wreth silver and geules m. g. d. ar. 

207. WARRE beryth to his crest a gryffons hede silver with a bee a bout his 
necke sable in a wreth silver and sable m. g. d. ar. 

208. MALIVERER beryth to his crest a greyhond in a 
wreth geules and silver manteled g. d. ar. 

209. REDE beryth to his crest a bore sable betwene two stalkes in a wreth 
silver and gold m. geules d. ar. 

210. TREVYLION OF DEVON beryth to his crest two armes asur the handes 
silver holdyng a pellet on the which standyth a popingay in her kind in a wreth 
silver and sable manteled geules lynyd silver. 

2ii FOSTER beryth to his crest a horsse hede geules in a crowne gold 
manteled sable doubled silver. 

212. STRIKELOND beryth to his crest a bushe of holly vert the bentes silver 
in a wreth silver and sabble m. s. d. silver. 

213. LONG beryth to his crest a demy lion salliant silver in a wryth silver 
and sable manteled sable lynde silver. 

214. LEE OF WILTSHIRE beryth to his crest a dun asses hede in a wreth 
silver and sable manteled geules doubled silver. 

215. NORTON OF [blank] beryth to his crest a mannes hed courled her silver 
in a wreth silver and asur m. asur d. ar. 

216. THIRKYL beryth to his crest a towre with a steple silver in the whiche 
standes a mayde in a rede kyrtel in a wreth silver and geules manteled sable 
doubled silver. 

217. FELDINC beryth to his crest a busche of floures in maner of blew- 
botelles silver stalked vert in a wreth gold and asur manteled geules doubled 

218. CURUEN beryth to his crest an unicorne hede silver the home berd and 
mane gold in a wreth silver and geules manteled geules doubled silver. 

219. LODER beryth to his crest a dragon silver standing in a wreth sable 
and silver manteled geules lyned silver. 

220. SAMPSON beryth to his crest a busse of ostrische fethers playn ermyn 
within a crowne gold manteled g. d. ar. 

221. FOULER beryth to his crest a woulfes hede rased gold in a wreth silver 
and geules manteled geules doubled errnyn. 

222. WOUDHOUSE OF NoRFFOLK beryth to his crest a wyld man in his coulours 
in a wreth silver and geules manteled geules lyned silver. 

223. IWARDBY beryth to his crest a demy mayden geules her here gold in a 
crowne gold. 

224. FROWIK beryth to his crest two armes. 

225. Ascu beryth to his crest an asses hede or a hyndes hed silver manteled 
silver doubled sable the wrethe lyke. 

226. KEMPE beryth to his crest an egle the wynges rising on a sheffegold in 
a wreth gold and geules manteled geules doubled argent. 

227. KIDWELLY beryth to his crest a gotes hed silver horned purple and 
asur in a wryth silver and geules manteled asur d. ar. 

228. GYLLIOT beryth to his crest a luces hede rased geules in a wreth silver 
vert manteled geules lyned silver. 

229. VAVASOUR beryth to his crest a sqwyrell kracking a nutte geules in a 
wreth gold and sable manteled sable ly ar. 


230. COTISMORE beryth to his crest an unicorn leyng silver on a wreth 
silver and asur manteled asur lyned silver. 

231. LECH OF STOKEWELL beryth to his crest a cok geules w' a rammes hede 
silver horned and spurred gold in a wreth or g. manteled sable doubled silver. 


(To be concluded in the next volume.) 



SEEM to remember some old story that the sub- 
dean, lest his sons should be vain of their pedigree, put 
the roll of parchment on which it was emblazoned away in 
a garret.' 

Not, I take it, the original, but an excellently preserved 
example of this roll I have myself been fortunate enough to 
see ; and there are, undoubtedly, several other copies of it 
still in existence. There is one, for instance, according to a 
report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, in the 
possession of Lord Ripon ; another is at Eastcott House ; a 
third, none other, indeed, than the roll which the sub-dean 
hid, is in the custody of Miss Frances Hawtrey of Tenby, 
or of her sisters. 
It is headed : 

' The Genealogie and Pedigree of the Auncient fame- 
lie of Hawtrey [written in latine de AUtaripa, and in 
some Records called Dawtrey] was of noble estimation 
in Normandie before the Norman Conquest as appeareth 
in the History of Normandy written by Odericus Vitalis 
a Monke of Roan, and it is to be noted y' those of Lincolne- 
shire written in their latine deeds de Altaripa, tooke y* 
name of Hawtrey planting themselves in Buckinghamshire 
by reason of y e inheritance that came by y* match w" 1 the 
daughter & heire of the auntient Famelie s'named 
Checkers whose Seat so called in y e parish of Ellesborow 
in y e County of Buckingham, is in the possession of y e 
Right worshipfull Dame Mary Wolley widdow & co- 
heire of y" same Famelie. An heire masle of which 
Famelie is Rafe Hawtrey of Rislip in y* County of Middle- 
sex Esq r a. 1632.' 

From Mr. ' Rafe Hawtrey of Rislip ' descend Mr. Ralph 
Hawtrey Deane of Eastcott House, in the parish of Ruislipp, 
co. Middlesex ; and Miss Florence Molesworth Hawtrey 



of Windsor, to whose History of the Hawtrey Family, pub- 
lished this year, I am indebted for the anecdote of good Mr. 
Sub-Dean's attitude to the roll whereon was recorded his 
truly notable ancestry. 

As for Lady Wolley, she was miserably married and died 
childless. Checkers, the ancient home of her family, passed 
to her sister's descendants, and to their testamentary heirs ; 
and, for all I know, there may still be safely preserved within 
its walls those ancient evidences which, with pious care, I 
have no doubt, Lady Wolley produced, when this fine roll 
was drafted. Many of these proofs, with Latinity gone much 
astray, are entered on the roll itself, and are to be found, with 
others, in Harley MS. 5832. 

So far as I can judge the charters are genuine, and the 
pedigree deduced from them with no little skill ; but upon 
so wide an inquiry, particularly while I am uncertain whether 
the original documents may not yet be in existence, I have 
no pretence to enter. I am only concerned to show that a 
Bill in Chancery confirms a section of the pedigree, and 
arbitrates decisively between two varying versions of it. 

It is really a case of doctors differing. In a work of good 
credit by ' George Lipscomb, Esq., M.D.' (Hist. Bucks, 
ii. 192), the pedigree is stated as follows : 

Nicholas Hawtrey of= Alice dau. and co-hr. of 
Chekers, 2nd son Robt. Atmersh of Kimble 
and hr. 


hard Hawtrey of= Bridget dau. of Sir John Seyton 
Chekers I Knt. Ld. of Seyton's Man r in 

I Ellesborough 

Thomas Hawtrey of= Margaret dau. and co-hr. 
Chekers I of Sir Thomas Parnell of 

I Oxfordshire 

Thomas Hawtrey of= Katharine dau. and co-hr. 
Chequers I of Thomas Blakenhall 

Thomas Hawtrey of= Agnes dau. of ... Browne 
Chekere I or Broome 



This conforms pretty closely to a pedigree (Harley MS. 
I no, fo. 16) drawn, or copied, by William Penson, Lancaster 
Herald ; though for ' Bridget,' Penson gives ' Burgys ' ; for 
' Parnell,' ' Paynell ' ; for ' Browne or Broome,' ' Bowre.' 
It also agrees, so far as the succession is concerned, with the 
copy of the roll to which I have had access. The roll knows 
that Nicholas married ' Alice,' but does not know her parent- 
age ; of ' Bridget or Burgys Seyton,' however, it knows no- 
thing ; Richard, it states, married ' Elizabeth ' . . . and 
gives dates, upon which I dare not enter ; Thomas, son and 
heir of Richard, it confidently asserts, married the coheiress, 
Margaret Paynell. 

I may say, that for reasons connected with that plaguy 
question of dates, I think that a generation has dropped out 
between Nicholas and Richard ; which, if established, might 
lead to the reinstatement of Bridget ; for Miss Hawtrey, too, 
knows nothing of her ; but here is what Miss Hawtrey says 
(I omit dates) : 

Nicholas de Hawtrey = Alice . . . 

Richard de Hawtrey = Margaret daughter and co-heir 
to Sir Thomas Paynell of 

Thomai Hawtrey of= Katharine daughter and heir of 
Chequers I Thomai Btakenhall 

Thomas Hawtrey of=Agnes . . . 

It would, perhaps, have been more convenient could I 
have persuaded the printer to place these two versions side 
by side ; but it will be apparent to the intelligent reader, 
that where Dr. Lipscomb and Penson have five generations, 
Miss Hawtrey has four ; that Miss Hawtrey has nothing to 
say to Bridget, or for that matter to Elizabeth either ; and 
that she marries Margaret Paynell (not Parnell) to Richard 
Hawtrey instead of to Thomas, Richard's son. 


Now for the Bill in Chancery : 

To the Ryght Reuerend Fader in God the Archebysshop of Yorke 

and Chauncellor of Englound. 

Mekely besechith your lordship your humble Oratur Thomas Hautre that 
Wher Dame Margaret Paynell was sumtyme seased in her demeane as of fee of 
the maner of Westcoteberton with thappurtenaunces in the county of Oxon 
And the said Dame Margaret was also possessed of certen charturs euydence 
and minimentes concernyng the seid maner which Dame Margaret had issue 
Agnes which Agnes toke to husbond Thomas Bekyngham and had issue betwene 
theym William Bekyngham Which William had issue Edward Bekyngham now 
in pleyne life And the seid Dame Margaret had issue also Elizabeth which toke 
to husbond Richard Hautre and had issue betwene theym Thomas Hautre 
fader of your seid besecher And the seid Dame Margaret decessed After whos 
decesse the seid maner of Westcoteberton with thappurtenaunces descended 
to the seid William Bekyngham and Richard Hautre as cosyns and heires of the 
same Dame Margaret ... as aforeseid and all the evydence concernyng the 
same maner after the decesse of the seid Dame Margaret came hooly to the 
possession of the seid William Bekyngham which William made his will [ . . . . 
that] your seid besecher which is also cosyn and oone of the heyres of the seid 
Dame Margaret shold haue suche charturs evydence and minimentes as be- 
longed to your seid besecher concernyng the seid maner which charturs evy- 
dence and minimentes after the decesse of the seid William Bekyngham beth 
now come to the possession of the seid Edward Bekyngham And howbeit your 
seid besecher hath often tymes requyred the seid Edward to delyver to him the 
seid charturs evidences and minimentes accordyng to the will of his seid fader 
yet that to do the same Edward vtterly [refuseth] ayenst good conscience 
Wherof of your seid besecher hath no remedy by common lawe of the land 
for as muclie as he nether knowyth the specialte nor the number of the seid 
charturs evydence and minimentes Please it therfor your good lordship the 
premyssez consyderid to graunt a writt to be dyrected to the seid Edward 
comaundyng him at a certen day and upon certen payn by your lordship to be 
lymytted to be [and] appere before the kynge in his Chauncerye and there to do as 
good conscience shall require in that At the reuerence of God and in the way 
of charyte. 

1 ' A > (Willelmus Chamberleyn de London' gent. 

! t Willelmus Dalby de eadem yeoman. 

Early Chancery Proceedings, bundle 20, 118. 


We thus get the following pedigree : 

Sir Thomu Paynell = Margaret . . . seised 
I in fee of the manor 
I of Weitcote Barton 

Thomas Belcyngham = Agnes 

William Bekyngham = 
died 6 Feb. 1476-7 

Elizabeth^ Richard Hawtrey 

Thomas Hawtrey = 

Edward Bckyngham 
born about 1457, 
died 19 June, 1483 

Thomas Hawtrey, petitioned 
Thomas Rotherham, Arch- 
bishop of York, who was 
Chancellor from 3 Sept. to 
(apparently) 9 April, 1483 

Richard Brkyngham 
born about 1481 

I should presume from the wording of the Bill that Mar- 
garet Paynell had inherited the manor in her own right, but 
there are indications that it was an ancient Paynell fee. Thus 
in the Testa Hugh Paynell holds in Westcote Barton one fee 
of William de Kaynes. Mr. Wing's Annals of the Bartons I 
have not seen ; but in Mr. Jenner Marshall's Memorials of 
Westcott Barton, a copy of which I fortunately possess, the 
names of Beckingham and Paynell are, so far as I can find, 
only twice mentioned, once each respectively. The Paynell 
mention is a reference to the Testa as above ; the Becking- 
ham to an inscription ' in one of the north windows of the 
body of the church.' I conceive that it is imperfectly tran- 
scribed, but, in extension, it runs as follows : 

Orate pro anima Willelmi Bekynham Armigeri ut pro anima Agnetis ux- 
oris ejus. 

We may venture, accordingly, to assume that the history of 
Westcott Barton is somewhat obscure. 

The Beckingham inquisitions, the dates derived from 
which I have incorporated in the above pedigree, are as 
follows : 

A writ of diem clausit on the death of William Bekyng- 
ham, esquire, dated 8 Feb. 16 Edward 4 (1476-7) addressed 


to the escheator of Oxfordshire. The inquisition was taken 
at Enston, in that county, 6 April 1477. He held no lands 
of the king in chief : he died seised of a messuage and two 
virgates of land in Cassewell, held of the bishop of Win- 
chester, service unknown. Edward Bekyngham is his son 
and heir aged 20 and more. He died 6 February 1476-7 
(Ing. p. m. Chancery, series i, 16 Edw. IV. No. 5). 

The second document is calendered in Inquisitions post mor- 
tem, Henry Vll. vol. i. From it it appears that Edward 
Bekyngham died 29 June 1483, seised in fee of the manor of 
Westcote Barton and of land there and in Chylston, and of 
land in Stepul Aston. Richard, his son and heir, was aged io> 
24 October 1491. 

Upon the whole, Miss Hawtrey's pedigree, based, as I sup- 
pose, on the copy of the roll which the sub-dean secreted, is 
more accurate than Dr. Lipscomb's, and than the version 
which I found in the note book of William Penson, who de- 
rived his name from Mount Penson, otherwise Mompesson. 




I should be glad if you would propound the following 
problem to the readers of The Ancestor. 

It is with regard to theMalet family and their male repre- 
sentative at the present time. 

It has been taken for granted that the Malets of Wilbury 
are the heirs male of this ancient family, but this has never 
been established, and I think it is highly probable that the 
Malets of Ash, in Devonshire, are at any rate a senior 
line, if not the actual heirs male of the family. 

I will now give the reasons for this opinion. 

A certain Thomas Malet of Enmore, in Somersetshire, the 
head of the ancient house long established there of whose 
origin Mr. Round will, I believe, have something to say 
before long died in 1502, leaving two sons, William of 
Enmore and Baldwin, the founder of the line of St. Audries, 
now of Wilbury. The eldest son William was born in 1470, 
according to the inquest at his father's death. He married 
about 1495 Alice, the daughter and heir of Thomas Young 
of Easton, in Somerset (who brought some manors into the 
Malet family), and died in 1511, leaving four sons, as follows : 
I. Baldwin, aged 14 in 1511, in which year he died. 2. Hugh, 
who continued the line of Enmore. 3. Richard (founder of 
the Mallets of Ash f). 4. William, said to have had a son 
Hugh, father of a William and Baldwin (Hoare's History of 
Wiltshire, vol. ii., part 2, page 106). 

Alice (Young) died a widow in 1525, and an inquest was 
taken after her death. In this is recited an extract from her 
will mentioning her three sons in remainder to her property 
in the above order (Baldwin being dead). 

Now, having got so far, the difficulty is to connect the 
above Richard, son of William and Alice, with the Mallets- 
of Ash. 

In almost all the Harleian copies of the visitations ofs 



Devon the pedigree of the Malets of Ash begins with a 
Richard, husband of Jane Bishop. Harl. MS. 889, p. 289 or 
155, says that William Malet, the elder brother of Baldwin 
of St. Audries, was of Idsley (the Ash estate is near Iddes- 
leigh, and the family was called ' of ' the latter place), and 
that he was ancestor of the Mallets of that place. This is 
of course a ' howler,' but it serves to show the heralds knew 
of the connexion between the two branches, unless they 
were wickedly trying to invent one, which does not seem at 
all probable in this case. 

The Harleian Society's published volume of the visitation 
of Somerset refers, under Malet of Enmore and St. Audries, 
to the visitation of Devon in 1620 (also one of their publica- 
tions), p. 178, which reference is to the pedigree of the Malets 
of Idsley. This is another evidence of the official acceptance 
of the connexion. 

In almost all the visitations of Somerset Richard the 
second son (really third) of William Malet and Alice (Young) 
is given two sons, William and Barnaby, but unfortunately 
the name of his wife is not stated. 

It can be shown from the Iddesleigh registers, luckily in 
good preservation, that Richard Malet of Iddesleigh had 
two sons of the same names. The registers are printed in 
the Genealogist. 

1542. William Malet, son of Richard Malet, gent., 
and Jane Bishop (mother's name an addition), christened. 

1586, 27 Nov. Richard Malet, son of Barnaby Malet, 

There can be little doubt that Barnaby Malet was son 
of Richard and brother of William, whose children were 
baptized in the same place about the same time as Richard, 
son of Barnaby. 

It would be a coincidence indeed if there were two 
Richard Malets of the same period with each two sons of the 
same names, and presumably using the same arms. (The 
arms of the Enmore family azure with three escallops gold 
were recorded for the Malets of Iddesleigh at the visitations.) 

A little more information is to be found in Chancery 
Proceedings, Series 2, Bundle 124, No. 46. An action be- 
tween William Malet of London, gentleman, and Edmund 
Weekes of Iddesleigh, gentleman, concerning land in Hart- 
landenear Iddesleigh, late the property of Richard Malet of 


Idsley, gent., deceased, father of the complainant, William 
Malet which land descended to Antony Malet, son and 
heir of Richard, on whose decease (March 6, 1558-9, see 
Iddesleigh registers) it should have come to complainant, 
as brother and heir of Antony. 

Antony Malet being dead at the time of the visitations 
(of which the first was 1561) would very likely be omitted, as 
was his uncle Baldwin, the son and heir of William of Enmore, 
in the Somerset books. 

The only inquest taken for these Iddesleigh Malets was 
after the death of William in 1586, that is, the only one 

He was possessed of about 600 acres near Iddesleigh in- 
cluding the messuage, with 200 acres, in Ash, alias Choldash. 

This is all the evidence I have been able to obtain, and 
it is only circumstantial, though fairly conclusive. 

Can any of your readers confirm or refute it ? 

It is, I think, a matter of some interest to discover the 
heirs male of so old and well known a family, and this branch 
seems to be the likeliest. 





I am afraid the tombstone in Ballinderry Churchyard 
does not bear an accurate inscription, for the Earl of Annandale 
had not a son called Thomas. 

James, second Earl of Hartfell, was created Earl of Annandale 
in 1661, and he married Lady Henrietta Douglas. Contract 
dated 29 May 1645. According to a memorandum by 
John Fairholm, father of the first Marchioness of Annan- 
dale, the Earl had eleven children : Mary, b. 1652 ; Mar- 
garet, 1654 ; Hendreta, 1657 ; Jannet, 1658 ; Isobel, 1659 > 
James, 1660 ; William, 1664 (afterwards second Earl and first 
Marquis, who married Sophia Fairholm) ; John, 1665 ; 
George, 1667; Hendreta, 1669; and Anna, 1671. 

As the son William succeeded his father in his honours, 
a Thomas could not have been born before him, and as all 


the possible children are accounted for up to the Earl's 
death, 17 July 1672, there is not room for another. The 
Countess died i June 1673. If the Rev. Thomas Johnston 
was ordained about 1618 he could not have been born later 
than 1598, so that he could not have been the son of even 
the father of the Earl of Annandale, as that nobleman, James 
Johnston, created Lord Johnston in 1633, and Earl of 
Harsfell 1643, was only born in 1602. The father of this 
first Lord Johnston was an only son. Sir James Johnston, 
of Dunskellie, born 1567, married 1588, murdered by Lord 
Maxwell 1608, leaving only one son, James, first Lord John- 
ston, above referred to. A Johnson in Dundee is more 
likely to belong to the Johnstons of that Ilk and Caskieben. 





MR. S. H. SCOTT, in whom our readers will recognize 
an early contributor to the Ancestor, has done good 
service to the history of the countryside in his Westmorland 
Village, 1 which tells the story of Troutbeck and its sons. His 
book is only just in time to save the picture of a life which 
will soon be as far from us as the life of our Roman colonists. 
The old houses are falling to ruin, most of the old landowners 
have gone from their holdings as the trout have gone from 
the Troutbeck, whilst strange quarrymen fill the village 
where were only husbandmen and sheepfarmers. Troutbeck, 
being a village of statesmen, differed from the south country 
parishes in that where in the south a squire and a couple of 
gentlemen or yeomen would be rulers over a dependent race 
of small copyholders, here in Troutbeck fifty statesmen, each 
proud as Spanish don or Scottish laird, lived freely under a 
tenure which gave them all but the fee-simple of their lands. 

The homes of these sturdy folk are planned and described 
for us by Mr. Scott in curious details. We learn how they 
wrestled and how they raced their horses and fought their 
cocks. They hunted the fox upon hillsides upon which 
hounds are sometimes passed from hand to hand up steep 
crags, and here we learn that the song lies in saying that John 
Peel lived at Troutbeck, for Caldbeck was that worthy's 

Of the Brownes of Townend, a statesman family happily 
surviving to this day in their old home, surrounded by their 
old household goods, we have a pedigree four centuries long, 
and notes are afforded of other famous statesmen of the 
Longmires, the Borwicks, the Atkinsons, and the Forrests, 
and of the Birketts, or Birkheads, a clan which in 1584 had 
no less than two and twenty landholding households in Trout- 

1 A Westmorland Village : the Story of the old homesteads and statesmen 
families of Troutbeck by Windermere, by S. H. SCOTT with illustrations by the 
author. Archibald Constable & Co., Ltd., 1904. 


Those who come after Mr. Scott will find little to add to 
his work. There has been a sky-sign advertisement on the 
roof of the Mortal Man inn, and its famous signboard, painted 
by Julius Caesar Ibbotson, has been stolen or destroyed ; 
the old oak plenishings have found their way to Wardour 
Street ; the Westmorland tongue is corrupted by the school 
board teachers. The shepherd sings the music hall song 
upon the hillside, whilst the last of the Troutbeck fiddlers is 
stone-breaking upon the road. In Westmorland, as elsewhere, 
the old order is ready to vanish away. 


The Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, in its sixty-ninth 
part, shows itself in full health and life. Its most important 
article is one in which Mr. Mill Stephenson describes and 
pictures from excellent rubbings the brasses in the city of 
York. The best of these the only one, in fact, which holds 
any rank amongst English brasses is the early fourteenth 
century memorial of Archbishop Grenefield in the minster. 
The other figures are crude though interesting work of the 
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Most curious is the 
present state of the brass inscription of John Moore, barrister, 
who died in 1597, which, within seventy years of his death, 
was cut up to form a weathercock for the turret on the min- 
ster lantern. From 1803 the weathercock lay out of work, 
and Mr. Challenor Smith, who found it in the vestry, has 
been at great pains to fit together rubbings of the various 
pieces from which he has reconstructed the whole inscription. 
The rising of the northern earls in 1569 is illustrated in 
a paper by Mr. H. B. McCall from Sir George Bowes's lists 
of rebels at Streateam, showing that of the long roll of persons 
marked out for the rope, comparatively few suffered. Two 
papers attract the student of English armory. The first, 
on a grant of land to Walton priory, gives us the picture of a 
most interesting seal of Thomas Fitz William, ancestor of 
the name of Greystoke, showing the use of the old Greystoke 
coat of the three lozenges, or, rather, lozenge-shaped pillows, 
as early as 1235. This is attached to a deed now in the 
possession of Mr. William Brown, the honorary secretary of 
the Yorkshire Archaeological Society. The second of these 
papers describes four Yorkshire grants of arms. The oldest 


of these documents is illustrated in colours. It is a grant, 
or, rather, an exemplification, made by Norroy king of arms 
in 1469 to Peter Hellard, prior of Burlington, whose arms 
are declared to be de nigro bendam argenteam inter duas costas 
informatas de benda et sex flores gladioli fabricates de secundo. 
The warrantry of these arms is declared to lie in the ancient 
prescriptive right of the Hcllards recited for us in spreading 
phrases. ' No tongue mentions, nor does the memory of 
man remember, when these arms came lawfully into the 
possession of his forefathers. Therefore it is unlawful for 
any one within the realm of England, not born of the same 
seed, to take to himself these same arms. Let therefore this 
truth be known to you all, and his truth who liveth for ever 
and ever shall surround you with a shield.' 


June y' 28 th , 1758. 

D" BRO 1 , 

We have a large army encamped here, healthy and in good 
spirits, waiting in a few days to go into our battoos for 
Ticonderoga Crown Point, N.E. We are hardly expecting 
news from Louisbourgh, as yet have had no good from that 
quarter. Cap' Lee is very well ; I relieved him on a guard 
yesterday in his Indian dress, which he seems very fond of. 
The Cap' L' is gone to Louisbourgh. You must excuse my 
short l re as I have but just seen the orders of an express going 
to New York in an hour's time, which time is almost expired. 
I wrote my last from New York, in case you have not received 
it I shall mention to you that I have left you five hundred 
pounds Pensilvania currency, which is near 300' St., in the 
hands of a Mr. Stedman, merchant at Philadelphia, and 
besides which, whenever the Royal Americans' accounts are 
settled there will be a ballance considerable due to me, all 
which I leave you in case of accidents. I thank God I am 
now in the most perfect health, indeed I took care all winter 
to lay in a good store. My love to you all with comp" to 
all friends from your aff' brother, 

-per packet. RICH" MATHER. 

To Thomas Mather, esq., at Chester, Europe. 
1 Contributed by Mr. Bower Marsh. 


On the 1 8th April 1763 Thomas Mather, esquire (brother 
of Richard Mather, esquire, late captain in the first battalion 
of the Royal Americans now under General Amherst at 
Pittsburgh in North America, a bachelor, deceased), the 
Reverend Roger Mather (also a brother of the deceased), 
and Witter Cunning of Liverpool, swear to the handwriting. 
Administration with the will annexed was granted 18 April 
1763 to Thomas Mather, esquire. 


From Baron Sannomiya's essay on the imperial family of 
Japan we learn that heralds' visitations were amongst the 
many ancient institutions of his surprising country. At 
the beginning of the fifth century it was recognized that 
many dishonest folk had assumed the names of influential 
clans to which they did not belong by birth. For putting 
an end to these abuses an imperial proclamation was made 
in the fourth year of the emperor Inkyo (A.D. 415), in obedi- 
ence to which an Ordeal of Hot Water was held to test the 
truth or falsehood of clan names borne by the people. In 
the year 1 180 the clans registered themselves in thirty volumes, 
and a bureau of genealogical investigation a College of 
Arms in short was established some three hundred years 
before the date of the first charter of our own college. Those 
amateurs of armory who would have our heralds ride abroad 
redressing armorial wrongs with a mailed fist will find their 
mouths watering over the blessed privileges enjoyed by the 
Japanese heralds in Inkyo's golden prime. The knight or 
squire of the sixteenth century who ' would not be spoken 
withal ' when the tabards came to his hall door, the armigerous 
gent of the nineteenth with his lawless blazon unpaid for 
such as these might have been brought to the register book 
and to unfeigned repentance were the Ordeal of Hot Water 
amongst the clauses of that most insufficient charter incor- 
porating our heralds. 

The late Rev. John Woodward in his Treatise on heraldry 

1 Scottish heraldry made easy, by G. HARVEY JOHNSTON. W. & A. K. 
Johnston, Limited, Edinburgh and London, 1904. 


said bitter things of the many who set themselves without 
original research to compile books on heraldry from the 
books of their predecessors. In examining Scottish heraldry 
made easy, by Mr. G. Harvey Johnston, 1 we find that Mr. 
Woodward, being dead, yet speaketh. For Mr. Johnston's 
work seems to us the compilation of one whose equipment 
for his task seems to come from an uncritical reading of that 
brilliant and often misleading work, the Treatise on heraldry. 
The present book purports to be a manual of Scottish armory, 
and there should be a demand for such a manual if a compe- 
tent hand would continue the labours of Nisbet and Seton. 
But Mr. Johnston has not been content to make a study 
of the peculiarities of his national armorial system, English 
and foreign examples crowding his pages, many of them, such 
as the shield of LOwel and the plain blue shield assigned by 
Mr. Woodward upon doubtful authority to Berington of 
Cheshire, speaking clearly enough of the pit from which 
Mr. Johnston digged them. 

The first dozen pages show that Mr. Johnston has nothing 
to offer us beyond the usual huddled miscellanies of those 
who study armory from the popular handbooks. Small as 
the book is, he can find space therein for ' nombril points,' 
furs of ' counterpotent ' and ' vair in pale,' for ' urdy ' lines, 
* rustres,' for ' goutt de poix ' and ' goutte de 1'huile,' and 
for ' golpes,' ' guzes ' and ' pomeis,' the last word being 
treated as a substantive singular. The old gibberish with 
its ' closets,' ' endorses ' and ' barrulets ' meets us every- 
where, the whole ' science,' in short, which, as Le Neve most 
truly said, ' cumbers the memory without adding to the 
understanding.' No original observation has assisted Mr. 
Johnston to cut short the tale of these. One would believe, 
for example, that a Scottish antiquary surrounded by old 
examples of the checkered fesses of Stewart and Lindsay 
would easily discard the belief that a fesse with two rows of 
checkers is a charge differing from one with three rows and 
demanding a blazon word of its own, yet the blessed word 
' counter-company ' is here amongst all its old acquaintances. 
The ' helmets of degree ' are here, Mr. Johnston's knowledge 

1 ' There is probably no subject on which so many books have been and 
continue to be published with so little original research as Heraldry.' Wood- 


of armory not helping him to discard these fancies of the 
armorists' second childhood. But if it be true that a king's 
helm must alway be ' affronty or viewed from the front, 
the face protected by six bars ' it is wrong to illustrate this 
important matter with an old cliche, in which the king's helm 
is seen contenting itself with four bars. 

We find the general sketch of armory is as unsatisfactory 
as the blazonry, being carelessly put together after insuffi- 
cient study of the subject. The chapter on the shield 
opens with the saying that ' to-day armorial bearings are only 
shown on a shield.' Putting aside the heralds, who wear 
their sovereign's armorial bearings on their coats, is it possible 
that Mr. Johnston has never seen a banner of arms ? The 
four little paragraphs which make the short chapter on 
seals are curiously unfortunate. ' The seals of Ecclesiastics 
were shaped like a pointed oval, and are known as Vesica ' 
is a deplorable sentence. All ecclesiastics did not use the 
pointed oval seal, many laymen used it, and if Mr. Johnston 
will consult a Latin dictionary he will find that vesica is not 
a plural and that it is certainly not the Latin for the seal of 
an ecclesiastic. 

If Mr. Johnston will put away for the present Lord 
Kitchener's Coat of Augmentation, the precedence of mem- 
bers of the Royal Victorian Order and the like matters foreign 
to his subject, he will find in Scottish armory material for 
study which may enable him in time to produce a more 
useful book than this handsomely printed little manual, 
against which we have recorded our deliberate verdict. We 
are bound to add that, although one does not ask for beauti- 
ful phrasing in an archaeological treatise, Mr. Johnston's 
style falls short even of the ordinary standard of the literary 
amateur : 

Suppose a Mr. MENZIES, who bears, Silver, a red chief, marries a Miss STAF- 
FORD, whose father bears, Gold, a red chevron. Well if Miss Stafford has a 
brother or brothers, she is not the heiress of her family. 

The mob of gentlemen who write with ease may have 
grown thinner in our day, but such hesitating colloquialisms 
as the above sentence might well be brushed and combed 
before coming to us in print. 

Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Priming Works, Frome, and London. 

Messrs. Archibald Constable 
& Co.'s List. 

The Prado Gallery and its Masterpieces, by CHARLES 
RICKETTS. With 54 Illustrations in Photo- 
gravure. Imperial quarto, 5 guineas net. 
Edition limited to 350 copies, for sale ; also 50 
copies on Japan vellum. 15 guineas net. 

Mr. M. H. Splelmann says in The Academy .Superbly illus- 
trated and nobly printed. Mr. Ricketts has a rare combination 
of gifts for this or any other artistic task. An admirable draughts- 
man, a wood engraver who has steeped himself in the spirit of 
the early Italians, a printer who has made his " Vale Press " 
famed and honoured throughout the world, a painter of great 
dignity of conception in design, with a fine eye for rich yet subtle 
and restrained colouring ; he is a man of originality and intel- 
lectuality, and of that wide catholicity of taste which can 
appreciate the good in everything, and can praise Velasquez and 
Holbein without sneering at Rubens, and worship Titian while 
hailing the genius of Goya. As we read we are struck by the 
fearlessness of the writer as well as by the acumen of his insight, 
and we recognise in this splendid volume a really valuable addition 
to the literature of .art. 

Mr. C. Lewis Hind, in the Daily Chronicle, says : This noble volume, 
with its 54 photogravure plates, just as good as reproductions can 
be ... one of those rare modern volumes that stimulate interest in 
the subject matter. 

The Dukes and Poets of Ferrara. A study in the 
Politics, Poetry and Religion of the I5th and 
early i6th centuries, by EDMUND G. GARDNER, 
Author of Dante's Ten Heavens, etc. With 
numerous Photogravure Plates. Demy 8vo. 
i8s. net. 

His work is able and scholarly, and the account of the successive 
rulers of Ferrara, which he gives us in the present volume, forms 
an important contribution to our knowledge of a period which is 
universally recognised as being one of the most absorbing interest 
in the history of the human race. The value of Mr. Gardner's 
work is increased by the bibliography which is given at the beginning 
and by the genealogical tables at the end of the volume. Guardian. 

He is an excellent writer lucid, full of humour and sympathy. 
The illustrations are aptly chosen and beautiful. Times. 

A very delightful and very valuable book . . . the work will be 
eagerly welcomed and earnestly read by many people. Daily- 

Messrs. Archibald Constable & Co.'s List. 

The King in Exile 1646-1664, by EVA SCOTT, 
Author of Rupert Prince Palatine. Demy 
8vo. Illustrated. 155. net. 

A new work by Miss Scott^ whose history of Prince 
Rupert was so favourably received by press and public. 
The King in Exile is the Second Charles and the story of 
his wanderings on the Continent, and of the lives of his 
ever-faithful adherents makes, notwithstanding the lament- 
able lack of kingly dignity about it, fascinating reading. 

Letters of William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford, Edited 
by W. H. HUTTON, B.D. Demy 8vo. Illus- 
trated. 175. 6d. net. 

This volume of the Letters of Bishop Stubbs and the 
letters to him, is intended to show what he was and what 
part he played in the literary and ecclesiastical history of 
his day. Mr. Hutton has added an account of his life, 
showing his career from youth to country parson, thence 
as Professor and Canon of St. Paul's until he attained the 
Bishopric of Chester and finally that of Oxford. 

Quintin Hogg, a Biography by ETHEL HOGG. With 
a Preface by THE DUKE OF ARGYLL. Illustrated. 
Demy 8vo. Price I2s. 6d. net. 

Extract from the Preface. " A book giving the life story 
of Quintin Hogg should be a useful one. In reading of his 
work, we can see strenuous purpose applied to the wants 
of his generation, and those wants must be the needs of 
all times. However perfect a State's organization may be, 
the unselfish devotion of the individual citizen to things 
affecting the common good will always be necessary. 
. . . Quintin Hogg proved how practical such a benevolent 
citizen may be, and how, with no commanding wealth, he 
may set an example to be followed by the Government, 
and begin that which his fellow-citizens shall desire to 
further with the national purse." 

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Dedicated by gracious privilege during her lifetime to HER 

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Illustrated Edition of 

The Works of William 

In 20 Imperial 1 6mo Volumes with coloured Title Page and 
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Edited by AUGUSTINE BIRRELL and Illustrated with 100 
Portraits selected by Ernest Radford. 6 Vols. Red 
buckram, label, gilt top, 365. net. Sold in Sets only. 
This Edition is limited to 700 copies for sale in this 

TIMES : ' The distinctive feature is the series of portraits of the actors on Boswell's 
stage. Of these there are loo, carefully selected by Mr. Ernest Radford, who writes an excel- 
lent introduction to explain his method of selection. The portraits have been well reproduced, 
and their tone is generally soft and pleasing.' 

DAILT CHRONICLE : The whole of his (Mr. BirrelPs) appreciation of the book's 
value and its causes the size (" it is a big book "), Boswell's perfection of method, his genius 
for portraiture, his immense pains, his freedom and glorious intrepidity all this is excellently 
done, with due brevity and orderliness. . . . The Edition is supplied with a series of portraits, 
about sixteen to each volume. They have been carefully selected by Mr. Ernest Radford, 
Mr. Birrell's colleague, we believe, in the first volume of Obiter Dicta. He writes a Preface 
giving an account of his selection, and a history of many of the portraits. The volume is light 
well bound, and altogether satisfactory.' 


The Ancestor